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Title: The Lyon in Mourning, Vol. 1 - or a collection of speeches, letters, journals, etc. - relative to the affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart
Author: Forbes, Robert
Language: English
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PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
VOLUME XX
THE LYON IN MOURNING
VOL. I
OCTOBER 1895
THE
LYON IN MOURNING
OR A COLLECTION OF SPEECHES LETTERS
JOURNALS ETC. RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS
OF PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD STUART
BY THE REV. ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
BISHOP OF ROSS AND CAITHNESS
1746-1775
Edited from his Manuscript, with a Preface by
HENRY PATON, M.A.
IN THREE VOLUMES
I
[Illustration: printer logo]
EDINBURGH
Printed at the University Press by T. and A. CONSTABLE
for the Scottish History Society
1895
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE, xi
Letter from the Rev. Mr. Robert Lyon to his mother and
sisters, 3
The last and dying speech of Robert Lyon, A.M., presbyter
at Perth, 12
A Conversation between Mr. Lyon and Mr. Buchanan, of
Arnprior, about the murder of Mr. Stewart of Glenbuckie, 21
A short account of Mr. Lyon, 21
Speech of Mr. Thomas Theodore Deacon, 22
Speech of Mr. Thomas Syddal, 26
Speech of Arthur, Lord Balmerino, 32
The manner of his death, 33
Speech of Donald MacDonell of Tiendrish, of the family of
Keppoch, 34
Short account of Major MacDonell while in Carlisle Castle,
and at his trial, 36
Letter from Major MacDonell to Mr. Robert Forbes, at my
Lady Bruce's lodgings at Leith, 37
Answer to the above, 38
Letters to Mr. John Moir, merchant in Edinburgh, and Mr.
Robert Forbes, in Leith, 39
Letter to Mr. Robert Forbes, 40
Letter to Mr. John Moir, merchant in Edinburgh, 41
Anecdote of Mr. Burnett of Monboddo, 42
Speech of David Morgan, Esquire, 43
Speech of Mr. James Bradeshaw, 48
The case of Mr. Francis Buchanan of Arnprior, 51
Speech of Arthur, Lord Balmerino, from his Lordship's own
handwrit, 54
A list of evidences against Lord Balmerino, 56
Verses on Arthur, Lord Balmerino, 56
Letter to a gentleman in Holland, vindicating the character
of Arthur, Lord Balmerino, in a certain important
point, 58
Speech of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Coppoch of Brazenose
College, Oxford, commonly called Bishop of Carlisle, 60
Speech of Andrew Wood, who join'd the Prince in England, 64
A genuine and full account of the battle of Culloden, etc.,
taken from the mouths of the old laird of MacKinnon,
Mr. Malcolm MacLeod, etc., and of Lady Clanronald
and Miss Flora MacDonald, by John Walkingshaw of
London, or Dr. John Burton, 66
Conversation with MacDonald of Kingsburgh upon the
above account, 74
Liberation of Mr. MacDonald of Kingsburgh, 82
Journal by Mr. John Cameron, Presbyterian preacher and
chaplain at Fort-William, 83
Captain O'Neil's Journal of the Prince's retreat and escape
after April 16th, 1746, 102
Remarks and particular sayings of some who were concerned
in the Prince's preservation, 108
Narrative by Mr. Cameron of Glenevis, given to several
persons in Edinburgh, after his liberation out of the
Castle of Edinburgh, about the beginning of July
1747, 124
Some circumstances of MacDonald of Kingsburgh's history, 126
Journal of Captain Malcolm MacLeod, second cousin to
Malcolm MacLeod, Laird of Raaza, as to the Prince's
escape, his own sufferings, and some other incidents of
the Rebellion, 130
Journal of Donald MacLeod of Gualtergill, of the Prince's
escape, and his own after fortunes, 154
Letter to Mr. Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh in Skye, 186
Letter to Captain Malcolm MacLeod of Castle in Raaza, 187
A short but genuine account of Prince Charlie's wanderings
from Culloden to his meeting with Miss MacDonald,
by Edward Burke, 189
Supplementary details by Edward Burke, with account of
his own fortunes, 197
Journal of the Prince's embarkation and arrival, etc., chiefly
taken from Duncan Cameron at several conversations, 201
Story of Duncan Cameron's escape, 210
Letter from the Prince to his father after the battle of
Gladsmuir, 21st September 1745, 211
Account of cruelties by Mrs. Cameron, Dr. Archibald
Cameron's lady, 216
Another account of cruelties by Mrs. Robertson, Lady
Inches, 216
Letter from Mr. Deacon to his father, 220
Some paragraphs of a letter to Mr. Deacon's father, said to
be written by the nonjurant clergyman that used to
visit Mr. Deacon, etc., 221
Letter from Sir Archibald Primrose of Dunipace, to his
sister, 222
Letter to the same lady, which served as a cover to the
above, from Mr. James Wright, Writer in Edinburgh, 223
Song, to the tune of 'A cobbler there was,' etc., 223
Poem on a late defeat, 1746, said to have been composed
by a Scots gentleman, an officer in the Dutch service, 226
A Paraphrase upon Psalm CXXXVII., by Willie Hamilton, 228
Ode on the 20th of December 1746, 229
Ode on the 10th of June 1747, 233
Soliloquy, September, 29th 1746, 235
Lines upon the different accounts of the behaviour of the
two executed lords, Kilmarnock and Balmerino, taken
out of an English newspaper, 237
These lines turned into the form of an inscription, 238
Lines on Lord Balmerino, 238
Lines on the death of Sir Alexander MacDonald, 239
Lines spoken extempore on Lovat's execution, by a lover
of all those who will and dare be honest in the worst
of times, 239
Lines on a young lady, who died on seeing her lover, Mr.
Dawson, executed on 30th July 1746, 241
The contrast set in its proper light; said to be done by a
lady, 241
A Catch, 1746, 244
Lines by the Rev. Mr. Thomas Drummond, Edinburgh, on
Mr. Secretary Murray's turning evidence, 245
Satan transformed into an angel of light, or copy of a letter
from Mr. Evidence Murray, to his nephew, Sir David
Murray, of seventeen or eighteen years of age, in jail
in the city of York, 1747, 247
Copy of the Prince's summons to the city of Edinburgh to
surrender, 249
Narrative by Mr. Alexander Murray, printer in Edinburgh, 250
Letter from Charles Gordon of Terperse to his own lady, 252
Letter, which served as a cover to the above, from Mr.
Patrick Gordon, minister at Rhynie, 253
Letter, said to be written by Lord George Murray or one of
his friends, as to the battle of Culloden, 254
Conversation with Captain John Hay, 267
Some omissions in Donald MacLeod's Journal, 268
Letter to Mr. Robert Forbes, containing a true and genuine
account of the case of poor William Baird, 270
Reply to the above letter, wherein a character of honest
Donald MacLeod, 271
Letter from Malcolm MacLeod to Mr. Robert Forbes, and
the reply, 273
Lines by a lady, extempore, upon the ribband which the
Prince wore about his head when obliged to disguise
himself in a female dress under the name of Betty
Burke, 276
Narrative of a conversation between Captain John Hay and
Mr. Robert Forbes, 276
Journal of the Prince's embarkation and arrival, etc., taken
from the mouth of Æneas MacDonald, a banker in
Paris, and brother of Kinlochmoidart, when he was in
a messenger's custody in London, by Dr. Burton of
York, 281
Note of the Prince's escape from Scotland to France, 295
Journal taken from the mouth of Flora MacDonald by Dr.
Burton of York, when in Edinburgh, 296
Lines, Townly's Ghost, etc., 306
Copy of several remarkable narratives taken from the mouth
of Dr. Archibald Cameron's lady, by Dr. John Burton,
when in Edinburgh, 307
Letter (of a very singular nature) to Arthur, Lord Balmerino,
and its history, 313
Orders given by Colonel John Campbell to Captain Campbell
of Knockbowie of the Argyleshire Militia, 316
Omission in the Journal of Mr. John Cameron, 317
Petition of George, Lord Rutherford, for a peerage, 319
Joint Journal by Captain Alexander MacDonald, Young
Clanranald, and MacDonald of Glenaladale, of the
Prince's adventures after Culloden, 320
Colonel Ker of Gradyne's Account, 355
Observations by Captain Alexander MacDonald on the
Journals of Mr. Æneas MacDonald and Captain O'Neil, 357
Captain O'Neille's Journal, from a copy attested by himself, 365
Notes on this Attested Journal, 375
APPENDIX.--A copy of a letter from a soldier in Cobham's
dragoons, 11 May 1746, 380
PREFACE
_The Lyon in Mourning_ is a collection of Journals, Narratives, and
Memoranda relating to the life of Prince Charles Edward Stuart at and
subsequent to the Jacobite Rebellion of 1745. The formation of this
collection was to a great extent the life-work of the Rev. Robert
Forbes, M.A., Bishop of Ross and Caithness.
He was the son of Charles Forbes, a schoolmaster in the parish of
Rayne, Aberdeenshire, and of Marjory Wright, and was born there in
1708, his baptism being recorded in the parochial register as having
taken place on 4th May of that year. He must have been a studious
youth, as he was sent to Marischal College, Aberdeen, in or about
1722, at the early age of fourteen, and graduated there as Master of
Arts in 1726. He then proceeded to qualify himself for orders in the
Scottish Episcopal Church, and coming to Edinburgh in June 1735, he
was there ordained priest by Bishop Freebairn. In December of that
year he became assistant to the Rev. William Law at Leith, and soon
afterwards, at the request of the congregation, was appointed his
colleague. At Leith, it may be said, he lived and laboured for the
remainder of his life.
Like most of the Episcopalians of that day, he was an ardent
Jacobite, indeed one of the most ardent, and but for a timely
interposition of the 'hated Hanoverian' government would not
improbably have shared the fate of some of his brethren whose end he
chronicles. In that case there would have been no _Lyon in Mourning_,
and it is but fair to say that though _The Lyon_ can never be
considered, and does not pretend to be, an impartial relation of the
events with which it deals, our literature of the Rebellion of 1745
would have been greatly the poorer by its absence. Nay, it may even
be said that, but for the continuous energy and single-eyed purpose
of Bishop Forbes in this work, much of what is now known on this
subject would never have come to light.
On hearing of the advent of Prince Charles Edward in the West
Highlands, Mr. Forbes, with two Episcopalian clergymen and some other
gentlemen, started off with the intention of sharing his fortunes,
but all were arrested on suspicion at St. Ninians, near Stirling,
and imprisoned. He notes the fact in the Baptismal Register of
his congregation, as follows: 'A great interruption has happened
by my misfortune of being taken prisoner at St. Ninian's, in
company with the Rev. Messrs. Thomas Drummond and John Willox, Mr.
Stewart Carmichael and Mr. Robert Clark, and James Mackay and James
Carmichael, servants, upon Saturday, the seventh day of September
1745, and confined in Stirling Castle till February 4th, 1746, and in
Edinburgh Castle till May 29th of said year. We were seven in number,
taken upon the seventh day of the week, the seventh day of the
month, and the seventh month of the year, reckoning from March.'[1]
An incident of the roping of these prisoners at their removal from
Stirling to Edinburgh is narrated by the author.[2]
[1] _Journals, etc., of Bishop Forbes_, by the Rev. J. B. Craven,
1886, p. 12. This register is still extant, and one of its
counterparts, the register of marriages performed by the Bishop, is
printed in the _Scottish Antiquary_, vol. viii. pp. 125-129. See
also p. 169. One of the baptisms was that of John Skinner, author of
'Tullochgorum,' who on 8th June 1740 went to Mr. Forbes in his room,
and was re-baptized, declaring that 'he was not satisfied with the
sprinkling of a layman, a Presbyterian teacher, he had received in
his infancy.'
[2] See ff. 916, 987.
After his release from imprisonment Mr. Forbes appears to have been
invited to reside in the house of one of the most wealthy members of
his congregation, Dame Magdalene Scott, Lady Bruce of Kinross, the
widow of Sir William Bruce of Kinross. She resided in the Citadel
of Leith, and was a strong Jacobite; Mr. Forbes tells how her house
was on more than one occasion the special object of the Government's
concern, as the Prince himself was supposed to be concealed there.[3]
For this lady Mr. Forbes cherished the highest esteem, speaking of
her as 'the worthy person, the protection of whose roof I enjoy.'[4]
She died in June 1752, aged 82; but before that event took place he
had left her house, on the occasion of his marriage to his first
wife, Agnes Gairey. This was in 1749,[5] and the lady died on 4th
April of the following year.[6] He afterwards married, as his second
wife, Rachel, second daughter of Ludovick Houston of Johnstone, in
Renfrewshire, of whom he makes frequent mention in _The Lyon_. She
was in fullest sympathy with her husband's Jacobite proclivities, and
occasionally sent presents to the Prince abroad.
[3] See ff. 940, _et seq._
[4] See f. 325.
[5] See f. 1749.
[6] Craven's _Journals, etc._, p. 11.
In 1762 Mr. Forbes was chosen and appointed Bishop of Ross and
Caithness, and in 1767 he was elected Bishop of Aberdeen by a
majority of the local clergy, but the College of Bishops disallowed
the election in his case, and another was appointed. How keenly
Mr. Forbes felt this action will be seen from his conversation and
correspondence with Bishop Gordon of London. He twice visited his
diocese in the north, and kept full journals of his progresses.[7]
They are similar to a diary of his visit to Moffat, which is inserted
in _The Lyon_,[8] and which was doubtless so inserted because of its
concern with certain Jacobite matters; but it is also of interest on
other accounts.
[7] These have been printed, along with a sketch of his life and a
history of the Episcopal Church in Ross, in the work by the Rev. J.
B. Craven, pp. 139-327.
[8] See ff. 1915, _et seq._
In later life, when, from having less to chronicle, he was not so
taken up with this work, Bishop Forbes was an occasional contributor
to the _Edinburgh Magazine_, in which he published a number of
topographical and antiquarian articles. Several of these, relating to
Roslin Chapel, were collected and printed in 1774, under the _nom de
plume_ of _Philo-Roskelynsis_. He died at Leith on 18th November 1775
and was buried in the Maltman's Aisle in South Leith parish church.
He does not appear to have had any children.
The origin of this collection, _The Lyon in Mourning_, probably
dates from the author's imprisonment in Stirling Castle or Edinburgh
Castle. In the latter place he was brought into contact with some of
those who had taken an active share in the cause of Prince Charles,
and it was, doubtless, while listening to their narratives that he
was inspired with the idea of committing them to writing. Why he
called his collection by the name it bears, he nowhere explains. It
has been suggested that it was 'in allusion to the woe of Scotland
for her exiled race of princes;' the Lyon being the heraldic
representative of the nation. Bishop Forbes, in his own mind, no
doubt, identified the Scottish nation with the comparatively few
Jacobites within the country.
But whatever may be said about the title, the Bishop's purpose was,
as he declared, to make up 'a Collection of Journals and other
papers relative to the important and extraordinary occurrences of
life that happened within a certain period of time,' and which, he
adds, 'will serve to fix a distinguishing mark upon that period as
a most memorable æra to all posterity.... I have,' he proceeds to
say, 'a great anxiety to make the Collection as compleat and exact
as possible for the instruction of future ages in a piece of history
the most remarkable and interesting that ever happened in any age or
country.' Nor was it only what particularly concerned that 'certain
YOUNG GENTLEMAN' (as they were wont to style the Prince) that Bishop
Forbes set himself to gather information, but also whatever could be
gleaned about those who followed his fortunes. He was even desirous
that every act of kindness performed by the victorious Hanoverians
towards their vanquished enemies, should be cherished with the names
of the doers, that they with the others 'may be carefully recorded
and transmitted to posterity, according to truth and justice.'
And thus, though it be a purely Jacobite Collection, it is evident
throughout that the author was most scrupulous with regard to the
truth of the facts he relates. Hence, in seeking for narratives of
the different episodes in the rebellion, his endeavour was to get
them at first-hand from participators therein. 'I never chuse,' he
says, 'to take matters of fact at second-hand if I can by any means
have them from those who were immediately interested in them.'[9]
Where this could not be obtained, he instructed his correspondents
to 'have a particular attention to dates, and to names of persons
and places;' for, he adds,'I love a precise nicety in all narratives
of facts, as indeed one cannot observe too much exactness in these
things.... I love truth, let who will be either justified or
condemned by it.... I would not wish to advance a falsehood upon
any subject,' not even on Cumberland himself, for any consideration
whatsoever.
[9] f. 1231.
His assiduity in the work is likewise noteworthy. Assuming that he
began collecting in the end of 1746, by September 1747 he records
that he has covered between twenty-four and thirty sheets, which by
19th April following had increased to about forty, by 4th July 1748,
to sixty sheets, and by the following month about seventy, which he
had bound up in several octavo volumes. These (from the point at
which he mentions this[10]) would be at this time four in number,
for by 'sheets,' Bishop Forbes means a sheet of paper which, when
folded, yields sixteen pages, and the number of pages in these first
four volumes amount in the aggregate to 868 pages. He was now well
advanced with another, the fifth, which ends with page 1112. The
sixth volume is also dated on its title-page '1748,' volume seventh,
1749, and volume eighth, 1750. This eighth volume, however, could
only have been begun in that year, as there is reference in it,
near the end, to an event which happened in 1761. But as the seven
volumes contain 1598 pages, or, as the author would have put it,
ninety sheets, we have a pretty fair estimate of his diligence in
the collecting, sometimes drafting, and in all cases transcribing
his materials. Naturally, as the main facts of the Rebellion receded
from public view by the progress of time and other events, interest
would abate, and materials fall off, and this is evident enough from
the compilation of volume eighth taking ten or eleven years, while
the previous seven were accomplished in three or four. Volume ninth,
again, gave the collector employment for at least fourteen years,
for though it is dated in 1761, it contains correspondence down to
April 1775. This volume, while it yields a few papers respecting
the Rebellion of 1745, is chiefly occupied with a correspondence
maintained by Bishop Forbes with other Jacobites, in which a most
lively interest is taken in the daily life and affairs of Prince
Charles on the Continent of Europe, and schemes suggested and devised
for the realisation, some time or other, of Jacobite hopes. This
correspondence is continued in the tenth and last volume, which,
however, is only partly filled up, the rest of the volume consisting
of blank pages. It was commenced in 1775, and goes on to October of
that year, the death of Bishop Forbes occurring in the following
month. Here, however, there is no lack of interest in the persons
to whom we are introduced as engaged in the Cause along with Bishop
Forbes. They are almost all Episcopalians. Indeed, the members of
the Scottish Episcopal body were practically identified with the
Stuart Cause from the Revolution onwards, until in despair, they, by
a formal declaration, professedly severed themselves from it in or
about 1780. Bishop Forbes did not live to see this, but even some
time before his death evil tidings had frequently arrived and given
rise to sad forebodings of shattered hopes, and the wrecking of
long-cherished expectations.
[10] f. 1052, 1067.
To publish his Collection, Bishop Forbes could never be induced. He
rightly judged it imprudent to print what could only be construed
as a censure of the Government of the day, and which, accordingly,
was likely to draw resentment not only upon himself, but upon any of
the surviving actors whose names it was his desire to immortalise
in story. Urged to it by one of his correspondents (Dr. John Burton
of York, who, being himself a sufferer on the Prince's account,
published a pamphlet narrative of the Prince's adventures and escape,
and also of his own sufferings), Bishop Forbes always replied
that he 'waited a seasonable opportunity.' His mind, as to this,
further appears from the way in which he expresses himself to a
brother in office in reference to Dr. Burton's publication. It has
made its appearance, he says, 'contrary to my earnest and repeated
remonstrances. I have resisted many solicitations, and I am well
aware that this is far from being a proper time for the publication
of truths of so much delicacy and danger, and therefore, for my part,
I am resolved to wait for a more seasonable opportunity;' and when
that would occur he could not imagine. This was in 1749, and, as the
result shows, the opportunity never came for him. He did print a
short account of the Prince's adventures at a later date, copies of
which he sent to the Prince and others abroad; but this was only a
trifle in comparison with what he had collected.
Naturally, _The Lyon in Mourning_ was one of his most valued
possessions, and he guarded it with the most jealous care. Only on
one occasion would he allow it out of his own hands. He would show
his friends the external bulk of it, but they were not permitted
to pry within. One young relative, who did not apparently stand
very high in the author's favour, had the temerity to ask that the
'black-edged volumes' might be sent to him in London for completing
a narrative which he and another were preparing for publication, and
in reply got the rebuff, that there was much room for doubting his
competency for the task he had undertaken, while as for the loan of
the Manuscript, he had asked what the author would not have granted
to his own father. However, Bishop Forbes judged it expedient to
part with them for a time when his residence was threatened with a
search. He had this to plead as an excuse to Dr. Burton, who begged
the Bishop to furnish from his collection some materials to make his
own proposed publication more perfect. 'I was obliged,' he replies,
'to secret my collection, having been threatened with a search for
papers. I have therefore put my collection out of my own custody into
the keeping of a friend, where I cannot have access to it without
some difficulty, and I resolve to keep it so, that so I may defy the
Devil and the Dutch.' Indeed, this was his usual way with it, for he
writes to another, 'I keep my collection in a concealment always, so
that I am not afraid of its being seized by enemies; and it is not
every friend I allow to see only the bulk and outside of my favourite
papers.'[11]
[11] f. 1426.
The volumes are bound in sombre black leather, and have their edges
blackened, while around each title-page is a deep black border.
Some relics, which are, or have been, attached to the volumes for
preservation, call for some notice. They are most numerous on
the insides of the boards of the third volume. First, there is a
piece of the Prince's garters, which, says Bishop Forbes, 'were
French, of blue velvet, covered upon one side with white silk, and
fastened with buckles.'[12] Next there is a piece of the gown worn
by the Prince as Betty Burke, which was sent to Bishop Forbes by
Mrs. MacDonald of Kingsburgh. It was a print dress, and from this
or other pieces sent the pattern was obtained, and a considerable
quantity of print similar to it made by Mr. Stewart Carmichael,
already mentioned. Dresses made from this print were largely worn by
Jacobite ladies, both in Scotland and England, for a time. Thirdly,
there is a piece of tape, once part of the string of the apron
which the Prince wore as part of his female attire. Bishop Forbes
secured this relic from the hands of Flora MacDonald herself, who
brought the veritable apron to Edinburgh, and gave the Bishop the
pleasure of girding it on him. To keep company with these, another
relic has been added to this board by the late Dr. Robert Chambers,
and which, consequently, Bishop Forbes never saw. It is a piece of
red velvet, which once formed part of the ornaments of the Prince's
sword-hilt, and was obtained, as that gentleman narrates, in the
following way. On his march to England, the Prince rested on a
bank at Faladam, near Blackshiels, where the sisters of one of his
adherents, Robert Anderson of Whitburgh, served him and his followers
with refreshments. Before he departed, one of the young ladies begged
the Prince to give them some keepsake, whereupon he took out his
knife, and cut off a piece of velvet and buff leather from the hilt
of his sword. Up till 1836 at least, this was preciously treasured
at Whitburgh; and it was from Miss Anderson of Whitburgh, of a later
generation of course, that Mr. Chambers at that time obtained the
scrap which he placed with the Bishop's relics. On the inside of the
back board of this volume are pieces of tartan, parts, respectively,
of the cloth and lining of the waistcoat which the Prince received
from MacDonald of Kingsburgh, when he relinquished his female garb.
This he afterwards exchanged with Malcolm MacLeod for a coarser one,
as it was too fine for the rôle of a servant, which he was then
acting. Malcolm MacLeod hid the waistcoat in the cleft of a rock
until the troubles should be over; but when he went to recover it, as
it had lain there for a year, he found it all rotted, save a small
piece, which, with two buttons, he forwarded to Bishop Forbes.
[12] f. 197.
On the inside of the back board of the fourth volume the Bishop has
had two small pieces of wood, one of which has now disappeared. The
remaining piece is about one inch long, less than half an inch broad,
and about one-eighth of an inch in thickness. These, says the author,
are pieces of that identical eight-oared boat, on board of which
Donald MacLeod, etc., set out with the Prince from Boradale, after
the battle of Culloden, for Benbecula, in the Long Isle. The bits
of wood were obtained and sent by MacDonald of Glenaladale. Then,
finally, there are pieces of one of the lugs of the brogues or shoes
which the Prince wore as Betty Burke, stuck on the inside of the back
board of volume fifth. But the Bishop seems to have had the brogues
themselves, and he and his Jacobite friends were wont to use them
as drinking vessels on special occasions. This was reported to the
Prince, who heartily enjoyed the idea, and remarked concerning Bishop
Forbes, 'Oh, he is an honest man indeed, and I hope soon to give him
proofs how much I love and esteem him.'
After the death of Bishop Forbes _The Lyon in Mourning_ remained a
possession treasured by his widow for fully thirty years, she alone
knowing of what value it had been in the eyes of her husband. With
advancing years, however, she fell into poverty, and was obliged
in 1806 to part with the Collection, a suitable purchaser having
been found in Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton, who had set himself
the task of preparing 'An Historical Review of the different
attempts made to restore the Stewart family to the throne from the
Revolution in 1688 to the suppression of the Rebellion in 1745.'
Ill-health frustrated his design, and _The Lyon in Mourning_ lay
past unknown and unheeded at Allanton until it was unearthed by Dr.
Robert Chambers. He purchased it from Sir Henry Steuart, and in 1834
published a number of the papers and narratives contained in it in
his work entitled _Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_. On an
average computation it may be said that Dr. Chambers printed about
a third part of what is contained in _The Lyon_, sometimes weaving
one narrative with another, in order to present in fuller form, so
far as possible, the entire history of the Prince in his adventures.
But what Dr. Chambers there gave in the personal narratives of the
contributors to _The Lyon in Mourning_, and what he has written in
his admirable popular _History of the Rebellion_, on information
derived chiefly from the same source, have but increased the desire
of the historical student to have before him the complete text of
_The Lyon in Mourning_ as it stands in the original manuscript.
This desire the present publication will gratify. The Council of
the Scottish History Society originally proposed merely to print
what Dr. Chambers had left unprinted. But consideration of the fact
just stated, and the undesirability of the reader being required to
compare two works in order to ascertain the real contents of the
_Lyon_, led to the resolution to print the full text of the Bishop's
manuscript, especially also as the _Jacobite Memoirs_ is now a
somewhat scarce book.
Dr. Chambers bequeathed this Manuscript Collection of Bishop Forbes
to the Faculty of Advocates, Edinburgh, in whose library it now
remains. He had previously attached to the first volume the following
writing, to declare the genuineness and history of the work:--
'EDINBURGH, _May 5, 1847_.
'I hereby certify that the accompanying manuscript, in ten
volumes, entitled _The Lyon in Mourning_, was purchased by me
in 1833 or 1834 from the late Sir Henry Steuart of Allanton,
Baronet, by whom I was informed that he had bought it about
thirty years before from the widow of Bishop Forbes of the
Scottish Episcopal Church, the compiler, who had died in 1775.
'The volume contains, in a chronological progress, many
documents and anecdotes respecting the civil war of 1745, and
the individuals concerned in it. On this account I desired to
possess it, as I designed to make use of its contents for the
improvement of a history of the insurrection which I had written.
(Signed) 'ROBERT CHAMBERS.'
By a 'chronological progress' the reader is not to understand that
the events of the Prince's life, or of the Rebellion, will be found
related in order of time in the following pages. It can only mean
that Bishop Forbes proceeded in a chronological progress from 1746
or 1747 till his death, in building up his Collection, telling us
from time to time the dates of his receiving his information, which
he enrols as he receives it, without any other regard to chronology
than its coming to him. But to enable the reader to follow the
chronological sequence of events, a brief chronological digest
of the narratives contained in the Collection will be given as an
Appendix in the third volume. In that volume also will be found an
Index to the whole work. Into the plots and scheming prior to the
actual outbreak of the insurrection, Bishop Forbes's materials do
not lead us. It is, however, satisfactory to learn that the Scottish
History Society has in hand the publication of the Journal of the
Prince's Secretary, John Murray of Broughton, which promises to
throw light upon much that was taking place anterior to the actual
outbreak, as well as in other respects to supply the deficiencies of
_The Lyon in Mourning_.
It only remains to acknowledge the kindness of the Faculty of
Advocates in placing _The Lyon in Mourning_ at the disposal of the
Society for publication, and the uniform courtesy of Mr. Clark and
his assistants in the Advocates' Library in facilitating the progress
of this work. Our acknowledgments are also due to the indefatigable
Secretary of the Society, Mr. T. G. Law, and to his ever-willing
assistants in the Signet Library, for their ready furtherance in the
labours of reference and research.
[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF ORIGINAL TITLE-PAGE]
THE LYON IN MOURNING
OR
A COLLECTION (AS EXACTLY MADE AS THE
INIQUITY OF THE TIMES WOULD PERMIT)
OF SPEECHES, LETTERS, JOURNALS, ETC.,
RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS, BUT MORE
PARTICULARLY THE DANGERS AND DISTRESSES
OF
VOL. I
Eheu! quanta tenent Scotos mala! quanta doloris
Copia! qui PATRIAM luctus ubique premit!
1747
COPY of a LETTER from the Rev. Mr. ROBERT LYON[13]
to his MOTHER and SISTERS.
[13] Mr. Lyon was incumbent of the Episcopal Church in Perth, being
elected thereto as colleague to the Rev. Laurence Drummond (whom
he mentions in this letter) in or about 1738. When Prince Charles
and his army passed through Perth on his way south, Mr. Lyon
joined himself to them, especially as the most influential part
of his congregation had gathered to the Prince's standard. He was
appointed chaplain of Lord Ogilvie's regiment. After his arrest he
was imprisoned at Montrose, and thereafter at Carlisle, where he was
tried, and sentenced to be executed. He accordingly suffered death at
Penrith on 28th October 1746. For further particulars about Mr. Lyon
the reader may consult the _Episcopal History of Perth_, by the Rev.
George T. S. Farquhar, M.A., 1894, pp. 131-186.
[Sidenote: 1746 23 Oct.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 1.] MY DEAR MOTHER AND MY LOVING SISTERS,--How ever
great a shock to nature I presently feel in writing you upon this
occasion, and the great trouble and affliction it must give you all
in reading my last, yet I could not allow myself, having warning of
my approaching fate, to leave this miserably wicked world, without
bidding you farewel and offering you my advice.
It has pleased Almighty God in His unsearchable Providence for some
time past to afflict me with grievous and sore troubles, everything
that could be look'd on as comfortable in this world being denied me
that was in the power of my enemies to grant or refuse. But blessed
be my merciful God, they could not stop the inward consolations of
God's Holy Spirit, which has hitherto supported me in health and
vigour under all this miserable scene of calamities, for which I have
the greatest reason, while I live, to bless and adore His glorious
name. The miseries I have already undergone, and humanly speaking, am
still to suffer, are undoubtedly inflicted upon me as a just reward
and punishment for my manifold sins and iniquities, [Sidenote: _fol._
2.] and I trust they have been dispensed as the chastisements of a
merciful Father to a prodigal child in order to draw me to a nearer
acquaintance with Himself, to wean my heart from all inordinate
affections to the follies and vanities of the world, to enlarge my
heart with desires of being with Jesus, my Saviour, of the freedom
from sin and of the fruition of my God to all eternity. This is the
proper influence His afflicting hand should have had upon me. And, if
my heart deceives me not, I have made it my endeavour, tho' with a
great mixture of weakness during my long confinement, it should have
its due effect.
Before this will reach you (my dear mother and sisters) the last
fatal scene of my sufferings will be over and I set at liberty
(even by my enemies themselves) from the heavy load of irons and
chains I have so long drag'd. Lord, loose me from the burden of my
sins! Assist me in my last and greatest trial! Receive my soul,
and bring me into the way of eternal happiness and joy! Grieve
not for me, my dearest friends, since I suffer in a righteous and
honourable cause, but rather rejoice that God has assisted me by
His grace, the most unworthy of [Sidenote: _fol._ 3.] His servants,
to act agreeably to my conscience and duty by bearing testimony
to truth and righteousness, religion and loyalty in midst of a
wicked and irreligious, perverse and rebellious generation. Let
this consideration, the motives of Christianity, and the hopes and
assurances which our holy religion so plentifully affords, allay in
you all immoderate grief, and make you thoroughly resign'd to God's
holy will in all His wise dispensations; which howsoever harsh at
present they may appear to flesh and blood, yet they shall all be
made to work together for good to them that love and fear Him, and
put their trust in His mercy.
I am very sensible how much easier it is to give advice against
affliction and trouble in the case of others than to take it in
my own. It hath pleased God to exercise me of late with very sore
trials, in which I do, I think, perfectly submit to His good
pleasure, firmly believing that He does always that which is best.
And yet tho' my reason was satisfied, my passion was not so soon
appeas'd; for to do this is a work of some labour and time.
But since that God hath thought fit to warn me of my own mortality
by giving me a summons to die a violent and barbarous death by the
hand of man, I thank God for it; it hath occasion'd in me no very
melancholy reflections. But this perhaps is more owing to my natural
temper than wise considerations. [Sidenote: _fol._ 4.] But yet,
methinks, both reason and religion do offer you, my dear mother and
sisters, considerations of that solidity and strength, as may very
well support you under all the afflictions of this present life. Pray
then consider:--
That God is perfect love and goodness; that we are not only His
creatures, but His children, and as dear to Him as to ourselves;
that He does not afflict willingly nor grieve the children of men,
and that all evils of afflictions which befal us, are intended for
the cure and prevention of greater evils, of sin and punishment.
And therefore we ought not only to submit to them with patience
as being deserved by us, but to receive them with thankfulness as
being design'd by Him to do us that good and to bring us to that
sense of Him and ourselves which perhaps nothing else would have
done. That the sufferings of this present life are but short and
light compar'd with those extreme and endless miseries which we have
deserved, and with that exceeding weight of glory which we hope for
in the other world, if we be careful to make the best preparations
for death and eternity. Whatever hardships and afflictions we suffer
for our attachment to truth and righteousness bring us nearer to our
everlasting happiness, and how rugged soever the way may [Sidenote:
_fol._ 5.] be, the comfort is that it leads to our Father's house
where we shall want nothing that we can wish for.
But now you labour under affliction for the death and loss of your
only son, and all of you of your dearest earthly friend. Consider
then that, if you be good Christians, God who is your best friend,
who is immortal and cannot die, will never leave you nor forsake you,
but will provide both for your temporal and spiritual concerns beyond
what you can either ask or think. But nature, you say, is fond of
life. I acknowledge it. But then consider, to what purpose should we
desire a long life? since with the usual burdens and infirmities and
misfortunes that attend it, it is but the same thing over again or
worse, so many more nights and days, summers and winters, with less
pleasure and relish, every day a return of the same and greater pains
and troubles, but perhaps with less strength and patience to bear
them.
These, and the like considerations, have under my present calamities
entertain'd me not only with contentment but comfort, tho' with great
inequality of temper at several times, and with much mixture of human
frailty, which will in some degree stick to us while we are in this
world. However by this kind of thoughts afflictions and death itself
will become more familiar to us, and keep us from starting at the one
or repining [Sidenote: _fol._ 6.] at the other.
I acknowledge I find in myself a great tenderness in parting with
you, my dearest relations, which I must confess doth very sensibly
touch me. But then I consider, and so, I hope, with all of you, that
this separation will be but a very little while, and that tho' I
shall leave you in a very wicked world, yet you are all under the
care of a good God who can be more and better to you than I and all
other relations whatever, and will certainly be so to all those that
love Him and hope in His mercy.
It likewise gives me no small uneasiness that I should leave you
in a worse way as to your worldly circumstances than I could
have wished or once expected, having spent my own and made some
encroachments upon poor Cicie's[14] stock. But then I must say in my
own vindication, this was not by any luxury or riot, as you can bear
me witness, but rather owing to a small yearly income, an expensive
place for living, and being too liberally disposed upon certain
occasions; but, above all, by my being engag'd in the late glorious
cause of serving my King and country. You'll easily see it was no
mercenary view, but purely obedience to conscience and duty that made
me take [Sidenote: _fol._ 7.] part in the fate of my royal prince and
country when I tell you that I never received a farthing of his Royal
Highness's money, nor was assisted in the least penny by any engaged
in his service. So that this undertaking consum'd no small part of
my private stock; and I hope you'll readily grant it could not have
been better bestow'd, altho' all of you must feel the want of it. But
God who has formerly done wonderful things for us all will, I trust,
provide for you the necessaries of life.
[14] Mr. Lyon's favourite sister.
And even poverty rightly weigh'd is not so very sad a condition. For
what is it but the absence of a very few superfluous things which
please wanton fancy rather than answer need, without which nature is
easily satisfied, and which, if we do not affect, we cannot want?
What is it but to wear coarse cloaths, to feed on plain and simple
fare, to work and take some pains, to sit or goe in a lower place, to
have few friends and not one flatterer? And what great harm in this?
If I had time to compare it with the many dangers and temptations
to which wealth is expos'd,--pray consider that poverty is a state
which many have born with great chearfulness. Many wise men have
voluntarily embrac'd it. It is allotted by Divine wisdom to most men,
and the very best of men do often [Sidenote: _fol._ 8.] endure it.
God has declared an especial regard to that state of life. The mouth
of truth hath proclaimed it happy. The Son of God dignified it by His
own choice, and sanctified it by His partaking deeply thereof. And
can such a condition be very disagreeable to any of you (who were
never over-prosperous in the world)? Or can it reasonably displease
you?
My dear mother and sisters, these considerations, I hope, thro' the
Divine assistance, will be a mean to support you under your present
and future afflictions, and preserve you from repining at my fate and
your own loss.[15]
[15] The paragraph following in brackets was at first omitted by
Mr. Forbes, with this explanatory note inserted at the end of the
letter. '_N.B._--In the original of the above letter there was a
paragraph about a very particular concern of Mr. Lyon's which I did
not chuse to transcribe.' But he afterwards supplied it by writing it
on the inside of the front board of the volume, with the following:
'_N.B._--Finding that Mr. Lyon's own relations and Mrs. Stewart Rose
made no secret of the mutual affection that had been betwixt the
young lady and her departed friend, I obtain'd a true copy of the
paragraph and transcrib'd it as above.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.'
[Before I end this letter I must take this opportunity to acquaint
you of one thing that none on earth knows but the person immediately
concern'd. The matter is this. Had it pleased God that I should
have surviv'd my dear mother, and been provided of any tolerable
subsistence in this world, I design'd and propos'd to make Stewart
Rose (whom I know to be a virtuous, wise, good, and religious young
woman), partner of my life and fortune. I am too sensible of what
she suffers on my account, and which would make her affliction sit
the harder upon her, the natural modesty she is mistress of, would
never allow'd her to give vent to her grief, had not I mention'd it
to you. I therefore recommend her to you, my dear mother, always to
look upon her as your daughter, and to you, my dear sisters, to treat
her always as your own sister, she being really so in my most serious
intention and fix'd resolution. And I am persuaded there are none of
you but will bear so far a regard to my memory as to value, esteem,
and, as far as in your power, cherish and comfort the person on whom
I had so deservedly settled my love and affection. I am sensible that
all of you esteem'd her before on your acquaintance with her and her
own proper merit, and am convinc'd that my discovering my mind thus
far will more and more increase and not lessen your love and regard
to her. May Almighty God support and comfort her and you all, and
make you with humble submission resign'd to the Divine will.]
I must next acknowledge with all the tender-heartedness of a brother,
the grievous troubles and afflictions both of body and mind my dear
sister, Cicie, hath undergone, in order to be of use and comfort to
me under my severe trials. Her firm love to me has made her follow my
fate too far, and be a witness of more of my troubles than I could
have wish'd. But whatever she has suffer'd on my account, which
indeed cannot be express'd, she has been of unspeakable service to
me. May Almighty God reward her, and whatever love all of you bore to
her formerly I hope it will be enlarged to her on this very account.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 9.] I cannot conclude without offering my best
wishes (as they have always had my prayers) to Mr. Drummond, my
colleague, and every individual person a member of our congregation.
May Almighty God bless all of them both in their temporal and
spiritual concerns, and of His infinite goodness reward them for
their love and kindness, their attachment and concern for me in
the several difficulties I have undergone! May the same God in His
due time afford them authoriz'd guides to perform Divine offices
amongst them, to administer to them the means of grace and bread of
life, that they may be no longer as sheep without a shepherd. Till
which time may the Holy Spirit direct every one of them into the way
of truth, and assist them earnestly to contend for the faith once
delivered to the saints, in unity of spirit, in the bond of peace,
and in righteousness of life. And finally, may the same merciful
Lord save them and bless them, make them to the end of their lives
stedfast in the faith, unblameable in holiness and zealous of good
works.
You'll be pleased to offer my hearty and sincere good wishes to
Balgowan[16] and all that worthy family. I gratefully acknowledge
their remarkable and undeserved favours. May Almighty God return them
sevenfold into their bosom!
[16] John Grahame of Balgowan.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 10.] I sincerely pray that Almighty God may
reward the family of Moncrief, Mr. Smyth's, Mr. Stirling's, Dr.
Carmichael's, Mr. Graeme's, ladies of Stormont, Lady Findal's, and
all other my kind benefactors and well-wishers with you (who have
so bountifully ministred to my necessities) with His eternal and
everlasting good things.
As I expect and earnestly desire forgiveness from God of all my sins
and transgressions, thro' the merits and mediation of my only Saviour
and Redeemer Jesus Christ, so from the very bottom of my heart I
forgive all my enemies, persecutors, and slanderers, and particularly
Clerk Millar,[17] who, I have reason to believe, has prosecute me to
death, and whom, to my knowledge, I never injured in thought, word,
or deed. May God grant him repentance that he may obtain forgiveness
at the hands of our heavenly Father. And with the same earnestness
I desire all of you to forgive him, and tho' it should be in your
power, never in the least degree to resent it against him or his.
[17] George Miller, town clerk of Perth, who seems to have taken an
active part in the prosecution of his townsmen who engaged in the
rebellion. See fol. 27.
And now, my dear mother and sisters, it is my dying exhortation
[Sidenote: _fol._ 11.] to you, as well as to every particular person,
who (by the providence of God) was committed to my spiritual care,
stedfastly and constantly to continue in the faith and communion
of our holy persecuted mother, the Church of Scotland, in which I
have the honour to die a very unworthy priest, whatever temporal
inconveniences and hardships you may wrestle with in so doing.
Nothing must appear too hard which tends to the salvation of your
souls; and the disciple is not to expect better treatment than
his Lord and Master. For as they persecuted Him, even so will they
persecute you. Strenuously adhere then, in spite of all opposition,
to those doctrines and principles, which thro' the grace of God and
my own weak abilities, I endeavoured to teach publickly and inculcate
upon you in my private conversation, I mean the doctrines of the
Holy Scriptures, with their only genuine and authentick comment, the
universal doctrines and practices of Christ's Church in her purest
ages, even the three first centuries, before the manifold errors of
Popery, on the one hand, or Presbyterian enthusiasm, on the other,
prevail'd; both of which have been dangerous to the souls of many.
Let no worldly consideration [Sidenote: _fol._ 12.] prevail with
any of you to join with schismaticks of whatever kind; and more
especially be not deceived by those who may come unto you in sheep's
cloathing, having the appearance of sanctity and righteousness more
than others, but in Divine offices offer up to God unlawful petitions
and immoral prayers.
And, as you know, the man cannot be perfectly happy without the
reunion of soul and body (in consequence of which principle it was
my practice, in my family devotions to commemorate the souls of
my deceas'd friends who died in the Lord), so I earnestly beg and
intreat when you approach the throne of grace that you'll pray for
rest and peace, light and refreshment to my soul, that I may find
mercy in the day of the Lord, and that I may be partaker of perfect
consummation and bliss both in body and soul in God's eternal and
everlasting glory. May our good and wise ecclesiastical governours,
with the Divine assistance, contribute their endeavours to restore
this and all other primitive and apostolic practices in due form
to the publick offices of our Church, which would be a mean to
administer comfort and great consolation to many a pious and devout
soul. I cannot finish this subject [Sidenote: _fol._ 13.] without
putting up my petitions in the same words of our holy mother, the
Church, as she appoints the very day[18] on which it is determined I
should suffer: 'O Almighty God, who hast built thy Church upon the
foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being
the head corner-stone, grant us so to be joined together in unity
of spirit by their doctrine that we may be made an holy temple,
acceptable unto Thee through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen.'
[18] St. Simon and St. Jude's Day, F.
And now, my dear mother and sisters, I must conclude this my too long
letter with my prayers for you. May our most gracious God pardon all
your offences and correct whatever is amiss in any of you. May He
preserve you all in health, peace, and safety, and, above all, in
mutual love to one another. May He pour down upon you His spiritual
blessings, and vouchsafe you also such a measure of temporal
blessings as He sees most convenient for you. May He of His infinite
mercy let you want nothing either for life or for godliness. I pray
God to fit us all for that great change which we must once undergoe;
and if we be but in any measure prepared, sooner or latter makes no
great difference. I commend you all to the father of Mercies and the
God of all consolation and comfort, beseeching Him to increase your
faith, patience, and resignation, [Sidenote: _fol._ 14.] and to stand
by you in all your conflicts, difficulties, and troubles, that when
ye walk thro' the valley of the shadow of death you may fear no evil,
and when your heart fails you may find Him the strength of your heart
and portion for ever.
Farewel, my dear mother! Farewel, my loving sisters! Farewel, every
one of you for ever! And let us fervently pray for one another that
we may have a joyful and happy meeting in another world, and there
continue in holy fellowship and communion with our God and one
another, partakers of everlasting bliss and glory to the endless ages
of eternity.
The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ and the love of God and the
communion of the Holy Ghost be with you all evermore, is the prayer
and blessing of, my dear mother, your obedient and affectionate son,
and my loving sisters, your affectionate and loving brother, while
ROBERT LYON.
_Carlisle Castle, October 23d, 1746.
To my mother and sisters._
THE LAST AND DYING SPEECH OF ROBERT LYON, A. M. PRESBYTER
AT PERTH.[19]
[19] This speech was printed in _Blackwood's Magazine_ for May 1819
(No. 26, vol. v. p. 164), and in _Stephen's Episcopal Magazine_ for
1836, pp. 10, 111.
[Sidenote: 28 Oct.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 15.] The death I am now to suffer by the hands of
violence the partial and unthinking world will doubtless be ready to
imagine a sign of guilt and a stain upon the character with which I
am invested.
But would the hardships of a close confinement and the time permit me
to explain and vindicate my principles, I am persuaded I could prove
them just and my conduct guiltless in the things for which I am to
die.
That I may not, however, leave a natural curiosity on such occasions
quite ungratified I shall briefly run over the principal passages of
my past life, and represent my genuine sentiments in some material
points. Which I hope will have the greater weight and efficacy upon
you, my dear fellow-subjects and beloved countrymen, as I am just
about to step into eternity where, at the greatest tribunal, on
the last day I know I must be judged according to the works I have
already done. And
[Sidenote: _fol._ 16.] First. It will be very proper to inform you
that I have the honour to be more immediately descended from one of
those Scottish clergymen,[20] who unhappily surviv'd our flourishing
Church and prosperous nation at the late Revolution; by which means
it was my lot, by the wise providence of God to be early train'd
up in the school of adversity, inasmuch as he underwent the common
fate of our other spiritual pastors and dear fathers in Christ who
were by merely secular, and what is worse, unlawful force thrust
away from their charges and depriv'd of that maintenance to which
they had a general and divine right as well as a legal title by our
Constitution. And this in many instances was executed with the utmost
rigour and severity, attended with every wicked and aggravating
circumstance. For how could it be otherwise when allowed to be done
by an ungovern'd mob, distracted with enthusiasm and misguided zeal,
but whose deed received its sanction by some subsequent pretended
laws.
[20] Thought to be the Rev. James Lyon, a native of Forfarshire,
who was ordained under the patronage of the Earl of Strathmore,
and became incumbent at Kirkwall, whence he was ejected after the
Revolution (_Episcopal History of Perth_, p. 135).
Into this once glorious but now declining part of the Church
Catholick I was thro' the care and piety of my loving parents enter'd
by a holy baptism. For which inestimable benefit, as my judgment
ripen'd and my reason improv'd I ever found [Sidenote: _fol._ 17.]
greater cause to bless the happy instruments, and to thank my God,
as it clearly appeared upon impartial enquiry that this Church for
purity of doctrine, orthodoxy in the faith, perfection of worship and
her apostolical government, equals, if not excels, any other church
on the earth. And therefore I persisted by Divine grace an unworthy
member in her faithful communion till thro' various instances of the
goodness and care of Heaven manifested in the wonderful support and
preservation of our family, I received a pious and liberal education
(tho' my father, wore out with sufferings, lived not to see it half
compleated), and at length arrived at that age when by the canons of
the Church I could be admitted into holy orders; which I received at
a time no earthly motive could influence me, but a sincere intention
to serve God and to my power to do good offices to men.
Both which I, tho' most unworthy of the sacred character, have ever
honestly endeavour'd to the utmost of my weak ability, by enforcing
and practising, as far as circumstances and my station in the Church
would permit, that golden and glorious rule for the conduct of a
Christian, and for every [Sidenote: _fol._ 18.] church whereby to
reform itself, and moreover which alone can unite the differing parts
of Christendom, I mean the Holy Scriptures, with their only genuine
and authentick comment, the universal doctrines and practices of
Christ's Church in her first three centuries. Which that it may again
universally obtain God Almighty grant for his sake who purchas'd the
Church with the effusion of his blood.
In perfect consistency with this Catholick and noble rule I declare
upon this aweful occasion, and on the word of a dying man, that I
ever abhor'd and detested and _do_ now _solemnly_ disclaim the many
errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome; as I do with equal zeal
the distinguishing principles of Presbyterians and other dissenting
sectaries amongst us who are void of every support in our country
but ignorance and usurping force, and whom I always considered as
the shame and reproach of the happy Reformation, and both alike
uncatholick and dangerous to the soul of a Christian.
I must further declare that by the same method I found out [Sidenote:
_fol._ 19.] the absurdities of these two differing parties, I was
soon determin'd from rational and solid arguments to embrace the
doctrines of passive obedience, the divine right of kings, and in
particular the indefeasible and hereditary title of our own gracious
sovereign, James the Eighth and Third, and of his royal heirs, whom
God preserve and restore.
For these I am thoroughly convinc'd are doctrines founded upon the
best maxims of civil government and on the Word of God; and besides
the very essence of our own Constitution and municipal laws. And
therefore I could never view that Convention which pretended to
depose King James the Seventh, our King's royal father, and dispose
of his crown; I could never, I say, view that unlawful and pack'd
Assembly in any other light but as traitors to their country and
rebels to their King.
And as our then injured King and his undoubted heirs have from time
to time uninterruptedly claim'd their right and asserted their
dominion, I am so far from thinking that the [Sidenote: _fol._ 20.]
royal misfortunes loose the subjects from their obedience, that I
rather apprehend they loudly call for a steadier allegiance and more
faithful duty.
In which sentiments I have been still more and more confirm'd by the
lamentable consequences of the opposite opinion, and by that sad
affliction and load of misery, which a long usurpation has brought
upon my country and which it is needless for me here to insist upon,
as our numerous grievances, too heavy to be born, have been strongly,
but alas! in vain, represented and loudly proclaimed even in some
late pretended parliaments.
But what more naturally falls to my share to consider, and what I
fear has been still less regarded in the long persecuted state of my
dear mother, the Church of Scotland, that Church of which it is my
greatest honour to be a member and a priest, tho' very undeserving
of either; a Church, national and independent of any other and of
every power upon earth, happily govern'd by her own truly primitive
bishops, as so many spiritual princes, presiding in their different
districts, and in them, accountable to none but God for the
administration of her [Sidenote: _fol._ 21.] discipline; a church,
whose creeds demonstrate her soundness in the faith, and who is blest
with a liturgy (I mean the Scots Liturgy,[21] compil'd by her own
bishops) nigher to the primitive model than any other church this day
can boast of (excepting, perhaps, a small but I believe a very pure
church in England[22] who, I am told, has lately reformed herself
in concert with the forementioned and infallible rule)--in one word
a church very nearly resembling the purest ages, and who (after
more than half a century groaning under persecutions and mourning
in her own ashes, but all the while distinguishing herself no less
by forbearance and charity to her bitterest enemies than by her
steadiness to principle and Catholick unity) is now at last, alas!
devoted, in the intention of her adversaries to utter destruction;
which I fervently pray God to prevent.
[21] A copy of part of this 'Liturgy' in print is inserted here in
the manuscript. It is entitled 'The Communion Office for the use of
the Church of Scotland, as far as concerneth the ministration of that
Holy Sacrament. Authorised by King Charles I. Anno 1636, Edinburgh,
printed by Mr. Thomas Ruddiman, MDCCXXIV.' The signature of 'Robert
Lyon' is on the title-page, and the following note by Mr. Forbes on
the back of the title-page, 'This is the identical copy which the
Rev. Mr. Robert Lyon made use of in consecrating the Holy Eucharist
in Carlisle Castle.' It consists of 24 pp. 12mo. The Liturgy referred
to is better known as Laud's Liturgy, the enforcing of which gave
rise to the Second Reformation in Scotland.
[22] This church, which he called 'The True British Catholic Church,'
was founded by Dr. Deacon, concerning whom see footnotes at fols. 37
and 40.
Her oratories have been profan'd and burnt, her holy altars
desecrated, her priests outragiously plundered and driven from
their flocks, some of them imprison'd and treated with uncommon
cruelty, her faithful members almost depriv'd of the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 22.] ordinary means of their salvation, and this mostly done
without so much as a form of law, by a hostile force specially
appointed by him who calls himself the Duke of Cumberland, and who
(God grant him a timely repentance and forgive him) has occasion'd
the painful and untimely death of many innocent and inoffensive
persons; and by wilful fire and sword, by every means of torment and
distress--barbarity exceeding Glencoe massacre itself--has brought a
dreadful desolation upon my dear country.
All which evidently shews that there is nothing, however necessary
and dear to mankind, however sacred and near allied to Heaven; that
must not give way to their resentment and to the better establishing
their ill-got power, and that no lasting security even to the present
established Church of England can reasonably be expected from this
ruinous and usurped government. And indeed the reigning impiety and
that flood [Sidenote: _fol._ 23.] of wickedness which the kindly
influence and encouragement of a corrupted court has drawn upon us
must speedily deface the very form of religion and give the finishing
stroke to virtue, tho' no harsher methods were us'd by them.
But may the gracious hand of Heaven interpose and stop the wide
destruction! May our Church once more resume her antient lustre, her
priests be cloathed with righteousness and her saints yet sing with
joyfulness! May her members yet be multiplied, blessed with peace and
felicity in this world, and crown'd with immortality in that which is
to come!
And now, my dear fellow-subjects, you cannot be at a loss to
apprehend the reason of my appearance on this occasion, and of the
death I am to suffer. For when our brave and natural-born Prince
(a Prince endued with every virtue proper to grace a throne, and a
stranger to every vice that high life is most subject to, in a word a
Prince adorn'd with every quality that could attract the hearts of a
wise people or make a nation [Sidenote: _fol._ 24.] happy) generously
hazarded his own valuable person to relieve us from slavery and to
retrieve his father's crown; and every steady patriot who had courage
to resolve to conquer or suffer in the way of duty, according to the
will of God, join'd his royal standard; thither many, to whom I was
attach'd by relation, friendship and several other ties, dutyfully
resorted, and kindly invited and earnestly importun'd me to attend
them as their priest, while they were laudably engaged in their king
and country's cause; which agreeably to my now profess'd principles I
readily consented to, as I plainly foresaw that I could not discharge
my function with more safety in that congregation to which I have a
spiritual and peculiar relation where part of the Prince's forces
always lay, than in going along with my worthy friends in their
glorious expedition.
And here I must declare that while I accompanied my brave [Sidenote:
_fol._ 25.] countrymen in their noble enterprise I saw a decency and
order maintained amongst them, equal if not superiour to any regular
disciplin'd force. And if any hardship or severity was committed I am
fully persuaded it was unknown to, and very cross to the inclination
of their merciful and royal leader.
And in particular I do believe that the destruction of St.
Ninian's[23] was merely by accident and without any order from his
royal highness. And this is the more evident since the person who
had the fatal occasion of it lost his own life in the conflagration.
But it was maliciously represented and put in the worst light to
vindicate the malicious procedure of the Usurper's forces; whose
conduct let it be compar'd with that of our King's army and then
you may form as ready and just a judgment of the true and pretended
father of the country, as Solomon by a like experiment did of the
true and pretended mother of the child.
[23] See fuller references to this incident of the war at f. 155.
According, however, to detailed accounts from the other side, it was
deliberately done, and caused the death of several of the poorer
townspeople, who were allured into the church in the hope of getting
stores the rebels could not carry away.--_Scots' Magazine_, 1746, p.
221.
And for my own particular, I do solemnly affirm that during
[Sidenote: _fol._ 26.] this expedition I never bore arms, for this
I thought inconsistent with my sacred character. I never prayed in
express terms for any king (because for many years it has not been
the practice of our Church, and to make such a change in her offices
I thought incompetent for me without the appointment, or at least the
permission of my superiours) and preach'd the plain truths of the
Gospel without touching on political subjects. This confession, by
surprize, and the advice of my council I was forced to make at the
Bar, upon which my pretended judges declar'd, and the jury found me
guilty of high treason and levying war, for my barely accompanying
the royal army as before mentioned. And this their rigorous procedure
they founded upon a pretended new Act of Parliament made since I was
personally engaged in the royal cause, [Sidenote: _fol._ 27.] and
for what I know since I was a prisoner: which plainly shews that
whatever my private sentiments have been my life has been greedily
sought and unjustly taken away, in as much as they pass'd their
sentence without any other overt act of high treason (even in their
own sense) being prov'd against me.
But in obedience to the precept, and after the divine example of
my blessed Master, Jesus Christ, I heartily and cheerfully forgive
them, as I do all my adversaries of whatever kind, particularly
George Millar, Clerk of Perth, who, I have reason to believe, has
prosecute me to death, and whom to my knowledge I never injur'd in
thought, word, or deed. Lord, grant him repentance that he may find
forgiveness of God.
And more especially I forgive the Elector of Hanover by virtue of
whose unlawful commission I am brought to this violent and publick
death, and whom I consider as my greatest enemy, because he is the
enemy of my holy mother, the Church, of my King and of my Country.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 28.] I do here acknowledge publickly with a strong
and inward sense of guilt that thro' fear, human frailty, the
persuasion of lawyers and the promise and assurance of life, I was
prevail'd upon, contrary to the sentiments of my conscience and my
openly profess'd principles, to address the Elector of Hanover for
mercy and my life. Which address or petition or anything of that
kind I have sign'd, derogatory to the royal cause, or our undoubted
lawful sovereign's right and title, I hereby retract, and wish from
the bottom of my heart I had never done any such thing; and with
the sorrow and contrition of a dying penitent, most humbly beg
forgiveness of my heavenly Father for this my great offence. God be
merciful to me a sinner. I likewise beg forgiveness of all those
good, religious and loyal persons to whom my inconsistent conduct
in this particular has given just [Sidenote: _fol._ 29.] occasion
of scandal and offence. And I humbly confess the justice of God
for bringing to nought the devices of men when aim'd at or sought
after by undue means and unlawful methods. But hereby the unmerciful
disposition of the Hanoverian family appears the more evident, and
the injustice and cruelty of the Elector's Council at law in this,
that they indicted, arraign'd, tried and condemn'd a person[24]
whom I had forc'd by a subpœna to attend my trial at Carlisle as an
exculpatory evidence, notwithstanding he had long before delivered
himself up in consequence of the pretended Duke of Cumberland's
proclamation, had obtain'd a protection and got a pass. This the more
deeply concerns me in case any of his friends should imagine I had
any design against him by forcing him to run such a hazard. But I
here call God to witness, I esteemed the man, and as I thought him
perfectly safe, I had no other view in bringing him this length than
to do myself justice.
[24] William Baird in Perth. See f. 464 for the history of this case.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 30.] I farther acknowledge and humbly adore the
justice of God's holy providence, the sovereign disposer of all
things, in permitting the execution of the sentence of death against
me, confiding that He of his mercy and goodness, through the blood
and mediation of his dear and only Son, will accept of this my
suffering in the cause of truth and righteousness, and reward it
with the joys of his eternal kingdom. I heartily give thanks to Him
for vouchsafing me the honour and felicity of dying for the sake of
conscience, and of sealing with my blood those heavenly truths I have
maintain'd, particularly that of loyalty to my king and prince.
And I do declare upon this aweful and solemn occasion I feel no sting
of conscience for the part I have acted in our civil discords; and
do sincerely profess before God and the whole world that had He of
his infinite wisdom thought proper to prolong my life, I should have
ever, by His all-powerful [Sidenote: _fol._ 31.] aid and grace,
steadily persisted in the same faith and principles, in the hearty
and zealous belief and open profession of which I now die, and with
fervent charity to all men; imploring the pardon and forgiveness
of all my sins thro' the merits and mediation of my crucified
Saviour, our Lord Jesus Christ; earnestly exhorting you, my dearest
fellow-subjects, and most beloved countrymen, speedily to repent
and to turn to your duty in every point, and, in particular, to
that fidelity and allegiance which you owe to your native and only
rightful sovereign.
Consider, I beseech you, consider the evils already felt, the
impending ruin of your country. Consider the crying injustice and
indignity offered to the best of princes. Above all, consider the
guilt and high demerit of violating God's laws and resisting His
ordinance. And let these powerful and prevailing motives excite you
quickly to amend your ways, to make a thorough change in your life
and conversation, and to [Sidenote: _fol._ 32.] continue for ever
firm and unshaken in your duty and subjection to the power ordain'd
of God, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. So shall
ye arrest the vengeance and just wrath of Heaven which has gone out
against us. Ye shall be the happy instruments yet to preserve your
wishing country from entire destruction, and save your souls in the
day of the Lord.
For which glorious and noble ends, Do Thou, O God Almighty! by Thy
Holy Spirit, turn the hearts of the disobedient to the wisdom of the
just, the hearts of parents to their children, of children to their
parents, the hearts of priests and kings to their people, of people
to their kings and priests, the hearts of all to one another and all
together unto Thee, their God, thro' Jesus Christ!
I conclude in the words of our holy mother, the Church, as she
piously appoints in the office for this day,[25] and in that of the
protomartyr, St. Stephen:--
[25] St. Simon and St. Jude's Day.--F.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 33.] 'O Almighty God, who has built thy church upon
the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself
being the head corner stone, grant us so to be joined together in
unity of spirit by their doctrine, that we may be made an holy temple
acceptable unto Thee, through Jesus Christ our Lord, Amen.
'Grant, O Lord, that in all our sufferings here upon earth for the
testimony of thy truth, we may stedfastly look up to Heaven, and
by faith behold the glory that shall be revealed; and being fill'd
with the Holy Ghost may learn to love and bless our persecutors by
the example of the first martyr, St. Stephen, who prayed for his
murderers, to Thee, O blessed Jesus, who standest at the right hand
of God, to succour all those that suffer for Thee, our only Mediator
and Advocate, Amen.'
Good Lord, lay not innocent blood to the charge of this people and
nation.
Lord Jesus, receive my spirit!
[Sidenote: _fol._ 34.] Such are the genuine dying sentiments and
fervent humble prayers of
ROBERT LYON, A.M.,
_priest of the persecuted and afflicted
Church of Scotland_.
_Penrith, 28 October 1746._
On the 18th of October Mr. Francis Buchanan of Arnprior, after he was
taken from prison return'd again and spoke to me the following words
or to the same purpose:
As I have obtain'd a few minutes longer to stay here I desire to
spend them with you in prayer and conversation. After prayers he
proceeded and said: I am much oblig'd to Mr. Wilson[26] (one of the
clergymen belonging to the Cathedral) for suggesting one thing which
I forgot to speak of, being conscious of my own innocence. He says
my being slander'd with the murder of Mr. Stewart of Glenbuckie[27]
did me harm on my [Sidenote: _fol._ 35.] trial. Now I take this
opportunity to declare publickly to you and my fellow prisoners that
Glenbuckie and I liv'd many years in close friendship together, and
altho' he was found dead in my house, yet, upon the word of a dying
man, I declare I myself had no hand in his death, nor do I know any
other person that had. And I am persuaded I can likewise answer for
every one of my servants, since all of them were acquainted with and
had a particular love to that gentleman. So that I declare it to be
my opinion that he was the occasion of his own death.
[26] Probably Mr. Thomas Wilson, then prebendary, afterwards dean in
1764.
[27] See a narrative of Mr. Buchanan's case at f. 100, and about the
death of Mr. Stewart, f. 107.
ROBERT LYON.
* * * * *
_N.B._--As Mr. Lyon frequently administred the holy Eucharist to
his fellow-prisoners in Carlisle Castle, so particularly upon
Wednesday, October 15th, he had the happiness to communicate
above fifty of them, among which number were Mr. Thomas
Coppoch, the English clergyman, and Arnprior, and upon the 26th
of the [Sidenote: _fol._ 36.] same month, being the 22nd Sunday
after Trinity, he had above thirty communicants. He suffer'd at
Penrith upon Tuesday, October 28th, the festival of St. Simon
and St. Jude, 1746, and perform'd the whole devotions upon the
scaffold, with the same calmness and composure of mind and the
same decency of behaviour, as if he had been only a witness of
the fatal scene. He delivered every word of his speech to the
numerous crowd of spectators. Mr. Lyon never saw the speeches
of Mr. Deacon and Mr. Syddal,[28] which some might imagine from
their agreement in some points. He bore all his own charges in
the expedition. The above _N.B._ was taken from the mouth of
Mrs. Cecilia Lyon, who did not come from Carlisle till after her
brother had suffered death.
[28] These follow on this and subsequent pages.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
The SPEECH of Mr. THOMAS THEODORE DEACON.[29]
[29] See a letter to his father on the same occasion, f. 381 _infra_.
According to Bishop Forbes, Mr. Deacon was the son of Dr. Thomas
Deacon, who, he adds, (f. 40 _infra_), was a non-jurant bishop in
Manchester. But another contemporary authority describes him as the
son of an eminent and wealthy doctor of medicine in Manchester, and
states that Thomas was educated at the university to qualify him for
the same professions.--'History of the Rebellion,' extracted from the
_Scots' Magazine_, 1755, pp. 294-301. The fact is that Dr. Deacon
engaged in both professions. Three of his sons joined the Prince.
Thomas was appointed a lieutenant in the Manchester Regiment, and
so was his brother Robert, while Charles, the youngest, aged about
seventeen, was made an ensign. All were taken at the surrender of
Carlisle, and sent prisoners to London. Robert became so ill on
the way that he was left at Kendal, and died there. Charles was
reprieved, though he was taken to the place of execution under a
military guard to see his brother and others suffer. The head of
Thomas Deacon, with others, was sent to Manchester to be stuck up
on the Exchange there. His father was the first to come and gaze
upon it, and saluting it, thanked God that he had had a son who
could die for his lawful prince. Dr. Deacon only survived his son
about six years, and the inscription on his tombstone is worthy
of note:--'Here lie interred the remains (which through mortality
are at present corrupt, but which shall one day surely be raised
again to immortality and put on incorruption) of Thomas Deacon, the
greatest of sinners and most unworthy of primitive bishops, who died
16th February 1753, in the 56th year of his age.--Axon's _Annals of
Manchester_, pp. 89-90.
[Sidenote: 30 July 1746]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 37.] MY DEAR FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,--I am come here to
pay the last debt to nature, and I think myself happy in having an
opportunity of dying in so just and so glorious a cause. The deluded
and infatuated vulgar will no doubt brand my death with all the
infamy that ignorance and prejudice can suggest. But the thinking few
who have not quite forsaken their duty to God and their king, will
I am persuaded look upon it as being little inferiour to martyrdom
itself, for I am just going to fall a sacrifice to the resentment and
revenge of the Elector of Hanover and all those unhappy miscreants
who have openly espoused the cause of a foreign German usurper and
withdrawn their allegiance from their only rightful, lawful and
native sovereign, King James the 3d. It would be trifling here to
expatiate on the loss of so many brave subjects' lives who have had
the courage to appear in defence of their native King; [Sidenote:
_fol._ 38.] the vast, the immense treasure squandered away in
defence of the Usurper; the heavy load of taxes and debts under
which the nation groans; the prevalence of bribery and corruption;
the preference of strangers to natives, and innumerable other
inconveniencies which must necessarily attend a foreigner's sitting
on the throne of Great Britain, and which must be too obvious to
every impartial, unprejudiced Englishman.
Moreover, I think it is very evident that the very mercy of the
Usurper is no less than arbitrary power, and the freedom of
Parliament, bribery, and corruption; from which unhappy circumstances
nothing else can restore this nation and bring it to its former
happiness and glory but inviting King James the 3d to take possession
of his undoubted right.
I profess I die a member, not of the Church of Rome, nor yet that of
England, but of a pure Episcopal Church which [Sidenote: _fol._ 39.]
has reform'd all the errors, corruptions and defects that have been
introduc'd into the modern Churches of Christendom--a church which
is in perfect communion with the antient and universal Church of
Christ, by adhering uniformly to antiquity, universality and consent,
that glorious principle which if once strictly and impartially
pursued would, and which alone can, remove all the distractions and
unite all the divided branches of the Christian Church. This truly
Catholick principle is agreed to by all the Churches, Eastern and
Western, Popish and Protestant, and yet is unhappily practised by
none but the Church in whose holy communion I have the happiness to
die. May God of his great mercy daily increase the members thereof.
And if any would enquire into its primitive constitution, I refer
them to our Common Prayer-Book, intitled 'A compleat Collection of
Devotions, both publick and private, [Sidenote: _fol._ 40.] taken
from the Apostolick constitutions, antient Liturgies, and the Common
Prayer-Book of the Church of England, printed at London. 1734.[30]
[30] This book was compiled by Mr. Deacon's father, a non-jurant
bishop in Manchester.--F.
I sincerely declare I forgive all my enemies, who have raised
on me any false or scandalous reports, the pretended Court by
which I was tried, and all those who were witnesses against me,
particularly the unfortunate, deluded Mr. Maddox,[31] who has added
the sin of unparallel'd ingratitude to those of treachery to his
fellow-subjects, perfidiousness to his lawful prince and perjury
against his God, having sworn away the lives of those very persons
who chiefly supported him while he attended on the Prince's army, and
for a month after he was taken prisoner. And further, I affirm on
the word of a dying man he perjured himself in the evidence he gave
against me at my trial, as I verily believe he did in what he swore
against [Sidenote: _fol._ 41.] most if not all of the others.[32]
[31] Samuel Maddock or Maddox, an apothecary's apprentice in
Manchester. He was appointed ensign in the Manchester Regiment, and
after being taken prisoner became king's evidence. Some witnesses
averred that Maddox held a bad character; that as apprentice he
had wronged his master, and was not worthy of credence even upon
his oath.--'History of the Rebellion,' extracted from the _Scots'
Magazine_, 1755, pp. 279 _et seq._ See also ff. 91, 98 _infra_.
[32] Maddox deponed against Mr. Deacon, that he 'sat at the table
at the Bullhead at Manchester, took down the names of such as
enlisted in the Pretender's service, and received a shilling for
each; and when he was writing he employed himself in making blue
and white ribbons into favours, which he gave to the men who
enlisted.'--'History of the Rebellion,' _ut supra_, p. 289.
Lastly, I most freely forgive my two principal enemies, the Elector
of Hanover and his son, who claims the pretended title of Duke of
Cumberland, who are actually guilty of murder in putting me with
many others to death, after the latter had granted a regular, formal
capitulation in writing; which is directly contrary to the laws of
God and nations, and I hope will be a sufficient warning to all those
who shall hereafter have spirit, honour and loyalty enough to take up
arms in defence of their lawful sovereign, King James the 3d, or any
of his successors against the Usurper and his descendants. I say, I
hope it will be a sufficient warning for them never to surrender to
Hanoverian mercy, but to die bravely with swords in their hands. Not
but I submit with the utmost chearfulness and tranquility to this
violent death, being thoroughly [Sidenote: _fol._ 42.] convinc'd that
thereby I shall be of much more service to my beloved country and
fellow-subjects as well as my only lawful king, my dear, brave Prince
of Wales and the Duke of York (whom God of his infinite mercy bless,
preserve and restore!), than all I could do by fighting in the field
or any other way.
I publickly profess that I heartily repent of all my sins, but am
so far from reckoning the fact for which I am to die one of them
that I think I shall thereby be an honour to my family, and if I
had ten thousand lives would chearfully and willingly lay them
down in the same cause. And here I solemnly affirm that malicious
report to be false and groundless which has been spread (merely
with design to involve my relations in inconveniencies), that I
engaged in this affair thro' their persuasion, instigation and even
compulsion. On the contrary, I was always determin'd to embrace the
first opportunity [Sidenote: _fol._ 43.] of performing my duty to my
Prince, which I did without consulting or being advised to it by any
friend on earth.
And now, my dear countrymen, I have nothing more to say than to
advise you to return to your duty before it be too late and before
the nation be entirely ruin'd. Compare the paternal and tender
affection which your King has always shewn for this, his native
country, with the rashness of the Usurper, and his great regard to
his German dominions, the interest of which has been always preferr'd
to that of England. Compare the extraordinary clemency and humanity
of the ever glorious Prince Charles with the horrid barbarities and
cruelties of the Elector's son which he perpetrated in Scotland.
Remember what solemn promises have been given by both our King and
Prince Charles to protect you in your laws, religion and liberties.
Has not the Prince thrown himself into your [Sidenote: _fol._ 44.]
arms? Has he not given sufficient proof of his abilities in the
Cabinet, as well as bravery in the field? In fine, he has done his
part, and consequently the sin must lye at your door if you do not
yours.
May God be pleased to bless this land and to open the eyes of the
people that they may discern their duty and true interest, and
assist in restoring their only natural King to his indisputable and
just right! God bless and prosper him, and guide him in all his
undertakings! So prayeth
THOMAS THEODORE DEACON.
Lord, have mercy upon me!
Christ, have mercy upon me!
Lord, have mercy upon me!
Lord Jesu, receive my soul!
_Wednesday, July 30th, 1746, upon Kennington Common._
THE SPEECH OF MR. THOMAS SYDDAL.[33]
[33] Thomas Syddall was a barber in Manchester and acted as adjutant
of the Manchester regiment. Some interesting particulars about him
and his family will be found in _Manchester Collectanea_, vol.
lxviii. of the Chetham Society, pp. 208-225, where this speech is
also printed.
[Sidenote: 30 July 1746]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 45.] Friends, Brethren and Countrymen,--Since I am
brought here to be made a sacrifice for doing the duty of a Christian
and an Englishman, it may be expected I should give some account of
myself and the cause for which I suffer. This expectation I will
gladly indulge. And I wish the whole kingdom might be inform'd of all
that I now say at the hour of death when there is the least reason to
doubt my sincerity.
I die a member, not of the Church of Rome, nor yet of that of
England, but of a pure Episcopal Church, which hath reformed all
the errors, corruptions and defects that have been introduced into
the modern Churches of Christendom--a church which is in perfect
communion with the ancient and universal Church of Christ by
adhering uniformly to antiquity, universality and consent, that
glorious principle which if once [Sidenote: _fol._ 46.] strictly
and impartially pursued would, and which alone can, remove all the
distractions and unite all the divided branches of Christendom. This
truly Catholick principle is agreed to by all Churches, Eastern and
Western, Popish and Protestant, and yet unhappily is practised by
none but the Church in whose holy communion I have the happiness to
die. May God in His great mercy daily increase the members thereof!
And if any would enquire into its primitive constitution I refer them
to our Common Prayer Book which is intitled 'A compleat Collection
of Devotions, both publick and private, taken from the Apostolical
Constitutions, the ancient Liturgies, and the Common Prayer Book of
the Church of England, printed at London in the year 1734.'
I most humbly and heartily offer up my praises and thanksgiving to
Almighty God that He hath been pleased of His great goodness to give
me grace to follow the pious example of my father,[34] who enduring
hardships, like a good soldier of [Sidenote: _fol._ 47.] Jesus
Christ, was martyred under the government of the late Usurper in the
year 1715, for his loyal zeal in the cause of his lawful King.
[34] Thomas Syddall, a blacksmith, who on 10th June 1715, the
anniversary of the birthday of the Old Pretender, headed a party of
rioters in Manchester, and wrecked Cross Street Chapel. He was seized
and sentenced to the pillory and imprisonment in Lancaster Castle.
The Jacobite army, however, released him and some of his comrades,
but he was retaken at Preston, and after trial at Liverpool was
executed at Manchester on 11th February 1716.--Axon's _Annals of
Manchester_, p. 76.
And I solemnly declare that no mean, wicked motives of revenging my
father's death (as hath been uncharitably said) induced me to join
in attempting a restoration of the royal family. I think I had no
occasion to be displeased with his murderers, when I reflect (as
I firmly believe) that instead of punishing they sent him to his
everlasting rest sooner than he would have gone according to the
course of nature. And so far from doing an injury to his family, they
pointed him out by his sufferings an excellent example of Christian
courage, and contributed by that means to the good of his innocent
children.
Neither was I tempted to enter into the army commanded by the Prince
of Wales by any ambitious or self-interested [Sidenote: _fol._ 48.]
views. I was easy in my circumstances and wanted no addition of
riches to increase my happiness. My desires were limited within
reasonable bounds, and what I thought I had occasion for (I bless
God) I was able to procure. And to make my joy as full as in this
world ought to be wish'd, I was blessed with an excellent, faithful,
religious, loving wife, and five children, the tender objects of our
care and affection. In this situation I was void of ambition and
thankful to God for His gracious disposal of me.
My motive for serving in the Prince's army was the duty I owe to
God, the King and the country, in endeavouring the restoration of
King James the Third and the royal family; which I am persuaded is
the only human means by which this nation can ever become great and
happy. For altho' I have never had the honour of seeing his Majesty,
yet I am well [Sidenote: _fol._ 49.] assur'd by others of his
excellent wisdom, justice and humanity and that he would think it his
greatest glory to rule over a free and happy people without the least
innovation of their religion or liberties.
For this we have not only the royal promise of the King himself
(than which a reasonable people cannot desire a greater security)
but we have also the word of a young Prince who is too great and
good to stoop to a falsity or to impose upon any people--a Prince
blessed with all the qualities which can adorn a throne, and who may
challenge his keenest enemies to impute to him any vice which can
blacken his character, whom to serve is a duty and a pleasure, and to
die for an honour.
And here I cannot but take notice that if his Royal Highness had any
of that cruelty in his temper which hath so abundantly displayed
itself in his enemy, the pretended Duke of Cumberland, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 50.] he would have shewn it upon Mr. John Weir,[35] when he
had him in his power, and knew that he had been a spy upon the royal
family abroad and upon the Prince at home, almost from the time of
his first landing. But the brave unfortunate young heroe, with noble
compassion, spared that life which hath since been employed in our
destruction. If I might presume to say that the gallant good Prince
hath any fault it would be that of an ill-timed humanity. For if he
had been so just to himself and the righteous cause wherein he was
engag'd as to have made examples of some of those who betrayed him,
in all human probability he had succeeded in his glorious undertaking
and been reserved for a fate to which his unequall'd virtues justly
entitle him.
[35] Captain John Vere, or Weir, in service under the Duke of
Newcastle. He had been taken prisoner by the rebels about the time
they held Carlisle, and was employed by them in negotiating the
terms of capitulation.
There is one thing I am bound in justice to others to take [Sidenote:
_fol._ 51.] notice of in respect to Mr. Samuel Maddox, who for
prudential reasons was not produced upon my trial to imbrue his
hands in my blood, as well as in that of my fellow-sufferers. Yet I
solemnly declare in the presence of Heaven (where I hope shortly to
be) that in the trial of Mr. Thomas Deacon and Mr. John Berwick,[36]
I heard him perjure himself, as I verily believe he did in every
trial upon which he was produced as an evidence. To this sin of
perjury he hath also added the odious crime of ingratitude, for to
my own knowledge he was under great obligations to the very people
against whom he has falsly sworn, and was supported and kept from
starving by them and me for a considerable while in prison when
nobody else would assist him.
[36] Or Beswick. A Manchester linen-draper, aged about thirty-one
years. He was known by the soubriquet of 'Duke' in the rebel
army.--'History of the Rebellion' in _Scots' Magazine_, pp. 295-299.
I heartily forgive all who had any hand in the scandalous surrender
of Carlisle; for as it was the opinion of every one of [Sidenote:
_fol._ 52.] the garrison who had been in foreign service that the
place was tenable many days, and as the Elector's troops then lying
before the town were in a bad condition, it is highly probable that
a gallant defence (which I strenuously insisted upon) would have
procured us such terms as to have prevented the fate to which we are
now consign'd. I also forgive the pretended Duke of Cumberland for
his dishonourable and unsoldierly proceeding in putting us to death
in violation of the laws of nations after a written capitulation
to the contrary, and after the garrison, upon the faith of that
capitulation, had surrendred the place and faithfully performed all
the conditions required of them.
I pray God to forgive and turn the hearts of the bishops and
their clergy who, prostituting the duty of their holy profession,
have departed from their function as messengers of peace, and
scandalously employed themselves in their pulpits to abuse the
[Sidenote: _fol._ 53.] best Prince engaged in the most righteous
cause in the world, and against their own consciences and opinions,
represented him and his army in a disadvantageous and false light,
in order to get the mob on their side and spirit up an unthinking
people to a blood-thirsty, cruel and unchristian disposition. I
could heartily wish these men would prefer suffering to sinning, and
consider how contrary it is to the character of a truly Christian
pastor to receive instructions about what doctrine to preach from the
baneful Court of an impious Usurper. The credulous, deluded mob, who
have been thus set on by their teachers, I also pray God to forgive
for the barbarous insults I received from them when in chains.
Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do!
As I have before given thanks to Almighty God for the example of my
honest father, so I beseech him that the same [Sidenote: _fol._ 54.]
Christian, suffering spirit may ever be in all my dear children;
praying that they may have the grace to tread the same dangerous
steps which have led me to this place, and may also have the courage
and constancy to endure to the end and despise human power when it
stands oppos'd to duty.
I pray God of his great mercy and goodness that he would be pleased
to pour down the choicest of his blessings upon the sacred head of
his Majesty, King James the Third, and his royal sons, the Prince
of Wales, and the Duke of York; and (although England be not in a
disposition to deserve so great a blessing, yet for the sake of
justice and the love which Nature and duty prompt me to bear my
native country) to restore them soon to their lawful, natural and
undoubted rights, and in the meanwhile to inspire them with Christian
patience and firmness of heart to bear their undeserved misfortunes.
It would be an unspeakable satisfaction to me if my manner [Sidenote:
_fol._ 55.] of dying, or anything I now say, would contribute to
the removing those unhappy and unreasonable prejudices with which
too many of my countrymen are mislead. Danger of Popery and fear of
French power are the idle pretences that wicked and ill-designing men
make use of to misguide and stir up the passions of unwary (though
perhaps honest) people. But if Englishmen would seriously consider
that those who make the most noise about Popery are remarkably
void of any religion at all, and dissolute in their morals; that
Atheism, infidelity, profaneness and debauchery are openly avowed
and practised even within the walls of that very Court whence
they derive all their fancied religious and civil liberties. If
they would reflect (when they talk of French influence) that they
seek protection from a German Usurper, who is hourly aggrandizing
himself and raising his foreign dominions upon the ruines of the
deluded people of England. If they would reflect that I and my
fellow-sufferers are now murdered in [Sidenote: _fol._ 56.] order to
weaken the cause of loyal virtue, and to strike a terror into the
minds of all such as have the honest inclination to do their King,
their country and themselves justice. If they would reflect upon the
calamities, the massacres, the desolation of Scotland, which presage
the destruction of this already more than half-ruined country,
surely they would find but little cause to be pleased with their
situation--a situation so extremely distant from honour and happiness
that it would be uncharitable and misbecoming a dying man to wish
even his most inveterate enemies to continue in it, and which I
therefore pray God, of his infinite mercy, to deliver all Englishmen
from.
If, my dear countrymen, you have any regard to your own happiness,
which, in charity, I have endeavoured to point out in my dying
moments, let me beseech you, in the name of God, to restore your
liege sovereign, and with him the glorious [Sidenote: _fol._ 57.]
advantages of an excellent constitution under a lawful government.
This is every man's duty to aim at. And if your honest attempts
should fail, remember it is a great blessing to die for the cause of
virtue, and that an almighty power can and will reward such as suffer
for righteousness sake.
To that God, infinite in his goodness and eternal in his providence,
I commend my soul, imploring his forgiveness of all my sins, and
hoping for a speedy translation to eternal joy through the merits and
sufferings of Jesus Christ.--Amen! Amen! Amen!
THO. SYDDAL.
_Upon Kennington Common, Wednesday, July 30, 1746._
THE SPEECH of the Right Honourable ARTHUR,
LORD BALMERINO.[37]
[37] Arthur Elphinstone, sixth and last Lord Balmerino and fourth
Lord Coupar, only succeeded his half-brother in these peerages on
5th January 1746. As he indicates in his speech, he forsook the
service of King George the First in 1715, and joined the Earl of Mar,
escaping abroad after the battle of Sheriffmuir. His father secured
his pardon, and returning home he married Margaret, daughter of
Captain John Chalmers (or Chambers) of Gogar, in Midlothian, but by
her had no issue. An account of his trial and execution, with some
notice of his life and family, and a portrait of him at the time of
his death, was published in pamphlet form (12mo, pp. 50) at London
in 1746. A fuller report of the above speech is given at f. 108,
some panegyrical verses at ff. 112 and 403 _et seq._; and a singular
letter addressed to Lord Balmerino three days before his death with a
later reference to Lady Balmerino in connection therewith at f. 561
_et seq._ Lady Balmerino died at Restalrig, near Edinburgh, on 24th
August 1765.
[Sidenote: 18 Aug. 1746.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 58.] I was bred in Anti-Revolution principles
which I have ever persevered in, from a sincere persuasion that
the restoration of the royal family and the good of my country are
inseparable.
The action of my life which now stares me most in the face is my
having accepted a company of foot from the late Princess Anne, who I
know had no more right to the crown than her predecessor, the Prince
of Orange, whom I ever consider'd as an usurper.
In the year 1715 as soon as the King landed in Scotland I thought it
my indispensible duty to join his standard, tho' his affairs were
then in a desperate condition.
I was in Switzerland in the year 1734, where I received a letter
from my father, acquainting me of his having procured me a remission
and desiring me to return home. Not thinking [Sidenote: _fol._ 59.]
myself at liberty to comply with my father's desire without the
King's approbation, I wrote to Rome to know his Majesty's pleasure,
and was directed by him to return home; and at the same time I
received a letter of credit upon his banker at Paris, who furnished
me with money to defray the expense of my journey and put me in
proper repair.
I think myself bound upon this occasion to contradict a report which
has been industriously spread and which I never heard of till I was
a prisoner, 'That orders were given to the Prince's army to give no
quarters at the battle of Culloden.' With my eye upon the block
(which will soon bring me before the highest of all tribunals) I do
declare that it is without all manner of foundation; both because
it is impossible it could have escap'd the knowledge of me, who was
Captain of the Prince's Life-guards, or of Lord Kilmarnock, who was
Colonel of his own regiment; but still much more so because it is
entirely inconsistent with the mild and generous nature of [Sidenote:
_fol._ 60.] that brave Prince, whose patience, fortitude, intrepidity
and humanity, I must declare upon this solemn occasion, are qualities
in which he excells all men I ever knew, and which it ever was his
greatest desire to employ for the relief and preservation of his
father's subjects. I believe rather that this report was spread to
palliate and excuse the murders they themselves committed in cold
blood after the battle of Culloden.
I think it my duty to return my sincere acknowledgments to Major
White and Mr. Fowler for their human and complaisant behaviour to
me during my confinement. I wish I could pay the same compliment to
Governor Williamson who used me with the greatest inhumanity and
cruelty. But having taken the sacrament this day I forgive him as I
do all my enemies.
I die in the religion of the Church of England which I look
[Sidenote: _fol._ 61.] upon as the same with the Episcopal Church of
Scotland in which I was brought up.
When he laid his head upon the block, he said: God reward my friends
and forgive my enemies! Bless and restore the King, the Prince, and
the Duke, and receive my soul. Amen!
_Upon Towerhill, Monday, August 18th, 1746, in the 58th year of his
age._
From the _Constitutional Journal_, September 27th, 1746.
[Sidenote: 1746 18 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 27 Sept.]
Lord Balmerino taking leave of his fellow-sufferer, Lord Kilmarnock,
generously said: He was sorry to have his company in such an
expedition, and that he wished he alone might pay the whole
reckoning. He was himself asked by one of the spectators, Where
Lord Balmerino was. To whom he answered, 'I am here, Sir, at your
service'. His manner of undressing occasion'd most to say of him with
Shakespear--
'He was
A bridegroom in his death, and run into 't
As to a lover's bed.'
He gave something to one who had behaved well to him in his
confinement, whom he singled out of the crowd. He laid himself on the
wrong side of the block, but on information immediately rectified it
without the smallest appearance of disorder or confusion.
The SPEECH of DONALD MACDONELL of Tiendrish,
of the Family of Keppoch.[38]
[38] He was the son of Ronald Mor of Tir-na-dris, second son of
Archibald MacDonald of Keppoch, and so nephew to the famous 'Coll of
the Cows.'--_History of the MacDonalds_, p. 490. He suffered death
at Carlisle. See f. 106. He is said to be the original of Sir Walter
Scott's Fergus MacIvor in _Waverley_. His sword, a genuine _Andrew
Ferrara_, afterwards came into the possession of the Howards of Corby
Castle.
[Sidenote: 1746 18 Oct.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 62.]
As I am now to suffer a publick, cruel, barbarous and (in the eyes of
the world) an ignominious and shameful death, I think myself obliged
to acknowledge to the world that it was principle and a thorough
conviction of its being my duty to God, my injured king and oppressed
country, which engaged me to take up arms under the standard and
magnanimous conduct of his royal highness, Charles, Prince of Wales,
etc. It was always my strongest inclination as to worldly concerns to
have our ancient and only rightful royal family restored, and even
(if God would) to lose my life chearfully in promoting the same. I
solemnly declare I had no by-views in drawing my sword in that just
and honourable cause, but the restoration of my king and prince to
the throne, the recovery of [Sidenote: _fol._ 63.] our liberties to
this unhappy island which has been so long loaded with usurpation,
corruption, treachery and bribery; being sensible that nothing but
the king's restoration could make our country flourish, all ranks and
degrees of men happy, and free both Church and State from the many
evil consequences of Revolution principles.
I must here let the world know that the whole evidences, to the
number of six or seven, brought against me at my trial by the
Elector's council were perjured. What they aim'd to prove was only
relative to the battle of Gladesmuir, and in this they swore the
greatest untruths, and did not declare one word of truth. I earnestly
pray for their repentance that God may forgive them, as I sincerely
do, not only them but all other my enemies in general.
I own indeed I was engaged in said battle and saw a great [Sidenote:
_fol._ 64.] slaughter on all hands where I was posted. But sure I am
the evidences that appeared against me did not see one step of my
behaviour that day.
I thank God ever since I drew my sword in that just and honourable
cause, I acted not only in obedience to the merciful commands of my
glorious prince but in compliance with my own natural disposition,
with charity and humanity to my enemies, the Elector's troops, when
prisoners and in my power, without receding at the same time from
that duty and faithfulness I owed to my prince and the common cause.
My being taken prisoner at the battle of Falkirk[39] was more owing
to my own folly or rashness than the bravery or valour of the enemy,
whom I saw before I was taken entirely routed [Sidenote: _fol._ 65.]
and chased off from the field of battle. I fell into their hands
by supposing them at a distance, and in the twilight, to be Lord
John Drummond's regiment and French picquets; but too late, to my
sad experience, found out my fatal mistake. And here I refer to my
enemies to declare my behaviour on that occasion.
[39] See ff. 979-982.
Now though I am presently to die a cruel death, yet when I consider
the justice of the cause for which I suffer, it puts a stop to every
murmuring reflection; and I thank Almighty God I resign my life to
Him, the giver, with chearfulness and submission to his Divine and
all-wise providence.
I here declare I die an unworthy member of the Roman Catholick
Church, in the communion of which I have lived, however much her
tenets be spoken against and misrepresented [Sidenote: _fol._ 66.]
by many; and in that I now expect salvation through the sufferings
and merits and mediation of my only Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
But I hereby declare upon the word of a dying man that it was with
no view to establish or force that religion upon this nation that
made me join my Prince's standard, but purely owing to that duty and
allegiance which was due to our only rightful, lawful and natural
sovereign, had even he or his family been heathen, Mahometan, or
Quaker.
I am hopeful and am persuaded that my valorous prince, by the
blessing of God, will at last be successful, and when in his power,
will, under God, take care of my poor wife and family. And as I have
no worldly fortune to leave my dear son, I recommend him to the
blessing and protection of Almighty God, as the best legacy I can
give him, and earnestly require his [Sidenote: _fol._ 67.] obedience
to my last and dying command, which is to draw his sword in his
King's, his Prince's and his country's service, as often as occasion
offers and his lawful sovereign requires. As I have the honour to
die a Major in our King's service, I am hopeful, if my dear child
deserves it, he will succeed me at least in the same office, and
serve his Prince with the same honour, integrity and faithfulness
I have all along endeavoured, to which his royal highness is no
stranger.
I conclude with my blessing to my dearest wife and all my relations
and friends, and humbly beg of my God to restore the King, to grant
success to the Prince's arms, to forgive my enemies and receive my
soul. Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly! Into thy hands I resign my
spirit!
DONALD MACDONELL.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 68.]
_At Carlisle, upon Saturday, October 18th, the
festival of St. Luke, the Evangelist, 1746._
* * * * *
_N.B._--Major MacDonell was the first that drew blood in the
cause. He with only twelve or thirteen Highlanders under his
command had the courage to attack two companies of soldiers
(being eighty or ninety in number), whom he chas'd for seven or
eight miles in Lochabar, and at last forced them to lay down
their arms and surrender themselves prisoners of war; among
whom were Captain John Scott, son of Scotstarvet; and Captain
James Thomson, brother to Charlton. Captain Scott had a very
pretty gelding which Major MacDonell made a present of to the
prince. There was not the least mark of a wound upon the Major
or any of his worthy few, tho' many firings had been [Sidenote:
_fol._ 69.] exchanged in the chase and severals of the soldiers
were wounded.
I had a particular account of this gallant and surprizing action
(oftener than once) from the Major's own mouth. He was a brave,
undaunted, honest man, of a good countenance and of a strong,
robust make. He was much given to the pious acts of devotion,
and was remarkably a gentleman of excellent, good manners.
That submission and chearfulness of temper with which he bore
up under all his sufferings may easily be discovered from the
following copies of letters which are faithfully transcrib'd
from the Major's own hand-writ, with a return to one of them,
transcrib'd from an holograph of the writer.[40]
[40] See further references to the Major, and his presenting
the Prince with the first horse he rode in the war, the capture
he had made in this first skirmish, ff. 357, 360, 641.
271
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
COPY of a LETTER to MR. ROBERT FORBES at MY
LADY BRUCE'S[41] lodgings at Leith.
[41] Dame Magdalene Scott, widow of Sir William Bruce of Kinross, a
noted Jacobite, in whose family Mr. Forbes lived until his marriage.
[Sidenote: 1746 24 Aug.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 70.] Dear Sir,--After making offer of my
compliments to yourself and the Leith ladies, no doubt you have heard
before now that our trials come on the ninth of September next; and
may God stand with the righteous! The whole gentlemen who came from
Scotland are all together in one floor with upwards of one hundred
private men; so that we are much thronged. They have not all got
irons as yet; but they have not forgot me, nor the rest of most
distinction, but the whole will be soon provided. You'll make my
compliments to Lady Bruce and Mr. Clerk's[42] family, but especially
to Miss Mally Clerk,[43] and tell her that notwithstanding of my
irons I could dance a [Sidenote: _fol._ 71.] Highland reel with her.
Mr. Patrick Murrey makes offer of his compliments to you, and I hope
we'll meet soon. I am sincerely, my dear sir, your affectionate and
most obliged servant,
DONALD MACDONELL.
_Castle Carlisle, Aug. 24th, 1746._
[42] Captain Hugh Clerk, in Leith.
[43] His daughter, Mary.
COPY of a RETURN to the ABOVE.
[Sidenote: 1746 27 Aug.]
Dear Sir,--Your kind letter of the 24th instant I gladly received,
and it gives me no small pleasure to find you are in so much good
health, amidst the many distressing circumstances of your present
situation. The friends mentioned in your letter make a return of
their compliments, and best wishes to you with as much affection
and earnestness as friendship is capable of. In a word, that worthy
person, my lady, gives you her blessing.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 72.]
Some charitable and well-disposed persons in
Edinburgh are employing their good offices in raising a contribution
for what is needful amongst the poor prisoners with you; and I hope
their laudable endeavours will meet with success. For certainly human
nature in distress, be the case what it will, is always a just object
of pity and compassion, except to those selfish and barbarous persons
who are proof against all the tender feelings of sympathy.
Your friends in the Castle of Edinburgh are ever mindful of you.
Kellie[44] is put into the room with your companions, and poor
Kingsburgh[45] is close confin'd by himself in the solitary room
where Kellie formerly was, and is not allowed to step over the
threshold of the door; a situation not at all agreeable to his taste,
for he loves a social life.
[44] Alexander Erskine, fifth Earl of Kellie. He had taken part in
the Rebellion, but surrendered to the Government, and after over
three years' imprisonment in Edinburgh Castle, was released without
being brought to trial.
[45] Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh, in Skye, factor to Sir
Alexander MacDonald. For concealing the Prince in his house he was
arrested, carried to Fort Augustus, and sent by a party of Kingston's
Horse to Edinburgh. He was committed prisoner to the Castle on 2nd
August. See his own history in the sequel.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 73.]
That honest soul,[46] Cowley, glad am I to
hear of his welfare. Pray remember me in the kindest manner to him
and all my acquaintances with you, particularly Mr. Robert Lyon,
whose passing thro' Edinburgh I am heartily sorry I knew nothing
about; for I should have used my utmost endeavours to have seen him.
[46] Patrick Murray, silversmith.
Let me know the issue of your case whatever it be, for you may assure
yourself of a place in the prayers and good offices of, dear sir,
your friend and servant,
ROBERT FORBES.
_August 27th, 1746._
_P.S._--The lady prisoners in the Castle are well. Adieu.
* * * * *
_N.B._--When the Major was in the Castle of Edinburgh he
happened to run scarce of monie, when I was so happy as to make
out for him among my acquaintances upon July 20th and 21st,
1746, ten pounds sterling.
Upon the approach of winter, collected for MacGregor of Glengyle
and some men with him, fifteen pounds sterling. To Mr. James
Falconar, clergyman, fifty shillings sterling. To a brother of
Kinloch Moidart, who had been bred a sailor, a guinea and a
half. Isabel Shepherd's effects, given that way, eight pounds
sterling. Total, 37. 1. 6.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
COPY of a LETTER to MR. JOHN MOIR, Merchant in Edinburgh, and Mr.
ROBERT FORBES in Leith.
[Sidenote: 1746 16 Sept.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 74.] My dear Gentlemen,--These are letting you know
that I was yesterday on my trial, and after long and most eloquent
pleadings, was brought in guilty. Really, there never came a more
eloquent discourse out of men's mouth, and more to the purpose than
what my good and worthy friend Mr. Lockheart[47] spoke, and he would
tear them all to pieces if justice or law was regarded. I have wrote
to my dear wife, but did not let her into the whole, and I have
recommended to her in the strongest manner to goe forthwith home,
and to manage her affairs at home in the best way possible. And I
recommend to you both as ever you can oblige me (whose former favours
I can never forget) that you back what I have wrote her, and that you
prevail [Sidenote: _fol._ 75.] with her to goe directly home. I never
will forgive either of you if you do not manage this point. For tho'
she would come here 'tis probable she would get no access. And even
tho' she would get no access, our parting would be more shocking to
me than death. My trust was still on the Almighty's providence, and
as that is still the case with me, I hope for the best and prepare
for the worst. In a word, I am afraid there are few here will escape
being brought in guilty. Before this Court there were the most
villainous proofs laid in against me by four of Colonel Leef's men
and a dragoon, of facts that I never was guilty of, not the least
circumstance of what they charged me with. But may God stand with
the righteous, for I freely forgive them. You shall hear from me
[Sidenote: _fol._ 76.] as oft as I can. And for God's cause, see my
wife fairly on her way home. You'll make my compliments to the worthy
ladies of my acquaintance, and all other friends in general, and your
selves both in particular, and I am, with the greatest sincerity and
affection, Dear gentlemen, your most obliged humble servant,
DONALD MACDONELL.
_Carlisle Castle, September 16th, 1746._
[47] Lord Covinton.--F.
_P.S._--If you see it advisable that my wife, with some ladies of
distinction, wait of General Husk--do in this as you see proper.
I believe the half of our number will plead guilty. Pray give my
service to Mrs. Jean Cameron, and excuse my not writing her.
COPY of a LETTER to MR. ROBERT FORBES at my LADY
BRUCE'S lodgings, Leith.
[Sidenote: 28
Sept.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 77.] Dear Sir,--Wishing from my whole heart that
these may find you and your Leith friends in good health, I have
had a little bit fever some days past. But God be blessed I am now
in good health, heart and spirits, and if it is my fate to goe to
the scaffold, I dare say that I'll goe to death as a Christian and a
man of honour ought to do. But it is possible that a broken ill-us'd
Major may be a Colonel before he dies. You'll make my compliments to
my Lady Bruce, Mr. Clerk's family, but Miss Mally in particular, and
the rest of the honest folks in that city, and accept of the same
from him who is with the greatest sincerity, affection, and esteem,
my dear sir, your most affectionate and obedient servant, while
DONALD MACDONELL.
_Carlisle Castle, September 28th, 1746._
[Sidenote: _fol._ 78.] _P.S._--I wrote you and Mr. Moir a joint letter
about ten days agoe.
COPY of a LETTER to MR. JOHN MOIR, Merchant in Edinburgh.
[Sidenote: 1746 17 Oct.]
My Dear Sir,--I received yours yesterday of the 11th current, and as
I am to die to-morrow this is my last Farewel to you. May God reward
you for your services to me from time to time, and may God restore
my dear Prince, and receive my soul at the hour of my death. You'll
manage what money Mr. Stewart is due me as you see proper, for my
poor wife will want money much to pay her rents and other debts.
I have given Mr. Wright fourteen pounds sterling and half a dozen
shirts, in order to be sent my poor wife by Mr. Graham at Multrees of
Hill. I have wrote just now to Mr. Graham, and sent letters inclosed
to my poor wife and my brother. My [Sidenote: _fol._ 79.] dear Sir,
manage Mr. Stewart's money as you best advise, and fail not to write
to my wife of same. I conclude with my blessing to yourself and to
all the honourable honest ladies of my acquaintance in Edinburgh,
and to all other friends in general, and in particular those in
the Castle. And I am, with love and affection, My dear Sir, yours
affectionately till death, and wishes we meet in Heaven.
DONALD MACDONELL.
_Castle Carlisle, October 11th, 1746._
_P.S._--Remember me in particular to my dear Mr. Robert Forbes.
* * * * *
_N.B._--Several persons, particularly the lawyers, agents and
writers, insisted much with the Major that he should plead
guilty, that being the only probable chance left him for saving
his life. He resisted all their importunities without the least
wavering. And when they press'd him very hard to comply with
their advice he [Sidenote: _fol._ 80.] boldly declar'd that he
had far rather be taken out and hanged at the Bar, in the face
of those judges before whom he was soon to be tried, than do any
such thing as they desired. Upon which they gave over arguing
with him upon the point, and promis'd to exert themselves to the
utmost to save so valuable a life.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The following narrative is so doubtful that it is not to
be relied upon.[48]
[48] This narrative is accordingly scored through by Mr.
Forbes.
Mr. Burnet of Monboddo, Advocate, talking to one of the judges
at Carlisle, said that he thought the Government should treat
these condemned men with humanity and in a different way
from those who are really downright rebels; because, said
he, they were influenced in the matter by a principle of
conscience, being firmly persuaded in their minds that they
were endeavouring to do right to one that was injur'd, and
whom they look'd upon as their only lawful sovereign, having
no ill design at all against the person, family or estate of
King George, but wishing him to return to his own place; and
therefore their rising in arms could not strictly be look'd upon
as proceeding from a spirit of rebellion. The judge answered:
'Sir, If you design to plead the cause or to soften the case of
your countrymen, you hit upon the worst argument in the world,
for the Government is positively determin'd by all means to
extirpate these folks of principle.' This happen'd in a private
conversation.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
The SPEECH of DAVID MORGAN,[49] Esquire.
[49] David Morgan was a member of a good family in Monmouthshire, was
about fifty years of age, and educated for the Bar. Not succeeding
to his expectation in that profession he retired to his estate, and
lived as a country gentleman until he joined the Prince's army at
Preston. He was evidently consulted by the Prince and his officers
as to their procedure, for he got the name of 'the Pretender's
Councillor.' He accompanied the army to Derby. He was among the first
lot of prisoners executed on Kennington Common, and there being no
clergyman appointed to attend them on the scaffold, Mr. Morgan, 'with
his spectacles on' for about half an hour, 'read prayers and other
pious meditations to them out of a book of devotion.'--'History of
the Rebellion,' _Scots' Magazine_, pp. 291, 295, 298, 300.
[Sidenote: 1746 30 July.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 81.] It having been always deem'd incumbent on
every person in my situation to say something of himself and the
cause he suffers for, I could not decline it, however disagreeable to
my persecutors, when I once held it my duty.
The cause I embarked in was that of my liege sovereign, King James
the Third, from an opinion I long since had of his just right; an
opinion, founded on the constitution, and strongly recognised and
established by an Act of Parliament, now in its full vigour, which
neither the people collectively nor representatively have any power
or authority to subvert or alter. [See the Statute of Charles 2d.]
Nor can that law be repealed but by a free Parliament summoned to
meet by a lawful king, [Sidenote: _fol._ 82.] not by a Convention
commanded by a foreign prince and usurper, and intimidated and
directed by him at the head of a foreign army.
To this Convention we owe the Revolution; to the Revolution we owe
the accession of the family of Hanover; and to this accession all our
present ills, and the melancholy and certain prospect of the entire
subversion of all that is dear and valuable to Britons.
My opinion of the King's title to the imperial crown of these realms,
thus uncontrovertible, received additional strength and satisfaction
from his character and qualifications, confirmed to me by persons of
the strictest honour and credit, and demonstrated to me, that his
establishment on the throne of his ancestors would be an incident
as productive of happiness to the subject as of justice to the
sovereign; since his Majesty's confess'd superiour understanding
is absolutely necessary to extricate our country out of that most
desperate state she has [Sidenote: _fol._ 83.] been declining to
since the Revolution, and has precipitately fallen into since the
accession.
On this declension and ruine of our country have the favourers and
friends of both Revolution and accession built vast and despicable
fortunes, which possibly they may entail (with the conditions of
slavery annexed) on their betrayed and abandoned issue; it being much
more clear that slavery will descend from generation to generation
than such fortunes so acquired.
Have we not seen parliaments in a long succession raise supplies
sufficient to surfeit avarice? Do we not see that avarice heaping
up millions for the nurture and support of foreign dominions on the
ruines of that country that grants them? Nor can this move the least
compassion or even common regard [Sidenote: _fol._ 84.] for her
welfare and interest from that ungrateful avarice. British Councils
since the Usurper's accession have had foreign interest their
constant object, and the power and finances of the imperial crown of
Great Britain have been betrayed, prostituted, and squandered for the
convenience and support of the meanest Electorate in Germany; and the
Elector's conduct has been more destructive and detrimental to our
country than all the finesse, treachery and force that the French
or any other adversary's council and power could have attempted or
effected. Land armies only can sustain and cover dominions on the
Continent. These are raised in the country protected, and maintained
by the country protecting. Here Great Britain has all the burden and
Hanover all the advantage: whereas navies are the British bulwarks,
which have by the Elector been neglected, misapplied, or employed to
her disadvantage, and can alone guard and protect her dominions and
commerce.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 85.] If the present convention had any regard to
self-preservation or that of their constituents they would this
session have made new laws for the further security of privilege.
The panick, diffused universally over the Electoral family, would
have prepared an easy assent to any law in the subject's favour. But
even here these representatives omitted this second opportunity of
securing and improving the happiness of their electors; and instead
thereof have given additional power to the Usurper to suspend the
bulwark of liberty, and invert the order and method of trials for
treason--precedents they will have occasion one day to repent of,
since they very probably may fall victims to them.
The false glosses and fears of Popery universally propagated have
deluded unthinking, vulgar minds, and diverted all attention to
reason; when it is clear to any just reflection that his Majesty can
have no happiness but what results from his Britain, who he must know
from melancholy experience will [Sidenote: _fol._ 86.] not be tempted
to part with the doctrines and exercise of the religion established
in her. His Majesty must know that a lawful king must adhere to
the constitution in Church and State, and show a most inviolable
attachment to those laws that were made for the security of both,
whatever indulgences and concessions are made by conventions to an
usurper for the breach of all. A lawful king is a nursing father who
would protect us, and demand no more supplies than the immediate
services required, and those from the riches of the country, the
excrescences of trade and commerce, without prejudice to either. And
such would be deem'd best that were just sufficient for the purposes
they were raised, and for which only they would be employed. But an
usurper is a stepfather that builds his own hopes and views on the
ruine and destruction of his usurped dominions, and has joy from the
fleecing and impoverishing of those under his influence and power.
Even his Majesty's enemies allow him great understanding. [Sidenote:
_fol._ 87.] Nor has any one of them imputed breach of honour to him.
His abilities and sense of our situation would move him to interpose
in favour of his subjects, and are equal (if human abilities are
so) to extricate us out of the various perplexities and intricacies
we have been brought into by negotiations for thirty years, for the
preservation of the balance of power, to the disappointment of every
Briton's hope and the ridicule of all our enemies.
If you once think, my brethren, you must repent. If you repent you
must make the constitution just reparation; which can only be done
by calling in your lawful king, James the Third, who has justice
to attempt and wisdom to compleat a thorough reformation in the
constitution and to fix it in its pristine happy state; and which, in
spite of all chicane and prejudice, without a restoration, will never
be done.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 88.]
I am to declare my happiness in having such a wife and daughter that
forgive my involving them in my misfortunes, and having an undeserved
share in them. I heartily thank them and wish them both temporal and
eternal happiness, and hope that those who are friends to my King
will look upon them as the relict and orphan of a fellow-subject that
has suffered in the royal cause.
I glory in the honour I have had of seeing his royal highness,
Charles, Prince Regent, and of being admitted into his confidence.
And I here declare it the greatest happiness I ever knew and the
highest satisfaction; and such as even my vainest thoughts could
never have suggested to me--an honour to every rational creature
that can judge of the many requisite virtues of a prince centred in
him truly, tho' so often falsly assign'd to the worst. His character
exceeds anything I could have imagined or conceived. An attempt
to describe him [Sidenote: _fol._ 89.] would seem gross flattery,
and nothing but a plain and naked narrative of his conduct to all
persons and in all scenes he is engaged in can properly shew him,--a
prince betrayed by the mercy he shewed his enemies, in judging of the
dispositions of mankind by the benignity of his own. His fortitude
was disarmed by it, and his ungrateful enemies think they have reaped
the benefit of it. But let them not rejoice at his misfortunes, since
his failure of success will, without the immediate interposition
of providence, be absolutely their ruine. What a contrast is there
between his royal highness the Prince and the Duke of Cumberland!
The first displays his true courage in acts of humanity and mercy;
the latter a cruelty in burning, devastation and destruction of the
British subjects, their goods and possessions. I would ask, Who is
the true heroe?
The report of my having betrayed his royal highness or his friends
is scandalously false. My appeal to the counsel for the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 90.] prosecution on my trial and my suffering death must
refute it to all honest men. And I hereby declare I had rather suffer
any death the law can inflict. I deem death infinitely preferable to
a life of infamy. But the death I suffer for my King gives me vast
consolation and honour that I am thought worthy of it.
To conclude, my brethren and fellow-subjects, I must make profession
of that religion I was baptized, have continued and shall, through
the Divine permission, die in, which is that of the Church of
England, and which I hope will stand against the malice, devices and
assaults of her enemies, as well those of the Church of Rome as those
equally dangerous, the followers of Luther and Calvin, covered under
and concealed in the [Sidenote: _fol._ 91.] specious bugbears of
Papacy and arbitrary power. This my faith I have fully set forth in
a poem of two books, intitled, The Christian Test, or, The Coalition
of Faith and Reason, the first of which I have already published, and
the latter I have bequeathed to the care of my unfortunate but very
dutyful daughter, Mrs. Mary Morgan, to be published by her, since it
has pleased God I shall not live to see it. To this poem I refer,
which I hope will obviate all cavil to the contrary.
I freely forgive all my enemies, from the Usurper to Weir and Maddox,
the infamous witnesses in support of his prosecutions of me. And I
must also and do from my heart forgive my Lord Chief Justice[50] for
his stupid and inveterate zeal in painting my loyalty to my King
with all the reproaches he had genius enough to bestow on it, when
he passed sentence on seventeen at once, and which he did without
precedent, because it was without concern.
[50] Lee.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 92.] I beg all I have offended that they will
forgive me for Jesus Christ sake, my only Mediator and Advocate. To
whom with the Father and the Holy Spirit be all adoration, praise,
glory, dominion and power for ever. Amen!
DAVID MORGAN.
_Kennington Common, Wednesday, July 30, 1746._
THE SPEECH of Mr. JAMES BRADESHAW.[51]
[51] Bradshaw was a Manchester man, and in the check trade there.
Joining the Prince's army he became first a captain in the Manchester
regiment, and afterwards entered into the Prince's life-guards, under
Lord Elcho, which accounts for his going into Scotland. He was taken
prisoner after the battle of Culloden.--'History of the Rebellion,'
_Scots' Magazine_, p. 341.
[Sidenote: 1746 28 Nov.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 93.] It would be a breach of duty in me to omit
the last opportunity of doing justice to those who stood in need of
it. I think it incumbent upon me the rather because I am the only
Englishman in this part of the world who had the honour to attend his
royal highness in Scotland.
When I first joined the King's forces I was induced by a principle of
duty only, and I never saw any reason since to convince me that I was
in the least mistaken. But, on the contrary, every day's experience
has strengthened my opinion that what I did was right and necessary.
That duty I discharged to the best of my power; and as I did not seek
the reward of my service in this world, I have no doubt of receiving
it in the next.
Under an opinion that I could do more good by marching [Sidenote:
_fol._ 94.] with the army into Scotland than by remaining with the
Manchester regiment at Carlisle, I obtained leave to be in my Lord
Elcho's corps, for I was willing to be in action.
After the battle of Culloden I had the misfortune to fall into the
hands of the most ungenerous enemy that I believe ever assum'd the
name of a soldier, I mean the pretended Duke of Cumberland, and those
under his command, whose inhumanity exceeded anything I could have
imagined in a country where the bare mention of a God is allowed of.
I was put into one of the Scotch kirks together with a great number
of wounded prisoners who were stript naked and then left to die of
their wounds without the least assistance; and tho' we had a surgeon
of our own, a prisoner in the same place, yet he was not permitted to
dress their wounds, but his instruments [Sidenote: _fol._ 95.] were
taken from him on purpose to prevent it; and in consequence of this
many expired in the utmost agonies. Several of the wounded were put
on board the _Jean_, of Leith, and there died in lingering tortures.
Our general allowance while we were prisoners there was half a pound
of meal a day, which was sometimes increased to a pound, but never
exceeded it; and I myself was a eye-witness that great numbers were
starved to death. Their barbarity extended so far as not to suffer
the men who were put on board the _Jean_ to lie down even upon
planks, but they were obliged to sit on large stones, by which means
their legs swell'd as big almost as their bodies.
These are some few of the cruelties exercised, which being
almost incredible in a Christian country, I am obliged to add an
asseveration to the truth of them; and I do assure you [Sidenote:
_fol._ 96.] upon the word of a dying man, as I hope for mercy at the
day of judgment, I assert nothing but what I know to be true.
The injustice of these proceedings is aggravated by the ingratitude
of them, for the Elector of Hanover's people had been often obliged
by the prince, who ordered his prisoners the same allowance of meal
as his own troops, and always made it his particular concern that
all the wounded should be carefully dressed and used with the utmost
tenderness. His extreme caution to avoid the effusion of blood, even
with regard to spies when his own safety made it almost necessary,
and his surprizing generosity to all his enemies without distinction
certainly demanded different treatment. And I cannot think that an
English army under English direction could possibly behave with such
unprovoked barbarity.
With regard to the report of his royal highness having [Sidenote:
_fol._ 97.] ordered that no quarters should be given to the enemy I
am persuaded in my conscience it is a wicked malicious lie, raised
by the friends of usurpation in hopes of an excuse for the cruelties
committed in Scotland, which were many more and greater than I have
time to describe. For I firmly believe the Prince would not consent
to such orders even if it were to gain the three kingdoms.
I would gladly enter into the particulars of his royal highness's
character if I was able; but his qualifications are above
description. All I can say is, he is every thing that I could
imagine, great and excellent, fully deserving what he was born
for--to rule over a free people.
I die a member of the Church of England, which I am satisfied
would flourish more under the reign of a Stewart than it [Sidenote:
_fol._ 98.] does now, or has done for many years. The friends of the
House of Hanover say they keep out Popery. But do they not let in
Infidelity, which is almost become (if I may so say) the religion
established?
I think it every man's business by all lawful means to live as long
as he can; and with this view I made a defence upon my trial which I
thought might possibly do me service. All that the witnesses swore
on my behalf was strictly true, for I would much rather die than be
the occasion of perjury. After sentence my friends petitioned for my
life, and if it had been granted I should have been thankful for it.
But as it otherwise happens I patiently submit, and have confident
hopes, that upon the whole, it will be better for me for I suffer for
having done my duty.
As I expected, so it happen'd upon my trial, Mr. Maddox perjured
himself, and I am afraid he is so immersed in wickedness [Sidenote:
_fol._ 99.] that it would be difficult for him to forbear it.
Lieutenant Moore swore he was acquainted with me at Manchester, but
I declare I was never in his company before we met at Inverness. I
should think it a great reflection upon the honour of any government
to encourage officers to lay by their swords and become informers. I
forgive both these and all my enemies.
I am convinced that these nations are inevitably ruin'd unless the
royal family be restored, which I hope will soon happen. For I love
my country, and with my parting breath I pray God to bless it. I also
beseech Him to bless and preserve my lawful sovereign, King James
the 3d., the Prince of Wales, and Duke of York, to prosper all my
friends, and have mercy on me!
JAMES BRADESHAW.[52]
[52] There was a soldier of the name of Enoch Bradshaw in the ranks
of Cobham's dragoons in the Duke of Cumberland's army, who also was
present at the battle of Culloden and wrote a letter in reference to
it to his brother. The contrast in language is strong. But as the
letter is not known to have been formerly printed, it is given in the
Appendix at Letter A. We are indebted to Mr. C. H. Firth of Oxford
for the copy.
_Friday, November 28th, 1746, Upon Kennington Common._
[Sidenote: 18 Oct.]
The case of Mr. Francis Buchanan of Arnprior is so very singular,
and attended with such odd, unaccountable circumstances that
an exact narrative of it ought to be preserved, which is as
follows:
[Sidenote: _fol._ 100.] Arnprior was taken prisoner at his own house
some time before the battle of Culloden by Mr. James Dunbar, captain
of militia, and eldest son of Sir George Dunbar of Dunbar House or
Woodside, and committed to Stirling Castle. As Mr. Buchanan had never
been in arms, nor had made any publick appearance whatsomever in the
whole affair from first to last, so the ground of his commitment was
only _suspicion_. The commanding officer looking upon this to be
very thin, and not imagining Arnprior to be in any hazard at all,
allow'd him the full liberty of the Castle, to walk up and down as
he [Sidenote: _fol._ 101.] pleased, without keeping a strict eye
over him. When several prisoners were ordered from Stirling Castle
to Carlisle, Arnprior was appointed to be amongst the number.
Captain James Thomson, brother to Charlton, and Lieutenant Archibald
Campbell (commonly called Tobie) had the command of the party that
guarded the prisoners in their journey. These officers knowing well
the case of Mr. Buchanan, and having witness'd the usage he had met
with in Stirling Castle, treated him in a quite different manner
from the other prisoners. In the forenoon, as if he had been only
a fellow-traveller, they would have desir'd him to ride forwards
to bespeak dinner at a proper place, and to have it ready for them
against the time they should come up. In the afternoon they also
desir'd him [Sidenote: _fol._ 102.] to ride on to take up night
quarters and to order supper for them, and all this without any
command attending him; so that he had several opportunities every
day of making his escape had he dream'd that he ran any risque of
his life in the issue of a trial. Besides, the officers wou'd not
have indulg'd him such liberties had they imagin'd any danger in
his case. When the prisoners came to Carlisle, Arnprior, much to
his own surprize and that of the foresaid officers, was immediately
ordered into a dungeon and to have irons clapt upon him. Finding
himself in a situation he had entertain'd no apprehension of, and
dreading the worst from this harsh usage he sent for Captain Thomson,
who very readily came to him, and after some conversation upon the
unexpected change of treatment desir'd to know what he could do for
him. Mr. [Sidenote: _fol._ 103.] Buchanan beg'd he would wait upon
the commanding officer and let him know his whole case, and the usage
he had met with both in Stirling Castle and in the way to Carlisle,
which he did not doubt would have a good effect for making a change
to the better in his state of confinement. Captain Thomson frankly
undertook to do as he desir'd, and without loss of time, honestly
represented the whole affair to the commanding officer, who said
he was heartily sorry for the gentleman, but that it was not in
his power to do him any service, because the Solicitor-General was
come to Carlisle, and that (now he was in the place) his province
it was to determine in these matters. Captain Thomson did not stop
here, but like one of generosity and compassion, went directly to
the Solicitor-General [Sidenote: _fol._ 104.] and laid before him
the case of Mr. Buchanan, requesting him to consider it and to
allow the gentleman a more easy and comfortable confinement. The
Solicitor-General told him he knew there were more Buchanans than
one among the prisoners, and therefore he desired to know what Mr.
Buchanan he meant; and then asked if he knew his Christian name,
and whether or not he had a designation. Captain Thomson answered
that he did not know Mr. Buchanan's Christian name, that though
he was sure he had a designation he had forgot it. Upon this the
Solicitor-General pull'd a list of names out of his pocket, and after
looking it over asked the Captain if Mr. Francis Buchanan of Arnprior
was the person whose case he had been representing. 'That same is the
gentleman,' replied the Captain. 'Then,' says the Solicitor-General,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 105.] 'pray, Sir, give yourself no more trouble
about that gentleman. I shall take care of him. I have particular
orders about him, for HE MUST SUFFER!' This unaccountable speech
from such a mouth about one neither convicted nor tried surpriz'd
the Captain not a little and made him walk off without insisting any
more, to tell Arnprior the result of what had pass'd, in the softest
manner he could.
This narrative was given by Lieutenant Archibald Campbell, after the
execution of Arnprior, to several persons in Edinburgh, particularly
to the Rev. Mr. Thomas Drummond.
When Arnprior was brought to a trial not a single overt act was
prov'd against him. An unsubscrib'd letter was produced in the Court
which had been intercepted in going to the Highland army, and several
persons, particularly Commissary [Sidenote: _fol._ 106.] Finlayson
in Stirling, gave their affidavits that it was the hand-writ of
Mr. Francis Buchanan of Arnprior. Upon this the jury without any
hesitation or scruple brought him in guilty. After sentence of death
was pronounced against him so little did people imagine that he would
suffer that he was prevail'd upon to send off an express to London
in order to give a true and exact representation of his case, not
doubting but that this would be sufficient to obtain a reprieve from
a verdict and sentence pronounced upon such slight grounds, but all
to no purpose. To destruction was he destin'd by his enemies, and
accordingly suffer'd death at Carlisle in company with the Revd. Mr.
Thomas Coppoch, Macdonald of Kinlochmoidart, Major Donald MacDonell,
etc., etc., etc.
Arnprior left no speech behind him, but took an opportunity
[Sidenote: _fol._ 107.] of declaring that as he was persuaded in his
conscience King James the 8th had the sole undoubted right to sit
on the throne of these realms, so the only action that stared him
most in the face was that he had acted the prudent and over-cautious
part in not joining the Prince immediately upon his arrival, and
drawing his sword in so glorious a cause, and in not exerting all his
endeavours upon those with whom he had any interest to rise in arms
for their King and country.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Arnprior lived at the house of Lenny, near Callender, in
Monteith, and Stewart of Glenbucky came from Balquhidder with
his men. Arnprior went to see them in Strathyre. There happened
some dispute between them about the Majorship of the Perth
regiment to which Glenbucky belonged. Arnprior brought Glenbucky
home with him to Lenny that night. On the morning of next day he
was found dead in his bed with a pistol in his hand.[53]
[53] This paragraph seems to have been inserted here later. It is not
in the handwriting of Mr. Forbes.
THE SPEECH of the Right Honourable ARTHUR, LORD BALMERINO, faithfully
transcribed from his lordships own handwrit.
[Sidenote: 1746 18 Aug.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 108.] I was brought up in true loyal
Anti-Revolution principles, and I hope the world is convinced that
they stick to me.
I must acknowledge I did a very inconsiderate thing, for which I am
heartily sorry, in accepting of a company of foot from the Princess
Anne, who I knew had no more right to the crown than her predecessor
the Prince of Orange, whom I always look upon as a vile, unnatural
usurper.
To make amends for what I had done I join'd the King when he was in
Scotland, and when all was over I made my escape and liv'd abroad
till the year 1734.
In the beginning of that year I got a letter from my father which
very much surprized me. It was to let me know that he had got the
promise of a remission for me. I did not know what to do. I was
then, I think, in the Canton of Bern and had no body to advise with.
But next morning I wrote a letter to the King, who was then at
Rome, to acquaint his Majesty that this was done without my asking
or knowledge, and that I [Sidenote: _fol._ 109.] would not accept
of without his Majesty's consent. I had in answer to mine a letter
written with the King's own hand allowing me to go home, and he told
me his banker would give me money for my travelling charges when I
came to Paris, which accordingly I got.
When his royal highness came to Edinburgh, as it was my bounden and
indispensible duty, I join'd him, though I might easily have excused
myself from taking arms on account of my age. But I never could have
had peace of conscience if I had stayed at home when that brave
Prince was exposing himself to all manner of dangers and fatigue both
night and day.
I am at a loss when I come to speak of the Prince; I am not a fit
hand to draw his character. I shall leave that to others. But I must
beg leave to tell you the incomparable sweetness of his nature,
his affability, his compassion, his justice, his temperance, his
patience, and his courage are virtues, seldom all to be found in
one person. In short, he wants no qualifications requisite to make a
great man.
Pardon me, if I say, wherever I had the command I never suffered any
disorders to be committed, as will appear by the Duke of Bucleugh's
servants at East Park, by the Earl of [Sidenote: _fol._ 110.]
Findlater's minister, Mr. Lato, and my Lord's servants at Cullen,
by Mr. Rose, minister at Nairn, who was pleased to favour me with a
visit when I was an prisoner in Inverness, by Mr. Stewart, principal
servant to the Lord President at the house of Culloden, and by
several other people. All this gives me great pleasure now that I am
looking on the block on which I am ready to lay down my head. And
tho' it had not been my own natural inclination to protect every body
as far as lay in my power it would have been my interest so to do.
For his royal highness abhorred all those who were capable of doing
injustice to any of the King, his father's subjects, whatever opinion
they were of.
I have heard since I came to this place that there has been a most
wicked report spread and mentioned in several of the Newspapers,
that his royal highness, the Prince, before the battle of Culloden,
had given out in orders that no quarters should be given to the
enemy. This is such an unchristian thing and so unlike that gallant
Prince that nobody that knows him will believe it. It is very strange
if there had been any such orders that neither [Sidenote: _fol._
111.] the Earl of Kilmarnock, who was Colonel of the regiment of
Foot-guards, nor I, who was Colonel of the 2d troop of Life-guards,
should never have heard any thing of it, especially since we were
both at the head-quarters the morning before the battle. I am
convinced that it is a malicious report industriously spread to
excuse themselves for the murders they were guilty of in calm blood
after the battle.
Ever since my confinement in the Tower, when Major White and Mr.
Fowler did me the honour of a visit, their behaviour was always so
kind and obliging to me that I cannot find words to express it. But
I am sorry I cannot say the same thing of General Williamson. He has
treated me barbarously, but not quite so ill as he did the Bishop of
Rochester. I forgive him and all my enemies. Had it not been for Mr.
Gordon's advice I should have prayed for him as David does, Psalm
109.
I hope you will have the charity to believe I die in peace with all
men, for yesterday I received the Holy Eucharist from the hands of a
clergyman of the Church of England, in whose Communion I die as in
union with the Episcopal Church of Scotland.
I shall conclude with a short prayer.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 112.]
O Almighty God! I humbly beseech Thee to bless the King, the prince,
and Duke of Yorke, and all the dutiful branches of the royal family!
Endue them with thy Holy Spirit, enrich them with thy heavenly grace,
prosper them with all happiness and bring them to thine everlasting
kingdom! Finally I recommend to thy fatherly goodness all my
benefactors and all the faithful adherents to the cause for which I
am now about to suffer. God reward them! Make them happy here and in
the world to come! This I beg for Christ's sake, in whose words, etc.
Our Father, etc.
_A List of those who were evidences against my Lord Balmerino taken
likewise from his own handwrit._
William M'Gie, messenger.
Hugh Douglas, drummer to Lord Elcho.
James Barclay. } One of these three was servant to the
David Gray. } Secretary, and another of them servant
James Paterson. } to little Black Malcolm.
Roger Macdonald.
_Upon the truly noble Lord Balmerino._
In this brave Lord, the mirror of mankind
Religion, virtue, loyalty had join'd,
To make him great in ev'ry act of life.
But greater still when he resign'd that life;
With fortitude went through his martyrdom.
No nobler motto can adorn his tomb.
Strictly attached to royal Stewart's race,
For which he died, and by his death gave grace,
To the just cause he bravely did embrace.
Like great Montrose, he fear'd no tyrant rage;
Next to his prince, the hero of the age.
His glorious death to distant climes shall reach,
And trait'rous minds true loyalty shall teach.
His noble soul to us endears his name,
And future ages shall resound his fame.
_Extempore, upon viewing the scaffold immediately after the execution
of Lord Balmerino._
Lo! where undaunted Balmerino stood,
Firm without canting, seal'd his faith in blood.
In cause of right and truth unmov'd and just,
And as he knew no fear, betray'd no trust.
The amaz'd spectator drop'd the troubled eye,
As more afraid to look than he to die.
Whence sprung this great unparallel'd deport?
God and his conscience were his strong support.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 113.]
_Upon the death of Lord Balmerino, by a
non-jurant clergyman in London in a letter to a friend._
Short is the term of life, my honour'd friend.
Soon o'er the puny space with rapid speed
The unreturning moments wing their way,
And sweep us from our cradles to the grave.
And yet this puny space is fill'd with toil
And labours in the transitory scene,
To make life wretched, as 'tis frail and fleeting.
Rattles and toys employ and please our childhood.
Wealth, pomp, and pleasure, full as arrant trifles,
Commence the idols of our riper years,
And fill the mind with images as wild;
Absurd, fantastic, as a sick man's dreams,
Disquieting this span of life in vain.
He truly lives and makes the most of life
Who well hath studied its intrinsic worth,
And learnt to lay it down with resignation;
Can like thee, Balmerino! lay it down,
And deem it not his own, when honour claims it.
See the unconquer'd captive (matchless man!),
Collected in his own integrity;
Facing with such a brow the king of terrors,
And treading on the utmost verge of life,
Serene as on a summer's ev'ning walk;
Draws more amazing eyes upon his scaffold [Sidenote: _fol._ 114.]
Than ever gaz'd on laurell'd heroes car;
Triumphant in his fall o'er all that crusht him.
Amazement seiz'd the crowded theatre,
Struck with the awful scene; and throb'd a heart
In ev'ry breast but his. The headsman trembl'd
That rais'd the fatal axe. Nor trembl'd he
On whom 'twas falling. Falls the fell edge;
Nor shrinks the mangl'd victim! What are stars and garters?
All titles, dignities, all crowns and sceptres,
Compar'd with such an exit? When these perish
Their owners be as they had never been,
In deep oblivion sunk. This greater name,
As long as any sense of virtue lasts,
Shall live and fragrant smell to after times,
Exhibiting a pattern how to die,
And far the fairest former times have seen.
_Copy of a Letter to a gentleman in Holland, vindicating the
character of Arthur, Lord Balmerino, in a certain important
point._
[Sidenote: 1746 Sept.]
Dear Sir,--I have not yet been able to answer the cries of the
officers for beating orders, and I can conceive no other reason for
our Ministry's refusing them than that of the [Sidenote: _fol._ 115.]
Young Chevalier's being in Scotland, and that they thought that his
escape might have been saved through their means. But now that he
is safe arrived in France, I hope that we shall meet with no more
difficulties.
I had the honour to be of Lord Balmerino's acquaintance, and it was
my misfortune to be pitch'd upon to attend upon him in the Tower at
his last moments, and upon the scaffold, where I was witness to a
behaviour that even exceeded all that we read of in the heroes of
antiquity. His whole behaviour was so composed, so decent that it
greatly surprized the sheriffs, the clergymen, his friends and the
spectators; and at the same time not a soldier present but was moved
by his intrepidity.
My Lady Balmerino is now at my elbow, and she has desired me to
write to your Heer Pensioner that she is greatly offended at a
passage in your _Amsterdam Gazette_ of Tuesday, September 6th, 1746,
where, in giving an account of that Lord's unhappy end, the author
is so insolent as to insert so notorious a falsehood that it can in
no sort be justified. He has no authority from my lord, from the
sheriffs, from the clergymen, nor even from our lying newspapers.
The government here had a power over his body, and he has suffered
for his rebellion. But neither they nor their agents abroad have
any just power over [Sidenote: _fol._ 116.] his reputation. 'Tis
barbarous to the greatest degree, and lays us under a necessity, let
the consequences be what they will, to give you my lord's own words
on that point, a point which he had greatly at heart to clear up; and
they are as follows:
'I have heard since I came to this place that there has been a most
wicked report spread, and mentioned in several of the newspapers that
his royal highness, the Prince, before the battle of Culloden, had
given out in orders, that no quarters should be given to the enemy.
This is such an unchristian thing, and so unlike that gallant Prince
that nobody that knows him will believe it. It is very strange if
there had been any such orders that neither the Earl of Kilmarnock,
who was Colonel of the regiment of foot-guards, nor I, who was
Colonel of the 2d troop of life-guards, should never have heard any
thing of it, especially since we were both at the head-quarters the
morning before the battle. I am convinced that it is a malicious
report industriously spread to excuse themselves for the murders they
were guilty of in calm blood after the battle.'
[Sidenote: _fol._ 116.] I shall take it as a very great favour if
you are so kind as to lay the above before the proper person, whose
authority it is to take cognizance of it that he may be obliged
to retract in the most solemn manner, a falshood, uttered to the
prejudice of the reputation of one of the greatest men that ever was
born, let his principles have been what they will. It is my Lady
Balmerino's desire. It is mine, as his friend, and as a friend to
truth and justice.
I dare not presume to write to so great a man as the first person of
so great a republick. Therefore I beg that you will lay it before
him, and you will very much oblige, Dear Sir, your, etc.
_Sic subscribitur_, JOHN WALKINGSHAW.[54]
_London, 6/16 September 1746._
[54] Mr. Walkingshaw is frequently mentioned in this collection. He
was a London Jacobite, and was able to be of considerable service to
the Scottish prisoners there.
_P.S._--The above is writ by the direction of my Lady Balmerino.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 117.]
SPEECH of the Rev^d. Mr. THOMAS COPPACH of Brazenose Colledge,
Oxford, commonly (but foolishly) called Bishop of Carlisle.[55]
[55] He was the son of John Coppoch, or rather Cappoch, a tailor
in Manchester, and joined the Prince there, by whom it is said
he was appointed chaplain to the Manchester Regiment, and was
promised the bishopric of Carlisle. See two pamphlets reprinted by
Samuel Jefferson. (1) 'The Trial and Life of Thomas Cappoch (the
rebel-bishop of Carlisle),' 1839; and (2) 'An Account of Carlisle
during the Rebellion of 1745, to which is added a speech (supposed
to have been) delivered by Thomas Cappoch, the rebel-bishop, on his
execution at Carlisle,' etc. 18 October 1746: 1844.
[Sidenote: 1746 18 Oct.]
Dear Countrymen,--I am now on the brink and confines of eternity,
being to suffer a scandalous, ignominious death for my duty to God,
my King and country, for taking up arms to restore the royal and
illustrious house of Stewart, and to banish from a free, but inslaved
people a foreigner, a tyrant, and an usurper. For never was the
British nation since the Norman Conquest govern'd more arbitrarily,
or enjoyed more precariously. Never was a nation under the canopy
of Heaven more grossly abused, more scandalously imposed upon, or
more notoriously deceived. Liberty has been banished. Tyranny and
oppression, like a deluge, have overflowed the land. Places of the
utmost importance have been taken from the most deserving and given
to the illiterate, unexperienced or unqualified. Our fleets and
armies, once the terror of Europe, are now the scorn, contempt and
derision of all nations. The one, like Æsop's mountain, has brought
forth a silly, ridiculous mouse; the other has brought home eternal
infamy, shame and disgrace. Such a Ministry and such a Parliament
was [Sidenote: _fol._ 118.] nation never curs'd with. The former
for these thirty years past has exhausted our treasures, drain'd
our purses on foolish idle treaties and negotiations to procure us
allies and friends; and no friend or ally have we in the world we can
trust, rely on or confide in. The latter, vassals, creatures equally
despicable, void of honour and conscience, compos'd of pensioners
and placemen, have sacrificed their country, their all, to the
boundless ambition and insatiable avarice of a beggarly Hanoverian
electorate. Estimates, supplies and subsidies have been granted,
_nemine contradicente_, though never so illegal, unreasonable
and unjustifiable. Such heavy taxes and such a monstrous load of
national debt this kingdom never groan'd under since Julius Cæsar's
invasion; so that justice may say, never was Parliament (some few
members excepted, _rara avis in terris, nigro simillima cygno_) more
slavishly devoted or more sottishly infatuated.
Here it will not be amiss to introduce that worthy honest gentleman,
the Elector's Earl of Oxford.[56] When a motion was made by some true
patriots to bring him to give an account of his stewardship of the
nation's money, did not his Elector solemnly declare that a hair of
his head should not be [Sidenote: _fol._ 119.] hurt, conscious that
he had acted by his direction in sending sums to aggrandize his poor,
native, scrubby country, Hanover,--sums to engage the affections of
the wavering Dutch, sums to biass the votes at elections?
[56] Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, the Lord Treasurer.
These are facts the truth of which is too obvious. What soul inspired
with the least grain of courage, the smallest spark of honour,
or that sympathizes with the sufferings of his fellow-creatures,
would tamely sit down or patiently acquiesce under such monstrous
and unheard of grievances? When religion and loyalty, liberty and
property call to arms! when a prince adorned with all the gifts of
nature, and grace of education, endowed and enriched with every
virtue, amiable and commendable (_maugrè_ all your vile reports,
invidious reflections and slanderous aspersions; _maugrè_ all your
pulpit harangues, stuff'd with downright falsities, gross calumnies
and palpable absurdities), daily amidst the horrid din of war, risks
and exposes his precious life to conquer and subdue the Lernæan
Hydra, to deliver you from almost Egyptian tyranny, bondage, and
slavery:--a prince whose title to the crown is indisputable, whose
conduct and courage are inimitable and matchless, and whose virtue,
mercy, and goodness none can parallel or equal! _Nil viget simile aut
secundum!_
[Sidenote: _fol._ 120.] Such is your legal _jure-divino_, hereditary
and lineally descended Prince, whose father you exiled and excluded,
whose grandfather you rebelled against and banished, and whose head,
conscious of your own demerits, you have set a price on! Seeing the
heir, Come, say you, let us fall upon him and kill him, and the
inheritance will be ours. Be not too secure. Your iniquities are
almost compleated. The fulness of time is almost at hand, even at the
door, when the Almighty I AM, with my Prince under the shadow of his
wings, will pour out the vials of his wrath, fury and indignation on
that cursed, perjured and abandoned people, on this guilty, perverse,
wicked and adulterous generation. For the innocent blood of the
righteous cries Vengeance! Vengeance! O my native country! my native
soil! What pangs hast thou to endure! What throes to labour with!
What misery and desolation is thy lot and portion!
Kind Heaven! Avert all these evils by a speedy and blessed
restoration, that Albion may no more be scourged by vultures, storks
and logs; may once more see happy days, once more put on its ancient
lustre, pristin splendor and glory; that God and Cæsar may enjoy
their own just and due right; that [Sidenote: _fol._ 120_a_.] tribute
may be rendered to whom it is due, custom to whom custom, fear to
whom fear, honour to whom honour, and that the supreme powers may
receive the sovereign allegiance, obedience and subjection which are
really and duly theirs by the laws of God and nature in conjunction.
It is for sentiments and tenets of this kind I am now made a publick
spectacle, that my head is publickly to be exposed and my bowels
burnt; which I gladly and willingly submit to without the least
reluctance. Nay, I should rejoice beyond measure, if this simple head
of mine could be fixed on all the Cathedral and parish churches in
Christendom to satisfie the whole Christian world of the honesty of
my intentions and the integrity of my principles. And could it be
engraven on my tombstone:--
UNDERNEATH ARE DEPOSITED THE ASHES OF THE ONLY ENGLISH PROTESTANT
CLERGYMAN WHOSE HONOUR, COURAGE, LOYALTY AND ZEAL ARE CONSPICUOUS IN
HIS ROYAL MASTER'S CAUSE. DULCE ET DECORUM EST PRO PATRIA MORI.
I should have been silent about my religion had it not been to
satisfie and open the eyes of severals who have been deceived by
false representations, which was, I believe, the reason I was spit
upon, struck, stoned, insulted and barbarously treated by severals
(some of whom are since dead), not only in Carlisle [Sidenote: _fol._
121.] but Kendall and elsewhere, when I was led in a string by Mark
Ker's dragoons through all the dirt and nastiness, with my arms
pinion'd, from Carlisle to Lancaster Castle, by an express order of
the pretended Duke of Cumberland, notwithstanding Baron Clarke's
specious harangue to make the jury believe I was not an object worthy
of their notice.
I declare then upon the faith of a dying man that I die an unworthy
member of that particular church, the Church of England, as she stood
before the Revolution, which I firmly believe to be truly primitive,
Catholic and Apostolic, free from superstition on the one hand, and
Fanaticism and Enthusiasm on the other. May she prosper and flourish!
May she, like a house on a rock, withstand all tempests, storms and
inundations, till time shall be no more!
And now, God bless my royal, true and undoubted sovereign, King
James, his royal highness Charles, Prince of Wales, Henry, Duke of
York and Albany! O Jehovah! bless, protect and preserve them! for
nothing but fraud and anarchy and confusion; nothing but horrid
bloodshed and barbarous murder, villainy, perjury, ambition and
cruelty, barbarity within and corruption without, have reigned
triumphant in [Sidenote: _fol._ 122.] this island since their
banishment. God bless all my enemies, persecutors and slanderers,
especially that corrupted judge, Baron Clarke, who put a most
malicious construction on every thing said at my trial! God forgive
Samuel Pendlebury of Manchester, John Hill, Thomas Joy, an Irishman,
John Gardener and Thomas Dennison, both of Carlisle, who all grossly
perjur'd themselves at my trial! O Lord God! send them timely
repentance and remission of their sins! I freely and voluntarily
forgive them; and humbly ask pardon of all I have injured in thought,
word or deed. I close with the dying words of my Saviour and
Redeemer, and the protomartyr deacon, St. Stephen, 'Father, forgive
them, for they know not what they do! Lord, lay not this sin to their
charge! Lord Jesus, receive my soul! Amen!'
_At Carlisle upon Saturday, October 18th, the Festival of St. Luke
the Evangelist, 1746._
SPEECH of ANDREW WOOD, who join'd the PRINCE
in ENGLAND.
_Blessed are they who suffer for truth and righteousness sake;
for theirs is the kingdom of heaven._
[Sidenote: 28 Nov.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 123.] FRIENDS, COUNTRYMEN AND FELLOW-SUBJECTS,--I
was born in Scotland, and brought up in the Established Church (as
they call it) of that kingdom. But of late (thanks be to God!) I saw
my error and became a member of the Church of England.[57]
[57] See a full account of how this came about at f. 806.
I engaged in this just cause, for which I am to suffer, out of the
true love and regard I had for my king and country. For I thought
it my indispensible duty to join my Prince when I found him in this
country endeavouring to restore his father, my lawful sovereign, King
James, to his undoubted right. I had the honour to be made a Captain
by his royal highness, raised a company out of my own pocket, and
served my Prince to the utmost of my power, even beyond what could
have been expected of one so little accustomed to military acts as I
was.
And for thus faithfully serving my king, and endeavouring to restore
him and your ancient liberties, I am to fall a sacrifice to the
Usurper and his bloodthirsty son, the pretended [Sidenote: _fol._
124.] Duke of Cumberland. But thy will, O my God! be done! And as
Thou art pleased that I suffer for truth and righteousness sake, I
resign myself entirely to Thy will!
And now I am in a few moments to launch into eternity, I do solemnly
declare, as I must answer at the aweful tribunal of Almighty God,
that the order said to be given by his royal highness for giving the
Usurper's men no quarters the day of Culloden battle is false, and
contrived merely to excuse the barbarities committed by the Duke and
his men on all those of our army who fell into their hands; for I
myself saw the orders of that day. No. It does not agree with the
Prince's former lenity at the battles of Gladesmuir and Falkirk.
I leave the impartial world to judge of this brave Prince's character
from his actions, which would require one of the greatest hands to do
justice to it.
O my countrymen! Consider the woeful situation you are in. In short,
all that ever your forefathers fought for is gone. You have nothing
you can depend upon, burthened with debt, ruined with a standing
army. Alas! you have no more than the name of Liberty. Rouse you
then while it is in your [Sidenote: _fol._ 125.] power, and take the
first opportunity to restore your lawful sovereign, King James, which
is the only sure way to make these nations happy. I leave my hearty
prayers for concluding the same, and I hope Almighty God will, in His
good appointed time, restore my lawful sovereign, King James. And
in a particular manner, I beseech Thee, O God! to bless his royal
highness, Charles, Prince of Wales, and the Duke of York.
I shall conclude with forgiving all my persecutors, hoping Almighty
God will of His infinite mercy, forgive me all my sins, through Jesus
Christ, pardon the frailties of my youth, and accept my imperfect
repentance.
Into Thy hands I commit my spirit, O Lord, Thou God of mercy and
truth!
ANDREW WOOD.
_P.S._--I sent for a Presbyterian minister to have administred the
sacrament to me; but he refused. Lord forgive him; for I do.
_Kennington Common, Friday, November 28th, 1746._
[Sidenote: _fol._ 126.] A genuine and full Account of the Battle of
Culloden, with what happened the two preceeding days, together
with the young Prince's miraculous escape at, from and after
the battle, fought on April 16th, 1746; to his return to the
continent of Scotland from the Western Islands on the 6th of
the succeeding July. Taken from the mouths of the old Laird of
MacKinnon, Mr. Malcolm MacLeod, etc., and of Lady Clanronald and
Miss Flora MacDonald, by John Walkingshaw of London or Dr. John
Burton.
[Sidenote: 1746 14 April]
[Sidenote: 15 April]
[Sidenote: 16 April]
Upon April 14th (afternoon) the Prince marched from Inverness on
foot at the head of his guards to Culloden House, where the clans
and others met him, and stayed thereabouts under arms. He himself
did not go to bed. Upon the 15th by daybreak he marched the men up
to Culloden Muir about a mile south-east of the house, and review'd
them drawn up in two lines of battle. About eleven o'clock he ordered
them to refresh themselves by sleep or otherwise just in the field,
during which time he walked about cajoling the different chiefs,
and proposed to all of them separately to march off the men towards
the evening and attack the enemy by daybreak; but finding the bulk
of them against the proposal (reckoning it rather too desperate an
attempt untill they were joined by [Sidenote: _fol._ 127.] Keppoch
and his men with others that were soon expected), he drop'd the
project. About 4 afternoon Keppoch arrived with 200 men. Then it was
said Lord George Murray proposed the night march, and undertook to
manage the attack, which was agreed to. And when near dark, the men
were marched off, the front of the second line following the rear
of the first. About 2 o'clock of the morning of the 16th the Duke
of Perth came galloping up from aside to the front of the second
line, and ordered the officers to wheel about and march back to
Culloden. They had not gone above one hundred yards back when they
met the Prince, who called out himself, 'Where the devil are the
men a-going?' It was answered, 'We are ordered by the Duke of Perth
to return to Culloden House.' 'Where is the Duke of Perth?' says the
Prince. 'Call him here.' Instantly the Duke came up, and the Prince,
in an angry tone, asked what he meant by ordering the men back. The
Duke answered that Lord George with the first line was gone back
three-quarters of an hour agoe. 'Good God!' said the Prince, 'what
can be the matter? What does he mean? We were equal in number, and
would have blown them to the devil. Pray, Perth, can't you call them
back yet? Perhaps [Sidenote: _fol._ 128.] he is not gone far yet.'
Upon which the Duke begg'd to speak with his royal highness. They
went aside a very short space. The Prince returned and call'd out,
'There is no help for it, my lads; march back to Culloden House.'
Back they marched to Culloden House (the Prince bringing up the
rear) where the bulk of them arrived about 6 in the morning. The
Prince after ordering and earnestly recommending to everybody to do
their utmost to get provisions to his men went into the house, threw
himself upon the top of a bed, boots, etc., upon him; but in a few
hours, being alarmed with the approach of the enemy he hurried to
the field, and endeavoured to put his men in order by drawing them
up in two lines. But they, being some fatigued and others dispersed
about seeking victuals, could not be all got together; so that when
the cannonading began there were not 3000 men in the field, and these
not in the best order. At that time the Prince was in the rear of
all, ordering some men to replace some others that he had sent from
the second line to the left of the first. He immediately [Sidenote:
_fol._ 129.] sent off an aid-de-camp with orders to the generals in
the front to make the attack, and, moving forwards beyond the second
line, sent off a second and a third aid-de-camp with positive orders
to attack. It seems the first aid-de-camp happened to be killed with
a cannon shot just at setting out, which 'tis thought was the reason
the attack was not made soon enough.
Upon the right the attack was made with great bravery by the Athol
brigade, Stewarts, Camerons, and part of the MacDonalds; but the
left was so soon flanked by a great body of the enemy's horse that
from the centre to the left they never got up to give their fire.
The right broke in upon the enemy, sword in hand, and did great
execution, but were likewise soon flanked and very much galled by the
grape-shot. And Lochiel and Keppoch, being both soon wounded in the
advancing, were carried off, which their men observing, immediately
they fled; which so alarmed all the corps to the left that they gave
way in confusion.
Just at this time the Prince called out to stop and he would light
from his horse and return to the charge at their head. [Sidenote:
_fol._ 130.] But a number of his officers got about him, and assured
him that it was improbable for them to do any good at present. For
since the clans had turned their backs they would not rally, and it
was but exposing his person without any probability of success; and
therefore intreated he would retire, and really forced him out of the
field.
The retreat was made with the utmost regularity. Not above 500 of
the Low-country men, having detached themselves from the main body,
kept together till they received the Prince's orders to shift for
themselves.
* * * * *
_N.B._--There was a battery of canon that played very smartly for a
considerable time just upon the place where the Prince was, and one
of his grooms was killed about two hundred yards straight in his rear.
* * * * *
After the forces were entirely defeated he retired to a house of a
factor or steward of Lord Lovat, about ten miles from Inverness,
where meeting with that lord, he stayed supper.
After supper was over he set out for Fort Augustus (where a
musket-bullet was taken out of the counter of his horse), and pursued
his journey for Invergary where he proposed to have dined. But
finding no victuals he set a boy a fishing, who caught two salmon
on which he made a dinner, and continued [Sidenote: _fol._ 131.]
waiting there for some of his troops, who had promised to rendezvous
at that place; and being disappointed he resolved [Sidenote: 18
April] to proceed to Locharkaig. He arrived there on the 18th at two
in the morning and went to sleep, which he had not done for five
days and nights, his forces having been under arms, marching and
counter-marching without meat for 48 hours before the battle. He
remained there till 5 o'clock in the afternoon in hopes of obtaining
some intelligence; but gaining none, he set out from thence on
foot, and travell'd to the Glens of Morar, over almost inaccessible
mountains, where he arrived on the 19th at 4 in the morning. He set
out about noon the same day for Arrisaig, through as bad ways as
before, where he arrived at 4 in the afternoon.
[Sidenote: 27 April]
He remained there seven days waiting for Captain O'Neil, who
joined him on the 27th, and informed him, as did many others from
all quarters, that there were not any hopes of drawing his troops
together again in a body. Upon which he resolved to go to Stornway
in the Island of Lewis, a town at the head of a loch of that name,
in order to hire a ship to go [Sidenote: _fol._ 132.] to France. The
person employed for this purpose was one Donald MacLeod, who had an
interest there.
[Sidenote: 28 April]
On the 28th he went on board in an eight-oar'd boat, in company with
O'Sullivan, O'Neil, and some others, ordering the people to whom
the boat belonged to make the best haste they could to Stornway.
The night proved very tempestuous, and they all begg'd of him to go
back, which he would not do. But seeing the people timorous, he, to
keep up their spirits, sung them a Highland song. The weather proving
worse and worse, on the 29th, about 7 in the morning they were driven
ashore on a point of land called Rushness, in the north-east part of
the island of Benbecula, which lies betwixt the islands of North and
South Ost or Uist, being about 5 miles long from east to west, and
3 miles broad from north to south, where as soon as they had got on
shore, the Prince helped to make a fire to warm the crew, who were
almost starved to death with cold.
[Sidenote: 30 April]
On the 30th, at 6 in the evening, they set sail again from Stornway,
but meeting with another storm were obliged to put into the island
Selpa (Scalpa) in the Harris. This island [Sidenote: _fol._ 133.] is
about one mile long and half a mile broad. There they all went ashore
to a farmer's house, passing for merchants that were shipwrecked in
their voyage to the Orkneys, the Prince and O'Sullivan going by the
name of Sinclair, the latter passing for the father, the former for
the son.
Thence they thought proper to send Donald MacLeod (who had been with
them all the time) to Stornway, with instructions to freight a ship
for the Orkneys.
[Sidenote: 3 May]
On the 3d of May they received a message from him that a ship was
ready. On the 4th they made the mainland and set out on foot for that
place, and arrived on the 5th about noon at the point of Arynish, two
miles southeast from Stornway, having travelled 18 hours on the hills
without any kind of refreshment, and were misled by their guide,
either thro' ignorance or design. There a messenger from Stornway
met him, and told him that Donald MacLeod, having got drunk, had
told one of his acquaintances for whom he hired the ship; upon which
there were soon 200 people in arms at Stornway upon a report that
the Prince was landed with 500 men, and was coming to burn the town;
so that he and his company were obliged to lie all night on the muir
with no other refreshment than bisket and brandy.
[Sidenote: 6 May]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 134.] On the sixth they resolved to go in the
eight-oar'd boat to the Orkneys, but the crew refused to venture; so
that they were obliged to steer south along the coast side, where
they met with two English ships which compell'd them to put to a
desart island called Seafort or Iffurt, being about half a mile long
and near as much broad. There they remained till the 10th, and must
have famished, had they not providently found some salt fish upon the
island.
[Sidenote: 10 May]
[Sidenote: 8 June]
About ten o'clock in the morning that day they embarked for the
Harris, and at break of day on the 11th they were chased by an
English ship, but made their escape among the rocks. About 4 in the
afternoon they arrived at Benbecula, where they stayed till the 14th,
and then set out on foot for the mountain of Corradell, in South Ost
or Uist, being about 16 miles distant. There they stayed till about
the 8th of June, living upon fish and other kind of game, which the
Prince daily killed himself, and had no other kind of drink than the
water they found there.
[Sidenote: 11 June]
The Militia at this time coming to the island of Irsky (Eriska),
(which lies betwixt the island of Barra and South Ost [Sidenote:
_fol._ 135.] or Uist, is about three miles long and one broad, and is
the very first British ground the Prince landed upon at his coming
on the late expedition); the militia, I say, coming to the island,
obliged the Prince and his company to disperse; and he, with two or
three others, sailed for the island Uia or Ouaya, lying betwixt
South Uist and Benbecula. There he remained three nights, till having
intelligence that the militia were coming towards Benbecula, he
immediately got into the boat and sailed for Loch Boysdale, but being
met by some ships of war he was obliged to return to Loch Karnon,
which is about a league and a half west southwest from the island Uia.
There he remained all day, and at night sailed for Loch Boysdale,
which is about 30 miles south of Loch Karnon, and belongs to the
MacDonalds. There he arrived safe, and stayed 8 days upon a rock,
making a tent of the sail of the boat, and lived upon fish and fowl
of his own killing.
[Sidenote: 18 June]
There he found himself in the most terrible situation, for having
intelligence on June 18th that Captain Caroline Scott [Sidenote:
_fol._ 136.] had landed at Killbride within less than two miles of
them, he was obliged to dismiss the boat's crew, and taking only
O'Neil with him, he went to the mountains, where he remained all
night, and soon after was informed that General Campbell was at
Barnare (an island lying between North Uist and Harris), being about
two miles long and one broad. It belongs to the MacLeods. So that now
he had forces not far from him on both sides, and was absolutely at a
loss to know which way to move, having forces on both the land sides
of him, and the sea on the other, without any vessel to venture into
securely.
In this perplexity Captain O'Neil accidentally met with Miss
Funivella or Flora MacDonald, to whom he proposed assisting the
Prince to make his escape, which she at last consented to, on
condition the Prince would put on women's cloaths, which he complied
with. She then desired they would goe to the mountain of Corradale
and stay there till they heard from her, which should be soon.
There they arrived, and accordingly remained two days in great
distress, and then hearing nothing from the young lady, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 137.] the Prince concluded she would not keep her word. But
about 5 o'clock in the evening a message came from her desiring to
meet her at Rushness, being afraid to pass the Ford, which was the
shortest passage, because of the militia. They luckily found a boat
which carried them to the other side Uia, where they remained part of
the day afraid of being seen of the country people.
[Sidenote: June]
In the evening they set out in the same boat for Rushness, and
arrived there at 12 o'clock at night, but not finding the young
lady, and being alarmed by a boat full of militia they were obliged
to return back two miles, where the Prince remained on a muir till
O'Neil went to the young lady, and brought her with him to the place
appointed about sunset next evening.
About an hour after they had got to the Prince they got an account
of General Campbell's arrival at Benbecula, which obliged them to
move to another part of the island, where, as the day broke, they
discovered four vessels full of armed men close on the shore. They
having seen the fire on the land, made directly up to the place where
they were,[58] so that there was nothing left for them to do but to
throw themselves among [Sidenote: _fol._ 138.] the heath, by which
means they escaped being found.
[58] See f. 528.
When the wherries were gone they resolved to go to Clanranold's
house. But when they were within a mile of it they heard that General
Campbell was there, which obliged them to retreat again to Rushness;
from whence they set out in a little yawl or boat for the isle of Sky
about the end of June, and were at sea all night. The next day as
they were passing the point of Watternish, in the west corner of Sky,
the wind being contrary, and the female frighted at turning back,
they thought to have landed there, but found it possess'd by a body
of forces; which obliged them immediately to put to sea again after
having received several shots from the land.[59]
[59] See ff. 530-534.
From hence they went and landed at Killbride, in Troternish in Sky,
about twelve miles north from the above mentioned point. There they
also found a body of troops within less than two miles of them, whose
commanding officer rode as far as Moystod or Mougestot, not far from
Sir Alexander MacDonald's seat, near which place they landed. He
there enquired of Miss Flora MacDonald who she was, and who was with
her, which she answered as she thought proper. [The [Sidenote: _fol._
139.] officer, however, would not be satisfied untill he had searched
the boat. In the mean time the Prince was hid on shore, so near as to
hear what passed].[60]
[60] Stated in the sequel to be incorrect.
Immediately after this scene was over the Prince parted with his
female guide, and took to the hills, and travelled without rest 15
long miles[61] south south-east in women's cloaths till he came to
Mr. MacDonald of Kingsburgh's house, where his female guide met him
again, having gone a nearer way.[62] There the Prince got his first
refreshment, and stayed till next day, towards the evening; when he
set out from Kingsburgh's house, but would not, on any account, let
the consequence be what it would, consent to put on women's cloaths
again, having found them so cumbersome the day before. He went 15
long miles[63] to a place called Portree or Purtry, where again he
met his female preserver, who had gone a different route, and which
was the last time they saw each other.
[61] Should be 7. See f. 144.
[62] See ff. 145, 532, 533.
[63] Should be 7. See f. 144.
At Portree the Prince met Young MacLeod of Raaza or Raasa, and with
him went directly to the island of Raaza, being [Sidenote: _fol._
140.] about ten (or 6) miles in a small yawl or boat, being the only
one to be got at that time.
[Sidenote: 1 July]
On the 1st of July he landed at a place called Glam, in Raasa, where
he remained two nights in a miserable hutt, so low that he could
neither sitt nor stand, but was obliged to lie on the bare ground,
having only a bundle of heath for his pillow.
[Sidenote: 3 July]
On the 3d of July he proposed going to Troternish, in the Isle of
Sky, notwithstanding it blew very hard, and that he had but the small
yawl above mentioned, scarce capable of carrying six people. However,
he set forward about 7 o'clock in the evening, having with him Mr.
Malcolm MacLeod. He had not gone far before the wind blew harder, and
the crew, being timorous, begg'd to turn back again. But he refused,
and to encourage them sung a merry Highland song. About eleven
the same night he landed at a place in the island of Sky called
Nicolson's Rock, near Scorobry (Scorobreck), in Troternish, being
about ten miles from Glam. He remained there all night without any
kind of refreshment, not even so much as a [Sidenote: _fol._ 141.]
fire to dry his cloathes, being quite wet. In this wet condition he
was for the space of 48 hours.
[Sidenote: 4 July]
The next day about 7 o'clock in the evening he left this rock,
being accompanied by Mr. Malcolm MacLeod, the latter passing for
the master, the former for the man, who always carried the little
baggage[64] whenever they saw any person or came near any place.
They marched all night through the worst of roads in Europe, and did
not halt till they arrived at Ellagol or Ellighuil, near Kilvory or
Kilmaree, in Strath, not far from a place in some maps called Ord or
Aird, in the Laird of MacIntosh's[65] country, being full 24 miles
long.
[64] Two shirts, one pair of stockings, one pair of brogs, a bottle
of brandy, some scrapes of mouldy bread and cheese, and a three-pint
stone bottle for water.--F.
[65] Altered to MacKinnon's. See f. 144.
After two hours rest and some little refreshment the Prince seem'd
quite alert and as ready for fatigue as ever, and diverted himself
with a young child in the house, carrying him in his arms and singing
to him, and said that perhaps that child may be a captain in my
service [or] might live to be of great use to him hereafter.
[Sidenote: 5 July]
At that place the old Laird of MacKinnon came to him, and they set
out together that day, being July 5th, for the [Sidenote: _fol._
142.] mainland in a small boat, tho' the night was very tempestuous
and the coast very bad. The next day, July 6th, they landed safe in
Knoidart, which is 30 miles from the place they set out from. At that
place he left the Laird of Mackinnon, who was the next day taken
prisoner. In their passage they met with a boat in which were some
militia, with whom they spoke. As they did not much exceed their own
number, they were resolved to make all the head they could, and to
fight them in case they had been attack'd.
What method the Prince took to conceal himself on the mainland of
Scotland, or what route he took till the 20th of September, being the
time he embarked for France, will be made publick at another time.
_Citadel of Leith, Saturday, July 11th, 1747._
[Sidenote: 1747 11 July]
Mr. Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh and his lady were paying
their compliments to my Lady Bruce, when it was proposed to
read the above Account or Journal in the hearing of Kingsburgh,
that so he might give his observations, or rather corrections
upon it. He and the whole company (about 14 in number) declared
their satisfaction in the proposal. There were present, John
Fullarton, senior of Dudwick; James MacDonald, joiner in Leith;
Lady Lude, with her eldest son and her daughter; Mrs. Graham and
her son; Mrs. Rattray, Mrs. Jean and Rachel Houstons, etc.
The Account was accordingly read, and Kingsburgh made [Sidenote:
_fol._ 143.] the following observations:
Page[66] 130, near the foot. Instead of Invergar, it should be
Invergarry; a place belonging to the Laird of Glengarry.
[66] These pages will be found by the marginal folios.
Page 132, near the foot. Instead of Selpa, it should be Scalpa,
commonly called the Island Glass.
Page 134, at the foot. Instead of Irsky, it should be Eriska.
Page 139, at the top. Kingsburgh said it was not fact that the boat
was searched, and that the Prince should have heard what passed.
_Ibid._ Instead of 15 long miles south south-east, it should be 7
long miles.
_Ibid._ Kingsburgh was at pains to represent to the Prince the
inconveniency and danger of his being in a female dress, particularly
from his airs being all so man-like, and told him that he was very
bad at acting the part of a dissembler. He advised him therefore to
take from him a suite of Highland cloaths with a broadsword in his
hand, which would become him much better. But in the meantime that
he should go out of his house in the female dress, lest the servants
should be making their observations, and stop at the edge of a wood
upon the side of a hill, not far from the house, where he and others
should come to him with the Highland cloathes, broadsword, etc.
Mrs. MacDonald said that she behoved to employ her daughter as
handmaid to the Prince for putting on his womens [Sidenote: _fol._
144.] cloaths, 'For,' said she, 'the deel a preen he could put in.'
When Miss MacDonald (_alias_ Mrs. MacAllastar[67]) was a dressing
of him, he was like to fall over with laughing. After the peeness,
gown, hood, mantle, etc., were put on, he said, 'O, Miss, you have
forgot my apron. Where is my apron? Pray get me my apron here, for
that is a principal part of my dress.'
[67] This is interlined in the manuscript. See f. 216. She married
Ronald MacAlister, of the family of Loup.
Kingsburgh and his lady both declared that the Prince behaved not
like one that was in danger, but as chearfully and merrily as if he
had been putting on women's cloathes merely for a piece of diversion.
Agreeable to Kingsburgh's advice they met at the edge of the wood,
where the Prince laid aside his female rags, which were deposited in
the heart of a bush till a proper opportunity should offer of taking
them up; for these that were present resolved to preserve them all as
valuable tokens of distress. After the Prince had got himself equipt
in the Highland cloathes with the claymore in his hand, the mournful
parting with Kingsburgh ensued. Away he went to struggle through a
series of fresh dangers, the faithful MacKechan still attending him.
_Ibid._ Instead of 15 long miles to Portree or Purtry, it should be 7
long miles.
Page 140, line 1. Instead of 10 miles, it should be 6.
_Ibid_, near the foot. Instead of Scorobry, it should be Scorobreck.
Page 141. Kingsburgh said that MacIntosh's country there named
behoved to be an error in the writer, for that MacIntosh had no
property in Sky, and it ought to be named MacKinnon's country.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 145.] Page 142. Kingsburgh said that he thought the
Prince with old MacKinnon had landed in Moror and not in Knoidart;
but he own'd MacKinnon behov'd to know best. He said he was pretty
sure that old MacKinnon was made prisoner in Moror, which might
happen after his coming from Knoidart.
When all the Journal was read over, Kingsburgh observed that the
persons from whose mouths it had been taken had not medled with his
part of the story; 'and,' said he, 'they were indeed right, for they
know very little about it.'
Then particular questions were put to him with respect to that
pamphlet called 'ALEXIS, Part 1st.' To give some instances, it was
asked him, Whether or not it was true that he took along with him
out of Sir Alexander MacDonald's house a bottle of wine and some
bread in his pocket for the refreshment of the Prince; that he had
great difficulty to find him, and that it was owing to the accidental
running of a flock of sheep that at last he found him sitting upon a
rock? He answered, 'All these things are exactly true as related in
that small pamphlet.' Then it was asked, Whether or not the Prince
made briskly up to him with a thick short cudgel in his hand, and
asked, If he was Mr. MacDonald of Kingsburgh? He said, 'It was really
so, and that the Prince very pleasantly said, Then all is well; come,
let us be jogging on;' but that he told him he had brought some
refreshment along with him, which he behoved to take before they set
out; [Sidenote: _fol._ 146.] which accordingly was done, they sitting
upon the top of the rock.
Asked further. If it was true that the Prince lifted the petticoats
too high in wading the rivulet when going to Kingsburgh, and that
honest MacKechan[68] hastily called to him to beware? He said, 'It is
fact; and that MacKechan cried, "For God's sake, Sir, take care what
you are doing, for you will certainly discover yourself;" and that
the Prince laughed heartily, and thanked him kindly for his great
concern.'
[68] Neil MacEachan or MacKechan, the attendant of Flora MacDonald,
was a descendant of the MacDonalds of Howbeag in South Uist. He
followed the Prince to France, and settled there. One of his sons
was Marshal MacDonald, Duke of Tarentum, one of Napoleon's most
distinguished generals.--MacGregor's _Flora MacDonald_, p. 64.
Asked further. If the cursing and blasphemous speech of the Duke of
Cumberland was such as represented in 'ALEXIS, Part 1st.' 'Exactly
so,' said he, for I had it almost in the very same words from the
mouth of Sir Alexander MacDonald, who was witness to the Duke's
expressing himself in that rough way. 'Whom,' added he, 'I indeed
never saw in the face.' Then he said that 'ALEXIS' was exactly
and literally true in every ace (not only as to facts but even
circumstances) that concerned his management of and conversation with
the Prince, the _brogs_ not excepted, and that he looked upon the
recovery of Cœlestius[69] as a great blunder, for that he had reason
to think that he fell (as design'd) in the attempt. 'This is not to
say,' added he, 'that I know anything certain of that affair, as if
I had been an eye-witness or conversed with those that had seen the
fact. But when I was prisoner in Fort Augustus, an officer came to
me and very seriously asked if I would know [Sidenote: _fol._ 147.]
the head of the young Pretender if I saw it. I told him I would know
the head very well, provided it were upon the body. But the officer
said, What, if the head be not upon the body? Do you think you could
know it in that case? To which I replied, In that case, Sir, I will
not pretend to know anything about it.' Kingsburgh told the company
that he was resolved if any head should have been brought before him
that he would not have made them a whit the wiser, even though he
should have known it. But he owned no head was brought to him. He
left it to the company to draw what inferences they pleased from this
conversation betwixt him and the officer.[70]
[69] This was Roderick Mackenzie, who was killed by Cumberland's
soldiers near Fort Augustus, and in dying tried to put an end to the
pursuit of the Prince by pretending that it was he whom they had
slain. See ff. 482, 1800.
[70] There is a printed copy of 'ALEXIS, Part 1st,' bound up in the
end of volume eighth of this collection.
Kingsburgh informed us that when at Fort Augustus, he happened to
be released one evening in mistake for another man of the same
name. When the irons were taken off him he went to Sir Alexander
MacDonald's lodgings to ask his commands for Sky. Sir Alexander
happened to be abroad, but when he came in he was quite amazed when
he saw Kingsburgh, and said, 'Sanders, what has brought you here?'
'Why, Sir,' said he, 'I am released.' 'Released,' says Sir Alexander,
'how has this come about? I have heard nothing of the matter. I do
not understand it.' 'As little do I know,' says Kingsburgh, 'how
it has come about. But so it is that I have got free.' Then Sir
Alexander ordered a bed to be made [Sidenote: _fol._ 148.] up for
Kingsburgh in the same room with himself, and when Kingsburgh (about
11 o'clock) was beginning to undress in order to go to bed an officer
came to the door of the room, and asked if MacDonald of Kingsburgh
was there. 'Yes, Sir,' said Kingsburgh, 'I am here. What want you
with me?' 'Why,' replied the officer, 'you must goe with me to Lord
Albemarle, who wants to speak with you.' 'Then,' said Kingsburgh, 'I
began to think within myself all was wrong with me. I begged that I
might be allowed to take my rest all night in the place where I then
was, and that in the morning I should wait upon Lord Albemarle as
soon as he pleased; and that I would give my word of honour to do as
I promised; and besides, that Sir Alexander would engage for me.'
'No, no,' said the officer, 'that will not do, Sir. These are not my
orders. You must come along with me quickly.' When Kingsburgh came
to the door and saw ten or 12 sogers with screwed bayonets waiting
to receive him, he did not like that piece of ceremony at all. They
had not gone many paces from Sir Alexander's lodgings till they met
Lord Albemarle running himself out of breath, foaming at the mouth,
and crying out, 'Have ye got the villain? Have ye got the villain?'
Kingsburgh mildly answered, 'O why all this hurry? Where is the man
that will refuse freedom when it is offered him? I am here, my Lord,
at your service. I had no intention of being in a haste to leave the
place, and though I had left it you would have easily found me again,
for I would have gone to my own [Sidenote: _fol._ 149.] house. I
had no fear about any thing.' 'However,' says Albemarle, still in a
passion, 'it is well, Sir, you are not gone; I had rather by G----
have given anything before this mistake had happened.' 'Go,' added
he, 'and throw the dog into irons.' Instantly the orders were obeyed.
But to do Albemarle justice, Kingsburgh said that in a day or two he
ordered him into a better place and the irons to be taken away from
him; and every day after this that his lordship sent to him at dinner
time, three dish of meat from his own table, with two bottles of
wine. By this time the Duke of Cumberland had left Fort Augustus in
great haste to London.
It was represented to Kingsburgh that his lady during his confinement
had been telling some folks that upon conversing with him (her
husband) about the pamphlet 'ALEXIS,' he should have said that he
knew no body who could be the author of it but Neil MacKechan, so
pointed and exact it was in giving the narrative. Kingsburgh, looking
to his lady, said, 'Goodwife, you may remember, I said that I knew
nobody who could be the author of that pamphlet but either Neil
MacKechan or myself.' When it was suggested that Neil MacKechan (a
low man) could not be thought capable of drawing up any thing of that
sort, Kingsburgh and his lady informed the company that MacKechan
had been educated in the Scots College in Paris with the view of
commencing clergyman, but that after [Sidenote: _fol._ 150.] getting
his education he had dropt the design; that therefore he was capable
enough, and that he had proved a great comfort to the Prince in his
wanderings by talking to him in the French language about matters of
importance in their difficulties, when perhaps it was not so prudent
or convenient that those who were present should know what they were
conversing about. They told likewise that they had never been so much
afraid of any person's conduct as that of MacKechan, because he was
a good-natured man and very timorous in his temper. But they frankly
owned they had done him great injustice by entertaining any suspicion
about him; for that he had behaved to admiration, and had got abroad
with the Prince, the great wish of his soul; for he could never think
of parting with him at any time but upon condition of meeting again,
which MacKechan was so lucky as frequently to accomplish even when at
parting they could scarce condescend upon a time or place when and
where to meet.
Kingsburgh said that he asked particularly at the Prince about Lord
George Murray, whether or not he could lay treachery or any such
thing to his charge. The Prince answered that he never would allow
anything of treachery or villainy to be laid to the charge of Lord
George Murray. But he could not help owning that he had much to bear
of him from his temper.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 151.] The Prince asked Kingsburgh if he could
inform him anything about the heads of the clans, what they were
doing in the present confusion. Kingsburgh answered that MacDonald
of Glencoe had surrendred himself, and that Cameron of Dungallan had
done the same. The Prince made no remark at all upon Glencoe; but
as to the other, said: 'Cameron of Dungallan! Is not that Lochiel's
major?' 'Yes,' said Kingsburgh, 'he is the same.' 'Why,' replied the
Prince, 'I always looked upon Dungallan to be a man of sense.'
When the Prince was going out of Kingsburgh's house he turned
about and said, 'Can none of you give me a snuff?' Upon which Mrs.
MacDonald made up to him and offered him a snuff out of a little
silver-mill with two hands clasped together upon the lid of it, and
the common motto, Rob Gib. Kingsburgh begged the Prince to put the
mill into his pocket, and, said Kingsburgh, 'He accordingly put it
into a woman's muckle poutch he had hanging by his side.' After the
Prince had met with Malcolm MacLeod, Kingsburgh said he had heard
that the Prince spying the carving and the motto asked MacLeod
what it meant. 'Why,' said MacLeod, 'that is the [Sidenote: _fol._
152.] emblem we use in Scotland to represent a firm and strong
friendship, and the common saying is Rob Gib's contract, stark love
and kindness.' 'Well, MacLeod,' says the Prince, 'for that very same
cause shall I endeavour to keep the mill all my life.'
'All the female rags and bucklings,' said Kingsburgh and his lady,
'that were left in the heart of the bush, were taken up and carried
to our house in order to be carefully preserved. But when we had got
notice that the troops had such exact intelligence about the Prince
that they particularized the several bucklings of women's cloathes he
had upon him, even to the nicety of specifying colours, etc., (and
Kingsburgh and Miss MacDonald being by this time made prisoners)
word was sent to Mrs. MacDonald and her daughter to throw all the
female dress into the flames to prevent any discovery in case of a
search.' When the rags were a destroying the daughter insisted upon
preserving the gown (which was stamped linen with a purple sprig),
saying that 'They might easily keep it safe, and give out that it
belonged to one of the family.' The gown was accordingly preserved,
and Kingsburgh and his lady promised to send a swatch of it to Mr.
Stewart Carmichael at Bonnyhaugh as a pattern to stamp other gowns
from.
Kingsburgh rose from his seat, and coming about to one of [Sidenote:
_fol._ 153.] the company whispered in his ear, 'Sir, since you seem
to know a good deal of these affairs, pray will you inform me what
you know of Barrisdales case?'[71] What do you think of that point?'
It was answered, 'It is certain enough that Barrisdale entred into
terms with the Duke of Cumberland, that he received a protection for
a certain limited time, and that he touched money; but whether or not
he was sincere in the design of seizing the Prince, or if he intended
to make use of these stratagems for consulting the safety and
preservation of the Prince, was what that person could not pretend to
determine. But one thing was constantly affirmed by all the accounts
from abroad that Barrisdale was still in some sort of confinement in
France, _i.e._ a prisoner at large.' Kingsburgh shook his head and
said, 'I am sorry to hear that he is a prisoner in any shape, for
that says ill for him.' When Kingsburgh was seated again this subject
happened to be spoken of publickly in the company, and all agreed
that they had heard that Barrisdale still continued to be in some
sort of confinement in France. Kingsburgh insisted upon its being a
very bad sign, and again declared his concern to have such an account
of him.
[71] For some interesting particulars about the MacDonalds of
Barrisdale, see the _Scottish Antiquary_, vol. viii. p. 163, and vol.
ix. p. 30.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 154.] When some of the company happened to be
talking of Major Lockheart's cruelties in the Highlands, particularly
that of his having thrust his sword through the body of a child aged
four years, in at the belly and out at the back, Kingsburgh's lady
said, 'That was no rarity among them, for that several old men,
women, and children had been butchered by them in the Highlands.'
Dudwick was exceedingly much delighted with the interview, and said
he had never before entertained any notion of that little thing
'ALEXIS'; but that now it should be _a_ favourite of his, as he well
knew the veracity of it, and what to say in its behalf.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 14 July]
_N.B._--After a confinement of twelve long months for one
night's hospitality, Kingsburgh was at last set at liberty upon
Saturday, July 4th, 1747, upon his preferring a petition to the
Justiciary Lords, wherein he pled the benefit of the Indemnity.
Before transcribing the above conversation into this book I went
to Edinburgh upon Tuesday's morning, July 14th, 1747, and read
my _prima cura_ in the hearing of Dudwick, in order to know of
him if I had been exact enough. He told me it was very right,
and exactly written according to the terms of the conversation.
That day Kingsburgh and his lady had left Edinburgh, so that
I could not have the opportunity of reading it over in their
hearing.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Journal by Mr. JOHN CAMERON, Presbyterian Preacher and Chaplain at
Fort-William.
[Sidenote: 1746 1 Feb.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 155.] The retreat from Stirling was made with the
utmost hurry and confusion. The evening before, Mr. O'Sullivan wrote
from Bannockburn to Lord John Drummond ordering him to leave Stirling
and cross the Forth by break of day, which order his lordship obeyed,
and by 5 in the morning marched. This surprized the Highlanders, to
whose officers it appears these orders were not communicate, and
made them believe the enemy was near them, which occasioned such an
universal consternation that they went from Stirling as every one was
ready, and left most of their baggage, all the cloaths they brought
from Glasgow, and some of their arms.
Lochiel, who had been wounded at Falkirk, not being able to ride or
walk, went in a chaise with Mrs. Murray, and was driving through St.
Ninian's when the church blew up. Some of the stones came very near
them. The horses startled and threw Mrs. Murray on the street, where
she lay speechless till she was taken up by some of the men. Had
there been any intention to blow up the church, doubtless Lochiel,
one of their principal officers, and the Secretary's lady had been
apprized of it and put on their guard to avoid danger.
When the Prince join'd the body of the army a Council of War was
held, in which it was debated whether the army should march in a body
to Inverness by Aberdeen or take the Highland road, by which the
chiefs could, with the greater ease, get such of their men to rejoin
them as had gone home with [Sidenote: _fol._ 156.] plunder after the
battle of Falkirk, which would considerably increase their army. The
low-country men were of the former opinion, the Highlanders of the
latter. It was put to the vote, and the latter carried it by a great
majority. However, the Prince was positive for the Aberdeen road,
with which Lochiel complied. But Cluny, going out, met Mr. Murray,
and told him it was surprizing the Prince should be so positive in
a thing contrary to reason and his own interest, especially when
a great majority of the Council of War were of another opinion.
His expressing himself with a little warmth made Mr. Murray speak
to Sir Thomas Sheridan, who went to the Prince and prevailed upon
him to agree with what had been the opinion of the Council of War.
He marched with the Highlanders the Highland road by Ruthven in
Badenoch, to Inverness, where it was resolved to attack Fort Augustus
and Fort William. Of either I can give no distinct account, but that
the first was taken and the siege of the other deserted.
Earl Cromertie and others were sent to different countries to cover
the rising of some and to prevent that of others. This weakened the
army, and tho' many joined the day before the battle of Culloden, a
great number did not. Earl of Cromertie, tho' many expresses were
sent to order his returning to Inverness, in place of doing as
commanded, was surprized and taken prisoner, and these that did join
were much fatigued. None had got pay after they left Tay bridge in
their march north, and they were straitned in provisions for some
days before the battle. Cumberland's army was not opposed in passing
the Spey, tho' a considerable force had been sent there[72] for
that end. The Prince was in danger of being taken at MacIntosh's
[Sidenote: _fol._ 157.] house, and his safety was chiefly owing to a
mistake of Earl of Loudon's men.
[72] Not fact, as Donald Roy, who was there, told me.--F.
[Sidenote: 14 April]
On Monday, April 14th, Lochiel in his return from Fort William (from
whence he had been called on Cumberland's crossing the Spey) marched
through Inverness. His men were mustered at the Bridge-end, and being
but two hours in town when informed that Cumberland's army was at
Nairn, 12 miles from Inverness, he immediately marched to Culloden,
tho' his men and he were much fatigued, having marched from Fort
William in little more than two days, being 50 long miles. He arrived
in the evening, and then his regiment, with a few of Glengarie's,
were ordered to mount guard upon the Prince. They got a few sacks of
meal, of which some baked bread. The body of the army lay on the hill
above the house.
[Sidenote: 15 April]
[Sidenote: 16 April]
Next morning the whole army was drawn up in order of battle a little
nearer Nairn than where the battle was fought, much in the same order
as on the day following. In this situation they continued all day
without meat or drink, only a biscuet to each man at 12 o'clock.
About 7 at night they encamped on a dry hill without tents, being
cold and hungry. Great numbers being dispersed through the country,
many of them did not return. That night, betwixt 8 and 9, orders were
given for their marching, with an intention to surprize the enemy
in their camp. The word was King James. The attack was to be made
with sword and pistol. They marched in one column, by which the rear
was near a mile from the front, each rank [Sidenote: _fol._ 158.]
consisting of 33 men only. Many were so much fatigued that they slept
on the march. Others to a great number wandered, and by the time
they came within three miles of Nairn, a person of distinction,[73]
observing the state of the army, and fearing all there would be cut
off, told Lord George Murray the condition the army was in, and to
prevent the loss of so many gallant men wished he would retreat in
time. Lord George Murray was of his opinion, but, for reasons he gave
him, desired he might inform the Prince of their situation, and bring
him orders, which he undertook. But before he could return with the
Prince's orders, Lord George Murray, observing day coming on, began
to retreat, which occasioned some reflections, and confirmed several
in their opinion formerly of him, though, I believe, without any just
foundation. We came to Culloden about 9 next morning, being April
16th. The provisions being all spent, the Prince ordered each colonel
to send some of their officers to Inverness with money to buy such as
could be got, and sent orders to the inhabitants to send provisions
to the army, otherwise he would burn the town.
[73] No doubt Lochiel. See ff. 441, 616.--F.
Before the Prince left Inverness, on certain intelligence that
Cumberland had passed the Spey, Major Kennedy went to Mr. John Hay
who, in Mr. Murray's absence, officiated as Secretary, [Sidenote:
16 April] and told him that as the enemy was on their march towards
them it was more than probable there would be a battle; and as the
event was very uncertain, it was prudent to guard against the worst.
They might get the better or be defeated. In this situation he wish'd
he would propose to the Prince his sending a large quantity of
provisions then in Inverness to some distance [Sidenote: _fol._ 159.]
that, in case of the worst, scattered troops might join and have
wherewithal to subsist them till rejoin'd by such as had not returned
from their commands they had been out upon. If this was not done all
must disperse, the cause must be given up, and the Prince behov'd to
be in danger; for the neighbourhood of that country could not supply
the smallest number of men for one week. Mr. Hay said nothing, nor do
I believe he ever mentioned it to the Prince. But to return.
The Prince intended to give the army an hearty meal and a day's rest,
and to fight next morning. But being inform'd that Cumberland's army
was within half a mile, he resolved to fight that day. Lord George
Murray and the chiefs of the clans, especially Lochiel, were against
it. However they complied, though it was their opinion to keep the
ground they were on and receive Cumberland, if he attack'd them,
which they were still in doubt of. Our army came to the height of the
muir before Cumberland came in view. The Prince ordered the men to be
immediately formed in order of battle, but Lord George Murray begged
to have a little time to view the ground and observe the motions
of the enemy. Cumberland soon appear'd and was forming his men, on
which ours began to form by the Prince's orders, who all the while
stood with Lochiel and Mr. Sullivan, frequently complaining they were
long in forming. A little after they were formed we observed the
[Sidenote: _fol._ 160.] horse and the Argileshire men on the left
of the enemy drawing to a distance from the main body and inclining
to our right, on which the Athol and Cameron officers were afraid
to be flanked. This made Lochiel send to Lord George Murray, then
on the left with the Duke of Perth, to tell him of the danger. Lord
George Murray (whom I heard formerly say that the park would be of
great service to prevent our being flanked) on this took a narrower
view of it, and sent three gentlemen, viz., Colonel Sullivan, John
Roy Stewart, and Ker of Grydan to view it down to the Water of
Nairn. At their return they said it was impossible for any horse to
come by that way. The men still believed they might be flanked, and
some proposed lining the park wall. The Duke of Perth, who came from
the left, was of their opinion. But Lord George Murray, thinking
otherwise, ordered Lord Ogilvie's regiment to cover the flank, told
there was no danger, and to Lord Ogilvie said, he hoped and doubted
not but he would acquit himself as usual.
The Prince, who with a body of horse was in the rear of the French,
sent 8 or 10 times to Lord George Murray to begin the attack on
the right; but that was not obeyed. He sent Sir John MacDonald to
the Duke of Perth, who moved immediately with the left. The right,
observing this, without orders from Lord George Murray, followed
their example. Lord George behaved himself with great gallantry, lost
his horse, his periwig and bonnet, was amongst the last that left
the field, had several cutts with broadswords in his coat, and was
covered with blood and dirt.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 161.] The Prince was in the heat of the action, had
one of his grooms killed close by him, the horse he rode on killed by
a musket bullet[74] which struck him within an inch of the Prince's
leg. Some of the Camerons on the right gave way, being flanked, as
they expected, from the park wall, which the Argyleshire men had
broke down. Lochiel endeavoured to rally them but could not. On which
under the greatest concern he returned to the action and was wounded
by a flank shot. Thus did some of his men desert their chief and the
cause they fought for, who at the battle of Gladesmuir and Falkirk
behaved with so much intrepidity and courage. I more than once heard
Major Kennedy tell that after the Highlanders were broke and the
French engaged, he went to the Prince and told him they could not
hold it long, that some dragoons had gone from the right and left of
the enemy probably to surround the hill and prevent his escape, and
begged he would retire. In this request he was joined by others. The
Prince complied with great reluctance, retired in good order and in
no hurry.
[74] Not true. See ff. 1161, 1162.--F.
As the action was near over, as has been told, Lochiel was wounded in
both his legs. He was carried out of the field by four of his men who
brought him to a little barn. As they were taking off his cloaths to
disguise him the barn was surrounded by a party of dragoons, but as
they were entring [Sidenote: _fol._ 162.] the barn they were called
off, which prevented his being taken. The dragoons were no sooner out
of sight but his four men carried him out, put him on a horse, and
brought him to Clunie's house in Badenoch, where he continued till
next morning, and then went to Lochabar. When he left the barn he
dismist two of the four men, the other two supported him on the horse.
At a meeting held at Murlagan, near the head of Loch Arkaig (present
Lord Lovat, Lochiel, Mr. Murray, Major Kennedy, Glenbuicket, Colonel
John Roy Stewart, Clanranald, Barrisdale, Lochgarie, Mr. Alexander
MacLeod, Sir Stewart Threpland, Keppoch's nephew, and Barrisdale's
son), it was agreed that they, viz., Lochiel, Lochgary, Clanranald,
and Barrisdale, should assemble their men at Glenmallie and cross
Lochie, where Clunie and Keppoch's men should join them. Lochiel got
a body of 3 or 400 men, Barrisdale and Lochgerrie came with about
150 men each; but so soon as Lochgerrie got pay for his men, he
went away, promising to return in a few days and at the same time
to observe the Earl of Loudon's motions. But neither of these was
done, for the Earl marched thro' Glengarry and had taken Lochiel
but for some of his scouts as shall be told. Barrisdale, before
Lord Loudon came to Achnecarie, told Lochiel he would go and bring
more men, and left his son with a few. Early in the morning a body
of men appear'd marching over a hill, whom Lochiel believed to be
Barrisdale's men; but he was soon undeceived by some out-scouts he
had placed at proper distances who told him these men were certainly
Loudon's, for they saw red crosses in their bonnets. On this Lochiel
dispersed [Sidenote: _fol._ 163.] his men and crossed the loch in a
boat which he kept to prevent his being surprized. It prov'd as he
had been told, and he owed his escape more to the red crosses than
Barrisdale's honesty.
Lord Lovat and others took different routes. Mr. Murray continued
with Lochiel till they came to Lochleven near Glencoe, and after
being there some time Mr. Murray went from thence to Glenlion. Sir
David Murray, Dr. Cameron, and I went with him. We continued there
12 or 14 days. From that we went to Glenochie, where he (Murray) was
taken very ill. He desired we should return. Sir David Murray went
south, and we to Lochiel. He bid us tell him that he would continue
about Glenlion till he recovered, and if he could not in safety get
south to provide a ship he would return to him. But we were soon
informed that in 2 or 3 days after we parted from him he went south.
Captain MacNab went with him to the Braes of Balquidder, and provided
him in an horse and cloaths. I return to the battle.
As to the left of our army I can give no particular account but that
the officers, nobility and gentry, behaved with great gallantry, in
which all there did agree. The Duke of Athol had been ill at the time
the Prince was at Inverness, and so was not in the action, but before
Cumberland came there he left it. I was told by one that was with
him that a little after the battle he met with John Hay and enquired
what was become of the Prince. To which he replied he was gone off
and desired none to follow him. On which the Duke took the road to
Ruthven of Badenoch, where he met severals of the unfortunate, who
took different roads for their safety.
The Prince, as I have already told, being prevailed on to [Sidenote:
_fol._ 164.] retire after the action, went to Invergary, Glengary's
house; but that gentleman and his lady were not at home. However, he
continued there that night without meat, drink, fire or candle except
some firr-sticks and a salmon he brought, which he ate with gridiron
bannocks. He was made believe his loss was much greater than it was;
that Lochiel, Keppoch, and other leading men of the Highlanders were
killed, and was advised by Sullivan, O'Neil, and John Hay to dismiss
all that were then with him for greater security of his person, as
in that situation he could trust none. Accordingly he dismissed all
but the above three; but whether Sir Thomas Sheridan was then with
him I have not been inform'd. Many would have followed him after the
battle, but were forbid, as the Duke of Athol was.
[Sidenote: 19 April]
From Invergary, where he was but one night, the Prince went by the
head of Locharkeig to the west coast, where he embarked for the
Island of Uist. How long he continued there at that time I know not.
But from thence he went in an open boat to the Lewis in order to get
a ship to carry him off. But being in that disappointed he returned
to Uist, where he skulked, till he was informed that Major General
Campbell, and a body of Argyleshire men and others were come to that
island. To avoid them he went to Clanronald's house, continued there
no longer than to dress himself in woman's cloaths, and [Sidenote:
_fol._ 165.] with Miss MacDonald went in an open boat to the Isle
of Sky. In his passage he met with a boat in which were some of the
Argyleshire men, who seeing a small boat with two men and two women
took no notice of them. On his landing in Sky he sent Miss MacDonald
to Lady Margaret MacDonald, Sir Alexander's lady, to tell her of his
being there and to know if he would be safe in her house if but for
one night, as he was the day following to leave the island. What
reception Miss had, or what return was made, I cannot say with any
certainty (it being told in so many different ways), but certain it
is the Prince went that night to Mr. MacDonald's of Kingsburgh, where
he slept very well, and next day in an open boat left the island
with the Laird of Mackinnon and another. He landed in Moidart, went
to Angus MacDonald's house in Boradale, returned MacKinnon to Sky,
changed his own dress, and sent for Glenaladale of Clanranald's
family.
After the battle of Culloden many of the wounded who were not able
to leave the field were that and the next day killed upon the spot,
and few were made prisoners. Cumberland came to Inverness, where
such as had been prisoners were released. The clans who were at the
action dispersed, and such as were only coming on their march to join
the Prince returned. Earl Cromerty and others were taken prisoners
in Sutherland, and sometime after brought to Inverness. The French
surrendred prisoners; and different parties were sent to take up
the stragglers. After Cumberland had been sometime in Inverness he
ordered Earl Loudon with a good body of men to Lochabar to prevent
our coming to a body and receive such as would come and deliver up
their arms to him. He met with no [Sidenote: _fol._ 166.] opposition,
received a great number of arms, and gave protections. When he was
encamped at Moy, three miles from Achnacarry (Lochiel's house),
where he (Lochiel) had been, and six miles from Fort-William, Monroe
of Culcairn was sent by Cumberland with a body of men to Earl Loudon
with orders to him to burn Lochiel's house. On receiving these orders
he told Culcairn that as he was to march from thence, he (Culcairn)
might burn it. To which he answered he had done that already. The
Earl, tho' as an officer he with exactness discharged his duty, yet
behav'd with great humanity to the unfortunate, which I believe made
Culcairn execute what he had no orders for.
At this time or soon after a line was formed from Inverness to Fort
Augustus, from thence to Fort William to prevent the Prince or
any others to escape; as also a line was formed from the head of
Locharkaig to prevent coming in or going out of Lochabar.
While Cumberland was at Fort Augustus great liberties were taken
by some officers sent on different commands, particularly Colonel
Cornwallis, Major Lockheart, Monroe of Culcairn, Captain Caroline
Scott, and Captain Grant, son to Grant of Knockando and Strathspey.
Culcairn, after he had burnt and plundered from Moy to the head of
Locharkeig, marched from thence to Kintale. Captain Grant, above
mentioned, with about 200 men of Loudon's regiment, marched into
Lochabar, stripped men, women, and children without distinction of
condition or sex. He burnt Cameron of Cluns's house, took a few cows
he had bought after Culcairn had formerly plundered him of all,
stript his wife and some others naked as they came into [Sidenote:
_fol._ 167.] the world.[75] Thus was this unfortunate gentleman
made partner in the miseries of his wife and children and deprived
of all means of subsistence except five milk goats. From thence he
marched by the wood of Tervalt to Locharkeig. He told he was going
to carry off Barrisdale's cattle who had undertaken to apprehend the
Prince, but had deceived them; which was owing more to its not being
in his power than want of inclination. He burnt and plunder'd as he
marched. The day he left Cluns he apprehended one Alexander Cameron,
on the side of Locharkeig, who had a gun on his shoulder. This man,
tho' he discovered the party at a distance made no attempt to run
from them but came and delivered his arms. Being asked how he came
not to deliver his arms sooner, he answered he saw these who had
submitted to the King's mercy plundered as well as those who did not;
that he had gone with his wife and children and cattle to a remote
wilderness, which was the reason he had not delivered up his arms
before that time. This to any but Captain Grant would have been a
sufficient excuse, but so void was he of the least humanity that he
ordered him immediately to be tied to a tree and shot dead by the
highway in the wood of Muick. This party was joined in Knoidart by
Monroe of Culcairn, who commanded 200 men and had been in Kintail.
About eight days after, as they were returning with Barrisdale's
cattle and some belonging to others, Culcairn was shot from a
[Sidenote: _fol._ 168.] bush, not a gun-shot length or distance from
that spot where Cameron had been (it may be said) murdered by Captain
Grant.[76] Evan MacHoule or Cameron, tho' he never had been out of
the country or join'd the Prince's army or any part of it, came to
deliver his arms to the first party that came to Lochabar then at
the head of Locharkeig. He was desired to tell where arms were hid.
He declared he knew not where any were hid with asseverations and
oaths. But these did not save him, for he was immediately shot. I do
not remember who commanded the party, but I believe it was Colonel
Cornwallis. Archibald MacLauchlan, brother to John MacLauchlan of
Greenhall, was an officer in that command. William Dow MacHoule
and his brother going to a sheeling in Glenkengie were taken up on
suspicion that one of the black horses was in their custody, and
for this aggravating circumstance, viz., that a gun was found in
one of their houses, were both immediately shot.[77] The last that
encamped in the Braes of Locharkeig, seeing what they believed to be
a boat on the side of the loch, sent a party. But it proved to be
no other than a large black stone. But that they might not return
without some gallant action, on meeting a poor old man about sixty,
begging, they shot him. Much about the same time meeting a poor old
woman, blind of an eye, a beggar for several years before, they
desired her to tell where Lochiel was; and for not telling what she
did not know she was immediately shot. This is certain; but what is
reported to have been done to her before she was dead I incline not
to [Sidenote: _fol._ 169.] repeat--things shocking to human nature.
Colonel Cornwallis, when sent with a large body of men to the head
of Locharkeig, in his march thro' Grant of Glenmoriston's country
spied two men leading dung to their land. They were ordered to come
to the party, but happening to turn their backs upon it they were
instantly shot dead. John Cameron, brother to Lochiel, never join'd
him or any of his servants. On the contrary when the Prince came to
Glenfinan or before it, he went to his father-in-law, John Campbell's
house in Broadalbin, where he continued till the Prince marched
out of Lochabar, and so soon as he returned he waited upon Captain
Campbell, deputy governor of Fort William, continued some days with
him and ever behaved himself peaceably, keeping at home. But that
could not save his effects; for Captain Caroline Scott, the last
that plundered that unfortunate country, took from him an hundred of
his cows and all his small and young cattle. An order being given to
apprehend, on suspicion, Peter MacLauchlan, taxman of a farm in Mull,
belonging to the Duke of Argyle, he came within the time limited in
Cumberland's proclamation, at least as soon as he was informed of it
and surrendred himself and arms to Major General Campbell. But how
soon the [Sidenote: _fol._ 170.] general went to the Isles, Captain
Millar of Guise's regiment, formerly a prize-fighter, was sent with a
party to Mull, as is believed by orders of Captain Caroline Scott, to
burn and plunder some few tenants in MacKinnon's lands; which being
done with great severity, he went to Peter MacLauchlan's house, burnt
it, plundered everything that he had, horses, cows, and sheep, except
a lame cow that could not travell.
[75] See f. 1685.
[76] See f. 558.
[77] See f. 1684.
Captain Caroline Scott came to Stewart of Ardsheill's house in Appin
and took from his lady a few cows General Campbell had bought from
the soldiers and made a present of to her. All Ardsheil's cattle
being taken by the soldiers, the Captain desired she would give
him her keys, which she did. He then demanded what he called her
small keys which she had no sooner delivered than he offered her
his hand, led her out of the house, and told her she had no more
to do in it. She desired to know where she was to go. He replied
to Appin's house. She then told him she could not leave her young
children to starve, as he had taken all her provisions from her. On
which he ordered her one boll of meal of her own to be given her.
The Captain, after he had rummaged the house, took great care to
have the slates and sarking taken from the roof. He gutted the house
and office-houses of all the timber in them with the least damage
possible even to the drawing of the nails. He then had all the walls
cast down, the free stone, lintels, rabats, etc., laid by themselves,
all which he sold with the planting, which chiefly [Sidenote: _fol._
171.] consisted of many large ash trees. It was this Captain Caroline
who hanged three men near Glenevis, that when some others were
pursued, came and delivered their arms, expecting to get protection.
In place of which the Captain told them, as others had not done the
same they were to be hang'd. The poor men said it would be hard to
punish them for the fault of others; and so little did they think he
intended any such thing, but that he threatened to fright them, they
were laughing when the soldiers were putting the ropes about their
necks. But they were mistaken; for instantly they were hang'd and had
not so much time as to beg God to have mercy upon their souls.
The same Captain, when he went to the island of Barra with a party
to search for arms, he apprehended a man, being informed that he had
been in arms, and ordered him immediately to be hang'd. The poor man
begg'd he might delay for a few hours that he would prove by 50 he
had never been out of the country or under arms in it. But this was
not granted, tho' Captain Millar of Guise's regiment begged he might
consider what he was doing--for tho' he (Scott) was an older Captain,
yet he had served much longer. To which the other replied he knew
very well what he was doing, which was not without orders. What made
this the more surprizing is that tho' in the islands belonging to
Barra there will be about 4 or 500 souls there is but one gentleman
and 7 or 8 common people that are Protestants, of whom this poor
unfortunate man was one.
I have hitherto confin'd myself to facts; but in this place must
observe that all those who were hang'd or shot were Protestants;
[Sidenote: _fol._ 172.] that in plundering the cattle, burning,
etc., the Roman Catholick's countries, Braes of Lochabar, Glengary,
Knoidart, Moidart, Arisaig, and Morar suffer'd little by burning or
taking of cattle, and not one that I know of was hang'd or shot who
was a Papist. How loud would the clamour have been had such burning
and murders, etc., been committed by the Prince's army, or the like
indulgence shown to Popish countries and Papists!
I have been told Major Lockheart came not short of Captain Caroline
in many of the like actions. But as I was not then in that country,
I leave it to others better informed. What I have told of the above
plunderings, burnings, and killing may be absolutely depended on;
and have left off to put them together, lest, if mention'd in their
proper places, it might interrupt what more particularly concern'd
the Prince, to which I return.
Glenaladale, as I have related, being sent for, came; and the Prince
being better inform'd as to Lochiel, Keppoch, and others, that his
loss had not been as Sullivan and O'Neil told him, proposed going to
Lochabar where he believed Lochiel was. But as all the passes were
then guarded, this was represented to be impracticable. He continued
a few days in that country and was advised to go to the Braes of
Glenmoriston, and there and in Lord Lovat's country to continue till
the passes were opened. Accordingly he went attended by Glenaladale,
his brother, and a son of Angus MacDonald's, two young boys. They
sent for Donald Cameron of Glenpean to be their guide to the Braes of
Locharkeig. He came, and in the night conducted the Prince safe thro'
the guards that were on the pass so close to their tents as to hear
every word they spoke.[78] When they came to Glenmoriston they got
six stout trusty men, but spoke not a word of English, with whom and
Glenaladale the Prince continued betwixt the Braes of Glenmoriston
[Sidenote: _fol._ 173.] and Glen Strathferrar till the guards were
removed and all the passes opened.
[78] See an addition to the narrative at this point, at f. 569.
[Sidenote: 1 Aug.]
About the beginning of August he went to Lochabar with the above
retinue, came to Achnasual on the side of Locharkeig, two miles from
Achnacarie. They had no provisions, but expected to be supplied
in that country, in which they were disappointed, it having been
plundered, and all the people were fled to the mountains to save
their lives. In this situation the Prince was in danger of being
starved, when one of the Glenmoriston men discovered a large fine
hart and shot him. The day following the Prince was inform'd that
Lochgarie, Cluns, and Achnasual were in the neighbouring mountains,
and sent for them, and dispatched one to inform Lochiel, then about
20 miles distant, of his being in that country. But Lochiel, some
days before, hearing a surmise of the Prince's being come to the
continent had sent his brother (the doctor) and me by different roads
to get all the intelligence we could of the Prince. The person who
was sent to Lochiel met the Doctor within a few miles of the place
where Lochiel was, who was obliged to return with two French officers
that were likewise in quest of the Prince.[79]
[79] See f. 1546.
This faithful person would not own he knew anything about the Prince,
his orders being only to tell Lochiel. However, he said he had
business of the utmost consequence. The Doctor brought him and the
two officers to his brother. The next day Lochiel sent the Doctor
to the Prince, and the officers to the care of one of his friends
with whom they were to continue till further orders. In the mean
time, after travelling and searching several days to no purpose, I
met the Doctor at Achnacarie as he was going to the Prince. He had
four servants with him, who, as the river was not passable, raised a
[Sidenote: _fol._ 174.] boat Culcairn had sunk after his searching
the Isle of Locharkeig, where from former experience he expected to
get a great deal of plunder.
[Sidenote: August]
When Culcairn was in this island he discovered some new-raised earth,
and believing money or arms to be hid there had it dug up, and only
discovered the corpse of a man without a coffin, which had not been
many days buried. On the corps there was a good Holland shirt, which
made him believe it to be Lochiel, and sent an express to Cumberland
to tell that he had found Lochiel's corps, who had died of his
wounds. From this it was put in the newspapers. This was the corps
of John Cameron, brother to Allan Cameron of Callart, who was taken
at Culloden and sent prisoner to London. The shirt was taken from the
corps and it left to be food for the birds of prey, etc.
The Prince at this time was in a small hutt built for the purpose
in the wood betwixt Achnasual and the end of Locharkeig. Observing
some men in arms by the water side, we sent two of Cluns' children
to know who they were. We soon discovered them to belong to Cluns,
sent the boat for them, and dismist the four servants on pretence we
were going to skulk in the wood for some days; and that keeping such
a number together might be dangerous. We cross'd the river and went
to the hutt. The Prince with Achnasual had gone a little from it;
but being informed what we were, came immediately to us. He was then
bare-footed, had an old black kilt coat on, a plaid, philabeg and
waistcoat, a dirty shirt and a long red beard, a gun in his hand, a
pistol and durk by his side. He was very cheerful and in good health,
and, in my opinion, fatter than when he was at Inverness.
When we told him what we were and from whence we came, and that
Lochiel was well and recovered of his wounds,[80] he [Sidenote:
_fol._ 175.] thanked God thrice for it, and expressed an uncommon
satisfaction. They had kill'd a cow the day before, and the servants
were roasting some of it with speets. The Prince knew their names,
spoke in a familiar way to them and some Erse. He ate very heartily
of the roasted beef and some bread we had got from Fort Augustus,
and no man could sleep sounder in the night than he. He proposed
going immediately where Lochiel was. But we knew by the newspapers
the Government had been inform'd some time before that he had pass'd
Corierag with Lochiel and 30 men, which probably might occasion a
search in those parts. This made him resolve to continue for some
time where he was. Some days after Lochgary and the Doctor were sent
to Lochiel and Glenaladale, and the faithful Glenmoriston men were
dismist. The Prince continued in the hutt with Cluns's children.
Captain MacRaw of Glengary's regiment, one or two servants, and I
had the honour to add one to the number.
[80] See f. 1479.
[Sidenote: June]
[Sidenote: July]
[Sidenote: August]
The two officers who, I told, went to Lochiel with the Doctor, came
from Dunkirk in a small vessel with sixty other young gentlemen, who
had formed themselves in a company of volunteers under the command
of the foresaid two officers, some time before they could hear of
the battle of Culloden. They came in June to Polliew in Seaforth's
country, where four of them landed to deliver their dispatches,
of whom two were taken; and the other two wandered in Seaforth's
country till Lochgarie, hearing they had letters for the Prince,
sent [Sidenote: _fol._ 176.] Captain MacRaw and his own servant
for them, that they might be sent to Lochiel, since the Prince was
not to be found. This happen'd about the middle of July. When they
came to Lochiel they told him they had left their papers with Mr.
Alexander MacLeod, one of the Prince's aid de camps, then skulking
in Seaforth's country. Tho' this prov'd true, yet as they themselves
had not told it to Lochgary or any other, made him (Lochiel) suspect
them to be Government spies. The Prince wanted much to see them.
But we told him what Lochiel and we were afraid of, which made
him resolve to act in this with greater caution. He said it was
surprizing that two men, strangers, and without one word of Earse,
could escape from the troops, who were always in motion in quest of
him and his followers. But to see them in safety, he wrote a letter
to them himself to this purpose,--that to avoid falling into the
hands of his enemies he was under a necessity to retire to a remote
country where he had none with him but one, Captain Drummond, and a
servant, and as he could not remove from where he was without danger
to himself and them, he had sent Captain Drummond with this letter;
and as he could repose entire confidence in him, desired whatever
message they had to him, to tell it to the bearer, Captain Drummond,
and take his advice as to their conduct. This letter he proposed to
deliver to them himself under the name of Captain Drummond, for both
of them told Lochiel they had never seen the Prince. They were sent
for, and when they came, were introduced to the Prince under his
borrowed name. He delivered the letter to them with which they were
very well pleased, and told him everything they had to say, which he
afterwards said was of [Sidenote: _fol._ 177.] no great consequence
as his affairs then stood. They continued two days with us, asked
the fictitious Captain Drummond several questions about the Prince's
health and manner of living. His answers they heard with the utmost
surprize. The Prince, believing the pacquet left with Mr. Alexander
MacLeod might be of use to him, sent for it; but as it was cyphers
and directed to the French ambassador, he could make nothing of it.
[Sidenote: 10 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 11 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 13 Aug.]
We continued in this wood and that over against Achnacarie (having
three hutts in different places to which we removed by turns) till I
think about the 10th of August, on which day Cluns's son and I went
to the Strath of Cluns for intelligence. We were not half an hour
in the hut, which Cluns had built for his family (after his house
was burnt), when a child of six years old went out and returned in
haste to tell that she saw a great body of soldiers. This we did not
believe, as Lochgary had promised to Lochiel to have a guard betwixt
Fort Augustus and this place to give intelligence. We went out to
know the truth and it proved as the girl had said. Cluns skulked
to observe the motions of the party. His son and I went to inform
the Prince. He was that day in one of the hutts on the other side
of the Water Kiaig a short mile from Cluns. Crossing the ford of
that water under cover of the wood, and coming within pistol shot
of the hutt, I observed the party advancing. The Prince was then
asleep, being about 8 in the morning. I wakened him and desired him
not to be surprized, for that a body of the enemy were in sight.
He with the utmost composure got up, called for his gun, sent for
Captain MacRaw and Sandy, Cluns's son, who with a servant were doing
the duty of sentries about the wood. We concluded by our having no
intelligence of the party marching from Fort [Sidenote: _fol._ 178.]
Augustus, as had been promised, there was treachery in it and that
we were surrounded. Cluns came soon up to where we were. However
tho' but eight in number we were determined, rather than to yield,
to be butchered by our merciless enemies to sell our lives dear and
in defence of our Prince to die like men of honour. We left the hut
and marched to a small hill above the wood from whence we could
see a great way up Glenkingie and not be discovered. We got there
unobserved, which was owing to the cover of the wood. The Prince
examined all our guns, which were in pretty good order, and said
he hoped we would do some execution before we were killed. For his
part he was bred a fowler, and could charge quick, was a tolerable
marksman, and would be sure of one, at least. He said little more,
but sent Cluns and me to take a narrow view of the party, and
resolved that night to goe to the top of Mullantagart, a very high
mountain in the Braes of Glenkengie, and to send one to us to know
what we discover'd or were informed of. When we came to the Strath of
Cluns the women told us that the party was of Lord Loudon's regiment,
consisting of about 200 men, commanded by one Captain Grant, son to
Grant of Knockando in Strathspey; that they had carried away ten milk
cows which Cluns had bought after he was plundered, and found out
the hutt we had in the wood of Tervalt, and that they gave it out
that they were going to bring Barrisdale's cattle to the camp, who
had promised to apprehend the Prince but had deceived them. I have
told you [Sidenote: _fol._ 179.] already how this Captain Grant,
I may say, barbarously murdered Alexander Cameron on the side of
Locharkeig. In the evening Cluns' son came to us from the Prince,
with whom we returned, told him as we were informed, and brought some
whiskie, bread, and cheese. This was about 12 at night. He was on
the side of the mountain without fire or any covering. We persuaded
him to take a hearty dram and made a fire, which we durst not keep
above half an hour lest it should be seen by the people in the
neighbourhood. By daylight we went to the top of the mountain, where
we continued till eight in the evening without the least cover, and
durst not rise out of our seats. The Prince slept all the forenoon
in his plaid and wet hose, altho' it was an excessive cold day, made
more so by several showers of hail. From thence we went that night
to the Strath of Glenkengie, killed a cow and lived merrily for
some days. From that we went to the Braes of Achnacarie. The Water
of Arkeg in crossing came up to our haunches. The Prince in that
condition lay that night and next day in open air, and though his
cloaths were wet he did not suffer the least in his health.
[Sidenote: 30 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 13 Sept.]
In a day or two after Lochgary and Dr. Cameron return'd from Lochiel
(to whom they had been sent) and told it was Lochiel's opinion and
theirs that the Prince would be safe where he (Lochiel) was skulking.
This pleased him much and the next night he set out with Lochgary,
the Doctor and Sandy (Cluns's son), myself and three servants. We
travell'd in the night and slept all day, till we came to Lochiel,
who was then in the hills betwixt the Braes of Badenoch and Athol.
The Doctor and I went by another road on a message to Badenoch.
I return'd about September 13th and the next day was sent south.
The Prince by moving from place to place and but few with him had
hitherto escaped the narrow and strict search of [Sidenote: _fol._
180.] the troops. But as the like good fortune might not always
continue he ordered Lochiel to send south to have a ship freighted to
bring him and others off by the East Coast. The ship was provided,
and one sent to inform the Prince of it, who with Lochiel and others
was to come where the ship lay. But before this messenger came to
where the Prince had been, two of Lochiel's friends that had orders
to watch on the West Coast came and told that two French ships were
arrived at Moidart. Upon this, the night following, the Prince set
out from where they were, and at the same time sent to inform others
skulking in different places. Some arrived in time; but others by
some accident or other had not that good fortune.
I have told you what I was witness to or informed of by such as
I could absolutely depend upon. I shall only add that the Prince
submitted with patience to his adverse fortune, was chearful, and
frequently desired those that were with him to be so. He was cautious
when in the greatest danger, never at a loss in resolving what to do,
with uncommon fortitude. He regretted more the distress of those who
suffered for adhering to his interest than the hardships and dangers
he was hourly exposed to. To conclude, he possesses all the virtues
that form the character of a HERO and GREAT PRINCE.
CAPTAIN O'NEIL'S JOURNAL of the Prince's Retreat and Escape
after April 16th, 1746.[81]
[81] See observations on this document by Donald MacLeod, f. 270.
There is another _attested_ copy of this Journal given at f. 670.
[Sidenote: 15 April]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 181.] April 15th.--The Prince marched his army in
three columns from Culloden Muir to surprize the Duke of Cumberland
in his camp at Nairn, ordering at the same time 2000 men to pass the
river Nairn and post themselves between Elgin and the camp of the
enemy. To deceive the ships in Inverness Road, we made several fires
on the mountain, where we drew up in battle order, and at 8 o'clock
at night we began our march.
[Sidenote: 16 April]
About 2 o'clock next morning (April 16th) within a mile of the enemy
our van halted. The Prince, who marched in the centre, dispatched
an aid de camp to know the motive of the halt. Colonel O'Sullivan,
who marched in the van, immediately hasted to the Prince, and told
him. Lord George Murray and some others of the chiftains, as they
wanted some of their men, did not think themselves sufficiently
strong to attack the enemy, and, upon a strong belief that the Duke
of Cumberland was apprized of their design, refused to advance,
maugrè the instances he (Sullivan) made use of to engage them to
the contrary. Upon this the Prince advanced to the head of the
column, where, assembling the chiefs, in the most pathetic manner
and strongest terms he demonstrated to them the visible and real
advantages they had of an enemy who thought themselves secure of
any such attempt; and descending from his horse, drew his sword and
told them, he would head them to an enemy they had as often defeated
as seen. But deaf to his example and intreaties the greater part
declined, which so sensibly shocked the Prince that, remounting his
horse, he told them, with tears in his eyes, that he did not so much
regret his own loss as their inevitable ruine. We immediately march'd
back to our camp at Culloden where we arriv'd at 5 in the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 182.] morning. At ten o'clock we were inform'd that the Duke
of Cumberland was in full march towards us. The Prince on this report
gave the necessary orders for the attack, riding from rank to rank,
encouraging his troops and exhorting them to behave as formerly at
Prestonpans and Falkirk; and between 12 and one we began the attack
and engaged the enemy, the Prince commanding the centre. Our right
wing immediately broke the left of the enemy; but their flank being
exposed to nine squadrons of horse, who attacked them when in pursuit
of the foot, put them into so much confusion that they instantly
dispersed. The Prince, galloping to the right and endeavouring to
rally them, but to no purpose, had his horse shot under him.[82]
The left followed the example of the right which drew on an entire
flight, maugrè all the Prince could do to animate or rather rally
them. He remain'd on the field of battle till there were no more
hopes left, and then scarce could be persuaded to retire, ordering
the French picquets and Fitz-James's horse to make a stand in order
to favour the retreat of the Highlanders, which was happily effected.
[82] Not true. See f. 1161.--F.
[Sidenote: 26 April]
Previous to the battle the Prince ordered the chiftains in case of
a defeat, as the Highlanders could not retreat as regular troops,
to assemble their men near Fort Augustus. In consequence of which
immediately after the battle the Prince dispatched me to Inverness
to repeat his orders to such of his troops as were there. That night
the Prince retired six miles from the field of battle, and next day
arrived at Fort Augustus, [Sidenote: _fol._ 183.] where he remained
all that day in expectation his troops would have join'd him. But
seeing no appearance of it he went to the house of Invergary and
ordered me to remain there to direct such as passed by that way the
road his royal highness took. I remained there two days and did
the Prince's orders to such as I met; but to no effect, every one
taking his own road. I then followed the Prince, who was so far from
making a precipitate retreat that he retired by six and six miles,
and arrived the 26th of April at Knoidart, where I join'd him next
day and gave him an account of the little appearance there was of
assembling his troops. Upon which he wrote circuler letters to all
the Chiftains, enjoining them by the obedience they owed him to join
him immediately with such of their clans as possibly they could
gather together; at the same time representing the imminent danger
they were in if they neglected it.
[Sidenote: 27 April]
[Sidenote: May]
[Sidenote: 10 May]
[Sidenote: June]
After remaining there some days in hopes his orders would have been
obeyed, and seeing not one person resort to him, the extreme danger
of his person was remonstrated to him, being within 7 miles of Lord
Loudoun, Sir Alexander MacDonald and the MacLeods; and to evade this
it was proposed to retreat to one of the islands near the continent.
After repeated instances of the like nature he reluctantly assented,
leaving Mr. John Hay behind to transmit him the answers of his
letters with an account of what passed; and departed for the Isles in
an open fishing boat at 8 o'clock that night, accompanied by Colonel
O'Sullivan and me. About an hour [Sidenote: _fol._ 184.] after we
set out a violent storm arose, which drove us ninety miles from our
intended port; and next day running for shelter into the island of
North Uist, we struck upon a rock, the boat staved to pieces, and
with the greatest difficulty we saved our lives. At our landing we
were in the most melancholy situation, knowing nobody and wanting the
common necessaries of life. After much search we found a little hut
uninhabited and took shelter there, and with great difficulty made a
fire to dry our cloaths. Here we remained two days, having no other
provisions but a few biscuit we had saved out of the boat, which were
entirely spoiled with the salt water. As this island belonged to Sir
Alexander MacDonald, and not judging ourselves safe, we determined on
going elsewhere; and by the greatest good fortune one of our boatmen
discovered a boat stranded on the coast, and having with great
difficulty launched her in the water we embarked for the Harris. In
our passage we unfortunately met with another storm, which obliged us
to put into an island near Stornoway. Next day the Prince dispatched
me for the Harris to look out for a ship, ordering me to embark on
board the first I could get, and to make the most diligent haste
after my landing on the continent to the Court of France, enjoining
me to give a most exact account to his most Christian Majesty of his
disasters, and of his resolution never to abandon the country untill
he knew the final result of France; and if possible once more to
assemble his faithful Highlanders. Unluckily the person his royal
highness sent with me getting drunk told the master of the ship
somewhat that induced him to refuse taking me on [Sidenote: _fol._
185.] board, and immediately alarm'd the country, which obliged me to
retreat and join the Prince, who, when I told him, resolved for the
continent by way of Seaforth's country. But the boatmen absolutely
refused to comply, which made us take the road we came; and meeting
with three ships of war we were constrain'd to retire to a desart
island, where we remained eight days in the greatest misery, having
no sustenance but dried fish Providence threw in on the island.[83]
When the ships disappeared we put out to sea, and next morning we met
with another, just coming out of one of the lochs who pursued us near
an hour; but the wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon
we arrived at the island of Benbicula, and one of the boatmen being
acquaint with a herd of the island, we all went to his house, where
passing for friends of the boatman we remain'd four days, and then
the Prince sent the boat to the continent with an Highland gentleman
whom he charged with letters to the chiefs, Secretary Murray and
John Hay, requiring an exact account how affairs stood. Not thinking
ourselves secure in the cottage, by the advice of a friend we retired
to the mountain of Corradale to wait the return of the gentleman,
where we remained 22 days, when the gentleman returned with a letter
from Secretary Murray importing that almost all the clans had
delivered up themselves and arms, and consequently they were no more
to be depended upon. He [Sidenote: _fol._ 186.] likewise acquainted
the Prince of two French ships which had arrived at the continent
with money and arms, and in which the Duke of Perth and his brother,
Sir Thomas Sheridan and John Hay had embark'd for France. Here we
remained for some days longer till the Duke of Cumberland, having
intelligence the Prince was concealed in the Long Island, ordered the
militia of the Isle of Sky and the independent companies to go in
search of him. As soon as we had notice of their landing we retreated
to an island about twelve miles distance, called Hoya, where we
remained till we found they had followed us. We then went for Loch
Boysdale and staid there for eight days, where Captain Caroline
Scott landed within a mile of us, which obliged us to separate,
the Prince and I taking to the mountains, and Sullivan remaining
with the boatmen. At fall of night we marched towards Benbicula,
being inform'd Scott had ordered the militia to come and join him.
At midnight we came to a hutt where by good fortune we met with
Miss Flora MacDonald, whom I formerly knew. I quitted the Prince at
some distance from the hut, and went myself with a design of being
inform'd if the independent companies were to pass that way next day
as we had been informed. The young lady answered in the negative,
saying they would not pass till the day after. I then told her I
brought a friend to see her. She with some emotion asked if it was
the Prince. I answered in the affirmative and instantly brought him
in. We then consulted on the immediate danger the Prince was in, and
could think of no more proper or safe [Sidenote: _fol._ 187.] place
or expedient than to propose to Miss Flora to convey him to the Isle
of Sky, where her mother lived. This seem'd the more feasable, as the
young lady's father being captain of an independent company would
afford her a pass for herself and servant to go visit her mother.
The Prince assented and immediately proposed it to the young lady,
to which she answered with the greatest respect and loyalty but
declined, saying, Sir Alexander MacDonald was too much her friend
to be the instrument of his ruine. I endeavoured to obviate this by
assuring her Sir Alexander was not in the country, and that she could
with the greatest facility convey the Prince to her mother's house,
as she lived close by the water side.
[83] See ff. 292-297.
I then remonstrated to her the honour and immortality that would
redound to her by such a glorious action; and she at length
acquiesced, after the Prince had told her the sense he would always
retain of so conspicuous a service. She promised to acquaint us
next day when things were ripe for execution, and we parted for the
mountain of Corradale. Next day at 4 in the afternoon we received a
message from our protectrix telling us all was well. We determined
joining her immediately, but the messenger told us we could not
pass any of the fords that separated the island we were in from
Benbicula, as they were both guarded. In this dilemma a man of the
country tendred his boat to us, which we readily accepted of; and
next day landed at Benbicula, and immediately marched for Rushness,
the place of rendezvous, where we arrived at midnight, and instead
of our protectrix found a guard of the enemy. We were constrain'd
to retreat four miles, having eat nothing for 34 hours before. The
Prince ordered me to go to [Sidenote: _fol._ 188.] the lady and
know the reason she did not keep her appointment. She told me she
had engaged a cousin of hers in North Uist to receive him into his
house, where she was sure he would be more safe than in the Isle of
Sky.[84] I immediately dispatched a boy with these news to the Prince
and mentioned to him the place of appointment, whither his royal
highness came. But the gentleman absolutely refused to receive us,
alleging for a motive he was a vassal to Sir Alexander MacDonald. In
this unexpected exigence, being within a small half mile of a captain
and 50 men, we hasted for Rushness, being apprized the enemy had
just abandoned it. The Prince sent me to acquaint Miss Flora of our
disappointment, and to intreat her to keep by her promise as there
was no time to be lost. She faithfully promised next day. I remained
with her that night, the Prince remaining at Rushness attended by
a little herd boy. Next day I accompanied Miss Flora to the place
of rendezvous, where we had not long been when we had an account
that General Campbell was just landed with 1500 men. We now were
apprehensive we were betrayed and instantly got to our boat and put
to another place, where we arrived at daybreak. We then dispatched a
person to Clanronald's house to learn what news, who brought us word
that General Campbell was there with Captain Ferguson, and that he
saw Captain Scott's detachment coming to join them, and that they
amounted in all to 2300 men.
[84] See ff. 526, 589.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 189.] The Prince intreated the young lady that
I should accompany him, but she absolutely refused it, having a
pass but for one servant. His royal highness was so generous as to
decline going unless I attended him, untill I told him that if he
made the least demur I would instantly go about my business, as I was
extremely indifferent what became of myself, provided his person was
safe. He at length embarked, attended only by Miss Flora MacDonald,
etc.
[Sidenote: 1747 20 July]
REMARKS, etc., and PARTICULAR SAYINGS of some who were concerned
in the PRINCE'S PRESERVATION. Leith, Citadel, July 20, 1747.
Tis pity that Captain O'Neil has not been more particular in his
journal, for he has not so much as mentioned the necessity the
Prince was in to disguise himself in a female dress, which serves
to explain his distress and danger as much as any thing can do.
Besides by studying too much brevity he has altogether omitted
several remarkable particulars which he minutely described to those
he conversed familiarly with both in the Castle of Edinburgh,[85]
and after he was set at liberty. He used to tell that when he was
along with the Prince they happen'd to be twice within a gun-shot of
parties of the enemy, [Sidenote: _fol._ 190.] that he quite despair'd
of being any longer kept out of their clutches, and that he failed
not to represent to the Prince the impossibility of not falling into
the enemy's hands. 'The Prince,' said he, 'always reproved me for
my desponding thoughts, and endeavoured to encourage me in times of
the greatest danger by saying, "O'Neil, is this all the faith and
trust you have in God? Let us only take care to have enough of faith
and trust in his providence and there is no fear of us at all. Pull
up your spirits, man. Never despair."' O'Neil frankly own'd that in
place of his being useful to the Prince by endeavouring to comfort
and support him when dangers thicken'd upon them, the Prince had the
like good offices to perform to him, and that he frequently exerted
himself in different shapes to raise his spirits. One time having
nothing to eat for about two days but some mouldy dirty crumbs in
O'Neil's pocket, they luckily happened at last to come to a very mean
cottage where they found only an old poor woman who received them
kindly, and gave each of them two eggs and a piece of bear-bannocks,
but having not so much in her hut as a cup of cold water to give
them to put down their morsel, she told them that some lasses had
lately gone up the hill to milk the goats, etc., and that if they
would follow them, probably they might have a drink of milk from
them. The advice was very seasonable, and away they went, the honest
old woman directing them the way they should go. [Sidenote: _fol._
191.] The Prince skipped so speedily up the hill that O'Neil could
not keep up with him. The lasses gave them plenty of milk, and poor
O'Neil lay along among the grass, being quite undone with fatigue and
fear. The Prince did all he could to rouse him up both by arguing and
joking with him; but all to no purpose. At last the Prince turning
from him, said, 'Come, my lasses, what would you think to dance a
Highland reel with me? We cannot have a bag-pipe just now, but I
shall sing you a Strathspey reel.' The dance went merrily on, and the
Prince skipped so nimbly, knocking his thumbs and clapping his hands
that O'Neil was soon surprized out of his thoughtful mood, being
ashamed to remain any longer in the dumps when his Prince had been
at so much pains to divert his melancholy. He was sure he said that
the Prince entred into this frolick merely upon his account, for that
there could be no dancing at his heart, seeing at that time they knew
not where to move one foot. The Captain used to say he believed there
was not such another man in all the world as the Prince.
[85] See f. 529.
It is worth noticing too that O'Neil has not mentioned his going on
board with O'Sullivan after parting with the Prince, and how he was
taken prisoner upon his coming ashore again about something they
wanted to have, how he was very [Sidenote: _fol._ 192.] roughly used,
particularly by some of the Campbells, who took from him his gold
and watch, and every valuable thing about him, and how he was stript
naked and threatened (if he would not tell where the Prince was to
be found) with being put into that racking machine which Barisdale
invented and made use of to extort confession from thieves, and in
which one could not live above one hour.[86] But perhaps the Captain
reserves these and some other points to be the subject-matter of
another Journal when he comes to a country where he can make a plain
declaration of all that he knows with freedom and safety.
[86] See ff. 528, 529, 688-690.
Captain O'Neil had very great difficulty to prevail upon Miss
MacDonald to undertake being guardian to the Prince. She was not
only frighten'd at the hazards and dangers attending such a bold
enterprize, but likewise insisted upon the risque she would run
of losing her character in a malicious and ill-natured world.
The Captain was at some pains to represent to her the glory and
honour she would acquire by such a worthy and heroic action, and he
hoped God would make her successful in it. 'You need not fear your
character,' said he, 'for by [Sidenote: _fol._ 193.] this you will
gain yourself an immortal character. But if you will still entertain
fears about your character, I shall (by an oath) marry you directly,
if you please.' After she had consented O'Neil then thought it a
proper time to say something for himself, and earnestly begged
that he himself might have the happiness of being taken under her
tuition. But she positively refused to grant his request. At last he
became so pressing in his suit that he fell down upon his knees and
prayed her to consider his case and the desire he had to share in
the Prince's fate whatever it should be. She steadily resisted all
his importunities and judiciously remarked to him that the safety of
the Prince depended much upon few being in company, that she could
more easily undertake the preservation of one than of two or more;
and therefore she desired that he might not insist upon that point,
for if he should she resolv'd not to embark in the affair at all. He
found himself obliged to desist, and owned afterwards upon reflection
the wisdom of her resolution.
Her step-father (Hugh MacDonald of Armadale in Sky) did really serve
her with a passport, although at that time he was captain of militia,
and had a command of Sir Alexander's men in South Uist in order to
prevent the Prince's escape. He [Sidenote: _fol._ 194.] is reckoned
the strongest man of all the name of MacDonald, as I have more than
once heard Kingsburgh declare, and his strength of mind seems to bear
proportion to the strength of his body. He was obliged for some time
to keep out of the way till the suspicion of the passport began to be
forgot. But every one would not have been desirous of the task to lay
hands on him; for he never quit with his arms when he was skulking,
and the people in Sky stood in awe of him. Before they went to the
boat the Prince renewed the request about O'Neil's going along; but
Miss wisely persisted in her former resolution and would not hear
of the proposal, though the Prince pressed the matter with great
earnestness.
In the Journal taken from the mouths of the Laird of MacKinnon,
Malcolm MacLeod, etc., Miss MacDonald has omitted several things
which she particularly mentioned to those who conversed with her
when she was lying in the Road of Leith on board the _Eltham_ and
the _Bridgewater_ ships of war. She told that when the Prince put
on women's cloaths he proposed carrying a pistol under one of his
petticoats for making some small defence in case of an attack. But
Miss declared against it, alleging that if any person should happen
to search them the pistol would only serve to make a discovery.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 195.] To which the Prince replied merrily: 'Indeed,
Miss, if we shall happen to meet with any that will go so narrowly
to work in searching as what you mean they will certainly discover
me at any rate.' But Miss would not hear of any arms at all, and
therefore the Prince was obliged to content himself with only a short
heavy cudgel, with which he design'd to do his best to knock down any
single person that should attack him.
She us'd likewise to tell that in their passage to the Isle of Sky
a heavy rain fell upon them, which with former fatigues distressed
her much. To divert her the Prince sung several pretty songs. She
fell asleep, and to keep her so, the Prince still continued to sing.
Happening to awake with some little bustle in the boat she found
the Prince leaning over her with his hands spread about her head.
She asked what was the matter? The Prince told her that one of the
rowers being obliged to do somewhat about the sail behoved to step
over her body (the boat was so small), and lest he should have done
her hurt either by stumbling or trampling upon her in the dark
[Sidenote: _fol._ 196.] (for it was night) he had been doing his best
to preserve his guardian from harm. When Miss MacDonald was telling
this particular part of the adventure to some ladies that were paying
their respects to her on board the _Bridgewater_ in Leith Road,
some of them with raptures cried out: 'O Miss, what a happy creature
are you who had that dear Prince to lull you asleep, and to take
such care of you with his hands spread about your head, when you was
sleeping! You are surely the happiest woman in the world!' 'I could,'
says one of them,[87] 'wipe your shoes with pleasure, and think it my
honour so to do, when I reflect that you had the honour to have the
Prince for your handmaid. We all envy you greatly.' Much about the
same time a lady of rank and dignity,[88] being on board with Miss
MacDonald in the foresaid ship, a brisk gale began to blow and make
the sea rough, and not so easy for a small boat to row to Leith. The
lady whispered to Miss MacDonald that she would with pleasure stay on
board all night that she might have it to say that she had the honour
of lying in the same bed with that person who had been so happy as to
be [Sidenote: _fol._ 197.] guardian to her Prince. Accordingly they
did sleep in one bed that night. Several ladies[89] made valuable
presents to Miss MacDonald, viz., gowns, skirts, headsutes, shoes,
stockings, etc., etc. Commodore Smith made her a present when she
was in Leith Road of a handsome sute of riding-cloaths, with plain
mounting, and some fine linen for riding shirts, as also a gown to
her woman (Kate MacDonal) and some linen to be shirts for poor Kate,
who could not talk one word of English, being a native of Sky, and
who generously offered herself to Miss MacDonald when she could get
not one that would venture to go with her.
[87] Miss Mary Clerk.
[88] Lady Mary Cochran.
[89] My Lady Bruce, Lady Mary Cochran, Mrs. Rattray, Mrs. Cheap, Miss
Peggie Forbes, Miss Susie Graham, Miss Magdalen Clerk, Miss Mary
Clerk, Miss Rachie Houston, Miss Peggie Callander.
The Prince gave to Miss MacDonald the garters he wore with the
woman's cloaths, which were French, of blue velvet covered upon one
side with white silk, and fastened with buckles. Miss MacDonald's
brother (son of honest Armadale) coming south to find a passage
for Holland, where he was to enter into the Dutch service, brought
these garters along with him, and deposited them in the hands of a
friend[90] in Leith, to be kept for his sister till she should be so
happy as to return from London. He said his sister had writ from the
Road of Leith to Sky concerning the garters, intreating they might be
carefully preserved, for that she put a great value upon them.
[90] My Lady Bruce of Kinross.
When Miss MacDonald was a prisoner she happened in coursing about
from place to place to fall in luckily with [Sidenote: _fol._ 198.]
Captain O'Neil, then a prisoner likewise, to whom she made up, and
giving him a gentle slap upon the cheek with the loof of her hand,
said, 'To that black face do I owe all my misfortune.' The captain
with a smile replied, 'Why, Madam, what you call your misfortune is
truly your greatest honour. And if you be careful to demean yourself
agreeably to the character you have already acquired, you will in the
event find it to be your happiness.' She told him she was much afraid
they designed to carry her to London, which she could not think of
but with the utmost uneasiness, not knowing what might turn out to
be the consequence. Upon this O'Neil told her that he would take
upon him to commence prophet in the case, and to foretell what would
happen to her. 'For,' said he, 'if you are carried to London I can
venture to assure you it will be for your interest and happiness; and
instead of being afraid of this you ought to wish for it. There you
will meet with much respect and very good and great friends for what
you have done. Only be careful to make all your conduct of a piece.
Be not frighten'd by the thoughts of your present circumstances
either to say or do anything that may in the [Sidenote: _fol._ 199.]
least tend to contradict or sully the character you are now[91]
mistress of, and which you can never be robbed of but by yourself.
Never once pretend (through an ill-judg'd excess of caution and
prudence) to repent or be ashamed of what you have done, and I dare
take upon me to answer for the rest. I do not think (added he) that
the Government can be so very barbarous and cruel as to bring you
to a trial for your life, and therefore I hope you have nothing to
fear, and that things will happen to you as I have said.'
[91] Here begins vol. ii. of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript Collection.
It is entitled:
'THE LYON IN MOURNING, or a Collection (as exactly made as the
iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals,
etc. relative to the affairs, but more particularly, the dangers and
distresses of.... Vol. 2d. 1747.'
_'Qui modo_ SCOTORUM _leges sceptrumque gerebat; Proh dolor! externi
Principis orat orem.'_
Captain O'Neil was wont to tell those who visited him in the Castle
of Edinburgh that he had been at the same pains as a parent would
be with a child to lay down rules to Miss MacDonald for her future
behaviour under the misfortune of being a prisoner, and that it
gave him infinite pleasure to find that things had happened to her
hitherto according to his words, and to hear by all the accounts he
could learn that she had sacredly observed the advices he had given
her. He frequently expressed his heartiest wishes that she might get
free of all her troubles, and arrive at that which so justly she
deserved.
When Miss MacDonald was on board the _Bridgewater_ in Leith Road,
accounts had come that the Prince was taken prisoner, and one of the
officers had brought the news of this report on board. She got an
opportunity of talking privately to some who were then visiting her,
and said with tears in her eyes, 'Alas, I am afraid that now all is
in vain that I have [Sidenote: _fol._ 200.] done. The Prince at last
is in the hands of his enemies.' Though at that time great fear was
entertained about the truth of this account, yet those that were with
Miss MacDonald endeavoured all they could to chear her up, and to
dissuade her from believing any such thing. But still fears haunted
her mind till the matter was cleared up and the contrary appeared.
Miss MacDonald is Protestant, and is descended of the family of
Clanranald by her father, and of an Episcopal clergyman by her
mother. She is daughter of the deceast Ranald MacDonald of Milton
in South Uist, in which island (when the Prince was skulking
thereabouts) she happened to be visiting her brother-german who had
a little before taken up house at Milton. She was not many days
there till she was engaged in the hazardous enterprize; and when she
returned to her mother in Sky, the honest old woman was surprized to
see her, and asked the reason why she had made such a short stay with
her brother. Miss replied that things being in a hurry and confusion
in South Uist, with such a number of military folks, she was uneasy
till she got out of it; but she never once hinted at the adventure
she had so successfully managed, of which the mother knew nothing
at all till a party came to take the daughter prisoner, although
Miss had been with her [Sidenote: _fol._ 201.] mother eight or ten
days before she was seized. Immediately Miss Flora was hurried on
board of a sloop of war without being allowed the priviledge of
taking leave of her mother, or telling her anything of the matter,
or taking along with herself one stitch to change another. The sloop
called the _Greyhound_, or rather the _Furnace_, was commanded by
John Ferguson of Aberdeenshire,[92] a man remarkably rigid and severe
in his way, but one of too much greedy sense to have butchered the
Prince if he had fallen into his hands. For when he was asked by a
friend of his own[93] in Edinburgh what he would have done with the
Prince had he got him into his clutches, whether or not he would have
dispatched him, he answered, 'No (by G----), I would have been so
far from doing any such thing that I would have preserved him as the
apple of mine eye, for I would not take any man's word, no, not the
Duke of Cumberland's for £30,000 Sterling, though I knew many to be
such fools as to do it.' Ferguson was more [Sidenote: _fol._ 202.]
than once (as he thought) within an hour of catching the Prince, so
closely he pursued the royal wanderer, and such an anxiety he had to
touch the price of blood.
[92] See ff. 216-218, 690, 873, 922.
[93] Mrs. Ferguson of Pitfour.
It was Miss MacDonald's good fortune to be soon removed out of the
hands of Ferguson into those of the polite and generous Commodore
Smith, who, in the coursing about, obtained leave of General Campbell
to allow Miss to go ashore to visit her mother and to seek a servant
to attend her in the state of confinement. Then it was that poor Kate
MacDonal generously made an offer to run all risques with the captive
lady, who gladly accepted.
One day in the Road of Leith a lady[94] asking Miss if she had any
books on board, she said she had only a prayer book, but regreted
much the want of a bible, which that lady soon furnished her with in
a present in two pretty pocket volumes, handsomely bound. That she
might have some innocent and useful employment for her time, care was
taken by a lady[95] to send her a thimble, needles, white thread of
different sorts, etc., with some linen and cambrick cut and shaped
according [Sidenote: _fol._ 203.] to the newest fashions. This piece
of friendship Miss Flora admired as much as any instance of kindness
and regard that had been shown her, because all the time she had been
in custody she was quite idle, having no work to do, and thereby time
pass'd very dully on.
[94] Miss Rachie Houston.
[95] My Lady Bruce.
While she was in the Road of Leith, from the beginning of September
to the 7th of November, she never was allowed to set her foot once
on shore, though in other respects the officers were extremely civil
and complaisant to her, and took it exceedingly well when any persons
came to visit her. Sometimes they were so obliging as to come ashore
for good company to attend her, and frequently declared that if they
knew any person to come on board out of curiosity and not out of
respect for Miss MacDonald, that person should not have access to
her. This genteel behaviour makes it to be presumed that their orders
were so exceedingly strict that they could not dare to bring her
ashore. Commodore Smith (Commander of the _Eltham_) behaved like a
father to her, and tendered her many good advices as to her behaviour
in her ticklish situation; and Captain Knowler of the _Bridgewater_
used her with the utmost decency and politeness. When company came
to visit her she was indulged the privilege by both these humane and
well-bred gentlemen to call for anything on board as if [Sidenote:
_fol._ 204.] she had been at her own fireside, and the servants of
the cabin were obliged to give her all manner of attendance; and
she had the liberty to invite any of her friends to dine with her
when she pleased. Her behaviour in company was so easy, modest, and
well-adjusted that every visitant was much surprized; for she had
never been out of the islands of South Uist and Sky till about a
year before the Prince's arrival that she had been in the family of
MacDonald of Largie in Argyllshire for the space of ten or eleven
months; and during her confinement she had been all along on board a
ship of war till she went to London.
Some that went on board to pay their respects to her, used to take a
dance in the cabin, and to press her much to share with them in the
diversion. But with all their importunity they could not prevail
with her to take a trip. She told them that at present her dancing
days were done, and she would not readily entertain a thought of
that diversion till she should be assured of her Prince's safety,
and perhaps not till she should be bless'd with the happiness of
seeing him again. Although she was easy and chearful, yet she had
a certain mixture of gravity in all her behaviour which became her
situation exceedingly well, and set her of to great advantage. She is
[Sidenote: _fol._ 205.] of a low stature, of a fair complexion and
well enough shap'd. One could not discern by her conversation that
she had spent all her former days in the Highlands; for she talks
English (or rather Scots) easily, and not at all through the Earse
tone. She has a sweet voice and sings well; and no lady, Edinburgh
bred, can acquit herself better at the tea-table than what she did
when in Leith Road. Her wise conduct in one of the most perplexing
scenes that can happen in life, her fortitude and good sense, are
memorable instances of the strength of a female mind, even in those
years that are tender and unexperienced. She is the delight of her
friends and the envy of her enemies.
[Sidenote: 1746 29 June]
When the Prince came to Kingsburgh's house (Sunday, June 29th) it was
between ten and eleven at night; and Mrs. MacDonald, not expecting
to see her husband that night was making ready to go to bed. One of
her servant maids came and told her that Kingsburgh was come home
and had brought some company with him. 'What company?' says Mrs.
MacDonald. 'Milton's daughter, I believe,' says the maid, 'and some
company with her.' 'Milton's daughter,' replies Mrs. MacDonald, 'is
very welcome to come here with any company [Sidenote: _fol._ 206] she
pleases to bring. But you'll give my service to her, and tell her
to make free with anything in the house; for I am very sleepy and
cannot see her this night.' In a little her own daughter came and
told her in a surprize, 'O mother, my father has brought in a very
odd, muckle, ill-shaken-up wife as ever I saw! I never saw the like
of her, and he has gone into the hall with her.' She had scarce done
with telling her tale when Kingsburgh came and desired his lady to
fasten on her bucklings again, and to get some supper for him and the
company he had brought with him. 'Pray, goodman,' says she, 'what
company is this you have brought with you?' 'Why, goodwife,' said
he, 'you shall know that in due time; only make haste and get some
supper in the meantime.' Mrs. MacDonald desired her daughter to go
and fetch her the keys she had left in the hall. When the daughter
came to the door of the hall, she started back, ran to her mother and
told her she could not go in for the keys, for the muckle woman was
walking up and down in the hall, and she was so frighted at seeing
her that she could not have the courage to enter. Mrs. MacDonald
went herself to get the keys, and I heard her more than once declare
that upon looking in at the door she had [Sidenote: _fol._ 207.]
not the courage to go forward. 'For,' said she, 'I saw such an odd
muckle trallup of a carlin, making lang wide steps through the hall
that I could not like her appearance at all.' Mrs. MacDonald called
Kingsburgh, and very seriously begged to know what a lang, odd hussie
was this he had brought to the house; for that she was so frighted
at the sight of her that she could not go into the hall for her
keys. 'Did you never see a woman before,' said he, 'goodwife? What
frights you at seeing a woman? Pray, make haste, and get us some
supper.' Kingsburgh would not go for the keys, and therefore his
lady behov'd to go for them. When she entered the hall, the Prince
happen'd to be sitting; but immediately he arose, went forward and
saluted Mrs. MacDonald, who, feeling a long stiff beard, trembled to
think that this behoved to be some distressed nobleman or gentleman
in disguise, for she never dream'd it to be the Prince, though all
along she had been seized with a dread she could not account for from
the moment she had heard that Kingsburgh had brought company with
him. She very soon made out of the hall with her keys, never saying
one word. Immediately she importun'd Kingsburgh to tell her who the
person was, for that she was sure by the salute that it was some
distressed gentleman. Kingsburgh smiled at [Sidenote: _fol._ 208.]
the mention of the bearded kiss, and said: 'Why, my dear, it is the
Prince. You have the honour to have him in your house.' 'The Prince,'
cried she. 'O Lord, we are a' ruin'd and undone for ever! We will a'
be hang'd now!' 'Hout, goodwife,' says the honest stout soul, 'we
will die but ance; and if we are hanged for this, I am sure we die
in a good cause. Pray, make no delay; go, get some supper. Fetch
what is readiest. You have eggs and butter and cheese in the house,
get them as quickly as possible.' 'Eggs and butter and cheese!' says
Mrs. MacDonald, 'what a supper is that for a Prince?' 'O goodwife,'
said he, 'little do you know how this good Prince has been living
for some time past. These, I can assure you, will be a feast to him.
Besides, it would be unwise to be dressing a formal supper, because
this would serve to raise the curiosity of the servants, and they
would be making their observations. The less ceremony and work the
better. Make haste and see that you come to supper.' 'I come to
supper!' says Mrs. MacDonald; 'how can I come to supper? I know not
how to behave before Majesty.' 'You must come,' says Kingsburgh, 'for
he will not eat a bit [Sidenote: _fol._ 209.] till he see you at the
table; and you will find it no difficult matter to behave before him,
so obliging and easy is he is in his conversation.'
The Prince ate of our roasted eggs, some collops, plenty of bread
and butter, etc., and (to use the words of Mrs. MacDonald) 'the deel
a drap did he want in's weam of twa bottles of sma beer. God do him
good o't; for, well I wat, he had my blessing to gae down wi't.'
After he had made a plentiful supper, he called for a dram; and when
the bottle of brandy was brought, he said he would fill the glass for
himself; 'for,' said he, 'I have learn'd in my skulking to take a
hearty dram.' He filled up a bumper and drank it off to the happiness
and prosperity of his landlord and landlady. Then taking a crack'd
and broken pipe out of his poutch, wrapt about with thread, he asked
Kingsburgh if he could furnish him with some tobacco; for that he had
learn'd likewise to smoke in his wanderings. Kingsburgh took from him
the broken pipe and laid it carefully up with the brogs, and gave him
a new clean pipe and plenty of tobacco.
The Prince and Kingsburgh turn'd very familiar and merry together,
and when the Prince spoke to Kingsburgh, he for the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 210.] most part laid his hand upon Kingsburgh's knee and used
several kind and obliging expressions in his conversation with the
happy landlord. Kingsburgh remarked what a lucky thing it was that
he happened to be at Mougstot (Sir Alexander MacDonald's house),
and that it was all a matter of chance that he was there, for he
had no design of being there that day. And then he asked the Prince
what he would have done if he had not been at Mougstot. The Prince
replied, 'Why, sir, you could not avoid being at Mougstot this day;
for Providence ordered you to be there upon my account.' Kingsburgh
became so merry and jocose that putting up his hand to the Prince's
face, he turned off his head-dress which was a very odd clout of a
mutch or toy; upon which Mrs. MacDonald hasted out of the room and
brought a clean nightcap for him.
Both Kingsburgh and his lady said that the Prince's face and hands
were very much sun-burnt. But they declared he had not a spot of the
itch upon him, though a silly report had been raised by his malicious
enemies that he was scabbed to the eye-holes. His legs, they said,
were hacked in some parts, which was occasioned by his walking and
sleeping so often in [Sidenote: _fol._ 211.] wet hose. Mrs. MacDonald
used the freedom to put up the sleeve of his gown and of his shirt (a
very coarse dud), 'and there,' said she, 'I saw a bonny, clean, white
skin indeed. The deel a lady in a' the land has a whiter and purer
skin than he has.'
[Sidenote: 30 June]
Next morning Mrs. MacDonald went to Miss Flora's bedside before she
got up and asked of her an account of the adventure. Miss (among
other things) told her that there was not any other probable way
of saving the Prince but that single one which had been used, and
that it had the appearance of a desperate attempt at best: that Lady
Clanronald provided them with women's cloathes for the disguise, and
that she had contributed all in her power for preserving the Prince
out of the hands of his enemies. Mrs. MacDonald desired to know what
was become of the boat and the rowers. 'They returned directly,' said
Miss Flora, 'to South Uist.' Mrs. MacDonald declared great concern to
hear that, because upon their return they would immediately be seized
by the military and harshly used to tell what they knew. 'I wish,'
said Mrs. MacDonald, 'you had sunk the boat and kept the boatmen in
Sky where they could have been concealed, and then we would have
known [Sidenote: _fol._ 212.] the better what to have done with the
Prince, because his enemies by this means would have lost scent of
him. But all will be wrong by their returning to South Uist.' 'I hope
not,' said Miss, 'for we took care to depone them before they parted
from us.' 'Alas!' replied Mrs. MacDonald, 'your deponing of them will
not signifie a farthing. For if once the military get hold of them
they will terrifie them out of their senses and make them forget
their oath.'
As Mrs. MacDonald said, so it happened. The boatmen were made
prisoners instantly upon their landing in South Uist and threatened
with tortures if they did not declare everything they knew, which (to
avoid pain, and perhaps death itself) they complied with. From their
declaration no doubt it happen'd that his enemies could specifie the
particular parts of the dress the Prince was disguised in, even to
the nicety of telling the colour of the gown.
After Miss Flora had got up, Mrs. MacDonald told her that she wanted
much to have a lock of the Prince's hair, and that she behoved to go
into his room and get it for her. Miss Flora refused to do as she
desired, because the Prince was not yet out of bed. 'What then,'
said Mrs. MacDonald, 'no harm will happen to you. He is too good to
harm you or any [Sidenote: _fol._ 213.] person. You must instantly
go in and get me the lock.' Mrs. MacDonald, taking hold of Miss with
one hand, knocked at the door of the room with the other. The Prince
called, 'Who is there?' Mrs. MacDonald, opening the door, said,
'Sir, it is I, and I am importuneing Miss Flora to come in and get
a lock of your hair to me, and she refuses to do it.' 'Pray,' said
the Prince, 'desire Miss MacDonald to come in. What should make her
afraid to come where I am?' When Miss came in he begged her to sit
down on a chair at the bedside, then laying his arms about her waist,
and his head upon her lap, he desired her to cut out the lock with
her own hands in token of future and more substantial favours. The
one half of the lock Miss gave to Mrs. MacDonald and the other she
kept to herself. I heard Mrs. MacDonald say that when Miss Flora at
any time happened to come into the room where the Prince was, he
always rose from his seat, paid her the same respects as if she had
been a queen, and made her sit on his right hand.
Kingsburgh visited the Prince before he got out of bed and asked
how he had rested all night. 'Never better,' replied he, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 214.] 'for I have rested exceedingly well, having slept, I
believe, nine or ten hours without interruption.' Then it was that
the conversation happened about Lord George Murray and the landing of
the French, etc.[96]
[96] See ff. 150, 236.
When the Prince had got himself dress'd in the Highland cloaths
at the side of the wood, he embraced Kingsburgh in his arms and
bad him a long and a happy adieu, most affectionately thanking him
for all his services, and assuring him he would never forget them.
Then the Prince wept, and some drops of blood fell from his nose.
Kingsburgh could not refrain from weeping too, and when he saw the
blood, expressed his concern, dreading the Prince not to be in health
with the fatigues, fastings, etc., he was obliged to undergo. The
Prince assured him he was in very good health, and that this was no
extraordinary thing with him at all. 'This,' said he, 'is only the
effect of parting with a dear friend, and ordinarily it happens to me
in such a case. Alas! Kingsburgh, I am afraid I shall not meet with
another MacDonald in my difficulties.'[97] When Kingsburgh returned
to his own house he told his lady that after the Prince had got on
the Highland dress and the claymore in his hand he was a soger-like
man indeed.
[97] See ff. 538, 600.
[Sidenote: 4 July]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 215.] I heard Mrs. MacDonald of Kingsburgh say
that she had the following particular from Malcolm MacLeod's own
mouth before he was made prisoner. Malcolm went with the Prince and
MacKinnon to the shore to see them fairly boated for the continent.
When he was about to take leave of the Prince he spied some ships
coming in sight and hovering about the coast. He intreated the Prince
not to go on board for some time, but to wait till he should see
how these ships steer'd their course; 'For just now,' said he, 'the
wind blows so as to fetch them this way and to hinder your passing
to the continent.' The Prince replied, 'Never fear, MacLeod, I'll go
on board directly. The wind will change immediately and make these
ships steer a contrary course. Providence will take care of me, and
it will not be in the power of these ships to look near me at this
time.' Malcolm MacLeod declared that the Prince's words made him
astonished and determin'd him to sit down upon the shore to see what
would happen. He said the Prince and his small retinue had not rowed
many yards from the shore till the wind changed to a point directly
opposite to what it had been, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 216.] blowing
pretty briskly made the ships steer so as to be soon out of sight.
Mr. MacLeod affirm'd that in all the course of his life he had never
known any man that had such a firm trust and well-grounded confidence
as the Prince was remarkably endued with.
Captain John Ferguson searched Sir Alexander MacDonald's house for
the Prince, and in quest of him he came to Kingsburgh, where he
examined Kingsburgh and his lady and their daughter, Miss Nanie
MacDonald, _alias_ Mrs. MacAllaster, for she is married. Kingsburgh
told his lady that Captain Ferguson was come to examine her about
some lodgers she had lately in her house, and desired her to be
distinct in her answers. Mrs. MacDonald looking Ferguson broad in
the face said, 'If Captain Ferguson is to be my judge, then God have
mercy upon my soul.' Ferguson asked for what reason she spoke such
words. 'Why, Sir,' said she, 'the world belies you if you be not
a very cruel, hard-hearted man; and indeed I do not like to come
through your hands.' Ferguson had nothing else to say for himself but
the common saying, viz., That people should not believe all that the
world says.
[Sidenote: 20 July]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 217.] When Ferguson asked Kingsburgh where Miss
MacDonald and the person along with her in woman's cloaths lay all
night in his house, he answered, 'I know in what room Miss MacDonald
herself lay, but where servants are laid when in my house, I know
nothing of that matter, I never enquire anything about it. My wife
is the properest person to inform you about that.' Then he had the
impertinence to ask Mrs. MacDonald, Whether or not she had laid the
young Pretender and Miss MacDonald in one bed? To which she answered,
'Sir, whom you mean by the young Pretender I shall not pretend to
guess; but I can assure you it is not the fashion in the Isle of Sky
to lay the mistress and the maid in the same bed together.' Then
Ferguson desired to see the different rooms where their late lodgers
had slept; and after seeing them he said, it was pretty remarkable
that the room in which the maid had slept seem'd to look better than
the one where the mistress had been laid; and this behoved to confirm
him in the belief that it was the young Pretender in women's cloaths
who had been along with Miss MacDonald. Kingsburgh's daughter said
it could not be the person he meant in women's [Sidenote: _fol._
218.] cloaths, for that she had heard that person ask something (a
bottle of water) from Miss MacDonald in Erse. 'This,' says Ferguson,
'confirms me more and more in my opinion, for I have often heard that
a fellow went to Rome some years agoe on purpose to teach the young
Pretender the Erse language.' This, by the bye, is a gross mistake
in Ferguson; for the Prince could not speak a word of Erse till he
arriv'd in Scotland, and he knew but very little of it till he was
forced to commence wanderer for the preservation of his life, and
then he learned to speak it pretty well, which prov'd of very great
use to him.
When Kingsburgh and Miss MacDonald were made prisoners and brought
before General Campbell (which happened at different times) both
of them honestly own'd the parts they had acted, and, if I rightly
remember, declarations were written from their own mouths and they
subscribed them.
* * * * *
_N.B._--Miss Flora MacDonald called her disguised handmaid Bettie
Bourk, or Burk, an Irish name, and made the dress of a piece with the
proposed character, being a hood with a long mantle almost down to
the heel.[98]
[98] See ff. 525, 595.
ROBERT FORBES. A.M.
MR. CAMERON of Glenevis[99] gave the following NARRATIVE to
several persons in Edinburgh after his liberation out of the
Castle of Edinburgh, which happened some time in the beginning
of July 1747. He said--
[99] Alexander Cameron of Glenevis personally took no part in the
Rebellion, but was imprisoned for nearly a year on suspicion of
befriending his relatives who did. He was released on 7th July
1747. His lady and family suffered considerably at the hands of the
government troops, and his house was burned. See f. 552.
[Sidenote: August 1646]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 219.] LORD GEORGE SACKVILLE with a command of 400
men was ordered from Fort Augustus to gather up the gleanings of the
cattle that might happen to be left in the countries that had been
plundered and pillaged. When he was at Locharkaig the Prince and
his small retinue had been thirty or forty hours without any meat.
One evening they spied Lord George and his command driving away the
cattle they had pick'd up here and there. They were then consulting
with one another what was fittest to be done to procure themselves
some provisions in this extremity, and it was proposed that they
should go to a place at the distance of sixteen miles from them.
The Prince objected against this measure alleging that the journey
was too long for them in their present distressed condition, and
that perhaps they might be disappointed of their intention when they
should come to the place spoken of. 'What would ye think, gentlemen,'
said he, 'of lifting some of the cattle we [Sidenote: _fol._ 220.]
spied under a command this evening? They are not far from us, and I
hope we will succeed in the design, for the gloom of the night will
favour us in the attempt.' His companions looked upon the enterprize
as too hazardous, and could not think at all of running such a
risque. But the Prince still insisted upon it as the best expedient
they could pitch upon in the present difficulty, and said, 'If the
dangers attending this expedition be all that can be said against it,
I myself will be one of the number that will made the attempt.' Upon
this four of the company declared they would gladly go along with him
and try what they could do. Away they went, and (as the Prince had
suggested) by the favour of the dark night they brought off six cows
without being in the least discovered--a most lucky and plentiful
supply in such necessitous circumstances.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: July]
_N.B._--Though Glenevis had never join'd the Prince, but had lived
peaceably at home, and though no overt act could be proved against
him, yet his conduct could not screen him from cruel treatment.
All his effects were plundered and pillaged, his houses burnt down
to the ground, and he himself suffered imprisonment for eleven or
twelve months, and was [Sidenote: _fol._ 221.] not released till by a
petition presented before the lords of justiciary he pled the benefit
of the indemnity.
* * * * *
_N.B._--Among the several remarkable and lesser circumstances of
Kingsburgh's history I have forgot to mention some which are well
worth remarking, and are as follows:--
When Kingsburgh came to Fort Augustus he was immediately ordered into
the provo's guard, where the common fellows took the buckles out of
his shoes, the garters from his legs, and his watch and money out of
his pockets, a ceremony, it seems, preparatory to one's being taken
out to be hang'd; at least Kingsburgh looked upon it as such. 'For,'
said he, 'I expected every moment to be ordered out to end my life
on a gibbet, and I laid my account with it.' After staying there for
some hours he was then ordered to be thrown into a dungeon with heavy
irons upon him, which he looked upon as a change to the better by
reason of the insults, the opprobrious and blasphemous language, he
behoved to endure from the common fellows.
When Kingsburgh was removed from Fort Augustus he was brought to
Edinburgh under a guard of Kingston's Light horse, who entered the
city with sound of trumpet and beat of kettle-drums, a circumstance
very much noticed by everybody as a [Sidenote: _fol._ 222.] form
of procession quite unusual for the bringing a prisoner into a
metropolis. The command halted a considerable time upon the street
of Edinburgh till further orders should be got, when the mob came
flocking about them, and some of them said, 'What can be the matter
with this honest-like, well-looking man that he is brought here a
prisoner? Show your face, honest man, to the world, for, faith, you
may be seen as well as the best of them all.' Then Kingsburgh was
put into the same room of the Castle with Major MacDonell, George
Moir, the Laird of Leckie, Mr. Thomas Ogilvie, etc., where he thought
himself very happy indeed; but that happiness did not last long.
One day when I was visiting him and his fellow-prisoners, one of
them happened to be complaining of the hardships of their situation,
saying, 'Is not this a dull and uncomfortable state to be pacing
up and down this room, waiting the freak and humour of an officer
to let us out when he thinks fit to walk for an hour or so within
the narrow bounds of the Half-moon?' Kingsburgh gently check'd him
for his complaining, and said, 'Do not complain, Sir, for there
are many situations far worse than ours. Had you been only in my
condition at Fort Augustus you would have experienc'd a very great
odds. [Sidenote: _fol._ 223.] When I was taken out of the provo's
guard and put into the dungeon with irons upon me, I thought myself
happy; but when I was removed to a room and the irons taken off me,
though I was not allowed to step over the threshold, I thought myself
in a kind of paradise. And now that I am here and in exceeding good
company (a happiness I had not before) I think myself still more
and more in a paradise. I am really content. I am quite satisfied
with my condition, if they will only allow me to stay with this good
company. And what do you think, Sir, of the liberty of walking upon
the Half-moon, tho' it were but for an hour or two at a time? I do
assure you this is no small happiness in a state of confinement. What
would I have given for such a liberty at Fort Augustus?' Kingsburgh
was not allowed to make a long abode with his agreeable companions,
for he was soon removed to a room by himself under a strict and close
confinement, not having the liberty to step over the threshold of his
door, and no person being allowed to come near him but the officer
upon guard, the serjeant, and the keeper that was appointed to attend
him as a servant.
When his lady came to Edinburgh she was not allowed access [Sidenote:
_fol._ 224.] to him, but only to stand upon the parade and see her
husband looking down to her through the grate of a window, the
officers and sogers witnessing their enquiring about ane another's
welfare. At last Kingsburgh fell so ill in his health that a
physician and surgeon behoved to have access to him, but always
in presence of an officer. Then his lady after many and earnest
solicitations obtained the privilege of being with him throughout the
day, but was obliged to leave him upon the approach of the evening.
When he was recovering he was allowed to step out, only once or
twice a week, with an officer attending him, to take a walk in the
garden or any other by-place of the Castle, not being indulged the
pleasure of seeing the other prisoners or of walking on the same
spot with them; till some short time before his releasement that he
was permitted now and then to be on the Half-moon with them. All the
reason that ever could be discovered for this severity and strictness
upon Kingsburgh was this. When he was in the same room with Major
MacDonell, Leckie, etc., many persons came to pay their respects to
him, and to hear his story, which he very plainly and honestly gave,
at the same time never [Sidenote: _fol._ 225.] failing to give an
exact account of the Prince's adventures and chearful conduct in the
course of his wanderings, as far as he had got any intelligence about
them. This reaching the ears of those in power it proved not a little
disgusting to them to hear such things as served to form a great and
glorious character of the Prince, and therefore Kingsburgh behoved
to suffer for narrating some stubborn, ill-manner'd truths, and to
feel the effects of being a plain, honest man. Truth, tho' never so
glaring, when it runs cross to the partial notions and inclinations
of poor frail mortals, grates very hard and becomes a very uneasy and
painful thing.
One day a gentleman happening to visit the lady prisoners upon the
same stair where Kingsburgh endured his strict and close confinement,
and spying Kingsburgh's room door to be open, he made a stop. Upon
this the sentry, knowing the gentleman, whispered to him that as the
keeper was employed in bringing some things to Kingsburgh the door
would be open for some short time, and that he would allow him to
step in and ask Kingsburgh about his welfare, provided that he would
not sit down, but come [Sidenote: _fol_. 226.] out as quickly as
possible. Accordingly the gentleman went in and embracing Kingsburgh
regreted this change in his condition. Kingsburgh smiled, and said,
'The Government little knows what pleasure this treatment gives me;
for they are doing me much honour without designing it. They are
at much pains to make me a considerable person. Little did I ever
think that I was a man of such consequence that a whole Government
should be so much taken up about me. If I am so lucky as to keep my
health, this change shall give me no uneasiness.' Then he desired
the gentleman to inform his companions in the other room that he was
in very good health, and that he kept up his heart in his solitary
state, and to forbid them to be any way uneasy about his solitary
condition.
[Sidenote: 29 June]
When the Prince was in Kingsburgh's house talking about the
difficulties and dangers attending his situation, and consulting
with him what might be the best and fittest expedient for the safety
of his person, he suggested going to the Laird of MacLeod's house
as by far the properest place that could be pitched upon, because
it was not liable to any suspicion or jealousy [Sidenote: _fol._
227.] upon the part of the Government, and therefore would not be
searched for him. If he could only get there without discovery, he
said, he thought he would be in absolute safety. Kingsburgh told him
that he would not take upon him positively to oppose any measure the
Prince was pleased to condescend upon for the preservation of his own
person; but then, if his opinion could be of any use in the present
case, he behoved to declare that he should never have his advice
or approbation for going to the Laird of MacLeod's house at any
rate.[100] The Prince in a surprize clapped his hand to his breast
and said, 'What! Kingsburgh! Do you think that MacLeod to his other
doings would add that of thirsting after my blood? Do you really
think he would go the length of giving me up into the hands of my
enemies?' Kingsburgh would not pretend to assign particular reasons
for its not being advisable that the Prince should go to MacLeod's
house; but still he assured him, it should never be with his
consent. The Prince insisted no more upon this project, and dropt it
altogether. This I had from Kingsburgh's own mouth, and his narrating
of it consists with the knowledge of several others, particularly his
fellow-prisoners.
[100] See ff. 263-265, 472, 477.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
LEITH, Friday's Evening, 6 o'clock, August 7th, 1747, in the house
of JAMES MACDONALD, joiner, who and STEWART CARMICHAEL of
Bonnyhaugh, were present, CAPTAIN MALCOLM MACLEOD,[101] second
cousin to MALCOLM MACLEOD (Laird of Raaza), gave the following
Account or Journal.[102]
[101] See ff. 1714-1730.
[102] This narrative, at least as far as f. 248, is printed in the
_Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 468-487.
[Sidenote: 30 June 1746.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 228.] By appointment the said Captain Malcolm
MacLeod and Murdoch MacLeod, Raaza's third son, met the Prince at
Pourttree, a publick house in the isle of Sky, upon Monday's night,
June 30th, 1746. After taking leave of Kingsburgh at the side of a
wood, the Prince[103] had set out directly for this place, where Miss
Flora MacDonald (taking a different road) met him once more and bad
farewel to him. Captain Malcolm MacLeod said he would not positively
affirm whether it was Monday's night or Tuesday's morning when they
met; 'But,' said he, 'it was dark.' Raaza's third son had been in the
Prince's service, and had received a musket-shot through his shoulder
at the battle of Culloden.[104]
[103] Attended by Neil MacKechan and a boy to show them the way. Neil
MacKechan went with Miss MacDonald to Slate.--F. See f. 537.
[104] See f. 879.
[Sidenote: 1 July]
Before these two gentlemen had set out from the island of Raaza in
order to meet the Prince at Pourttree, the young [Sidenote: _fol._
229.] Laird of Raaza, John MacLeod, came to the Captain and told
him what a great anxiety he had to see that young man, the Prince.
Malcolm MacLeod begged him to consider well what he was doing, that
as he had not been out, he ought to run no risque for satisfying
his desire, which at present could be of no real use or service,
and therefore he suggested to him to act in this affair with the
utmost prudence and caution. Meantime Malcolm could not help owning
frankly that he himself heartily wished that his friend might see
the Prince, provided he could do it with safety. But then he would
leave it altogether to himself to determine on which side he should
think fit to chuse. After thinking a while, young Raaza positively
declared he was resolved to see the Prince if it should cost him the
estate and the head, and accordingly accompanied his brother and the
Captain to Pourttree[105] in a small boat that would contain only
six or seven men with difficulty. Upon meeting with the Prince they
spent very little time at Pourttree, but attended him soon to the
same small boat; and the Captain did not introduce young Raaza to
the Prince till they were in the boat.[106] Early in the morning,
July 1st, they arrived at Glam, in Raaza, where they remained two
days in a mean, low hut; and young Raaza was the person that brought
provisions to them, viz., a lamb and a kid in the nook of his plaid.
[105] Or Portree, _i.e._ The King's Port.
[106] See f. 862.
At that time there happened to be in Raaza a fellow who had come into
the island upon pretence of selling a roll of tobacco; [Sidenote:
_fol._ 230.] but after he had sold off his tobacco he continued
strolling up and down the island in an idle way without anything
to do, for no less than twelve or fourteen days, which made the
people of the island suspect him to be a spy. When the Prince and
his friends were in the hut, Malcolm MacLeod happened to see this
stroller coming towards the hut, which he took notice of to the
Prince, and told him withal what kind of a fellow he was suspected to
be. The Prince not liking the thing so well, Malcolm said he should
take care that the fellow should not go back again, for that he would
immediately go out and shoot him through the head. 'O, no,' said the
Prince, 'God forbid that any poor man should suffer for us, if we can
but keep ourselves anyway safe.' And he would not allow the Captain
to stir, though their apprehensions behov'd to be the greater that
the hut was not upon any road. But the fellow happened to pass by it
without looking into it.
The Prince began to be anxious to be out of Raaza, alleging the
island to be too narrow and confin'd in its bounds for his purpose,
and proposed setting out for Troternish in Sky. But his companions
told him that they thought him in safety where he was, and did not
like that he should change his place so soon. The Prince pressed
so much for going to the place he had mentioned, pretending he had
a tryst there with a [Sidenote: _fol._ 231.] gentleman,[107] which
he would not break for any thing, that his friends yielded to his
importunity.
[107] Captain Donald Roy MacDonald.
[Sidenote: 2 July]
July 2d. About 7 o'clock at night he went on board the above
mentioned small boat, attended by the young Laird of Raaza (who could
not think of parting from him soon) and his brother Murdoch, Captain
MacLeod and the two boatmen, John MacKenzie and Donald MacFrier, who
had been both out in his service, the one a sergeant and the other
a private man. They had not well left the shore till the wind blew
a hard gale, and the sea became so very rough and tempestuous that
all on board begged he would return; for the waves were beating over
and over them, the men tugging hard at the oars, and Captain MacLeod
laving the water out of the little boat. The Prince would by no means
hear of returning, and to divert the men from thinking on the danger
he sung them a merry Highland song. About nine or ten o'clock the
same night they landed at a place in Sky called Nicolson's Rock, near
Scorobreck, in Troternish. In rowing along they found the coast very
bad and dangerous, and when they came to the Rock the Prince was the
third man that jump'd out among the water and cried out, 'Take care
of the boat, and hawl her up to dry ground,' which was immediately
done, he himself assisting as much as any one of them.[108] The
Prince had upon him a large big coat, which was become very heavy
and [Sidenote: _fol._ 232.] cumbersome by the waves beating so much
upon it, for it was wet through and through. Captain MacLeod proposed
taking the big coat to carry it, for the rock was steep and of a very
uneasy ascent. But the Prince would not part with the coat, wet as
it was, alleging he was as able to carry it as the Captain was.[109]
They went forwards to a cow-byre on the rock, about two miles from
Scorobreck, a gentleman's house. In this byre the Prince took up his
quarters, the whole company still attending him. Here they took some
little refreshment of bread and cheese they had along with them, the
cakes being mouldered down into very small crumbs.
[108] See f. 757.
[109] See ff. 1564, 1565.
[Sidenote: 3 July]
Captain MacLeod intreated the Prince to put on a dry shirt and to
take some sleep; but he continued sitting in his wet cloaths, and did
not then incline to sleep. However, at last he began to nap a little,
and would frequently start in his sleep, look briskly up, and stare
boldly in the face of every one of them as if he had been to fight
them. Upon his waking he would sometimes cry out, 'O Poor England!
O Poor England!' The Prince desired the Captain to take some rest,
but he did not chuse to sleep at that time. However, when the Prince
began to importune him, the Captain thought perhaps the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 233.] Prince wants a private opportunity to say something
to Raaza's son, and therefore he stept aside a little. The two
brothers[110] and the boatmen parted from the Prince at the byre. He
promised to meet the youngest brother again at Camistinawagg, another
place in the same island.[111]
[110] Wrong, for one of them, young Rasay, had gone to find out
Donald Roy MacDonald.--F. See ff. 764, 867.
[111] See ff. 1564, 1565.
The Prince said he expected Donald MacDonald _alias_ Donald Roy to
come to him; but he not coming, the Prince asked Captain MacLeod if
he was a stout walker? and if he could walk bare-footed? The Captain
replied he was pretty good at walking, and that he could travell
bare-footed very well. The Prince told him by bare-footed he meant,
if he could walk in his shoes without stockings, 'for,' said he,
'that is the way I used to walk at my diversions in Italy.' The
Captain said he could not really tell if he could do that or not, for
that he had never tried it.
About six or seven o'clock at night the Prince, taking the little
baggage in his hand, stept out of the byre, and desired the Captain
to follow him. The Captain came up to him and said, 'Give me that,'
taking hold of the little baggage, which he gave him, and then the
Captain followed him without speaking one word till they were out
of sight of the cow-byre, when the Prince happening to turn such a
way as the Captain [Sidenote: _fol._ 234.] did not think so safe, he
made up to him and said: 'Your royal highness will pardon me to ask
where you are going, for that I dread you may chance to fall into
the hands of some party or another, if you do not take exceeding
good care, as there are many small parties dispersed up and down the
country.' The Prince then said: 'Why, MacLeod, I now throw myself
entirely into your hands, and leave you to do with me what you
please. Only I want to go to Strath, MacKinnon's country. I hope you
will accompany me, an you think you can lead me safe enough into
Strath.' The Captain declared he would go with him where he pleased,
and said he could undertake to bring him into MacKinnon's country
safe enough, provided he would go by sea, which he might easily do,
for that he really did not think it so safe for him to go by land by
reason of the several parties that were searching the country. The
Prince said he would go by land, for that there was no doing anything
in their situation without running risques, and proposed directing
their course immediately for the place intended, alleging that he
himself knew the way very well. 'I am sure,' says the Captain, 'I
must know it much [Sidenote: _fol._ 235.] better, and I must tell
you that we have a long journey to make, no less than 24 or 30 long
miles. For I dare not lead you the direct road, but take you byways,
and go here and there cross the country to keep as free as we can
of the parties scattered up and down.' Then the Captain hinted that
he thought it not so convenient to set out when night was coming on
lest they should fall into dangers and inconveniences for want of
knowing well where they were. But the Prince insisted upon setting
out immediately; and accordingly away they went along the ridges of
high hills, and through wild muirs and glens. All the time from first
to last of this adventure the Captain was exceedingly afraid of what
might happen, lest bad things should be imputed to him, in case of
any harm befalling the Prince.
[Sidenote: 4 July]
The Prince proposed to pass for the Captain's servant, the better to
conceal him, which was agreed to, and that he should be named Lewie
Caw,[112] there being of that name a young surgeon lad (who had been
in the Prince's service) skulking at that time in Sky, where he had
some relations. The Captain advised the Prince, since he had proposed
being his servant, to walk at some distance behind him; and if at any
time he [Sidenote: _fol._ 236.] happened to meet with any persons and
to converse with them, as he was well known in the island, that the
Prince should show no concern at all in his face, but sit down at a
small distance, when he should happen to talk with any folks. The
Prince assured him that no appearance of concern should be seen about
him, and that he should be careful to observe the proper distance of
a servant, and to do the duty of one by carrying the baggage, which
very often he would not part with to the Captain when he desired it
of him, and even pressed to have it.
[112] See f. 1715.
The conversation happening to turn upon Lord George Murray, the
Prince said that Lord George Murray (whether out of ignorance, or
with a view to betray him he would not say) did not behave well at
all with respect to obeying of orders; and that particularly for two
or three days before the battle of Culloden Lord George did scarce
any one thing he desired him to do.[113]
[113] See ff. 150, 667, 668.
When the Captain was informing the Prince about the many cruelties
and barbarities committed after Culloden battle, the Prince was
amazed, and said, 'Surely that man who calls himself the Duke,
and pretends to be so great a general, cannot be guilty of such
cruelties, I cannot believe them.'
The Captain, happening to see the Prince uneasy and fidging, took
him to the back of a know, and opening his breast, saw [Sidenote:
_fol._ 237.] him troubled with lice for want of clean linen, and
by reason of the coarse odd way he behoved to live in, both as to
sustenance and sleep. He said, he believed, he took fourscore off
him.[114] This serves to show that he was reduced to the very lowest
ebb of misery and distress, and is a certain indication of that
greatness of soul which could rise above all misfortunes, and bear
up with a chearfulness, not to be equalled in history, under all the
scenes of woe that could happen. He used to say that the fatigues and
distresses he underwent signified nothing at all, because he was only
a single person; but when he reflected upon the many brave fellows
who suffered in his cause, that, he behoved to own, did strike him to
the heart, and did sink very deep with him.
[114] See f. 1675.
The Prince, even when warm and sweating, used to drink a great deal
of water in his wandering from place to place, and the Captain was
always sure to desire him to take a dram above the water to qualifie
it. The Captain intreated him not to drink water when he was sweating
lest he should thereby injure his health. 'No, no,' said the Prince,
'that will never hurt me in the least. If you happen to drink any
cold thing when you are warm, only remember, MacLeod, to piss after
drinking, and it will do you no harm at all. This advice I had from
a friend abroad.' The Captain said the Prince was always sure to
observe this direction.
When the Captain was asked if the Prince was really in good
[Sidenote: _fol._ 238.] health when he happened to be with him he
said, it was not possible he could be altogether in good health
considering the many fatigues and distresses he was obliged to
undergo, and that (as he had heard) he had been seized with a bloody
flux before he left South Uist. But then, he said, the Prince would
never own himself to be in any bad state of health at all, and always
bore up with a surprizing stock of spirits. It was never in the power
of any person to discover an appearance of bad health about him. He
walked very quickly, and had a good appetite.
At last the brandy bottle began to come near the bottom, when the
Prince pressed the Captain to take a dram lest he should faint with
the excessive fatigue. But he refused to take it, and desired the
Prince himself to drink it off. The kind contest ran so high that the
Prince told him: The devil a drop of it he would drink, and therefore
he should make an end of it. The Captain behoved to empty the bottle,
which the Prince proposed to throw away and to break it. 'No, no,'
said the Captain, 'I will be so far from breaking it that I will do
my best to preserve it as a curious piece. It may come to drink many
a cask of whiskie to me yet.' He then hid the bottle in the heart
of a thick bush of heath, and as he knows the ground well, he hopes
to find it upon his return to Sky, if the cattle have not trampled
it to pieces. He said he hoped the bottle would make a figure in
Westminster yet. He has likewise the big coat, which the Prince wore
wet and heavy. [Sidenote: _fol._ 239.] He took it to London with him,
and gave orders to send it after him when he set out for Scotland.
As they were marching along and talking of the fatigues the Prince
was obliged to undergoe, he said: 'MacLeod, do you not think that God
Almighty has made this person of mine for doing some good yet? When
I was in Italy, and dining at the king's table, very often the sweat
would have been coming through my coat with the heat of the climate;
and now that I am in a cold country, of a more piercing and trying
climate, and exposed to different kinds of fatigues, I really find
I agree equally with both. I have had this philibeg on now for some
days, and I find I do as well with it as any the best breeches I ever
put on. I hope in God, MacLeod, to walk the streets of London with
it yet.' Then he remarked that the waistcoat he had upon him was too
fine for a servant, being a scarlet tartan with a gold twist button,
and proposed to the master to change with him, the better to carry on
the disguise, which accordingly was done, the master's vest not being
so fine as the servant's. When the Prince was making the exchange he
said, 'I hope, MacLeod, to give you a much better vest for this yet.'
The Captain remarked it was proper they should pass the road that
leads to the Laird of MacLeod's country in the night time for fear
of parties spying them; which accordingly they did by break of day.
And the Prince looking about him, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 240.] seeing
nothing but hills all around them said, 'I am sure, the Devil cannot
find us out now.'
As they were coming near Strath, MacKinnon's country, the Captain
suggested to the Prince that now he was coming to a country where
he would be known and consequently liable to be discovered in every
corner of it, as MacKinnon and his men had been out in his service,
and therefore some shift behoved to be faln upon to disguise him
more and more still. The Prince proposed blacking his face with some
one thing or another. But the Captain was against that proposal as
what would serve rather to discover him all at once than to conceal
him. The Prince then pulling off the periwig and putting it into his
pocket took out a dirty white napkin and desired the Captain to tye
that about his head, and to bring it down upon his eyes and nose.
He put the bonnet on above the napkin and said, 'I think I will now
pass well enough for your servant, and that I am sick with the much
fatigue I have undergone. Look at me, MacLeod, and tell me what you
think. How will it do?' MacLeod told him--this would not do yet, for
that those who had ever seen him before would still discover his face
for all the disguise he was in. The Prince said, 'This is an odd
remarkable face I have got that nothing [Sidenote: _fol._ 241.] can
disguise it. I heard Mr. MacLeod declare more than once that the
Prince could do any thing or turn himself into any shape, but that of
dissembling his air.' That he could never disguise with all the arts
he could use. 'There is not a person,' he said, 'that knows what the
air of a noble or great man is, but upon seeing the Prince in any
disguise he could put on would see something about him that was not
ordinary, something of the stately and the grand.'
They were no sooner come into Strath than they met two of MacKinnon's
men who had been out in the expedition. Immediately they stared upon
the Prince, and with hands lifted up, wept bitterly to see him in
such a pickle. Malcolm begged them to take care what they were doing
and to compose themselves, for that they might do harm by showing
any concern. He took them back with him so far, and cautioning them
not to take any notice of this meeting, took an oath of them, not
to discover at any rate that they had seen the Prince in disguise
or in that corner of the country, and then dismist them. The men
accordingly proved true to their trust.
When they were near the place the Captain designed to set up at,
he told the Prince that he had a sister that dwelt there who was
married to John MacKinnon, a captain, lately under [Sidenote: _fol._
242.] the Laird of MacKinnon, and that he judged it advisable to
go to his sister's house, advising the Prince in the meantime to
sit at a little distance from the house till he should enquire at
John MacKinnon or his wife if any party was near the place, and if
he (Malcolm MacLeod) could be safe there; and likewise telling the
Prince that he was still to pass for his servant, Lewie Caw. Mr.
MacLeod accordingly went to the house where he found his sister, but
her husband was not at home. After the usual compliments he told
his sister that he had come there perhaps to pass some little time,
provided that no party was near them, and that he was in safety to
stay. She assured him that no party she knew of was in that corner,
and that he was very welcome, and she hoped he would be in safety
enough. He told her that he had no body along with him but one Lewie
Caw (son of Mr. Caw, surgeon in Crief) who had been out in the late
affair, and consequently in the same condemnation with himself; and
that he was with him as his servant. Upon this Lewie Caw was called
upon to come into the house, the place being called Ellagol, or
Ellighuil, near Kilvory or Kilmaree (_i.e._ a chapel, or rather a
burying place, dedicate to the Virgin Mary) in Strath. When Lewie
entered the house with the baggage on his back and the napkin about
his head [Sidenote: _fol._ 243.] he took off his bonnet, made a low
bow and sat at a distance from his master. The Captain's sister said
there was something about that lad that she liked unco well, and
she could not help admiring his looks. When meat and drink, viz.,
bread and cheese, milk, etc. were set down before the master he said
to his servant that he might come in by and take a share, for that
there were no strangers in the house. The sick Lewie made it shy and
refused to eat with his master, and alledged he knew better manners.
But the master ordering him to come and take a share he obeyed, still
keeping off the bonnet.
In their way to this place the Prince in the night time happened to
fall into a bogue almost to the top of the thighs and MacLeod behoved
to pull him out by the armpits and thereby was bogued himself. The
Captain desired the servant lass, who could talk nothing but Erse, to
bring some water for his feet, which she did; and being much fatigued
he desired her to wash his feet and legs. When she was washing them
he said, 'You see that poor sick man there, I hope you'll wash his
feet too. It will be great charity, for he has as much need as I
have.' 'No such thing,' said she, 'although I wash the master's
feet, I am not obliged to wash the servant's. What! he's but a low
countrywoman's son. I will not wash his feet [Sidenote: _fol._ 244.]
indeed.' However, with much intreaty Malcolm prevailed upon the maid
to stoop so low as to wash poor Lewie's feet. While she was washing
them she happened to use him right roughly, and the Prince said to
Malcolm, 'O MacLeod, if you would desire the girl not to go so far
up.'
Malcolm importuned the Prince to go to bed and take some rest. The
Prince then asked who would keep guard for fear of an alarm? Malcolm
said he would do it himself. The Prince at last was prevailed upon to
throw himself upon a bed, but would not strip. Malcolm desired his
sister to go out, and sit upon the top of a knowe near the house and
keep watch while he and his servant Lewie should take some sleep,
which she accordingly did.
The Captain hearing that the landlord was coming towards home went
out to meet him. After saluting him he asked if he saw these ships of
war (pointing to them) that were hovering about upon the coast. Mr.
MacKinnon said he saw them very well. 'What,' said MacLeod, 'if our
Prince be on board one of them?' 'God forbid,' replied MacKinnon, 'I
would [Sidenote: _fol._ 245.] not wish that for anything.' 'What!'
said Malcolm, 'if we had him here, John? Do you think he would be in
safety enough?' 'I wish with all my heart we had him here,' replied
John, 'for he would be safe enough.' 'Well then,' said MacLeod, 'he
is here already. He is just now in your house. But when you go in
you must be careful to take no notice of him at all. He passes for
one Lewie Caw, my servant.' John faithfully promised to observe the
direction, and thought he could perform it well enough. But he was no
sooner entred the house than he could not hold his eyes from staring
upon Lewie, and very soon he was forced to turn his face away from
the Prince and to weep. In this house the Prince diverted himself
with a young child, Neil MacKinnon,[115] carrying him in his arms and
singing to him, and said, 'I hope this child may be a captain in my
service yet.'
[115] Son of said John.
The Prince and Malcolm began to deliberate about going to the
continent, and the proper measures to be taken for that purpose. They
both agreed not to let the old Laird of MacKinnon know anything of
their being in that country, because though he be a mighty honest,
stout, good man, yet through his old age, and the infirmities
attending it, they thought he was not so well cut out for the
difficulties of the Prince's present situation, and therefore they
judged it advisable to desire John MacKinnon to hire a boat under a
pretence of Malcolm MacLeod's only sailing to the continent, taking
his [Sidenote: _fol._ 246.] promise in the meantime that he should
not communicate anything of the matter at all to the old Laird if he
should chance to see him. Accordingly John went to hire the boat, and
meeting with the old chiftain he could not keep the matter from him.
The Laird told John that he should get a right boat and manage that
matter well enough, and that he would instantly come to the place
where the Prince was. John returned to the Prince and told him what
he had done, and that old MacKinnon was coming to wait upon him. Upon
this Malcolm represented to the Prince that seeing they were upon the
bounds of the old Laird and that he had taken the matter in hand,
he behoved to order and direct everything, for that if he should
take upon him to give his opinion or contradict honest MacKinnon in
anything he should propose, a difference might arise that would not
be so convenient in the present juncture. And therefore suggested
it as a wise thing that he should leave the Prince altogether to
the management of old MacKinnon, who he was persuaded would be very
careful of him, and exceedingly true and firm to the trust. The
Prince did not savour this proposal at all, for he could not think
of parting with his trusty friend. But the Captain insisted upon it
as advisable upon other accounts. He told the Prince that now he
behoved to be amissing among his own friends and acquaintances, and
ten to one but parties would be employed in search of him, which,
if they should still keep together, might end in making a discovery
of them both; [Sidenote: _fol._ 247.] and that therefore he would
chuse rather to return to the place from whence he came, though
he should happen to have the misfortune of being made a prisoner,
which was very like to be the case. 'And no matter for that at all,'
said he, 'if it can tend to promote your safety, which it cannot
readily fail to do.' With much reluctancy the Prince at last agreed
to the proposal, and upon old MacKinnon's coming to them they went
directly to the boat, John MacKinnon going with them, who likewise
accompanied the Prince and old MacKinnon to the continent.
When the Prince was about stepping into the boat, about 8 or 9 at
night, he turned to Malcolm and said, 'Don't you remember that I
promised to meet Murdoch MacLeod at such a place?'[116] 'No matter,'
said Malcolm, 'I shall make your apology.' 'That's not enough,'
said the Prince. 'Have you paper, pen and ink upon you, MacLeod?
I'll write him a few lines. I'm obliged so to do in good manners.'
Accordingly he wrote him in the following words:
'Sir,--I thank God I am in good health, and have got off as design'd.
Remember me to all friends, and thank them for the trouble they have
been at.--I am, Sir, Your humble servant,
JAMES THOMSON.
[116] See ff. 233, 765, 871, 1564.
Elliguil, July 4th, 1746.'[117]
[117] See ff. 262, 1714.
* * * * *
The Prince delivered the letter into the Captain's hands, and then
asked him if he could light him a pipe, for he wanted [Sidenote:
_fol._ 248.] to smoke in the passage. The Captain desir'd him to have
the cutty ready in his cheek, and that he should fall upon a method
to light it. Malcolm took some tow out of his pocket, and snapping
one of the guns held the tow to the pan and kindled it. Then putting
it to the mouth of the pipe he blew and the Prince smok'd. But the
cuttie being exceedingly short, Malcolm scarred the Prince's cheek
with the tow.
At parting the Prince presented the Captain with a silver
stock-buckle, which among all his difficulties he has still got
preserv'd; and embracing him in his arms saluted him twice, and bad
God bless him, putting ten guineas into his hand. Malcolm positively
refused to accept of the gold, because the Prince behoved to have
great use for money in his wandering from place to place; and he
said he believed he had not much about him at that time. The Prince
pressed it upon him and would have no refusal, wishing it had been
much more for his sake, and that he could have gone to the continent
with him.
[Sidenote: July]
Captain MacLeod took care to have one of the cutties the Prince had
used and carried it to London with him, where meeting with one,
Dr. Burton of York, a prisoner, and chancing to tell the story of
the cuttie the Doctor begged as a great favour to have the cuttie,
which Malcolm gave him. The Doctor has made a fine shagreen case
for it, and preserves it as a valuable rarity. This Dr. Burton was
made prisoner [Sidenote: _fol._ 249.] upon a suspicion of his having
crossed England with an intention to kiss the Prince's hands. Malcolm
in coming down from London made a stop at York for a day or two, and
visited the Doctor and his cuttie.
Captain MacLeod,[118] after taking leave of the Prince made the best
of his way back again to Raaza, and on his way visited Mrs. MacDonald
of Kingsburgh, to whom he told the whole adventure, particularly the
story of the motto and carving upon the silver-mill she had given to
the Prince; and how the Prince said that the wind would soon change
and set the ships of war off from the coast, which Malcolm said
accordingly happened.
[118] He is only 34 years of age. See ff. 1714, _et seq._
After Malcolm had returned to Raaza, parties landed upon the island
to rummage it. One day a party of red-coats happened to be pretty
near him before he spied them. He and a servant he had with him took
to their heels and ran for it. The party did not fire but called upon
them to stop. Endeavouring to get clear of this party, he had almost
run himself into the hands of Captain Caroline Scott, upon the head
of fifty or sixty men. Scott ordered his party to fire at Malcolm
and his servant, and to run after them.[119] They catched the poor
servant, and would have him to tell if yon was the Pretender that had
got off from them; and because he would not [Sidenote: _fol._ 250.]
say it was the Pretender, they tortured him so that they left him for
dead upon the spot. But whether or not the poor man (Donald Nicolson)
recovered was what Malcolm had never yet discovered. Malcolm ran
to the clift of a rock upon the sea-shore, where he said no person
would ever run but in the greatest necessity, so difficult it was of
access. There he remained three days and three nights, having only
some crumbs of bread and cheese in his pocket. But being like to
starve of hunger and thirst, he left his cliff and came once more
upon the island. One day happening to take a nap in a house, an alarm
came that a party of MacLeods from Sky was near, and before he could
get out at the door the party was hard at hand. Once more he ran to
the old clift, the party firing at him and crying after him to stop;
but he continued running with all speed, and they endeavoured to
outrun him but could not. In his way to the clift he happened to meet
with a boy whom he took along with him, lest he should have fallen
into the hands of the party, and perhaps have discovered which way he
saw him running. He remained in the clift three days more. The boy
growing weary of the cold and hungry quarters, frequently pressed to
be gone. But the Captain could not well think of that, for fear of
a discovery. However, at last he allowed the boy to go, taking his
promise that he would fetch him some provisions and intelligence, and
that he would not discover where he had left him. The poor [Sidenote:
_fol._ 251.] boy soon fell into the hands of the same party, who by
threats forced him to tell what he knew. Malcolm rising up to look
about him a little, spied six MacLeods creeping in about to the
clift with their muskets cock'd. He had no way left him to escape;
but having some gold upon him he offered them every farthing of it,
provided they would let him go and shift for himself, which they
refused to do, even though they were his own blood-relations, and
the party commanded by his friend, John MacLeod of Talisker. They
carried him prisoner to a command of fusiliers at Pourtree in Sky.
From thence he was guarded by a party to the sloop, commanded by that
cruel, barbarous man, John Ferguson of Aberdeenshire.[120]
[119] See ff. 875, 1718.
[120] See f. 1728.
[Sidenote: Aug. 2.]
When he was to go on board his wife and some other friends came
flocking about him, weeping bitterly and lamenting his fate. He very
pleasantly desired them to dry up their tears, for that he hoped to
return yet from London in coach. This merry saying of his prov'd
not amiss, for he came from London in a post-chaise with Miss Flora
MacDonald, passing for one Mr. Robertson, and Miss, for his sister;
they not chusing to discover themselves upon the road, lest the mob
might insult them and use them ill. They arrived in Edinburgh upon
Sunday's evening, August 2nd, 1747.
Though Ferguson could not fail to know Captain MacLeod to be a
gentleman both from his manner and the cloaths he had upon him (for
he was very genteelly dress'd in scarlet [Sidenote: _fol._ 252.]
cloath and fine tartan), yet he was never pleased to vouchsafe him
one single look but in the way of surliness and ill-nature. He was
oblig'd to retire every evening by eight o'clock with the other
prisoners to the place assigned them under deck, where they had their
choice of lying upon cable ropes, boards, or stones, without any
covering, and had only half-men's allowance given them of very coarse
indifferent fare.
[Sidenote: 4 July]
Before the Captain got to London his cloaths were so wore that the
skin began to appear through them, and by that time he had not
one shirt to change another. Though he had been an officer in the
Prince's service under his chiftain, the Laird of Raaza, yet he
had the good luck to get off by a mistake, for he was thought when
brought to London to be Raaza himself, both whose feet turn inwards;
and when Malcolm's feet were examined by order, the return given was
'that they were both straight and stout.' However, his name being
much talked of and growing somewhat famous over all London, the
Government had a mind once more to be at him, and sent the evidences
to visit him to see if they knew him, and if they did not know him,
to endeavour to fish something out of him by entangling him in his
talk. Particularly one, Urquhart, came to him in a very kind and
familiar manner, and inquiring about his welfare. Captain MacLeod
told him that he had the [Sidenote: _fol._ 253.] advantage of him,
for that he was at a loss to know who it was that favoured him with
such a kind visit, not remembring he had ever seen the face before.
'O Mr. MacLeod,' said Urquhart, 'don't you remember to have seen me
at Edinburgh at such a time?' It happened very luckily for Malcolm
that he had never been in Edinburgh before that time, and therefore
he assured Urquhart that he behoved to take him for some other
person. Raaza and his men had come only to Perth sometime before
Falkirk battle. Urquhart still insisted that he was sure he had seen
him before, particularly at Inverness at such a time. The Captain
still kept him off with long weapons and discreet returns; so that
neither Urquhart nor none of his kidney could gain any ground upon
him at all. There being no evidence to be found against him, he had
the benefit of the indemnity. Accordingly he was liberate out of
the messengers hands upon July 4th, 1747, together with Clanranald,
senior, and his lady, Boisdale, John MacKinnon, my Lady Stewart, etc.
Miss Flora MacDonald was not liberate till some few days after.
[Sidenote: 1745 September]
Captain MacLeod gave likewise the following remarkable
narrative:[121] After the battle of Gladesmuir, a Glenelg man came
over to Sky to give the accounts of it. Upon this Sir Alexander
MacDonald, the Laird of Raaza, Kingsburgh and [Sidenote: _fol._ 254.]
Captain MacLeod had a meeting some time in the end of September,
1745, at Sconsary, a publick house in the Isle of Sky. When Sir
Alexander came to the place, he desired that none might be present
but friends. The company assured him that the Glenelg man was a very
honest fellow; but Sir Alexander would not hear of his witnessing
what passed among them, and therefore he was not admitted.
[121] See f. 1829.
Sir Alexander said that this was certainly a most remarkable and
surprizing victory the Prince had obtained; that he doubted not now
of the Prince's succeeding in the attempt; and that therefore every
one should raise his men to assist him in the design. Then directing
his discourse to Raaza, he said, 'Raaza, tis true you cannot raise
many men; but the men you have are good. You can easily raise an
hundred, and I resolve to raise nine hundred, which will make out
a thousand good stout fellows betwixt us: for I am not for having
boys or superannuate men amongst them. These I would divide into two
battalions, 500 in each; and as you are a man that one can confide
in, I resolve to make you Colonel of one of the battalions.' Raaza
most cheerfully accepted of the offer, and heartily thanked Sir
Alexander for the command he designed to honour him with. Then the
marching off the men was laid down by Sir Alexander himself,--that
Raaza should go off with his battalion first, and that Sir Alexander
should follow [Sidenote: _fol._ 255.] at the distance of a day's
march; and the particular places for quartering on the march were
condescended upon. They likewise agreed upon what number of cattle
they should drive along with each battalion for provisions till they
should come to the low country, where they would get plenty. In a
word, all matters were most amicably and frankly resolved upon for
joining the Prince's standard without loss of time, and the company
were highly delighted with the interview. Sir Alexander stayed all
that night in the same house, making very merry, and taking a hearty
glass with the gentlemen.
Next day the post brought letters to Sir Alexander from President
Forbes and the Laird of MacLeod, then at Culloden, which were
delivered to him in presence of the company. He stept aside to a
window and read the letters by himself, not allowing the company
to know anything of the contents. Immediately he left his former
chearfulness and frank way, and was quite upon the grave and
thoughtful. He spoke not one word more of the matter, and left the
company soon like one in confusion. To the importunities of the
President and MacLeod had Sir Alexander in an instant yielded himself
up entirely, and dropt the declared resolution of his own mind.
Just as Sir Alexander went away, Malcolm MacLeod asked [Sidenote:
_fol._ 256.] at Kingsburgh what was become of yesternight's
resolution, for that he was much surprized at Sir Alexander's leaving
them so abruptly and dryly. Kingsburgh said he knew as little what
was become of that affair as Mr. MacLeod did, but he was afraid that
there would be no more of it. When Captain MacLeod was asked whether
or not he thought that Lady Margaret MacDonald had any influence upon
Sir Alexander to make him change his resolution; his answer was, that
from all he knew of that matter he could not discover any reason to
believe that Lady Margaret had any influence at all in the affair
upon Sir Alexander.
[Sidenote: _c._ June.]
After giving this narrative, Malcolm likewise told that before the
Prince's arrival Sir Alexander MacDonald had been with Boisdale,
brother of the Laird of Clanranald, and who lives in South Uist,
with whom he had a conference about the Prince's designing to come
over; insinuating that he intended to land first in some part of
the Long Isle, and perhaps might send for Boisdale; adding withal
that if he should happen to come without a backing, he could wish he
would return to France. To this purpose Sir Alexander left a message
with Boisdale to the Prince, importuning him, if he arrived without
a following to return and wait for a more favourable opportunity,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 257.] and till he should get matters in better
order for the attempt.
When Boisdale came to the Prince upon his first landing he delivered
the message to him, and did all he could to support the purport of
it. The Prince asked Boisdale if he thought that he would get a
hundred men to join him. 'No doubt,' said Boisdale, 'you'll get more
than a hundred. But what then, though you get 500? what will that
do?' 'Well then,' said the Prince, 'if I can get only a hundred good
stout honest-hearted fellows to join me, I'll make a trial what I can
do.' Although Boisdale spoke to the Prince in a very discouraging
way, and after the standard was set up kept back all Clanranald's men
that lived in South Uist and the other Isles to the number of four or
five hundred good men (for he had more to say with them than either
Clanranald himself or his son), yet to do Boisdale justice, he was
of great use to the Prince when wandering up and down through South
Uist, Benbicula, and other parts of the Long Isle, and exerted his
utmost endeavours (with the assistance of honest Armadale) to keep
him out of the hands of his enemies.
As to the several parts of the above sentence particular questions
were asked at Malcolm MacLeod, and in his answers he gave a plain
account of Boisdale's conduct, both before and after the Prince's
distress, and particularly mentioned what number of men Clanranald
might be reckoned to have in the Isles. Both the Captain and James
MacDonald, joiner (in [Sidenote: _fol._ 258.] whose house this
Journal was given), agreed in affirming that Clanranald had in the
Isles four or five hundred good men, and upon the continent three
hundred. These upon the continent were the only men that followed
young Clanranald in the Prince's service.
Captain MacLeod likewise gave the following account of the great
danger the Prince was in of being taken prisoner in the retreat from
Sterling to Inverness:--
[Sidenote: 16 Feb.]
[Sidenote: 17 Feb.]
The Prince, one night, quartering in the Laird of MacIntosh's house,
had not many about him for a guard, and these too dispersed up and
down for proper quarters, there being no apprehension at all of
any danger. Lord Loudon, then at Inverness, got intelligence that
the Prince was that night to sleep in MacIntosh's house with no
great guard about him. When it was dark, orders were given the men
to be in readiness upon a minute's warning, and accordingly Lord
Loudon marched off with about seventeen hundred men.[122] When the
Prince was about going to rest, or rather when it became dark, Lady
MacIntosh ordered one Frazer, a blacksmith (who happened to be there
by chance, having a desire to see the Prince), and four servants to
get loaded muskets, and to go away privately beyond all the guards
and sentries without allowing them to know anything about them or
their design, and to walk on the fields all night, and to keep a good
look-out. Thereby she said they would prove a check upon the guards,
and would be ready to discover approaching [Sidenote: _fol._ 259.]
danger, if any should happen before the sentries could know anything
of the matter. All this proceeded merely from Lady MacIntosh's great
care and anxiety about the Prince. The blacksmith and his faithful
four accordingly went pretty far beyond all the sentries, and walked
up and down upon a muir, at the distance, Captain MacLeod said he
believed, of two miles from MacIntosh's house. At last they spied
betwixt them and the sky a great body of men moving towards them, and
not at a great distance. The blacksmith fired his musket and killed
one of Loudon's men, some say, the piper; but Captain MacLeod said
he could not positively affirm anything about that particular.[123]
The four servants followed the blacksmith's example, and it is
thought they too did some execution. Upon this the blacksmith huzzaed
and cried aloud, 'Advance, Advance, my lads, Advance! (naming some
particular regiments) I think we have the dogs now.' This so struck
Lord Loudon's men with horrour that instantly they wheel'd about,
after firing some shots, and in great confusion ran back with speed
to Inverness. It is thought that Lord Loudon's men who fired wounded
some of their own companions. An express had been sent off privately
to Lady MacIntosh by some friend in Inverness to warn her of the
danger. He came to the house much about the time that the trusty five
discovered [Sidenote: _fol._ 260.] the body of men advancing towards
them. Lady MacIntosh ran directly to the room where the Prince was
fast asleep and gave him notice of Lord Loudon's design. Instantly
he jumped out of bed and would have been going down stairs directly,
but Lady MacIntosh importuned him to stay in the room till she should
get him further notice and try what could be done. They were soon put
out of any apprehension of danger. Some of Lord Loudon's men, through
the darkness of the night mistaking their way, fell into the hands
of the guard, and told that when they were ordered to march from
Inverness they were not allowed to know where they were going, and
that Lord Loudon upon the firing should have said, 'There's an end
to this; we are certainly discovered.' He was the prettiest fellow
that could make Inverness first. The firing of the five alarmed the
guard, and quickly put them and others in motion. But Loudon and his
men were far out of reach before they could come to the ground where
the firing happen'd. Clanranald's men were that night keeping guard
upon the Prince, and Captain MacLeod, being in the neighbourhood, was
amongst the number of those that were alarm'd with the firing and
made haste to come up.
[122] See ff. 648, 989, 1207, 1256.
[123] See f. 380.
Among other subjects the Prince and Captain MacLeod in their
wanderings happen'd to talk of the above remarkable incident when the
Prince was pleased to inform him that the [Sidenote: _fol._ 261.]
Laird of MacIntosh himself (in Lord Loudon's command) was the kind
friend that had sent off the express from Inverness to give notice
of the danger. The Prince said he had a very good opinion of that
gentleman.
After the hurry of the alarm was over, the Prince ordered all the
men to be got together and to march directly for Inverness; and when
they were approaching that town he drew them up in order of battle,
expecting, as was given out, that Lord Loudon was to march out of
the town to fight. For a considerable way they marched in order
of battle, and when they came near Inverness they saw Lord Loudon
and his men making all the haste they could out of it, betaking
themselves to ships and boats to carry them off. The Prince and his
army entred the town without opposition or violence of any kind.[124]
[124] See ff. 273, 993, 1258.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1747 13 Aug.]
_N.B._--Upon Thursday, August 13th, 1747, Captain Malcolm MacLeod and
James Macdonald, Joiner, Dined With My Lady Bruce in the
Citadel of Leith. After Dinner They Were So Kind As to Retire to
My Room, Where They Staid Till Between Six and Seven at Night.
the Captain Was But Poorly Provided For in Money Matters, and
Therefore a Contribution Was Set on Foot For Him in and About
Edinburgh. I Was So Happy[125] As to Make Among My Acquaintances
Six Guineas and a Crown, Which I Delivered Into His Own Hand. I
Then Told Him the [Sidenote: _fol._ 262.] Freedom I Had Taken
in Writing Down from My Memory the Conversation He Had Honoured
Me With, Friday Last, in Presence of Stewart Carmichael and
James Macdonald, But That I Still Wanted to Have an Additional
Favour of Him, Which Was, That He Would Be So Good As to Allow
Me to Read My _prima Cura_ in His Hearing, in Order to Get His
Observations and Amendments Upon It. He Frankly Granted My
Request, and Said He Was Glad to Embrace the Opportunity of So
Much Exactness, Which Had Never Been Used With Him in Any One
of the Many Conversations He Had Formerly Given. He Was Pleased
to Declare His Being Much Satisfied With What I Had Written and
Said, He Would Now Tell Me Some Things He Had Not Mentioned
Before, Which Accordingly I Writ in His Own Words, Always
Reading Over Every Sentence to Him For The Greater Certainty
of the Facts Being Exactly and Circumstantially Narrated. I
Have Been Carefull to Insert These Particulars in Their Proper
Places in the Above Transcript. There Was One Thing I Had Some
Difficulty Rightly to Adjust With Captain Macleod, Which Was the
Day Of the Month When He Parted With the Prince After Seeing Him
in the Boat With Old Mackinnon. When I Asked Him About This,
He Said It Was Upon July 4th.[126] I Told Him That Would Not
Answer at All With the Days Formerly Mentioned by Him, and That
It Behoved to Be July 5th. He Was Still Positive That [Sidenote:
_fol_. 263.] It Was the 4th, 'For,' Said He, 'I Remember Nothing
Better Than That I Set It Down Upon a Piece of Paper Lest I
Should Forget It.' [The Difficulty Was Still Like to Remain
Unresolved, He Being Equally Positive Both As to The Days
Formerly Mentioned by Him, and the Particular Day Upon Which He
Parted With the Prince, Till It Luckily Came Into My Mind to Ask
Him How Many Days He Reckoned in June? He Answered, Thirty-one,
Which Mistake Served to Clear Up This Point.[127]] Captain
Macleod Said He Expected His Brother-in-law, John Mackinnon,
Soon Down from London, And Then Suggested to James Macdonald
That If John Should Happen to Come by the Way of Edinburgh,
He Should Be at Pains to Procure a Meeting Betwixt the Said
Mr. Mackinnon and Me, and That (Considering The Exactness I
Observed) James Macdonald Should Lay Himself Out to Get Me a
Meeting With Donald Macleod, Miss Flora Macdonald, and Any
Others If They Came in His Reach That Could Be Useful in Making
a Discovery of Facts and Men. to Which Mr. Macdonald Answered,
He Would Do All That Lay in His Power.
[125] lucky _interlined_.
[126] See ff. 767, 879.
[127] The passage within brackets is scored through as delete by
Bishop Forbes. [ED.]
I then took occasion to acquaint Captain MacLeod about a report
that had passed currently in Kingsburgh's name after he had set
out from Edinburgh in his return to Sky. The report was this,
that Kingsburgh [Sidenote: _fol_. 264.] should have declared
to several persons that the Laird of MacLeod should have writ
him a letter, desiring him to deliver up the Prince, if he
should happen to come in his way, and representing to him what
a service he would thereby do to his country; and that the
said Laird should have come to Kingsburgh (as the story gave
out) either at Fort Augustus or in the Castle of Edinburgh,
desiring to have that letter up from him again, which Kingsburgh
refused to comply with. Several persons (knowing that I had
frequently and familiarly conversed with Kingsburgh) had come
to me enquiring about the above report if I knew anything of
the matter. My answer always was, that as Kingsburgh had never
so much as made the most distant hint to me about any letter
whatsomever from the Laird of MacLeod, I could say nothing
either as to the truth or the falshood of that report.
After informing Captain MacLeod about this story as above, I
told him what a desire I had to have this particular cleared
up, that if the report was false and calumnious it might be
contradicted, and if true, it might be recorded in _futuram rei
memoriam_; and then asked him if he would be so good as to take
from me a memorandum to Kingsburgh about this matter. He said he
would with all his heart, and that he would likewise lay himself
out to expiscate facts and transmit exact accounts of them to
me by any sure private hand [Sidenote: _fol._ 265.] that should
come in his way. Here follows an exact copy of the
MEMORANDUM, etc.
To ask particularly at Kingsburgh if ever the Laird of MacLeod
sent him a letter about delivering up the Prince; and whether
or not he should have at any time desired to have that letter
up from him again. If such a letter be in Kingsburgh's hands,
it could be wished he would be so good as to give a copy of
it.[128]
Thursday, August 13th, 1747.
[128] See ff. 701, 793, 851, 1056, 1631.
[Sidenote: 22 Aug.]
Upon Saturday, August 22nd, I met once more with Captain MacLeod
about 3 o'clock afternoon in the house of James MacDonald,
joiner, when the Captain was making ready to pass over to
Kingborn, which accordingly he did that night. I put him in mind
of the above Memorandum, and asked the favour of him to take
John MacKinnon's account from his own mouth and transmit it to
me, as I had heard that Mr. MacKinnon had taken the opportunity
of a ship bound for Inverness from some part of the coast of
England, and therefore I could not expect to have a meeting
with him. Then I begged him to try if Armadale would vouchsafe
me a written account of his part of the management, and to
exert his endeavours to pick up for me an exact narrative of
all the cruelties, barbarities, etc., he could get any right
intelligence about. The Captain was pleased to come under a
promise that [Sidenote: _fol_. 266.] he would do his utmost to
comply with my desires as to all these particulars.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
JOURNAL of DONALD MACLEOD,[129] etc.
[129] There are frequent references in _The Lyon in Mourning_ to
Donald MacLeod. See ff. 460 and 1384, where his death is noticed.
[Sidenote: 17 Aug. 1747]
Citadel of Leith, Monday, August 17th, betwixt six and seven at
night, 1747, Deacon William Clerk, taylor, came to see me, and did
me the favour of bringing along with him Donald MacLeod (tenant
at Gualtergill, in the Isle of Sky, under the Laird of MacLeod),
the honest and faithful steersman of the eight-oar'd boat from the
continent to the Isles of Benbicula, South Uist, Lewis, etc. etc.
etc., and who had the Prince among his hands, and was employed in
going upon his errands for nine or ten weeks after the battle of
Culloden.
After the usual compliments and some little chit-chat, I took
occasion to inform Donald anent the favour I had obtained of Malcolm
MacLeod, and how easily and chearfully he had granted my request,
begging in the meantime to have the like favour from him, as his
history, taking in so much time, behoved to be very interesting.
Honest Donald modestly said he would very willingly grant my desire
for all that he had to say would take up no great time--it would
easily be contained in a quarter of a sheet of paper. But then he
said, as he had heard that I had been employing myself in collecting
[Sidenote: _fol._ 267.] these things, he behoved to hear all the
accounts I had gathered together, particularly O'Neil's Journal,
before he would give me one word. I begged leave to tell him that I
was persuaded his account would take up much more than a quarter of
a sheet, considering the length of time he happened to be with the
Prince in his greatest distresses, and that I would willingly read
to him all that I had collected, but that it consisted of so many
sheets that I was afraid it would take up too much of our time, which
I would chuse much rather to spend in taking his account in writing
from his own mouth. However, I said I could easily gratify him in
reading O'Neil's Journal, as it happened not to be of any great
length. He said he would content himself with O'Neil's Journal only,
as he had been along with him in company all the time he had attended
the Prince after the battle of Culloden. For this made him the more
anxious to know what O'Neil advanced in his journal, as he himself
could judge where O'Neil was in the right and where in the wrong.
I then represented to him that if he would indulge me the freedom
of asking questions at him (without which, from experience, I could
assure him there was no taking of journals [Sidenote: _fol._ 268.]
from one with any tolerable exactness), he would soon see that his
journal behoved to take up much more paper than he imagined. He said
he would allow me to ask any questions I should think fit to propose.
I asked him where he was to be that night. He told me he resolved
to sleep in James MacDonald's house. I desired to attend him and to
spend the evening with him, which was agreed to.
When we were in James's house I began to ask some questions, to
which Donald gave plain answers. After asking several questions,
Donald, looking at James MacDonald with a smiling countenance, spoke
in Erse to him; and James laughing very heartily, said to me, 'Do
you know, Sir, what Donald was saying just now? He says you are the
uncoest cheel he ever met wi'; for if you go on in asking questions
so particularly, and if he shall tell you all the nig-nacs o't, he
believes indeed his account will take up much more time and paper
than be imagined.'
Upon this I told him it was not enough to inform me that the Prince
and his small retinue were in this or the other place such a day,
and that they did breakfast, dine, or sup here or there, which I
acknowledge to be the foundation of the Journal. But then there were
many other things that ought to be carefully [Sidenote: _fol._ 269.]
remarked and taken notice of, otherwise the Journal would turn out
to be only a very dull, insipid thing. I therefore earnestly begged
he would be at pains to recollect himself as much as possible, and
inform me exactly what particular dangers and distresses they met
with, how the Prince bore up under them, what passed in conversation
among them, and more especially that he would endeavour to call
to mind the sayings of the Prince upon any subject, etc. Then a
particular day was fixed (Thursday, August 20th) for meeting together
in the same house at nine o'clock in the morning, in order to write
the Journal from Donald's own mouth.
[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]
Betwixt 9 and 10 of the said day, I was sent for and found with
Donald, Deacon William Clerk, taylor, and one Mr. Finlayson,
mathematical instrument-maker, and late engineer in the Prince's
army. I had no sooner entred the room than Donald asked me if I had
been as good as my word,--if I had brought along with me O'Neil's
Journal? for that, he said, the deel a word would he gie me till
he should hear O'Neil's Journal, which he was afraid was far from
being right. And this he said he had reason to think from what he
had heard about it already in conversation. I then read O'Neil's
Journal [Sidenote: _fol._ 270.] to him, in which he found fault with
several things, particularly as to the staving of the boat to pieces,
which he said was not fact. 'For,' said he, 'if the boat had staved
to pieces, where O'Neil mentions, the world could not have saved
one life that was on board. We would certainly have all perished in
the sea; that place is so very rocky and dangerous. Besides, I have
reason to think that the boat is still to the fore, and that I may
get her into my custody when I go home, if I please to seek after
her.' He likewise quarrell'd O'Neil's asserting that he went with
him (Donald) to Stornway, which he said was not fact, but that he
(O'Neil) remained with the Prince, while he himself was employed
about the message upon which he was dispatched to Stornway, where he
was well known. He also blamed O'Neil for not taking any notice of
the Prince's being under a necessity to disguise himself in women's
cloaths, which consisted with O'Neil's knowledge, and served as much
as anything to represent the great danger the Prince was in of being
discovered and seized; and for taking (as Donald said) too much of
the praise to himself. Here Donald had a remarkable expression which
I cannot fail to set down in his own words, and they are these: 'What
a deel [Sidenote: _fol._ 271.] could O'Neil do for the preservation
and safety o' the Prince in a Highland country, where he knew not
a foot of ground, and had not the language o' the people. And sic
far'd o' him, for he was no sooner frae the Prince than he was tane
prisoner. I own he was as faithful and trusty a friend as the Prince
or any man could have, and made an excellent companion to him. But
then he could have done nothing for his preservation if there had
not been some Highland body like mysell wi' them. Faith he taks ower
mickell to himsell; and he is not blate to mind himsell sae mickle
and to forget others that behoved to do much more than he could do in
sic a case.'
Donald found fault with some other instances in O'Neil's Journal,
which it is needless to particularize; for the above particulars are
sufficient for a specimen. In general he said the Journal was not at
all just and exact.
Mr. Finlayson too found fault with O'Neil's account of the battle of
Culloden, and said that in that matter he was far from being right.
After reading O'Neil's Journal, Deacon Clerk and Mr. Finlayson went
off. But luckily Malcolm MacLeod came to us, to whom I resumed what
had passed upon O'Neil's Journal. [Sidenote: _fol._ 272.] Malcolm
said he had reason to think that O'Neil's account was not just in
several things, for that it consisted with his knowledge that O'Neil
had advanced several things in London that would not stand the test.
He said he could not have a good opinion of O'Neil when he was not at
the pains to call for Donald MacLeod, his companion in distress, whom
he could not fail to know to be in London at the very same time he
himself was in it, and to whom he could have had easy access at any
time he pleased. Mean time Malcolm joined with Donald in asserting
that he believed O'Neil was most faithful and trusty to the Prince,
and would do any thing or run any risque to promote his interest. But
then he could not help observing that it was impossible for O'Neil to
do anything for the safety of the Prince in a country where he was
altogether a stranger, and behoved to be at a very great loss for
want of the language.
When I was beginning to take down Donald's account in writing, he
told me it was not in his power (as I had asked him) to remember
particularly the days of the month in such a long time; but he would
do his best to call to mind how many days and nights they had been
in this and the other [Sidenote: _fol._ 273.] place, and from that I
might if I pleased at my own leisure afterwards make out the days of
the month so as to agree with April 20th or 21st, the day on which he
met with the Prince in the wood, and undertook to pilot him to the
Isles; and to make his parting with the Prince to come within three
or four days of the time when the Prince and Miss MacDonald went off
together to the Isle of Sky; which, he said, was exactly the case. He
desired me to fix their setting out from the Continent on board the
eight-oar'd boat to the 26th of April, and then he said I might make
out the other days of the month at my own leisure.
[Sidenote: 1746 February.]
[Sidenote: 17 Feb.]
Donald MacLeod[130] coming to Inverness (when Lord Loudon and his men
were lying in and about that town) with a view of taking in a cargoe
of meal for the inhabitants of Sky, happened to make a much longer
stay there than at first he had proposed, the weather having proved
very stormy and cross. When the Prince and his army were marching
towards Inverness, Lord Loudon and his men gave out that they were
resolved to fight them, and accordingly (as they pretended) made
ready for battle, the pipes playing and the drums beating to arms;
when in an instant, instead of fighting they wheel'd about and made
off with speed, some to the old citadel (called Cromwell's Fort),
and others to the bridge, in order to [Sidenote: _fol._ 274.] get
on board of ships and boats, the better to make their escape.[131]
Donald, walking along the bridge to see what course they were to
take, chanced to fall in with his own chiftain, the Laird of MacLeod,
who asked him how he was to dispose of himself now. Donald said he
was to go back to Inverness for a horse he had there, for that he
thought it foolish for him to lose his horse whatever might happen.
The Laird forbad him to do any such thing, assuring him he would
certainly be made a prisoner by the rebels if he returned into the
town. Donald replied he was very indifferent whether he was made a
prisoner or not, being confident that they would not do any harm to
him that was nothing but a poor auld man. The Laird walked back with
him as if he had been wanting some thing out of the town till they
came near the gate next to the bridge, where they began to hear the
pipes of the Prince's army playing very briskly; and then the Laird
thought fit to turn tail and run with speed. Donald never ance fashed
himself, but went into the town at his own leisure, where he had not
been long till he fell in with the MacDonalds of Glencoe, who took
him prisoner, and would have him to give up his broadsword, 'which,'
said Donald, 'I was unco unwilling to [Sidenote: _fol._ 275.] part
wi', for it was a piece of very good stuff.' But luckily for him
the old Laird of MacKinnon came up, who, taking him by the hand and
asking very kindly about his welfare, assured the party that Donald
was an honest man, and that he would be bail for him. Upon which they
allowed Donald to keep the claymore and to go along with MacKinnon.
After this Donald had no great inclination to leave Inverness, but
saunter'd about among his good friends and acquaintances in the army.
[130] From this point to f. 316 of the manuscript, this narrative is
printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, ff. 373-411.
[131] See ff. 261, 649, 1258.
[Sidenote: April.]
About the beginning of April 1746, Æneas MacDonald (one of
Kinlochmoidart's brothers, and a banker at Paris) sent for Donald
MacLeod and told him that he heard that he (Donald) knew the coast
well, and likewise the course to the different Isles, and that as he
was upon going to the island of Barra for a small sum of money that
was lying there, only about £380 Sterling, he was desirous to have
him for his pilot and guide. Donald MacLeod very frankly agreed to do
that, or anything else in his power to promote the Prince's interest.
On board they go, and though the sea was swarming with sloops of war,
boats and yawls full of militia, viz., the Campbells, the MacLeods,
and MacDonalds of Sky, etc., yet they had the good luck to get safe
to Barra, where they got the money. But they behoved to remove from
place to place for [Sidenote: _fol._ 276.] fear of being discovered
and taken, when Æneas and Donald were in Barra. John Ferguson
(captain of the _Furnace_ sloop) came upon the coast of the Island,
and sent a letter to MacDonald of Boisdale (in whose house Æneas and
Donald had been) by a yawl full of the MacLeods, desiring Boisdale
to come on board and speak with him. When the MacLeods returned to
the sloop, they informed Captain Ferguson that they had seen Donald
MacLeod upon shore; and they were persuaded he was about no good. He
behoved to be about some mischief or another, for well did they know
him, and what way he would be employed. After this Æneas and Donald
were obliged to be more wary and cautious than ever, and were much
put to it how to get off, as the sloops, boats, etc., were cruizing
in great numbers about all the places of the Long Isle. At last they
got off with the cash to the island of Cana, at the distance of
ten leagues from South Uist towards the mainland. From thence they
sailed to the island of Egg, twelve miles from Cana; and from Egg
they steered their course to the mainland, where they arrived at
Kinlochmoidart's house, which is about six or seven leagues from Egg.
About four or five days after they came to Kinlochmoidart they were
thinking of setting out for Inverness, when Æneas MacDonald received
a letter from the Prince containing the [Sidenote: _fol._ 277.]
accounts of the battle of Culloden. Æneas said to Donald that he had
very bad news to give him, and then told him that the Prince and his
army had been totally routed near Culloden house. In this letter
Æneas was ordered to meet the Prince at Boradale, and immediately
upon receipt of the letter he set out, and returned that same night
to Kinlochmoidart. About two days after this, Lord Elcho and Captain
O'Neil came to Kinlochmoidart.
[Sidenote: 20 April]
In one day three several messages (for the greater security lest any
one of them should happen to miscarry or come by any misfortune)
came to Donald MacLeod desiring him forthwith to go to the Prince
at Boradale, which order he obeyed directly. When Donald came to
Boradale, the first man he met with was the Prince in a wood, all
alone. This was about four or five days after the battle. April 20th
or 21st.
[It is to be remarked here when Donald spoke to the Prince he always
used these terms, May it please your Majesty, or May it please your
excellency.]
The Prince, making towards Donald, asked, 'Are you Donald MacLeod
of Guatergill in Sky?' 'Yes,' said Donald, 'I am the same man, may
it please your Majesty, at your service. What is your pleasure wi'
me?' 'Then,' said the Prince, 'You see, Donald, I am in distress. I
therefore throw myself into your bosom, and let you do with me what
you like. I hear you are an honest man, and fit to be trusted.'
[Sidenote: _fol._ 278.] When Donald was giving me this part of the
narrative he grat sare, the tears came running down his cheeks; and
he said, 'Wha deel could help greeting when speaking on sic a sad
subject?' Donald made this return to the Prince. 'Alas, may it please
your excellency, what can I do for you? for I am but a poor auld man,
and can do very little for mysell.' 'Why,' said the Prince, 'the
service I am to put you upon I know you can perform very well. It
is that you may go with letters from me to Sir Alexander MacDonald
and the Laird of MacLeod. I desire therefore to know if you will
undertake this piece of service; for I am really convinced that these
gentlemen for all that they have done, will do all in their power to
protect me.' Upon hearing this Donald was struck with surprize, and
plainly told the Prince he would do anything but that. It was a task
he would not undertake if he should hang him for refusing. 'What,'
said Donald, 'does not your excellency know that these men have
played the rogue to you altogether, and will you trust them for a'
that? Na, you mauna do 't.' Then Donald informed the Prince that Sir
Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod were then, with forces
along with them, in search of him not above the distance of ten or
twelve miles by sea from him, but a much greater distance by land;
and therefore the sooner he left that place the better, not knowing
how soon they might come up to it, especially if they should happen
to take their [Sidenote: _fol._ 279.] course by sea. Donald still
repeated his dislike of the measure in sending any message to Sir
Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod, and said he would not
risque upon going any message to these gentlemen from the Prince at
any rate (in the present circumstances) for more reasons than one.
At this time, very luckily for the Prince, Cumberland and his army
entertain'd the notion that he had set sail from the continent for
St. Kilda, being a place so remote that no suspicion would be readily
entertained of his being there. Upon this General Campbell was
dispatched with such a considerable force as took up all the fleet
that was upon the coast, but to no purpose. When General Campbell
appeared upon the coast of St. Kilda, the greater part of the poor
inhabitants ran off to the clifts of their rocks to hide themselves,
being frighted out of their wits at seeing such an appearance coming
towards their island. Such of the forces as landed enquired at
the inhabitants they met with about the young Pretender. The poor
creatures were quite amazed, and declared they knew nothing of that
man, for they had never [Sidenote: _fol._ 280.] heard of him before.
They said they had heard a report that their Laird, MacLeod, had
lately had war with a great woman abroad, but that he had got the
better of her, and that was all they knew of the disturbances in
the world. Upon this the General and his command (not a small one)
returned with their finger in their cheek, when in the meantime they
thought they had been sure to catch the much-coveted price of blood.
When Donald MacLeod had absolutely refused to go any message
whatsomever to Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod,
the Prince said to him. 'I hear, Donald, you are a good pilot; that
you know all this coast well, and therefore I hope you can carry me
safely through the islands where I may look for more safety than I
can do here.' Donald answered he would do anything in the world for
him; he would run any risque except only that which he had formerly
mentioned; and that he most willingly undertook to do his [Sidenote:
April] best in the service he now proposed. For this purpose Donald
procured a stout eight-oar'd boat, the property of John MacDonald,
son of Æneas or Angus Mac-Donald of Boradale. Both Donald MacLeod
and Malcolm MacLeod said that this John MacDonald was either killed
at the battle of Culloden [Sidenote: _fol._ 281.] or butchered next
day in cold blood (which was the fate of many), for that he had never
been heard of since that time. Donald took care to buy a pot for
boyling pottage or the like when they should happen to come to land,
and a poor firlot of meal was all the provision he could make out to
take with them.
[Sidenote: 26 April]
April 26th. They go on board in the twilight of the evening in
Lochnannua, at Boradale, being the very spot of ground where the
Prince landed at first upon the continent; and Boradale's house was
the first roof he was under when he arrived upon the continent.
There were in the boat the Prince, Captain O'Sullivan, Captain
O'Neil, Allan MacDonald, commonly called Captain MacDonald (of the
family of Clanranald), and a clergyman of the Church of Rome; and
Donald MacLeod for pilot managing the helm, and betwixt whose feet
the Prince took his seat. The names of the boatmen are: Rhoderick
MacDonald, Lauchlan MacMurrich, Rhoderick MacCaskgill, John
MacDonald, Murdoch MacLeod (son of the pilot), Duncan Roy, Alexander
MacDonald, and Edward Bourk or Burk, a common chairman in Edinburgh.
The above Murdoch MacLeod was then a lad only of 15 years of age,
a scholar in the Grammar School of Inverness. When he heard of the
appearance of a battle, having got himself [Sidenote: _fol._ 282.]
provided in a claymore, durk, and pistol, he ran off from the school,
and took his chance in the field of Culloden battle. After the
defeat he found means to trace out the road the Prince had taken,
and followed him from place to place; 'and this was the way,' said
Donald, 'that I met wi' my poor boy.'
As to Ned Bourk, I asked if Bourk was not an Irish name, and where
Ned was born. Both Donald and Malcolm joined in saying that Bourk
indeed was originally an Irish name, but that there had been some of
that name for three or four generations past in and about the Isle of
Sky, where, or rather in North Uist, Ned was born. They likewise told
me that Ned from the beginning of the expedition had been servant to
Mr. Alexander MacLeod (son of Mr. John MacLeod, Advocate), one of the
Prince's aid-de-camps; that Ned knew all Scotland well, and a great
part of England, having been servant to several gentlemen; and that
he was _the man_ that led the Prince off the field of battle, and
guided him all the way to Boradale. They spoke excellent things of
poor Ned; and James MacDonald, the landlord, supported them in what
they said, for he knows Ned very well.
[Sidenote: 27 April]
When the Prince and his small retinue were thinking of going on board
the eight-oar'd boat, Donald MacLeod begged [Sidenote: _fol._ 283.]
the Prince not to set out that night, for that it would certainly be
a storm, and he could not think of his exposing himself. The Prince
asked how Donald came to think it would be a storm. 'Why, sir,' said
Donald, 'I see it coming already.' However, the Prince, anxious to
be out of the continent where parties were then dispersed in search
of him, was positive to set out directly without loss of time. They
had not rowed far from the shore till a most violent tempest arose,
greater than any Donald MacLeod had ever been trysted with before,
though all his lifetime a seafaring man, upon the coast of Scotland.
To this they had the additional distress of thunder and lightning and
a heavy pour-down of rain, which continued all the time they were at
sea. When the Prince saw the storm increasing still more and more he
wanted much to be at land again, and desired Donald to steer directly
for the rock, which runs no less than three miles along one side
of the loch. 'For,' said the Prince, 'I had rather face canons and
muskets than be in such a storm as this.' But Donald would not hear
of that proposal at all, assuring the Prince that it was impossible
for them to return to the land again, because the squall was against
them, and that if they should steer for the rock the boat would
undoubtedly stave to pieces and all of them behoved to be drowned,
for there was no [Sidenote: _fol._ 284.] possibility of saving any
one life amongst them upon such a dangerous rock, where the sea was
dashing with the utmost violence. The Prince then asked Donald what
he had a mind to do. 'Why,' replied Donald, 'since we are here we
have nothing for it, but, under God, to set out to sea directly. Is
it not as good for us to be drown'd in clean water as to be dashed in
pieces upon a rock and to be drowned too?'
After this all was hush and silence; not one word more amongst them,
expecting every moment to be overwhelmed with the violence of the
waves, and to sink down to the bottom. To make the case still worse
they had neither pump nor compass nor lantern with them, and the
night turned so pitch dark that they knew not where they were for the
most of the course. This made them afraid of being tossed upon some
coast (such as the Isle of Sky) where the militia were in arms to
prevent the Prince's escape. 'But,' to use Donald's words, 'as God
would have it, by peep of day we discovered ourselves to be on the
coast of the Long Isle, and we made directly to the nearest land,
which was Rushness in the Island Benbecula. With great difficulty we
got on shore, and saved the boat, hawling her up to dry land, in the
morning of April 27th.
I asked how long the course might be that they made in the violent
storm. Donald declared that they had run at least [Sidenote: _fol._
285.] thirty-two leagues in eight hours. About this Malcom MacLeod
made some doubt, alleging the course not to be so long, and they
reasoned the matter betwixt them. James MacDonald supported Donald in
what he had advanced, and after some debate Malcolm acknowledged that
Donald was in the right, and that the course they had been driven was
rather more than thirty-two leagues. The storm lasted 4 hours after
landing.
Then I asked Donald if the Prince was in health all the time he
was with him. Donald said that the Prince would never own he was
in bad health, though he and all that were with him had reason to
think that during the whole time the Prince was more or less under
a bloody flux; but that he bore up most surprizingly, and never
wanted spirits. Donald added, that the Prince, for all the fatigue he
underwent, never slept above three or four hours at most at a time,
and that when he awaked in the morning he was always sure to call for
a chopin of water, which he never failed to drink off at a draught;
and that he had a little bottle in his poutch out of which he used to
take so many drops every morning and throughout the day, saying if
anything should ail him he hoped he should cure himself, for that he
was something of a doctor. 'And faith,' said Donald, 'he was indeed
a bit of a doctor, for Ned Bourk happening ance to be unco ill of
a cholick, the Prince said, 'Let him alane, I hope to cure him of
that,' and accordingly [Sidenote: _fol._ 286.] he did so, for he gae
him sae mony draps out o' the little bottlie and Ned soon was as well
as ever he had been.'
When they landed at Rushness in Benbecula, they came to an
uninhabited hut where they made a fire to dry their cloaths, for
all of them were wet through and through in to the skin, and an old
sail was spread upon the bare ground, which served for a bed to the
Prince, who was very well pleased with it, and slept soundly. Here
they kill'd a cow, and the pot which Donald had brought served them
in good stead for boyling bits of the beef. In this poor hut they
remained two days and two nights.
[Sidenote: 29 April]
[Sidenote: 30 April]
April 29th. In the evening they set sail from Benbecula on board
the same eight-oar'd boat for the island Scalpay, commonly called
the Island Glass, where they landed safely about two hours before
daylight next day, the Prince and O'Sullivan going under the name
of Sinclair, the latter passing for the father, and the former for
the son. Betwixt Benbecula and Scalpay there is the distance of
thirteen or fifteen leagues. In this island Donald MacLeod had an
acquaintance, Donald Campbell, to whose house he brought the Prince
and his small retinue before break of day, April 30th. Being all
cold and hungry, Donald MacLeod desired immediately to have a good
fire, which was instantly got for them. Donald MacLeod was here
only one night, but the Prince remained four nights, and was most
kindly entertained by his hospitable landlord, Donald Campbell, whose
civility and compassion the Prince entertained a most grateful sense
of.[132]
[132] See ff. 926-928.
[Sidenote: 1 May]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 287.]
May 1st. Donald MacLeod was dispatched by the Prince to Stornway in
the island of Lewis in order to hire a vessel under a pretence of
sailing to the Orkneys to take in meal for the Isle of Sky, as Donald
used to deal in that way formerly. Here Donald once more affirmed
that O'Neil did not go with him to Stornway, and desired me to remark
his assertion accordingly. Donald left the eight-oar'd boat at
Scalpay, and got another boat from his friend, Mr. Campbell, in which
he sailed for Stornway, where he remained some time without making
out the design on which he was sent. But at last he succeeded, and
then dispatched an express to the Prince in Scalpay (between which
and Stornway thirty miles by land) to inform him that he had got a
vessel to his mind.
[Sidenote: 4 May]
May 4th. The Prince (leaving Allan MacDonald, the Popish clergyman in
Scalpay, who afterwards returned to South Uist), set out on foot for
Stornoway, attended by O'Sullivan and O'Neil, taking a guide along
to direct them the right road. This guide, in going to the Harris
(between which and Scalpay there is a ferry of only a quarter of a
mile) took them eight miles out of the way. In coming from Harris to
the Lewis they fell under night, and a very stormy and rainy night it
was, which fatigued them very much, their journey, by the mistake of
their guide, being no less than thirty-eight long Highland miles.
[Sidenote: 5 May]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 288.] May 5th. When in sight of Stornway the
Prince sent the guide to Donald MacLeod to inform him that he and
the two captains were at such a place, desiring withal that he would
forthwith send them a bottle of brandy and some bread and cheese,
for that they stood much in need of a little refreshment. Donald
immediately obeyed the summons and came to the Prince, bringing along
with him the demanded provisions. He found the Prince and his two
attendants upon a muir all wet to the skin, and wearied enough with
such a long journey through the worst of roads in the world. Donald
told the Prince that he knew of a faithful and true friend to take
care of him till things should be got ready for the intended voyage.
This was the Lady Killdun[133] at Arynish, to whose house Donald
conducted the Prince and his two attendants. Here the Prince was
obliged to throw off his shirt, which one of the company did wring
upon the hearth-stone, and did spread it upon a chair before the fire
to have it dried.
[133] Of the family of MacKenzie.
The same day, May 5th, Donald was sent back to Stornway to get things
in readiness. But when he came there, to his great surprize he found
no less than two or three hundred men in arms. The Lewis is inhabited
by the MacKenzies, and belongs to the Earl of Seaforth. Donald could
not understand [Sidenote: _fol._ 289.] at all what was the matter
that occasioned such a sudden rising of men, and therefore, without
fear or dread, he went directly into the room where the gentlemen
were that had taken upon themselves the rank of officers, and asked
them what was the matter. Every one of them immediately cursed him
bitterly, and gave him very abusive language, affirming that he had
brought this plague upon them; for that they were well assured the
Prince was already upon the Lewis, and not far from Stornway, with
five hundred men. This they said exposed them to the hazard of losing
both their cattle and their lives, as they heard the Prince was come
with a full resolution to force a vessel from Stornway. Donald very
gravely asked, How sorrow such a notion could ever enter into their
heads? 'Where, I pray you,' said he, 'could the Prince in his present
condition get 500 or one hundred men together? I believe the men are
mad. Has the devil possessed you altogether?' They replied that Mr.
John MacAulay, Presbyterian preacher in South Uist, had writ these
accounts to his [Sidenote: _fol._ 290.] father in the Harris, and
that the said father had transmitted the same to Mr. Colin MacKenzie,
Presbyterian teacher in the Lewis. Donald saned these blades, the
informers, very heartily, and spared not to give them their proper
epithets in strong terms. 'Well then,' said Donald, 'since you know
already that the Prince is upon your island, I acknowledge the truth
of it; but then he is so far from having any number of men with him
that he has only but two companions with him, and when I am there
I make the third. And yet let me tell you farther, gentlemen, if
Seaforth himself were here, by G---- he durst not put a hand to the
Prince's breast.'
Here Donald desired me to remark particularly for the honour of the
honest MacKenzies in the Lewis (notwithstanding the vile abusive
language they had given him) that they declared they had no intention
to do the Prince the smallest hurt, or to meddle with him at present
in any shape. But then they were mighty desirous he might leave them
and go to the continent, or anywhere else he should think convenient.
The wind being quite fair for the continent Donald desired they
would give him a pilot, but they absolutely refused to give him one.
Donald offered any money for one, but he said he believed he would
not have got one though he should have offered £500 sterling, such
was the terror and dread the people [Sidenote: _fol._ 291.] were
struck with. Donald then returned to the Prince and gave him an
honest account how matters stood, which made them all at a loss to
know what course to take, all choices having but a bad aspect.
At this time the Prince, O'Sullivan and O'Neill had but six shirts
amongst them, and frequently when they stript to dry those that were
upon them they found those that they were to put on as wet as the
ones they had thrown off.
In this great difficulty the Prince declared, let the consequence be
what it would, he could not think of stirring anywhere that night
till he should sleep a little, so much was he fatigued with the late
tedious journey. And the two captains were no less wearied, being
quite undone. To make their case still worse, two of the boatmen
had run away from Stornway, being frighted out of their wits at the
rising of the men in arms.
[Sidenote: 6 May]
May 6th. About eight o'clock in the morning the Prince, O'Sullivan,
O'Neil, Donald MacLeod and the six boatmen (two whereof were Donald's
own son and honest Ned Bourk), went on board Donald Campbell's boat,
which they had got at Scalpa, and sailed for the Island Euirn, twelve
miles from [Sidenote: _fol._ 292.] Stornway, and landed safely. This
Euirn is a desert island round which the people of the Lewis use to
go a fishing, and upon which they frequently land to spread their
fish upon the rocks of it for drying. The fishermen were then at
Stornway, but not one of them could be prevailed upon to accompany
the Prince to the uninhabited island, for the wind was contrary, and
it blew a very hard gale.
When they were in Lady Killdun's house they had killed a cow, for
which the Prince desired payment to be made; but the landlady refused
to accept of it. However, Donald said, before they left the house he
obliged her to take the price of the cow. 'For,' said Donald, 'so
long as there was any money among us, I was positive that the deel a
man or woman should have it to say that the Prince ate their meat for
nought.' They took the head and some pieces of the cow along with
them in the boat, as also two pecks of meal and plenty of brandy and
sugar. They had all along a wooden plate for making their dough for
bread, and they made use of stones for birsling their bannocks before
the fire. When they were parting with Lady Killdun she called Ned
Bourk aside and (as Donald said) gave him a junt of butter betwixt
two fardles of [Sidenote: _fol._ 293.] bread, which Ned put into a
wallet they had for carrying some little baggage.
Upon the desart island they found plenty of good dry fish, of which
they were resolved to make the best fare they could without any
butter, not knowing of the junt that Ned had in his wallet. As they
had plenty of brandy and sugar along with them, and found very good
springs upon the island, they wanted much to have a little warm punch
to chear their hearts in this cold remote place. They luckily found a
earthen pitcher which the fishers had left upon the island, and this
served their purpose very well for heating the punch. But the second
night the pitcher by some accident or another was broke to pieces, so
that they could have no more warm punch.
When Donald was asked if ever the Prince used to give any particular
toast when they were taking a cup of cold water, whiskie, or the
like, he said that the Prince very often drank to the Black Eye, 'by
which,' said Donald, 'he meant the second daughter of France; and I
never heard him name any particular health but that alone.[134] When
he spoke of that lady, which he did frequently, he appeared to be
more than ordinary well pleased.' When Donald was asked if ever he
heard the Prince mention that he had any trust to put in the King of
France [Sidenote: _fol._ 294.] for assistance, he answered that the
Prince when he spoke of the King of France mentioned him with great
affection, and declared that he firmly believed the King of France
had his cause much at heart, and would (he hoped) do all in his power
to promote it. When the Prince at any time was talking upon this
subject, Donald said he used to add these words: 'But, gentlemen, I
can assure you, a King and his Council are two very different things.'
[134] See f. 1686.
Ned Bourk stood cook and baxter; but Donald said, the Prince was the
best cook of them all. One day upon the desart island the Prince
and Ned were employed in making out a dish of fish, while all the
rest were asleep. Ned, not minding that he had the junt of butter,
began to complain that the fish would make but a very sarless morsel
without butter. The Prince said the fish would do very well in their
present condition, and that they behoved to take the fish till the
butter should come. Ned, at last reflecting, told the Prince that he
had got a junt of butter from Lady Killdun, which he laid up betwixt
two fardles of bread in the wallet, which was then lying in the boat.
The Prince said that would do exceedingly well, for it would serve to
compleat their cookery, and desired Ned to go fetch it immediately.
When Ned came to take out the butter the bread was all crumbled
into pieces, so that it made a very ugly appearance. Ned [Sidenote:
_fol._ 295.] returned and told the Prince the butter would not serve
the purpose at all, for that it was far from being clean, the bread
being crumbled into pieces and wrought in amongst it, and therefore
he thought shame to present it. 'What,' said the Prince, 'was not the
butter clean when it was put there?' 'Yes,' answered Ned, 'it was
clean enough.' 'Then,' replied the Prince, 'you are a child, Ned.
The butter will do exceedingly well. The bread can never file it.
Go, fetch it immediately.' When the fish were sufficiently boyled
they awakened the rest of the company to share in the entertainment.
Donald MacLeod, looking at the butter, said the deel a drap of that
butter he would take, for it was neither good nor clean. But the
Prince told him he was very nice indeed, for that the butter would
serve the turn very well at present, and he caused it to be served
up. They made a very hearty meal of the fish and the crumbs of bread
swimming among the butter.
At another time, when Ned was preparing to bake some bannocks, the
Prince said he would have a cake of his own contriving, which was
to take the brains of the cow and mingle them well in amongst the
meal, when making the dough, and this he said they would find to be
very wholesome meat. His directions were obeyed, and, said Donald,
'he gave orders to [Sidenote: _fol._ 296.] birsle the bannock well,
or else it would not do at all.' When the cake was fully fired the
Prince divided it into so many pieces, giving every gentleman a bit
of it; and Donald said, 'it made very good bread indeed.'
Here I asked if the boatmen did eat in common with the Prince and the
gentlemen? 'Na, good faith, they!' said Donald, 'set them up wi' that
indeed, the fallows! to eat wi' the Prince and the shentlemen! We
even kept up the port of the Prince upon the desart island itself and
kept twa tables, one for the Prince and the shentlemen, and the other
for the boatmen. We sat upon the bare ground, having a big stone in
the middle of us for a table, and sometimes we ate off our knee or
the bare ground as it happened.'
Upon this uninhabited island they remained four days and four nights
in a low, pityful hut, which the fishers had made up for themselves;
but it was so ill-roofed that they were obliged to spread the sail of
the boat over the top of it. They found heath and turf enough to make
a fire of; but had nothing but the bare ground to lie along upon when
disposed to take a nap, without any covering upon them at all.
When they were consulting about taking their departure from this
barren island, the Prince ordered two dozen of the fish to be put
on board the boat whatever might happen to [Sidenote: _fol._ 297.]
them, and said he would leave money for them, placing the cash upon
a fish, that so the people, when they missed of the number of their
fish might find the value of what they wanted. But O'Sullivan or
O'Neil told him it was needless to leave any money, lest vagrants
should happen to land upon the island and take the money which did
not belong to them. These two prevailed upon him to allow the money
to be taken up again.
[Sidenote: 10 May]
May 10th. They set sail from the uninhabited island, when the Prince
told his retinue he was determined to return to Scalpay or the Island
Glass, in order to pay his respects to honest Donald Campbell for the
remarkable civilities he had shown him; and then he ordered to steer
the course directly to that island. When they arrived at Scalpay,
Donald Campbell was not at home, having gone a skulking for fear
of being laid up, an account or rumour having passed from hand to
hand that the Prince had been in his house, and that the landlord
had entertained him kindly. The Prince was sorry at missing his
hospitable friend, and set sail directly from Scalpa the same day,
May 10th. Here Donald said the Prince would not part with Campbell's
boat, because it was such a fine, light, swift-sailing thing. In
coursing along they happened to spy a ship at Finisbery, in the
Harris, within two musket-shot, before they observed her. They were
on the windward of the ship at the mouth of the said bay, and made
[Sidenote: _fol._ 298.] all the haste they could along the coast to
Benbicula. In this course they spied another ship in Lochmaddy, in
North Uist, which occasioned them to make all the sail and rowing
they could to get free of the mouth of the loch and out of sight of
the ship.
[Sidenote: 11 May]
May 11th. Being still upon the sea they fell short of bread; but
having some meal on board and the men turning very hungry and
thirsty, they began to make Dramach (in Erse _Stappack_) with salt
water, and to lick it up. The Prince said that was a kind of meat
he had never seen before, and therefore he behoved to try it how it
would go down. Donald said the Prince ate of it very heartily, and
much more than he could do for his life. Never any meat or drink came
wrong to him, for he could take a share of every thing, be it good,
bad, or indifferent, and was always chearful and contented in every
condition.
May 11th. They arrived at Lochwiskaway, in Benbicula, and had scarce
got ashore when the wind proved quite contrary to what it had been,
blowing a hard gale, which served to make the ships they had spied
steer an opposite course. A heavy rain likewise came on at the same
time. It happened then to be low water; and one of the boatmen went
in among the rocks where he catched a large partan, and taking it up
in his hand he wagged it at the Prince, who was at some distance from
him. The Prince then took up a cog in his hand, and running towards
the lad desired to share in his game.[135]
[135] There is a hiatus here, a leaf of the original having
apparently been lost, viz., ff. 299, 300.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: June]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 301.] dispatched Donald MacLeod in Campbell's
boat to the continent with letters to Lochiel and John Murray of
Broughton, in order to know how affairs stood, and that Donald might
bring along with him some cash and brandy. Donald met with Lochiel
and Murray at the head of Locharkaig; but got no money at all from
Murray, who said he had none to give, having only about sixty louis
d'ores to himself, which was not worth the while to send. Donald
received letters from Lochiel and Murray to the Prince, and found
means without much ado to purchase two anchors of brandy at a guinea
per anchor. Here Donald observed that the Prince had a very good
opinion of Murray, looking upon him as one of the honestest, firmest
men in the whole world.
Donald was absent from the Prince eighteen days or thereabouts, and
upon his return he found the Prince where he left him upon Coradale.
During his abode on this mountain he lived in a tenant's house, only
a hut better than ordinary, diverting and maintaining himself with
hunting and fishing; for he used frequently to go down to the foot of
the hill upon the shore, and there go on board a small boat, which
continued rowing along, and he catched with hand-lines fishes called
lyths, somewhat like young cod.
[Sidenote: 14 June]
[Sidenote: 15 June]
June 14th. From the foot of Coradale they set sail in [Sidenote:
_fol._ 302.] Campbell's boat still towards Loch Boisdale, but spying
three sail within canon-shot of the shore about break of day, this
obliged them to put back to a place called Cilistiela in South
Uist.[136] Next morning, June 15th, once more they set sail for
Loch Boisdale, where they arrived safely. Here they got accounts
that Boisdale was made a prisoner, which was a thing not looked for
at all, as he had all along lived peaceably at home, and had kept
back all Clanranald's men upon the Isles from following their young
chiftain. These accounts of Boisdale's being a prisoner distressed
the Prince and his small retinue exceedingly much, as Boisdale was
the person principally concerned in the preservation of the Prince;
and all along had been most careful to consult the safety of the
Prince in his dangers upon and about the Isles. Malcolm MacLeod and
Donald MacLeod both agreed in affirming that had not Boisdale been
made a prisoner the Prince needed not to have left the Long Isle for
all the searches (and very strict ones they were) that were made
after him by the troops and militia; so well did Boisdale know all
the different places of concealment throughout the Long Isle that
were fittest for the Prince to be in, and so exact he was in sending
timeous notice to the Prince by proper hands, if he could not with
safety wait upon him in person, to be here or there, in this or the
other place, at such and such times as he thought convenient to
point out to him. Boisdale's confinement therefore behoved to be an
inexpressible [Sidenote: _fol._ 303.] hardship and distress upon the
Prince, and make him quite at a loss what to do or what corner to
turn himself to.
[136] See f. 460, for some additions here.
[Sidenote: 24 June]
Lady Boisdale sent four bottles of brandy to the Prince, and every
other thing she could procure that was useful for him and his
attendants. In and about Loch Boisdale the Prince continued for eight
or ten days, till June 24th, that the woeful parting behoved to ensue
betwixt the Prince and Donald MacLeod, etc.[137]
[137] See f. 462.
One day coursing up and down upon Loch Boisdale Donald MacLeod asked
the Prince if he were once come to his own what he would do with Sir
Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod for their behaviour. 'O
Donald,' said the Prince, 'what would you have me to do with them?
Are they not our own people still, let them do what they will? It
is not their fault for what they have done. It is altogether owing
to the power that President Forbes had over their judgment in these
matters. Besides, if the king were restored, we would be as sure of
them for friends as any other men whatsomever.' The Prince blamed
the young Laird of MacLeod much more than the father; for that, he
said, the son had been introduced to him in France, where he kissed
his hands, and solemnly promised him all the service that lay in his
power to promote his cause; but that when put to the trial he did not
keep to his engagements at all.
[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 304.] Here Malcolm MacLeod remarked that the Prince
spoke likewise to him about the Laird of MacLeod and his son; and
he said when the Prince was talking about them, he could not fail
observing with what wariness and caution the Prince (knowing he was
talking to a MacLeod) ordered his words, not being sure likewise in
his then circumstances whom to trust, or how easily people might be
offended at any observations he might happen to make upon those who
had not dealt so fairly by him.
Both Donald and Malcolm agreed in giving it as their opinion that the
Prince had an excess of mercy and goodness about him at all times.
They likewise agreed in saying they had good reason to believe
that honest Hugh MacDonald of Armadale in Sky (stepfather of Miss
MacDonald) had a meeting with the Prince at Rushness in Benbecula,
that he got the Prince's pistols in keeping, and that he had them
still in his custody.[138] They added further, they were persuaded
he would sooner part with his life than with these pistols, unless
they were to be given to the proper owner; and that he was the grand
contriver in laying and executing the scheme for the Prince's escape
in women's cloaths from the Long Isle to the Isle of Sky. They said
they had often heard that Armadale sent a letter by Miss Flora to
his wife, wherein he used some such expression as this, 'that he
had found out an Irish girl, Bettie Bourk, very fit for [Sidenote:
_fol._ 305.] being a servant to her, and that among her other good
qualifications she had this one, that _well could she spin_, which,
he knew, she liked well.'[139]
[138] See ff. 770, 805.
[139] See ff. 525, 769, 805.
They also agreed in telling me that the whole Island of Raaza had
been plundered and pillaged to the utmost degree of severity, every
house and hut being levelled with the ground; and there was not left
in the whole island a four-footed beast, a hen or a chicken.[140]
As there is plenty of free stone and marble in Raaza, the Laird had
built of these materials a very neat genteel house for himself,
which was razed out at the foundation. But in destroying it they
had carefully preserved the windows (all of oak), and put them on
board of a ship of war for sale. When the ship came to the Road of
Leith, James MacDonald, joiner, and a kinsman of Raaza's, went on
board, and bought the windows, which were all done with crown glass,
chusing rather they should fall into his hands than into those of any
indifferent person, because he could account for them to the owner
when a proper opportunity should offer. I saw the windows in James
MacDonald's house.
[140] See f. 873.
Donald MacLeod said the Prince used to smoak a great deal of tobacco;
and as in his wanderings from place to place the pipes behoved to
break and turn into short cutties, he used to take quills, and
putting one into another, and all, said Donald, [Sidenote: _fol._
306.] 'into the end of the cuttie, this served to make it long
enough, and the tobacco to smoak cool.' Donald added that he never
knew, in all his life, any one better at finding out a shift than the
Prince was when he happened to be at a pinch; and that the Prince
would sometimes sing them a song to keep up their hearts.
[Sidenote: 1746 24 June]
They expected that Boisdale would get free at Barra. But one came
and told the Prince (to his great sorrow) that Boisdale was still
to be detained a prisoner, and that there was no appearance of his
being set at liberty. This, with other distresses that were still
increasing upon him, made the Prince resolve upon parting from his
attendants for the greater safety. There were at that time two ships
of war in the mouth of Loch Boisdale, for whom they durst not make
out of the loch to the sea. Besides there was a command of above five
hundred red-coats and militia within a mile and a half of them. All
choices were bad, but (under God) they behoved to remove from the
place where they then were, and to do their best.
The Prince called for the boatmen, and ordered O'Sullivan to
pay every one of them a shilling sterling a day, besides their
maintenance. He gave a draught of sixty pistols to Donald MacLeod to
be paid by Mr. John Hay of Restalrig, if he should happen to be so
lucky as to meet with him upon the continent. [Sidenote: _fol._ 307.]
But as Donald never met with Mr. Hay the draught remains yet unpaid.
Donald could not help saying here that he did not despair of the
payment, for that he hoped for (as old as he was) to see the draught
paid to him with interest.
When Donald came to talk of the parting he grat sare and said, It was
a woeful parting indeed, but still insists that he hopes to see him
yet 'for a' that's come and gane.'
[Sidenote: 24 June]
June 24th. They parted with a resolution to meet again at a certain
place by different roads; Donald MacLeod, O'Sullivan, and the boatmen
walking away and leaving O'Neil only with the Prince. Donald MacLeod
went south about, but all the men left him, one only excepted; upon
which he was obliged to sink the boat, and to do the best he could to
shift for himself. But it was not possible for an old man like him to
keep himself any considerable time out of grips, especially as the
troops and militia at last became so very numerous upon the different
parts of the Long Isle. The militia were the worst of all, because
they knew the country so well. Donald and Malcolm MacLeod were
positive that the red-coats could have done but little, particularly
in taking those that were [Sidenote: _fol._ 308.] skulking, had it
not been for the militia, viz., Campbells, Monroes, Grants, etc.,
etc., who served to scour the hills and woods, and were as so many
guides for the red-coats to discover to them the several corners of
the country, both upon the continent and on the islands.
[Sidenote: 5 July]
July 5th. Donald MacLeod had the misfortune to be taken prisoner in
Benbecula by Allan MacDonald of Knock, in Slate in Sky, a lieutenant.
The same day Mr. Allan MacDonald,[141] of the family of Glenaladale,
and Mr. Forrest, clergyman of the Church of Rome, were made prisoners
by the said Knock, but not at the same time of day nor upon the
same spot with Donald MacLeod. Mr. MacDonald, one of the clergymen,
commonly called Captain MacDonald, had sixty guineas in his pocket,
which Knock took from him, though he was his blood relation, and
would not give him one single shilling to purchase necessaries with.
[141] At last banished. See f. 281.
[Sidenote: July]
From Benbecula the two priests and honest Donald were brought to
Barra, in order (as was given out) to appear before General Campbell;
but they did not see him there. From Barra they were carried to Loch
Brachandale in Sky, and from Loch Brachandale to Portree in Sky,
where Donald had the mortification of being neglected and disregarded
by some of his own relations, who saw him, but soon turned their
backs upon him, and would not vouchsafe to speak one word to him.
This [Sidenote: _fol._ 309.] affected Donald's honest heart very
much. 'But,' said Donald, 'the rogues will be fain to speak to me now
when I go back to Sky, where indeed I thought never to return any
more. But I shall make them understand themselves.'
At Portree Donald MacLeod and Malcolm MacLeod met as
fellow-prisoners, and from that were carried to Applecross Bay
towards the continent, and there they were put on board the sloop
commanded by the noted John Ferguson so often mentioned. Donald
MacLeod was immediately brought into the cabin before General
Campbell, who examined him most exactly and circumstantially. The
General asked if he had been along with the young Pretender? 'Yes,'
said Donald, 'I was along with that young gentleman, and I winna deny
it.' 'Do you know,' said the General, 'what money was upon that man's
head? no less a sum than _thirty thousand pounds sterling_, which
would have made you and all your children after you happy for ever.'
Donald's answer to this is so very good that the beauty of it would
be quite spoil'd if I did not give it in his own words, which are
these. 'What then? _thirty thousand pounds!_ Though I had gotten't
I could not have enjoyed it eight and forty hours. Conscience would
have gotten up upon me. That money could not have kept it down.
And tho' I could have gotten all England and Scotland for my pains
I would not allowed a hair of his body to be touch'd if I could
[Sidenote: _fol._ 310.] help it.' Here Donald desired me particularly
to remark for the honour of General Campbell, and to do him justice,
that he spoke these words, 'I will not say that you are in the
wrong.' Then the General said, 'But now you are in the king's mercy,
and if you will not declare every thing you know of this matter,
here is a machine (pointing to it) that will force you to declare.'
Donald replied that 'Many a prettier fellow than he was now in his
mercy, and that he would tell anything he knew without any machine
whatsoever.' This was Boisdale's machine in which he used to torture
thieves to make them confess.[142]
[142] See ff. 192, 690.
Such particular questions were then asked that Donald behoved to give
an account of the violent storm they were engaged in when sailing
from the continent to the Isles, what persons were on board at that
time and what their characters were. When the General heard of a
Popish priest in the case he asked, Seeing it was a very tempestuous
night they set out in from the continent, whether or not the priest
was not very busy in praying heartily for the young Pretender, as he
was in danger of drowning? 'Na, good faith he, Sir,' replied Donald,
'for if he prayed for himsell, he thought he did well enough. And
had you been there, Sir, you would have thought you did well enough
too if you prayed for yoursell. Every one of us was minding himsell
then.' Then a written declaration was taken from Donald's own mouth
and he subscribed it.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 311.]
Donald said he could easily give all his own part of the adventure
without doing the smallest harm to the Prince as he then knew that
the Prince had set out some time before from Sky to the Continent,
and was out of the reach of General Campbell and his command.
Here Malcolm MacLeod informed me that he likewise gave a written
declaration, but did not subscribe it.
They both concurred in affirming the Ferguson behaved very roughly
and barbarously to them. When they were in health they and the other
prisoners were brought upon the quarter-deck betwixt 9 and 10 in the
morning, and were allowed to walk among two dozen or so of sheep
with sentries placed on each side of them. So long as Ferguson was
cruizing upon the Highland coast he took care to have great plenty
of fresh victuals of all sorts, the sweet fruits of plundering and
pillaging. The prisoners got only half-mans allowance in every
respect. For one day of the week they had pease; but the common
fellows of the ship behoved to be served first before the gentlemen
got any at all; and if the pease happened to fall short, the fellows
would have mixed them up with salt-water. The victuals were brought
to the prisoners in foul nasty buckets, wherein the fellows used
to piss for a piece of ill-natured diversion. They were assigned
their quarters in a dark place of the ship, where [Sidenote: _fol._
312.] they were not allowed the light of a candle of any kind, 'from
the 1st of August 1746 to the day,' said Donald and Malcolm, 'upon
which Lord Lovat suffered, being April 9th (Thursday) 1747. When
they were brought opposite to Tilbury Fort upon the Thames, they
were turned over from Ferguson to another [Sidenote: April] ship,
where they lay for months together in a most deplorable state of
misery, their cloaths wearing so off them that many at last had not
a single rag to cover their nakedness with. Here they were treated
with the utmost barbarity and cruelty, with a view (as they suppose)
to pine away their lives, and by piecemeal to destroy every single
man of them. And indeed the design had too great success, for many of
them died. Donald MacLeod said he had reason to think that no less
than four hundred men died on board three ships opposite to Tilbury
Fort,[143] among which sixty or seventy Grants of Glenmoriston, who
by the persuasion of the laird of Grant had surrendred themselves and
delivered up their arms at Inverness, when Cumberland was there not
long after the battle of Culloden. Donald and Malcolm declared that
finer and stouter men never drew a sword then what these Glenmoriston
men were; and none of them survived the miserable situation and
returned to their own country, but only one or two. They likewise
joined in laying great blame to the door of the Laird of Grant, who,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 313.] they said, could not fail to know what would
turn out to be the fate of those men if they should be prevailed
upon to surrender. In a word they looked upon him as the instrument
of the misery of these brave fellows, and spoke no good things of
him at all, affirming that he entertained a hatred at the Grants of
Glenmoriston.[144]
[143] See f. 1967.
[144] See ff. 1329, 1489, 1660.
Here Donald and Malcolm had a remark very much to the purpose. They
said, It was most lucky that a greater number had not surrendered at
the same time, for that the treatment of the Glenmoriston men became
a warning to others not to follow their example. And indeed their
fate did prevent many surrendries that otherwise would have happened.
Donald MacLeod affirmed that they lived at least for two days upon
horse flesh. Here Malcolm did not fully agree with him, and after
some little debate betwixt them Malcolm qualified the expression and
told me I might write down that the beef they got was so very bad and
black that they could not take it for anything else but horse flesh
or carrion. Upon this Donald smiled and said, 'Well, Malcolm, how
much have you mended the matter?' When Donald was asked how such
beef went down with them, he replied, 'O what is it that will not go
down wi' a hungry stomack? I can assure you we made no scruple to eat
anything that came in our way.'
[Sidenote: _fol._ 314.]
Almost all those that were in the same ship with Donald and Malcolm
were once so sick that they could scarce stretch out their hands
to one another. Old MacKinnon, one of their companions, held out
wonderfully, although a man upwards of 70. He was only about eight
days in such a way that he needed one to help him up in the morning;
while others much younger, and to all appearances stronger too, were
dying by pairs, as at last there was a general sickness that raged
among all the prisoners on board the different ships, which could
not fail to be the case when (as both Donald and Malcolm positively
affirmed) they were sometimes fed with the beeves that had died
of the disease which was then raging amongst the horned cattle in
England.
When Donald and Malcolm were talking of the barbarous usage they
themselves and others met with, they used to say, 'God forgie them;
but God lat them never die till we have them in the same condition
they had us, and we are sure we would not treat them as they treated
us. We would show them the difference between a good and a bad cause.'
Donald MacLeod spoke very much good of Mr. James Falconar, a Scots
non-jurant clergyman, and Charles Allan, son of Hary Allan in Leith.
He said that Charles Allan behaved exceedingly well in his distress,
and had very much of [Sidenote: _fol._ 315.] the gentleman about him,
and that he was in a state of sickness for some time. He said that
Mr. Falconar was scarce ever any way ill in his health, that he bore
up better than any one of them, having a great fund of spirits, being
always chearful, and never wanting something to say to divert them in
their state of darkness and misery. He added that he did not know a
better man, or one of greater courage and resolution in distress.
Donald desired me to take notice that he was set at liberty (out of a
messenger's house in London, where he had been but a short time) upon
a most happy day, the 10th of June 1747.[145]
[145] The birthday of the Old Chevalier.
[Sidenote: June]
Donald has got in a present a large silver snuff-box prettily
chessed, from his good friend, Mr. John Walkingshaw of London, which
serves as an excellent medal of his history, as it has engraven upon
it the interesting adventure, with proper mottos, etc. The box is
an octagon oval of three inches and three quarters in length, three
inches in breadth, and an inch and a quarter in depth, and the inside
of it is doubly gilt. Upon the lid is raised the eight-oar'd boat,
with Donald at the helm, and the four under his care, together with
the eight rowers distinctly represented. The sea is made to appear
very [Sidenote: _fol._ 316.] rough and tempestuous. Upon one of the
extremities of the lid there is a landskip of the Long Isle, and
the boat is just steering into Rushness, the point of Benbicula
where they landed. Upon the other extremity of the lid there is a
landskip of the end of the Isle of Sky, as it appears opposite to
the Long Isle. Upon this representation of Sky are marked these two
places, viz., Dunvegan and Gualtergill. Above the boat the clouds are
represented heavy and lowring, and the rain is falling from them.
The motto above the clouds, _i.e._ round the edge of the lid by the
hinge, is this--OLIM HÆC MEMINISSE JUVABIT--APRILIS 26^{_to_} 1746.
The inscription under the sea, _i.e._ round the edge of the lid by
the opening, is this--QUID, NEPTUNE, PARAS? FATIS AGITAMUR INIQUIS.
Upon the bottom of the box are carved the following words--DONALD
MACLEOD OF GUALTERGILL, in the Isle of Sky, THE FAITHFULL PALINURUS,
Æt.68, 1746. Below these words there is very prettily engraved a
dove, with an olive branch in her bill.
When Donald came first to see me, along with Deacon Clark, I asked
him why he had not snuff in the pretty box? 'Sneeshin in that box!'
said Donald. 'Na, the deel a pickle sneeshin shall ever go into it
till the K---- be restored, and then (I trust in God) I'll go to
London, and then will I put [Sidenote: _fol._ 317.] sneeshin in the
box and go to the Prince, and say, "Sir, will you tak a sneeshin out
o' my box?"'
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]
_N.B._--Donald MacLeod, in giving his Journal, chused rather to
express himself in Erse than in Scots (as indeed he does not much
like at any time to speak in Scots), and Malcolm MacLeod and James
MacDonald explained to me. I was always sure to read over every
sentence, in order to know of them all if I was exactly right.
Malcolm MacLeod and James MacDonald were exceedingly useful to me in
prompting Donald, particularly the former, who having heard Donald
tell his story so often before in company, put him in mind of several
incidents that he was like to pass over. Donald desired Malcolm to
refresh his memory where he thought he stood in need, for that it was
not possible for him to mind every thing exactly in such a long tract
of time, considering how many different shapes and dangers they had
gone through in that time.
August 20th. When I was writing Donald's journal from his own mouth,
I did not part with him till betwixt 10 and 11 o'clock at night, and
before we parted, our company increased to 16 or 17 in number.
[Sidenote: 7 Sept.]
Some days after this Donald MacLeod and James MacDonald [Sidenote:
_fol._ 318.] coming to dine with my Lady Bruce, I made an appointment
with Donald to meet James MacDonald and me upon Monday, September
7th, with a view to dine with Mr. David Anderson, senior, in the
Links of Leith, who was very desirous to see Donald, and to converse
with him for some time. Upon the day appointed Donald came down
from Edinburgh, and brought along with him Ned Bourk, to shew him
Mr. Anderson's house. When Ned was known to be the person that was
along with Donald, he was desired to come into the house and get his
dinner. I went out from the company a little to converse with Ned,
who put into my hand a paper, telling me that this was his account
of the matter. When I returned to the company, I told them what I
had got from Ned, and they were all desirous to know the contents
of it. After dinner, when I was reading Ned's Journal, Donald
MacLeod frowned, and was not pleased with his account of things, and
therefore would needs have Ned brought into the room to answer for
himself. Accordingly Ned was called in, and after a pretty long and
warm debate betwixt them in Erse, we found that Donald's finding
fault amounted to no more than that Ned had omitted to mention
several things, which Ned acknowledged to be the case, confessing
that his memory did not serve him as to many particulars.
[Sidenote: 9 Sept.]
The Journal had been taken from Ned's own mouth in a [Sidenote:
_fol._ 319.] very confused, unconnected way, as indeed it requires no
small attention and pains to come at Ned's[146] meaning in what he
narrates, because he speaks the Scots exceedingly ill. I therefore
desired Ned to be with me in my own room upon Wednesday's afternoon,
September 9th, that I might have the opportunity of going through his
Journal with him at leisure, and likewise of having an account from
his own mouth how he happen'd to be so lucky as to escape being made
a prisoner, when so many were catched upon the Long Isle, where he
skulked for some time. Ned kept his appointment, as will hereafter
appear.
[146] Near thirty years old before he could speak English at all.--F.
Though Donald MacLeod's history be most extraordinary in all the
several instances of it (especially considering his advanced age),
yet when he arrived at Leith, he had not wherewith to bear his
charges to Sky, where he has a wife and children, from whom he had
been absent for at least one year and an half. There was therefore a
contribution set on foot for him in and about Edinburgh; and I own I
had a great anxiety for my own share to make out for honest PALINURUS
(if possible) a pound sterling for every week he had served the
Prince in distress; and (I thank God) I was so happy as to [Sidenote:
_fol._ 320.] accomplish my design exactly. Donald MacLeod and James
MacDonald came from the Links of Leith to my room, as they were to
sup that night with my Lady Bruce upon invitation. I then delivered
into Donald's own hand, in lieu of wages for his services of ten
weeks,
£10 0 0 Sterling.
_Vide_ page _hujus_ 261, 6 11 0
_Vide_ vol. i. page 73, 37 1 6
--------
In all, £53 12 6
---------
The above sum went through my hands in the compass of about thirteen
months and an half. Meantime I have not reckoned up a guinea, half a
guinea, or a crown, which I had from time to time from my Lady Bruce,
as a necessitous sufferer happened to come in the way.
God Almighty bless and reward all those who liberally contributed
for the support of the indigent and the deserving in times of the
greatest necessity and danger, for Jesus Christ's sake. Amen and
Amen.
[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]
At the same time above mentioned, I gave Donald MacLeod the trouble
of two letters, copies whereof follow.
Copy of a Letter to Mr. ALEXANDER MACDONALD
of Kingsburgh in Sky.
[Sidenote: 7 Sept.]
DEAR SIR,--I could not think of honest Palinurus's setting out upon
his return to Sky, without giving you the trouble of some few lines,
to wish you and Mrs. MacDonald much joy [Sidenote: _fol._ 321.] and
happiness in being at your own fireside again. You and all your
concerns are frequently made mention of here with very much respect;
and so long as a spark of honesty remains, the name of MACDONALD OF
KINGSBURGH will ever have a mark of veneration put upon it.
You know very well how I employ much of my time in a certain affair.
I have already made up a collection of between twenty-four and thirty
sheets of paper, and I would fain flatter myself with the hopes of
still increasing the number till the collection be made compleat,
by your assistance and that of other worthies who prefer truth to
falshoods, and honesty to trick and deceit. Now is the time or never
to make a discovery of facts and men; and it is pity to omit any
expedient that may tend to accomplish the good design.
I gave Captain Malcolm MacLeod the trouble of a written Memorandum,
which I hope you will honour with a plain and distinct return; and
hereby I assure you no other use shall be made of it but to preserve
it for posterity; it being my intention not so much as to speak of
it, and to make a wise and discreet use of every discovery I am
favoured with.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 322.]
I wish the worthy Armadale would be so good as to give his part of
the management from his own mouth. But as I have writ fully by the
same hand to the faithful Captain Malcolm MacLeod upon this and some
other particulars, to his letter I refer you, and I hope you will
join your endeavours with him in serving the cause of truth and
justice.
For my own part I am resolved to leave no stone unturn'd to expiscate
facts and characters, that so _the honest man_ may be known and
revered, and those of the opposite stamp may have their due.
That God Almighty may ever have you, Mrs. MacDonald, and all your
concerns in His holy care and protection, is the hearty and earnest
prayer of, my dear Sir, your most affectionate friend and very humble
servant,
ROBERT FORBES.
_Citadel of Leith, September 7th, 1747._
_P.S._--PALINURUS has promised to drop me a line by post to inform
me of his safe arrival, and about your welfare, and that of other
friends. Pray keep him in mind of his promise, and let him not
mention any other thing in his letter. Is it possible to get
Boisdale's part from himself? I would gladly have it. You see I am
exceedingly greedy. Adieu.[147]
[147] See ff. 701, 792, 837.
COPY of a LETTER to CAPTAIN MALCOLM MACLEOD
of CASTLE in RAAZA.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 323.] DEAR SIR,--This comes by honest PALINURUS to
congratulate you upon your safe return to your own place; I wish I
could say to your own fireside. But I hope that and all other losses
will be made up to you with interest in due time. A mind free from
the sting of bitter reflections is a continual feast, and will serve
to inspire a man with spirits in a low and suffering state of life,
made easy by contentment, whilst others are miserable under a load of
riches and power, and must betake themselves to a crowd of company to
keep them from thinking.
I hope you are happy in meeting with Mrs. MacLeod in good health.
Long may ye live together, and may your happiness increase.
I need not put you in mind of my Memorandum to Kingsburgh, and of
your promise to procure me an exact account from the mouth of your
brother-in-law, Mr. MacKinnon, as to his particular concern in the
adventure, for you have too much honour to neglect anything committed
to your trust.
I heartily wish that honest Armadale could be prevailed upon to give
a full and plain account of his part of the management [Sidenote:
_fol._ 324.] in a certain affair which is very much wanted. If he
intends to visit Miss Flora while in Edinburgh, I then can have
the happiness of conversing with that truly valuable man, and of
getting his history from his own mouth. But if he comes not to this
country soon, I earnestly beg you'll employ your good offices with
him to allow you to write it down in his own words. Though I have
not the honour of that worthy gentleman's acquaintance, please make
him an offer of my best wishes to him and his family in the kindest
manner, and tell him that he has a most amiable character amongst the
honest folks in and about this place. May God Almighty multiply his
blessings upon him, and all his concerns both here and hereafter.
If I rightly remember I desired the favour of you to lay yourself
out in procuring me an exact account of all the cruelties and
barbarities, the pillagings and burnings, you can get any right
intelligence about, which will be an infinite service done to truth.
In doing of this be so good as to be very careful in finding out the
names of persons and places as much as possible. But where the names
cannot be discovered, still let the facts themselves be particularly
set down.
Though I have not the honour of being known to the worthy [Sidenote:
_fol._ 325.] family of Raaza, I beg my most respectful compliments
may be presented to them.
I need not mention to you that regard which is entertained for you by
the worthy person, the protection of whose roof I enjoy; for I dare
say you cannot fail to be sensible with what respect you and all such
are made mention of here.
That God Almighty may bless you and Mrs. MacLeod with health and
happiness and give you your hearts desire is the hearty and earnest
prayer of, my dear Sir, Your most affectionate friend and very humble
servant,
ROBERT FORBES.
_Citadel of Leith, September 7th, 1747._
_P.S._--By the same hand I have sent a letter to that valuable and
faithful gentleman, Kingsburgh, with whom you may compare notes.[148]
[148] See f. 856.
[Sidenote: 7 Sept.]
_September 7th._--Donald MacLeod when at supper spoke much in
commendation of Ned Burk as being an honest, faithful, trusty
fellow.[149] He said in the event of a R[evoluti]on Ned would
carry a chair no more; for he was persuaded the Prince would
settle an hundred pounds sterling a year upon Ned during life.
And he could affirm it for a truth that not any man whatsomever
deserved it better. Meantime Donald added that Ned, though true
as steel, was the rough man, and that he used great freedoms;
for he had seen him frequently [Sidenote: _fol._ 326.] at _Deel
speed the leers_ with the Prince, who humour'd the joke so well
that they would have _flitten together like twa kail wives_,
which made the company to laugh and be merry when otherwise they
would have been very dull.
[149] See f. 281.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
_Wednesdays afternoon, September 9th, 1747._
[Sidenote: 9 Sept.]
At the hour appointed (4 o'clock) Ned Bourk came to my room,
when I went through his Journal with him at great leisure, and
from his own mouth made those passages plain and intelligible
that were written in confused, indistinct terms.
A Short but Genuine Account of Prince Charlie's Wanderings
from Culloden to his meeting with Miss MacDonald, by Edward
Bourk.[150]
[150] This Journal as far as f. 338 is printed in the _Jacobite
Memoirs_, pp. 362-373. Burke died in Edinburgh on 23rd November 1757.
See f. 1706.
[Sidenote: 1746 16 Apr.]
Upon the 16th of April 1746 we marched from the field of Culloden
to attack the enemy in their camp at Nairn, but orders were given
by a false[151] general to retreat to the place from whence we
had come, and to take billets in the several parts where we had
quartered formerly. The men being all much fatigued, some of them
were dispersed here and there in order to get some refreshment for
themselves, whilst the greater part of them went to rest. But soon
after, the enemy appearing behind us, about four thousand of our men
were with difficulty got together and advanced, and the rest were
awakened by the [Sidenote: _fol._ 327.] noise of the canon, which
surely put them in confusion. After engaging briskly there came up
between six and seven hundred Frazers commanded by Colonel Charles
Frazer, younger, of Inverallachie, who were attacked before they
could form in line of battle, and had the misfortune of having their
Colonel wounded, who next day was murdered in cold blood, the fate of
many others.
[151] This epithet is not to be regarded.--F. See f. 667.
Our small, hungry, and fatigued army being put into confusion and
overpowered by numbers, was forced to retreat. Then it was that
Edward Bourk fell in with the Prince, having no right guide and
very few along with him. The enemy kept such a close fire that the
Prince had his horse shot under him;[152] who, calling for another,
was immediately served with one by a groom or footman, who that
moment was killed by a canon bullet. In the hurry, the Prince's
bonnet happening to fall off, he was served with a hat by one of
the life-guards. Edward Bourk, being well acquainted with all them
bounds, undertook to be the Prince's guide and brought him off with
Lord Elcho, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. Alexander MacLeod, aid-de-camp,
and Peter MacDermit, one of the Prince's footmen. Afterwards they
met with O'Sullivan, when they were but in very bad circumstances.
The Prince was pleased to say to Ned, if you be a true friend, pray
endeavour to lead us safe off. Which honour Ned was not a little
fond of, and promised [Sidenote: _fol._ 328.] to do his best. Then
the Prince rode off from the way of the enemy to the Water of Nairn,
where, after advising, he dismist all the men that were with him,
being about sixty of Fitz-James's horse that had followed him. After
which Edward Bourk said, 'Sir, if you please, follow me. I'll do
my endeavour to make you safe.' The Prince accordingly followed
him, and with Lord Elcho, Sir Thomas Sheridan, O'Sullivan, and Mr.
Alexander MacLeod, aid-de-camp, marched to Tordarroch, where they
got no access, and from Tordarroch through Aberarder, where likewise
they got no access; from Aberarder to Faroline, and from Faroline to
Gortuleg, where they met with Lord Lovat, and drank three glasses of
wine with him.
[Sidenote: April]
About 2 o'clock next morning with great hardships we arrived at the
Castle of Glengary, called Invergary, where the guide (Ned Burk)
spying a fishing-net set, pulled it to him and found two salmonds,
which the guide made ready in the best manner he could, and the
meat was reckoned very savoury and acceptable. After taking some
refreshment the Prince wanted to be quit of the cloathing he had on,
and Ned gave him his own coat. At 3 o'clock afternoon, the Prince,
O'Sullivan, another private gentleman, and the guide set out and came
to the house of one Cameron of Glenpean, and stayed there all night.
In this road we had got ourselves all nastied, and when [Sidenote:
_fol._ 329.] we were come to our quarters, the guide happening to be
untying the Prince's spatter dashes, there fell out seven guineas.
They being alone together, the Prince said to the guide, 'Thou art a
trusty friend and shall continue to be my servant.'
[152] See f. 1161.
From Glenpean we marched to Mewboll, where we stayed one night, and
were well entertained. Next morning we went to Glenbiasdale, stayed
there four nights or thereabouts, and from that we took boat for the
Island of South Uist, about six nights before the 1st of May, where
we arrived safely but with great difficulty. There we stayed three
days or so, and then we boated for the Island Scalpa, or Glass, and
arrived at Donald Campbell's house.
When I asked at Ned to whom Scalpay belonged, he answered, To the
Laird of MacLeod. I asked likewise, what this Donald Campbell was?
Ned told me that he was only a tenant, but one of the best, honestest
fellows that ever drew breath; and that his forefathers (from father
to son) had been in Scalpa for several generations past. Ned said he
believed they were of the Campbells of Lochniel.
[Sidenote: May]
In Scalpa we stayed about three days, sending from thence our barge
to Stornway to hire a vessel. By a letter from Donald MacLeod we came
to Loch Seaforth, and coming there by a false guide, we travelled
seven hours, if not more, under cloud of night, having gone six or
eight miles out of our way. This guide was sent to Stornway to know
if the vessel was [Sidenote: _fol._ 330.] hired. Either by him or
some other enemy it was divulged that the Prince was at Kildun's
house (MacKenzie) in Arynish, upon which a drum beat in Stornway, and
upwards of an hundred men conveened to apprehend us. However the
MacKenzies proved very favourable and easy, for they could have taken
us if they had pleased. We were then only four in number besides
the Prince, and we had four hired men for rowing the barge. Upon
the alarm Ned Burk advised they should take to the mountains; but
the Prince said, 'How long is it, Ned, since you turned cowardly?
I shall be sure of the best of them ere taken, which I hope shall
never be in life.' That night he stood opposite to the men that were
gathered together, when two of our boatmen ran away and left us.
The rogue that made the discovery was one MacAulay, skipper of the
vessel that was hired, who next morning went off to Duke William with
information. In the morning we had killed a quey of little value, and
about 12 o'clock at night our little barge appeared to us, whereof
we were very glad. We put some pieces of the quey in the barge and
then went on board. We rowed stoutly; but spying four men of war at
the point of the Isle of Keaback we steered to a little desart island
where were some fishermen who had little huts of houses like swine's
[Sidenote: _fol._ 331.] huts where it seems they stayed and made
ready their meat while at the fishing. They were frighted at seeing
our barge sailing towards the island, and apprehending we had been a
press boat from the men-of-war they fled and left all their fish.
When landed Edward Burk began to dress some of the fish, but said
he had no butter. The Prince said, 'We will take the fish till the
butter come.' Ned, minding there was some butter in the barges laid
up among bread, went to the barge and brought it; but it did not
look so very clean, the bread being all broke in pieces amongst the
butter; and therefore Ned said he thought shame to present it. The
Prince asked if the butter was clean when put amongst the bread. Ned
answered it was. 'Then,' said the Prince, 'it will do very well. The
bread is no poison; it can never file the butter.'
[Sidenote: April.]
Ned having forgot here to mention the cake which the Prince contrived
with the cow's brains I asked him about it; and he acknowledged the
truth of it. I likewise asked him if he knew the name of the desart
island; but he frankly owned that he did not know it, assuring me in
the mean time that Donald MacLeod knew it well.[153]
[153] See f. 291.
Upon the desart island we stayed four nights, and on the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 332.] 5th set to sea and arrived at the Island Glass, where
we were to enquire about the hire of Donald Campbell's boat. Here
four men appeared coming towards them, upon which Ned Burk went out
of the boat to view them, and giving a whistle, cried back to his
neighbours, being at some distance, to take good care of the boat.
Ned not liking these men at all, thought fit to return with speed to
the boat, and putting his hand to the gunnel jumped aboard and stayed
not to converse with the four men.
[Sidenote: May.]
From Glass, having no wind, we rowed off with vigour. About break of
day, the wind rising, we hoisted sail; and all of us being faint for
lake of food, and having some meal, we began to make drammach (in
Erse, stappack) with salt water, whereof the Prince took a share,
calling it no bad food, and all the rest followed his example. The
Prince called for a bottle of spirits, and gave every one of us a
dram. Then we passed by Finsbay, in the Isle of Harris, where we
spied a man-of-war, commanded by one Captain Ferguson, under full
sail, and our little sail was full too. He pursued us for three
leagues; but we escaped by plying our oars heartily, they being
better to us than arms could have been at that time. The water
failing the man-of-war, he was not in a condition [Sidenote: _fol._
333.] to pursue farther. We steered upon a point called Rondill, when
the Prince expressed himself as formerly that he should never be
taken in life. After this the said Captain Ferguson, being anxious
to know what we were, endeavoured to make up with us a second time,
but to no purpose, the water being at ebb, and we continuing still
to row in amongst the creeks. Seeing this he turned to the main
sea, when we sailed to Lochmaddy to the south of the Isle of Uist,
thence to Loch-uiskibay, thence to an island in said loch, where we
came to a poor grasskeeper's bothy or hut, which had so laigh a door
that we digged below the door and put heather below the Prince's
knees, he being tall, to let him go the easier into the poor hut.
We stayed there about three nights, and provided ourselves very
well in victuals by fowling and fishing, and drest them in the best
shapes we could, and thought them very savoury meat. Thence we went
to the mountain of Coradale, in South Uist, and stayed there about
three weeks, where the Prince one day, seeing a deer, run straight
towards him, and firing offhand killed him. Edward Burk brought home
the deer, and making ready some collops, there comes a poor boy,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 334.] who, without asking questions, put his hand
among the meat, which the cook (Edward Burk) seeing, gave him a whip
with the back of his hand. The Prince observing this, said, 'O man,
you don't remember the Scripture which commands to feed the hungry
and cleed the naked, etc. You ought rather to give him meat than a
strip.' The Prince then ordered some rags of cloaths for the boy, and
said he would pay for them, which was done accordingly. The Prince
added more, saying, 'I cannot see a Christian perish for want of food
and raiment had I the power to support them.' Then he prayed that God
might support the poor and needy, etc.
There was one Donald MacLeod of Gualtergill, a trusty friend, who
went to Moidart and brought us news and brandy, for which the Prince
thanked him heartily, calling him a trusty servant.
The foresaid boy after [being] fed and cloathed, hearing of the
enemy's approaching in search of the Prince, (like Judas) thought
fit to go privately to them, being fifteen hundred of Campbells,
MacLeods, and MacDonalds, to inform them where the Prince was, which
some of the enemy hearing, ridiculed the boy, and said he deserved to
be thrown into the sea, for what he advanced was entirely false and
all lies.
Now, the enemy coming from the Isle of Barra, who were well known in
these places, and we being utter strangers, with [Sidenote: _fol._
335.] the disadvantage too of some men-of-war lying before, we had no
way to escape. But committing ourselves to Providence, the Prince,
O'Sullivan, O'Neil (who had come on an errand from France), Donald
MacLeod, Edward Burk, and the boatmen went on board the barge, to be
sure melancholy enough, having none to trust in but the Providence
of God only, we escaped narrowly by Ouia Island to Benbicula, in
Clanronald's country. We stayed there for about two nights; but the
enemy came to that country likewise in search of the Prince, where
one Hamar MacLeod landed near our quarters; which the Prince being
informed of, asked at Edward Burk, 'Is this a friend or a foe?' To
which Ned answered, 'He never was a friend to your family.' But by
good providence Hamar happened to go off without making any search,
and we did not think proper to go the same way with him, not knowing
what the event may have been.
Immediately after this the Prince with O'Neil only went to the
wilderness, desiring we might stay behind with this design that if
any enquiry was made about him, our answer should be that we knew
nothing about him at all further than that by that time we believed
he had made his escape. We all resolved [Sidenote: _fol._ 336.] to
suffer than that the Prince should be exposed. Meantime Providence
ordered it otherwise, for without trouble we escaped also, and
afterwards met with the Prince, and that night boated in our little
barge and sailed by Ouia, above the island of Benbicula, where from
the point of a rock a young seal (a whelp) swimmed directly to the
barge as if it had been frighted; and Edward Burk leaning over the
side of the boat, pulled the seal into the boat; but it died soon
after. The same night we rowed and sailed with vigour, when we spied
two men-of-war with one Captain Scott, not knowing the names of
any of the rest.[154] We then steered with all speed to a shore at
Aikersideallach, in South Uist, where coming to a creek of a rock
above the water, and finding some ashes and the place very private,
we kindled up a fire; and the Prince lay that night in a clift of the
rock, drawing his bonnet over his eyes for preserving them. Ned Burk,
as he was turning himself, the place being exceedingly narrow, and he
not adverting to that, fell backwards over the rock about six yards
high, and narrowly escaped being bruised, by falling among sand.
[154] See f. 461.
[Sidenote: June.]
Afterwards we took boat and rowed to the south part of South Uist for
Loch Boisdale, when we perceived fifteen sail, and a number of the
enemy being upon the land, we knew not [Sidenote: _fol._ 337.] what
to do. All that day we were obliged to keep in a narrow creek till
night that we got into Loch Boisdale. Afterwards coming ashore very
much fatigued, we came to an old tower in the mouth of the island,
where we kindled fire, put on our pot in order to make ready some
provisions; and Ned Burk went out to pull some heath for the Prince's
bed. Meantime Donald MacLeod of Gualtergill said there were two
French ships of war appearing; but to our great surprize they proved
to be Englishmen. The Prince with three others took to the mountains,
and the rowers went to the barge lying in the creek and steered up
the loch.
The men-of-war steered to the main. At night we all met again at
our barge, wherein we had still some small provisions. We stayed in
the open fields two nights, having only the sails of the boat for
covers. On the third night we went farther into the loch, and rested
thereabouts for other two nights. When the enemy (viz., redcoats and
Campbells) appeared, then we passed to the north side of the loch.
The Prince, finding himself so invironed by the enemy, took
[Sidenote: _fol._ 338.] two shirts under his arm and went off,
allowing none to follow him but O'Neil. After parting from the
rest the Prince on the other side of the mountain met with one
Neil MacDonald, who conveyed him that night near to one Lauchlan
MacDonald, a falsified friend, who designed to have betrayed both the
Prince and his country. But Neil MacDonald, finding out his design,
conveyed the Prince to Benbicula, a place then called Rushness,
where he met with one Florence MacDonald, stepdaughter to MacDonald
of Armadale, who pretended to cross the sea to visit her mother in
Sky, when the Prince went along with her, having disguised himself in
women's cloaths, and changing his name to Bettie Burk, the sirname of
his first guide.
Now, gentlemen and ladies, who read this, believe it to be a true
and genuine short account of hardships that happened and what the
author saw. But for brevity's sake I have not made mention of many
wants the Prince suffered, the many ill-drest diets he got, the many
bad beds he lay in, the many cold and wet beds in the open fields,
etc., with all which he chearfully and patiently put up; and this any
well-thinking person may easily consider from what is above set down.
[Sidenote: 9 Sept. 1747]
September 9th, 1747. After going thro' the Journal with Ned I
writ from his own mouth the following Account, etc.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 339.] Edward Burk, after parting with the Prince,
went over North Strand to North Uist, where he skulked in a hill
called Eval for about seven weeks, twenty days of which he had not
any other meat than dilse and lammocks, a kind of shell fish, for
much about this time a paper had been read in all the kirks strictly
forbidding all persons to give so much as a mouthful of meat to a
rebel, otherwise they should be destroyed. Upon this Oliver Burk, a
married man, and brother to Ned, would not give poor Ned a bit of
bread, or any countenance whatsomever, being frighted out of his
wits. But Ned resolved to take amends of him for his cruel cowardice,
and went to a place where Oliver had a flock of sheep feeding.
Ned took the head off one of them, and throwing the body over his
shoulder, carried it to a place where he could order it at his
conveniency. But Jacob Burk, an unmarried man, and brother to Ned,
did as much as could lie in his power, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 340.]
gave Ned everything he could purchase, and did not fear at all. God
bless poor Jacob. One night, Ned being in great misery, went to steal
a boat in order to take the sea. But some fishers being near by, and
hearing a noise, came out with a force, thinking this to be an enemy.
Ned was obliged to leave the boat and take to his heels, for he had
far rather have been killed or drowned than to be taken prisoner,
because by that time it was well known that he had been the Prince's
servant, and therefore he was afraid, if taken, they would put him to
the torture to make him tell all that he knew, and he could not bear
the thoughts of doing hurt to anybody.
A near relation of his own (Peter MacDonald) put him to much trouble,
having gone to Captain John MacDonald, son of Tutor MacDonald in
North Uist, in order to put Ned out, and get a party to catch him.
But Captain John broke a staff over the fellow's head and told him
he had other uses for his men than to send them upon false errands.
At that time Ned went to Lochmaddy in North Uist, where one of the
Independent Company (commanded by the said John MacDonald) came to
him and desired him to follow him. Ned asked to what place was he to
follow him? 'Farther into the country,' said the fellow. 'Friend,'
said Ned, 'have you got any more [Sidenote: _fol._ 341.] help than
yourself?' 'No,' replied the fellow. 'And, Sir, you are one of the
Prince's servants?' Ned answered, 'Many a prettier fellow had been
his servant.' The fellow added that he knew Ned's face. Upon which
Ned owned his name, and said he would not deny it, and immediately
drew his pistol, which frighted the fellow so that he ran off with
himself. But soon after he brought a party to the same spot to seize
Ned, but he had got himself hid in a private place.
This made Ned more careful and timorous, especially as Donald
MacDonald (a son of Clanranald, and one of Ned's good friends) was
under a necessity to deliver himself up, which put him in no danger,
as he was a French officer. After this Ned was obliged to betake
himself to a cave in North Uist, being so hard beset. A shoemaker's
wife, when neither one friend nor another durst be seen with him,
came under cloud of night and brought him a little food.
A little before this Ned had gone one day to buy a pair of shoes at
Clatachcaranish, when General Campbell, Captain Ferguson and their
whole force came to the place. Ned was [Sidenote: _fol._ 342.] then
in a sad perplexity, and did not well know what to do. Spying an
old black coat and a pair of old breeches in the house, he put them
on, hiding his own cloaths under a chest, and went out at the door
unconcerned. He stood a while among the men and conversed easily with
them, then slipping by degrees out amongst them, he got to the hills
to his old cave. Jacob Burk and the shoemaker's wife got his cloaths
(a highland dress) and brought them to him.
At last Ned resolved, right or wrong, to get out of these hardships,
and, making his way to Lochmaddy, found there a vessel ready to ferry
some cattle over to Sky. Ned gave a false token to the skipper in
place of a pass, and got on board. When he arrived in Sky he came
to a gentleman's house of the name of MacLeod, near which place
MacDonald of Knock coming with a command of 36 men, Ned made off,
not chusing to have his quarters near any place where Knock was.
That night Ned went to an old kiln-cogie and took his rest, and
the gentleman, MacLeod (in whose house he had been) sent him meat
privately. Next morning, before daylight, he made off and went to
Talisker MacLeod, whom he had served several years before that, and
gave himself up to him. Talisker made [Sidenote: _fol._ 343.] him
welcome, and took care of him. Ned, being desirous to be upon the
mainland, took the opportunity of a boat sailing for Seaforth's
country where he met with his master, Mr. Alexander MacLeod,
aid-de-camp, and stayed with him till the indemnity came out, when he
left his master and returned to Edinburgh, where he follows his old
business.
Ned told me that Donald MacLeod, all the time he was with the Prince,
sat at the helm and steered the course, and that they had neither
compass, lamp, nor pump in the great storm from the mainland to
Benbicula, not knowing, through the darkness and tempest, where they
were, or what land they might make; and therefore they behoved to let
the boat drive and trust all to Providence, for they could do nothing
for themselves. By peep of day, he said, they observed Benbicula
and made to it with great difficulty, the storm continuing no less
than twelve hours after they landed. Ned assured me that O'Neil's
saying that the boat staved to pieces was a downright falshood; and
moreover, he did not doubt but the eight-oar'd boat was still entire
upon the island Scalpa or Glass.
When I spoke to Ned about the priest's leaving them at Scalpa, Ned
said, 'Faith, I have reason to think that the Prince [Sidenote:
_fol._ 344.] is not a great Papist, for he never gree'd well wi' the
priest at all, and was very easy about his company.'
Ned owned the truth of what Donald MacLeod had said about his using
such freedoms with the Prince, and added that he used to play
antiques and monkey tricks to divert the Prince and his small retinue.
One of the soles of Ned's shoes happening to come off, Ned cursed the
day upon which he should be forced to go without shoes. The Prince
hearing him, called to him and said, 'Ned, look at me;' 'when,' said
Ned, 'I saw him holding up one of his feet to me where there was deel
a sole upon the shoe; and then I said, 'O my dear, I have nothing
more to say. You have stopt my mouth indeed.'
When Ned was talking of seeing the Prince again he spoke these words:
'If the Prince do not come and see me soon, good faith, I will go and
see my daughter (Bettie Burk) and crave her. For she has not yet paid
her christening money, and as little has she paid the coat I gae her
in her greatest need.'
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
* * * * *
N.B.--Donald MacLeod is much more to be depended upon than Ned
Burk in the account of things, because Ned [Sidenote: _fol._
345.] can neither write nor read, and was near thirty years of
age before he could speak one word of English. Ned had a great
difficulty to put things together in any tolerable way, as he
is one of these honest, low men that are intent for the present
upon doing their duty with fidelity without minding anything
else. Such honest, plain persons as these allow the world to
rub on as it pleases, and never once trouble their heads about
making observations and remarks upon the occurrences of life
as they pass along. If they jog on from day to day they ask
no more, and are very much strangers to the exercises of the
memory. Besides, honest, plain, rough Ned had never entertained
a notion that any journal or account would ever be asked of
him, or else perhaps he would have stored his memory with a
more plentiful stock, as he had abundance of materials to work
upon. Honest Ned is not (by his own confession) much above forty
years of age, and is both stout and sturdy for all he has gone
through.[155]
[155] See p. 1706.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
JOURNAL of the Prince's imbarkation and
arrival, etc., the greatest part of which was taken from DUNCAN
CAMERON at several different conversations I had with him.[156]
[156] Of this journal there is printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_ (pp.
1-27), from ff. 348-360, in combination with that of Æneas MacDonald,
which occurs at f. 490 _et seq._
[Sidenote: June.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 346.] After the battle of Fontenoy and taking
of Tournay, among other regiments the one commanded by Lord John
Drummond was garrisoned in Tournay, in which corps Duncan Cameron
(some time servant to old Lochiel at Boulogne in France) served. When
Duncan was in Tournay he received a letter from Mr. Æneas MacDonald,
banker in Paris, desiring him forthwith to repair to Amiens, and if
possible to post it without sleeping, where he should receive orders
about what he was to do. Accordingly Duncan set out, and in a very
short time posted to Amiens, from whence Æneas, etc., had set out,
but had left a letter for Duncan ordering him to follow them to
Nantes, to which place he set out without taking any rest, where he
found the Prince and his small retinue, consisting of seven only,
besides servants.
The seven were the Duke of Athol, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Sir John
MacDonald, Colonel Strickland, Captain O'Sullivan, Mr. George Kelly
(a nonjurant clergyman), and Æneas MacDonald, banker at Paris,
brother to Kinlochmoidart.
As Duncan Cameron had been brought up in the island [Sidenote: _fol._
347.] of Barra, and knew the coast of the Long Isle well, in some
part of which the Prince intended to land first, so Duncan's business
was to descry to them the Long Isle.
[Sidenote: July.]
At Nantes the Prince and his few attendants waited about fifteen
days before the _Elizabeth_ ship of war came, which was to be their
convoy in the expedition. To cover the design the better, Sir Thomas
Sheridan[157] passed for the father, and the Prince for the son,
for none knew the Prince to be in company but the seven, some few
others, and Mr. Welch (an Irishman, a very rich merchant in Nantes),
who was to command the frigate of sixteen guns,[158] on board of
which the Prince and the few faithful friends with the servants were
to imbark.
[157] See f. 496.
[158] Called the _Doutelle_.
After the Prince was on board he dispatched letters to his father,
and the King of France, and the King of Spain, advising them of his
design, and no doubt desiring assistance.
The Prince when in Scotland, used to say that the 10th of June was
the day on which he stole off, and that he did not mind it to be his
father's birth-day till night was far spent. From whence some have
affirmed that to have been the day of the embarkation, and others to
have been the day when he left Paris and began to be incog.
[Sidenote: 9 July.]
They had not been above five or six days at sea, till one [Sidenote:
_fol._ 348.] evening the _Lyon_ ship of war appeared, and came pretty
near them, and then disappeared. Next morning she came again in
view and disappeared. She continued to do so three or four times,
and the last time of her appearing she came within a mile or so of
them; when the captain of the _Elizabeth_ (a Frenchman) came on board
the frigate, and told Mr. Welch if he would assist him by keeping
one side of the _Lyon_ in play at a distance, he would immediately
put all things in order for the attack. Mr. Welch, well knowing the
trust he had on board, answered him civilly, and told him it was what
he could not think of doing, and withal remarked to him it was his
humble opinion that he should not think of fighting unless he should
happen to be attacked, because his business was to be convoy to the
frigate in the voyage. However, he said, as he pretended not to any
command over him, he might do as he thought proper.
The French captain to all this replied, that from the _Lion's_
appearing and disappearing so often, it seemed as if she were looking
out for another ship to assist her, and if she should happen to be
joined by any other, they no doubt would instantly fall upon the
_Elizabeth_ and the frigate, and devour them both; and therefore
he behoved to think it the wisest course to fight the _Lion_ when
single, because the _Elizabeth_ in that case was fit enough for the
engagement, and would bid [Sidenote: _fol._ 349.] fair enough to
give a good account of the _Lion_. Upon this the French captain drew
his sword, took leave of Mr. Welch and his company, went on board
the _Elizabeth_ with his sword still drawn in his hand, and gave the
necessary orders for the attack.
Immediately the _Elizabeth_ bore down upon the _Lion_ (each of them
consisting of about sixty guns, and therefore equally matched), and
began the attack with great briskness. The fight continued for five
or six hours, when the _Lion_ was obliged to sheer off like a tub
upon the water.
About the time when the captain came on board the frigate, the Prince
was making ready to go on board the _Elizabeth_ for more air and
greater conveniency every way, the frigate being crowded with the
gentlemen, the servants, and the crew. His friends reckoned it very
lucky that he had not gone on board.
The frigate all the time of the engagement lay at such a small
distance, that (as the Prince observed to several friends in
Scotland) the _Lion_ might have sunk her with the greatest ease.
But he said it was their good fortune that the _Lion_ had despised
[Sidenote: _fol._ 350.] them, and thought not the frigate worth the
while. Besides, the _Lion_ found enough of employment for all her
hands in playing her part against the _Elizabeth_.
During the time of the fight the Prince several times observed to Mr.
Welch what a small assistance would serve to give the _Elizabeth_
the possession of the _Lion_, and importuned him to engage in the
quarrel. But Mr. Welch positively refused, and at last behoved to
desire the Prince not to insist any more, otherwise he would order
him down to the cabin.
After the fight was all over, Mr. Welch sailed round the _Elizabeth_,
and enquired particularly how matters stood with the captain and the
crew. A lieutenant came upon deck from the captain, who was wounded
in his cabin, and told Mr. Welch that between thirty and forty
officers and gentlemen (besides common men) were killed and wounded,
and that if Mr. Welch could supply him with a mainmast and some
rigging, he would still make out the voyage with him.
Mr. Welch replied that he could not furnish him with either mainmast
or rigging, and that although he should have happened [Sidenote:
_fol._ 351.] to be capable to serve him in these things, yet he would
not have made it his choice to lose so much time as it would require
to put the _Elizabeth_ in some better order. He desired to tell the
captain it was his opinion that he should without loss of time return
to France, and that he himself would do his best to make out the
intended voyage. The _Elizabeth_ accordingly returned to France, and
the frigate continued her course to the coast of Scotland. She had
not been long parted from the _Elizabeth_ till the crew descried two
ships of war at some distance, which they could not have well got off
from; but that a mist luckily interveened, and brought them out of
sight.
Two or three hours before landing, an eagle came hovering over the
frigate, and continued so to do till they were all safe on shore.
Before dinner the Duke of Athol had spied the eagle; but (as he told
several friends in Scotland) he did not chuse then to take any notice
of it, lest they should have called it a Highland freit in him. When
he came upon deck after dinner, he saw the eagle still hovering about
in the same manner, and following the frigate in her course, and then
he could not help remarking it to the Prince and his small retinue,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 352.] which they looked upon with pleasure. His
grace, turning to the Prince said, 'Sir, I hope this is an excellent
omen, and promises good things to us. The king of birds is come to
welcome your royal highness upon your arrival in Scotland.'
[Sidenote: 21 July.]
When they were near the shore of the Long Isle, Duncan Cameron was
set out in the long boat to fetch them a proper pilot. When he landed
he accidentally met with Barra's piper, who was his old acquaintance,
and brought him on board. The piper piloted them safely into Erisca
(about July 21st), a small island lying between Barra and South
Uist. 'At this time,' said Duncan Cameron, 'there was _a devil of a
minister_ that happened to be in the island of Barra, who did us a'
the mischief that lay in his power. For when he had got any inkling
about us, he dispatched away expresses with informations against us.
But as the good luck was, he was not well believed, or else we would
have been a' tane by the neck.'
[Sidenote: 23 July.]
When Duncan spoke these words, '_a devil of a minister_,' he bowed
low, and said to me, 'Sir, I ask you ten thousand pardons for saying
so in your presence. But, good faith, I can assure you, sir (asking
your pardon), he was nothing else but the _devil of a minister_.'
[Sidenote: _fol._ 353.] When they landed in Eriska, they could not
find a grain of meal or one inch of bread. But they catched some
flounders, which they roasted upon the bare coals in a mean low hut
they had gone into near the shore, and Duncan Cameron stood cook. The
Prince sat at the cheek of the little ingle, upon a fail sunk, and
laughed heartily at Duncan's cookery, for he himself owned he played
his part awkwardly enough.[159]
[159] See ff. 256, 302, 507.
[Sidenote: 22 July.]
Next day the Prince sent for young Clanranald's uncle (Alexander
MacDonald of Boisdale), who lived in South Uist, and discovered
himself to him. This gentleman spoke in a very discouraging manner
to the Prince, and advised him to return home. To which it is said
the Prince replied, 'I am come home, sir, and I will entertain no
notion at all of returning to that place from whence I came; for
that I am persuaded my faithful Highlanders will stand by me.' Mr.
MacDonald told him he was afraid he would find the contrary. The
Prince condescended upon Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of
MacLeod as persons he might confide in. Mr. MacDonald begged leave to
tell him that he had pitched upon the wrong [Sidenote: _fol._ 354.]
persons; for from his own certain knowledge he could assure him these
gentlemen would not adhere to his interest; on the contrary, they
might chance to act an opposite part. And seeing the Prince had been
pleased to mention Sir Alexander MacDonald's name, Boisdale desired
he might run off an express to him, and let his return be the test
of what he had advanced. He added withal, that if Sir Alexander
MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod declared for him, it was his
opinion he might then land on the continent, for that he doubted not
but he would succeed in the attempt. But if they should happen to
refuse their assistance (which he still insisted would be the case),
then their example would prove of bad consequence, and would tend
only to make others backward and to keep at home. And in that event
he still thought it advisable to suggest his returning back to where
he came from.
[Sidenote: 25 July.]
According to this advice the Prince did send a message to Sir
Alexander MacDonald, intimating his arrival, and demanding
assistance. Before the messenger could return, Æneas MacDonald
(anxious to have the honour of seeing the Prince in the house of his
brother, the Laird of Kinlochmoidart) prevailed upon the Prince to
set out for the continent, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 355.] they arrived
at Boradale in Moidart, or rather Arisaig, upon July 25th, St.
James's day, 1745.[160] When the messenger returned to the Prince he
brought no answer with him, for Sir Alexander refused to give any.
[160] See f. 640.
It is worth remarking here that though MacDonald of Boisdale had
played the game of the government by doing all he could to dissuade
the Prince from making the attempt; and after the standard was set
up, by keeping back all Clanranald's men (to the number of four or
five hundred good stout fellows) that lived in South Uist and the
other isles, yet his conduct could not screen him from rough and
severe treatment. For after the battle of Culloden he suffered in
his effects as well as others, and had the misfortune to be made a
prisoner and to be carried to London by sea, in which expedition he
had the additional affliction of having his brother, the Laird of
Clanranald, senior (who had never stirred from his own fireside), and
his lady to bear him company, and none of them were released till the
4th of July 1747. However, to do Boisdale justice, he was of very
great use to the Prince (as Donald MacLeod and Malcolm have both
declared) when wandering up and down [Sidenote: _fol._ 356.] through
South Uist, Benbicula, and other parts of the Long Isle, and exerted
his utmost power to keep him out of the hands of his enemies.[161]
[161] See ff. 257, 302, 462.
After the Prince's arrival upon the continent, some friends met to
consult what was to be done, and I have heard it affirmed by good
authority that Keppoch honestly and bravely gave it as his opinion
that since the Prince had risqued his person and generously thrown
himself into the hands of his friends, therefore it was their duty to
raise their men instantly merely for the protection of his person,
let the consequence be what it would. Certain it is that if Keppoch,
Lochiel, young Clanranald, etc., had not joined him, he would either
have fallen into the hands of his enemies or been forced immediately
to cross the seas again.[162]
[162] See f. 643.
[Sidenote: 19 Aug.]
The royal standard was set up at Glenfinnan (August 19th), the
property of Clanranald, at the head of Lochshiel, which marches with
Lochiel's ground, and lies about ten miles west from Fort William.
The Prince had been a full week before this, viz., from Sunday the
11th, at Kinlochmoydart's house, and Lochiel had been raising his men
who came up with them just as the standard was setting up.
The Prince stayed where the standard was set up two days, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 357.] and I have heard Major MacDonell frequently say in the
Castle of Edinburgh, that he had never seen the Prince more chearful
at any time, and in higher spirits than when he had got together four
or five hundred men about the standard. Major MacDonell presented the
Prince with the first good horse he mounted in Scotland, which the
Major had taken from Captain Scott, son of Scotstarvet.
[Sidenote: 23 Aug.]
On Friday, August 23d, the Prince lodged in Fassafern, three miles
down the Loch Eil, and about five miles from Fort William. On sight
of a warship which lay opposite to the garrison, the Prince crossed a
hill and went to Moy or Moidh, a village on the river Lochy belonging
to Lochiel. There he stayed till Monday, August 26th, waiting
intelligence about General Cope; and that day he crossed the river
Lochy, and lodged in a village called Leterfinla, on the side of Loch
Lochy. At 12 o'clock at night, being very stormy and boisterous, he
learned that General Cope was at Garvaimor, whereupon the men stood
to arms all night. But the General had altered his route, and by
forced marches was making the best of his way for Inverness, which
(as was given out) happened by an express from President Forbes
advising the General not to attempt [Sidenote: _fol._ 358.] going up
the country to attack the Highlanders at the Pass of Coricrag (very
strong ground) where they had posted themselves, but to make all the
haste he could to Inverness, where he might expect the Monroes, etc.,
to join him, whereby he would be considerably reinforced.
Upon notice that the General was marching towards Inverness, about
six hundred of the Highlanders urged the being allowed to follow him
under cloud of night and promised to come up with him and to give a
good account of him and his command. But the Prince would not hear
of such an attempt, and desired them to wait for a more favourable
opportunity. It was with much difficulty that they could be prevailed
upon to lay aside the thoughts of any such enterprize. This I had
from the brave Major MacDonell.
When the Prince was coming down the Highlands to meet General Cope
(as was supposed) he walked sixteen miles in boots, and one of the
heels happening to come off, the Highlanders said they were unco glad
to hear it, for they hoped the want of the heel would make him march
at more leisure. So speedily he marched that he was like to fatigue
them all.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 359.]
[Sidenote: 27 Aug.]
August 27th. The Prince slept at Glengary's house, and next night lay
at Aberchallader, a village belonging to Glengary.[163]
[163] See f. 643.
[Sidenote: 30 Aug.]
August 30th. The Prince and his army were at Dalnacardoch, a publick
house in Wade's road, as appears from a letter writ by the Duke of
Athol to a lady[164] desiring her to repair to Blair Castle to put it
in some order, and to do the honours of that house when the Prince
should happen to come there, which he did the day following, August
31st. I saw the letter and took the date of it.
[164] Mrs. Robertson of Lude, a daughter of Nairn.
[Sidenote: 31 Aug.]
When the Prince was at Blair he went into the garden, and taking
a walk upon the bowling-green, he said he had never seen a
bowling-green before. Upon which the above lady called for some bowls
that he might see them; but he told her that he had got a present of
some bowls sent him as a curiosity to Rome from England.
[Sidenote: 2 Sept.]
September 2d. He left Blair and went to the house of Lude, where
he was very chearful and took his share in several dances, such as
minuets, Highland reels (the first reel the Prince called for was,
'This is not mine ain house,' etc.), and a Strathspey minuet.
[Sidenote: 3 Sept.]
September 3d. He was at Dunkeld, and next day he dined [Sidenote:
_fol._ 360.] at Nairn House, where some of the company happening to
observe what a thoughtful state his father would now be in from the
consideration of those dangers and difficulties he had to encounter
with, and that upon this account he was much to be pitied, because
his mind behoved to be much upon the rack--the Prince replied that
he did not half so much pity his father as his brother. 'For,' said
he, 'the king has been inured to disappointments and distresses, and
has learnt to bear up easily under the misfortunes of life. But poor
Hary! his young and tender years make him much to be pitied, for few
brothers love as we do.'
[Sidenote: 4 Sept.]
September 4th. In the evening he made his entrance into Perth upon
the horse that Major MacDonell had presented him with.
[Sidenote: 11 Sept.]
September 11th. Early in the morning he went on foot attended by few
and took a view of the house of Scoon; and leaving Perth that day,
he took a second breakfast at Gask, dined at Tullibardine, and that
night went towards Dumblain and next day to Down.
[Sidenote: 14 Sept.]
September 14th. In the morning the Prince, after refreshing himself
and his army at the Laird of Leckie's house, marched by Stirling
Castle and through St. Ninians. From Stirling Castle a six-pounder
was discharged four times at him, which [Sidenote: _fol._ 361.]
determined Lord Nairn, who was bringing up the second division of the
army, to go farther up the country in order to be out of the reach
of the canon of the Castle. When the Prince was in St. Ninians with
the first division, Mr. Christie, provost of Stirling, sent out to
them from Stirling a quantity of bread, cheese, and ale in abundance,
an order having come before by little Andrew Symmer desiring such
a refreshment. Colonel Gardiner and his dragoons had galloped off
towards Edinburgh from their camp near Stirling Castle the night
before, or rather the same morning, when it was dark, September 14th,
without beat of drum.
[Sidenote: 16 Sept.]
September 16th. The Prince and his army were at Gray's Mill upon
the Water of Leith, when he sent a summons to the Provost and Town
Council of Edinburgh to receive him quietly and peaceably into the
city. Two several deputations were sent from Edinburgh to the Prince
begging a delay till they should deliberate upon what was fittest to
be done. Meantime eight or nine hundred Highlanders under the command
of Keppoch, young Lochiel, and O'Sullivan, marched in between the
Long Dykes without a hush of noise, under the favour of a dark night,
and lurked at the head of the Canongate about the [Sidenote: _fol._
362.] Nether Bow Port till they should find a favourable opportunity
for their design, which soon happened. The hackney coach that brought
back the second deputation, entred at the West Port, and after
setting down the deputies at their proper place upon the street,
drove down the street towards the Canongate, and when the Nether Bow
Port was made open to let out the coach, the lurking Highlanders
rushed in (it being then peep of day) and made themselves masters of
the city without any opposition, or the smallest noise.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: June.]
_N.B._--When the Prince was marching his army towards England, Duncan
Cameron was ordered to attend the Prince's baggage, and had got a
young horse to ride upon that had not been accustomed to noise, and
therefore threw Duncan upon hearing the pipes and the drums. Duncan
was so bruised with the fall that he behoved to be left behind, and
accordingly was carried to the house in which Lady Orbiston was then
living in the neighbourhood of Dalkeith. Soon an information was
given that the Highlanders had left one behind them at such a place,
and he was said to be Colonel Strickland in his wounds, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 363.] upon which a party of dragoons was dispatched to take
the Colonel prisoner. But they found only plain Duncan, whom they
brought into Edinburgh. He was committed to the city jayl, where he
was so lucky as to be overlooked, either through sickness or want
of evidence, when others were sent off to England to stand trial.
At last he was released, nothing appearing against him, some time
before the indemnity came out, and got a protection for going to his
own country in the Highlands. However Duncan had no mind to make use
of that protection, being resolved to return to France. He luckily
fell in with Mrs. Fothringham, who was going over to France to her
husband, late governor of Dundee. This lady was allowed a pass and
protection for herself, a child, a man-servant, and a maid-servant,
to sail for Holland. She wanted much to have Duncan Cameron along
with her, because, having the French language well, he would prove
an excellent guide for her to France. Duncan on the other hand was
fond of [Sidenote: _fol._ 364.] having it in his power to oblige
such a lady, and glad to go into any scheme whereby he could safely
make his way to Holland, and therefore he agreed to pass for Mrs.
Fothringham's servant, and accordingly he was insert in the pass
under the name of Duncan Campbell, an Argyleshire man. They sailed
from Leith Road on board of one _Sibbald_, upon Friday, June 19th,
and arrived in Holland the 23d, 1747.
It was most lucky for Duncan Cameron that it was never known to any
in the government that he was one of those who came over in the
same frigate with the Prince. The most distant suspicion was never
entertained about this, otherwise his fate would have turned out in
quite another shape.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
COPY of a letter from the PRINCE to his
father after the Battle of Gladesmuir.
_Pinkay House, near Edinburgh,
September 21st, 1745._
[Sidenote: 21 Sept. 1745]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 365.] SIR,--Since my last from Perth it hath
pleased God to prosper your Majesty's arms under my command with a
success that has even surprized my wishes. On the 17th we entred
Edinburgh, sword in hand, and got possession of that town without
being obliged to shed one drop of blood, or to do any violence. And
this morning I have gained a most signal victory with little or no
loss. If I had a squadron or two of horse to pursue the flying enemy
there would not one man of them have escaped; as it is they have
hardly saved any but a few dragoons who, by a most precipitate flight
will, I believe, get into Berwick. If I had obtained this victory
over foreigners my joy would have been compleat. But as it is over
Englishman, it has thrown a damp upon it that I little imagined. The
men I have defeated were your Majesty's enemies, it is true, but they
might have become your friends and dutiful subjects when they had got
their eyes [Sidenote: _fol._ 366.] opened to see the true interest
of their country which I am come to save, not to destroy. For this
reason I have discharged all publick rejoicing. I do not care to
enter into the particulars of the action, and chuse rather that your
Majesty would hear it from another than from myself. I send you this
by Stewart, to whom you may give entire credit. He is a faithful,
honest fellow, and thoroughly instructed in everything that has
happened to this day. I shall have a loss in him; but I hope it will
be soon made up by his speedy return with the most agreeable news I
can receive, I mean that of your majesty's and my dearest brother's
health.
I have seen two or three Gazettes filled with addresses and mandates
from the bishops to the clergy. The addresses are such as I expected,
and can impose on none but the weak and credulous. The mandates are
of the same sort, but were artfully drawn. They order their clergy
to make the people sensible of the great blessings they enjoy under
the present family that governs them, particularly of the strict
administration of justice, of the sacred regard that is paid to the
laws, and the great security of their religion and property. This
sounds all very well, and may impose upon the unthinking. [Sidenote:
_fol._ 367.] But one who reads with a little care will easily see
the fallacy. What occasion has a Prince who has learnt the secret of
corrupting the fountain of all laws to disturb the ordinary course of
justice? Would not this be to give the alarm, and amount to telling
them that he was not come to protect as he pretended, but really
to betray them? When they talk of the security of their religion,
they take care not to mention one word of the dreadful growth of
atheism and infidelity which (I am extremely sorry to hear from very
sensible, sober men) have within these few years got to a flaming
height; even so far that I am assured many of their most fashionable
men are ashamed to own themselves Christians; and many of the lower
sort act as if they were conversing upon this melancholy subject.
I was let into a thing which I never understood rightly before,
which is that those men who are loudest in the cry of the growth of
Popery, and the danger of the Protestant religion, are not really
Protestants, but a set of profligate men, of good parts, with
some learning, and void of all principles, but pretending to be
republicans.
I asked those who told me this what should make these men [Sidenote:
_fol._ 368.] so zealous about preferring the Protestant religion,
seeing they are not Christians? And was answered that it is in order
to recommend themselves to the ministry, which (if they can write
pamphlets for them, or get themselves chosen members of Parliament),
will be sure to provide amply for them. And the motive to this
extraordinary zeal is that they thereby procure to themselves the
connivance at least, if not the protection of the Government, while
they are propagating their impiety and infidelity.
I hope in God Christianity is not at so low an ebb in this country as
this account I have had represents it to be. Yet if I compare what I
have formerly seen and heard at Rome, with something I have observed
since I have been here, I am afraid there is too much truth in it.
The bishops are as unfair and partial in representing the security
of their property as that of their religion, for when they mention
it they do not say a word of the vast load of debt (that increases
yearly) under which the nation is groaning, and which must be paid
(if ever they intend to pay it) out of their property. It is true
all this debt has not been contracted [Sidenote: _fol._ 369.] under
the prince of this family, but a great part of it has, and the whole
might have been cleared by a frugal administration during these
thirty years of a profound peace which the nation has enjoyed, had
it not been for the immense sums that have been squandered away in
corrupting Parliaments and supporting foreign interest that can never
be of any service to these kingdoms. I am afraid I have taken up too
much of your majesty's time about these sorry mandates, but having
mentioned them I was willing to give your majesty my sense of them.
I remember Dr. Wagstaff (with whom I wish I had conversed more
frequently, for he always told me truth) once said to me that I must
not judge of the clergy of the Church of England by the bishops,
who were not preferred for their piety and learning, but for very
different talents: for writing pamphlets, for being active at
elections, and for voting in Parliament as the ministry directed
them. After I have won another battle they will write for me, and
answer their own letters.
There is another set of men amongst whom I am inclined to [Sidenote:
_fol._ 370.] believe the lowest are the honestest, as well as among
the clergy, I mean the army. For never was there a finer body of men
to look at than those I fought with this morning, yet they did not
behave so well as I expected. I thought I could plainly see that
the common men did not like the cause they were engaged in. Had
they been fighting against Frenchmen come to invade their country I
am convinced they would have made a better defence. The poor men's
pay and their low prospects are not sufficient to corrupt their
natural principles of justice and honesty, which is not the case
with their officers, who, incited by their own ambition and false
notions of honour, fought more desperately. I asked one of them,
who is my prisoner (a gallant man) why he would fight against his
lawful prince, and one who was come to rescue his country from a
foreign yoke. He said he was a man of honour, and would be true to
the Prince, whose bread he ate, and whose commission he bore. I told
him it was a noble principle, but ill applied, and asked him if he
was not a Whig? He replied that he was. 'Well then,' said I, 'how
come you to look on the commission you bear, and the bread you eat to
be the [Sidenote: _fol._ 371.] Prince's and not your country's which
raised you, and pays you to serve and defend it against foreigners,
who came not now to defend but to enslave it, for that I have always
understood to be the true principle of a Whig. Have you not heard
how your countrymen have been carried abroad to be insulted and
maltreated by those defenders, and to be butchered, fighting in a
quarrel in which your country has little or no concern, only to
aggrandize Hanover?' To this he made no answer, but looked sullen and
hung down his head. The truth is there are few good officers among
them. They are brave, because an Englishman cannot be otherwise, but
they have generally little knowledge in their business, are corrupt
in their morals, and have few restraints from religion, though they
would have you believe they are fighting for it. As to their honour
they talk so much of, I shall soon have occasion to try it, for,
having no strong places to put any prisoners in, I shall be obliged
to release them upon their parole. If they do not keep it I wish they
may not fall into my hands again, for in that case it will not be
in my power to protect them from the resentment of my Highlanders,
who [Sidenote: _fol._ 372.] would be apt to kill them in cold blood,
which (as I take no pleasure in revenge) would be extremely shocking
to me. My haughty foe thinks it beneath him, I suppose, to settle a
cartel. I wish for it as much for the sake of his men as my own. I
hope ere long I shall make him glad to sue for it.
I hear there are six thousand Dutch troops arrived, and ten
battalions of the English sent for. I wish they were all Dutch that
I might not have the pain of shedding English blood. I hope I shall
soon oblige them to bring over the rest, which in all events will
be one piece of service done to my country in helping it out of a
ruinous foreign war.
It is hard my victory should put me under new difficulties that I
did not feel before, and yet this is the case. I am now charged with
the care both of my friends and enemies. Those, who should bury the
dead, are run away as if it was no business of theirs. My Highlanders
think it beneath them to do it, and the country people are fled
away. However, I am resolved to try if I can get people for money to
undertake it, [Sidenote: _fol._ 373.] for I cannot bear the thoughts
of suffering Englishmen to rot above ground.
I am in great difficulty how I shall dispose of my wounded prisoners.
If I make an hospital of the church it will be looked upon as a great
profanation, as having violated my manifesto in which I promised to
violate no man's property. If the magistrates would act they would
help me out of this difficulty. Come what will I am resolved I will
not suffer the poor wounded men to lie in the streets, and if I can
do no better I will make an hospital of the palace, and leave it to
them.
I am so distracted with these cares, joined to those of my own
people, that I have only time to add that I am, Sir, your Majesty's
most dutiful son, and obedient servant,
CHARLES.
Edinburgh, Tuesday, August 25th, in the forenoon, 1747. I visited Mrs.
CAMERON, Dr. ARCHIBALD CAMERON'S lady,[165] who told me
[165] This lady was Jean Cameron, daughter of Archibald Cameron of
Dungallon. See other narratives by her at ff. 547 and 566. An account
of her husband's death is given at f. 1734 _et seq._
[Sidenote: 25 Aug. 1747]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 374.] That it was a common practice amongst the
red-coats after Culloden battle, dispersed up and down the Highlands,
to raise the bodies of man, woman, and child out of the graves for
greed of the linen, or whatever was wrapped about them, and after
they had taken that off them to leave the bodies above ground. She
herself had two children that died at that time, and she was advised
to bury them privately in some remote heathy brae, to prevent their
being taken up again; but she could not think of burying them in any
other place than where their forefathers were laid, and therefore she
was obliged to bribe a serjeant to keep the fellows from digging up
the bodies again.
She and her poor children behoved to take to the hills, no houses
being left in the whole country about them. Mrs. [Sidenote: _fol._
375.] Cameron said she never saw the Prince in his skulking, nor knew
not where he was.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 25 Aug. 1747]
Tuesday's Afternoon, August 25th, 1747, in Edinburgh, I had the
favour of being introduced by Miss CAMERON (daughter of Allan
Cameron, who died at Rome) to Mrs. ROBERTSON, LADY INCHES, who
gave me the following particulars:
[Sidenote: 18 April.]
Some time before, and at the time of the battle, Lady Inches was
living with her family in Inverness, her husband being in a dying
condition, who was laid in his grave just as the cannonading began
upon Drummossie Muir. On Friday after the battle, April 18th, she
went home to her house called the Lees, within a mile or so of the
field of battle. Upon the road as she went along she saw heaps of
dead bodies stript naked and lying above ground. When she came to
the Lees she found sixteen dead bodies in the Closs and about the
house, which as soon as possible she caused bury. When she came
[Sidenote: _fol._ 376.] into the Closs some of the sogers came about
her, calling her a rebel-bitch, and swearing, that certainly she
behoved to be such, or else so many of these damned villains would
not have come to get shelter about her house. Then pulling her by
the sleeve they desired her to come along with them, and they would
shew her a rare sight, which was two dead bodies lying in the Closs
with a curtain laid over them. They took off the curtain and made
her look upon the bodies, whose faces were so cut and mangled that
they could not be discerned to be faces. They told her that the party
who had been formerly there had cut and mangled these villains, and
had left them in the house in their wounds; but when they themselves
came there they could not endure to hear their cries and groans, and
therefore they had dragged them out to the Closs and given them a
fire to their hinder-end. 'For,' said they, 'we roasted and smoked
them to death, and have cast this curtain taken down from the side
of one of your rooms over them, to keep us from seeing the nauseous
sight.' Lady Inches said she saw the ashes and remains of the
extinguished fire.
The house of the Lees was all pillaged, the doors of the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 377.] rooms and closets, the outer doors, the windows, and all
the liming being broke down to pieces. The charter-chest was broke
open, and the papers were scattered up and down the house; all her
horses and cattle were taken away, though Inches was not in the least
concerned in the affair, save only that he was a great Whig, and had
a son out with the Duke of Cumberland.
[Sidenote: April.]
When she complained to David Bruce, he told her to go through the
camp and see if she could spy out any of her furniture or goods among
the sogers; and if she did, the fellows should be seized upon, and
she should have the satisfaction of having them hanged. But seeing
she could have no reparation of damages she did not chuse to follow
Mr. Bruce's advice, and she declared she had never received one
farthing for the losses sustained.
On the day of the battle when the chace happened, one of Inches's
tenants and his son, who lived at the gate of the Lees, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 378.] stept out at the door to see what was the fray, and were
shot by the red-coats, and fell down in one another's arms, the son
dying upon the spot; but the father did not die till the Friday, the
18th, when Lady Inches went to see him, and he was then expiring.
Much about the same place they came into a house where a poor beggar
woman was spinning, and they shot her dead upon the spot. In a word,
Lady Inches said they were really mad; they were furious, and no
check was given them in the least.[166]
[166] See ff. 421, 707, 1087, 1323, 1376.
Upon the day of the battle, about nineteen wounded men (but so as
with proper care they might have been all cured) got into a barn.
Upon the Thursday (the day after the battle) orders were issued out
to put them to death. They were accordingly taken out, and set up
at a park wall as so many marks to be sported with, and were shot
dead upon the spot. In the barn there was one of the name of Shaw,
whom a Presbyterian minister was going forwards to intercede for,
because [Sidenote: _fol._ 379.] he was his particular acquaintance.
But seeing the fury and madness of the sogers, he thought fit to draw
back lest he had been set up amongst the poor wounded men as a mark
to be sported with in this scene of cruelty. Lady Inches said she
had forgot the minister's name, but she believed he was settled at
Castle Stewart; but she would not be positive about the place of his
abode, though she had got the particular story from a sister of that
minister, a married woman in Inverness.[167]
[167] See f. 1485.
To confirm this the more, it is to be remarked that when Provost
Frazer and the other magistrates of Inverness (attended by Mr.
Hossack, the late provost) went to pay their levee to Cumberland
and his generals, the generals were employed in giving orders about
slaying the foresaid men and other wounded persons. Mr. Hossack (the
Sir Robert Walpole of the place, under the direction of President
Forbes, [Sidenote: _fol._ 380.] and a man of humanity) could
not witness such a prodigy of intended wickedness without saying
something, and therefore making a low bow to General Hawley or
General Husk, he said, 'I hope your excellency will be so good as
to mingle mercy with judgment.' Upon this Hawley or Husk cried out
in a rage, 'Damn the rebel-dog. Kick him down stairs and throw him
in prison directly.'[168] The orders were literally and instantly
obeyed, and those who were most firmly attached to the Government
were put in prison at the same time.
[168] See ff. 259, 1320, 1378.
The country people durst not venture upon burying the dead, lest they
should have been made to bear them company till particular orders
should have been given for that purpose.
The meeting-house at Inverness [and all the bibles and prayer-books
in it were][169] was burnt to ashes.
[169] The passage in brackets is scored through as delete [ED.]
Lady Inches said it was really Loudon's piper that the stout
blacksmith killed, and that MacIntosh's house is seven or eight miles
from Inverness. When Lady MacIntosh was to be brought a prisoner into
Inverness, a great body of men, consisting of several regiments, were
sent upon the command, and when she was leaving her own house the
dead-beat was used by [Sidenote: _fol._ 381.] the drummers. In the
commands[170] marching from and to Inverness the horses trode many
corpses under foot, and the generous-hearted Lady MacIntosh behoved
to have the mortification of viewing this shocking scene.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[170] Here begins volume third of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript
Collection. It is entitled: 'THE LYON IN MOURNING, or a Collection
(as exactly made as the iniquity of the times would permit) of
Speeches, Letters, Journals, etc. relative to the affairs, but more
particularly, the dangers and distresses of.... Vol. 3d. 1747.
_Cui modo parebat subjecta Britannia Regi,
Jactatus terris, orbe vagatur inops!_
On the inside of the front board of volume 3d are adhibited--1.
Piece of the Prince's garter-ribbon. 2. Piece of red velvet, anent
which on back of title-page is as follows: (by Mr. Robert Chambers)
The small piece of red velvet on the inside of the board was part
of the ornaments of the Prince's sword-hilt. While on his march to
England he rested on a bank at Faladam, near Blackshiels, where the
young ladies of Whitburgh, sisters to his adherent, Robert Anderson,
presented some refreshments to him and his men. On being requested
by one of these gentlewomen for some keepsake, he took out his
pen-knife and cut a portion of velvet and buff leather from the hill
of his sword, which he gave to her with his usual courtesy, and
which is still (1836) preserved at Whitburgh. The above piece was
cut from the larger fragment, and presented to me by Miss Anderson
of Whitburgh.--R. C. 3. Piece of Bettie Burk's gown, sent by Mrs.
MacDonald of Kingsburgh, according to promise, f. 152. 4. Piece of
apron-string, received from Miss Flora MacDonald. R. F. saw the apron
on that occasion and had it on him. On the inside of the backboard of
volume 3d are 5. Pieces of tartan, explained as under: The above are
pieces of the outside and inside of that identical waistcoat which
MacDonald of Kingsburgh gave to the Prince, when he laid aside the
women's cloaths at the edge of a wood, f. 1434. The said waistcoat
being too fine for a servant, the Prince exchanged it with Malcolm
MacLeod, f. 239. Malcolm MacLeod, after parting with the Prince and
finding himself in danger of being seized, did hide the waistcoat in
a clift of a rock, where (upon his returning home in the beginning
of September 1747) he found it all rotten to bits, except only
as much as would serve to cover little more than one's loof, and
two buttons, all which he was pleased to send to me, f. 472. The
waistcoat had lain more than a full year in the clift of the rock,
for Malcolm MacLeod was made prisoner some time in July 1746, ff.
251, 309.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Copy of a Letter from Mr. DEACON to his father.[171]
[171] See f. 37.
[Sidenote: 29 July 1746]
HONOURED SIR,--Before you receive this I hope to be in Paradise. Not
that I have the least right to expect it from any merits of my own,
or the goodness of my past life, but merely through the intercession
of my Saviour and Redeemer, a sincere and hearty repentance of all
my sins, and the variety of punishments I have suffered since I saw
you, and the death which I shall die to-morrow, and which I trust in
God will be some small atonement for my transgressions; and to which
I think I am almost confident I shall submit with all the resignation
and chearfulness a truly pious Christian and a brave souldier can
wish.
I hope you will do my character so much justice (and, if you
[Sidenote: _fol._ 382.] think proper, make use of this) as absolutely
to contradict the false and malicious reports, spread only by your
enemies, in hopes it might be of prejudice to you and your family,
that I was persuaded and compelled by you to engage, contrary to my
own inclinations. I send my tenderest love to all the dear children,
and beg Almighty God to bless you and them in this world, and grant
us all a happy meeting in that to come. I shall leave directions
with Charles to send them some trifle whereby to remember me. Pray my
excuse naming any particular friends, for there is no end. But give
my hearty service and best wishes to all in general.
Mr. Syddal is very well, and sends his sincere compliments, but does
not chuse to write. He behaves as well as his best friends can wish.
My uncle has behaved to me in such a manner as cannot be paralell'd
but by yourself. I know I shall have your prayers, which I am
satisfied will be of infinite service to, dear father, your dying but
contented and truly affectionate son,
THOMAS THEODORE DEACON.
_July 29th, 1746._
Copy of some Paragraphs of a Letter
to Mr. DEACON'S Father, said to be written by the nonjurant
clergyman that used to visit Mr. DEACON, etc.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 283.] Their behaviour at divine worship was always
with great reverence, attention, and piety. But had you, sir, been
present the last day I attended them, your soul would have been
ravished by the fervour of their devotion.
From the time of their condemnation a decent chearfulness constantly
appeared in their countenances and behaviour, and I believe it may
truly be said that no men ever suffered in a righteous cause with
greater magnanimity and more Christian fortitude. For the appearance
of a violent death, armed with the utmost terrour of pain and
torments, made no impression or dread upon their minds. In a word,
great is the honour they have done to the Church, the K[ing], and
you, and themselves, and may their example be imitated by all that
suffer in the same cause.
This short but faithful account of our martyred friends will, I hope,
sir, yield great consolation to you and poor Mrs. Syddal. Poor,
dear Charles bears in a commendable manner [Sidenote: _fol._ 284.]
his great loss and other afflictions, and behaves like a man and a
Christian in all his actions.
Copy of a Letter from SIR ARCHIBALD PRIMROSE of Dunipace,[172] to his
sister, etc.
[172] He was son of George Foulis of the Ravelston family, who, on
inheriting the estate of Dunipace from his grandfather, assumed
the name of Primrose in terms of the entail. Taken in the north
of Scotland he was first imprisoned in Aberdeen, thence sent to
Carlisle, where he was tried, and pleading guilty, was sentenced to
death, and executed there on 15th November 1746.
[Sidenote: Nov^r.]
MY DEAR SISTER,--I have endeavoured to take some small time, from a
much more immediate concern, to offer you a few lines, and to let
you know that this day I am to suffer, I think, for my religion, my
prince, and my country. For each of these I wish I had a thousand
lives to spend. The shortness of the intimation will not allow me
much time to write to you so fully in my vindication for what I did
that I know concerns you. But I heartily repent of the bad advice
I got even from men of judgment and sense. And what I did by their
advice in my own opinion was no more than acknowledging I bore arms
against the present government, for my lawful, undoubted prince, my
religion, and country; and I thought by my plea to procure some time
longer life only to do service to my poor [Sidenote: _fol._ 385.]
family, not doubting but yet in a short time that glorious cause will
succeed, which God of His infinite mercy grant.
I repent most heartily for what I did, and I merit this death as my
punishment, and I trust in the Almighty for mercy to my poor soul.
As I am very soon to leave this world, I pray God to forgive all
my enemies, particularly Mr. Gray,[173] who did me all the injury
he could by suborning witnesses, and threatening some which was my
terror. Particularly there is one poor man[174] to suffer with me
that had an offer of his life to be an evidence against me, which he
rejected.
[173] William Gray, commonly called Duntie Gray, foreman to Lord
Shualton.--(F.)
[174] Patrick Kier, late wright at Moultrie Hill, near
Edinburgh.--(F.)
Much more I could say, but as my time is short, I now bid my last
adieu to my dear mother and you, my dear sister, and I intreat you'll
be kind to my dear wife and children; and may all the blessings of
Heaven attend you all. Live together comfortably and you may expect
God's favour. My grateful acknowledgments for all your favours done
and designed.
Remember me kindly to my Lady Caithness,[175] Sauchie, and [Sidenote:
_fol._ 386.] his sisters, and all my friends and acquaintances.
May the Almighty grant you all happiness here, and eternal bliss
hereafter, to which bliss, I trust, in His mercy soon to retire; and
am for ever, dear sister, your affectionate brother,
A. P.
[175] Lady Margaret Primrose, second daughter of Archibald, first
Earl of Rosebery.
_P.S._--My blessing to your dear boy, my son.
Copy of a Letter to the same Lady, which served as a cover to
the above, from Mr. JAMES WRIGHT, Writer in Edinburgh.
[Sidenote: 15 Nov. 1746]
MADAM,--Your brother, who is no more, delivered me this immediately
before he suffered. His behaviour was becoming a humble Christian. I
waited on him to the last, and with some other friends witnessed his
interment in St. Cuthbert's Churchyard. He lies on the north side of
the Church, within four yards of the second window from the steeple.
Mr. Gordon of Tersperse,[176] and Patrick Murray,[177] goldsmith,
lie just by him. God Almighty support his disconsolate widow and
[Sidenote: _fol._ 387.] all his relations. I trust in His mercy He
will provide for the fatherless and the widow. I am just now going to
wait upon poor Lady Mary.[178] I am, Madam, yours, etc.,
J. W.
_Carlisle, 15th November 1746.
4 o'clock afternoon._
[176] See f. 425.
[177] Commonly called Cowley Murray.
[178] Lady Mary Primrose, Sir Archibald's widow.
_SONG to the tune of 'A Cobler there was,' etc._
1.
As the devil was walking o'er Britain's fair isle,
George spied in his phiz a particular smile,
And said, My old friend, if you have leisure to tarry,
Let's have an account what makes you so merry.
Derry, etc.
2.
Old Beelzebub turn'd at a voice he well knew,
And stopping, cried, O Brother George, is it you?
Was my business of consequence ever so great,
I always find time on my friends for to wait.
Derry, etc.
3.
This morning at 7 I set out of Rome,
Most fully intending ere this to've been home.
Pray stay, stay (says George), and took hold of his hand,
You know that St. James's is at your command.
Derry, etc.
4.
And what says the Pope? our monarch began,
And what does he think of our enemy's son?
Why, first, when I came there (Old Satan replied)
He seem'd to have very great hope of his side.
Derry, etc.
5.
But soon from the north arriv'd an express
With papers that gave me great joy, I confess,
Defeated was Charles, and his forces all gone,
I thought, on my soul, I should've leapt over the moon.
Derry, etc.
6. [Sidenote: _fol._ 388.]
Of Charles's descendants I'm only afraid
Against my dominions their projects are laid;
Was a Stewart to govern England again,
Religion and honesty there soon might reign.
Derry, etc.
7.
I oftentimes travel thro' France and thro' Spain
To visit my princes and see how they reign.
But of all my good servants, north, south, east and west,
I speak it sincerely, George! thou art the best.
Derry, etc.
8.
Our monarch replied, looking wise as an ass,
Pray, none of your compliments--Take up your glass.
Tho' the trouble I gave you e'nt much, I must own,
But as for religion, you know I have none.
Derry, etc.
9.
Then, as to my offspring, there's Feckie, my son,
Whom you wish and I wish may sit on the throne.
For by all men of wisdom and sense 'tis allow'd
If he there does no harm, he'll there do no good.
Derry, etc.
10.
There's Billy, my darling, my best belov'd boy,
Can ravish, can murder, can burn, can destroy--
Just a tool for you--'tis his nat'ral delight,
And likes it as well ev'ry whit as to fight.
Derry, etc.
11.
They shook hands at parting, and each bid adieu;
Old Beelzebub mutter'd these words as he flew--
'May thou and thy offspring for ever reign on,
For the devil can't find such a race when you're gone.'
Derry, etc.
FINIS.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 389.]
_ON A LATE DEFEAT, 1746, said to have been composed
by a Scots gentleman, an officer in the Dutch service._
Canst thou, my muse, such desolation view--
Such dreadful havoc 'mong the loyal few;
Vile murders, robbery, consuming fire;
Mothers, with tender infants, starv'd, expire;
Daggers and death in ev'ry hideous face
Threat'ning destruction to the northern race;
Villains contending with a dev'lish joy
Who first shall plunder, or who first destroy;
Successful tyranny and laurell'd vice,
The gods assisting him, who Heav'n defies;
Seeming to spurn the good, th' illustrious youth,
Renown'd for mercy, piety, and truth;
Reluctant fighting passage to a crown
Which none but bigot-whigs deny his own?
Can'st thou behold, and still thy grief suppress,
Our prince and country in so deep distress?
Nor, fir'd with indignation, aid my pen
To lash the cruel deeds of guilty men?
Rouze, rouze, my muse, and curse the hated cause
Of lost religion, liberty, and laws!
Thy freedom, Scotland! in one fatal hour
Is sacrific'd, alas! to lawless pow'r.
All, all is lost! No spark of hope remains;
Death only now, or banishment and chains.
Hard fate of war! How hast thou changed the scene!
What just, what glorious enterprize made vain!
Pale Nature trembles; general decay
Succeeds the horrors of th' unlucky day.
The good, the brave, in sympathy unite, [Sidenote: _fol._ 390.]
Amaz'd that Heav'n did not maintain the fight.
Despairing beauty languishes to see
Such virtue vanquished in a righteous plea.
Has godlike Charles (such matchless glories past!)
Conquered so oft to be subdued at last?
These valiant chiefs, whom native courage fir'd,
Then exil'd king's and country's wrongs inspir'd,
T' assert the rights each one enjoy'd before,
And king and country's liberties restore;
Failing in that, with just contempt of life,
Resolv'd to perish 'midst the glorious strife;
Must these true heroes, these great patriots yield
And the usurper's forces keep the field?
A bloody, perjur'd, mercenary crew,
Who fled but lately whom they now pursue
Like fiends of hell, by worse than demon led,
They _kill the wounded_ and they rob the dead.
O! Act of horror! more than savage rage
Unparallel'd in any former age!
Curst be the barb'rous executing hand,
And doubly curst who gave the dire command.
A deed so monstrous, shocking ev'n to name,
To all eternity 'twill damn their fame.
Ah! why, just Heaven! (But Heav'n ordain'd it so)
Are impious men allow'd to rule below?
Why does misfortune still attend the best,
Whilst those with life's supreme delights are blest?
Perplexing mistery to human sense;
The wonderful decree of Providence.
But virtue, happy in her self can bear } [Sidenote: _fol._ 391.]
(The ills of life most seemingly severe) }
Whatever fate the gods allot us here; }
Convinc'd that earthly happiness is vain
And most of pleasure's only rest from pain.
No shocks of fortune can her peace destroy,
Deserving bliss, indiff'rent to enjoy.
Calm and serene amidst the wrecks of fate,
As ne'er exalted in a prosp'rous state,
She bears adversity with stedfast mind,
To Heavn's decrees religiously resign'd.
Some time, perhaps, fair virtue will take place, }
Shining conspicuous in the royal race, }
To bless the land with liberty and peace. }
Tyrants subdu'd shall tremble at her nod
And learn that virtue is the cause of God.
_A PARAPHRASE UPON PSALM 137._
(_As it is said_) _by Willie Hamilton_.
1.
On Gallia's shore we sat and wept
When Scotland we thought on,
Rob'd of her bravest sons and all
Her ancient spirit gone.
2.
Revenge, the sons of Gallia said,
Revenge your native land.
Already your insulting foes
Crowd the Batavian strand.
3.
How shall the sons of freedom e'er
For foreign conquest fight?
For pow'r how wield the sword, depriv'd [Sidenote: _fol._ 392.]
Of Liberty and right?
4.
If thee, O Scotland! I forget
Ev'n to my latest breath,
May foul dishonour stain my name
And bring a coward's death.
5.
May sad remorse of fancy 'd guilt
My future days employ!
If all thy sacred rights are not
Above my chiefest joy.
6.
Remember England's children, Lord!
Who, on Drummossie day,
Deaf to the voice of kindred love,
Raze, raze it quite, did say.
7.
And thou, proud Gallia! faithless friend,
Whose ruin is not far,
Just Heav'n on thy devoted head
Pour all the woes of war!
8.
When thou thy slaughter'd little ones
And ravish'd dames shalt see,
Such help, such pity may'st thou have
As Scotland had from thee.
_ODE ON THE 20TH OF DECEMBER 1746._[179]
_Hie dies, anno redeunte, festus, etc._ [Sidenote: _fol._ 393.]
[179] Charles Edward is generally said to have been born on 31st
December: but 20th December is the date in the Manuscript, being old
style.
1.
A while forget the scenes of woe,
Forbid a while the tears to flow,
The pitying sigh to rise.
Turn from the ax the thought away;
'Tis Charles that bids us crown the day,
And end the night in joys.
2.
So when bleak clouds and beating rain
With storms the face of Nature stain,
And all in gloom appears.
If Phœbus deign a short-liv'd smile,
The face of Nature charms a while,
A while the prospect cheers.
3.
Come then, and while we largely pour
Libations to the genial hour,
That gave our hero birth;
Let us invite the tuneful nine
To sing a theme, like them, divine,
To paint our hero's worth.
4.
How on his tender infant years,
The cheerful hand of Heav'n appears
To watch its chosen care.
Estrang'd to ev'ry foe to truth
Virtuous affliction nurs'd his youth.
Instructive tho' severe.
5. [Sidenote: _fol._ 394.]
No sinful court its poison lent
With early bane his mind to taint,
And blast his young renown.
His father's virtues fir'd his heart.
His father's sufferings truths impart.
That form'd him for a throne.
6.
How at an age when pleasure charms,
Allures the stripling to her arms,
He plann'd the great design:
T' assert his injur'd father's cause,
Restore his suffering country's laws,
And prove his right divine.
7.
How when on Scotia's beach he stood
The wond'ring throng around him crowd
To bend th' obedient knee.
Then thinking on their country chain'd,
They wept such worth so long detain'd
By Heav'n's severe decree.
8.
Where'er he mov'd, in sweet amaze,
All ranks with transport on him gaze,
Ev'n grief forgets to pine.
The wisest sage, the chastest fair,
Applaud his sense and praise his air
Thus form'd with grace divine.
9. [Sidenote: _fol._ 395.]
How great in all the soldier's art,
With judgment calm, with fire of heart,
He bade the battle glow:
Yet greater on the conquer'd plain
He felt each wounded captive's pain,
More like a friend than foe.
10.
By good unmov'd, in ill resign'd,
No change of fortune chang'd his mind,
Tenacious of his aim.
In vain the gales propitious blew,
Affliction's darts as vainly flew,
His soul was still the same.
11.
Check'd in his glory's full career,
He felt no weak desponding fear
Amid distresses great.
By ev'ry want and danger prest,
No care possest his manly breast,
But for his country's fate.
12.
For oh! the woes, by Britons felt,
Had not aton'd for Britain's guilt.
So will'd offended Heav'n;
That yet a while th' usurping hand
With iron rod should rule the land,
The rod, for vengeance giv'n.
13.
But in its vengeance Heav'n is just, [Sidenote: _fol._ 396.]
And soon Britannia from the dust
Shall rear her head again.
Soon shall give way th' usurper's claim,
And peace and plenty soon proclaim
Again a Stewart's reign.
14.
What joys for happy Britain wait
When Charles shall rule the British state,
Her sullied fame restore:
When in full tides of transport tost,
Ev'n mem'ry of her wrongs is lost,
Nor Germans thought of more.
15.
The nations round with wondering eyes
Shall see old England aweful rise
As oft she did of yore.
And when she holds the ballanc'd scale,
Oppression shall no more prevail,
But fly her happy shore.
16.
Corruption, vice on ev'ry hand,
No more shall lord it o'er the land,
With their protectors fled.
Old English virtues in their place,
With all their hospitable race,
Shall rear their decent head.
17.
In peaceful shades the happy swain, [Sidenote: _fol._ 397.]
With open heart and honest strain,
Shall sing his long-wish'd lord.
Nor chuse a tale so fit to move
His list'ning fair one's heart to move,
As that of Charles restor'd.
18.
Tho' distant, let the prospect charm,
And ev'ry gallant bosom warm,
Forbear each tear and sigh.
Turn from the ax the thought away,
'Tis Charles that bids us crown the day
And end the night in joy.
_Upon the Tenth of June, 1747._[180]
[180] The birthday of the Prince's father, the Old Chevalier, or as
the Jacobites called him, King James the Eighth.
Let universal mirth now rear its head,
And joy, exulting, o'er the nation spread.
Let all this day forget each anxious fear,
And cease to mourn the ills which Britons bear--
This day, which once auspicious to our Isle,
Did all its long expecting hopes fulfil,
Gave to the world Great Britain's glorious heir,
Th' accomplishment of vows and ardent pray'r.
The hero now in good old age appears,
By Heav'n propitious, brought to sixty years;
While all th' admiring world do justly own
Their present wonder, fix'd on him alone--
Him whom no pow'r can force, no art persuade [Sidenote: _fol._ 398.]
To shake that basis so securely laid
On inborn virtue, which maintains its reign
While all the storms of fortune rage in vain.
He thro' the dusky gloom more bright does shine,
And in the ambient cloud appears divine.
Remove the cloud, kind Heav'n, and shew that ray
Sparkling in brightest splendour of the day!
Content with trials of misfortunes past,
Allow deserved honours at the last!
Had I been born with Homer's fertil vein,
Or softer genius of the Mantuan swain,
To've rais'd an Iliad in my sov'reign's praise,
And sing his fame in never-dying lays,
The world had first admir'd his manly state,
And wonder'd how he strove with adverse fate.
The future glories of our monarch now
Had swell'd my song, and made my numbers grow.
But tho' my muse does no such fire impart,
The mind is faithful and sincere the heart.
Then while in humble notes our joy we sing,
Paying our private homage to the king,
Bright Phœbus, gild each corner of the sky, }
And with new lustre feed our dazled eye, }
T'inspire our mirth and animate our joy. }
But see, the face of Heav'n begins to frown,
The sullen, heavy day goes low'ring on. [Sidenote: _fol._ 399.]
The sun in mists and vapours hides his head,
And gloomy darkness o'er the world is spread.
Hear, Heav'n's hoarse voice runs murmuring thro' the sky,
And pales of horrid thunder dreadful fly.
Flashes of lightning thro' the air do gleam.
And Æther seems but one continued flame;
Clouds dash'd on clouds with utmost fury rend,
And on the drowned earth their watery ruines send.
Kind Heav'n! is this the pomp that thou dost raise?
This thy rejoicing on festival days?
To hear thy angry threats proclaim aloud
Thy dismal vengeance on the guilty crowd,
We kiss the hand from whence these terrors come.
And own our well-deserved and fatal doom.
We take the omen which thou'rt pleased to give.
Our errors we repent. Then let us live.
Thou spurn'st to see this day neglected lie,
Another shining with vain pageantry.
Since then in anger once thou hast declar'd
That vice no more shall triumph with regard.
Let all the plagues of murder now be flung
On these curst bratts from whom our mischief sprung.
There's ruffling work abroad, and hence must flow
Mutations here, th' usurper's overthrow.
Tho' at some distance, yet methinks I hear
Most pleasant news--the Restoration's near.
Receive the off'rings which we humbly make;
Appease thy fury ere thy vengeance break.
Accept our penitence, and let us see
Our monarch glorious and our country free.
_SOLILOQUY, September 29th, 1746._
[Sidenote: 29 Sept. 1746]
This prop and that successively decays. [Sidenote: _fol._ 400.]
Strokes thicken; each alarm my heart dismays,
Widow'd of ev'ry earthly flatt'ring joy.
Sorrows on sorrows roll without alloy.
My country bleeds, and in its ruines lie
Thousands. My all's perhaps condemned to die.
Amaz'd, o'erwhelmed, without one cheering ray,
From those dread scenes, when shall I wing my way?
To Thee, great God, I lift my fainting soul,
Who fierce, devouring passions canst controul.
Nature, convulsive, wrapt in furious forms,
Calms at thy word. Contend shall mortal worms?
If partial ill promotes the gen'ral good,
Tho' nature shrinks, I kiss the angry rod.
This, this alone, my spirits can sustain,
That thou supreme o'er all the world dost reign.
When I or mine, howe'er decreed to fall,
Shall turn to dust, be our eternal all.
Meanwhile, inspire with fortitude divine;
In prisons and in death, thy face make shine.
Thy smiles, O God! each trial can unsting,
And out of gall itself can sweetness bring.
O Liberty! O Virtue! O my Country!
Tell me, ye wise, now sunk in deep despair,
Where grows the med'cine for oppressive care?
Where grows it not? th' ingenious Pope replies;
'To make the happy, friend, be good, be wise;
Add only competence to health and peace,
You need no more to perfect happiness.'
[Sidenote: _fol._ 401.]
O strangers to the sorrows of the mind,
The load of ills that oft afflicts mankind!
One chain of woes another still succeeds.
Our friends are martyr'd, and our country bleeds.
Humanity's too weak these ills to bear;
Too plain a proof no happiness is here.
Must we, content, slavery's curse endure,
Nor bravely wish, nor once attempt a cure?
Will rebel-murderers from blood refrain?
Will corrupt statesmen liberty maintain?
Will Britain clear her long-contracted scores
On armies, fleets, for Hanover and whores?
Will justice flourish, will our trade increase,
Our fame grow greater, or our taxes less?
Bid things impossible in our natures rise!
Bid knaves turn honest, nay, bid fools turn wise!
Bid France keep faith! Bid England show her zeal,
And fight as well as wish to turn the scale!
Bid sympathy forsake my joyless breast,
Or miracles revive to give me rest!
In private life may happiness be found
With those who only live, or who abound?
Mark all estates, and shew me if you can,
What's more precarious than the bliss of man.
Amidst his joys, uncertain to possess,
The fear of losing makes the pleasure less.
Thus one's tormented with foreboding pain,
Another's wretched thro' desire of gain.
Some who enjoy health, peace, and competence,
Are still unhappy; they've but common sense.
The man of genius, brighter far and great, [Sidenote: _fol._ 402.]
Would gladly change for a genteel estate.
In ev'ry station discontent we see;
Each thinks his neighbour happier than he.
Search the world o'er, 'tis doubtful if you find
One man's condition fitted to his mind.
Alternate real or imagin'd woes
Disturb our life and all our joys oppose.
Nor can my muse the mournful tale avoid,
What numbers zeal and brav'ry have destroy'd,
The gen'rous, faithful, uncorrupted band,
Design'd deliv'rers of a sinking land.
Tho' good, unfortunate; oppress'd, tho' brave;
See spiteful foes pursue them to the grave.
Unshaken loyalty is all their crime,
And struggling with their chains a second time.
For this they suffer worse than traitor's fate,
Condemned by knaves and furies of the state,
In loathsome dungeons close confin'd they lie,
To feel a thousand deaths before they die.
At last these heroes must resign their breath,
And close the scene with ignominious death.
Thus ev'n the best their virtue has undone,
And fix'd the slav'ry which they sought to shun.
How then shall man attain the state of bliss?
In t' other world he may, but not in this.
Unjustly, therefore, some we happy call. [Sidenote: _fol._ 403.]
More or less wretched is the fate of all.
_Upon the different Accounts of the behaviour of the two
executed lords (Kilmarnock and Balmerino), taken out of an
English Newspaper._
If Ford and Foster haply disagree,
What is a trivial circumstance to me.
But this of their two heroes I remark,
Howe'er the historians leave us in the dark,
OLD ROUGH AND TUGGED much outmann'd the Earl,
And tho' mistaken was a steady carl.
The Earl's conversion is an obvious thing,
If not to Christ, at least to George our king.
_Arthurus, Dominus de Balmerino, decollatus 18
die Augusti 1746,
ætatis suæ 58. By a Lady._
Here lies the man, to Scotland ever dear,
Whose honest breast ne'er felt a guilty fear.
By principle, not mean self int'rest, sway'd,
The victor left to bring the vanquish'd aid;
His courage manly, but his words were few,
Content in poverty, and own'd it too.
In life's last scene with dignity appears,
Not for himself, but for his country, fears;
Pities the graceful partner of his fall,
And nobly wishes he might die for all.
Ev'n enemies, convinc'd, his worth approv'd: [Sidenote: _fol._ 404.]
He fell admir'd, lamented, and belov'd.
_The above turned into the form of an Inscription._
Here lies ARTHUR, Lord BALMERINO,
Whose memory will be ever dear to his country.
Religiously strict and judicious in the choice
Of his principles and maxims of life,
With an inflexible constancy was he attached to them.
He left the service of George, in which he bore some rank,
To join the sinking cause of the injured James,
After the woeful defeat at Dumblane.
He was a man of great personal courage
And remarkable modesty
In a corrupted age, asham'd of nothing but want.
He bore unmerited poverty with a Roman greatness of soul.
In the closing scene of life
He behaved with surprizing dignity,
Expressing a warm regard for his unhappy country
And vindicating his own honour and that of the injured Charles P.
Feelingly he express'd a generous concern for his companion,
And nobly wish'd he alone might suffer for the cause.
He triumphed over calumny, silenced his enemies
Struck with admiration at his uncommon intrepidity,
And fell admired, lamented, esteemed by all.
_Upon the same._
Here Arthur lies, the rest forbear;
There may be treason in a tear.
Yet this bold soger may find room
Where scepter'd tyrants dare not come.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 405.]
_Upon the death of Sir Alexander
MacDonald,[181] etc._
[181] See f. 1829, where these lines are repeated.
If Heav'n be pleas'd when sinners cease to sin;
If Hell be pleas'd when sinners enter in;
If earth be pleas'd to lose a truckling knave;
Then all are pleas'd--MacDonald's in his grave.
_Spoken extempore on Lovat's Execution, by a lover
of all those who
will and dare be honest in the worst of times._
None but the hangman, Murray,[182] or some tool,
Could from his heart say Lovat was a fool.
Yet ev'ry coxcomb will explain and teach
The chain of causes that surpass his reach.
When soft Kilmarnock,[183] trembling, came to bleed,
He fell a traitor and a wretch indeed.
His coward soul the canting preacher awes,
He weeps and dies a rebel to the cause.
'Twas hope of pardon; 'twas fanatick fear;
And none but Hanoverians dropt a tear.
Brave Balmerino, whom no words can paint,
Embrac'd his martyrdom and died a saint.
He sprang triumphant to a better state,
By all confest, superiour to his fate.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 406.]
If Ratcliffe's[184] youthful crimes receiv'd their due,
Ratcliffe was steady, bold and loyal too.
This much be said, to palliate his offence,
Howe'er he liv'd, he died a man of sense.
But Frazer was a man by Heav'n decreed
Not quite so legible for fools to read.
Him in his manly labyrinth they mistook,
And partial to their wit the clue forsook.
He has no policy when none they find,
And is not visible when they are blind.
As the sun's course thro' various scenes does wind
From one great principle to one great end;
So did his actions, words and deeds combine
To perfect and accomplish one design.
For this alone he labours to be great;
For this he courts his honours and estate;
For this in secret he his faith conceals;
For this invents a plot and then reveals;
For this holds combat with domestick strife,
And seizes, like old Rome, a Sabine wife;
Wins confidence from artful foes by art,
And on the statesman plays the statesman's part.
The making one great stake, and that his last,
He ventures all on the important cast
On which the whole of's happiness depends,
His life, his fortune, family and friends.
All, all's too little for the glorious cause.
If he had won (for there the difference lies),
That very crowd his triumph would attend
Who lately came, to view his noble end.
[182] John Murray of Broughton (see f. 411 _et seq._) became an
evidence against his former associates, especially against Simon,
Lord Lovat, who was executed at London on 9th April 1747, in his
eightieth year, for being implicated in the Rebellion.
[183] William, fourth Earl of Kilmarnock, taken prisoner at Culloden
and beheaded on Tower Hill, 18th August 1746.
[184] Charles Ratcliffe, brother of James, third Earl of
Derwentwater, who was executed on 24th February 1716 for his share
in the rebellion of 1715. At that time Charles had also been taken
and condemned, but he escaped out of Newgate and went to France. In
November 1745 he was recaptured on board the _Esperance_ on his way
to Scotland with other French officers to take part in the Rebellion,
and after identification, he was condemned to suffer the sentence
formerly passed upon him. He was accordingly executed on Tower Hill
on 8th December 1746. He was a grandson of King Charles the Second,
his mother being Mary Tudor, a natural daughter of that king.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 407.]
_Upon a young lady, who died on seeing her lover,[185]
Mr Dawson,[186] executed on the 30th of July 1746._
[185] Not fact, for Mr. Dawson never saw her before she had come to
glut herself with the bloody scene.--F.
[186] James Dawson, a young Lancashire man. He was being educated at
St. John's College, Cambridge; but having misbehaved, and fearing
expulsion, ran away. Dreading his father's displeasure, he, on
falling in with the Manchester regiment, joined it and was taken
at Carlisle. He was tried at London and executed on Kennington
Common. The day before his death his father visited him, and took
his farewell of him in a most pathetic scene. ['History of the
Rebellion,' _Scots Magazine_, pp. 294, 297.]
As the fair martyr her dear lover saw
Lie the pale victim of inhuman law,
His gen'rous blood distilling all around,
And life, swift ebbing, thro' each crimson wound;
It seemed as if from mortal passion freed
She blest his death, for honour doom'd to bleed.
But when, high-raised, she saw the panting heart,
Now let thy handmaid, Heav'n! she cried, depart
Be Judge, O Thou, whose ballance sways above!
Receive our souls to pardon and to love!
At once she burst the feeble bonds of clay,
And her free soul, exulting, springs away.
To endless bliss, they issue, out of pain.
One moment separates, and joins again.
_The Contrast set in its proper light. Said to be done by a lady._
Fam'd were the bards of old untainted days,
When only merit felt the breath of praise.
When Heav'n-born muses taught the tuneful lay,
The brave to honour and the good display,
Virtue's fair form, tho' hid in rags, to sing,
And loath the baneful court and sinful king.
But now (sad change!) no more the poet's theme
Tastes thy chaste waters, Hippocrenè's stream.
His breast no more the sacred sisters urge, [Sidenote: _fol._ 408.]
Of truth the patrons and of vice the scourge.
Venal, he seeks the court, and shuns the lawn,
On pride to flatter and on pow'r to fawn;
Pour forth his incense at the country's shrine,
And raise th' usurping race to race divine.
He who would toil in Honour's ard'ous tract
Must virtue seek alone for virtue's sake,
For now to merit are unwonted things
The breath of poets and the smiles of kings.
See where the rhiming throng on William wait,
And patch up ev'ry worth to make him great;
Sing how he triumph'd on fair Clifton's Green,
And how his mind is lovely as his mien;
Call ancient heroes from their seat of joy,
To see their fame outshadow'd by a boy;
Rob ev'ry urn and ev'ry page explore,
And tell now Cæsar's deeds are deeds no more;
No more shall guide the war, nor fire the song,
But William be the theme of ev'ry tongue,
While Brunswick-kings Britannia's throne shall grace,
And George's virtues live in George's race.
Such is the theme the flatt'ring songsters chuse,
And oh, how worthy of the theme the muse!
While, lo! a youth arises in the north
Of royal virtues as of royal birth;
Of worth, which in the dawn of ages, shewn
Without the claim of birth, had gain'd a throne.
Tho' in him ev'ry grace and glory join
To add new lustre to the Stewart's line;
[Sidenote: _fol._ 409.]
Tho' Vict'ry makes the youthful Charles her care,
No bard attends on his triumphal car.
On firmer base he builds his sure applause,
Recover'd freedom and protected laws.
Say, Scotland, say, for thou must surely know;
You felt the rapture, and you feel the woe.
Say, when he trode upon the kindly earth,
The genial soil which gave his fathers birth,
Did not his outstretched hand with bounty spread
Paternal blessings on thy children's heads;
Hush them to peace amidst the din of war,
And still the matron's sigh and virgin's fear?
Bid peaceful plenty wave along the plain
The untouch'd harvest of the golden grain?
Did not the youth, enliven'd with his flame,
Glow for the fight and ardent pant for fame?
Strove not each rev'rend sage and hoary sire
His worth to honour and his sense admire?
Did not his form, with ev'ry beauty grac'd,
Raise a chaste rapture in each virgin's breast?
But when he quits the scene of soft delight,
The graceful measure for the deathful fight,
Say, saw thy plains (where many a deathless name,
Where Bruce, where Wallace, fought their way to fame,
Where Douglas, race heroick, nobly rose,
Secur'd thy freedom and expell'd thy foes)--
Saw they e'er one amongst the chieftain throng,
So ripe in glory and in years so young;
Whose pride not more to vanquish than to save,
In conquest gentle as in action brave?
Like Philip's son, victorious in the course
With skill superiour and inferiour force;
Like Xenophon, secure midst hostil bands, [Sidenote: _fol._ 410.]
He led his glorious few from distant lands,
And join'd to sense of head the fire of heart,
Of one the courage, and of one the art.
While virtue lives, while honour has a name,
While acts heroic fill the rolls of fame,
First in the list shall Gladesmuir have a place,
And Falkirk-plain, mark, Hawley! thy disgrace.
Now change the scene and show the sad reverse,
Where winter blasts th' autumnal smiles disperse;
Where the fierce Hanover directs the storm
And Hawley joys his mandates to perform.
To whom compar'd an Alva's name is sweet,
Brave in the field tho' cruel in the State.
See thro' the land how hostil fury burns
And peopled vales to rueful deserts turns!
See how the smoking country round thee groans,
Invokes in vain thy desolated towns!
See age unrev'renc'd, dragg'd from peaceful ease
And join'd in dreary jayls to loath'd disease!
Before their sires see ravished maids complain,
And raise their beaut'ous eyes to Heav'n in vain.
Oh! more than savage, who pursue their rage
On bloom of beauty and the hoar of age!
And what exploits exalt this hero's praise?
Where spring the laurels which your poets raise?
Spring they from conquest o'er the village tame,
The sire enfeebled and the aged dame.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 411.]
View well this sketch and say of which the face
Presents the royal mark of Scotland's race.
He who would save thee from destruction's blast,
Or he who lays thy beauties in the dust?
So judg'd of old the good King David's heir
With nice discernment the deserving fair;
Repuls'd the dame who cruel would destroy,
And blest the feeling mother with her boy.
_A CATCH, 1746._
Here's a health to the King, the Prince and the Duke.
May all loyal subjects say--God bless the three!
Come weal or come woe, to my master I'll go,
And follow his standard, wherever it be.
I'll chear up my heart with a health to my master,
In hopes of another Dundee or Montrose.
I'm heartily griev'd for my Prince's disaster.
God save him, and send him the heart of his foes!
To Mr. SECRETARY MURRAY, on his turning evidence. By the Rev.
Mr. THOMAS DRUMMOND, Edinburgh, 1747.
_Quantum mutatus ab illo._
To all that Virtue's holy ties can boast,
To truth and honour and to manhood lost,
How hast thou wand'red from the sacred road,
The paths of honesty, the pole to God?
O fallen! fallen from the high degree
Of spotless fame and pure integrity!
[Sidenote: _fol._ 412.]
Where all that gallantry that fill'd your breast,
The pride of sentiment, the thought profest,
Th' unbiass'd principle, the gen'rous strain
That warm'd your blood, and beat in ev'ry vein?
All! all are fled! Once honest, steady, brave,
How great the change--to coward, traitor, knave!
O! hateful love of life that prompts the mind,
The godlike, great and good, to leave behind;
From wisdom's laws, from honour's glorious plan,
From all on earth that dignifies the man,
With steps unhallow'd wickedly to stray
And trust and friendship's holy bands betray.
Curs'd fear of death, whose bugbear terrors fright
Th' unmanly breast from suff'ring in the right
That strikes the man from th' elevated state,
From ev'ry character and name of great,
And throws him down beneath the vile degree
Of galley'd slaves, or dungeon villainy.
O MURRAY! MURRAY! once of truth approv'd,
Your Prince's darling, by his party lov'd;
When all were fond your worth and fame to raise,
And expectation spoke your future praise.
How could you sell that Prince, that cause, that fame,
For life enchain'd to infamy and shame?
See gallant ARTHUR,[187] whose undaunted soul
No dangers frighten, and no fears controul;
With unconcern the ax and block surveys,
And smiles at all the dreadful scene displays;
While undisturb'd his thoughts so steddy keep
He goes to death, as others go to sleep.
Gay midst their gibbets and devouring fire [Sidenote: _fol._ 413.]
What numbers hardy in the cause expire!
But what are these to thee? examples vain.
Yet see, and blush, if still the pow'r remain.
Behold the menial hand,[188] that broke your bread,
That wiped your shoes, and with your crumbs was fed;
When life and riches proffer'd to his view
Before his eyes the strong temptation threw,
Rather than quit integrity of heart,
Or act like you the unmanly traitor's part,
Disdains the purchase of a worthless life,
And bares his bosom to the butch'ring knife;
Each mean compliance gallantly denies,
And in mute honesty is brave and dies.
While you, tho' tutor'd from your early youth
To all the principles of steddy truth;
Tho' station, birth, and character conspire
To kindle in your breast the manly fire;
Friends, reputation, conscience, all disclaim.
To glory lost, and sunk in endless shame,
For the dull privilege to breathe the air,
For everlasting infamy declare,
And down to late posterity record
A name that's curs'd, abandon'd, and abhorr'd.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 414.]
Go, wretch! enjoy the purchase you have gain'd.
Scorn and reproach your ev'ry step attend.
By all mankind neglected and forgot
Retire to solitude, retire and rot.
But whither? whither can the guilty fly
From the devouring worms that never die;
Those inward stings that rack the villain's breast,
Haunt his lone hours and break his tortur'd rest?
Midst caves, midst rocks and deserts you may find
A safe retreat for all the human kind.
But to what foreign region can you run,
Your greatest enemy, yourself, to shun?
Where'er thou go'st, wild anguish and despair
And black remorse attend with hideous stare;
Tear your distracted soul with torments fell,
Your passions devils, and your bosom hell.
Thus may you drag your heavy chain along,
Some minutes more inglorious life prolong.
And when the fates shall cut a coward's breath,
Weary of being, yet afraid of death;
If crimes like thine hereafter are forgiv'n,
JUDAS and MURRAY both may go to Heav'n.
[187] Lord Balmerino.
[188] John MacNaughton, one of Murray's servants who, when he was
upon the sledge, was offered his life and £30 or £40 sterling _per
annum_ during life, provided he would turn evidence. He answered that
they had done him much honour in ranking him with gentlemen, and
he hoped to let the world see he would suffer like a gentleman. He
suffered at Carlisle, October 18th, 1746, in company with the Rev.
Mr. Coppoch, Arnprior, Kinlochmoidart, Major MacDonell, etc.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Satan transformed into an Angel of Light, or copy of a Letter
from Mr. EVIDENCE MURRAY, to his nephew, SIR DAVID MURRAY, of
seventeen or eighteen years of age, in
jayl in the city of York, 1747.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 415.] The pleasure it gave me to hear that the king
had been graciously pleased to grant you a reprieve, was far greater
than the world could perhaps be willing to imagine for one in my
situation, as mankind is most apt to be concerned about their own
misfortunes. As I look upon it as my duty to give you the best advice
in my power, I would not fail to lay hold on the liberty granted me
to observe some few things which I hope may be of service to you,
when I may not have an opportunity to advise you by word of mouth.
I must first observe that the grace shown you must have proceeded
entirely from a greatness of soul and a compassion of your youth, as
it was not in the least in your power to atone for the offence. I
know that you are brave, and I have no doubt but you are generous,
the latter being ever looked upon as a concomitant of the former.
Gratitude has always [Sidenote: _fol._ 416.] been esteemed one of the
greatest virtues, and its opposite regarded in so vile a light that
the antient Spartans punished it with death. Don't allow yourself to
be too much elevated, but consider coolly on the uneasiness you have
felt, and thereby judge of the favour you have received.
I hear there are zealots in the world who would willingly make
mankind believe that they act from principle alone, and even would
wish to die martyrs for their cause; and their lofty notions are
ready to gain even on those of riper years. But be assured that at
the bottom it is self-interest prevails. They only intend to promote
their own ambitious views without the least regard to the welfare and
happiness of others. Pull off their mask and they appear in their
native dress. Some such you may meet with. But always remember the
story of the cat and the monkey; for depend upon it, when your hands
are [Sidenote: _fol._ 417.] in the fire they will hug themselves on
being safe. That there ever have been such men is past dispute, and
had there been none such, that you and I would not have been in our
present situation is as undeniable. I shall now say a little to what
I know is a tender point, but nevertheless may be gently touch'd.[189]
[189] Sir David Murray was bred Popish.
There are a certain set of men who can confine salvation to their
Church alone; but though I am no divine I cannot help thinking it
absurd to imagine that God Almighty made mankind to damn nine out of
ten, which must be the case, if their maxim holds true. Our blessed
Saviour died for both Jew and Gentile. But I will not insist upon the
subject, as you may guess my meaning, and I hope will not fail to
consider seriously of it. I could, and indeed I incline to say a good
[Sidenote: _fol._ 418.] deal more, but that I don't care to crowd too
many thoughts upon you all at once, so shall only further assure you
that I am sincerely,
A PRODIGY OF WICKEDNESS.
[Sidenote: 16 Sept. 1745]
COPY of the PRINCE'S SUMMONS to the City of Edinburgh to
surrender. Directed to the Lord Provost, Magistrates, and Town
Council of Edinburgh.
Being now in a condition to make our way into this capital of his
Majesty's ancient kingdom of Scotland, we hereby summon you to
receive us, as you are in duty bound to do. And in order to it we
hereby require you upon receipt of this to summon the Town Council
and take proper measures in it for securing the peace and quiet of
the city, which we are very desirous to protect. But if you suffer
any of the Usurper's troops to enter the town, or any of the canon,
arms, or amunition now in it, whether belonging to the publick or to
private persons, to be carried off, we shall take it as a breach of
your [Sidenote: _fol._ 419.] duty and a heinous offence against the
king and us, and shall resent it accordingly. We promise to preserve
all the rights and liberties of the city, and the particular property
of every one of his Majesty's subjects. But if any opposition be made
to us we cannot answer for the consequences, being firmly resolved
at any rate to enter the city, and in that case, if any of the
inhabitants are found in arms against us, they must not expect to be
treated as prisoners of war.
(Signed) CHARLES, PRINCE REGENT.
_From our Camp, 16th September 1745._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 16 Sept. 1745]
Upon the magistrates receiving the above, the inhabitants were called
together and almost unanimously agreed to surrender the town, and
sent deputies out to the Prince to treat with him, viz., Baillies
Gavin Hamilton, John Yetts, and David Inglis, and James Norrie,
Deacon Convener, to whom the Prince caused deliver the following
answer.
His royal Highness the Prince Regent thinks his Manifesto and the
King, his father's, Declaration, already published, are a [Sidenote:
_fol._ 420.] sufficient capitulation for all his Majesty's subjects
to accept of with joy. His present demands are to be received into
the city as the son and representative of the king, his father, and
obeyed as such when he is there.
His Royal Highness supposes that since the receipt of his letter to
the provost and magistrates no arms or ammunition have been suffered
to be carried off or concealed, and will expect a particular account
of all things of that nature.
Lastly, he expects a positive answer to this before 2 o'clock in the
morning, otherwise he will find himself obliged to take measures
conform. By his Highness's command,
(Sign'd) JOHN MURRAY.
_At Gray's Mill, 16 September 1745._
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 17 Sept. 1745]
After this a second deputation was sent to the Prince, viz., Provost
Coutts and Baillie Robert Baillie, who brought the following answer.
His Royal Highness has already given all the assurances he can that
he intends to exact nothing of the city in general, nor [Sidenote:
_fol._ 421.] of any in particular, but what his character of Regent
entitles him to. This he repeats, and renews his summons to the
magistrates to receive him as such. By His Highness's command,
(Sign'd) JOHN MURRAY.
_Gray's Mill 3 o'clock in the Morning,
Tuesday, 17 September 1745._
A NARRATIVE[190] given me by Mr. ALEXANDER MURRAY, Printer, in
Burnet's Close, Edinburgh.
[190] See ff. 375, 707, 1087, 1323, 1376.
[Sidenote: July.]
About the beginning of July 1746 one Garnet, a dragoon in Lord Mark
Ker's regiment, and son of one Garnet, a printer at Sheffield, came
to the printing house of William Sands and Company at Edinburgh,
and having been asked several questions in relation to the battle
of Culloden, said: That he himself was engaged there; that the
orders they received were _To make no prisoners_: That the reason
of this severity was that the Duke had got notice before the armies
were engaged that the rebels had given orders--To kill men, women,
and children of their enemies, without distinction, for eight days
[Sidenote: _fol._ 422.] after the battle, in case victory should
declare for them; that he himself went to the field of battle the
day after the engagement in the forenoon; that on coming near it,
he heard a doleful noise; that on coming to the place he found that
the noise he had heard was several of the wounded rebels who had
crawled together were bemoaning one another's condition; that in a
short while after he saw some small parties of the king's troops with
officers on their head go through the field and shoot the wounded
rebels; that six or eight of the soldiers fired together at different
rebels, but did not receive the word of command from their officers,
though they stood by and saw the service performed; that they went
thro' the field thus; that some of the rebels seemed pleased to
be relieved of their pain by death, while others begged of the
soldiers to spare them, which, however, was no ways regarded; that
the soldiers employed in this service were foot, so that he himself
was only a spectator; that soldiers went, a day or two after to the
field and did the [Sidenote: _fol._ 423.] like; that such severity
would not have been exercised against a foreign enemy, and that at
this time the French were treated with great humanity, as they are
said to be remarkably human when conquerors; and that a written order
was said to be found in the pocket of one of the rebels after the
battle agreeing with the accounts above mentioned which the Duke had
received before the engagement. This dragoon who named and designed
himself as above seemed to be a discreet, ingenuous man.
* * * * *
_Edinburgh, October 30th, 1746._
[Sidenote: 30 Oct. 1746]
An officer of the Broadalbine Militia (who was among those who made
openings in the stone walls, through which the dragoons passed)
being told the above, did not believe it, and gave as his reason
that a præmium having been given for every gun and sword brought to
the king's camp after the battle, the men under his command were so
busied in carrying guns and swords from the field of battle to the
camp that he could scarcely keep a sufficient number of them to do
duty, and yet [Sidenote: _fol._ 424.] he never heard of the rebels
being thus killed in cold blood, which, being a thing very uncommon,
he thought his men could not miss to observe and to tell him of it.
This gentleman added, that he heard at that time of the order of the
rebels for giving no quarter; that a particular serjeant in certain
regiment was said to have it; that he asked it of him, but was
answered he heard another serjeant had it, and went to two or three
thus, and always found less reason to believe there ever was any such
order.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 8 Oct. 1747]
_N.B.--Edinburgh, October 8th, Thursday, 1747._
I visited Mr. Alexander Murray, printer, out of whose hand I received
a copy of the above in his own hand-writ, and from which I have
faithfully made the above transcript. The copy in Mr. Murray's
hand-writ is to be found among my papers. Mr. Murray is the person
who conversed with the dragoon and the Broadalbine officer in
presence of Mr. James Cochran, co-partner [Sidenote: _fol._ 425.]
in business with Mr. Murray. The said Mr. Cochran vouched to me the
truth of the above narrative in every ace of it, as given by the
dragoon and the officer.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 14 Nov. 1746]
Copy of a Letter from CHARLES GORDON of Terperse[191] to his own
lady.
[191] He was 'Younger of Terpersie' in Aberdeenshire, and had
engaged as a volunteer. His father, James Gordon, was an officer
in the Prince's army. In the _List of Persons concerned in the
Rebellion, etc._ (Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. viii.), he is said to have
been _made prisoner at Carlisle_. But a story is told of his having
been captured at his own house, when, after lurking long among the
neighbouring hills, he ventured to pass a night there. His captors,
not being sure of his identity, carried him before the minister of
the parish, but not getting satisfaction from him, they took him to
a farmhouse where his wife and children resided. On his approach his
children ran out and greeted him with cries of 'Daddy! Daddy!' and
so unwittingly sealed their father's fate. He was tried at Carlisle
and executed there on 15th November 1746. As the prisoners taken
at Carlisle were sent to London, and those taken in Scotland to
Carlisle, the story may be authentic.
DEAR HEART,--I now tell you that I suffer death to-morrow for my duty
to God, my king, and country. I bless God I die in charity with all
men. I think my butchered body will be taken care of and buried as a
Christian, by order of Francis Farquharson, who has acted a father
to me, and laid out a good deal of money to and for me, whereof you
may expect a particular account, which I leave you on my blessing
to repay him. I die with the greatest regret that I've been a bad
husband to you, and I beg you'll pardon me in your heart, and that
you'll express your goodness (as you'll answer to God [Sidenote:
_fol._ 426.] and me in the everlasting world) by your care of and
motherly looking to your children's salvation and right putting them
to business in this world. I know not how many are alive; only set
the boys to some right imployment while young, and strive to admonish
the daughters in the fear of God. I herewith send you a note of what
I would have done with the trifles I have a concern in, for you know
the lump of my business.
My dearest,--If I should write till my life ends I would still have
something to say. But to stop that I end with my dying blessing to
you, my young ones, and your poor mother, if alive. Your last from,
your unfortunate husband,
CHA. GORDON.
_Carlisle, November 14th, 1746._
[Sidenote: 26 Jan. 1747]
Copy of a Letter which served to cover the above to LADY
TERPERSE from Mr. PATRICK GORDON, Presbyterian preacher at
Rhynie.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 427.]
MADAM,--The inclosed came to me two or three days ago, and I intended
to have delivered it to you with my own hand. But as I cannot travel
so far for some days by reason of necessary business in my parish,
I thought proper, rather than delay it any longer, to transmit it
in this manner. My correspondent is a gentlewoman that lives in
the neighbourhood of Carlisle, who saw Terperse every day for some
time before his death, and says he died as became a truly penitent
Christian, to the conviction of all the clergy and others that
conversed with him. She writes me that one Wright, by orders from
Mr. Farquharson, provided a coffin for his body; that she gave such
grave-cloaths as are usual, put them on, and saw him buried in St.
Culbert's Churchyard. So that you and all your relations are very
much obliged to this gentlewoman. She [Sidenote: _fol._ 428.] desires
me further to acquaint you that he never received any letter from you
nor any remittance; and the letter I wrote, giving him an account of
you and your children did not reach Carlisle till after his death;
that she has his stock-buckle, buttons, and a book he left to his
son, Charles, which she is ready to send to Edinburgh to any person
you shall name there, which you may do by me when you please, for I
intend to write her soon. Terperse mentions some note or account in
his letter; but it did not come to my hand, nor does my correspondent
write anything about it. I am, Madam, your most humble servant,
(_Sic subscribitur_)
PAT. GORDON.
_Rhynic, January 26th, 1747._
Copy of a Letter, said to be written by
LORD GEORGE MURRAY or one of his friends, 1746.[192]
[192] This letter is printed in the _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp.
523-536.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 429.] In answer to what you write about the
Highland army having not behaved with their usual bravery, or that
some of their principal officers had not done their duty, which might
be the occasion of their late misfortune, I must inform you by all
I can learn, the men showed the utmost eagerness to come to action,
nor did I hear of any one officer but behaved well, so far as the
situation and circumstances would allow. The truth seems to be that
they were overpowered by a superiour force, and their field of battle
was ill-chosen, which gave the Duke of Cumberland great advantages,
especially in his canon and horse. Another misfortune they lay under
was a total want of provisions, so that they were reduced to the
hard necessity either of fighting an army a third stronger, or to
starve or disperse. As to what happened the day of the battle and the
preceding day, I shall let you know [Sidenote: _fol._ 430.] what I
could learn.
[Sidenote: 15 April.]
On the fifteenth, all those of the Highland army as were assembled
were drawn up in line of battle upon a moor south from Culloden,
facing eastwards. This was done early in the morning, as it was known
that the Duke of Cumberland was come to Nairn the night before; but
as he did not move before mid-day, it was judged he would not march
that day, it being his birthday; and as his troops had made no halt
from the time he left Aberdeen, it was reasonable to think he would
give them a day's rest. It was then proposed to make a night attack
upon the Duke of Cumberland's army in their camp, which, if it could
be done before one or two o'clock in the morning, might (though a
desperate attempt) have had a chance of succeeding. Several of the
officers listened to this, as they knew the Duke of Cumberland was
much superiour to the Highland army. The objection to it was that a
great many of the army had not as yet joined, particularly Keppoch,
the Master of Lovat, Cluny, Glengyle, the Mackenzies, and [Sidenote:
_fol._ 431.] many of the recruits of Glengary and other regiments,
which were all expected in two or three days, and some of them
sooner; that if they should fail in the attempt and be repulsed, it
would not be easy rallying the Highlanders in the dark; that if the
Duke of Cumberland was alarm'd by any of his patrollers, he might
have time to put his army in order in the camp (I suppose no spy
should give timely notice), and place his canon charged with cartouch
shot as he had a mind, and his horse might be all in readiness so
as to pursue, if the Highlanders had been beat off; and lastly, the
difficulty of making their retreat with perhaps a good many wounded
men, whom the Highlanders will never leave, be it possible to bring
them off. It is to be remarked that there was no intelligence of
the enemy's camp. Add to this, how fatiguing it would be to march
backwards and forwards twenty miles, and probably be obliged to fight
next day; nor could they make their retreat safe and not be attacked
before they joined the rest of the army.
On the other hand the Prince was vastly bent for the night-attack,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 432.] and said he had men enow to beat the enemy,
whom he believed utterly dispirited, and would never stand a bold
and brisk attack. The Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, with
others, seemed to wish it; and Lord George Murray, Lochgary, with
many others, were induced to make a fair trial what could be done,
though they were very sensible of the danger should it miscary.
They observed with much concern the want of provisions. The men had
only got that day a biscuit each, and some not even that.[193] It
was feared it would prove worse next day, except they could take
provisions from the enemy; and they had reason to believe if the
men were allowed to disperse to shift for some meat (which many of
them would do if the army continued there all night), that it would
be very difficult to assemble them in the event of a sudden alarm,
which, considering the nearness of the enemy, might very reasonably
be supposed; and as they must have layen that night in the muirs near
Culloden, as they had done the night before, they knew many of them
would disperse [Sidenote: _fol._ 433.] without liberty to several
miles distance for provisions and quarters, and that it would be far
in the day before they could be assembled again; and as Keppoch came
up and joined the army that afternoon, they flattered themselves that
the men they had might do if they could have made the attack by one
or two in the morning, especially if they were undiscovered, as they
had great hopes they might. For having examined the different roads,
of which they had perfect intelligence from the MacIntoshes, who
lived in those very parts, they found they could keep upon a muir the
whole way so as to shun the houses, and be a considerable way from
the highroad that leads from Inverness to Nairn. They also considered
that in the event of making the attack, should they even be beat off
without the desired success, they might before daybreak get back the
length of Culcarick,[194] which was very strong ground, and from
thence by a hill they could retire the whole way on the south side
of the water of Nairn, till they were joined by their friends whom
[Sidenote: _fol._ 434.] they expected and by the stragglers. Nor did
they believe the enemy would follow them (suppose the Highlanders
were beat back) till it were good daylight, so as they could see
about them and send out reconnoitering parties to prevent their
falling into ambuscades and snares. And before all this could be
done, the Highland army might have reached Culcarick,[195] and the
hilly ground on the south side of the water above-mentioned, where
regular troops could not easily overtake them, and where their canon
and horse (in which their greatest superiority consisted) would have
been of little use. That they found the Prince was resolved to fight
the enemy without waiting for the succours that were soon expected,
and without retiring to any strong ground, or endeavouring to draw
the Duke of Cumberland's army farther from the sea, from whence he
got all his provisions, that was brought about in ships which sailed
along it as his army marched near the shore.
[193] See ff. 157, 659.
[194] So the copy had it, but I think it should be Culraick.--ROBERT
FORBES, A.M.
[195] Scored through and 'Culraick' substituted.--[ED.]
[Sidenote: 16 April.]
For these reasons the gentlemen and most others, if not [Sidenote:
_fol._ 435.] all, who were spoke to upon the subject, seemed to think
the night attack might be attempted. But most of them thought they
were in very bad circumstances at any rate, and no attempt could be
more desperate than their present situation. Lord George Murray,
about mid-day, desired Brigadier Stapleton and Colonel Ker to cross
the Water of Nairn near where the army was drawn up (not far from the
place where the battle was fought next day) to take a view of the
hill ground on the south side of the water, which to him appeared to
be steep and uneven, consequently much properer for Highlanders, for
the ground they were drawn up upon was a large plain muir; and though
in some places it was interspersed with bogues and deep ground, yet
for the most part it was a fair field, and good for horse. After two
or three hours, they returned and reported that the ground was rough
and rugged, mossy and soft, so that no horse could be of use there;
that the ascent from the water side was steep; and that there was
about two or three places in about three or [Sidenote: _fol._ 436.]
four miles where horse could cross, the banks being inaccessible.
They could not tell what sort of ground was at a greater distance,
but the country people informed them it was much like the other. Upon
this information Lord George Murray proposed that the other side of
the water should be the place for the army to be drawn up in line
of battle next day; but this was not agreed to. It was said it was
like shunning the enemy, being a mile further from the muir they
were then upon and at a greater distance from Inverness, which it
was resolved not to abandon, a great deal of baggage and ammunition
being left there. This was before the resolution was taken of making
the night attack. About seven at night an incident happened which
had liked to have stopt their designed attempt, and upon it many
were for giving it up as impracticable. The thing was this. Numbers
of men went off to all sides, especially towards Inverness, and when
the officers who were sent on horseback to bring them back came
[Sidenote: _fol._ 437.] up with them, they could by no persuasion
be induced to return again, giving for answer--they were starving;
and said to the officers they might shoot them if they pleased, but
they could not go back till they got meat. But the Prince continued
keen for the attack, and positive to attempt it, and said there was
not a moment to be lost; for as soon as the men should see the march
begun, not one of them would flinch. It was near eight at night when
they moved, which could not be sooner, otherwise they might have
been perceived at a considerable distance, and the enemy have got
account of their march. Lord George Murray was in the van. Lord John
Drummond in the centre, and the Duke of Perth towards the rear, where
also the Prince was, having Fitz-James's horse and others with him.
Proper directions were given for small parties possessing all the
roads, that intelligence might not be carried to the enemy. There
were about two officers and thirty men of the MacIntoshes in the
front as guides, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 438.] some of the same were in
the centre and rear, and in other parts, for hindering any of the men
from straggling. Before the van had gone a mile, which was as slow
as could be to give time to the line to follow, there was express
after express sent to stop them, for that the rear was far behind.
Upon this the van marched still slower, but in a short time there
came aide-de-camps and other officers to stop them, or at least make
them go slower; and of these messages I am assured there came near
an hundred before the front got near Culraick, which retarded them
to such a degree that the night was far spent: for from the place
the army began to march to Culraick was but six miles, and they had
still four long miles to Nairn. It was now about one o'clock in the
morning, when Lord John Drummond came up to the van and told there
were several far behind; and, if they did not stop or go slower, he
was afraid the rear would not get up. In a little [Sidenote: _fol._
439.] time the Duke of Perth came also to the front, and assured that
if there was not a halt the rear could not join. There was a stop
accordingly. Lochiel had been mostly in the van all night, and his
men were next the Athol men, who were in the front. These two bodies
made about twelve hundred men. There were also several other officers
that came up, there being a defile a little way behind occasioned
by a wall of the wood of Culraick, which also retarded the march of
those that were behind. The officers, talking of the different places
of making the attack, said it was better to make the attempt with
four thousand men before daybreak, as with double the number after
it was light. Mr. O'Sullivan now having come up to the front, and
it being now evident by the time the army had taken to march little
more than six miles it would be impossible to make the other part of
the road--which was about four miles--before it was clear day-light,
besides the [Sidenote: _fol._ 440.] time that must be spent in making
the disposition for the attack, as it could not be done by the army
in the line by their long march. Mr. O'Sullivan said he had just
then come from the Prince, who was very desirous the attack should
be made; but as Lord George Murray had the van, and could judge the
time, he left it to him whether to do it or not.
There were several volunteers present, who had walked all night in
the front, such as Mr. Hepburn, Mr. Hunter, Mr. Anderson, and others;
and as the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond, and other officers
seemed to be much difficulted what to resolve upon, Lord George
Murray desired the rest of the gentlemen to give their opinions, for
they were all deeply concerned in the consequence. It was agreed
upon all hands that it must be sun-rise before the army could reach
Nairn and form, so as to make an attempt upon the enemy's camp; for
one part was to have passed the water a mile above the town, to have
fallen upon them towards the sea-side. The [Sidenote: _fol._ 441.]
volunteers were all very keen to march. Some of them said that the
red-coats would be all drunk, as they surely had solemnised the Duke
of Cumberland's birth-day; and that, though it were day-light, they
would be in such confusion they would not withstand the Highlanders.
This opinion shewed abundance of courage, for these gentlemen
would have been in the first rank had there been any attack. But
the officers were of different sentiments, as severals of them
expressed.[196] Lochiel and his brother said they had been as much
for the night attack as anybody could be, and it was not their fault
that it had not been done; but blamed those in the rear that had
marched so slow, and retarded the rest of the army. Lord George
Murray was of the same way of thinking, and said, if they could have
made the attack, it was the best chance they had, especially if they
could have surprized the enemy. But to attack a camp that was near
double their number in day-light, when they would [Sidenote: _fol._
442.] be prepared to receive them, would be perfect madness.
[196] See ff. 158, 661, 1270.
By this time Mr. John Hay came up and told the line was joined.
He was told the resolution was taken to return. He began to argue
upon the point, but nobody minded him. This was the gentleman the
army blamed for the distress they were in for want of provisions,
he having had the superintendency of all these things from the time
of Mr. Murray's illness, who had always been extremely active in
whatsoever regarded the providing for the army. It was about two
o'clock in the morning (the halt being not above a quarter of an
hour) when they went back in two columns, the rear facing about, and
the van taking another way. At a little distance they had a view of
the fires of the Duke of Cumberland's camp; and, as they did not
shun passing near houses as they had done in advancing, they marched
very quick. Day-light began to [Sidenote: _fol._ 443.] appear about
an hour after. They got to Culloden pretty early, so that the men
had three or four hours' rest. They killed what cattle or sheep they
could find; but few of them had time to make anything ready before
the alarm came of the enemy's being upon their march and approaching.
The horse of the Prince's army had been all on such hard duty
for several days and nights before that none of them were fit for
patroling. At that time, Fitz-James's horse and several others had
gone to Inverness to refresh, so at first it was not known whether
it was an advanced party or the Duke of Cumberland's whole army.
However, the Highlanders got ready as quick as possible, and marched
through the parks of Culloden in battalions (just as they chanced
to be lying) to the muir on the south side, facing eastwards, and
about half a mile farther back than where they had been drawn up
the night before. Lord George Murray proposed once more to pass the
Water of Nairn, as being the strongest ground, and much the fitter
[Sidenote: _fol._ 444.] for Highlanders. Cluny, who was expected
every moment, was to come on that side; but it was not agreed upon
for the same reason given the day before. Lord George, speaking to
Mr. O'Sullivan, he told him that he was afraid the enemy would have
great advantage in that plain muir, both in their horse and canon.
But he, O'Sullivan, answered that he was sure horse could be of no
use, because there were several bogues and morasses; but the event
proved otherwise. Mr. O'Sullivan drew up the army in line of battle
(he being both adjutant and quarter-master-general), and having shown
every battalion their place, the right closed to some inclosures near
the Water of Nairn, and the left towards the parks of Culloden. I
cannot justly tell what order they were drawn up in. There had been
some disputes a day or two before about their rank, but nobody that
had any regard for the common cause would insist upon such things
upon that occasion. Those who had [Sidenote: _fol._ 445.] gone off
the night before and early that morning to Inverness and other
parts had now joined, and the Master of Lovat was come up with a
considerable recruit of his men. It was observed that upon the right
there were park walls, under cover of which so many of the enemy
could draw up and flank the Highlanders. Lord George Murray, who
commanded that wing, was very desirous to have advanced and thrown
them down; but as this would have broke the line, and the enemy
forming their line of battle near that place, it was judged by those
about him too dangerous to attempt.
Both armies being fully formed, the canonading began on both sides,
after which there was some small alteration made in the disposition
of the two armies by bringing troops from the second line to the
first, as both the ends advanced to out-flank one another. The
Highlanders were much galled by the enemy's canon and were turned so
impatient that they [Sidenote: _fol._ 446.] were like to break their
ranks. Upon which it was judged proper to attack, and orders were
given accordingly. The right wing advanced first as the whole line
did much at the same time. The left wing did not attack the enemy, at
least did not go in sword in hand, imagining they would be flanked by
a regiment of foot and some horse, which the enemy brought up at that
time from their second line or corps de reserve. When the right wing
were within pistol-shot of the enemy they received a most terrible
fire not only in front but also in flank by reason of those that were
posted near the stone walls, notwithstanding of which they went on
sword in hand, after giving their fire close to the enemy, and were
received by them with their spontoons and bayonets. The two regiments
of foot that were upon the enemy's left would have been cut to pieces
had they not been immediately supported by other two regiments from
their second line. As it was, these two regiments [Sidenote: _fol._
447.] (being Barrel's and that called Monroe's) had by their own
confession above two hundred men killed and wounded. Two regiments of
dragoons coming in upon the same side entirely broke that wing of the
Highlanders, and though three battalions of the right of the second
line were brought up and gave their fire very well, yet the ground
and everything else was so favourable for the enemy that nothing
could be done but a total route ensued.
I am positively informed that the Highland army did not consist
of above seven thousand fighting men,[197] and that the Duke of
Cumberland's must have been ten or twelve thousand. In the one army
there were not above an hundred and fifty horse, of which one half
was of the regiment of Fitz-James. In the other army they had eleven
or twelve hundred.
[197] See ff. 128, 1275.
When a misfortune happens people are apt to throw the blame upon
persons or causes, which frequently are either [Sidenote: _fol._
448.] the effect of malice or ignorance, without knowing the real
springs and motives. Severals are of opinion that the night attack
could have been made, but I am convinced of the contrary for the
following reasons. The Highland army, when they halted near Culraick,
were not above five thousand men. They had four miles to march, and
part of them were obliged to have made a considerable circumference
so that it would have been sun-rise before they could have made the
attack. The ground about Nairn where the enemy lay encamped was a
hard, dry soil, and plain muirs three miles round about except where
the sea intervened; the nearest strong and uneven ground being the
wood of Culraick. Let it be supposed the Highlanders had made an
attack in the broad day-light upon an enemy double their number in
their camp, who were well refreshed with a day and two nights' rest,
with plenty of all kinds of provisions, with their canon pointed
as they thought [Sidenote: _fol._ 449.] proper, their horse drawn
up to their wish in a fine plain, what must the consequence have
been? What would have been said of officers that led on men in such
circumstances and such a situation? Would it not have been certain
death and destruction of all those that made the attack? Would it not
have been said and justly said, Why go you on in such a desperate
attempt seeing it could not be done by surprize and undiscovered as
projected? Why not try the chance of a fair battle by returning and
being joined by the rest of the army as well as by those who had
withdrawn the night before, and a great many others who were hourly
expected; where also they might have canon and choice of the field of
battle? By this means there was a fair chance, by others there was
none.
As to the above-mentioned facts you may rely upon them. I saw the
Duke of Perth, the Duke of Athol, Lord John Drummond, Lord George
Murray, Lord Ogilvie, Colonel Stewart of Ardshiel, Colonel Roy
Stewart, Lord Nairn, and several others, at Ruthven of Badenoch on
the Friday two days [Sidenote: _fol._ 450.] after the battle, and
they all agreed on the same things.
[Sidenote: April.]
One thing I must take notice of, that from the beginning of the
whole affair there never had been the least dispute[198] or
misunderstanding among the officers. Some find fault that the night
march was undertaken seeing there was not a certainty of marching to
Nairn time enough to make the attack before day-light, as also that
they had too few men.
[198] I am afraid this is not fact, for disputes and canglings arose
even in the Abbey at Edinburgh, and I have heard some affirm, who
had an opportunity of knowing, that these were owing to the haughty,
restless, unaccountable temper of Lord George Murray, some of whose
blood-relations fail not to lay blame upon him. Witness likewise the
contest betwixt Keppoch and Lochiel about the right hand before they
went out to fight Cope, a particular account of which dispute I had
from Major MacDonald in the Castle of Edinburgh.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
In answer to this. It was not doubted when the march was begun but
that there would be abundance of time. Their greatest precaution
was not to be discovered. The Highlanders had often made very quick
marches in the night-time. The French piquets I believe were in the
rear and were not so clever in marching, and the muir they went
through was more splashy than they expected, and they were obliged
to make some turns to shun houses, and there were two or three dykes
that took [Sidenote: _fol._ 451.] up a good deal of time to pass. The
guides though they knew the ground very well, yet were not judges
to tell what time it would take to march the ten miles, as they
were called, though by reason of the indirect road, must be more.
Notwithstanding of all this I am persuaded most of the army (had not
the van been frequently stopt and retarded by repeated orders and
messages) would have been at Nairn by two o'clock in the morning.
As for the number of men, though not half that of the enemy, they
might very probably have succeeded in the attempt had they made the
attack undiscovered. Nothing is more uncertain than the events of
war. Night attacks are most subject to disappointments. This march
and counter-march, to be sure, was, as things turned out, a great
disadvantage. It fatigued the men much, and a council of war might
have been obtained in which doubtless a resolution would have been
taken to chuse a more advantagious field of [Sidenote: _fol._ 452.]
battle and perhaps postpon'd fighting for a day till the succours
that were coming up with the utmost expedition should join. Councils
of war were seldom held and were out of request[199] from the time
the army marched into England. I remember but of two that were
held, the one at Brampton in regard of besieging Carlisle or going
to attack General Wade. The other was at Carlisle, where it was
resolved to march forwards. What happened at Derby was accidental by
most of the officers being at the Prince's quarters, and taking into
consideration their situation, they were all unanimous in advising
the Prince to retreat. I think there was but one council of war
called after they returned to Scotland, and that was near Crieff,
the [Sidenote: _fol._ 453.] day after the retreat from Stirling,
where there was some difference of opinion, but it was at last
agreed to march for Inverness in two separate bodies, the one the
Highland road, and the other by the coast, severals at first being
for the army all going one road. The day of the battle of Falkirk
the officers were called on the field where the army was drawn up
betwixt Bannockburn and the Torwood, and all agreed immediately to
march to the enemy; also the retreat from Stirling, it was advised by
many of the principal officers, particularly the clans. They drew up
the reasons and sign'd them at Falkirk three days before the retreat
was made, the chief of which was that a vast number of men had gone
off after the battle, and were not returned, and that the siege of
Stirling Castle was not advancing; they did not think it advisable to
fight in such circumstances.
[199] No wonder that councils of war were out of request, when the
Prince was always thwarted in them, and hardly got his will in
anything he proposed, though his opinion of things in the event
turned out to be the most eligible. Lord George Murray was at the
head of the opposition, having got the ascendant of the greater part
of the chiftains, and having insinuated himself into the good graces
of all the clans who were ever ready to embrace his schemes. Besides,
it was most unlucky that great jealousies and misunderstandings had
arisen betwixt Lord George Murray and the French officers. These
things are too notour to admit of any denial.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 454.]
This letter has been much longer than I intended. But before I
conclude I must acquaint you that six weeks before the battle of
Culloden some officers proposed sending up meal to several parts of
the Highlands, and in particular to Badenoch, that in the event of
the Duke of Cumberland's army marching towards Inverness before the
army was gathered they might retreat for a few days till they could
assemble; or if a misfortune should happen by a defeat there might
be some provisions in these parts. But this was reckoned a timorous
advice and rejected as such, though I have reason to believe that
the opinion of mostly all the Highland officers was much the same.
There was no doubt the Highlanders could have avoided fighting till
they had found their advantages. In so doing they could have made a
summer campaign without running the risque of any misfortune. They
could have marched through the hills to places in Aberdeenshire,
Banffshire, [Sidenote: _fol._ 455.] the Merns, Angus, Perthshire,
or Argyleshire by ways that no regular troops could have followed
them; and if the regular troops had continued among the mountains
they must have been attended with great difficulties and expence.
Their convoys might have been cut off, and opportunities offered to
have attacked them with almost a certainty of success. And though
the Highlanders had neither money nor magazines they could not have
starved in that season of the year, so long as there were any sheep
or cattle to be had. They could also have separated into two or
three different bodies, got meal for some days' provision, met again
at a place appointed, and have attacked the enemy where was least
expected. They could have marched in three days what would have taken
regular troops five. Nay, had these taken the high roads (as often
they would have been obliged to do upon account of their [Sidenote:
_fol._ 456.] carriages) it would have taken them ten or twelve. In
short, they would have been so harrassed and fatigued, that they must
have been in the greatest distress and difficulties; and at the long
run probably been destroyed. At least, much might have been expected
by gaining of time. Perhaps such succours might have come from
France as would have made the Highlanders to have made an offensive
instead of a defensive war. This I saw was the opinion of many of the
officers who considered the consequences of losing a battle. They
knew well that few of the Highlanders would join heartily against
them, as long as they continued entire, but would upon a defeat.
There was one great objection to this, that the Irish officers, who
were all as brave men and zealous in the cause as possibly could be,
and many of the low-country men, could not endure the fatigue of a
Highland campaign. As to the common [Sidenote: _fol._ 457.] soldiers
that came from France there were not four hundred of them remaining.
They and their officers, even though a battle was lost, had but to
surrender and be made prisoners of war. It was very different with
the Scots, whose safety depended upon their not venturing a battle
without great probability of success. But any proposition to postpone
fighting was ill-received and was called discouraging the army.
I have nothing further to add, but am, etc.
_Leith, Saturday, October 17th, 1747._
[Sidenote: 17 Oct. 1747]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 458.] John Hay, captain of the Custom House yacht
at Air, came to the house of James Renny, wine-cooper in Leith, about
8 o'clock at night, when the conversation turned pretty much upon
Miss Flora MacDonald, whom Captain Hay had seen several times after
she was made prisoner, as he had been employed along with the ships
and sloops of war, etc., in executing the errands and designs of
the government about the west and north coast before the battle of
Culloden, and after that in searching for the Prince and his friends.
Captain Hay, asking about Miss MacDonald's welfare, said he could not
help being surprized how it came about that her stepfather, MacDonald
of Armadale, had never been taken up for that he had done very much,
and far more, than ever it was in the power of Miss MacDonald to do.
When it was asked what Armadale had done, the captain's answer was in
these or the like words,[200] 'General Campbell complained to me more
than once, that MacDonald of Armadale was the man that had misled him
when searching for the Young Pretender; and therefore,' [Sidenote:
_fol._ 459.] added he, 'I cannot fail being surprized that Armadale
was never taken into custody.'
[200] See f. 770.
Miss Peggie Forbes, who had heard something of Armadale's history,
told the captain it was not for want of inclination and searching on
the part of the government that Armadale had not been taken up, for
that he was under a necessity, after knowing himself to be suspected,
to skulk and go out of the way for some time.[201]
[201] See ff. 194, 769.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The above narrative I had more than once from Miss Peggie
Forbes's own mouth.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Copy of some Omissions in DONALD MACLEOD'S
Journal.
[Sidenote: 21 Oct.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 460.] Donald MacLeod, having been long detained
in and about Edinburgh by the civilities and kindness of friends,
was in my room in the Citadel of Leith, along with James MacDonald,
joiner, upon Wednesday, October 21st, 1747, when Donald was pleased
to inform me that upon reflection, he found he had forgot some few
particulars in giving me his Journal, and therefore he would now take
the opportunity of giving me a narrative of them. Accordingly I writ
them down from his own mouth.
[See vol. 2d, page 301,[202] near the foot, the paragraph beginning
with June 14th.]
[202] See f. 301.
From the foot of the mountain of Coradale they set sail in Campbell's
boat still, and landed in the Island Ouia, at Benbicula, where they
stayed four nights. From thence the Prince and O'Neil, with a guide,
went to Rushness, where Lady Clanranald was. Donald and O'Sullivan
were left at Ouia, where they abode two nights after the Prince
had gone off to Rushness by land. The third night after the Prince
had [Sidenote: _fol._ 461.] been at Rushness, he got information
that it was advisable he should go back again to the place from
whence he had come; but he knew not well what to do, as the boats
of the militia had been all the time in the course between Ouia and
Rushness. Donald and O'Sullivan, hearing of the Prince's situation,
set sail under favour of the night, and brought the Prince off from
Rushness, steering their course from thence south again back towards
Coradale hill. But meeting with a violent storm, and a very heavy
rain, they were forced to put into Uishness Point, two miles and
an half north of Coradale. The place they put up at in that night
is called Achkirsideallich,[203] a rock upon the shore, in a clift
of which they took up their quarters, the storm continuing for a
whole day. At night the enemy being within less than two miles of
them, they set sail again, and arrived safely at Ciliestiella, from
whence they steered their course towards Loch Boisdale. But one on
board swore that there was a long-boat in their way, no doubt full
of [Sidenote: _fol._ 462.] marines. Donald MacLeod was positive on
the contrary, and assured them that it was nothing else but a little
rock in the water, which he was formerly acquainted with, having the
appearance of a boat at some distance. But he could not persuade them
to take his opinion of the matter, and therefore they steered back to
Ciliestiella, and stayed there that night. Next day they set out for
Loch Boisdale, where they got the disagreeable accounts of Boisdale's
being made a prisoner, etc., and whereabouts they made their abode
for about eight days.[204]
[203] See f. 336.
[204] See f. 303.
At the same time Donald told me that Boisdale was once a whole night
with the Prince upon Coradale,[205] and was very merry with him; and
desired me still to remark that if Boisdale had not been prisoner,
the Prince needed not to have left the Long Isle at all.
[205] See f. 589.
Donald likewise told me that when in London he called for his
chiftain, who would not vouchsafe him so much as a look; [Sidenote:
_fol._ 463.] and that one day spying him on the street of Edinburgh,
he ventured to make up to him to enquire about his welfare; but his
honour never minded honest Donald, and would take no notice of him at
all.
When I told Donald that I would write down an account of this odd
conduct in the Laird, he said, 'O na, lat him be.' But I positively
insisted upon it, and would not yield it to Donald, remarking withal
that I looked upon him as a great honour to his chiftain, and that
therefore he needed not have behaved so to him as if he had been
ashamed of him. To which Donald modestly replied, 'Faith, sir, I hope
he winna say I am a disgrace to him.'
* * * * *
_N.B._--The above omissions occasion some variation in the dates at
the end of Donald's Journal about the Prince.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Copy of a Letter to me, ROBERT FORBES,
containing a true and genuine account of the case of poor
WILLIAM BAIRD.[206]
[206] See f. 29.
[Sidenote: 8 Sept. 1747]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 464.] REVD. SIR,--I am to address you at this time
on behalf of William Baird, very misfortunate man, and now lying
prisoner under sentence of death in the jayl at Carlisle, and every
moment expecting to be transported with others that are in the same
situation with himself there. This poor man went up to Carlisle in
September last as an exculpatory evidence for the late Revd. Mr.
Lyon, who was execute at Penrith in October last; but he no sooner
appeared in Carlisle in this capacity, than he was tried for high
treason, and condemned to die with the other prisoners that were
tried, though he produced in court a protection from an officer in
Montrose, upon the delivering up of his arms in terms of the Duke of
Cumberland's [Sidenote: _fol._ 465.] order. But the judges had no
regard to this, as they wanted by all means to try and condemn this
poor man, in order to debar him from being evidence for Mr. Lyon,
whom they were to destroy at any rate. As this poor man is in great
misery just now, so I wish you would use your interest in order
to procure him some supplies of money from well-disposed persons,
which would come in good stead to him, as he is just now in the most
miserable condition imaginable, being destitute of cloaths, linen,
and everything else that is necessary for him to have, and of bread
too, of which he has but a scanty portion every day, and such as
keeps in life, and that is all. If you can get any money collected
for him, Mr. James Wright will direct you as to the way and manner
you are to remit to him. This poor unlucky man has a just title to
the regard of every well-disposed person, as he has resigned his own
life to preserve Mr. Lyon's; and if he had not done so, he would not
have [Sidenote: _fol._ 466.] been in so miserable a condition as he
is just now. He is a married man, and has a wife and children here,
which have no subsistence but from myself. I pity their case very
much, as every good person must. May God raise up friends for all
that are in their situation.--I am, Reverend Sir, your most humble
servant,
(_Sic subscribitur_)
ARBUTHNOTT.
_Arbuthnott, September 8th, 1747._
* * * * *
_N.B._--The original of the above is to be found among my Papers.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Copy of a Return to the above Letter, wherein a character of honest
DONALD MACLEOD.
[Sidenote: 21 Oct. 1747]
MY LORD,--Your lordship may be justly surprized at me having been
honoured with yours of September 8th, without making any return to
it before this time. But to tell the truth, as I had a view of this
bearer, I delayed writing till I could do it with a good grace.
And sure I am I could never [Sidenote: _fol._ 467.] do it with a
better one than at present, when I gladly embrace the opportunity of
affording your lordship the happiness to salute one of the first men
in the world.
I know, my Lord, you feel a sensible pleasure beyond many in the
world in conversing with worthies, men of rigid virtue and integrity,
and such indeed this man is.
Know then, my Lord, that this will be put into your hands by the
renowned SCOTS PALINURUS, Donald MacLeod, tenant at Gualtergill, in
the Isle of Sky, that most faithfull and honest steersman of the
eight-oar'd boat from the continent to the Isles of Benbicula, South
Uist, Lewis, etc., etc., etc., and who had the Prince among his hands
for about ten weeks after the battle of Culloden. While a prisoner on
board a ship he went through an uninterrupted series of the greatest
hardships and severities for several months together. In a word, he
was reduced [Sidenote: _fol._ 468.] to the lowest ebb of misery, and
had the mortification of seeing others dying about him like rotten
sheep. But his gray hairs (by a remarkable blessing of Heaven)
have survived the trials of adversity, while many younger and in
appearance much stronger, submitted to the fate of a lingring death.
Although his history be most extraordinary in all the several
instances of it, yet, my Lord, when he arrived here from London, he
had not wherewith to bear his charges to Sky, where he has a wife
and children (under the Laird of Macleod) whom he has now been absent
from for nineteen or twenty months. Something has been done for him
in and about Edinburgh, but far from what his merit justly entitles
him to, and what his circumstances really call for. So many and
frequent are the demands that have been made, that I must frankly own
I was turned quite bankrupt in applications before I had the honour
of your Lordship's letter; so that it was altogether [Sidenote:
_fol._ 469.] out of my power, though my inclination was great, to
make anything for poor William Baird, whose affecting history and
character were no strangers to me.
Take a view, my Lord, of this truly noble (though poor) worthy in
this single point--that he had the courage and integrity of heart
to despise the tempting bait of _thirty thousand pounds sterling_,
and not only so, but that in spite of the infirmities attending the
hoary head he struggled through as great [Sidenote: _fol._ 470.]
dangers[207] and difficulties of life for the preservation of etc.,
as it is in the power of the most fertil fancy to paint; and then
I leave it to your lordship to draw the immortal character of this
amiable instance of heroic virtue.
[207] Well may honest Donald in a literal sense use the words of the
blessed Apostle, 2 Cor. xi. 26, 27: 'In journeyings often, in perils
of waters, in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen,
in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the
wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren; in
weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst,
in fastings often, in cold and nakedness.' [See Donald's whole
Journal, ff. 266-326.]--F.
I dare venture to say that no man of bowels can hear honest Donald's
interesting story without a mixture of joy and pain, and even without
shedding tears. Well do I know all the several parts of it, and the
more I think upon it, to the greater height is my admiration raised
of the wondrous good man.
He has a large silver snuff-box which serves as an excellent
medal of his history, to which I refer your lordship after asking
your forgiveness for this too long letter. But while I would fain
flatter myself with the hopes I am giving you pleasure, I indulge a
self-satisfaction, for I could dwell upon the subject.
I shall be glad to know when this reaches your lordship's hands, for
I will be sorry if it should happen to be of an old [Sidenote: _fol._
471.] date before it is delivered.
That God Almighty may bless and reward your lordship with all
happiness both here and hereafter, for the many seasonable instances
of compassion and relief you have shewn to the necessitous and
deserving, is the hearty and earnest prayer of, My Lord, Your
lordship's very much obliged and most humble servant,
ROBERT FORBES.
_Citadel of Leith, October 21st, 1747._
Copy of a Letter to me, ROBERT FORBES.
[Sidenote: 13 Oct. 1747]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 472.] REVEREND DEAR SIR,--You'l received from the
bearer all that was to the for of the weast coat[208] that the P.
gave to me; because nobody could get it where I put it till I came
home myself. Likwise tow of the buttons that war in it.
[208] See ff. 263, 264, 265.
I cou'd not get that from Kingsburgh you desired me ----[209];
however he has it. I have more to tell you when I see ----.
[209] See f. 239 and footnote, f. 380.
Writ to me by the bearer. Mind me most kindly to Lady Bruce and all
acquantance, especiall Lady Balmirina and her sister. I'm your very
humble servant,
(_Sic subscribitur_)
MAL. MACLEOD.
Rasay, October 13, 1747.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The original of the above is to be found among my papers.
R. F., A.M.
Copy of a return to the preceding Letter.
[Sidenote: 28 Oct. 1747]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 473.] MY VERY DEAR SIR,--Your kind and obliging
letter I received yesterday, together with the present you sent me,
upon which I put a very great value, and for which I most heartily
thank you.
I have written to you and Kingsburgh at some length by Donald
Macleod, who left Edinburgh upon Friday last, the 23d instant. But as
this will come soonest to hand, I chuse to repeat some things.
It has been suggested to me by a very judicious person that it would
be advisable in Kingsburgh to deliver up a certain original letter
into some sure hand for the preservation of it But this must be
altogether left to the judgment and discretion of Kingsburgh himself.
However, at anyrate, I earnestly desire to have an exact copy of the
letter, and I hereby engage that [Sidenote: _fol._ 474.] it shall be
as great a secret as at this moment.
I am exceedingly desirous to have the brave and the honest Armadale's
account from his own mouth,[210] which I hope he will chearfully
give. Let it be as exact and circumstantial as possible. Is it
possible to procure Boisdales account in his own words? for I wish
much to have that too. You see I am very greedy, and indeed no
wonder; for these things would be of inexpressible use in future ages.
[210] See ff. 265, 321.
If you think of being soon in this country (as you seem to suggest
in your letter), then you may bring along with you all the several
accounts you can possibly collect, and remember to favour me with the
happiness of the first visit. But if you resolve not to be soon here,
then be so good as to embrace the first sure opportunity that comes
in your way and transmit to me all that you have gathered together
among good friends.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 475.]
I make an offer of my best wishes to the worthy family of Raaza, to
Kingsburgh and his lady, and to Armadale and his concerns.
That all happiness may ever attend you and Mrs. Macleod is the hearty
and earnest prayer of, My Dear Sir, Your most affectionate friend and
very humble servant,
ROBERT FORBES.
_Citadel of Leith, October 28th, 1747._
_P.S._--Every letter from you or any of the honest worthies in
Sky or Raaza will be a real cordial to me. My Lady Bruce is very
glad to hear of your welfare and kindly remembers you and Mrs.
MacLeod, Kingsburgh, and Mrs. MacDonald, etc.--In haste, adieu.
_2d P.S._--Since writing the above, I have this day received by
post your kind letter (with one inclosed to James MacDonald) of
September 23d; but where they have been all this time by the way
I cannot conceive. Pray, my dear friend, allow my commissions to
engage a great share of your attention, and let me have every
thing [Sidenote: _fol._ 476.] that is well vouched in as exact
and full a manner as possible.
I have no other news worth mentioning, but that the brave
General Keith is now a Field-Marshal in the King of Prussia's
service, which makes some folks stare like stuck pigs and to
entertain great fears.
Have you ever found the bottle among the heath?[211] for you
forget to mention it to me.
[211] See f. 238.
Inclosed I send you a print where you view the HIGHLAND LADDIE
(Lewie Ca) graciously receiving the Butcher, begging mercy on
his knees. I know it will be a most acceptable present to you,
and will serve to give some entertainment to your friends.--Once
more adieu.
R. F.
COPY of the Letter mentioned in the beginning
of the preceding 2d P.S.
[Sidenote: 23 Sept. 1747]
_Rasay, September 23, 1747._
[Sidenote: _fol._ 477.] REVEREND SIR,--I promist to acquaint you
whenever I got home, which was a very merry meeting with my friends,
wife, sisters and all. I was like a man that wou'd dy and wou'd come
in life again.
You give me memorandum abut Kingsborrow's letter, which I cannot get
as yet; however, it is very true.[212] John M'Kinnon came home, who I
did not see as yet. When I will I'll get his history, and will send
it to you. I hope you'll be so good as to send me all the news that
is worth. I did not hear a word since I last [saw] you as yet. Make
my compliments to the worthy Lady Bruce and all the family where you
are not forgeted. Derect for me to Malcome M'Leod of Brea in Rasay
Island, [Sidenote: _fol._ 478.] Sky.--I'm, Reverend Sir, your most
humble servant,
MAL. MACLEOD.
[212] See ff. 263-265.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The original of the above is to be found among my papers.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
BY a Lady, extempore, upon the ribband which the Prince wore
about his head when obliged to disguise himself in a female
dress under the name of Betty Burk.
Most honoured ribband, of all else take place,
Of greens and blues, and all their tawdry race.
Thou wast the laurel the fair temples bound
Of Royal Charles, for greatness so renown'd.
Thee I'll reserve, as Heav'n reserves his crown,
Till his rebellious foes be overthrown.
Then in thy place a diadem shall shine
His by his virtues, as by right divine.
NARRATIVE of a Conversation betwixt Captain
JOHN HAY and me, ROBERT FORBES.
[Sidenote: 7 Nov. 1747]
_Leith, Saturday, November 7th, 1747._
[Sidenote: _fol._ 479.] I dined in the house of Mrs. Seaman at the
foot of the Kirkgate, with John Hay, captain of the Custom-House
yacht at Air, when the conversation turned much upon the dangers
and distresses the Prince behoved to undergoe in his skulking and
wandering from place to place after the battle of Culloden.
Captain Hay asked if it was not one of the name of MacLeod that went
to Stornoway in the Lewis upon the business of engaging a ship, with
a design to take off the Prince and the few that were then with
him? I told him it was Donald MacLeod, an old man of sixty-eight
years of age, and who had been along with the Prince for nine or
ten weeks after the battle of Culloden. 'That project,' said the
Captain, 'happened to miscarry by being discovered, and I have reason
to think that the discovery was owing to an information given by a
Presbyterian minister.' Upon this I gave the Captain an account of
this affair (to the best of my remembrance) as I [Sidenote: _fol._
480.] had got it from the mouth of Donald MacLeod, viz., that a
Presbyterian preacher in one of the Uists had writ a letter to a
friend in the Harris, who then writ a letter to a Presbyterian
preacher in the Lewis, upon which the people of the Lewis conveened
at Stornoway to the number of some hundreds, etc.[213]
[213] See f. 288.
To this the Captain replied that he had good reason to assure me
that that indeed was the matter of fact. 'For,' added he, 'as I was
cruizing along with the rest at that time I had an opportunity of
knowing how the different informations came about.'
I told him I was exceedingly glad to have his account of the matter
to support and confirm Donald Macleod's own representation of it,
because that Donald had been reproached by severals for having
got drunk;[214] and in his cups for having discovered to some one
acquaintance or other the real design for which he had hired the
ship, and this acquaintance was said to have blown the whole project.
Captain Hay said he did not believe one word of all that, but
that the true state [Sidenote: _fol._ 481.] of the case was above
represented, and that the Prince would have been on board with his
few attendants that very night when the discovery was made, had he
not met with that unexpected disappointment.
[214] See ff. 134, 184.
Captain Hay asked if I could inform him of the day when the Prince
set out from the Isle of Sky to the mainland.[215] I told him it was
July 5th, and likewise remarked to him what difficulty I had with
Captain Malcolm MacLeod to adjust this matter of a precise date.[216]
'Surely then,' said the Captain, 'we behoved to be very near the
Prince in his crossing the ferry to the mainland.' I told him I did
not doubt that at all, and then I gave him an account (as exactly as
I could) of that narrative given me by Mrs. MacDonald of Kingsburgh,
and afterwards confirmed to me by Malcolm MacLeod himself,[217] anent
the Prince's desiring Malcolm MacLeod to have no fear, for that the
wind would soon change, and make the ships of war, [Sidenote: _fol._
482.] then in view upon the coast of Sky, steer a direct contrary
course, so that it would not be in their power to come near him at
that time. At this Captain Hay, with an asseveration, assured the
company that that was literally true; for that when they were sailing
along the coast of Sky with a pretty brisk gale, all of a sudden the
wind changed upon them and forced them to sail a direct contrary
course. He said he remembered nothing better.
[215] See f. 267.
[216] See ff. 247, 262.
[217] See ff. 215, 242.
Here I remarked that some would be ready to attribute this in the
Prince to the second sight or some such uncommon supernatural cause;
but that for my own part I believed there were some who could tell a
little time before that the wind would blow from this or the other
point of the compass, being in the use of making observations in
that way. Captain Hay replied that sailors and others who dealt
in observations of that kind could exactly enough tell from the
[Sidenote: _fol._ 483.] motion of a cloud, or the like, when the wind
would veer about to this or the other quarter; and from what had been
said he remarked that the Prince behoved to have skill in that way.
I then told the company that Malcolm MacLeod had said that he never
knew a man in all his life that had such a firm and steady trust in
the providence of God as the Prince was remarkably blessed with.[218]
[218] See f. 216.
The conversation happening to turn upon the subject of Rorie
MacKenzie's death, it was said that it was certain enough that Rorie
MacKenzie had been taken by a party of Cumberland's army for the
Prince, and that he had been actually butchered by them; but as to
the particular circumstance of the butchery, that was an affair not
so easily to be discovered. Here I told the company that particular
story given me by Kingsburgh anent the officer's talking to him at
Fort Augustus [Sidenote: _fol._ 484.] about the young Pretender's
head.[219] Upon this Captain Hay said that in visiting his friends
lately in the south country he had discovered a story well worth
the remarking, and the more so because it had come from the Duke of
Cumberland's own mouth. The Captain informed the company that he
had met with a gentleman in the south who told him that when the
Duke of Cumberland was on his way from the north to Berwick he had
gone to that town to wait upon him, that accordingly he paid his
court to him, and after he had done so, he asked his highness if
he had entirely finished the whole affair, and left the country in
peace. The Duke answered he had done so. Then the gentleman asked
what was become of the Pretender's oldest son? The Duke replied
that he had taken care to leave such orders behind him that the
Pretender's [Sidenote: _fol._ 485.] eldest son would never be more
heard of. Captain Hay said that as he had this particular narrative
from the gentleman's own mouth, it deserved the more credit, for he
could depend upon the truth of it; but he did not chuse to name the
gentleman.
[219] See f. 146.
Captain Hay was pleased to tell the company that when General
Campbell came to the Laird of Clanranald's house in search of the
Prince (so the Captain named him during the whole conversation)
Lady Clanranald happened not to be at home, but that she came home
pretty soon after. The General told the lady that he was to dine
with her, and then began to interrogate her where she had been? Lady
Clanranald answered that she had been visiting a sick child at some
distance.[220] The General asking the name of the child, the lady
made no stop in giving a name, and said likewise that the child was
much better than formerly it had been; and she conversed all along
with the General in a very easy, unconcerned way. [Sidenote: _fol._
486.] Here the Captain observed that the visiting of the sick child
was only a mere pretence the better to cover the real business the
lady had been employed about, for afterwards it was discovered that
Lady Clanranald at that time had actually been with the Prince.
[220] See f. 527.
I could not fail remarking to Captain Hay that Lady Clanranald's
acquitting herself so exactly and wisely in the Prince's preservation
was something very singular, and the more extraordinary that (as I
had been informed) she happens frequently not to be so well in her
health, and therefore (one would be apt to imagine) quite unfit to
manage a point of so much delicacy and danger. The Captain answered
that Lady Clanranald's conduct in that affair, all things considered,
was very extraordinary indeed.
After giving several very remarkable instances of the miseries and
dangers the Prince had been exposed to in his wanderings, I begged
leave to ask at Captain Hay what notions he [Sidenote: _fol._ 487.]
would entertain of those folks in and about Edinburgh (people of no
mean sense and discretion in the common affairs of life) who when
certain accounts had come of the Prince's arrival in France were
pleased to say: 'O these Jacobites are strange bodies, who attribute
the preservation of their Prince to the providence of God alone,
when Providence could have no hand in it at all, seeing the Duke of
Cumberland and his army were not willing to take him, but, on the
contrary, avoided the laying hands on him when they might have done
it.' At this Captain Hay held up his hands and declared his amazement
that any such expression could ever proceed out of the mouth of any
person whatsomever, and asked seriously if there were any persons
that could have the impudence to talk so? I assured him there were
such persons as had actually used the above expressions, or words
to the same purpose, and that they could [Sidenote: _fol._ 488.] be
named. He said he was indeed surprised to hear the thing, considering
the strict searches that had been made for the person of the Prince,
and the many narrow escapes he had made. And, moreover, that it was
well known in the army that when any officers happened to bring
prisoners into the camp in the north, and after the report being made
at the headquarters, the Duke of Cumberland used to be in a very bad
humour, and to express himself in these words: 'These officers don't
know their duty.'
The whole conversation went easily on, and lasted till between four
and five o'clock at night.
There were present who witnessed the above conversation, Richard
Seaman, baxter in Leith, John Hay, piriwig maker in Edinburgh, Mrs.
Bettie Seaman and Mrs. Ellie Kendal. Mrs. Seaman herself went from
the company pretty soon after dinner to look after her business,
so that she witnessed but a small part of the conversation. John
Hay, piriwig maker, [Sidenote: _fol._ 489.] declared his being very
much pleased with being present at such a long and so particular a
conversation upon the dangers and distresses of the Prince, and at
the narrating some of the more moving and interesting parts he was
so much affected that he shed tears. He frankly owned that he had
never heard so much of the matter in all the several companies he had
formerly resorted to where this extraordinary and affecting history
happened to be the subject of conversation.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
JOURNAL of the Prince's imbarkation and
arrival, etc.,[221] taken from the month of ÆNEAS MACDONALD (a
banker in Paris, and brother of Kinlochmoidart) when he was in
a messenger's custody in London, by Dr. BURTON of York, who
was taken up, upon suspicion, the 30th of November 1745, and
confined till the 11th of March following in York Castle, and
was from thence removed to a messenger's house in London, in
whose custody he remained till March 25th, 1747, being in all
sixteen months wanting only five days.[222]
[221] This Journal is printed in the _Jacobite Memoirs_ (pp. 1-27)
with some omissions, in combination with another by Duncan Cameron,
f. 346, _ante_.
[222] Dr. Burton and Bishop Forbes were both enthusiastic Jacobites,
and an account of their meeting follows (f. 519). Later, a
considerable correspondence passed between them, most of which the
latter embodied in this manuscript.
[Sidenote: 1745. June.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 490.] After the Prince had settled everything for
his subsequent undertaking, the gentlemen who were to accompany him
on his voyage took different routs to Nantz, the place appointed to
meet at, thereby the better to conceal their design. During their
residence there they lodged in different parts of the town, and if
they accidentally met in the street or elsewhere they took not the
least notice of each other, nor seemed to be any [Sidenote: _fol._
491.] way acquainted, if there was any person near enough to observe
them. During this time, and whilst everything was preparing to set
sail, the Prince went to a seat of the Duke of Bouillon and took
some days' diversion in hunting, fishing, and shooting, amusements
he always delighted in, being at first obliged to it on account
of his health. By this means he became inured to toil and labour,
which enabled him to undergo the great fatigues and hardships he was
afterwards exposed unto.
From this place he went to a seat of the Duke of Fitz-James,
seemingly upon the same errand, and thence at a proper time went in
disguise directly on board the ship lying in the Loire, being the
river which goes immediately from Nantz to the sea. [Sidenote: _fol._
492.] Here he found eight gentlemen[223] above hinted at ready to
accompany and assist him in his expedition. They were the Marquis
of Tullibardine, alias Duke of Athol, Sir John MacDonald (a French
officer), Mr. Æneas MacDonald (a banker in Paris), Mr. Strickland,
Mr. Buchanan, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. O'Sullivan, and Mr. Kelly. To
these I may add a ninth, viz., Mr. Anthony Welch, the owner of the
ship which carried the Prince. He (this last) staid on the coast of
Scotland about three weeks, and did the Prince considerable service.
[223] The Prince in his Manifesto from the Abbey of Holyrood-house
calls them _seven only_. Perhaps Mr. Buchanan (as I have heard
suggested by several persons) was reckoned amongst the Prince's
domesticks.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Here it will not be amiss to give some short account of the
above-mentioned attendants.
The Duke of Athol was made prisoner in Scotland, having surrendred
himself (as was given out by our lying newspapers) to Mr. Buchanan
of Drumakill, a Justice of Peace. But the real matter of fact is
that Drumakill, in his own house, basely betrayed the Duke when
he thought himself safe under the protection of Drumakill's roof,
having got assurances to that purpose. To confirm the truth of this,
Drumakill is so much [Sidenote: _fol._ 493.] despised for this breach
of all the laws of hospitality and honour that the gentlemen in the
neighbourhood and in all places of Scotland where Drumakill is known
will not be seen in his company, nor will they converse with him.
From Drumakill's house the Duke of Athol was carried to the Castle
of Dumbarton, the latter end of April 1746, whence he was removed to
Edinburgh, where he remained till the 13th of May, and then was put
on board the _Eltham_ man-of-war in Leith Road, and conveyed to the
Tower of London, June 21st, where he died on the 9th of July, and was
there buried July the 11th, 1746.
Sir John MacDonald, a French officer, surrendred himself prisoner of
war at Inverness upon the day of Culloden battle. He was suffered to
go out upon his parole amongst other French officers at Penrith. He
is a man of no extraordinary head as a councillor.
Mr. Æneas MacDonald, a banker in Paris, surrendred himself to General
Campbell upon terms which, however, were not [Sidenote: _fol._ 494.]
performed. He was committed to Dumbarton Castle, whence he was
conducted to Edinburgh Castle under a strong guard the latter end of
August 1746; and the week after, in the same manner, was conveyed to
the Duke of Newcastle's office at Whitehall, London, and immediately
committed into the custody of a messenger. One day when he was
concerting a jaunt to Windsor with Miss Flora MacDonald, he was by
order taken out of the messenger's hands and committed to Newgate,
and thence to new prison in Southwark. All the time the Prince was in
Paris he lodged at Mr. Æneas MacDonald's house.
Mr. Strickland died at Carlisle when it was possessed by the Prince's
army.
Mr. Buchanan, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Mr. O'Sullivan, and Mr. Kelly made
their escape into France.
The first of these, Mr. Buchanan, upon the intended invasion
at Dunkirk in 1743 was sent into England, and upon his return,
in attempting to get to Calais or Dunkirk, was taken prisoner.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 495.] He made a plausible story, and going by a
feigned name, pretending great loyalty, etc., he artfully imposed
upon one Captain Aires, who was then going into Flanders with some
orders from the government, a person who has signalized himself
very much upon a late occasion, though not in his profession as a
soldier, yet as an evidence at St. Margaret's Hill in Southwark, etc.
etc. etc. This very man, perceiving Mr. Buchanan understood French,
and knew several of the French officers, proposed making use of him
as a spy in Flanders, which Mr. Buchanan readily embraced, as it gave
him a safe conveyance out of British dominions. Accordingly he was
conducted to Ostend by Captain Aires, who was greatly surprized and
no less chagrin'd to find his fellow-traveller so well known there,
and to be the very man he had particular orders to find out, if
possible, and to secure him, at the time when Mr. Buchanan had the
address to deceive him. After this discovery Aires [Sidenote: _fol._
496.] never offered to make any farther use of Mr. Buchanan, neither
could he detain him there. Mr. Buchanan was many years assistant to
Mr. Æneas MacDonald at Paris.
The second of these, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was tutor to the young
hero, whom he attended through most of his travels. His master had
a real and, I may say, filial affection for him, which indeed was
mutual, no man having his pupil's interest more at heart than Sir
Thomas. He got safe to France. From that he went to Rome, where he
waited upon his pupil's father, who reprimanded him for persuading
his son to undertake such an expedition without better grounds. This
reproof so far affected Sir Thomas that he fell ill and died of grief.
The third of these, Mr. O'Sullivan, an Irishman, is a remarkable man,
of whom the world has been greatly deceived, whether we look upon him
as a soldier, a councillor, or for honesty and integrity.
The fourth and last of these is the same Mr. Kelly who was so many
years confined in the Tower upon a suspicion of having [Sidenote:
_fol._ 497.] had a hand in the famous plot of Dr. Atterbury, bishop
of Rochester. Mr. Kelly's chief employment was to go betwixt his
young master in Scotland and the French ministry, with some of whom
he was very intimate.
[Sidenote: 22 June.]
On Saturday the 22d of June 1745, the gentlemen (of whom the above
short account is given) being all incog. to the crew, set sail out of
the river Loire for Bellisle on board a vessel of 110 tons, called
_La Doutelle_, carrying 16 guns, and commanded by Captain Durbe;
having first sent expresses from Nantz to the young gentleman's
father at Rome, to the king of France, and the king of Spain,
acquainting them with the expedition, and desiring the two last to
send armes, ammunition, and money to Scotland, which request was in
part complied with.
[Sidenote: 23 June.]
On the 23d, being next day, they anchored at Bellisle, where they
continued till the 4th of July waiting for the _Elizabeth_, their
convoy, a French ship of war of 64 guns and about 500 men, commanded
by Captain D'oe or D'eau. [Sidenote: _fol._ 498.] During the stay at
this island, the Prince took great delight in fishing. The better to
conceal himself, he never would be shaved from his leaving Nantz to
his arrival in Scotland.
[Sidenote: 5 July.]
Next morning, being the 5th of July, both ships set sail with a fair
wind, which continued so till the 7th, when it blew a brisk gale;
but the next day was a dead calm. On the 9th, being in the latitude
of 47 degrees 57 minutes north, and west from the meridian of the
Lizard 39 leagues, they descryed a sail to windward, which proved to
be a British man of war of 58 guns called the _Lyon_, Captain Brett,
commander, which immediately bore down upon them. About three o'clock
in the afternoon they found what she was, and prepared to engage
her, having both of them hoisted French colours and shortened sail.
By 4 o'clock they were within two miles of each other, and at 5 the
engagement began.
[Sidenote: 9 July.]
Upon the Frenchmen's first discovering a sail, a council of war
was held by the commander, etc., of the _Elizabeth_ on board the
_Doutelle_, along with the passengers and her officers, wherein it
was agreed, if no more sail appeared, that the [Sidenote: _fol._
499.] _Elizabeth_ should engage her, but should reserve her fire till
she was so near the _Lion_ as to stand the chance of all her guns
having effect, and then to give her a whole broadside; and if the
_Lion_ did not sink, to close in with her and board her directly,
while the _Doutelle_ should attack and assist her in that, not being
able to engage so heavy mettle as the _Lion_ would carry, but with
her small arms would be of great use at close fighting. Accordingly,
both ships were prepared to engage as agreed upon.
The _Lion_, being to windward, bore down upon the _Elizabeth_, and
began the engagement at some distance. The _Elizabeth_ followed the
directions of the council of war, and received the _Lion's_ shot
several times in hopes of putting the plan laid down into execution.
But finding the _Lion_ not only had the advantage of the wind, but
that the British sailors worked her better than the Frenchmen did the
_Elizabeth_, Captain D'oe [Sidenote: _fol._ 500.] then found he could
not accomplish his designs, and therefore engaged at a distance; but
still tried to get as close to the _Lion_ as possible.
The _Elizabeth_, being thus disappointed of attempting to board the
_Lion_, rendred all the assistance intended her by the _Doutelle_ of
no effect, she being too small a vessel to contend with the _Lion's_
greatest guns; and therefore, when her commander, Captain Durbe,
found he could not assist the _Elizabeth_, he drew off to a greater
distance to avoid being sunk till a more convenient opportunity might
offer. This gave those on board the _Doutelle_ both time and leisure
to observe the management and behaviour of both ships.
They fought with equal bravery for several hours, but the British
sailors showed their superior skill and dexterity, which were highly
praised by all on board the _Doutelle_, as well French as Scotch men;
for, though the _Elizabeth_ had more men, yet they could not work her
so well, nor fire so often as the _Lion_ did.
The engagement continued thus till after 9 o'clock, when [Sidenote:
_fol._ 501.] the _Lion_ began to abate of her fire, and, as far as
she could, to make a running fight, discharging only now and then a
gun. Then the advantage turned to the _Elizabeth's_ side, her rigging
not being so much damaged as the _Lion's_, though she had more men
killed; and she now approached nearer and nearer the _Lion_, who,
finding she could not escape, fired a gun and immediately struck. The
_Elizabeth_, not going instantly up to board her, but rather slacking
her pace, encouraged the _Lion_ to set up her colours again. The
reason of this behaviour of the _Elizabeth_ was owing to the death
of both Captain D'oe and his brother, who were killed by the last
shot from the _Lion_. This accident, when least expected, and there
being but one lieutenant left to command the _Elizabeth_, obliged
him to drop sail and to wait for the _Doutelle_, who, finding what
had happened to the _Lion_, was making all the sail she could to
[Sidenote: _fol._ 502.] come up to the _Elizabeth_, which was soon
accomplished, and a council of war was held immediately upon what
should be done. It was herein agreed that, as it was ten o'clock,
and would be some time before they could get up to the _Lion_, who
was making all the haste she could to reach England, they might be
in danger of falling in with some other English man of war, and be
obliged to engage in the bad condition the ship was in, and then
must inevitably be either taken or sunk; and, moreover, would be so
much farther from the French coast that, were they to spy a sail,
they would not have time to get into any harbour to avoid being
taken. Therefore, it was thought proper to desist from pursuing the
_Lion_, she being by this time out of sight. It was then asked if the
_Elizabeth_ was in a condition to proceed in her intended voyage,
when her new commander answered in the negative; for, as he could
not refit her at sea for another engagement, it would not therefore
be safe to hazard their being sunk or taken, more especially as so
many British men of war and [Sidenote: _fol._ 503.] privateers were
cruizing at sea, and as he had near 200 men killed and wounded. They
then determined to return to Brest. Some of the passengers of the
_Doutelle_ endeavoured to prevail upon the Prince to return also till
another convoy could be prepared, or the same could be refitted. To
this he would not consent, but resolved to proceed on his voyage.
The _Elizabeth_, though a French man of war, was sent out as convoy
to the _Doutelle_ by one Mr. Walter Rutlets, an Irishman, and a
merchant at Dunkirk.
As it may seem odd that a subject could send out a man of war as
a convoy without the king's knowledge where she was going, it is
incumbent upon me to explain the nature of such an undertaking. I
must therefore remark that when any of the French king's men of war
are in harbour and fit for use, but not going upon any immediate
business of the king's own, any of his subjects may upon proper
application have her, and send her out on a cruize for the time
granted, he (the [Sidenote: _fol._ 504.] subject) paying the men's
wages during that time. By this means the King of France annoys
his enemies without being at the expence of the men, and his ships
thereby are kept pretty constantly employed, instead of lying
in harbours, and their officers having no other employment than
entertaining the ladies on shore.
[Sidenote: 9 July.]
[Sidenote: 23 July.]
But to return. After the engagement above mentioned, the _Doutelle_
proceeded on her voyage soon after the council of war was ended.
But before she set sail for Scotland, all her lights were put out,
except that for the compass, which still was so close confined that
not the least ray could emit. This caution was observed every night
through the whole voyage till their landing in Erisca. On July 11th
she was chased, and made a clear ship to engage; but trusting more
to their speed than to their military power, they made all the sail
they could and escaped all pursuers. The 15th and 16th they had a
rough sea and tempestuous weather. Then they [Sidenote: _fol._ 505.]
had fine weather till about midnight on the 20th, which was very
stormy. The 21st being very mild, they sounded and found ground at
108 fathom. On the 22d they made a small island called Bernera, being
the southernmost of the western isles of Scotland, near the latitude
of 57. On the 23d they arrived at the island of Erisca, belonging to
Clanranald, which lies betwixt the isles of Barra and South Uist or
Ouist, having been eighteen days at sea from July 5th.
They were scarce arrived when they spied two sail which they
apprehended to be ships of war, and therefore got all their money,
arms, and ammunition on shore as fast as they could. All went ashore
except the Marquis of Tullibardine, who was laid up in the gout and
could not stir. Their fears, however, were soon dissipated by finding
the ships proved only merchantmen.
The very first night they landed happened to prove [Sidenote: _fol._
506.] violently stormy and wet, and they were obliged to lodge in one
of the little country houses wherein there were already many others
that were weatherbound.
Here they were all refreshed as well as the place could afford,
and they had some beds, but not sufficient for the whole company,
on which account the Prince, being less fatigued than the others,
insisted upon such to go to bed as most wanted it. Particularly he
took care of Sir Thomas Sheridan, and went to examine his bed and to
see that the sheets were well aired. The landlord, observing him to
search the bed so narrowly, and at the same time hearing him declare
he would sit up all night, called out to him and said that it was so
good a bed, and the sheets were so good, that a prince need not be
ashamed to lie in them.
The Prince, not being accustomed to such fires in the middle of the
room, and there being no other chimney than a [Sidenote: _fol._ 507.]
hole in the roof, was almost choaked, and was obliged to go often
to the door for fresh air. This at last made the landlord, Angus
MacDonald, call out, 'What a plague is the matter with that fellow,
that he can neither sit nor stand still, and neither keep within nor
without doors?'
From Eriska some of the company sent to Roger MacNeil, Esquire of
Barra, as relations, being come thither, and who would be glad to see
him: but he happened to be from home. At the same time they sent out
several other messengers upon the same errand to several gentlemen
in different parts, particularly to Alexander MacDonald of Boisdale,
esquire, who went to them the next day.[224] But when he found upon
what errand they were come to Scotland, he did all he could to
prevail upon them to return to France without making any attempt to
[Sidenote: _fol._ 508.] proceed. His advice being in vain, he then
went to several persons to caution them from being drawn into either
any rising or promises so to do. By this means he prevented some
hundreds of people from joining them, for which he had a letter of
thanks from Lord London and others for the great services he had done
the present government.
[224] See ff. 256, 302, 353.
From this place Mr. Æneas MacDonald, the banker, took boat and
went to his brother of Kinlochmoidart, being at the distance of
about forty miles. Kinlochmoidart accompanied the banker back to
Eriska. Amongst those who went on board the _Doutelle_ at Eriska,
and there laid the plan of the operations and contrived the scheme,
were the foresaid Donald MacDonald of Kinlochmoidart, esquire, and
Ronald MacDonald of Clanronald, junior, esquire, who commanded that
clan.[225]
[225] The contents of the above paragraph happened in
Lochnannuagh.--(F.)
[Sidenote: 24 July]
Kinlochmoidart was made a colonel and aid-de-camp to the Prince, and
was to have been made a baronet and peer of [Sidenote: _fol._ 509.]
Scotland. He was an exceeding cool-headed man, fit for either cabinet
or field. He was frequently employed in going from one friend of the
cause to another. Upon one of these expeditions he was either going
or had been when both he and his servant were taken by some country
people, and sent to the Castle of Edinburgh, whence he was removed
to Carlisle, and was there put to death upon Saturday, October 18th,
the festival of St. Luke the Evangelist, 1746. The place where he was
made prisoner is called Lesmahagoe, and he was committed to Edinburgh
Castle on the 12th of November 1745.
Having dismissed several messengers to their respective friends on
the continent of Scotland, they set sail about the 26th of [Sidenote:
26 July] July 1745, and coasting about the isles between Sky and
Mull, and landing some of their passengers, proceeded to Lochshiel
in [Sidenote: _fol._ 510.] Lochabar.[226] Of this the government
was informed, as we find by a paragraph in the Gazette of Saturday,
August 17th, 1745, from Edinburgh, dated on the 11th of the same
month.
[226] See ff. 355, 640, for precise day, etc.
Here it will not be amiss to give a short account of the vile and
dishonourable method used for seizing the Duke of Perth, who was
actually in the hands of the Highland officers, Sir Patrick Murray of
Ochtertyre and Mr. Campbell of Inveraa, at his own house of Drummond
Castle, but he had the good fortune to make his escape from them. The
manner of both was as follows:--
A warrant being out to take the Duke of Perth, it was given to
the above officers to put it in execution. They, not daring to
attempt it openly without a large force, the sight of which would
give a sufficient alarm for him to escape, they therefore thought
of the following scandalous method. As they were often hospitably
entertained at his table, they sent him word [Sidenote: _fol._ 511.]
that they were to dine with him at such a time. He sent them word
back that he should be proud to see them. The time appointed being
come (July 26th, 1745), they went as usual, and according to the
Duke's generous temper were entertained at dinner. One of his footmen
having spied some men in arms coming towards the house, called the
Duke to the door of the room and told him what he had seen, begging
his Grace in the meantime to take care of himself. This the servant
did more than once; but the Duke always smiled and would not suspect
any gentlemen to be guilty of any such dirty action. After dinner,
the officers having drunk a little while, and the time being come
when they had appointed the soldiers to surround the house at a
little distance, were pleased to inform his Grace of their errand,
pulling out their orders for that [Sidenote: _fol._ 512.] purpose.
The Duke commanded his temper very well, and seeming not to be much
displeased, told them he would step into the closet, which was in
the room where they were sitting, and get himself ready. To this
they agreed, as they thought he could not go out of the room. He
went into the closet and (gently locking the door) slipt down a
pair of backstairs, which came to the closet, and got into the wood
joining his gardens with much difficulty. In making his way through
the wood (which was surrounded), he got all his legs much scratched
and wounded with the briars and thorns; and he behoved sometimes to
crawl on his hands and feet to keep himself from being seen by the
sentinels at their different posts. The officers waited some time,
and the Duke not returning, they went to the closet door, which,
being locked, they called some of the servants, who told them their
master was gone away on horseback in a great hurry. After the Duke
got out of the wood [Sidenote: _fol._ 513.] he lay squat for some
time in a dry ditch till the party should be gone. The officers
and their command, on their return to Crieff, the place where they
quartered, passed so near the ditch that the Duke heard all that they
spoke. When the party were all out of sight the Duke rose up to look
about him, and spying a countryman with a little horse, he desired
to have the use of the horse, which the countryman readily complied
with. The horse had neither saddle nor bridle, but only a branks (or
halter) about its head. However, in this pickle did the Duke ride
to the house of Mr. Murray of Abercairny. From that he went to the
house of Mr. Drummond of Logie. At night, when all were in bed, Logie
Drummond, entertaining fears he could not really account for, got out
of bed, and going to the Duke's bed chamber, awaked him and begged
him to be gone speedily to some other place; for that he was afraid
of his not [Sidenote: _fol._ 514.] being safe to stay all night.
Logie would not leave him till he saw him out of the house, and the
Duke was not well gone when a party came (in dead of night), and
searched the house very narrowly for the Duke. It is worth remarking
here that when Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre was made a prisoner
on Gladesmuirfield, the Duke of Perth came up to him, and asking how
he did, spoke these words to him very pleasantly, 'Sir Petie, I am to
dine with you to-day.'
But to return. At Lochshiel in Lochabar they unloaded their
ship, the chief of whose cargo consisted of brandy (a liquor
absolutely necessary in the Highlands), a thousand stand of arms, a
proportionable quantity of ammunition, and some provisions.[227]
[227] See f. 640.
[Sidenote: 3 Aug.]
About the 3d or 4th of August they had cleared the ship. The next day
it was known that the Prince was arrived, and young Clanranald sent a
guard to attend him.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 515.]
During this time all the messengers were very successful, and several
of the Prince's friends began to be in motion, and gathered their
respective vassals in order to be ready to attend at the setting up
of the standard.
While these were busy raising men, etc., others were as much employed
in procuring a sufficient quantity of oatmeal, which, being scarce,
cost seventeen shillings sterling per boll. In about the space of
three weeks, having laid up a large quantity of oatmeal, and having a
sufficient quantity of brandy (two of the most grateful things that
could be given to a Highlander), the Prince thought it high time to
begin to try his fortune.
[Sidenote: 11 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 19 Aug.]
About the 11th of August the Prince sailed to Kinlochmoidart,
about 25 miles farther, where he stayed till the 17th. As he went
from hence he was joined by about 150 men. On the 18th he crossed
Lochshiel and lay at Glensiarich,[228] and from thence on the 19th
they proceeded to Glenfinnan at the head of the loch in Clanranald's
country, and there set up his [Sidenote: _fol._ 516.] standard,
on which there was no motto at all, and was immediately joined by
Lochiel, Keppoch, and others, with 1400 men in all. Young Clanranald
had joined him before.
[228] See f. 640.
Here a considerable number of both gentlemen and ladies met to see
the ceremony; among the rest was the famous Miss Jeanie Cameron[229]
(as she is commonly though very improperly called, for she is a widow
nearer 50 than 40 years of age). She is a genteel, well-look'd,
handsome woman, with a pair of pretty eyes, and hair as black as
jet. She is of a very sprightly genius, and is very agreeable in
conversation. She was so far from accompanying the Prince's army that
she went off with the rest of the spectators as soon as the army
marched. Neither did she ever follow the camp, nor was ever with the
Prince, but in public when he had his Court at Edinburgh.
[229] At the end of a pamphlet, called 'The Life of Dr. Archibald
Cameron, brother to Donald Cameron of Lochiel,' etc. [London, 1753,
p. 32], there is given as an Appendix a notice and portrait of 'Miss
Jenny Cameron, in a military habit.' She is there said to be the
daughter of Hugh Cameron of Glandessary, and to have joined the
Prince when he set up his standard with 200 well-armed followers,
whom she personally led in action at Prestonpans, Falkirk, and
Culloden. Mr. Robert Chambers, in his _History of the Rebellion_,
7th edition, pp. 251, 252, footnotes, gives all the additional
information about this lady which seems to be known.
Here it must be remarked that Mr. Anthony Welch, the owner of the
_Doutelle_, an eminent merchant of Nantz, after [Sidenote: _fol._
517.] having landed his passengers and cargo as above mentioned,
(towards which expence the Prince gave him £2000 sterling, and
knighted him, making him a present of a gold-hilted sword, which
cost eighty louis d'ores, and was bought for the Prince against
the intended Dunkirk expedition in 1743), this merchant, I say,
after landing his passengers, went a privateering, having a letter
of mark, and was of signal service to the Highland army by taking
six or seven prizes, the chief of which were loaded with meal. The
biggest of these he ransomed for £60 sterling, and also the others
in proportion, on condition the owners would carry their lading and
sell it to the Prince, etc., but if they did not bring certificates
of that then the ransom was to be three times as much. This Mr. Welch
chiefly trades to Martinico. He has 24 merchantmen and privateers,
one of which took ---- man-of-war in ---- [Sidenote: _fol._ 518.] and
sold it to the King of France for 15,000 livres.
[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]
Upon the 20th of August the Prince proceeded on his march towards
Castle Blair in Athol. On the 23d he was joined by about 500, on the
26th by 50, on the 28th by 100, on the 29th by 150 at Garviemore.
When they were at Corierag, hoping to fight Cope, they had been
also joined by Ardshiel, commanding the Stewarts of Appin, Glenco,
Glengary, and some others. The author of ASCANIUS[230] makes the
Prince avoid fighting Cope, but it was quite otherwise.
[230] A pamphlet history of the Prince's escape, printed in 1746, and
not all facts.
[Sidenote: 30 Aug.]
August 30th they arrived at Dalnacardoch in the mountain of
Dirmochter, and on the 31st at Blair Castle, which Duke James quitted
a few days before upon receiving a letter from his brother, Duke
William, alias Marquis of Tullibardine. On the last of August Old
MacGregor, alias Graham of Glengyle, had seized, by surprize, forty
men of General Campbell's regiment who were mending the Duke of
Argyle's roads.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 519.]
In this route Lochgary, Dr. Cameron, and O'Sullivan were sent to
Ruthven in Badenoch to take the Barracks. Neither side had any
canon. The Highland party endeavoured to set fire to the door, but
the soldiers fired through holes in the door, killed one man and
mortally wounded two more; and then the party retired. All this time
O'Sullivan hid himself in a barn. This garrison consisted of 12 men,
commanded by Serjeant Molloy. About this time a new raised company
belonging to Lord Loudon deserted and joined the Prince's army.[231]
[231] See f. 642.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1747. 19 Nov^r.]
_N.B._--Upon Thursday, November 19th, 1747, I visited Dr. John Burton
[physician] of York, at his lodgings in Edinburgh, where I had the
favour of the original draught in the doctor's own hand-writ, from
which I made out the above transcript. The Doctor had come into
Scotland purposely to make enquiry about matters relating to the
Prince's affairs. The above is [Sidenote: _fol._ 520.] much more to
be depended upon than that taken from Duncan Cameron, because Mr.
Æneas MacDonald[232] is a gentleman who got a liberal education, and
was one of the Prince's council, and therefore had an opportunity
of knowing things distinctly; whereas Duncan Cameron, being only
a servant, could know things but imperfectly and at second-hand.
Meantime it is worth observing that the journal taken from Duncan
Cameron and others is the fullest and exactest of the two as to the
marching of the Prince's army down the country to Edinburgh, which
Dr. Burton acknowledged.
[232] See f. 346.
Upon the foresaid day I also received from Dr. Burton in his own
hand-writ the two following short narratives.
I. The Laird of MacKinnon, after ferrying the Prince over from
the Isle of Sky to the continent, took leave of him, and then set
out upon his return home. The Prince left Knoidart and went to
Glenbiasdale, being about ten miles, where he stayed two or three
nights, till he heard of the arrival of [Sidenote: _fol._ 521.]
Captain Scott with 500 men, and General Campbell with 400 more, who
having received notice whereabouts the Prince was, were endeavouring
to surround him; they and their men being then within three miles of
him on all sides. But notwithstanding all the efforts of his enemies,
who had all the reason imaginable to expect to get their prey, yet
he, by God's providence, slipt them all once more in the night, and
travelled 25 Scotch miles in a few hours over rough mountains into
Lochaber. The better to deceive his pursuers, he got two or three
different men to personate him and to take different routes, by which
stratagem, in all probability, he extricated himself out of the then
dangers, and once more preserved his life and liberty.
The above taken by Dr. Burton from the mouth of Donald MacDonald of
Garryfleugh, prisoner in London in the same messenger's house with
Clanronald, Boisdale, etc.
[Sidenote: 20 Sept.]
II. The vessel which carried the Prince over from Scotland [Sidenote:
_fol._ 522.] was the _Bellona_ of St. Malo's, a Nantz privateer of
32 carriage and 12 swivel guns and 340 men. She was afterwards taken
on the 2d of February 1746-7 by three men-of-war only, the _Eagle_,
the _Edinburgh_, and the _Nottingham_. The Prince, after seeing such
of his friends as were present first on board, embarked and set
sail immediately for France (September 20th, 1746),[233] where he
landed safely at Roscort, near three leagues west of Morlaise, on the
29th of the same month, having had a very good voyage. The ship was
commanded by one Colonel Warren, and had another privateer along with
her.[234]
[233] See ff. 640, 1476.
[234] See the _Scots Magazine_ for September 1746, the first column
of p. 445, and second column of p. 492.--(F.)
[Sidenote: 23 Nov.]
Upon Monday, November 23d, 1747, Dr. Burton favoured me with a
visit, when he was pleased to tell me that some time in the month of
September 1746, he took the freedom to ask at [Sidenote: _fol._ 523.]
Mr. Æneas MacDonald his opinion of Mr. John Murray of Broughton,
particularly whether or not he entertained any fears about his
turning evidence, as the common talk in London gave it out? Mr.
MacDonald's answer was that he believed Mr. Murray of Broughton to
be so honest between man and man, that in private life he would not
be guilty of a dirty or dishonest action; but then, he said, he knew
him to be such a coward, and to be possessed with such a fear for
death, that (for his own part) he was much afraid Mr. Murray might be
brought the length of doing any thing to save a wretched life!
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Journal taken from the mouth of MISS FLORA MACDONALD by DR.
BURTON of York, when in Edinburgh.[235]
[235] Printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 412-423.
[Sidenote: 1746. June.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 524.] Miss MacDonald had gone from Sky to Milton in
South Uist[236] in order to visit her brother-german, who had about
that time taken up house. She had not been long there till Captain
O'Neil (by some lucky accident or other) had become acquainted with
her.[237] When the Prince was surrounded with difficulties on all
hands, and knew not well what to do for his future safety, Captain
O'Neil brought Miss MacDonald to the place where the Prince was,
and there they concerted the plan. At that time Miss returned to
Milton. After Miss MacDonald had (with some difficulty)[238] agreed
to undertake the dangerous enterprize, she set out for Clanranald's
house, Saturday, June 21st, and at one of the fords was taken
prisoner by a party of militia, she not having a passport. She
demanded to whom they belonged? And finding by the answer that her
step-father was then commander, she refused to give any answers till
she should see their captain. So she and her servant, Neil MacKeehan,
were prisoners all that night.
[236] See f. 200.
[237] See ff. 186-7.
[238] See f. 192.
[Sidenote: 22 June.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 525.]
Her stepfather, coming next day, being
Sunday, she told him what she was about, upon which he granted a
passport for herself, a man-servant (Neil MacKechan), and another
woman Bettie Burk, a good spinster, and whom he recommended as such
in a letter to his wife at Armadale in Sky, as she had much lint to
spin.[239] If her stepfather (Hugh MacDonald of Armadale) had not
granted Miss a passport, she could not have undertook her journey and
voyage. Armadale set his stepdaughter at liberty, who immediately
made the best of her way to Clanranald's house and acquainted the
Lady Clanranald with the scheme, who supplied the Prince with apparel
sufficient for his disguise, viz. a flower'd linen gown, a white
apron, etc., and sent some provisions along with him.[240]
[239] See ff. 187, 193, 304.
[240] See ff. 152, 210-218, 594.
During Miss MacDonald's stay at Clanranald's house, which was till
the Friday, June 27th, O'Neil went several times betwixt [Sidenote:
_fol._ 526.] the Prince and Miss, in which interval another scheme
was proposed, that the Prince should go under the care of a gentleman
to the northward,[241] but that failing them, they behoved to have
recourse to that agreed upon before; and accordingly Lady Clanranald,
one Mrs. MacDonald, O'Neil, Miss Flora MacDonald, and her servant,
Neil MacKechan, went to the place where the Prince was, being about
eight Scotch miles.[242] He was then in a very little house or hut,
assisting in the roasting of his dinner, which consisted of the
heart, liver, kidneys, etc., of a bullock or sheep, upon a wooden
spit. O'Neil introduced his young preserver and the company, and she
sat on the Prince's right hand and Lady Clanranald on his left. Here
they all dined very heartily.
[241] See ff. 188, 589.
[242] See f. 149.
[Sidenote: 28 June.]
Next morning, June 28th, they heard of General Campbell's arrival
at Benbecula, and soon after a man came in a great hurry to Lady
Clanranald and acquainted her that Captain Ferguson with an advanced
party of Campbell's men was at her [Sidenote: _fol._ 527.] house, and
that Ferguson had lain in her bed the night before. This obliged her
to go home immediately, which accordingly she did, after taking leave
of the Prince. She was strictly examined by Ferguson where she had
been? She replied she had been visiting a child which had been sick,
but was now better again.[243] Both the General and Ferguson asked
many other questions, such as where the child lived, how far it was
from thence? etc., but they could make nothing out of the lady fit
for their purpose.
[243] See f. 485.
O'Neil would gladly have staid with the Prince and shared in his
distresses and dangers, but Miss could by no means be prevailed upon
to agree to that proposal.[244]
[244] See ff. 193, 687.
When all were gone who were not to accompany the Prince in his voyage
to the Isle of Sky, Miss MacDonald desired him to dress himself
in his new attire, which was soon done, and at a proper time they
removed their quarters and went near the water with their boat
afloat, nigh at hand for readiness to embark [Sidenote: _fol._ 528.]
in case of an alarm from the shore. Here they arrived, very wet and
wearied, and made a fire upon a rock to keep them somewhat warm till
night.[245] They were soon greatly alarmed by seeing four wherries
full of armed men making towards shore, which made them extinguish
their fire quickly, and to conceal themselves amongst the heath.
[245] See f. 137.
About two or three days after O'Neil parted from the Prince, a French
cutter, having 120 men on board, appeared and sailed towards the Isle
of South Uist, intending to carry off the Prince.[246] O'Sullivan
went immediately on board, while O'Neil made haste to find out the
Prince before he might have left the island. But finding that the
Prince had left the island about two days before, immediately he
returned to the place where he had left the cutter. But unhappy for
him, he found that the timorous Sullivan, having a fair wind, and not
having [Sidenote: _fol._ 529.] courage to stay till O'Neil's return,
being resolved to take care of Number One, obliged the captain to set
sail directly, lest he should be taken and should lose his precious
life. O'Neil returned in the compass of three hours after Sullivan
had set sail, and was taken prisoner soon after and brought into
England, after having been prisoner for some time in the Castle of
Edinburgh[247], to which place he had been brought from a ship of
war; for he had been in a state of confinement at sea for some
time. An English officer, having intelligence of the above cutter,
immediately dispatched two wherries after her with thirty men in
each, but neither of them could come up with her.
[246] See f. 191.
[247] See f. 189.
At eight o'clock, June 28th, Saturday, 1746, the Prince, Miss Flora
MacDonald, Neil MacKechan, etc., set sail in a very clear evening
from Benbecula to the Isle of Sky.[248] It is worth [Sidenote: _fol._
530.] observing here that Benbecula is commonly reckoned a part of
South Uist, they being divided from one another by the sea only at
high water, which then makes a short ferry betwixt the two; but at
low water people walk over upon the sand from the one to the other.
[248] See f. 1518.
They had not rowed from the shore above a league till the sea became
rough, and at last tempestuous, and to entertain the company the
Prince sung several songs and seemed to be in good spirits.
In the passage Miss MacDonald fell asleep, and then the Prince
carefully guarded her, lest in the darkness any of the men should
chance to step upon her. She awaked in a surprize with some little
bustle in the boat, and wondered what was the matter, etc.[249]
[249] See f. 195.
[Sidenote: 29 June]
Next morning, Sunday, June 29th, the boatmen knew not where they
were, having no compass and the wind varying several times, it being
then again calm.[250] However, at last they made to the point of
Waternish, in the west corner of Sky, where they thought to have
landed, but found the place [Sidenote: _fol._ 531.] possessed by a
body of forces who had three boats or yawls near the shore. One on
board one of the boats fired at them to make them bring-to; but they
rowed away as fast as they could, being all the chance they had to
escape, because there were several ships of war within sight. They
got into a creek, or rather clift of a rock, and there remained some
short time to rest the men, who had been all night at work, and to
get their dinners of what provisions they had along with them. As
soon as they could they set forwards again, because as the militia
could not bring them to, they had sent up to alarm a little town not
far off. It was very lucky for them that it was a calm then, for
otherwise they must inevitably have perished or have been taken.[251]
[250] See ff. 138, 205, 598.
[251] See f. 138.
From hence they rowed on and landed at Kilbride, in Troternish, in
the Isle of Sky, about twelve miles north from the above-mentioned
point. There were also several parties of [Sidenote: _fol._ 532.]
militia in the neighbourhood of Kilbride. Miss left the Prince in
the boat and went with her servant, Neil MacKechan, to Mougstot, Sir
Alexander MacDonald's house, and desired one of the servants to let
Lady Margaret MacDonald know she was come to see her ladyship in her
way to her mother's house. Lady Margaret knew her errand well enough
by one Mrs MacDonald, who had gone a little before to apprize her of
it.[252]
[252] See ff. 727, 738.
As Mr. Alexander MacDonald of Kingsburgh was accidentally there,
Lady Margaret desired him to conduct the Prince to his house; for
it is to be remarked that Lady Margaret did not see the Prince in
any shape. Kingsburgh sent a boy down to the boat with instructions
whither to conduct the Prince [Sidenote: _fol._ 533.] about a mile,
and he (Kingsburgh) would be there ready to conduct him.[253] Then
Kingsburgh took some wine, etc., to refresh the Prince with, and
set forwards for the place of rendezvous, leaving Miss MacDonald
with Lady Margaret at Mougstot, where the commanding officer of the
parties in search of the Prince was, and who asked Miss whence she
came, whither she was going, what news? etc., all which Miss answered
as she thought most proper, and so as to prevent any discovery of
what she had been engaged in.[254]
[253] Here is a mistake; for Mr MacDonald of Kingsburgh declared to
me more than once [see f. 145], that he sought for the Prince some
time to no purpose, and had almost despaired to find him, when at
last the accidental running of a flock of sheep proved the occasion
of finding him out. [See f. 736.]
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[254] See f. 138.
Lady Margaret pressed Miss very much in presence of the officer to
stay, telling her that she had promised to make some stay the first
time she should happen to come there. But Miss desired to be excused
at that time, because she wanted to see her mother, and to be at
home in these troublesome times. Lady Margaret at last let her go,
and she and Mrs MacDonald [Sidenote: _fol._ 534.] above mentioned
set forwards with Neil MacKechan and said Mrs MacDonald's maid and
her man-servant. They overtook the Prince and Kingsburgh. Mrs.
MacDonald was very desirous to see the Prince's countenance; but as
he went along he always turned away his face from Mrs MacDonald to
the opposite side whenever he perceived her endeavouring to stare
him in the countenance. But yet she got several opportunities of
seeing his face, though in disguise, which the maid could not help
taking notice of, and said she had never seen such an impudent-looked
woman, and durst say she was either an Irish woman or else a man in
a woman's dress. Miss MacDonald replied she was an Irish woman, for
she had seen her before. The maid also took notice of the Prince's
awkward way of managing the petticoats, and what long strides he
took in walking along, etc.,[255] which obliged Miss MacDonald
to desire Mrs. MacDonald (they being both on horseback), to step
a [Sidenote: _fol._ 535.] little faster and leave those on foot,
because, as there were many parties of militia in the great roads,
it was necessary for the Prince to cross the country, and it was not
proper to let Mrs. MacDonald's man or maid servant see it. So on they
went, and the Prince and Kingsburgh went over the hills and travelled
south-south-east till they arrived at Kingsburgh's house, which was
about twelve o'clock at night, and they were very wet. But Miss
MacDonald, who had parted with her companions and her man-servant on
the road, arrived some short time before the Prince.[256]
[255] See ff. 143, 206.
[256] See f. 146.
[Sidenote: 30 June.]
Here the Prince got his most material refreshment, and was very much
fatigued.[257] Yet he was very merry till the company parted to go
to rest. Morning being come and pretty far advanced, Miss MacDonald
was in pain about the Prince's lying so long in bed lest he should be
overtaken by his enemies, and therefore she entreated Kingsburgh to
go and call him up, [Sidenote: _fol._ 536.] which with much ado he
was prevailed upon to comply with, he being desirous that the Prince
should take as long rest as he could, not knowing when he could meet
with the like again. Accordingly Kingsburgh went into the Prince's
bed-chamber and found him in so profound a sleep that he could not
think of awakening him, and so retired softly out of the room.[258]
But at last the day began to be far advanced, and Miss MacDonald
was very uneasy, everything being prepared for the journey agreed
upon. Though the Prince was determined (from the observations and
persuasion of Kingsburgh)[259] to cast off his disguise, yet it was
necessary he should leave the house in the female dress he came in,
which would, if enquiry happened to be made, prevent the servants
telling the particular dress he had put on when he stript himself of
the gown, petticoats, etc., and therefore in Kingsburgh's house Miss
put on his cap for him.
[257] See f. 209.
[258] See f. 213.
[259] See f. 143.
The day was far advanced before he set out, and when he [Sidenote:
_fol._ 537.] arrived at a wood side (as the affair had been
concerted), not far from Kingsburgh, he changed his apparel once
more and put on the Highland dress Kingsburgh had furnished him
with.[260] Then Kingsburgh sent a guide with him to Portree, thro'
all byways, while Miss MacDonald went thither on horseback by another
road, thereby the better to gain intelligence and at the same time to
prevent a discovery. They were very wet, it having rained very much.
Here he only dried his clothes, took some little refreshment, and
staid about two hours.
[260] See ff. 143, 228.
[Sidenote: 1 July]
Hither Kingsburgh had sent to prepare a boat, and to have it ready to
convey the Prince to the place where he wanted to be at, not allowing
the people about Portree in the meantime to know anything about the
person's being the Prince whom they were to receive and to take care
of. Young MacLeod of [Sidenote: _fol._ 538.] Raaza came with Malcolm
MacLeod to conduct the Prince over to the Island of Raaza. The Prince
was very uneasy he had not a MacDonald to conduct him still. He left
Portree on Tuesday, the 1st of July, and landed that very same day at
a place called Glam in Raaza.[261]
[261] See f. 214, 228.
[Sidenote: July]
Miss MacDonald took leave of the Prince at Portree, and from thence
went to her mother, after a fatiguing journey cross the country.
She never told her mother, or indeed anybody else, what she had
done.[262] About eight or ten days after, she received a message from
one of her own name, Donald MacDonald of Castleton in Sky, who lived
about four miles from Slate or Armadale, to come to his house, an
officer of an Independent Company (one MacLeod of Taliskar) having
desired him so to do. She, a little suspicious of what might happen,
thought proper to consult some of her friends[263] what she should do
in the matter. They unanimously agreed she ought not to go, at least
till next day; but go she [Sidenote: _fol._ 539.] would. Then she was
instructed what to say upon an examination; and accordingly, when
that happened, she said she had seen a great lusty woman, who came to
the boatside as she was going on board and begged to have a passage,
saying she was a soldier's wife. Her request was granted, and when
she landed in Sky, she went away, thanking Miss for her favour. Miss
added withal that she knew nothing of what became of her afterwards.
[262] See f. 200.
[263] Particularly Donald Roy MacDonald. See f. 768.
Miss set forwards, as she proposed, to her friend's house, whither
she had been desired to come, and on the road she met her father
(Armadale) returning home; and soon after she was taken by an officer
and a party of soldiers, who were going to her mother's house in
pursuit of her.[264] They carried her on board a ship, and would
not suffer her to return home to take leave of her friends. She was
carried on board [Sidenote: _fol._ 540.] the _Furnace_, commanded
by Captain John Ferguson, a sloop of war, where General Campbell
happened then to be, who ordered Miss MacDonald to be used with the
utmost respect.
[264] See f. 201.
About three weeks afterwards, Miss, in cruizing about, being near her
stepfather's house, the General permitted her to go ashore and take
leave of her friends, but under a guard of two officers and a party
of soldiers, with strict orders that she was not to speak anything in
Erse, or anything at all but in the presence and in the hearing of
the officers. And therefore she stayed only about two hours, and then
returned again to the ship.[265]
[265] See ff. 201, 202.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1747. 23 Nov.]
_N.B._--The above I transcribed from Dr Burton's own hand-writ.
Happening to mention several questions that were fit to be proposed
to Miss MacDonald, the Doctor desired me to give him them in writing,
for that he would endeavour to procure direct answers to them.
Accordingly, I gave them to him in writing, and he performed what he
had promised. [Sidenote: _fol._ 541.] Here follows an exact copy of
the questions and their answers.
QUESTION 1ST.--Ask particularly at Miss MacDonald by what lucky
accident it came about that she and Captain O'Neil had a meeting at
first to concert measures? Whether or not it was by direction of her
stepfather, Armadale, or of any other person? For as O'Neil was an
entire stranger in the country this is a material question, and must
remain a mystery till Miss clears it up.
ANSWER.--When the Prince and his few men were skulking in the Long
Isle, O'Neil used to scour about frequently by himself to try what
he could learn, and this led him to be several times at Milton
before he made the proposal to Miss MacDonald, as they were then
skulking thereabouts. O'Neil, by being free and easy with Miss and
her brother, came soon to learn their history, and that their mother
lived in Sky, etc.
2.--Ask particularly if Armadale had any private meeting (in person)
with the Prince while skulking. For it is certain that General
Campbell complained that Armadale was the person who had misled him
when searching for the Young Pretender in the Long Isle.[266]
[266] See f. 458.
ANSWER.--When the Prince first landed upon the continent of Scotland,
Armadale, happening to be on the continent, was walking upon the
shore just as the Prince and his friends were [Sidenote: _fol._ 542.]
sailing towards it. Armadale, spying a sail making towards the very
spot upon which he was walking, stopt till he should learn what the
ship was, and from whence she had come. When the Prince stept ashore,
Armadale was the first man that took him by the hand and kissed it,
for he was introduced to the Prince by those that were along with
him. The Prince and Armadale conversed some time together. Soon after
this Armadale returned to the Isle of Sky, and never saw the Prince
again, either before or in the time of his skulking.[267]
[267] See f. 304.
3.--It is said that Armadale writ a letter, which he sent by Miss
MacDonald to her mother, recommending the Irish girl, Bettie Burk, as
a good servant, and giving an account of her good qualifications as
such. It were to be wished that Miss could recollect the contents of
said letter as exactly as possible, in order to give a narrative of
the same.
ANSWER.--The substance of the writing which Armadale sent to
his wife, was as is already mentioned in Miss MacDonald's own
journal.[268]
[268] See f. 525.
4.--Ask what particular songs he chaunted in crossing from the Long
Isle to Sky? if she can give the names of them?
ANSWER.--He sung 'The King shall enjoy his own again,' [Sidenote:
_fol._ 543.] and 'The twenty-ninth of May,' etc.
5.--Ask whether or not Lady Clanronald furnished the Prince and Miss
MacDonald with some bottles full of milk as part of their provisions
on board the boat in the passage to Sky? And whether or not the
Prince did put the bottle to his head, and drink in common with those
on board?
ANSWER.--Lady Clanronald did furnish them with some bottles of milk,
and the Prince (in the passage) putting the bottle to his head, drank
in common with those on board _Jock-fellow-like_. Lady Clanronald had
but one half-bottle of wine (there being so many demands upon her,
particularly from parties of the military) which she likewise caused
to be put on board the boat. The Prince in the passage would not
allow any person to share in this small allowance of wine, but kept
it altogether for Miss MacDonald's use, lest she should faint with
the cold and other inconveniences of a night passage.
6.--To the proceeding questions Dr. Burton was pleased to [Sidenote:
_fol._ 544.] add one of his own, which is what length of time there
happened to be betwixt the Prince's leaving Kingsburgh's house and
Captain Ferguson's coming thither to search for him?
ANSWER.--About six or seven days; so that the Prince behoved by that
time to be actually upon the continent.
* * * * *
_N.B._--Miss Flora MacDonald was upon the 28th of November 1746 put
on board the _Royal Sovereign_ lying at the Nore, and upon the 6th of
December following, was removed to London and put into the custody of
Mr. Dick, a messenger, in whose hands were likewise Dr. Burton, Æneas
MacDonald, Malcolm MacLeod, Clanronald, senior, Boisdale, etc. But
Lady Clanronald was not allowed to be in the same messenger's house
with her husband.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
_TOWNLY'S[269] GHOST, Etc._[270]
[269] Francis Townly, Esquire, of an honourable family in Lancashire,
was Colonel of the Manchester regiment, and one of the nine English
gentlemen that suffered first upon Kennington Common, July 30th,
1746. [See _Scots Magazine_ for July, pp. 326-330.]
[270] The verses are printed with some variations in 'Manchester
Collectanea, Chetham Society,' vol. lxviii. p. 235.
When Sol in shades of night was lost, [Sidenote: _fol._ 545.]
And all was fast asleep,
In glided murder'd Townly's ghost
And stood at William's feet.
Awake, infernal wretch, he cried,
And view this mangled shade,
That in thy perjur'd faith relied
And basely was betray'd.[271]
Embrew'd in bliss, embath'd in ease,
Tho' now thou seem'st to lie,
My injur'd form shall gall thy peace,
And make thee wish to die.
Fancy no more in pleasing dreams
Shall frisk before thy sight,
But horrid thoughts and dismal screams
Attend thee all the night.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 546.]
Think on the hellish acts thou 'st done,
The thousands thou 'st betray'd;
Nero himself would blush to own
The slaughter thou hast made.
Nor infants' cries, nor parents' tears
Could stay thy bloody hand,
Nor could the ravisht virgins' fears
Appease thy dire command.
But, ah! what pangs are set apart
In hell, thou 'lt quickly see,
Where ev'n the damn'd themselves will start
To view a friend like thee.
In haste, affrighted, Willie rose
And trembling stood and pale;
Then to his cruel sire he goes
And tells the dreadful tale.
Chear up, my dear, my darling son
(The bold Usurper said),
And ne'er repent what thou hast done,
Nor be at all afraid.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 547.]
If we in Scotland's throne can dwell
And reign securely here,[272]
Your uncle, Satan's king in hell
And he'll secure us there.
[271] Alluding to the capitulation at Carlisle.
[272] England.
Copy of several remarkable NARRATIVES taken from the mouth of
Dr. ARCHIBALD CAMERON'S lady,[273] by Dr. JOHN BURTON, when in
Edinburgh.
[273] See f. 374.
[Sidenote: 1746. July.]
The Prince in going into the hut where the thieves[274] were (being
forced to do it), having been eight and forty hours without any
sustenance, was discovered by one of them who knew him well.[275]
This trusty fellow, knowing the Prince's condition, [Sidenote: _fol._
548.] and at the same time, not daring to tell his companions who
their new guest was, had the presence of mind to call out, 'Ha,
Dougal MacCullony, I am glad to see thee.' By this the Prince found
that he was known to this man, and that the man behoved to be a
friend by the expression he had now used. The Prince took the hint
and humoured the joke so well that he owned the name given him, and
accordingly sat down and ate very heartily of some boyled beef and
pottage. The man who knew the Prince found (after talking privately
with the Prince) that it was necessary to inform his companions who
their new guest was. Upon knowing of this they rejoiced greatly and
made it their study how to serve him in the best manner they could,
two of them being always employed by turns to keep sentry or a good
look-out, and to bring in provisions, which they did in plenty. In
short they behaved with the utmost fidelity and respect to him while
amongst them.
[274] Meaning here I suppose the Glenmoriston men [see f. 172], for
these men (as I have often heard) were such infamous thieves and
noted lifters of cattle, in a word, such remarkable banditti by
profession, that the country people who knew them would not drink
with them. And yet they proved most faithful and trusty friends to
the Prince in his greatest dangers and distresses. These very men
(consider and wonder!) that could at any time risque both body and
soul for less than the value of a single shilling, were found proof
of _thirty thousand pounds sterling_, and generously despised the
tempting bait, whilst others (gentlemen by birth, improved by a
proper education) greedily sought after it. This is a most surprising
instance of fidelity and heroic virtue!--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[275] See f. 1451.
When the Prince and, I think, Cameron of Glenbean or Glenpain
[Sidenote: _fol._ 549.] were travelling together, one day the latter
after going about three miles,[276] missed his purse,[277] wherein
he had forty guineas and would needs go back for it. But the Prince
was not at all for his returning upon any account. However, Glenbean
was positive not to want the purse, and therefore he desired the
Prince to wait behind a hill near the place where they then were till
he should come to him again. The Prince was obliged to comply, and
Glenpean had not gone far before a party of soldiers appeared and
marched the very road they should have gone had not Glenbean left his
purse; by which means the Prince must inevitably have been taken.
The Prince lay snug and watched the road the soldiers went, waiting
Glenpane's return. Glenbean found his purse and returned with joy,
the Prince at that time having no money, which was the chief reason
that made Glenpean so positive on returning [Sidenote: _fol._ 550.]
to seek for the purse. The Prince told him what he had seen, on which
they took a different route, heartily thanking Providence for so
lucky and so seasonable an accident.
[276] See ff. 172, 620.
[277] See this point corrected afterwards, f. 820.
The Prince, not many days after his return from Sky to the continent,
sent one to Glenbean[278] (I think) desiring Glenbean to meet him
at such a place. But before the messenger and Glenbean came to him
he was obliged to remove from the place appointed upon seeing some
soldiers approaching towards it. Glenpane and the guide coming to
the place and not finding the Prince, parted and went different
roads in order (if possible) to find him out. After the Prince had
left the place appointed for the meeting, it became so very misty
or foggy that a person could not see a yard before him. During the
continuance of this fog Glenbean walking up a vale accidentally met
with the Prince, being so near as to rub upon one another before the
one could discern the other. The Prince in a bold manner asked the
other who he was, the Prince being ready for a defence provided it
had been an enemy. [Sidenote: _fol._ 551.] The answer being given,
the Prince said, You are the man I sent for, and I am such an one.
Soon after this, another guide being got (for they never heard any
more of the former guide, who parted from Glenbean when both of them
were endeavouring to find out the Prince), they set out for the place
whither the Prince was a-going; and the fog still remaining as thick
as before, the Prince happened to fall, and was going headlong down a
precipice of above twenty fathoms deep, when the guide most happily
catched hold of his foot. But the Prince's weight brought him down
also, and both of them must inevitably have had their brains knock'd
out had it not been for Glenbean's seizing fast hold of the guide who
still kept fast hold of the Prince though in so much danger himself.
By the help of Glenbean and some shrubs growing on the side of the
precipice they recovered themselves and were both preserved.
[278] See ff. 569, 608.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 552.]
As soon as the besiegers of Fortwilliam left the place, a party
of Caroline Scott's men from within the fort went to the house of
Cameron of Gleneavis and plundered it, and stript his lady of all
her cloaths, one petticoat only excepted, taking the very shirt off
her and looking upon it as a favour to allow her to untie her own
petticoats. They stript one of Dr. Cameron's daughters, a girl that
was staying with her aunt at Gleneavis. They stript Gleneavis's only
son, a boy about seven years of age, who having gold loops and gold
buttons on his cloaths, the soldiers were so greedy of them though
half worn that one of them took out his knife and cut them all off.
In his hurry cutting off the button upon the child's shoulder, he
cut with so great force that he wounded the side of the boy's neck.
The mother seeing the blood immediately swooned away, imagining the
villain had cut the boy's throat. But [Sidenote: _fol._ 553.] when
she came to herself she examined the wound and found it of no great
consequence.
This lady with her own and two of her brother's children was forced
to go and live in a cave of a rock, where she stayed six months,
making the best shift she could for provisions to herself and the
poor helpless children. Captain Scott sent her a message, pretending
that what was done was without his knowledge or consent, and that if
she would go to Fort William she should have such things as belonged
to her. She consulted her brother Lochiel, who advised her to go. She
went accordingly. The captain gave her her shoe-buckles, her buttons
for her shirt-sleeves, which in the hurry of taking the soldiers had
broke, and a cloak that had been taken from Dr. Cameron's little
daughter.
* * * * *
[_N.B._--Gleneavis was never out, and only during the siege of Fort
William, some of the besiegers took up their quarters at his house].
[Sidenote: _fol._ 554.]
Notwithstanding, Scott pretended he knew nothing of the soldiers'
actions, yet he never punished any one of them for what had been
done. He wrote to the Duke of Cumberland an account of what he or
his men had done, who sent for answer that he greatly approved of
what had been done. This letter from the Duke of Cumberland (amongst
many others) was taken when the post-boy was seized by some of the
Highlanders, and I believe it may be got.
The soldiers, or rather some of the independent companies, being
out upon the plundering affair, met with a poor old woman, who
instead of a cap had a piece of linen cloath about her head. One of
the soldiers rather than have no prey at all, took off the piece of
cloath; and one of the officers (a Campbell) seeing a head of gray
hairs likely to make a good wig, had it instantly cut off. Upon this
the poor woman begged to have her piece of linen cloth again to
prevent her catching [Sidenote: _fol._ 555.] cold, but in lieu of
that the officer gave her a kick in the breech and bad her begone for
an old bitch. She went to General Campbell to make her complaint; but
he said as the officer was not under his command he could not relieve
her, but that had it been any of his officers or men he would have
made them restore what was taken. In the present situation he said he
could not assist her. This the old woman told to Dr. Cameron's lady
verbatim.
After plundering every place and destroying all the meal, etc., and
driving away all the cattle, etc., they destroyed all ferry boats
or removed them, and would neither suffer the people to go out for
provisions nor suffer any provisions to be brought to them.
The Prince kept a regular journal.
The Duke of Cumberland gave orders in writing sealed up [Sidenote:
_fol._ 556.] and not to be opened till they should happen to catch
the Pretender, and if they should miss him, to return the orders
unopened.
A captain asked Kingsburgh at Fort Augustus about knowing the young
Pretender's head.[279] The person so killed cried out as he fell,
'You have murdered your Prince,' which so far deceived them that the
Duke of Cumberland went up directly for London in full persuasion the
thing was done.
[279] See f. 146.
The two gentlemen who came over with letters in cyphers to the French
ambassador sent to find out Lochiel.[280] A third was taken and
hanged immediately by the military, they pretending that he had once
been a spy in Flanders, but he was really an officer in the French
army. There were about forty volunteers on board the same ship with
the said gentlemen. They knew nothing of the battle of Culloden till
their arrival in Scotland. The Prince in disguise took a letter to
them (as [Sidenote: _fol._ 557.] from the Prince) desiring they
would deliver up their letters to the bearer, whom they might trust,
for the Prince was afraid they might be spies, and as he could talk
French well he chose rather to go himself under a borrowed name than
to send any person to them. When he came to them they delivered to
him all the letters, which, being in cyphers, he could not make
anything of. They were left by their own vessel, and so Lochiel took
care of them till the vessel came for the Prince. When again they saw
the Prince and knew him to be such they were greatly ashamed that
they had used him like a common man, in which shape he had formerly
appeared to them.[281]
[280] See ff. 173, 175, 628, 635.
[281] See ff. 173-176.
Colonel Warren went over to France on purpose to fetch a vessel for
carrying off the Prince and such as should be with him.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 558.]
The Prince and Lochiel were obliged to remove their quarters when
Monroe of Culcairn[282] was killed, because they apprehended there
would be a much narrower scrutiny upon that account.
[282] One day when I was conversing with John Cameron (in Edinburgh),
uncle of Mr. John Cameron, Presbyterian preacher and late chaplain
at Fort William, I asked him if he could inform me who the person
was that had shot Culcairn out of the wood. He answered he had good
reason to assure me that the father (an old man) of that Cameron whom
Captain Grant had basely murder'd near the same spot was the person,
and that his aim was against the said Captain Grant. But as he and
Culcairn were walking together the latter had the chance to receive
the bullet and to fall for his companion.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
As the military had destroyed all the provisions in the country,
the poor old women used to follow where they had seen the soldiers
marched in order to get the bowels and the green hides of the cattle
which had been killed. These they used to cut and to boil them upon a
fire. The soldiers finding this out used frequently to leave a party
concealed, who, when the poor women were regaling themselves about
the fire, as above, used to shoot them for diversion and for wagers,
etc.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 559.]
Captain Ferguson, having one of Lochiel's brothers as a prisoner,
would not allow him a bed to lie on, nor anything else but ropes and
cables. He fell ill and was so bad that in his then situation it was
thought he could not recover. Complaint was made to Lord Albemarle,
who sent a physician to see him and make his report of him. He
returned and said if Mr. Cameron was not brought ashore or was better
assisted he must die soon by neglect and ill-usage. Accordingly,
Lord Albemarle sent a party for him with an order to Ferguson to
deliver up Mr. Cameron. But Ferguson said he was his prisoner and
he would not deliver him up to any person without an express order
from the Duke of Newcastle, or the Lords of the [Sidenote: _fol._
560.] Admiralty. On this refusal Mr. Cameron's friends sent a bed
and bed cloaths with some other necessaries, with intent to put them
on board. But Ferguson swore if they offered to put them on board he
would sink them and their boat directly. The captain soon afterwards
sailed, and, when in the Thames, poor Mr. Cameron died.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The preceding Remarkable Narratives, etc., I transcribed from
Dr. Burton's own hand writ.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Copy of a LETTER (of a very singular nature) to ARTHUR LORD
BALMERINO.[283]
[283] See f. 58.
_August 15, 1746._
[Sidenote: 15 Aug. 1746]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 561.] MY LORD,--The name subscrib'd to this letter
may probably surprize your lordship as one altogether unknown.
However, be it sufficient that it comes from one who (though he
had not the honour of knowing you before you were in the unhappy
circumstances in which you now are) has nevertheless esteem enough
for your lordship, founded on the greatness of your behaviour in
these circumstances, as to bear no inconsiderable a part in every
misfortune that may happen to you. But as in a very short time I can
be no longer serviceable to yourself, I must be obliged to transfer
my regard to that only person whom you will regret to leave, I mean
your wife; and that Lady Balmerino may be at any time ascertained
as to the person [Sidenote: _fol._ 562.] who would, in regard to
your lordship, do all he could to abate her concern by all the
marks of friendship which he can possibly shew, I have inclos'd
this little paper as a tally which will never be in any other hand
than in that of the author of this letter. If your lordship has any
particular instructions you may leave them seal'd up for me and to
be left directed for me at the bar of the British Coffee House over
against the Musegate near Charing Cross, and they shall be punctually
observ'd.
I have nothing further to add but to desire that your lordship would
signify by some means or other that you receiv'd this letter, and
then to wish you, as I do from the bottom of my soul, an easy passage
out of this world and eternal happiness in that which is to come. And
I remain your Lordship's most affectionate friend.
(_Sic subscribitur_)
MATTHEW JOHNSON.
* * * * *
Addressed thus upon one of the corners below the wafers without any
impression,
_To the Rt. Honble. the Lord Balmerino_.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1747 10 Dec.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 563.] _N.B._--Upon Thursday, December 10th, 1747,
from the hand of my Lady Balmerino I received the original letter
from which I made the preceeding transcript wherein I have carefully
observed the spelling and pointing of the original, which was an old
coarse hand. The bit of paper inclosed in the letter was the half of
a square piece of paper which had been torn from one of the corners
to the opposite one. Upon asking some questions about the letter,
my Lady Balmerino was pleased to give me the following history of
it. Her ladyship said that the letter was delivered to my Lord upon
the Friday (the date of the letter) before my lord's execution, and
that his lordship made a return to it wherein he acknowledged the
receipt of such a missive. A gentleman called for and received the
return at the bar of the British Coffee House, etc. Soon after my
Lord's death a gentleman called at my Lady [Sidenote: _fol._ 564.]
Balmerino's lodgings desiring to know if her ladyship lodged in that
house, and having received information that she lodged there, he
said that was all he wanted to know and went off directly. After my
lady went to live in Mr. John Walkingshaw's house the same gentleman
(as is supposed) came and enquired if Lady Balmerino lodged there.
Mrs. Walkingshaw happened to be the person that answered the call,
took the gentleman into a separate room and told him that my Lady
Balmerino lodged there, and that her ladyship being then in the house
he might see her if he pleased. To which the gentleman answered
that all he wanted to know was if my Lady Balmerino lodged in that
house; and was then making to go off when Mrs. Walkingshaw informed
him that Mr. Walkingshaw was at home and begged him to stay a little
and talk with him. But the gentleman refused to see Mr. Walkingshaw.
However, Mrs. Walkingshaw pressed the gentleman so much that at
last he agreed to see Mr. Walkingshaw. In the course of the short
conversation (for the gentleman went soon off) the letter [Sidenote:
_fol._ 565.] happened to be talk'd of, and the gentleman said he was
not the author of the letter, but that he was only employed about
that matter. Mr. Walkingshaw then told the gentleman how much my
Lady Balmerino would be indebted to such private persons as would be
pleased to take notice of her in her present distressed condition;
for that her ladyship was positively resolved not to accept of the
smallest assistance or favour from the Court, if she should starve
for want of bread. To this the gentleman made no reply at all, but
immediately took leave of Mr. Walkingshaw. When Mr. Walkingshaw
returned to the room where he had left some company who had been
dining with him he told my Lady Balmerino and others present what had
passed betwixt the gentleman and himself, and withal remarked that
the gentleman looked very like one that used to be much about Prince
Frederick's Court. But he could not [Sidenote: _fol._ 566.] affirm
any thing positively about the gentleman at all.
Neither my Lady Balmerino nor any person concerned in her has ever
heard any more of this matter. Although Mr. Walkingshaw has been at
pains to make all the enquiry he could, it has never yet been in
his power to make any further discovery about this affair. My Lady
Balmerino is determined to preserve the letter and the piece of paper
that was inclosed, and if anything cast up relative to the contents
of the letter, her ladyship has been pleased to promise to inform me
about it.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
My father was at the taking of one of three the 3 parties of the
Campbells in Athole, namely the party at the Kirkton of Strowan. Mr.
James Stewart, late of Urrard, was one of Lord Loudoun's officers who
refused to deliver his sword after the rest had surrendered; and the
late Mr. Alexander Stewart, minister of Blair-Athole, was along with
the Campbells.
Mr. James Stewart of Cluns was the Captain of the Prince's party who
apprehended those at the Kirkton of Strowan in Athole.
D. MACKINTOSH.[284]
[284] This paper is not in Mr. Forbes's own hand, and it appears as
if the subscriber had been obtained to write it in and sign it.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 567.] Upon Tuesday, December 22nd, 1747, I waited
upon Dr. Archibald Cameron's Lady at her lodgings in Edinburgh
when she was pleased to favour me with two papers, exact copies
of which are as follows:--
COPY of the ORDERS given by COLONEL JOHN CAMPBELL to CAPTAIN
CAMPBELL of Knockbowie of the Argyleshire Militia, and which was
taken from the original order found amongst Knockbowie's papers
and baggage, which were seized when the greatest part of his men
were made prisoners at Rannoch by Lord George Murray.
_Nairn House, the 20th February 1746._
Orders for Captain Campbell of Knockbowie. You are to march directly
hence with your own company, Carsaig's, Raschelly's, and Ardmenish's
to the following parts, where you are to dispose of the men as
follows:--
Men
At Blairfetty, 60
At Kenichan, where you are to be yourself, 100
[Sidenote: _fol._ 568.]
At Glendulichan and Cochivile, 60
----
In all 220
----
[Sidenote: 20 Feb.]
It is the Duke of Cumberland's orders you take post according to the
above list.
You are to have the command of the several companies above mentioned.
Such of the rebels as may be found in arms you are to take prisoners,
and if any of them make resistance you are to attack them, provided
their numbers do not exceed yours. And it is his royal highness's
orders that you give them no quarters.
You are to seize upon all kind of provisions that belongs to the
rebels or may be designed for their use.
You are to make your report three times a week to the commanding
officer at Castle Menzies or Blair of Athol.
(_Signed_)
JOHN CAMPBELL.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: _fol._ 569.] There is one material circumstance
omitted in the Journal given by Mr. John Cameron, and which
ought to come in after these words,[285] '_so close to their
tents as to hear every word they spoke_.' The material
circumstance omitted is as follows:--
[Sidenote: July.]
When the Prince sent for Donald Cameron of Glenpean, the said Donald
went along with the messenger to the place the Prince had appointed,
and according to the Prince's orders took along with him all the
provisions he had, which was no more than two or three handfulls
of oatmeal and about a pound of butter. And when the messenger had
conducted the said Donald Cameron to the place appointed for meeting
the Prince, by some accident or other the Prince had left that place
and they missed him. Upon which they were very uneasy and resolved
[Sidenote: _fol._ 570.] to go different ways to see to find him out.
And there happening a great fog or mist to come on at that time they
wandered a considerable while in the hill. At last the said Donald
Cameron by mere accident met the Prince, who being in great want of
provisions, the said Donald gave him the oatmeal and butter he had,
of which he ate very heartily, and which subsisted the Prince and
other three persons who were with him for four days. As the lines of
the regular troops were then all formed with a design to surround
the Prince, he advised with the said Donald Cameron if there was any
possibility of getting through the lines and in what manner. Upon
this the said Donald replied that it was a most hazardous attempt
and next to an impossibility, as the sentries were all placed so
close that they were each of them within speech of the other. But the
Prince being determined to penetrate through the [Sidenote: _fol._
571.] lines at all hazards, having nothing else left for his escape,
the said Donald told him that there was one pass with a hollow to
go down over a very high rock, which was exceedingly hazardous, but
was the only place he could advise the Prince to attempt. Upon this
they went to the said precipice, being then dark night, and Donald
Cameron went first over the pass and the Prince followed. But as he
was coming down the hill to the top of the rock where the pass was,
his foot slipped, and the hill being so steep he tumbled to the very
top of the rock and would certainly have fallen one hundred fathoms
perpendicular over the rock had not he catched hold of a tree on the
very top of the rock with one of his legs, after his body passed the
same and which he kept hold of betwixt his leg and his thigh till
the next person that was following catched hold of [Sidenote: _fol._
572.] him by the breast and held him till the said Donald Cameron
returned back and came to them and recovered both. At last they got
over this so dangerous pass, by which they pass'd the first line of
the troops, and different nights after this they passed the other
four lines of the troops creeping on their hands and feet betwixt the
sentries.
[285] See f. 172.
* * * * *
The above account was taken from the said Donald Cameron his own
mouth, so it can be depended upon.
After this follows the rest of Mr. John Cameron's journal, the next
words being these, 'When they came to Glenmoriston they got six
stout,' etc.[286]
[286] See f. 172.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The proceeding narrative appears to be the same with that
account which Dr. Cameron's lady gave to Dr. Burton from the best of
her remembrance.[287]
[287] See f. 550.
[Sidenote: 22 Dec.]
At the same time (December 22nd) I received from Dr. Cameron's lady
a copy of Mr. John Cameron's journal,[288] and as the copy I had
made my transcript from happened to be very [Sidenote: _fol._ 573.]
unexact and confused, so I was not a little desirous to compare my
transcript with that copy which I received from Mrs. Cameron; and
upon comparing them together I found them to be one and the same,
there being no other difference betwixt them than what ordinarily
proceeds from the carelessness and inaccuracy of transcribers. Even
the copy I had from Mrs. Cameron was none of the correctest as to
orthography.
[288] See f. 155.
In the course of our conversation Mrs. Cameron said it was a
very remarkable thing that the Prince landed (in his course from
the island Eriska) in Lochnannua, at Boradale in the country of
Arisaig[289] and in the parish of Ardnamurchin, and that at the very
same spot he went on board the eight-oar'd boat after the battle of
Culloden, to sail for the isles, that he was thereafter coming from
the Isle of Sky, and likewise that at the very same spot he imbarked
for France upon September 20th, 1746, when he was forced to leave
Scotland and to seek [Sidenote: _fol._ 574.] for safety in foreign
parts.[290]
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[289] Or rather Moidart, Lochnannua being the boundary betwixt
Arisaig and Moidart. See f. 640.
[290] See ff. 180, 281, 352, 355, 522.
Copy of the Petition of George, Lord Rutherford, etc.[291]
[291] This was George Durie of Grange, who claimed the title of Lord
Rutherford as grand-nephew of the first Lord. His claim was disputed
by a gentleman of the Rutherford family, and to determine the dispute
the Lords' Committee of Privileges ordered both to lodge their
proofs, and in end disallowed both claims.
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty the Humble Petition of George,
Lord Rutherford.
SHEWETH,--That your petitioner has always been firmly attached to
your Majesty's royal person and government, and in testimony thereof
was the first man in Britain (for what he knows) that discovered to
the ministry in the end of April last that the horrid and wicked
rebellion was intended. And as a further proof of his fidelity and
loyalty did upon the fifth of June last cause apprehend Sir Hector
MacLean and George Blair of Castlehill, by three o'clock in the
morning, being informed they were to set out by five o'clock for the
[Sidenote: _fol._ 575.] Highlands of Scotland in order to raise all
the clans they could influence to rise in an open rebellion against
your Majesty in favour of a popish pretender.
That your Majesty's petitioner hath been the butt of the malice of
the Jacobites ever since, and was obliged to fly his own house for
fear of his life, they having sent a hundred and fifty men three
different times to his house, who carried off a great part of his
fine armory, cows, and cattle, because they could not apprehend
himself and horses, with which he made his escape.
Therefore your petitioner himself hopes your Majestie will not
only be graciously pleased to order the arrears of his pension
to be paid him, but as a further testimony of your royal favour,
to create him a peer of Great Britain, and the more especially
as he has the honour to be a remote relation to your Majesty,
his grandmother, [Sidenote: _fol._ 576.] the Earl of Teviot's
mother, having been niece to King James the Second of Scotland.
And your Majesty's petitioner (as in duty bound) shall ever pray for,
etc.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 28 Dec.]
[Sidenote: 29 Dec.]
Upon Monday afternoon, December 28th, 1747, Captain Alexander
MacDonald, brother german of Æneas or Angus MacDonald of Dalely in
Moidart, of the family of Clanranald, and full cousin-german to
Miss Flora Macdonald, visited me in my own room and favoured me
with a Journal of several sheets in his own handwriting, and in the
handwriting of young Clanranald, and in the handwriting of MacDonald
of Glenaladale, the Journal having been drawn up in the presence, and
by the mutual assistance of all the three. By appointment the said
Captain Alexander MacDonald returned [Sidenote: _fol._ 577.] to me
next day about nine o'clock in the morning and stayed with me till
near six o'clock at night, in which time I went through the whole
Journal with him at great leisure, not only the better to prevent
my making any mistakes in transcribing of it, but likewise to have
his observations upon some parts to render them more plain and
intelligible to those who are strangers, either to the subject matter
or to the Highlands of Scotland, and to have his additions to other
parts, for he had told me there were some few omissions of lesser
matters. The whole Journal (from beginning to end) is written in a
very legible and distinct letter and the words are well spelled. At
the same time the said Captain MacDonald gave me his animadversions
upon some parts of other Journals which I read to him, as will appear
hereafter.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: _fol._ 578.]
[Now begins the Journal in Captain Alexander
MacDonald's hand writing.[292]]
[292] It seems to have been from this Journal that the 'Account of
the Young Pretender's Escape,' in the _Lockhart Papers_, vol. ii. pp.
537-562 is taken. But here it is much fuller.
[Sidenote: 1746 16 April]
After the battle of Culloden (which was fought upon the 16th April
1746) his royal highness, attended only by one Colonel O'Sullivan,
Captain Allan MacDonald (a clergyman of the Church of Rome)[293],
Mr. Alexander MacLeod (one of the Prince's own _aid de camps_), and
one Ned Burk, came that night late to Frazer of Gortleg's house in
Stratherick,[294] where my Lord Lovat himself stayed at that time.
He took some refreshment there and a couple of hours rest, but went
off before daylight and tooke his route by Fort Augustus and through
Glengary. And though his royal highness was vastly needful of some
recreation there after such fatigue, the disconveniences of both time
and place did not allow any better accommodations than a piece of a
broiled trout he received [Sidenote: _fol._ 579.] there from some
well-wisher for his supper at MacDonalds of Droynachan.
[293] See ff. 281, 328.
[294] Some difference in this page, etc., from the account of Ned
Burk, an eye-witness of the route.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 18 April]
Upon Friday's morning, being the 18th, he set off, and held through
Lochharkaig, where he stayed that night with Donald Cameron of
Glenpean, married to MacDonald of Auchtrichatan's daughter.
[Sidenote: 19 April]
Upon Saturday's morning, being the 19th, he came to Oban in
Kinlochmors, a corner of Clanranald's estate, and for their further
security contented themselves that night for their lodgment with a
small sheal house near a wood.
[Sidenote: 20 April]
Early upon the 20th his royal highness got up and went straight to
Arisaig to a town called Glenbiastill, where the Prince got a sute of
new Highland cloaths from Angus MacDonald of Boradale's spouse, the
better to disguise him and to make him pass for one of the country.
At Glenbiastill the few gentlemen (that happened to come home from
that unlucky battle of Culloden) of Clanranald's men assembled about
the Prince, in order to consult and lay their schemes for [Sidenote:
_fol._ 580.] his present and future safety, being convinced that the
enemy would probably soon be about them if not resisted. His royal
highness stayed at Glenbiastill for four nights,[295] and upon the
24th then instant his royal highness concurred in their opinions that
he should leave the mainland and go to the Isles.
[295] See f. 329.
[Sidenote: 24 April]
Upon the said 24th day, as young Clanranald was absent at the
beginning of their consultation, he finds great fault with his royal
highness's resolution of leaving the continent so abruptly, but that
he should tarry for some time to see what might cast up; and that he
would immediately cause four small bothies to be built at competent
distances in different woods where he might with all imaginable
security skulk for some time, and that he himself (young Clanranald)
and some other chosen men would take a trip to the Isles to look out
for a ship for his transportation, if seen requisite. But then his
royal highness was so far overswayed by Colonel O'Sullivan, etc.,
that he would by no means stay. Upon this young Clanranald [Sidenote:
_fol._ 581.] immediately prepares a boat and shippage (Donald MacLeod
of Gualtergill in Sky being appointed pilot and steersman)[296] and
got all things in the best order the place and time could admit of.
And consequently about the 24th then current,[297] being Thursday,
they set sail for Uist. The wind blew pretty reev (_i.e._ smart or
strong) from south-east, that in weathering the point of Arisaig the
bowsprit broke in pieces.[298] It was a most terrible dark night,
attended with a violent tempest and some flashes of lightning, and
wanting a compass they could not be sure how they steered their
course. But at daybreak they providentially found themselves within
few leagues of their wished for harbour, and landed at Rossinish in
Benbecula[299], [Sidenote: _fol._ 582.] where the eight-oar'd boat
did not stave to pieces for (to put this matter beyond all doubt)
the eight-oar'd boat was lately brought back again from the Island
Skalpay or Glass to the owner upon the continent, Angus MacDonald of
Boradale.[300]
[296] See f. 281.
[297] Donald MacLeod in his own account fixes precisely upon April
26th with which Ned Burk's account agrees pretty exactly. See ff.
273, 281, 316, 329. Captain O'Neille in his account, attested by
his own subscription, makes the Prince arrive in Knoidart only upon
the 28th. See f. 675. But in the copy I formerly took of O'Neille's
Journal the Prince came to Knoidart the 26th. See f. 183.
[298] Donald MacLeod mentions nothing of this at all. See f. 283.
[299] The forementioned Captain Alexander MacDonald (well skilled in
the Earse) assured me these words should be spelled as above.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[300] See ff. 270, 284, 287, 343.
[Sidenote: 25 April]
About 8 o'clock in the morning they arrived upon the 25th of April.
They refreshed themselves there for three days and were visited by
the old Laird of Clanranald. Upon Monday, April 28th, early, they set
sail for the Lews, ilk one of them getting borrowed names, his royal
highness being called young Mr. Sinclair, the son, and O'Sullivan,
old Mr. Sinclair, the father,[301] and Captain Allan MacDonald (the
clergyman as forementioned) being named Mr. Graham, but the crew
retaining their old designations. But it is to be observed that
previous to the parting with old Clanranald it was thought advisable
to advertise the whole company they should give out among the Lews
people that his royal highness, Colonel O'Sullivan, Captain Allan
MacDonald, and O'Neille were the captain, mate, boatswain, etc., of a
merchant ship shipwreckt at the Isle of Tiry, and being straitned how
to get home to their native country, the Orkneys, came to Uist, where
Clanranald's brother, [Sidenote: _fol._ 583.] MacDonald of Boystil,
advised them distrest gentlemen to embrace the company of his men to
the Lews, who were bound for the town of Stornway there, in order to
hire a competent vessel to carry some meal from the Orkneys to supply
the country. And then, if they should succeed in procuring the said
ship, Mr. MacLeod of Gualtergill would land them at their own home in
the Orkneys still under the borrowed names above mentioned.
[301] See ff. 133, 286.
So, after planning their voyage in this order, they set sail for
the Lews as aforesaid upon Monday the 28th, about 6 in the morning,
the wind blowing boisterously from the South-west, and they landed,
Tuesday's morning the 29th, about seven o'clock, at the Isle of
Skalpay, and went to the house of Donald MacEan Oig, _alias_
Campbell, tenant, married to a gentlewoman of the name of MacDonald,
a rigid loyalist. They took their repose that night at Skalpay
whereof they had great need.
[Sidenote: 30 April]
[Sidenote: May]
Upon Wednesday morning, being the 30th of April, they sent off
Donald MacLeod and four Uist people to bespeak a [Sidenote: _fol._
584.] ship at Stornway in order to concert their meal bargain from
the Orkneys, etc. Mr. MacLeod went thereabout with the greatest
expedition and fidelity, though in the meantime his conduct
thereanent did prove unlucky,[302] for after hiring a sufficient
brigg of forty tuns carriage for £100 sterling freight, and settled
all things for sailing off, the master of the ship would by no means
undertake the voyage cheap or dear. Which turn of affairs so far
disordered the whole scheme that they were now more straitned than
ever in their lifetime; for it seems they scented something about
the Prince. However, Mr. MacLeod tried as his last effort to buy the
ship, and engaged to give £300 for it. 'Tis probable the captain
of the vessel, being tempted by this unexpected offer and his own
poverty, was induced to dispose of the vessel, though he could
scarcely want it (the ship). But through avarice he exacted £500,
which Donald MacLeod's necessity obliged him to promise. But then
the exorbitancy of the sum, together with the unlikelihood of Mr.
MacLeod's ability to be master thereof, suggested [Sidenote: _fol._
585.] to the seller it was in favour and behoof of the Prince, which
he formerly suspected. The bargain was made, but immediately he so
far resiled therefrom as to deny he would go himself alongst with
them, but would allow the mate and crew to go; but when these were
brought present, they likewise refused unless the captain would
go also. With this the whole project was blasted at once, and not
only so, but the carrying the affair on thus far did involve them no
greater difficulties and dangers than though they had never broached
it; for all kind of people then began to be of such itching ears
and sharpsighted that his royal highness's being at the Lews began
to blaze abroad. Donald MacLeod, conceiving the imminency and fatal
consequence, without loss of time goes back to his royal highness at
Kildun's house at Arynish and apprized him of the whole story.[303]
Upon this they took the alarm and go streight to the yawl they left
formerly at Loch Seaforth. As they were launching it out Captain
MacDonald (the Popish Clergyman)[304] [Sidenote: _fol._ 586.] asked
some of the country people that followed them to the shore in order
to be gazing at them, if there was any amongst them that would accept
of a reasonable præmium for piloting them to Loch Fraon, an harbour
in the shire of Ross, upon the coast of Seaforth's country, but there
was none that would answer. However the meaning of this question was
to suggest they were bound for that country whereas they were to take
a quite contrary course.
[302] See this affair cleared up, ff. 289, 479.
[303] See ff. 288, 330.
[304] This is a mistake, for he was left at Scalpay and returned to
South Uist. ff. 287, 343.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 5 May]
They made off late, about six o'clock upon the 5th of May, those
upon the shore noticing their course, but the darkness of the night
favoured them to disappear, and the wind blowing contrary for their
purpose (though favourable for the place given out to the Lews folks)
obliged them to skulk that night under the covert of a hollow creek
in a small Island,[305] at the very foot of the loch called Loch
Shelg, where they were necessitated by a contrary storm to lurk for
three nights, having both the comfort and mortification of seeing
some Lews vessel passing by pretty near them, bound for Loch Fraon in
pursuit of his royal highness.
[305] Probably Erwin, f. 291.
[Sidenote: 8 May]
[Sidenote: 9 May]
Upon Thursday 8th May the wind chopt about to the north and they
were that night on sea. They landed Friday's morning [Sidenote:
_fol._ 587.] at Rairnish, near Rossinish in Benbecula, belonging
to Clanranald. They went from Rairnish to Rossinish, where old
Clanranald and his lady came to pay them their respects with all
the accommodations the place could afford. It was consulted there
whether his royal highness could venture to spend his short time at
old Clanranald's house or not.[306] But, being voted by a plurality
in the negative, it was determined the Forrest house in Glen
Coridale should be repaired for his use, a remote private place, yet
centrical, both to maintain a free communication betwixt him and his
Uist friends and by its advantageous situation facilitating his ready
access either to take sea or hill, in case alarmed upon the coming of
an enemy, by the advertisement of their out spies who were planted
on all arts of them. For there was still a boat and skippage in
[Sidenote: _fol._ 588.] readiness for his reception in case obliged
to take sea, as also good guides to conduct him through the mountains.
[306] Captain Alexander MacDonald, Ned Burke, and Miss Flora
MacDonald agree in telling me that the name of Clanronald's house
in Benbecula is Ballinnagallioch, _i.e._ the Carl's house, about
five miles from Rossinish, which is a kind of a harbour. I told
the said Captain Alexander MacDonald that I had asked at several
Highlanders about the derivation and meaning of the word Benbecula,
but I could never meet with any one that could give me an answer. I
then begged him to satisfie me as to that. He answered that he looked
upon Benbecula as a corruption of the original, which in Erse was
Beinnmhaol (as to the true just spelling) but Beinviol (as to the
vulgar way of spelling), _i.e._ a hummle or bare hill, there being
such a hill in the island of Benbecula.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 10 May]
About the 10th of May 1746, his royal highness with his small retinue
and as little grandeur, repaired to his famous palace of Coridale
(the house in the forest) in South Uist, attended constantly by
Captain Allan MacDonald (Popish clergyman),[307] Colonel O'Sullivan,
Mr. O'Neill, the two Rorie's, and Alexander and John MacDonalds, all
formerly his royal highness's officers in Clanranald's regiment, with
a dozen of other sturdy clever fellows that served as guard, and
running several incident errands back and forward. These were all the
people that stuck constantly to his royal highness at Coridale.[308]
[307] This gentleman, no doubt, has joined the Prince upon his
returning again to South Uist.--R. F.
[308] At this time 'tis to be presumed from what follows that Donald
MacLeod was upon his errand on the continent, f. 301.--F.
[Sidenote: 10 June]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 589.] In the Forrest house the Prince (when resting
himself) used to sit on a fail-sunk, _i.e._ an earthen seat, having
some fog and plaids under him, and would step into a by-chamber,
which served as a pantry, and (when he stood in need of it) put the
bottle of brandy or whiskie to his head and take his dram without any
ceremony. Upon the 10th day of June MacDonald of Boystil,[309] Hugh
MacDonald of Bailshair in North Uist, of the family of Slate, James
and Lauchlan MacDonalds, brothers of the often mentioned Captain
Alexander MacDonald, and Ranald MacDonald of Torulum of Clanranald's
family, visited the Prince in his Forrest palace,[310] to pay him
the compliments of the day. Their drink was only cold brandy out of
a clean shell without any mixture at all, and the Prince stood it
out better than any one of them in drinking the health of the day.
The foresaid Hugh MacDonald of Bailshair is that gentleman whom Miss
MacDonald pitched upon as the Prince's guardian[311] for his greater
safety, but who refused the important trust from [Sidenote: _fol._
590.] fear of the great dangers attending it.
[309] As to Boystil's seeing the Prince at Coridale and being merry
with him, see f. 462.
[310] The Prince had different kinds of palaces, f. 300.--ROBERT
FORBES, A.M.
[311] Referred to at ff. 188 and 526, but his name now given.
The island of South Uist is reckoned the only country best for game
in all Scotland, where all species of wild fowls are in great plenty
besides deer, etc.[312] His royal highness was pretty oft at his
diversion through the mountain, papping down perhaps dozens in a day
of muircocks and hens, with which this place abounds; for he is most
dextrous at shooting all kinds of fowl upon wing, scarce ever making
a miss.
[312] See ff. 307, 333.
His magnanimous spirit bore all crosses and adversities with the
greatest Christian resignation and manly courage.
[Sidenote: June]
Now his royal highness's greatest danger was an invasion from
Clanronald's continent where then the throng of all his pursuers
encamped. And as the enemy were persuaded he once came to their rough
countries of Clanronald's, viz., Moidart, etc., it was natural for
them to guess he would pass to the outmost recess of his isles as
being environ'd by the sea and consequently a faster refuge. The old
laird of Clanronald being pretty oft in his company, the prudent,
old, reverend sage [Sidenote: _fol._ 591.] did now and then apprehend
the dreadful danger that aye impended his royal highness's constant
abode in an isle, and did (with others) signifie the same to him. But
he would not be dissuaded from continuing in South Uist till farther
account. Upon this old Clanranald thought it advisable to go to the
continent to dive into the doings there, and in case of any apparent
danger to advertise his royal highness; all which he did. The people
of Uist would have prest him more than they did to leave the island,
were it not they feared he might think it was more for their own
safety than for the delivery of him they would be so importunate.
About the latter end of June Captain Ferguson landed at Barra with
some hundreds of red-coats. Three hundred of the MacLeods of Sky
likewise at the same time arrived at Benbecula, all in quest of his
royal highness. General Campbell with a squadron had gone about
to St. Gilda, the remotest of all the western Isles, the Laird of
MacLeod proprietor, and [Sidenote: _fol._ 592.] from thence was to
come to Uist. Besides all this the channel between Uist, Skie, and
Canna was all full of ships and scooners, so that at once his royal
highness and his few adherents were to be attacked from all quarters
environed by sea and land.
It was now full time to concert measures for the evading this
prominent danger; upon which they sent off Lieutenant John MacDonald
(nephew to Captain Alexander MacDonald frequently mentioned) to
the south end of the country to reconnoitre Captain Ferguson's
motions, and sent Lieutenant Rory MacDonald (brother of the said John
MacDonald) to the north end to observe and bring message of the route
of the MacLeods; and appointed that both these messengers should
tryst them at Lochboystil, a centrical place for making use of any
future resolution. The gentlemen came back at the appointed time and
place, and told that these two parties were to march forward from
both the ends of the Isle in search of the Prince till they would
meet in the midst of the country.
The Almighty only knows, and the Divine dispenser of human providence
allennarly knows, what inexpressible perplexity [Sidenote: _fol._
593.] of mind and anguish of soul and body his royal highness and
his small retinue laboured under when taking it into their serious
consideration that they were now encompassed by no less than three
or four thousand bloody hounds, by sea and land, thirsting for
the captivity and noble blood of their Prince, the apparent heir
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and that none of the many
thousands that should be in readiness to relieve him at the expence
of their lives were then about him either to protect or advise him,
but only one O'Sullivan, one O'Neille, and twelve MacDonalds, and
that very handfull to be disposed on different posts for fear of
being suspected for such a number. However, Providence directed them
to the top of a hill called Beinchillkoinnich in South Uist, from
whose eminence they might have an ample prospect. They here formed
themselves into a committee to consult for the most expeditious
methods to leave Uist (though late) and it [Sidenote: _fol._
594.] was here they pitched upon the stratagem of getting Miss
MacDonald;[313] and then they severed till they came to the shealling
called Alisary within a mile to Milntoun, where Flora MacDonald lived
as housekeeper to her brother, young Milntoun. At first the young
woman was surprized, but then when spoke to sincerely did condescend
to go with his royal highness through the vast world if it should
contribute in the least to his safety. She goes off to Benbecula
where the lady Clanranald was desired to have suitable cloaths for
Bettie Burk who was engaged in the station of a servant with Flora
MacDonald to go with her to the Isle of Sky.
[313] See f. 524.
[Sidenote: 28 June]
[Sidenote: 26 June]
The Lady Clanranald upon the advertisement of this noble stratagem
provides all necessaries for getting Mrs. Burk cled suitable to
her new servile station, and after getting all things in due order
that were proper for Mrs. Burk and her mistress, they both go off
to Lochuiskava in Benbecula, where his royal highness, Lieutenant
John MacDonald, Rory and Alexander MacDonalds, ensigns, Little
Rory MacDonald (John's brother) [Sidenote: _fol._ 595.] and some
other Uist hands met them with a small shallop of a boat of about
nine cubits, wright measure, in full readiness to take sea. It was
about St. Peter's feast, the 28th of June.[314] The Lady Clanranald
begged of his royal highness to try on his new female apparel, and
after mutually passing some jocose drollery concerning the sute of
cloaths, and the lady shedding some tears for the occasion, the said
lady dresses up his royal highness in his new habit.[315] It was on
purpose provided coarse as it was to be brooked by a gentlewoman's
servant. The gown was of caligo, a light coloured quilted petticoat,
a mantle of dun camlet made after the Irish fashion with a cap
to cover his royal highness whole head and face, with a suitable
head-dress, shoes, stockings, etc. So that about 8 o'clock in the
evening of Thursday, June 26th, his royal highness, etc. moved
towards the boat, where he took leave of the Lady Clanranald most
kindly.
[314] See f. 529.
[315] See ff. 218, 525.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 596.]
It is to be observed that some days before this Donald MacLeod, as
also Captain Allan MacDonald and Colonel Sullivan parted from his
royal highness at the side of Lochboystil. Sullivan dropt several
tears and loudly roar'd when parting with his master. Then all the
company was dismist that could not speak Erse but O'Neille, and
O'Neille himself two days ere they went off to Skie.
His royal highness at parting with the Lady Clanranald thanks her
for her great trouble about him. They[316] go to sea about 8 o'clock
at night, and as they had but a small breeze in their sail they made
but a very little progress; so that about one o'clock afternoon
next day they were inclosed with a prodigious thick fog which made
them think it dangerous to continue rowing for fear they might err
in their course and perhaps unawares approach the coast of Skie,
which they were informed was all hemmed with guards of the enemy to
prevent [Sidenote: _fol._ 597.] his royal highness's landing, and
being safe. So it was thought proper to drop in the oars till the
mist dissipated; and soon afterwards the fog disperst by a feeble
caver (_i.e._ a breeze) of north-easterly wind against them. They
mistook the point of Snod for the point of Watternish; but as they
were obliged to row close to the shore for a shelter from the wind
that blew sidling, they descry pretty near them, about a musket-shot,
a number of men under arms, and to the number of fifty armed men
sallying out of a formall guard-house, all rushing to the shore,
crying vehemently to land upon their peril. Upon this they only
changed their course a little further from the shore and did not much
pull their oars better than before for fear of suspicion.
[316] In this account the honest and trusty Neil MacKechan is
altogether neglected. See ff. 149, 529, 533.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 29 June]
Lieutenant John MacDonald (nephew of Captain Alexander MacDonald) sat
at the helm, and the other four MacDonalds wrought most strenuously
at the oars, pulling them most industriously but without the least
disorder or hurry. But as the guard saw no appearance of their
obeying orders they let fly a thick volley at them, which made more
noise than harm. [Sidenote: _fol._ 598.] His royal highness rubs
up their courage not to fear the villains. The people replied they
maintain'd no fear upon their own account if Providence should rescue
his royal highness. He repeats no fear of him. Indeed the people were
apt to believe all he could say, God aye working on patent passages
for their safety from time to time. But having seen three[317] boats
on the shore, they were mighty apprehensive they would pursue them.
However, they wrought the boat to the utmost of their endeavours,
doubled the tedious point of Watternish, and by this they left all
MacLeod's country behind them. And though Sir Alexander MacDonald
did not join his royal highness they were sure to meet with greater
favour among the worst of his men than among the cold MacLeods.
Besides that, MacDonald of Kingsburgh was trysted[318] to meet his
royal [Sidenote: _fol._ 599.] highness upon the shore of Modhstot,
Sir Alexander's habitation. They landed upon the 29th of June,
Sunday, at Modhstot Bay, where Kingsburgh met them exactly as soon as
they footed Skie. He directs Miss MacDonald and Mrs. Burk[319] to his
own house; Clanranald's people that brought his royal highness from
Uist were desired by himself to turn home.
[317] See f. 530.
[318] This is an error, for there was no tryst in the case at all,
nor could there be any such thing. It was all a matter of chance,
or rather a wise, unexpected appointment of Heaven, without any
foresight or contrivance of man. This is plain and undeniable from
Kingsburgh's own words and the words of Miss Flora MacDonald. See ff.
145, 210, 533.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[319] Kingsburgh himself went along with the Prince, leaving
Miss MacDonald, etc. who overtook them by the way. See ff. 145,
533.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 30 June]
His royal highness lodged that night at Kingsburgh. From Kingsburgh
he went to Portree,[320] where Captain Malcolm MacLeod received
him and conducted him to the Island of Raisa, and from thence back
again to Skie, where he delivered him over into the hands of the old
Laird of MacKinnon, who without loss of time provided him in a boat.
The old Laird and four of his men, viz., John MacRory VicLauchlan,
Calum M^cEan Yairs, etc., ferryed his royal highness over from Skie
to a place called Buarblach in Glengary's lands. He was but two
or three nights upon the MacKinnon's lands. Here it is [Sidenote:
_fol._ 600.] to be observed, though he happened to be landed upon
Glengarie's lands, that he would by no means go to Knoydart, which
was very near him, nor to Lochabar, but chused to strike directly
to Clanranald's[321] continent to a place called Cross in Morror,
from whence he was received and conveyed by Angus MacDonald of
Boradale,[322] the first house he entred in the Highlands at his
first landing upon the continent.
[320] See f. 228.
[321] It appears the Prince had a particular affection for the
MacDonalds in his wanderings. See ff. 214, 538.
[322] See f. 281.
Veir mi niosh a chorrahimain yuit
fein, gos a faidh mi tuillad Gaosid.
_i.e._ I leave you the Thrawcrook
till I get more hair.[323]
[323] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of Captain
Alexander MacDonald, and then immediately began the handwriting of
young Clanranald.
[Sidenote: 10 July]
The night before the 10th of July,[324] his royal highness set
sail from MacKinnon's country, accompanied by old MacKinnon,[325]
and another gentleman of MacKinnon's name (viz., John MacKinnon, a
captain in his royal highness's service before), with the crew, and
landed by daybreak next morning, being the eleventh, at a bay in
Glengary's Morror, where he stayed all that day and the following
night. There are two Morors, the [Sidenote: _fol._ 601.] one
belonging to Glengary and the other to Clanranald.
[324] This is a wrong date. See the true state of the case in ff.
247, 262, 1218, 1224.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[325] See ff. 244-247, 1664, 1831.
[Sidenote: 12 July]
[Sidenote: 13 July]
[Sidenote: 15 July]
Early in the morning upon the 12th, MacKinnon parting with him, he
(the Prince) sailed into Loch-Naives,[326] when, as he was turning at
a point he was met by some of the Slate militia, who put the ordinary
questions. From whence they came? Where they were bound? And they
undauntedly answering suitable to the time, the militia let them pass
without taking further notice. His royal highness pursued farther
into the loch, and how soon he got out of sight of them, he landed,
and travelling the remainder of the day and the following night
through hills and woods, he arrived upon the thirteenth of July in
that part of Clanranald's estate called Moror, where being received
by the Laird of Moror (MacDonald, of the family of Clanranald, and
lieutenant-colonel of the Clanranald regiment) in a small hut, where
he lived for the time, his own houses being burned by the enemy
sometime before, and having refreshed himself there that night and
the next day as well as these troublesome times could afford, he set
out the night [Sidenote: _fol._ 602.] betwixt the 14th and 15th,
accompanied by Captain MacKinnon and a guide, and arrived before
day at Boradale,[327] the place of his first landing, and was there
received by Angus MacDonald of that place, who, having his houses
burnt and effects destroyed by the troops under General Campbell's
command, was obliged to remove with his royal highness to a hut in a
neighbouring wood, where he refreshed him the best way he could for
three days.
[326] See ff. 1219-1226, 1831.
[327] Four times at this place, see f. 573.--R.F.
[Sidenote: 18 July]
Upon the 18th of July his royal highness wrote a private letter
(by John MacDonald, junior, son of the foresaid Angus MacDonald of
Boradale, and a lieutenant formerly in Clanranald's regiment) to
Alexander MacDonald of Glenaladale, major to Clanranald in his royal
highness's service, and who was well known to his royal highness
before, commanding his attendance at the foresaid place to concert
measures for his royal highness's safety.
Angus MacDonald of Boradale had two sons of the name of John, viz.,
John, senior, and John, junior, the former of whom was killed at
Culloden battle.[328]
[328] See f. 280.
Immediately after sending off the above-mentioned express [Sidenote:
_fol._ 603.] his royal highness got an account of MacKinnon's being
taken, which made it, he judged proper, for his royal highness to
remove, upon the 18th, four miles to the eastward to an inaccessible
cave (known to very few of the country people), accompanied by the
said Angus MacDonald of Boradale and his son (Ranald, formerly
lieutenant to Clanranald's own company), where he was to stay till
Glenaladale should join him.
[Sidenote: 20 July]
On the 20th of July at night, Glenaladale met with the foresaid Angus
Macdonald at the place they had formerly agreed upon, from whence he
was conducted to his royal highness. On the 21st, Angus MacDonald
got a letter from a son-in-law of his own, acquainting that it was
whispered about the country that his royal highness was with them,
and representing how dangerous it was for them to stay any longer
there, and making an offer of a place he had prepared, where they
might be more secure for some time. Accordingly Ranald MacDonald
[Sidenote: _fol._ 604.] was sent to reconnoitre the place.
[Sidenote: 22 July]
[Sidenote: July]
Upon the 22nd of July, Lieutenant John MacDonald being sent to view
the sea-coast and to learn something of the enemy's motions, he
returned with the news of their seeing a small boat, something like
one of the enemy's tenders, which allarmed that side of the coast.
Upon which his royal highness judged it proper to remove from his
grotto (without waiting the return of the quartermaster he sent the
day before to take up his lodgings) in order to repair to the place
prepared for him in the Glen of Moror. His royal highness, being
accompanied by Major MacDonald of Glenaladale, Angus MacDonald of
Boradale, and his son, John, junior, when they came to a place called
Corrybeinicabir, they were met by Angus MacDonald's son-in-law,
who, as above mentioned, had a place prepared for them in the Glen
of Moror,[329] and who informed that young Clanranald was within a
few miles of them, who had come to where he then was, in order to
conduct his royal [Sidenote: _fol._ 605.] highness to a safe place
he had prepared for him: but his royal highness and his small party
having gone on too far towards their designed quarters, and it being
late to go where Clanranald was or to send for him that night, they
went on, supposing they would have time enough next day to send for
Clanranald. Accordingly they pursued their journey to the Glen of
Moror, and sent Angus MacDonald to provide some necessaries. Upon his
royal highness's arrival at his quarters,[330] an information was
brought that General Campbell, with six men-of-war, well furnished
with troops, had anchored at Loch Naives (the place where his
royal highness landed from Skie in Glengary's country), whereupon
two men were sent off by Loch Moror to Loch Naives to observe
General Campbell's motions. But before they had time to return,
Angus MacDonald came back upon the 23rd early, without waiting for
the necessaries [Sidenote: _fol._ 606.] he went for, and brought
intelligence that Captain Scott had come to the lower part of Arisaig
from Glengary's Moror.
[329] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of young
Clanranald, and then began the handwriting of Glenaladale.--ROBERT
FORBES, A.M.
[330] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of
Glenaladale, and then began again the handwriting of young
Clanranald.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: July]
His royal highness and the small company that was with him, finding
upon this information that Clanranald's country was surrounded on
all sides by the troops, and that in all probability there could be
no further security for his person in that country, it was resolved
that his royal highness should leave it with the utmost dispatch,
especially since it was impossible to join young Clanranald,[331]
the enemy being already between them and the place where he was.
Accordingly he sets out, accompanied only by Major MacDonald of
Glenaladale and his brother (Lieutenant John MacDonald), and the
other Lieutenant John MacDonald, junior, Boradale's son, being
obliged to part with Angus MacDonald of Boradale, and his son-in-law
(Angus MacEachine), surgeon formerly to Glengary's regiment, that
they might the more easily pass undiscovered by the guards placed on
their way,[332] and by twelve o'clock they came to the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 607.] top of a hill in the outmost bounds of Arisaig called
Scoorvuy, where having taken some refreshment it was thought proper
to send Lieutenant John MacDonald (Glenaladale's brother) to
Glenfinin, the outmost bounds of Clanranald's country, and Major
MacDonald of Glenaladale's property, as well for intelligence as to
bring two men Glenaladale kept still on guard there, and appointed
them to meet him about ten o'clock at night on the top of a hill,
above Lochharkaig in Lochiel's country, called Scoorwick Corrichan.
[331] See f. 1837.
[332] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of young
Clanranald, and then began the handwriting of Glenaladale.--ROBERT
FORBES, A.M.
Lieutenant MacDonald being sent off, his royal highness set out,
and by two o'clock came to the top of a neighbouring hill called
Fruighvein, where, observing some cattle in motion, his royal
highness and the other Lieutenant MacDonald stood back, and Major
MacDonald of Glenaladale went to examine what that might mean; who
upon examination found this to be some of his own tenants removing
with their cattle from the troops, who by this time, to the number
of five or seven hundred, [Sidenote: _fol._ 608.] had come to the
head of Lochharkaig, in order to inclose his royal highness in
Clanranald's country, while the search was going on very narrowly
within it. This being the route they were resolved to hold, pretty
much disconcerted their measures. Major MacDonald of Glenaladale
bringing back word to his royal highness of what he had heard, they
resolved to alter their course, and accordingly the Major sent off
one of his own tenants express to Glenfinnan about a mile off, to
call back Lieutenant MacDonald and the guard if he had found them,
and sent another of his tenants to an adjacent hill for one Donald
Cameron of Glenpean,[333] where he had removed with his effects upon
the approach of the troops, in order to learn from the said Donald
Cameron the situation of the forces that were at Fort Augustus, and
if he would undertake to guide his royal highness by their guards, if
possible.
[333] See ff. 172, 569.
[Sidenote: 23 July]
[Sidenote: 24 July]
While his royal highness and Major MacDonald of Glenaladale, with
Lieutenant MacDonald (Boradale's son), waited the return of both
the expresses, one of the Major's tenant's wives, regreting the
condition she saw him in, and willing to refresh him the best she
could (she suspecting nothing of his [Sidenote: _fol._ 609.] royal
highness being in company with him), milked some of her cattle, and
brought the fresh milk to them. Upon observing the woman coming up
to them, the Prince covered his head with a handkerchief and passed
for one of the Major's servants that had got an ache in his head.
Notwithstanding the refreshment was very seasonable, the day being
excessively hot, they could very well have dispensed with the good
woman's compliment. However, the Major thanked her and used some
policy to dismiss her, having first taken care to have some of the
milk reserved for his royal highness, which he drank with pleasure.
Soon after the express sent to Glenfinnan returned, but could find
neither Lieutenant MacDonald (Glenaladale's brother), nor the two
men, they having run express with intelligence to where they expected
to have found the Major. The said express brought word that a hundred
of the Argyleshire militia had come to the very foot of the hill
where his [Sidenote: _fol._ 610.] royal highness stayed; whereupon
it was thought proper to tarry no longer there; and, as there was
no time to wait for Donald Cameron, their expected guide, trusting
in the great Guide that directs all, his royal highness, full of
courage and confidence, set out about sun-setting with his small
retinue, and travelled pretty hard till about eleven o'clock at
night, when, passing thro' a hollow between two hills, they observed
a man coming down one of the hills. Upon which his royal highness
and Lieutenant MacDonald (Boradale's son), stept aside, and Major
MacDonald of Glenaladale[334] went to the man to examine whether he
might be a friend or a foe, and as Providence would have it, found
him to be their intended guide, Donald Cameron, whom after some short
conversation he conducted to his royal highness. Donald Cameron gave
a relation so far as he knew of the situation of the forces, and
undertook to guide them by the guards. Upon this they [Sidenote:
_fol._ 611.] pursued their way through roads almost impassable even
in day light, and travelling all night they came at four o'clock in
the morning upon the 24th of July to the top of a hill in the Brae of
Lochharkaig, called Mamnynleallum, from whence they could (without
the help of a prospective glass) discern their enemy's camp, being
not above a mile distant. But being informed by the guide that that
hill was searched the day before by the troops, they supposed there
would not be a second search that day, and therefore they resolved
to pass the day there; and choosing the fastest place in the hill
they took a little rest. After two hours sleep the Major, Lieutenant
MacDonald, and the guide got up to keep sentry, and by ten o'clock of
the day they observed a man at a distance, and as the guide (Donald
Cameron) being in his own country, and very near his own place of
residence, knew the inhabitants best, he was sent to converse with
that man, and upon examination [Sidenote: _fol._ 612.] found him to
be Lieutenant MacDonald, Glenaladale's brother, who not meeting his
royal highness at the place appointed and getting no intelligence of
the enemy's being so near till he himself came within sight of their
camp, he turned apprehensive of what might happen to be the case, and
regretting his misfortune in parting with his royal highness, went on
wherever Providence directed him, which (most happily) brought him
directly to the place where the Prince was, who was well pleased to
find the lieutenant safe, as the whole company had given him over for
lost.
[334] As this narrative, proceeds from Glenaladale himself, so it
deserves more credit than that in f. 550, for Mrs. Cameron narrated
the matter only from the best of her remembrance, and that too from
report that had passed from hand to hand.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 25 July]
His royal highness continued in the top of the said hill all that
day, and about nine o'clock at night set out with his retinue to
the northward, and by one o'clock in the morning of July 25th, came
to a place called Corrinangaull on the confines betwixt that part
of Glengary's country called Knoydart, and that part of Lochiel's
country called Lochharkaig, where the guide expected some Lochharkaig
people to have fled with their [Sidenote: _fol._ 613.] effects, whom
he had confidence in, and which was very much desired, as they had
entirely run out of provisions, excepting a very small quantity of
oatmeal, and as small a remainder of butter, which they could not
dress or prepare in any shape, as they travelled continually (for
the most part) in view of the enemy if in day light;[335] their
camps being (in a direct line pitched from the head of the Lochiel
in Lochiel's country to the head of Loch Uirn, dividing Knoydart of
that part of MacLeod's country called Glenealg), within half a mile's
distance of one another, their sentries being placed within call of
one another, and patrols going about every quarter of an hour to keep
their sentries alert, that so his royal highness might be surely
catched should he attempt to pass through them.
[335] See f. 1450.
[Sidenote: 26 July]
Being pinched in provisions as above, his royal highness stood back
with the two lieutenants, while Major MacDonald of Glenaladale and
the guide (Donald Cameron of Glenpean) went [Sidenote: _fol._ 614.]
to some shealing huts where they expected to meet some people. But
finding none, they chused a fast place in the face of a hill at the
head of Lochqhuaigh, to which fastness they came about two o'clock
in the morning, having only about a mile in walking to it. After
taking an hour's rest there, the guide and Lieutenant MacDonald
(Glenaladale's brother) were sent off to the hill above them to
furnish some provisions if possible, the Major and his cousin, the
other lieutenant (Boradale's son), standing sentries, while his royal
highness took some rest. When the sun shined they observed distinctly
a camp pitched at the head of Lochqhuaig, and though they did not
like the prospect they waited the return of their provisors, who came
back to them about 3 o'clock, having got only two small cheeses, that
would not be a morsel to the piece of them; and brought intelligence
that about one hundred of the red-coats were marching up the other
side of the hill his royal highness [Sidenote: _fol._ 615.] lodged
in, in order to destroy and carry off such of the poor inhabitants
as had fled to the hill for shelter. Notwithstanding this alarm (the
search for his royal highness being general and very narrow all
around), they stayed in the same place till about eight o'clock at
night, when, setting out, his royal highness travelled stoutly till
it became dark, and climbing a steep hill called Drimachosi to the
top,[336] they observed the fires of a camp directly in their front,
which they could scarcely shun, at Glenqhosy. However, being resolved
to pass at any rate, they came so near without being observed as to
hear them talk distinctly; and ascending the next hill, no sooner
was his royal highness at the top than he and his small party
spied the fires of another camp at the very foot where they were
to descend. But turning a little westward they passed between two
of their guards betwixt one and two o'clock in the morning of July
[Sidenote: _fol._ 616.] 26th. After travelling two miles, as they
judged, beyond them, they came, betwixt two and three o'clock in
the morning, to a place on the Glenealg side of the head of Lochuirn
called Corriscorridill,[337] where having chosen a fast place they
took such refreshment as the exigency of the time afforded them, his
royal highness covering a slice of cheese with oatmeal, which, though
but dry fare, he ate very comfortably, and drank of the cold stream
along with it.
[336] See ff. 1448, 1474.
[337] See f. 1450.
[Sidenote: 27 July]
His royal highness passed the whole day in the above place till about
eight o'clock at night, and the guide (Donald Cameron), knowing
the road no further in the course the Prince intended to hold, he
expected to find some people thereabouts he could trust. Glenaladale
and the guide accordingly went about in order to find them; but no
sooner did they get out of their fasthold than they found they had
lodged all day within a canon-shot of two small camps, and spied a
company of red-coats getting in some muttons to a cot and chusing
out some [Sidenote: _fol._ 617.] for slaughter. Upon which they
brought[338] back word to his royal highness of what they had seen.
Upon this his royal highness set out, and by three o'clock in the
morning of July 27th they came to Glensheil in Seaforth's country.
As they had run out entirely of their last supply of provisions, the
Major and Lieutenant John MacDonald (Boradale's son) were sent off as
well to furnish some as to provide a guide to conduct them to Pollieu
in Seaforth's country, where his royal highness had heard some French
vessels to have been; and coming to the place where the inhabitants
were, the Major bought some provisions, and made application to one
of the inhabitants for a guide, which he undertook to provide. In
the meantime that the Major was talking about the guide, a Glengary
man appears coming towards them who that morning had been chased by
the troops (they having killed his father the day [Sidenote: _fol._
618.] before) from Glengary to Glensheil. Upon seeing this man the
Major knew him, who upon conversing with him found him to have
formerly served in his royal highness's army, and conceiving him to
be a trusty fellow, resolved to make use of him[339] as a reserve in
case they should be disappointed of the intended guide, and would
be thereby obliged to alter their course, though at the same time
Glenaladale did not disclose his mind to the Glengary man.
[338] In the original Journal here ended the handwriting of
Glenaladale, and then began the handwriting of Captain Alexander
MacDonald, which continued to the end of the Journal.--ROBERT FORBES,
A.M.
[339] Who could have thought that the troops would have furnished
the Prince with a guide to make him escape their own clutches at the
very nick of time when they were hunting after him like a partridge
in the mountains? For their chasing the Glengary man proved the means
of bringing him to the place where Glenaladale was. An instance of
Providence most adorably conspicuous that made these very men who
were eagerly panting after his blood, become (quite opposite to their
intention) the principal instruments of the Prince's preservation.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
The Major after furnishing what provisions he could get, returned
to where his royal highness was, and taking some refreshments, they
went to the face of an adjacent hill to take some rest and sleeping,
till about four or five o'clock in the afternoon, when they got up
and dismist their old faithful guide, Donald Cameron.[340] Soon after
whose departure, the Major, upon seeing the Glengary man passing
by on his way to his country, slipt out of his den and brought him
to a byplace, till he would be sure about his intended guide, and
returning to his royal highness consulted with him what should be
done [Sidenote: _fol._ 619.] in regard of the Glengary men, and the
Prince approved of keeping by him till their fate with regard to
their other guide should be known. About seven o'clock at night, the
man who undertook to furnish the guide was seen coming to the place
which had been appointed for meeting at betwixt him and the Major,
who immediately stept out to the place appointed, and after some
conversation he found that the only French ship that had been there
was gone off, and that no guide could be procured. The Major finding
it needless to proceed further towards Poolieu made the man believe
that he intended to return again to his own country and so dismist
him.
[340] See f. 1451.
Immediately Glenaladale returned to the Prince and told him what
had passed; whereupon it was resolved to change their course, and
accordingly the Glengary man was introduced to his royal highness,
and most chearfully undertook to guide [Sidenote: _fol._ 620.]
him. And, preparing to pursue their journey, they set out late at
night, and going on about a quarter of a mile, they stopt a little,
which was occasioned by the Major's clapping his hand to his side
and missing his purse,[341] wherein he had another purse of gold he
had got the charge of from his royal highness in order to defray
his charges, and which he had forgot when they had been preparing
for their journey. Upon this Glenaladale and Lieutenant MacDonald
(Boradale's son) returned, and coming to the place found his purse,
but opening it miss'd the inner purse in which the gold he had got
from the Prince was contain'd. In the midst of his surprize he
reflected it might have been taken away by a little boy sent by
their landlord, Gilchrist MacCrath, with a compliment of milk, as
the landlord supposed to the Major, who had not allowed him to know
anything about the Prince at all. He was the more confirmed in this
opinion, as they had left the boy at the place where the [Sidenote:
_fol._ 621.] purse was forgot. Accordingly the Major and Lieutenant
MacDonald went all the way to MacCrath's house, which was more than
a mile off, and calling for him represented to him the inconveniency
of the accident that had happened, and intreated him to oblige the
boy to restore the purse, which he did to a trifle. They returned
by a different road from what they had gone before, and came to the
Prince, who was in great pain for them, fearing they might have been
intercepted by an officer and two private men that pass'd under arms
by the place where his royal highness was in their absence; which
made him reflect how much the hand of Providence guided him in all
his ways,[342] and particularly in this late lucky accident of losing
the purse, which stopt them in their progress: whereas if they had
pursued their journey they would inevitably have fallen in with these
persons, in which case any thinking person may [Sidenote: _fol._
622.] easily judge how fatal the consequence of such a meeting might
have proved. The Prince likewise used to think much upon the happy
undesigned event of his enemies, chasing a guide to him for no less
than thirty miles whom Providence led in his way to conduct him safe
out of their hands.
[341] This is the same narrative with what is contain'd f. 549 of
this volume, and serves to correct a mistake there as to the person
who lost the purse: for 'tis plain that Glenaladale has been the
man.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[342] See f. 550.
[Sidenote: 28 July]
Having once more got together, his royal highness and his small
retinue set out, and travelling all the remainder of the night
came early in the morning of July 28th to a hill-side above
Strathchluaine, and, chusing a fast place, took some rest till
towards three o'clock afternoon, when they set out, and travelling by
a hill-side about a mile from the place they rested in, they heard
the firing of small arms in the hill above them, which they judged
to be some of the troops chasing people that had fled with their
effects. They steered their course northward, and mounting up a high
hill betwixt the Braes of Glenmoriston and Strathglass came late at
night to the very top of [Sidenote: _fol._ 623.] it, and being very
dark they were obliged to lodge there all night, the only shelter his
royal highness could have being an open cave where he could neither
lean nor sleep, being wet to the skin with the heavy rain that had
fallen the day before; and having no fuel to make a fire, the only
method he had of warming himself was smoking a pipe.
[Sidenote: 29 July]
About three o'clock in the morning of July 29th the Lieutenant
(Glenaladale's brother) and the guide (the providential Glengary
man) were sent in quest of some trusty people they intended to find
out in order to conduct his royal highness to Pollieu,[343] and were
appointed to return to the top of a neighbouring hill where his
royal highness and the remainder of his retinue were to meet them.
Accordingly about five o'clock in the morning his royal highness
set out, [Sidenote: _fol._ 624.] and by seven came to the top of
that hill, where meeting with the guide on his return he told he had
found out his intended trustees,[344] who had given him directions to
the Major (they knowing nothing at all of his royal highness, only
suspecting that a young man they were told was in company might be
young Clanranald) to repair into a cave in the Brae of Glenmoriston
in a place called Coiraghoth, where they promised to come at an
appointed hour with a refreshment. Accordingly his royal highness set
out, and by the time appointed came to the place and meeting with
these few friends (who upon sight[345] knew his royal highness,
having formerly served in his army) they conducted him to the grotto
where he was refreshed with such chear as the exigency of the time
afforded; and making a bed for him, his royal highness was lulled
asleep with the sweet murmurs of the finest purling stream that
could be, running [Sidenote: _fol._ 625.] by his bedside, within the
grotto, in which romantic habitation[346] his royal highness pass'd
three days, at the end of which he was so well refreshed[347] that he
thought himself able to encounter any hardships.
[343] See ff. 1451, 1661, 1664.
[344] The faithful Glenmoriston men. See f. 172.
[345] Perhaps the circumstance of 'Ha! Dougal MacCullony' etc.,
mentioned by Mrs. Cameron is not literally true. But I have often
heard that these men used to call the Prince by the name Dougal the
better to conceal him. See f. 1451.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[346] Here begins vol. iv. of Bishop Forbes's Manuscript Collection.
It is entitled:
'THE LYON IN MOURNING,' or a collection (as exactly made as the
iniquity of the times would permit) of Speeches, Letters, Journals,
etc., relative to the affairs, but more particularly, the dangers and
distresses of.... Vol. 4th. 1748.
_Extera gens nostra passim dominatur in orbe_,
SCOTORUM PRINCEPS _vix, ubi degat, habet!_
On the inside of the back board there is one piece of wood, an inch
long by about 3/8 broad and 1/8 thick (and there has been another
piece, but now it is not) and underneath is written:--
The above are pieces of that identical eight-oar'd boat, on board of
which Donald Macleod, etc., set out from Boradale on the continent
with the Prince (after the battle of Culloden) for Benbecula in the
Long Isle. The above pieces were sent to me from Major MacDonald of
Glenaladale to the care of Captain Alexander MacDonald in Edinburgh,
brother-german to Dalely. The said Alexander MacDonald delivered the
above pieces to me on Wednesday evening, December 28th, 1748, he
having come under a promise upon our first acquaintance to procure me
a bit of the eight-oar'd boat. See vol. 2, ff. 270, 284, vol. 3, ff.
581, 582. Vol. 4, ff. 677, 678.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[347] It is very remarkable that the Prince made little rest serve
him at any time, and that he was almost indefatigable in walking and
in undergoing hardship. [See ff. 238, 244, 291.]--ROBERT FORBES,
A.M.
[Sidenote: 2 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 6 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 7 Aug.]
Having time in that space to provide some necessaries and to
gather intelligence about the enemy's motions, they removed, on
the 2d of August, into a place within two miles of them, called
Coirmheadhain,[348] where they took up their habitation in a grotto
no less romantic than the former. After taking some refreshment,
they placed their sentries and made up a bed for his royal highness
in a closet shaped out by nature, and seemingly designed by her
for the reception of his royal highness. He rested comfortably all
night. In this place he resided four days; but, being informed that
one Campbell (factor to Seaforth in Kintale, and captain at that
time of a company of militia) had gathered a throng herdship of
cattle and pitched his camp within four miles of them, it was then
resolved his royal highness [Sidenote: _fol._ 626.] should remove
his quarters. Accordingly, upon the 6th of August, he set out to the
northward, and, by break of day upon the 7th, came in upon the Brae
of the Chisholm's country, called Strathglass, having left one of
their party behind in the Brae of Glenmoriston to wait Campbell's
motions.[349] That friend came up to them that night (August 7th) and
brought word that they needed not be afraid for that night. Upon this
his royal highness repaired to a neighbouring sheally hut, when they
prepared a fire, and, taking some refreshment, they made up a bed for
his royal highness, which consisted of a long divot or fail (that
was found lying in the hut) of six or seven foot long; and, laying
it flat upon the floor, the grass side uppermost, with a pillow of
the same kind, his royal highness slept on the earthen bed all night.
They remained in this place two days, and in that time the prince
sent an express to Pollieu[350] to know the certainty about some
French vessels being there.
[348] See f. 1664.
[349] See f. 1665.
[350] The Prince used to insist upon it that the French would still
send him succours. This I heard from severals. See ff. 175, 214.--F.
[Sidenote: 9 Aug.]
[Sidenote: 10 Aug.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 627.] Early in the morning of August 9th, his royal
highness set out to the northward so far on his way to Pollieu in
case of any encouragement[351] from that quarter, and, travelling a
muir road unfrequented, came that night into another sheally hut,
about the distance of five or six miles from where they had set out.
There they remained all night, and set out about two o'clock in the
morning of August 10th, and came about twelve o'clock into a place
called Glencanna, where, passing the remainder of the day in a wood,
they repaired late at night to a neighbouring village, where they
stayed only the dead of night.
[351] See the preceding note.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 11 Aug.]
About two o'clock in the morning of August 11th, they set out and
climbed a hill on the northmost side of Glencanna,[352] where they
pass'd the day and sent off two of their party to furnish a fresh
supply of provisions. At night they repaired into a neighbouring
sheally hut, where they remained two days, [Sidenote: _fol._ 628.]
expecting the return of the express sent off to Pollieu, who
accordingly came to them and brought back word that the only French
ship that had come there had sailed off again, and that a couple of
gentlemen who had come on board of her had actually landed and were
making the best of their way for Lochiel's country in search of the
Prince.[353] He, becoming anxious to know if they had dispatches for
him, resolved to return towards the place from whence he had come in
order to meet with them.
[352] See f. 1665.
[353] See ff. 173-176, 356.
[Sidenote: 13 Aug.]
August 13th, at night, they set out cross the water of Canna back
again, and boldly by young Chisholm's house, came by two o'clock
in the morning to a place called Fassanacoill in Strathglass; and,
consulting what was best and fittest to be done, it was resolved
(before his royal highness should venture any further) to send some
spies to the Braes of Glengary and Lochiel's country, in order to get
sure information [Sidenote: _fol._ 629.] whether or not the search
for him in these bounds was all over, and if the troops had gone into
their camp at Fort Augustus, which being done, his royal highness
remained there for three days in a very fast wood, the inhabitants
dreaming nothing of his being so near them.
[Sidenote: 17 Aug.]
They waited the return of the spies, who brought notice that the
forces had returned to their camp. Whereupon his royal highness set
out by six o'clock in the morning of August 17th, travelled through
an unfrequented road, and came by ten o'clock to the Braes of
Glenmoriston, and, passing the day on the top of a hill, they set out
at night, and had not travelled above a mile when they learned that
a strong party had been detached to the Braes of Glengary in quest
of the Prince. Upon this it was resolved to proceed no further on
their journey untill the motion of the enemy should be farther known;
and then they repaired into a neighbouring sheally [Sidenote: _fol._
630.] hut, where they passed the remainder of the night.
[Sidenote: 18 Aug.]
Upon August 18th, in the morning, three expresses were sent off--two
to Lochiel's country, Lochharkaig, who were to seek out Cluns
Cameron,[354] and to tell him from Major MacDonald of Glenaladale
that he wanted to meet with him in a convenient place; and the third
express was to return at the Brae of Glengary and to bring back word
if the party they were informed of the night before had returned to
their camp or not; that so, if the road should happen to be clear,
his royal highness might be pursuing his journey, even while the
meeting betwixt the Major and Cluns Cameron was a concerting.
[354] See f. 173.
[Sidenote: 19 Aug.]
Accordingly the expresses were sent off, and, upon the 19th, the one
that was to return brought word that the road was clear. Whereupon
the Prince and his small party, being then ten in number, set out
under the advantage of a foggy afternoon, [Sidenote: _fol._ 631.]
and, passing through Glenmoriston and Glenlyne, came late at night
to the Brae of Glengary. In their way to the water of Gary, the
rain came on so heavy that the water swell'd to a great height. Two
of the company went first to try if they could wade the water, and
they found it passable, even though it came up to their very middle.
Whereupon, his royal highness and the rest of his party entering
the water, they forded it safely, and, travelling about a mile from
the water of Gary, the night being very dark, they were obliged to
pass it on the side of a hill, without any cover, though it rained
excessively.
[Sidenote: 20 Aug.]
In the morning of August 20th the Prince set out, the rain still
continuing very heavy, and, travelling six miles cross hills
and muirs, came about ten o'clock to the Brae of a place called
Achnasaul,[355] where the other expresses had been appointed to meet
them. There they pass'd the day in a most inconvenient [Sidenote:
_fol._ 632.] habitation, it raining as heavy within as without it.
Towards the afternoon they began to despair about their expresses,
and, being entirely run out of provisions of any kind and being quite
strangers to the situation of Lochiel's country for the present, they
began to concert what should be done, when, in the midst of their
concert, the expresses came to them and brought word to the Major
that Cameron of Cluns could not wait upon him that night, but had
directed him to lodge all night in a certain wood within two miles
of them, where he would come to them next morning. Accordingly,
two of their number were detailed to take a view of their intended
habitation, who, coming to the place, found it to be very fast.
[355] It is omitted in this Journal that Auchinsaul himself was with
the Prince. See f. 173.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
And here it must be observed that that wonderful providence which
always prevented his royal highness's difficulties seemed in a
particular instance remarkable here. He and his faithful few, as
has been observed above, running entirely out of all manner of
subsistence and being at a loss to know which [Sidenote: _fol._ 633.]
way to be provided, they were immediately supplied by the small
detachment, they having shot the finest deer (a large hart) that
could be, at the very place where the Prince intended to pass the
night.
The two returning with their approbation of the place to his royal
highness, he (after permitting Major MacDonald of Glenaladale to
acquaint D. MacDonald of Lochgary of their arrival at that place, and
to send for him) set out for the intended quarters with his party,
and coming to the place, they were most deliciously feasted with
their late purchase. Lochgary joined them that night, after which
they took their rest.
[Sidenote: 21 Aug.]
About ten o'clock in the morning of August 21st, Cluns Cameron
joined them, and, remaining there till towards the afternoon, Cluns
conducted them into a wood at the foot of Lochharkaig, where they
lodged all night, etc.
[Sidenote: 22 Aug.]
[Sidenote: _fol._ 634.]
Timeous in the morning of August 22d, an express was sent off to
Lochiel[356] to command his attendance. His royal highness stayed
in the foresaid place three days, till the return of the express,
who brought word that Lochiel, not being recovered of his wounds
and being at too great a distance, could not come, but he sent his
brother, Dr. Cameron, to make his apology, who came to his royal
highness upon August 25th.
[356] The affair of the Prince's sending expresses to Lochiel, and of
Lochiel's sending proper persons to seek out the Prince, and at last
of their meeting together as they both intended, appears to me not to
be so distinctly and accurately narrated in this Journal as in that
of Mr. John Cameron [See ff. 173-179]. As I have made some enquiry
into this matter, I shall note down all I have discovered about it
as exactly as possible. Dr. Archibald Cameron (Lochiel's brother)
and Mr. John Cameron (late Presbyterian chaplain at Fort William)
were the persons despatched by Lochiel to use all the endeavours they
could to find out the Prince, in which they were happily successful.
Lochiel was by this time recovered of his wounds [See f. 1479] as
is evident from Dr. Stewart Threpland's leaving him and making
his way to Edinburgh in the habit and character of a Presbyterian
probationer, in the month of July, long before the Prince and Lochiel
could meet. The foresaid Mr. John Cameron was the person dispatched
by Lochiel (after meeting with the Prince) to Edinburgh in order to
hire a vessel to take him and whom he should bring along with him off
the east coast. Mr. Cameron (by the assistance of proper friends)
succeeded in this negotiation, as is well known to some. But when he
returned to inform the Prince of his success, he, with Lochiel, etc.,
had set out for the place where the French were landed upon the west
coast to take off the Prince, etc. So that Mr. Cameron was left to
shift for himself. He made his way back to Edinburgh in disguise,
and at last got off under a borrowed name in the same coach with
Lady Lochiel and her children for London, the lady passing under
the name of Mrs. Campbell, for she could have no pass. They all got
safely to France. When I happened to be conversing with John Cameron,
uncle of the said Mr. Cameron, in Edinburgh [See f. 558], he told
me that he himself attended Lochiel in his skulking. I told him it
was surprizing to me how any person could find out the Prince when
the ship landed in the west, because he was so far down the country
in his way southward, and then asked him if he could inform me what
miles the Prince might be from the ships when notice came to him. He
said that he himself was then on an errand enquiring about some of
the distressed gentlemen, but that he was persuaded the Prince was
no less than 60 miles from the ships in a direct line over the tops
of hills, etc., as by that time he behoved to be in the confines or
in the county of Athol. I said no doubt he meant Highland miles.
He said he meant so, for that it would be no less than 70 or 80
ordinary miles; and if one was to travell it by the common roads [See
f. 1475], it would make no less than 90 or 100. The indemnity did
not make John Cameron (the uncle) safe, because he had carried arms
abroad in the first Highland regiment, and when the Prince landed had
a pension from Chelsea. He got off to Holland, and from thence to
France. He said the Prince, when skulking, used to retire some time
morning and evening by himself.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 26 Aug.]
August 26th. The Prince set out with his attendants, and travelling
about a mile came to a wood opposite to Achnacary called Torramhuilt
or Torvauilt. Dr. Cameron and Lochgary having parted with his royal
highness about three or four o'clock in the afternoon to avoid
suspicion, as did also Cluns Cameron, how soon he had conducted his
royal highness into [Sidenote: _fol._ 365.] this last habitation. In
this place the Prince remained for eight days, during which time the
forementioned French gentlemen were sent for and were brought to the
place where his royal highness was, and after staying two or three
days with him, were sent to a safe place to be taken due care of till
such time as they could get a passage to their own country.
[Sidenote: Sept.]
The Prince seeing himself in a manner out of danger, having got
intelligence that all the forces which had been encamped at Fort
Augustus were dispersed up and down the kingdom, and that no more
was left there but Loudon's regiment; and besides that all the
militia were returned home, having delivered back their arms; and
supposing that a chance party might come near the place where he was
still, he had a safe retreat, south and north as would be thought
most convenient; upon all these considerations put together he
thought proper to [Sidenote: _fol._ 636.] dismiss Major Macdonald of
Glenaladale home to his own country near the coast, there to look out
for the arrival of French vessels which his royal highness expected
daily for conveying him safely off, and to bring him intelligence
upon their arrival, the Prince himself being resolved to remain in
the same place (unless he was surprized) to wait that event.
[Sidenote: 3 Sept.]
Accordingly upon September 3d the Major set out, leaving his royal
highness attended by Lochgary and Cluns Cameron, and arrived in his
own country upon the 5th, where he remained till the 13th, when
Captain Sheridan and Lieutenant O'Burn landed from on board two
French ships that anchored in Lochnannuagh upon the Arisaig side in
order to carry off his royal highness, they coming to the place where
Glenaladale then was and expecting to find the Prince with him.
Lochnannuagh is the boundary between Arisaig and Moydart, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 637.] so that people can arrive upon either of these places
out of that loch.
[Sidenote: 13 Sept.]
Glenaladale set out that very night (September 13th) to acquaint the
Prince of the arrival of these ships and to conduct him safely on
board. But coming to the place where he expected to have found him,
to his great disappointment he could get no person that could give
any certain account whereabouts his royal highness might happen to
be. The Prince had been obliged to retreat by a party that had come
out of Fort Augustus under the command of Culcairn and Captain Grant;
and Cluns Cameron, who had been appointed to acquaint the Major where
the Prince was to be found in case he should be obliged to retreat,
having gone out of the way without leaving any directions for the
Major either about his royal highness or [Sidenote: _fol._ 638.]
himself, these things put the Major in the utmost pain, considering
the many disappointments and inconveniencies this piece of
inadvertency in Cluns might be the occasion of. Whilst he was taken
up with these melancholy thoughts, a poor woman came accidentally
where he was and told him the place where Cluns was to be found.
Immediately he set out with all diligence and arrived at a shealling
whither Cluns came soon after, with whom he concerted measures for
sending an express to his royal highness, who by this time had gone
where Lochiel was for the reasons abovementioned, that so he might be
speedily informed about the arrival of the ships. When the concert
[Sidenote: _fol._ 639.] about sending an express was adjusted, the
Major returned with all possible expedition to the ships to inform
the gentlemen of the reasons of the delay, and that the Prince would
be with them as quickly as possible.
[Sidenote: 28 Sept.]
As soon as his royal highness was informed that the vessels were at
Lochnannuagh he set out with all possible diligence for that place,
where he arrived about the 28th of September,[357] accompanied by
Lochgarry, John Roy Stewart, and Lochiel, and went on board the
_Happy_, a privateer of St. Malo's, which set sail instantly upon his
royal highness's being on board.
[357] This certainly is a wrong date, for by the best intelligence
that can be had the Prince arrived in France on the 29th or 30th of
September, having set sail from Scotland on the 20th of said month.
[See ff. 522, 1476.]
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Here ends the Journal.
* * * * *
_N.B._--When Captain Alexander Macdonald was in my room (Tuesday,
December 29th) I read to him those passages in [Sidenote: _fol._
640.] Mr. Æneas Macdonald's Journal which relate to the landing
and the marching down the country, and upon which he gave me his
observations. I took them down in writing from his own mouth, and
they are as follows:--
[Sidenote: July 1745]
Vol. 3, page 509, 514. It is an oversight either in Mr. Æneas
Macdonald or in Dr. Burton not to have mentioned that the Prince
actually landed in Lochnannuagh upon the Arisaig side,[358] and
went to Boradale, which was the first roof he was under upon the
continent of Scotland, Boradale is in Arisaig. The landing at
Lochshiel must be a mistake, as no ship can land there, seeing it
is only a fresh water loch. This will be better cleared up in the
following paragraph.
[358] I asked particularly at Captain Alexander MacDonald whether the
Prince arrived on the Arisaig or Moidart side, and he assured me he
landed on Arisaig. This serves to clear up any doubt in Vol. 2, f.
355, and Vol. 3, f. 573.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: Aug.]
Vol. 3, page 515. Before the Prince marched to Glenfinnan he was at
Glenaladale where old Glenbuicket joined him and delivered over to
him Captain Switenham (an English gentleman), [Sidenote: _fol._ 641.]
one of the prisoners taken by Major Macdonell of Tiendrish.[359]
The foresaid Captain went to London upon his parole and strictly
kept it till the time prefixed was expired. At Glenfinnan the Laird
of Moror, of Clanranald's family, came up to the Prince (before
the standard was set up) with 150 men who were joined to the fifty
men of Clanranald's following, that had been for some time keeping
guard upon his royal highness, the Prince himself thinking fifty men
sufficient for that purpose, the rest of Clanranald's men having
been employed in carrying the baggage and luggage from the head
of Lochshiel[360] (up which loch they had been brought in small
boats) to the head of the Loch-iel; which service kept the most of
Clanranald's men back for four days from joining the main body at
Moidh or Moy in Lochabar.
[359] See f. 68.
[360] See f. 356.
Captain Alexander MacDonald was on board the frigate in [Sidenote:
_fol._ 642.] Lochnannuagh before the Prince set his foot on the
continent, but he acknowledges he did not then know that the Prince
was among the passengers, who being in a very plain dress, Captain
MacDonald made up to him without any manner of ceremony and conversed
with him in a very familiar way, sitting close by the Prince and
drinking a glass with him, till one of the name of MacDonald made him
such a look that immediately he began to suspect he was using too
much freedom with one above his own rank. Upon this he soon withdrew,
but still was in the dark as to what particular person the young
gentleman he had been conversing with might be.
Vol. 3, page 519. Captain MacDonald declared that he could not help
looking upon the affair of O'Sullivan's hiding himself in a barn,
etc., as a romance.
At the same time I read in the hearing of Captain Alexander
[Sidenote: _fol._ 643.] MacDonald the passages in the Journal of
Duncan Cameron, etc., that relate to the landing and the marching
down the country. He owned they were very exact, and he made only two
short remarks upon them, which are as follows.
Vol. 2, page 356. Captain MacDonald said it was most certain that if
Keppoch, Lochiel, and young Clanranald had not joined the Prince, he
would have been forced to shift for himself in the best manner he
could.
Vol. 2, page 359. A night at Dalquhinnie before marching to
Dalnacardoch.
[Sidenote: June]
I then read in the hearing of Captain Alexander MacDonald the
conclusion of Captain O'Neille's own subscription, which had been
lying by me for some time till I should find leisure to take
[Sidenote: _fol._ 644.] an exact transcript of it.[361] In the
forementioned conclusion Captain O'Neille complains of one in
Benbecula that had betrayed him even after he had entirely confided
in him, but he does not name the person. I asked at Captain MacDonald
if he could inform me who that person was. He told me he knew the
whole affair well, and that he would give it me faithfully and
honestly. He said that Ranald MacDonald of Torulum in Benbecula was
the man there meant,[362] and that the whole story had taken its rise
altogether from a jealousy in Captain O'Neille. Ranald MacDonald
happened unluckily to have an outcast with Captain O'Neille, who,
though a very clever fellow, was heartily threshed by a MacDonald,
they having had a boxing bout together. This unlucky difference
made O'Neille strongly believe, when he happened to be seized, that
Ranald MacDonald had actually betrayed him, whereas Ranald refused to
betray [Sidenote: _fol._ 645.] him when a sum of money was offered
him for that purpose. Upon this Ranald MacDonald has given his oath
of old Clanranald, who questioned him upon the report of his having
betrayed O'Neille, and was very hard upon him for it, swearing that
he deserved to be shot through the head if he had done any such
dishonourable thing.
[361] See f. 690.
[362] See ff. 589, 923.
As to the story of General Campbell and Campbell of Skipness, Captain
MacDonald declared to me he did not in the least doubt the truth of
that, for this single reason, because all the Campbells, from the
head to the foot of them, had discovered a most avaritious, greedy
temper in the matter of pillaging and plundering their native country.
[Sidenote: 29 Dec.]
Captain Alexander MacDonald spoke excellent things of Donald MacLeod
of Gualtergill in Sky, and saying that he did not know an honester
man or a stauncher loyalist.[363] He told [Sidenote: _fol._ 646.] me
that Donald MacLeod's wife is aunt to the present Glenaladale.
Captain MacDonald had all his effects plundered and pillaged. After
everything was destroyed or carried off, the party happening to spy a
living cat, immediately killed poor harmless puss, and threw it out
of the way, lest the poor mother and her children should have eaten
the dead cat in their necessity. For Cumberland and his army were
exceedingly desirous that the young and old (women and infants not
excepted) they did not murder might be starved to death, which was
the fate of too many, and their endeavours were fully equal to their
desires.
Captain MacDonald and his wife and children wandered through hills
and mountains till the act of indemnity appeared, and in the time of
their skulking from place to place his poor wife fell with child,
which proved to be a daughter, and is still alive. He is a very
smart, acute man, remarkably well skilled in [Sidenote: _fol._ 647.]
the Erse, for he can both read and write the Irish language in its
original character, a piece of knowledge almost quite lost in the
Highlands of Scotland, there being exceedingly few that have any
skill at all in that way. For the Captain told me that he did not
know another person (Old Clanranald only excepted) that knew anything
of the first tongue in its original character; but that the natives
of Ireland (particularly in the higher parts of the country) do still
retain the knowledge of it. Several of the Captain's acquaintances
have informed me that he is by far the best Erse poet in all
Scotland, and that he has written many songs in the pure Irish.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[363] See ff. 266, 466, 760-776.
Copy of COLONEL KER of Gradyne,[364] his Account.
[364] See f. 669. This narrative is printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_,
pp. 131-144.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 648.] In order to judge of the state of the
Prince's affairs at the time of the battle of Culloden, it will not
be amiss to look back to the time of his coming to Inverness, where
the Earl of Loudon commanded before his highness's coming there.
[Sidenote: 16 Feb.]
[Sidenote: Feb.]
The Earl of Loudon hearing of the Prince's coming, and that he was to
quarter that night at Moy[365] (the seat of the Laird of Mackintosh,
about seven miles from Inverness), formed a design to surprize him
and to carry him off, as he was to have but a few men with him for
his guard. The Earl marched from Inverness with most of the garrison,
and was within about two miles of Moy, where accidentally five of the
Prince's people[366] [Sidenote: _fol._ 649.] going about their own
private affairs met with Loudon's advanced guard, and being under
night called to them. But the five, finding who they were, called
out loudly for Lochiel and the other clans to advance. Lord Loudon's
people, not doubting but they were there, took flight and returned to
Inverness in great confusion, and left it next day on the Prince's
appearing on the rising ground above the town, returning with his men
to the shire of Ross, where they continued till the Earl of Cromarty
with a party was sent in pursuit of them.[367] Upon his approach
they retired towards Tain, where we shall leave them for a while and
return to Inverness.
[365] See f. 380.
[366] Ker's account of this affair agrees most exactly with that of
Captain Malcolm MacLeod, but the account given by the Captain is much
more exact and circumstantial, as may be seen in [see ff. 258-261,
273, 989, 1207, 1256.]
ROBERT FORBES, A. M.
[367] See f. 156.
[Sidenote: 17 Feb.]
[Sidenote: Feb.]
The Prince coming before the place, summoned the castle to surrender,
and on being refused a battery was raised; but the canon being but
small, had little effect upon it, which obliged [Sidenote: _fol._
650.] the besiegers to have recourse to a sap, which being brought
near the angle of one of the bastions, the castle was surrendered and
the garrison made prisoners. This being done, Brigadier Stapleton,
with Lochiel's and Keppoch's regiments, Lord John Drummond's (which
was not compleat, a great many of them being made prisoners in their
passage to Scotland), and the French piquets, were sent to besiege
Fort Augustus, which surrendered likewise, and the garrison were made
prisoners. After which it was thought proper to leave part of Lord
John Drummond's regiment there, and to send Lochiel's and Keppoch's
regiments, the French piquets and some of Lord John Drummond's
regiment (in all not 300 men) with Brigadier Stapleton to invest Fort
William, where we shall leave them and return to the Earl of Cromarty
in pursuit of the Earl of Loudon towards Tain, where the said Earl
crossed the ferry with his [Sidenote: _fol._ 651.] men and went over
to the shire of Sutherland; where we shall again leave him for a
while and return to Inverness, from which the most of the Prince's
troops that were not employed as above were sent to Speyside, under
the command of Lord John Drummond, to guard that river against any
surprize from the Duke of Cumberland, who by that time was come with
his troop to Aberdeen, and had sent some of Kingston's horse and
some of the Argyleshire men to Keith[368] (a small village about six
miles from the river Spey), where they were all surprized and made
prisoners.
[368] See f. 1138.
As it had been assured that the Duke of Cumberland was to stay at
Aberdeen (where he had thrown up some works to prevent a surprize)
till all the forces he expected should join him, the Prince on his
part took his measures, and in order to secure a retreat in case he
had no mind to fight till he should get all his men together, or to
march into Perthshire if needful [Sidenote: _fol._ 652.] for the
better support of his army, was advised to endeavour the recovery of
Blair Castle (which he would not allow to be burnt when he passed
that way), which was then possessed by Sir Andrew Agnew with some
regular troops under his command, as were most of the principal
posts in Athol by the Campbells; whilst the 6000 Hessians and St.
George's dragoons lay at Crief and places adjacent. Lord George
Murray was ordered to march with the Athol men to Badenoch to join
the MacPhersons that lay about Ruthven of Badenoch (from the time the
Prince had passed that way) to guard the passes leading to and from
Athol and to get intelligence on that side.
[Sidenote: March]
As soon as Lord George had joined the MacPhersons they marched with
such expedition into Athol that they surprized a great many of the
Campbells at Blairfetty, Keinochin, and other posts possessed by
them, and made most of them prisoners.[369] [Sidenote: _fol._ 653.]
Sir Andrew Agnew,[370] being alarmed by his out-sentinels, retired
into the castle, in which he was shut up for seventeen days, some
part of which time it was battered with two pieces of canon,[371] one
of three, the other of four pounds, which made but little impression
upon the walls, though they ruined the roof.
[369] See ff. 567, 902.
[370] Who pillaged the house of Lude (the widow lady living in it),
breaking to pieces all the doors and windows, and the finishing of
the rooms and some of the floors.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[371] See f. 907.
During this time the Hessians marched to relieve the castle, and
some of the Athol men being advanced as far down as Dunkeld to get
intelligence and to guard that with other passes on the river, where
were frequent skirmishes between them and the Hessian hussars, and
some of St. George's dragoons who had come to reconnoitre some days
before the foot came up. But when they were come up, the Athol men
were obliged to retire (as they could not be supported at such a
distance) to Pitlochrie, near the famous pass of Killicrankie, where,
with some others that were sent from Blair, they continued about
eight [Sidenote: _fol._ 654.] days (the MacPhersons with some of
the Athol men keeping Sir Andrew and his men still shut up in the
Castle), always skirmishing with the hussars and dragoons till their
foot came up, which obliged the Athol men to retire into the above
pass, where they continued that day. But as they were few in number,
Lord George called a council of the officers, who were of opinion
that the pass was not tenable, since it might be surrounded on all
sides by such a vastly superiour number. It was therefore resolved
to abandon both it and the Castle, which was accordingly done that
night. And having sent the canon away, they marched to Ruthven
of Badenoch without the least interruption from the enemy.[372]
Here the MacPhersons were left as formerly, and the Athol men were
ordered to the Speyside. Lord George went on to Inverness, and upon
his arrival there, intelligence being brought that Lord Loudon had
repass'd with his troops from Sutherland to Tain, he was ordered to
march with some [Sidenote: _fol._ 655.] troops to join the Earl of
Cromarty and to give Lord Loudon battle if he would stay for it. But
he, hearing of Lord George's march, returned to Sutherland again.
Lord George, having given the necessary orders to Lord Cromarty (who
continued to command in that country), returned to Inverness, where
it was resolved the Duke of Perth should be sent to take upon him
the command,[373] and if possible to get as many boats together as
would ferry over his men, and to drive Lord Loudon out of Sutherland
if he would not stay to fight. The boats were got together, and the
Duke of Perth with his men passed over without being perceived and
surprized Lord Loudon's people,[374] obliged them to capitulate, and
made them prisoners. Lord Loudon and the President of the Session of
Scotland made their escape. After which the Duke of Perth seized some
ships that lay in the Firth of Tain, on board of which were all the
valuable effects that were shipt on board at Inverness before Lord
Loudon left it, the military chest excepted, which had [Sidenote:
_fol._ 656.] been conveyed on board a frigate which lay in the bay.
This done, the Duke of Perth returned to Inverness, leaving the
command to the Earl of Cromarty.
[372] See ff. 907, 1267.
[373] These particulars represent the Earl of Cromarty in a very
indifferent light. See f. 1259.--F.
[374] It should be _some_ of Lord Loudon's.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: April]
About this time, the _Hazard_ sloop returning from France with money,
arms, and ammunition, and several French and Spanish officers on
board, was chased on shore by an English man of war in Lord Rae's
country,[375] where they landed their cargo, and, apprehending no
danger from the country people, they provided themselves with a
guide to conduct them and their cargo to the Earl of Cromarty. But
as they were on their march they were set upon by Lord Rae's people,
who, after a good resistance, made them prisoners and carried off
the cargo, which was thought could not have been done without the
treachery of the guide, who disappeared before the action began.
The news being brought to Inverness, orders were sent to the Earl
of Cromarty to send a party into Lord Rae's country to demand
satisfaction. But his Lordship, being somewhat [Sidenote: _fol._
657.] dilatory in executing his orders, Lord Rae's people gathered
together with some of Lord Loudon's officers at their head.
[375] See f. 1261.
About this time advice was brought to Inverness that the Duke of
Cumberland (being joined by all the forces he expected) had begun
his march from Aberdeen northwards, and had ordered the ships that
attended him with provisions for his army to coast along in sight
of him to Inverness. Upon which, orders were dispatched to the Earl
of Cromarty to call in all his detachments, and to march with all
expedition to join the Prince.[376] He gave his orders accordingly,
and went himself with some of his officers to Dunrobin Castle to
bid adieu to the Countess of Sutherland, and to thank her for the
civilities they had received from her. Whilst they were there amusing
themselves, the castle was surrounded by Lord Sutherland's and Lord
Rae's people, who, having had intelligence of their being there,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 658.] made them all prisoners. Orders were likewise
sent at this time to the MacPhersons, and to those that were at Fort
Augustus and Fort William, to join the Prince as soon as possible.
Those from Fort Augustus and the French piquets joined on Saturday,
and Lochiel from Fort William on Sunday.[377] Advice was brought
on Monday that the Duke of Cumberland was coming to the Spey, and
that Lord John Drummond, with the troops under his command, was
retiring. Upon which the Prince ordered the drums to beat and the
pipes to play to arms. The men in the town assembled as fast as they
could, the canon was ordered to march, and the Prince mounted on
horseback and went out at their head to Culloden House, the place of
rendezvous; and Lord George Murray was left in the town to bring up
those that were quartered in the neighbourhood of Inverness, which
made it pretty late before he joined the Prince at Culloden. Orders
were likewise sent to Lord John Drummond [Sidenote: _fol._ 659.] to
assemble there likewise, which he did the next day, being Tuesday.
[376] See ff. 156, 1261.
[377] On Monday, says Mr. John Cameron [see f. 157].
[Sidenote: 15 April]
Tuesday,[378] being April 15th, the whole army marched up to the
muir, about a mile to the eastward of Culloden House, where they were
all drawn up in order of battle to wait the Duke of Cumberland's
coming. Keppoch's men joined in the field from Fort William, and the
whole was reviewed by the Prince, who was very well pleased to see
them in such good spirits, tho' they had eaten nothing that day but
one single bisket a man, provisions being very scarce, and money too.
[378] The copy from which I transcribed had here the words, viz.:
'Wednesday, being the 16th of April,' which certainly behoved to be
an error, as it is well known that the battle of Culloden was fought
upon Wednesday, April 16th. See ff. 126, 157, 181, 430, 439.--ROBERT
FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 16 April]
The Prince (being informed that the Duke of Cumberland had halted
that day at Nairn to refresh his men, and that the ships with his
provisions were coming into the bay of Inverness that evening)
called a council of war, and, after great debates [Sidenote: _fol._
660.] (although neither the Earl of Cromarty--who by that time was
prisoner, tho' not known--nor the MacPhersons, nor a great many of
the Frasers, were come up) it was resolved to march and endeavour to
surprize the Duke in his camp at Nairn, about twelve miles distant.
Accordingly, the march was begun between seven and eight o'clock at
night, the first column commanded by Lord George Murray, the second
by the Prince. The night being dark occasioned several halts to be
made for bringing up the rear. When about half way, Lord George
ordered Colonel Ker, one of the Prince's aid-de-camps, to go from
front to rear and give orders to the respective officers to order the
men to make the attack sword in hand,[379] which was thought better,
as it would not alarm the enemy soon, and that their fire-arms
would be of use to them afterwards. When he [Sidenote: _fol._ 661.]
returned to the front to acquaint Lord George Murray of his having
executed his orders, he found they were halted a little to the
eastward of Kilravock House, deliberating whether or not they should
proceed (having then but four miles to march to Nairn, where the
enemy was encamped) or return to Culloden, as they had not an hour
at most, or thereabout, to daylight; and if they could not be there
before that time the surprize would be rendered impracticable, and
the more so as it was not to be doubted that the enemy would be under
arms before daylight, as they were to march that morning to give
the Prince battle. The Duke of Perth and his brother, Lord John, who
had been sent to advise the Prince, returned to Lord George.[380]
Lochiel and others, who were in the front, hearing that there was a
great interval between the two lines, which would take up most of
the time to daylight to join, it was resolved to return to Culloden,
which was accordingly done; [Sidenote: _fol._ 662.] which, some say,
was contrary to the Prince's inclinations. They marched the shortest
way back by the church of Croy, which, though but scarce two miles
from the place where the halt was made, yet it was clear daylight
before the front arrived there, which makes it clear there was no
possibility of surprizing the enemy before daylight, as was designed.
[379] Mr. John Cameron says sword and pistol [f. 157]. But certainly
Colonel Ker, who carried the orders from Lord George Murray, must
know that point best.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[380] See ff. 158, 441, 1270.
The march was continued to Culloden, from whence a great many, both
officers and soldiers, went to Inverness and other places in quest
of provisions, which were very much wanted. The Prince, with great
difficulty having got some bread and whiskie at Culloden, where,
reposing himself a little after having marched all that night on
foot, had intelligence brought that the enemy was in sight, whereupon
those about Culloden were ordered to arms, and several officers sent
to Inverness and places adjacent to bring up what men they could meet
with.
Whilst those about Culloden were marching up to the muir [Sidenote:
_fol._ 663.] above the house, where they were join'd by about three
hundred of the Frasers just then come up, Colonel Ker went out to
reconnoitre the enemy. When he returned, he told the Prince and Lord
George that their foot were marching up in three columns with their
cavalry on their left, so that they could form their line of battle
in an instant. The Prince ordered his men to be drawn up in two
lines, and the few horse he had in the rear towards the wings, and
the canon to be disperst in the front, which were brought up with
great difficulty for want of horses.
As there was not time to march to the ground they were on the day
before, they were drawn up a mile farther westward, with a stone
inclosure on the right of the first line, and the second at a proper
distance behind; after having reconnoitred the inclosure, which ran
down to the Water of Nairn[381] on the right, so that no body of men
could pass without throwing [Sidenote: _fol._ 664.] down the wall.
And to guard further against any attempts that might be made on that
side, there were two battalions placed facing outwards, which covered
the right of the two lines, and to observe the motion of the enemy,
if they should make any attempt that way.
[381] In the copy which I made, my transcript from the word here
was Ern, which behoved to be a mistake, the water of Ern being
in Perthshire. The same mistake was in the said copy a second
time--viz., in the fourth line of page 667 in the volume.--ROBERT
FORBES, A.M.
The Duke of Cumberland formed his line at a great distance, and
marched in battle-order till he came within canon shot, where he
halted and placed his canon in different places, at some distance in
his front, which outwinged the Prince's both to the right and left
without his cavalry, which were mostly on the left, some few excepted
that were sent to cover the right. As soon as the Duke's canon were
placed, he began canonading, which was answered by the Prince's, who
rode along the lines to encourage his men, and posted himself in the
most convenient place (here one of his servants was killed by his
side) to see [Sidenote: _fol._ 665.] what pass'd, not doubting but
the Duke would begin the attack, as he had both the wind and weather
on his back, snow and hail falling very thick at the same time.
Here it is to be observed that neither those that had been with
the Earl of Cromarty (he, with his son and some of his officers
being only made prisoners, his men having marched on before), nor
the MacPhersons, nor between two and three thousand men that had
been on the field the day before, were come up. Notwithstanding
all these disadvantages, and the Duke's canon playing with great
execution,[382] Lord George Murray, who commanded the right,[383]
sent Colonel Ker to the Prince to know if he should begin the attack,
which the Prince accordingly ordered. As the right was farther
advanced than the left, Colonel Ker went to the left and ordered the
Duke of Perth, who commanded there, to begin the attack, and rode
[Sidenote: _fol._ 666.] along the line till he came to the right,
where Lord George was, who attacked at the head of the Athol men (who
had the right of the army that day) with all the bravery imaginable,
as did indeed the whole line, breaking the Duke's line in several
places, and making themselves masters of two pieces of the enemy's
canon. Though they were both fronted and flanked by them, they,
notwithstanding, marched up under a close firing from right to left
to the very points of their bayonets, which they could not see for
the smoak till they were upon them.
[382] See ff. 129, 445.
[383] As this proceeds from Colonel Ker himself, who behoved to
know this matter best, so it is more to be depended upon than other
accounts, which differ from this, and some of which tell it in such a
way as to leave an insinuation of some blame upon Lord George Murray,
whose bravery can never be called in question. See ff. 129, 160, 182,
328, 446, 675.
At the beginning of the attack the Campbells[384] threw down a great
deal of the wall of the inclosure for the dragoons on the Duke's
left to pass to the rear of the Prince's army, which they were
suffered to do without receiving one shot from the two battalions
that were placed to observe their motions. This being observed, and
the constant fire kept up by the Duke's foot in the front, put the
Prince's people in disorder and [Sidenote: _fol._ 667.] rendered the
defeat of his army compleat.
[384] This says very ill for the corps posted to guard the park walls
in order to prevent the Prince's army being flanked by the enemy from
that quarter.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
The Prince retired in good order with some few of his men, and
crossed the Water of Nairn at the ford on the highway between
Inverness and Corryburgh, without being pursued by the enemy, where
he parted with them, taking only a few of FitzJames's horse and some
gentlemen along with him up that river, the rest taking the highway
to Ruthven of Badenoch, where they stayed some days expecting an
answer to a letter that was sent to the Prince; but it not coming
in the time expected, they all separated, every one to do the best
he could for himself. Most of the clans had gone from the field of
battle towards their respective countries.
The publick has been no ways favourable to Lord George Murray,[385]
but if they had been witnesses of his zeal and activity from the
time he joined in that affair to the last of it, his exposing his
person wherever an occasion offered, and in particular [Sidenote:
_fol._ 668.] at the battle of Culloden, where he went on with the
first and came not off till the last, they would have done him more
justice. And whatever sentiments they have been pleased to say the
Prince had of him, they are hardly to be credited, and for this
reason; because when, after the battle, Colonel Ker went to acquaint
the Prince how affairs were going, his highness enquired particularly
about Lord George Murray, and, being told that he had been thrown
from his horse in the time of the action, but was no way hurt, the
Prince, in presence of all that were there, desired Colonel Ker to
find him out and [Sidenote: _fol._ 669.] take particular care of him,
which it is to be presumed he would not have done if he had had the
least suspicion of what has been laid to _his charge by his enemies_.
[385] Here Colonel Ker vindicates Lord George Murray from villainy,
an imputation which no man in his right senses could ever entertain
against Lord George, because no villain would have exposed his person
so remarkably as he did where danger called upon all occasions.
Besides, if Lord George had acted the double and dishonest part, why
should he have skulked, and, at last, have gone to foreign parts?
But, then, it is worth noticing that Colonel Ker says not a word with
respect to the insolence and haughtiness of Lord George's temper, his
great misfortune and fault, in which alone he can be justly blamed,
and with which he stands charged by the Prince's own words to more
than one [see ff. 150, 236, 450, 453]. However, to do Lord George
justice, it is affirmed by some who have an opportunity of knowing,
that Lord George, before he left Scotland, did declare his surprize
to a friend (Murray of Abercairney) how it could enter into the head
of any person to charge him with treachery. But at the same time that
he acknowledged with concern and regret that he had been too often
guilty of contradicting and thwarting the Prince in the measures
he proposed. Certainly, tho' both be bad enough, there is a great
difference 'twixt villainy and pride.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
* * * * *
_N.B._--The above faithfully taken from a copy transcribed from
another copy, which other copy was transcribed from Colonel Ker's
own handwriting. As Colonel Ker has an excellent good character, and
is acknowledged on all hands to be a gentleman of strict veracity
and honour, so his account of things justly merits a place in the
esteem of every lover of truth. He was taken prisoner (if I rightly
remember) somewhere in the shire of Angus, about the beginning of May
1746 (see _Scots Magazine_ for said year, page 238), and was found
guilty, November 6th, 1746 (see _Scots Magazine_ for said year, page
529), and accordingly was condemned upon November 15th of said year
(see page 530 of the foresaid magazine). He is under a reprieve,
and continues still to be a prisoner in a messenger's house by the
interest of the Prussian ambassador, who did much good in that way.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Copy of CAPTAIN O'NEILLE'S Journal, taken from a copy attested by
his name subscribed with his own hand.[386]
[386] Printed in _Jacobite Memoirs_, pp. 348-362.
[Sidenote: _fol._ 670.] Having heard and seen many scandalous libels
given out in my name of the conduct and retreat of the Prince since
the battle of Culloden, I have thought myself obliged in duty and
honour to give an impartial and true account of the same during
[the][387] time that I had the honour to be near his person. This I
don't pretend in justification of that great Prince, whose inimitable
virtues and qualifications as well render him the darling of his
friends as the astonishing surprize of his greatest enemies, and
whose valour and calm intrepidity in heretofore unheard of dangers
will usher down his fame to the latest posterity; but to convince and
assure the world that all accounts as yet given, either under any
name or otherwise, have [Sidenote: _fol._ 671.] been as spurious[388]
as defective and infamously false. I moreover assure this to be the
first and only account that I have given or will give, and affirm the
contents to be true upon my honour.
[387] Thus the attested copy had it, without the word 'the.'
[388] If this be so, how then came I by the copy in vol. i. p. 181?
For I can declare I was master of that copy upon July 14th, 1747,
_i.e._ exactly a month and a half before the date of the Captain's
letter, along with the attested copy, to the Countess of Dundonald.
[See ff. 692-700 _postea_.]
[Sidenote: 1746 15 April]
[Sidenote: 16 April]
April 15th, O.S.--Prince Charles marched his army in three columns
from Culloden Muir in hopes to surprize the Duke of Cumberland in
his camp at Nairn, ordering at the same time two thousand men to
pass the river Nairn and post themselves between Elgin and the camp
of the enemy. To deceive the ships that were in Inverness Road he
ordered several fires to be made on the mountain where he drew up
in battle. At eight at night he began his march, and about two next
morning, being the 16th of April, within a mile[389] of the enemy,
our van halted. The Prince, who marched in the centre, dispatched an
aid-de-camp to know the motive of the halt. Colonel[390] [Sidenote:
_fol._ 672.] O'Sullivan (who marched in the van) immediately hasted
to the Prince and told him Lord George Murray and some other of
the chieftains, as they wanted some of their men, did not think
themselves sufficiently strong to attack the enemy, and upon a
strong belief the Duke of Cumberland was apprized of their design,
refused to advance, maugre the instances he (Colonel O'Sullivan)
made use of to engage them to the contrary. Upon this the Prince
advanced to the head of the column, where, assembling the chiefs, in
the most pathetic and strong terms demonstrated to them the visible
and real advantages they had of an enemy who thought themselves
secure of any such attempt, and descending his horse,[391] drew his
sword, and told them he would lead them to an enemy they had as
often defeated as seen. But, deaf to his example and intreaties,
the [Sidenote: _fol._ 673.] major part declin'd, which so sensibly
shocked the Prince, that, remounting his horse, he told them with
the greatest concern[392] he did not so much regret his own loss as
their inevitable ruin. He immediately marched back to the former
camp at Culloden, where he arrived at five in the morning. At ten he
was informed the Duke of Cumberland was in full march towards him.
Whereupon the Prince gave the necessary orders for the attack, riding
from rank to rank encouraging his troops and exhorting them [with his
usual sprightliness][393] to behave as they had done at Prestonpans
and Falkirk. Between twelve and one the Prince engag'd the enemy,
commanding himself in the centre. The right wing immediately broke
the left of the enemy, but their flank being exposed to seven[394]
squadrons of horse, who attack'd them while they were in pursuit
of the [Sidenote: _fol._ 674.] enemy's foot, was put into so much
confusion that it was dispers'd. The Prince gallop'd to the right,
and endeavouring to rally them[395] had his horse shot under
him.[396] The left followed the example of the right, which drew on
an entire deroute in spite of all the Prince could do to animate
or rally them. Notwithstanding which he remained upon the field of
battle untill there were no more hopes left, and then could scarce be
persuaded to retire, ordering the Irish piquets and FitzJames's horse
to make a stand and favour the retreat of the Highlanders, which was
as gallantly executed. Previous to the battle the Prince had ordered
the chieftains that (in case of a defeat) as the Highlanders could
not retreat as regular troops, they should assemble their men near
Fort Augustus. In consequence of this, immediately after the battle
the Prince dispatched me to Inverness to repeat his orders to such
of his [Sidenote: _fol._ 675.] troops as were there. That night the
Prince retir'd six miles from the field of battle[397] and went next
day as far, and in three days more arrived at Fort Augustus, where he
remained a whole day in expectation his troops would have join'd him.
But seeing no appearance of it, he went to the house of Invergary and
ordered me to remain there to direct such as pass'd that way the road
he took. I remained there two days and announc'd the Prince's orders
to such as I met, but to no effect, every one taking his own road.
[389] Three or four miles, say other accounts, and justly too, as
must be confessed by those who know anything of the country about
Nairn, where the attack was to have been made. See ff. 158, 448,
661.--F.
[390] This page contains several particulars not so much as mentioned
in any of the accounts given by others, as may be seen by making a
comparison.--F.
[391] The Prince marched all that night on foot, says Ker of Gradyne,
f. 662.--F.
[392] With tears in his eyes, says the other copy, f. 181.--F.
[393] These words are wanting in the foresaid copy. See f. 182.--F.
[394] Nine squadrons, says the foresaid copy, f. 182.--F.
[395] Here in the foresaid copy these following words, 'but to no
purpose.' See f. 182.--F.
[396] Not true. See f. 1161.--F.
[397] The foresaid copy says here, 'And next day arrived at Fort
Augustus.'--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[Sidenote: 28 April]
I then followed the Prince, who was so far from making a precipitate
retreat [as has been maliciously reported][398] that he
retired by six and six miles and arrived the 28th of
April[399] O.S. at Knoidart, where I join'd him next day and gave him
an [Sidenote: _fol._ 676.] account of the little or no appearance
there was of assembling his troops, upon which he wrote circular
letters to all the chiftains, enjoining them, by the obedience they
owed him, to join him immediately with such of their clans as they
could gather; at the same time representing to them the imminent
danger they were in if they neglected it. After remaining some days
there in hopes his orders would have been obeyed, and seeing not one
person repair to him, the extreme danger his person was in, being
within seven miles[400] of Lord Loudon, Sir Alexander MacDonald
and the MacLeods, it was proposed to evade it by retreating to one
of the islands near the continent. After repeated instances of the
like nature he reluctantly assented, leaving Mr. John Hay behind to
transmit [Sidenote: _fol._ 677.] him the answers of his letters, with
an account of what should pass, and parted for the Isles in an open
fishing boat at eight at night, attended by Colonel O'Sullivan and me
only.[401] About an hour after we parted a violent hurricane arose,
which drove us ninety miles[402] from our designed port; and next day
running for shelter into the Island of North Uist,[403] we struck
upon a rock and staved to pieces,[404] and with great difficulty
saved our lives. At our landing we were in the most melancholy
situation, knowing nobody and wanting the common necessaries of life.
After much search we found a little hut uninhabited, and took shelter
there, and with a great deal of pains made a fire to dry our cloaths.
Here the Prince remained two days, [Sidenote: _fol._ 678.] having
no other provisions but a few biskets we had saved out of the boat,
which were entirely spoiled with the salt water.
[398] These words are not in the other copy, f. 183.--F.
[399] The 26th of April, says the foresaid copy, which day Donald
MacLeod fixes upon for their departure from the continent to the
Isles. See ff. 273, 281, 316. Ned Burk says much the same. [See p.
329.]--F.
[400] Says Donald MacLeod, 'ten or twelve miles by sea, but a much
greater distance by land.' See f. 278.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[401] Honest Donald MacLeod, the pilot, and Allan MacDonald,
Clanranald's relation might have had a place here, to say nothing of
the poor rowers. See f. 281.--F.
[402] This must be a mistake, tho' it be so in the other copy too,
for none of the lochs has so much bounds as to allow of such a drive
from an intended harbour. I remember Donald MacLeod called this
'nonsense,' for he makes the whole course but only 96 miles. [See f.
284.]--F.
[403] This should be Benbecula, but I think not so much of his
mistaking names, being a stranger. See f. 284.--F.
[404] This is altogether an error, as plainly appears, not only
from the words of Donald MacLeod and Ned Burk [see ff. 270, 343],
but likewise from a remarkable token given me by Captain Alexander
MacDonald, which puts this point beyond all doubt. See f. 581.--F.
[Sidenote: 1 May.]
[Sidenote: 6 May]
As this island belonged to Sir Alexander MacDonald, and not judging
ourselves safe, we determined going elsewhere, and by the greatest
good fortune, one of our boatmen discovered a boat[405] stranded on
the coast, and, having with great difficulty launched it into the
water, we imbarked for the Harris. In our passage we unfortunately
met with another storm which obliged us to put into an island near
Stornoway. Next day the Prince dispatched me[406] for Stornoway to
look for a ship, ordering me to imbark on board the first I could
get, and to make the most diligent haste after my landing on the
Continent to the Court of France, ordering me to give an exact
account to [Sidenote: _fol._ 679.] his most Christian Majesty of his
disasters and of his resolution never to abandon the country untill
he knew the final result of France, and if it was not[407] possible
once more to assemble his faithful Highlanders. Unluckily the person
that the Prince sent with me[408] getting drunk, told the master of
the ship somewhat that induced him to refuse taking me on board,
and immediately alarmed the country, which obliged me to return and
join the Prince, who upon what I told him resolved for the continent
by way of Seaforth's country. But the boatmen absolutely refused to
comply, which made us take the road we came. And meeting with three
ships of war we were constrained [Sidenote: _fol._ 680.] to put into
a desert island where we remained eight days[409] in the greatest
misery, having no sustenance but some dried fish that Providence
threw in our way in this island. When the ships disappeared we put to
sea again, and next morning met with another ship of war just coming
out of one of the lochs, who pursued us for near an hour; but the
wind rising we made our escape. In the afternoon we arrived at the
Island of Benbecula, and one of the boatmen, being acquainted with a
herd of the island, led us to his house, where, passing for friends
of the boatman, we remained four days, and then the Prince sent the
boat to the continent with a Highland gentleman whom he charged with
letters to the chiefs, Secretary [Sidenote: _fol._ 681.] Murray and
John Hay, requiring an exact account how affairs stood.
[405] One error never fails to prove the foundation of another, if
not of many.--F.
[406] This whole affair is represented in quite a different manner by
Donald MacLeod, who caused me remark more than once that O'Neille did
not accompany him to Stornoway (See ff. 270, 287), and I have heard
Ned Burk affirm the same thing.--F.
[407] Here either 'not' should be wanting, or the next word
immediately following should be 'impossible' to make sense of the
words which were precisely as above in the attested copy, but in the
other copy they happen to be right. See f. 184.--F.
[408] One error must be the foundation of another at least. See this
whole affair cleared up by Donald MacLeod himself (See f. 289), and
that, too, according to the expressions of Captain John Hay upon the
head who could have no interest or by-view in what he spoke. See f.
479.--F.
[409] Four days and four nights, says Donald MacLeod, and not in so
very great misery as Captain O'Neille represents them to have been
in, though indeed their case was bad enough (See ff. 291-297). And
Ned Burk's account of this matter agrees with that of Donald MacLeod
(See f. 331). One day I read this particular of the desert island to
Ned Burk when he used this remarkable expression, 'What deel needs a
man mack mair wonders than we had. Faith we had anew o' them.' Words
tho' coarse, yet very significant.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
Not thinking ourselves secure in the cottage, by the advice of a
friend we retired to the mountain of Coradale to wait the return
of the gentleman, where we remained two-and-twenty days, when the
gentleman returned with a letter from Secretary Murray importing that
the clans had almost all delivered up their arms, and, consequently,
were no more to be depended on. He likewise acquainted the Prince
of two French ships who had arrived at the continent with money
and arms, and in which the Duke of Perth, his brother, Sir Thomas
Sheridan, and John Hay had imbarked for France.
[Sidenote: June.]
Here we remained some days longer, till the Duke of Cumberland
having intelligence that the Prince was concealed in the Long Isle,
ordered the militia of the Isle of Sky and the Independent Companies
to go in search of him. As soon [Sidenote: _fol._ 682.] as we had
notice of their landing we retreated to an island about twelve
miles distance, called Ouya, where we remained till we found they
had followed us, and then we went for Loch Boisdale, and stayed
there eight days, when Captain Carolina Scott landed within a mile
of us, which obliged us to separate, the Prince taking me to the
mountains, and O'Sullivan remaining with the boatmen. At nightfall
we marched towards Benbecula, being informed Scott had ordered the
militia to come and join him. At midnight we came to a hut, where
by good fortune we met with Miss Flora MacDonald, whom I formerly
knew. I quitted the Prince at some distance from the hut, and went
with a design to inform myself if the Independent Companies were
to pass that way next day, as we had been informed. The young lady
answered me--Not--and said that they would not pass till the day
after. Then I told her I brought a friend to see her, and she, with
some emotion, [Sidenote: _fol._ 683.] asked me if it was the Prince.
I answered her it was, and instantly brought him in.[410] We then
consulted on the imminent danger the Prince was in, and could think
of a no more proper and safe expedient than to propose to Miss Flora
to convey him to the Isle of Sky, where her mother lived. This
seemed the more feasible, as the young lady's father being captain
of an Independent Company would accord her a pass for herself and a
servant to go visit her mother. The Prince assented, and immediately
propos'd it to the young lady, to which she answered with the
greatest respect and loyalty; but declined it, saying Sir Alexander
MacDonald was too much her friend to be the instrument of his ruin.
I endeavoured to obviate this by assuring her Sir Alexander was not
in the country, and that she could with the greatest facility convey
the Prince to her mother's, as she lived close by the waterside.
I then [Sidenote: _fol._ 684.] remonstrated to her the honour and
immortality that would redound to her by such a glorious action, and
she at length acquiesc'd, after the Prince had told her the sense
he would always retain of so conspicuous a service. She promised
to acquaint us next day when things were ripe for execution, and
we parted for the mountains of Coradale. Next day at four in the
afternoon we received a message from our protectress, telling us ALL
WAS WELL. We determined joining her immediately, but the messenger
informed us we could not pass either of the fords that separated
the island we were in from Benbecula, as they were both guarded. In
this dreadful situation a man of the country tendered us his boat,
which we readily accepted, and next day landed at Benbecula, and
immediately marched for Rossinish, the place of rendezvous, where
we arrived at midnight, and instead of our protectress, [Sidenote:
_fol._ 685.] found [ourselves within fifty yards of][411] a guard
of the enemy. We were constrained to retreat four miles, having eat
nothing for thirty hours[412] before. The Prince ordered me to go to
the lady and know the reason she did not keep her appointment. She
told me she had engaged a cousin of hers in North Uist to receive
him in his house, where she was sure he would be more safe than in
the Isle of Sky.[413] I immediately dispatched a boy with this news
to the Prince, and mentioned him the place of appointment, whither
he came. But the gentleman absolutely refused receiving us, alleging
for a motive that he was vassal to Sir Alexander MacDonald. In this
unexpected exigence, being within a small half mile of a captain
and fifty men, we hastened for Rossinish, being apprized the enemy
had just [Sidenote: _fol._ 686.] abandoned it. The Prince sent me
to acquaint Miss Flora of our disappointment and to intreat her to
keep to her promise, as there was no time to lose. She faithfully
promised for next day, and I remained with her that night, the
Prince remaining at Rossinish attended by a little herd. Next day
I accompanied Miss Flora to the rendezvous, where we had not long
been when we had an account[414] that General Campbell was just
landed with 1500 men.[415] We were now apprehensive that we were
betrayed, and instantly got to our boat and put to another place,
where we arrived at daybreak. We dispatched to Clanranald's house to
learn what news, who brought us word that General Campbell was there
with Captain Ferguson, and that he saw Captain Scott's detachment
coming to join [Sidenote: _fol._ 687.] them, and that they amounted
in all to 2300 men. The Prince intreated the young lady I should
accompany him, but she absolutely refused it, having a pass but for
one servant. The Prince was so generous as to decline going unless
I attended, untill I told him, if he made the least demur, I would
instantly go about my business, as I was extremely indifferent what
became of me so that his person was safe. [With much difficulty and
after many intreaties][416] he at length imbarked, attended only by
Miss Flora MacDonald.[417]
[410] In all this Captain O'Neille is exactly right, for I have
heard Miss MacDonald declare more than once that the Captain came
to her (bringing the Prince along with him) when she happened to be
in a shealling belonging to her brother; that the Captain was the
contriver of the scheme, and that she herself was very backward to
engage in it; and indeed no wonder (whatever some may say), when
one seriously considers the important trust, and the many dangers
attending it. Something of all this may be gathered from her own
Journal. See f. 524.
[411] In the other copy these words are wanting. See f. 187.--F.
[412] In the other copy thirty-four hours.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[413] See ff. 526, 589.
[414] It is truly a matter of much wonder that the Prince should
escape the clutches of so many in such narrow bounds, especially when
the coast was swarming with ships, sloops, etc.--F.
[415] See ff. 485, 526.
[416] These words are not in the other copy. See f. 189.--F.
[417] The faithful MacKechan might have been named here.--F.
[Sidenote: July.]
Here my hard fate and the Prince's safety, which was my only object,
obliged me to share no longer the misfortunes of that illustrious
hero, whose grandeur of soul and intrepidity, with a calmness of
spirit particular to himself in such dangers, [Sidenote: _fol._
688.] increased in these moments when the general part of mankind
abandon themselves to their fate. I now could only recommend him to
God and his good fortune, and made my way amidst the enemy to South
Uist, where we had left Colonel O'Sullivan.[418] Next day I joined
O'Sullivan, and found (four days after the Prince parted) a French
cutter, commanded by one Dumont, and who had on board two captains
of the Irish brigade with a number of volunteers. Here Colonel
O'Sullivan and I concerted what were the properest measures to be
taken. We agreed that he should go on board the cutter, as he was so
reduced by the long fatigues that he had undergone in the mountains,
as not to be able to walk, and that he should bring the cutter to
Loch Seaforth, nigh the Isle of Rasay, where the Prince ordered me
to join him by a billet he had sent me the day before by one of the
boatmen who had rowed [Sidenote: _fol._ 689.] him to the Isle of
Sky. After having seen my friend on board, and after innumerable
difficulties, I got a boat and went round the Isle of Sky to the Isle
of Rasay, place of rendezvous; but at my landing had intelligence
that the Prince was returned to the Isle of Sky, whereupon I hasted
to said Isle of Sky again, and there too had the grief to learn
that he had departed that island, but for what place nobody could
inform me in the least. I then repaired to Loch Nammaddy in North
Uist, where by our agreement Colonel O'Sullivan was to come to me in
case that in eight days I did not join him at Loch Scaforth; but not
meeting my friend there, after a delay of four days I returned to the
Island of Benbecula, where I promised [Sidenote: _fol._ 690.] myself
greater safety than any where else; but I met with a quite different
usage. For the very person[419] in whom I had entirely confided,
and under whose care I was, betrayed me to Captain MacNeal (induced
thereto by a great sum of money offered for me), who was in that
country under the command of Captain Ferguson of the _Furnace-Bomb_.
I was taken by this Captain MacNeal in a rock over a loch, where I
had skulked for four days, and brought to Captain Ferguson,[420] who
used me with all the barbarity of a pirate, stripped me, and had
ordered me to be put into a rack and whipped by his hangman, because
I would not confess where I thought the Prince was. As I was just
going to be whipped, being already stripped, Lieutenant MacCaghan of
the Scotch Fusileers, who commanded a party under Captain [Sidenote:
_fol._ 691.] Ferguson, very generously opposed this barbarous usage,
and coming out with his drawn sword threatened Captain Ferguson that
he'd sacrifice himself and his detachment rather than to see an
officer used after such an infamous manner.
[418] Captain O'Neille speaks more respectfully, and is more
favourable in his accounts of Colonel O'Sullivan than some other
hints that are given in this Collection. (See ff. 496, 519,
528.)--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[419] See the person named and the whole affair cleared up in this
vol. f. 644.--F.
[420] A man remarkable for his cruelties. See ff. 192, 216, 257, 309,
etc. Even in his younger years he was remarkable for a cruel turn of
mind among his school-fellows and companions, and therefore he is the
fitter tool for William the Cruel. He was born at Old Meldrum in the
shire of Aberdeen.--ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
I can't avoid acquainting the public that four days after I was
taken[421] General Campbell sent me word upon his parole of honour
that if I had money, or other effects in the country, in sending them
to him they should be safe. Upon which (always imagining that the
word of honour was as sacredly kept in the English army as 'tis in
others) I went with a detachment for my money and gold watch which I
had hid in the rock when I perceived the party searching for me, and
sent to General Campbell by Captain Skipness Campbell 450 guineas,
with my gold watch, broadsword, and pistols, all which he has thought
[Sidenote: _fol._ 692.] proper (to be sure consistent with his
honour) to keep from me upon diverse applications made to him to that
purpose.
[421] See ff. 191, 645.
I hope the public will excuse this long digression, that I have made
since my separation from the Prince, the more so that I have only
made it to show that I did everything in my power as well to fulfil
my duty as to endeavour to deserve the confidence with which the
Prince was graciously pleased to honour me.
(_Sic subscribitur_)
F. O'NEILLE.
A coppy.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: 1747 8 Dec.]
_N.B._--After getting notice that Captain Felix O'Neille, after his
being removed from the Castle of Edinburgh to some part in England,
had transmitted an attested copy of his Journal to one of his friends
in Edinburgh, I was at no small pains to find it out. At last I
discovered that it was in the hands of the Countess of Dundonald.
Upon Tuesday, December 8th, 1747, I did myself the honour of paying
my respects to lady Mary Cochran in Edinburgh. I begged to know of
her ladyship if [Sidenote: _fol._ 693.] it was true that the Countess
had any such Journal and if I could have the favour of seeing it.
Lady Mary said it was very true that her mamma had the Journal with
O'Neille's own subscription at it, and that it was transmitted to
her from O'Neille himself, and that she would endeavour to procure
it for me from her mamma and send it down to me as soon as possible.
But, then, her ladyship was pleased to observe that the Countess
would not allow any copy to be taken of it, as Captain O'Neille had
desired that no copy should be given of it, till he should send a
letter to the Countess from France, wherein he would give allowance
for copies to be taken of it at a proper time. And therefore Lady
Mary added that all the favour I could obtain was only the reading of
it. To this I answered that I had heard the Journal was made a great
secret, and seeing it was so, I did not chuse to have the trust of
it; for that if copies should happen to appear from other quarters
it might be said that I had taken a copy without any allowance,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 694.] and thereby had become the occasion of
spreading it. And therefore I would much rather chuse to read it in
her ladyship's presence and return it directly into her hands, if her
ladyship would take the trouble of procuring me a sight of it while
I had the honour of being with her. Lady Mary was so good as to say
that though my Lady Dundonald was confined to her apartment with a
severe cold, she would step to her and ask a reading of the Journal.
Accordingly, in a very short time, Lady Mary returned and gave me the
Journal. After reading of it I could not help declaring my surprize
that the Journal should be made a matter of so much nicety when I
could assure her ladyship that I had been master of a copy of it (the
preface and conclusion only excepted) for about six months past,
and that several such copies as mine were in Edinburgh and other
places of Scotland. Lady Mary said that certainly Captain O'Neille's
touching so severely upon General Campbell behoved to be the reason
why he made his Journal an affair of such secrecy. To this I answered
that the reason [Sidenote: _fol._ 695.] was good so long as Captain
O'Neille remained in any part of Scotland or England, because the
making such a particular the subject of common conversation might
have brought rough enough treatment upon Captain O'Neille. But now
that he was safe in France, I could not help looking upon it as a
point of justice to make that particular part of the Journal known
to the world, that so General Campbell might have an opportunity of
vindicating himself, if there was any mistake in the case, and that
if the charge was a fact, the truth might be fixed. Then I added that
if my Lady Dundonald could be prevailed upon to allow me the use of
the attested copy to compare it with my own, and to take transcripts
of the preface and conclusion, I would promise to give her ladyship
in return for that favour a copy of Ker of Gradyne's account; and
withal I said I should not give copies of the preface and conclusion
or have any hand in making them common. Lady Mary was so good as
to assure me that she would faithfully report _that_ to [Sidenote:
_fol._ 696.] my Lady Dundonald, and would employ her interest to
procure that favour for me upon the conditions I had mentioned. I
then took leave, and said I would do myself the honour of waiting
upon her ladyship some day next week.
[Sidenote: 17 Dec.]
Upon Thursday, December 17th, I again made my court to Lady Mary,
who had most faithfully performed her promise, and had procured what
I so much desired. Upon receiving the attested Journal at Lady Mary's
hands, I repeated the conditions and assured her ladyship I would
observe them.
I had been promised the use of Ker of Gradyne's account from the
right reverend Bishop Keith in the Canongate, who at that time had
the only copy of it in Scotland. Lady Mary informed me that the
Countess was very much surprized to hear that I should have a copy
of O'Neille's Journal, the preface and conclusion excepted, for
that her ladyship had firmly believed that there was no such thing
in all Scotland as the copy of a single sentence of it. Upon this
I informed Lady Mary that Mr. William MacDougal, Wine merchant,
[Sidenote: _fol._ 697.] was master of a transcript of O'Neille's
attested Journal, which he had got when taking a jaunt with his lady
in England for her health sometime in the month of September, from
one of the French officers then prisoners upon parole at Berwick,
but that Mr. MacDougal had given his promise not to communicate it
by giving a copy to any one whatsoever, even though O'Neille had
before that time set out for France, the officers that were left
behind being much afraid that they themselves might feel the effects
of resentment, should the animadversion upon General Campbell be
publickly known before they should be exchanged and set free. Upon
comparing the attested copy with the one I had formerly transcribed
[vol. i. f. 181] I found no other difference betwixt them than
what might proceed from a multiplicity of copies and from the
unskilfulness and inattention of transcribers. And therefore at first
I intended only to remark the differences of the two copies and to
take transcripts of the preface and conclusion. But, upon second
thoughts, I [Sidenote: _fol._ 698.] judged it more eligible to take
an exact and faithful transcript of the whole of the attested copy,
that so I might have it all as it had come from the hands of Captain
O'Neille, who had sent it to my Lady Dundonald wrapped up in a cover
with two seals upon it, and with an address in the following words
precisely:--
'To the right honble. the Countess of Dondanold, Edinburgh.'
The remarks I have made[422] still hold good even as to the attested
copy: for (to omit other particulars) considering the long time that
Captain O'Neille was with the Prince after the battle of Culloden
(about ten or eleven weeks), and the great variety of difficulties
and dangers they had to struggle with during all that time, certainly
the Captain behoved to have much more to say than what he has given
an account of in his Journal, had he only been at the trouble of
taking time and leisure to recollect himself with that accuracy and
exactness [Sidenote: _fol._ 699.] which the importance of the subject
justly calls for. In such an uncommon and interesting scene of life
the minutest occurrence that has the smallest tendency to illustrate
the character of the _suffering hero_ should not be omitted. Let
this piece of history be cooly and impartially considered only from
April 16th to September 20th, and I dare venture to say one will not
find a parallel to it in any history whatsoever. For a prince to be
a-skulking five long months exposed to the hardships of hunger and
cold, thirst and nakedness, and surrounded on all hands by a numerous
army of blood-thirsty men, both by sea and land, eagerly hunting
after the price of blood, and yet that they should miss the much
coveted aim, is an event of life far surpassing the power of words
to paint. In a word, I presume it may be asserted with great truth
that the Prince (all circumstances considered) could not have been
safe in any other place of the three kingdoms but in the Highlands of
Scotland. Let any one compare O'Neille's Journal [Sidenote: _fol._
700.] with Donald MacLeod's,[423] and I am persuaded he will find
the Captain's account of things dull and wanting when put into the
balance with that of the old honest Palinurus, whose simple unadorn'd
sayings have a peculiar energy and beauty in them.
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
[422] See f. 189.
[423] See ff. 277-307.
* * * * *
_Tuesday's forenoon, February 2d, 1748._
[Sidenote: 1748 2 Feb.]
I paid my respects to the Countess of Dundonald and Lady Mary
Cochran, when I delivered back to the Countess the attested copy of
O'Neille's Journal, and likewise gave to her ladyship the copy I
had promised of Gradyne's account. I then asked the Countess if her
ladyship remembered at what time she had received the attested copy
from O'Neille. Her ladyship was pleased to answer that as she had
received a letter along with the Journal from Captain O'Neille, so
she could fully satisfy me about that; and going to a cabinet her
ladyship fetched O'Neille's letter out of one of the drawers and
showed me the date of it, which was as follows: 'Berwick, August
30th, 1747.'
ROBERT FORBES, A.M.
APPENDIX
A.--A Coppy of a LETTER from a Soldier in Cobham's Dragoons sent
to his Brother at Cirencester.[424]
[424] See footnote, p. 50, _ante_.
_May 11th, 1746: Stonehive,
80 miles this side Inverness._
To which we marched since that glorious 16th of April which gave
liberty to three kingdom. These rapacious villains thought to have
destroyed their prisoners, and by their orderly books, had they got
the better, we were to have been every soul of us cut off, and not
have had one prisoner, and for the Duke he was to have been cut
as small as herbs for the pot, thus they and their books declare.
But, God be praised, he wou'd not suffer such inhumanity and such
barbarous villains to thrive, and I pray God our young hero is
preserved to be a second deliverer to church and state; he beeing
the darling of mankind, for we had certainly been starved had it not
been his care to bring ovens and bakers with him. I say, Down on
your knees all England and, after praise to God who gives victory,
pray for the young British hero, for had he been at Falkirk these
brave Englishmen that are now in their graves had not been lost, his
presence doing more than five thousand men; and every man stands an
equal chance for his life without partiality; which has not been
the case for these six months last past. Your news papers give you
a tolerable account, so I shall not, nor can I, give you a better
within the compass of a letter. Since the last I sent you we find
kill'd amongst the rebels no less than ten colonels, seven majors,
fifteen captains, and as to lieutenants and ensigns, a volume of
them. I leave you to guess at the number of rank and file that must
fall. In short, 'tis mine and every bodie's opinion no history can
brag of so singular a victory and so few of our men lost, that we
lost but one man; 'tho I fear I shall lose my horse, he having at
this moment of writing a ball in his left buttock. 'Twas pritty near
Enoch that time, but, thank God, a miss is as good as a mile, as
we say in Gloustershire. And now we have the pleasure of a bed and
not hard duty; but for six weeks before the battle few of Cobham's
heroes (thank God, that is our caracter from the Duke and the general
officers, except General Hawley, who does not love us because our
regiment spoke truth about Falkirk job), I say for six weeks before I
had not my cloaths off once, and had it not been for our dear Bill,
we had all been starved, only for the good loaves he order'd for the
army, and some provisions that came by shipping. But thank God, I am
well and in good quarters for this country, and I hope I shall live
to see you once more. I have the vanity to believe Cobham's will be
welcome to England now; for the regiment has always been in front
upon all occasions where hard and dangerous duty was to be done: from
our first setting off to Stonefild where the sneaking dogs stole
away in the night, at Clifton-Moor where we dismounted and fought on
foot and the Duke thanked us at the head of the regiment and so he
has done several times. I shou'd be glad to hear what the caracter
of Cobham's is in England. Direct for me at Stonehive or elce-where.
'Tis impossible for me to tell you what hard duty we have done since
we have been in the north, but had we done ten times more, 'tis what
I shou'd think of with pleasure so as we serve our King and country.
We are all hearty that is left of us, and we thank and praise God for
our deliverance. We have not lost above one troop and one hundred
horses, which I think a miracle. As to what you say about agents, you
must think I tried long ago. But, in short, the officers dont care
how little cash they have about them in these parts, especialy in
war; for every time we thought of a battle the officers' servants had
all the regiment's cash, rings, and watches. I sold my watch a little
before Falkirk's battle, and the dear lad that bought it was kill'd
the first fire, so that he and all he had fell to these inhumane
dogs. He was my particular friend. I hope all is now over. We are
guarding the coast that Charles may not get off. I pray God I had
him in this room, and he the last of the Stuart race; it wou'd be my
glory to stab the villain to the heart. Beside it wou'd look well in
history for him to fall by the hand of a Bradshaw. I dare say did the
rankest Jacobite in England know the misery he has brought on the
north of England, he wou'd be sick of the name of Stuart; for I have
a shocking story of their villainy, which wou'd make even a papist
tremble at the reading of it. My humble service to all friends in
general. I pray God I had a flicth of your bacon, but am well, and we
have bread and brandy in plenty.--Yours,
ENOCH BRADSHAW.
Scottish History Society.
THE EXECUTIVE.
_President._
THE EARL OF ROSEBERY, K.G., K.T., LL.D.
_Chairman of Council._
DAVID MASSON, LL.D., Historiographer Royal for Scotland.
_Council._
J. FERGUSON, Advocate.
Right Rev. JOHN DOWDEN, D.D., Bishop of Edinburgh.
Professor Sir THOMAS GRAINGER STEWART, M.D.
J. N. MACPHAIL, Advocate.
Rev. A. W. CORNELIUS HALLEN.
Sir ARTHUR MITCHELL, K.C.B., M.D., LL.D.
Rev. GEO. W. SPROTT, D.D.
J. BALFOUR PAUL, Lyon King of Arms.
A. H. MILLAR.
J. R. FINDLAY.
P. HUME BROWN, M.A.
G. GREGORY SMITH, M.A.
_Corresponding Members of the Council._
C. H. FIRTH, Oxford; SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, LL.D.; Rev. W. D.
MACRAY, Oxford; Rev. Professor A. F. MITCHELL, D.D., St. Andrews.
_Hon. Treasurer._
J. T. CLARK, Keeper of the Advocates' Library.
_Hon. Secretary._
T. G. LAW, Librarian, Signet Library.
RULES
1. The object of the Society is the discovery and printing, under
selected editorship, of unpublished documents illustrative of the
civil, religious, and social history of Scotland. The Society will
also undertake, in exceptional cases, to issue translations of
printed works of a similar nature, which have not hitherto been
accessible in English.
2. The number of Members of the Society shall be limited to 400.
3. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council,
consisting of a Chairman, Treasurer, Secretary, and twelve elected
Members, five to make a quorum. Three of the twelve elected Members
shall retire annually by ballot, but they shall be eligible for
re-election.
4. The Annual Subscription to the Society shall be One Guinea. The
publications of the Society shall not be delivered to any Member
whose Subscription is in arrear, and no Member shall be permitted to
receive more than one copy of the Society's publications.
5. The Society will undertake the issue of its own publications,
_i.e._ without the intervention of a publisher or any other paid
agent.
6. The Society will issue yearly two octavo volumes of about 320
pages each.
7. An Annual General Meeting of the Society shall be held on the last
Tuesday in October.
8. Two stated Meetings of the Council shall be held each year, one on
the last Tuesday of May, the other on the Tuesday preceding the day
upon which the Annual General Meeting shall be held. The Secretary,
on the request of three Members of the Council, shall call a special
meeting of the Council.
9. Editors shall receive 20 copies of each volume they edit for the
Society.
10. The owners of Manuscripts published by the Society will also be
presented with a certain number of copies.
11. The Annual Balance-Sheet, Rules, and List of Members shall be
printed.
12. No alteration shall be made in these Rules except at a General
Meeting of the Society. A fortnight's notice of any alteration to be
proposed shall be given to the Members of the Council.
PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
_For the year 1886-1887._
1. BISHOP POCOCKE'S TOURS IN SCOTLAND, 1747-1760. Edited by D.
W. KEMP.
(Oct. 1887.)
2. DIARY OF AND GENERAL EXPENDITURE BOOK OF WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM
OF CRAIGENDS, 1673-1680. Edited by the Rev. JAMES DODDS, D.D.
(Oct. 1887.)
_For the year 1887-1888._
3. PANURGI PHILO-CABALLI SCOTI GRAMEIDOS LIBRI SEX.--THE
GRAMEID: an heroic poem descriptive of the Campaign of Viscount
Dundee in 1689, by JAMES PHILIP of Almerieclose. Translated and
Edited by the Rev. A. D. MURDOCH.
(Oct. 1888.)
4. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part I.
1559-1582. Edited by D. HAY FLEMING.
(Feb. 1889.)
_For the year 1888-1889._
5. DIARY OF THE REV. JOHN MILL, Minister of Dunrossness,
Sandwick, and Cunningsburgh, in Shetland, 1740-1803. Edited by
GILBERT GOUDIE, F.S.A. Scot.
(June 1889.)
6. NARRATIVE OF MR. JAMES NIMMO, A COVENANTER, 1654-1709. Edited
by W. G. SCOTT-MONCRIEFF, Advocate.
(June 1889.)
7. THE REGISTER OF THE KIRK-SESSION OF ST. ANDREWS. Part II.
1583-1600. Edited by D. HAY FLEMING.
(Aug. 1890.)
_For the year 1889-1890._
8. A LIST OF PERSONS CONCERNED IN THE REBELLION (1745). With
a Preface by the EARL OF ROSEBERY and Annotations by the Rev.
WALTER MACLEOD.
(Sept. 1890.)
_Presented to the Society by the Earl of Rosebery._
9. GLAMIS PAPERS: The 'BOOK OF RECORD,' a Diary written by
PATRICK, FIRST EARL OF STRATHMORE, and other documents relating
to Glamis Castle (1684-89). Edited by A. H. MILLAR, F.S.A. Scot.
(Sept. 1890.)
10. JOHN MAJOR'S HISTORY OF GREATER BRITAIN (1521). Translated
and Edited by ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE, with a Life of the author by
ÆNEAS J. G. MACKAY, Advocate.
(Feb. 1892.)
_For the year 1890-1891._
11. THE RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES,
1646-47. Edited by the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and the
Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D., with an Introduction by the former.
(May 1892.)
12. COURT-BOOK OF THE BARONY OF URIE, 1604-1747. Edited by the
Rev. D. G. BARRON, from a MS. in possession of Mr. R. BARCLAY of
Dorking.
(Oct. 1892.)
_For the year 1891-1892._
13. MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE OF SIR JOHN CLERK OF PENICUIK, Baronet,
Baron of the Exchequer, Commissioner of the Union, etc.
Extracted by himself from his own Journals, 1676-1755. Edited
from the original MS. in Penicuik House by JOHN M. GRAY, F.S.A.
Scot.
(Dec. 1892.)
14. DIARY OF COL. THE HON. JOHN ERSKINE OF CARNOCK, 1683-1687.
From a MS. in possession of HENRY DAVID ERSKINE, Esq., of
Cardross. Edited by the Rev. WALTER MACLEOD.
(Dec. 1893.)
_For the year 1892-1893._
15. MISCELLANY OF THE SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY, First Volume--
THE LIBRARY OF JAMES VI., 1573-83.
DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING CATHOLIC POLICY, 1596-98.
LETTERS OF SIR THOMAS HOPE, 1627-46.
CIVIL WAR PAPERS, 1645-50.
LAUDERDALE CORRESPONDENCE, 1660-77.
TURNBULL'S DIARY, 1657-1704.
MASTERTON PAPERS, 1660-1719.
ACCOMPT OF EXPENSES IN EDINBURGH, 1715.
REBELLION PAPERS, 1715 and 1745.
(Dec. 1893.)
16. ACCOUNT BOOK OF SIR JOHN FOULIS OF RAVELSTON (1671-1707).
Edited by the Rev. A. W. CORNELIUS HALLEN.
(June 1894.)
_For the year 1893-1894._
17. LETTERS AND PAPERS ILLUSTRATING THE RELATIONS BETWEEN
CHARLES II. AND SCOTLAND IN 1650. Edited, with Notes and
Introduction, by SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, LL.D., etc.
(July 1894.)
18. SCOTLAND AND THE COMMONWEALTH. LETTERS AND PAPERS RELATING
TO THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT OF SCOTLAND, Aug. 1651-Dec. 1653.
Edited, with Introduction and Notes, by C. H. FIRTH, M.A.
(Oct. 1895.)
_For the year 1894-1895._
19. THE JACOBITE RISING OF 1719. Letter Book of James, Second
Duke of Ormonde, Nov. 4, 1718-Sept. 27, 1719. Edited by W. K.
DICKSON, Advocate.
(_In progress._)
20, 21. THE LYON IN MOURNING, OR A COLLECTION OF SPEECHES,
LETTERS, JOURNALS, ETC., RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIRS OF PRINCE
CHARLES EDWARD STUART, by the Rev. ROBERT FORBES, A.M., Bishop
of Ross and Caithness. 1746-1775. Edited from his Manuscript by
=Henry Paton=, M.A. Vols. I. and II.
(Oct. 1895.)
_In preparation._
THE LYON IN MOURNING. Vol. III.
EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESBYTERY RECORDS OF INVERNESS AND DINGWALL
FROM 1638 TO 1688. Edited by WILLIAM MACKAY.
RECORDS OF THE COMMISSIONS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLIES
(_continued_) for the years 1648-49, 1649-50, 1651-52. Edited by
the Rev. Professor MITCHELL, D.D., and Rev. JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.
JOURNAL OF A FOREIGN TOUR IN 1665 AND 1666 BY JOHN LAUDER,
LORD FOUNTAINHALL. Edited by DONALD CRAWFORD, Sheriff of
Aberdeenshire.
JOURNALS AND PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON, PRINCE CHARLES'
SECRETARY. Edited by R. FITZROY BELL, Advocate.
SIR THOMAS CRAIG'S DE UNIONE REGNORUM BRITANNIÆ. Edited, with an
English Translation, from the unpublished MS. in the Advocates'
Library, by DAVID MASSON, Historiographer Royal.
NOTE-BOOK OR DIARY OF BAILIE DAVID WEDDERBURNE, MERCHANT OF
DUNDEE, 1587-1630. Edited by A. H. MILLAR.
A TRANSLATION OF THE STATUTA ECCLESIÆ SCOTICANÆ, 1225-1556, by
DAVID PATRICK, LL.D.
DOCUMENTS IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE HAGUE AND ROTTERDAM CONCERNING
THE SCOTS BRIGADE IN HOLLAND. Edited by J. FERGUSON, Advocate.
THE DIARY OF ANDREW HAY OF STONE, NEAR BIGGAR, AFTERWARDS
OF CRAIGNETHAN CASTLE, 1659-60. Edited by A. G. REID from a
manuscript in his possession.
A SELECTION OF THE FORFEITED ESTATES PAPERS PRESERVED IN H.M.
GENERAL REGISTER HOUSE AND ELSEWHERE. Edited by A. H. MILLAR.
A TRANSLATION OF THE HISTORIA ABBATUM DE KYNLOS OF FERRERIUS. By
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE.
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE AFFAIRS OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC PARTY
IN SCOTLAND, from the year of the Armada to the Union of the
Crowns. Edited by THOMAS GRAVES LAW.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been
retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.
The carat character (^) indicates that the following letter
is superscripted (example: Rev^d). If two or more letters are
superscripted they are enclosed in curly brackets (example: 26^{_to_}).
Page 293: On this page the ---- has been added by the transcriber
to indicate blank areas on the original page.
Page 352: The transcriber has supplied the closing round bracket
for the phrase "delivered over to him Captain Switenham (an English
gentleman)".
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Lyon in Mourning, Vol. 1 - or a collection of speeches, letters, journals, etc. - relative to the affairs of Prince Charles Edward Stuart" ***
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