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Title: Selections from Early Middle English 1130-1250: Part II: Notes
Author: Various
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

*** Start of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Selections from Early Middle English 1130-1250: Part II: Notes" ***

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[This text is the “Notes” volume accompanying _Selections from Early
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  Ȝ ȝ; ƿ ⁊ (yogh; wynn, Tironian ampersand and similar)
  ꝥ (thorn þ with stroke, unicode A765)
  ǣ ē ẹ etc. (vowels with less common diacritics)
  ἅπ. λεγ. (Greek)

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Transliterations of Greek words and phrases (rare) are given at the end
of the sections in which they occur.

_Unusual Forms_ are represented with brackets:

  [ ] half-width space, used between prefix and main verb
  [g] Orm’s special “g”
  [;] inverted semicolon

The first two are rare in this Notes volume; all three are common in the
primary text. All other brackets are in the original.

_Cross-References_ such as “see p. 123” or “see 12/34” (page/line) come
in several forms:

  -- Page numbers up to 222 refer to the primary text. See table of
  contents in the main volume for pagination; line numbers refer to
  the text, not to the physical page.
  -- The form “12/34 note”, and all higher page numbers (223 and up),
  refer to the present volume. The first kind are linenotes; the
  second refer to some earlier text’s notes, identified by physical
  line number. These references have been individually identified.

_Typography:_ Partial-word italics representing editorial expansions are
shown in braces as “mi{n}e”. Other italics are shown conventionally with
_lines_. Other markings:

  =letter-spaced= (never adjacent to = signs)
  ^superscript (always continues to end of word)
  {1} {2} (subscript, only used with numerals 1 and 2)

_Errors and Inconsistencies:_ Formatting of less common characters such
as þ and ȝ has been silently corrected to agree with the rest of the
text. Inconsistent punctuation in subheaders (“#Accidence:#” and
similar) has been silently regularized. Other typographical errors are
listed at the end of each section. The word “invisible” means that there
is an appropriately sized gap, but the letter or punctuation mark itself
is absent. Note that text format (bold or italic) has semantic meaning
in this volume.

Editorial corrections listed in the Corrigenda have been made in the
text. The page as printed is retained for completeness. Some
inconsistencies that were left as printed are listed at the end of the
full e-text.

The work cited as “NED.” is now known as OED.]



  M.A., HON. D.LITT., Durham University


  at the Clarendon Press

  Oxford University Press
  London   Edinburgh   Glasgow   New York
  Toronto   Melbourne   Cape Town   Bombay

  Humphrey Milford
  Publisher to the University


The order of the vowels in the phonological sections follows Bülbring’s
Altenglisches Elementarbuch, that of the consonants, Sievers’ Old
English Grammar, translated by Cook. The basis of comparison is Early
West Saxon. The object of these sections has been to provide collections
for the interpretation of the teacher. In accidence Sievers has been
followed generally, but Zupitza’s classification of the strong verbs has
been adopted for convenience of use with Bülbring’s Geschichte der
Ablaute. In the literature sections books marked with an asterisk are
those which the student will find more immediately useful.

This book has been a long time in preparation; it will perhaps help to
excuse some lack of uniformity if it be known that a great part of the
notes was in type by the end of 1915.

  J. H.
  _January, 1920_.


225/39. Omit stop after Orm here and elsewhere.

231/1. unseihte represents #unsæht#

249/8. After &c., add wart 122

250/31. Add wart

253/27. Omit comma after sc͞i

254/20. Dr. Bradley’s restoration in M. L. Review, xii. 73, þa þestreden
sona þas landes, appears to me certain.

263/31. wile

266/26. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȳsendnesse#)

266/27. #ā# + #w#

271/13. #sǣdon#

312/36. After Bodleian add (D)

318/37. #gēar#

356/1. C 6

396/6. Add with before which

428/14. Add _ia_ in giarked 84

428/38. #tōgēanes#

457/8. Add #hn# to _n_ before nap

567/13. nyht, 160/185


  Omit stop after Orm
    [_superfluous . (“Orm.”) occurs 21 times in the text. Corrections
    are not individually noted_]
  254/20. Dr. Bradley’s restoration ...
    [_the reference is to the note for l. 20, i.e. line 16 of the
    printed page_]


#Abbreviations:# AR Ancren Riwle, ed. Morton; Archiv [für das Studium
der neueren Sprachen]; BH Blickling Homilies, ed. Morris; CM Cursor
Mundi, ed. Morris; ES Englische Studien; GE Genesis and Exodus, ed.
Morris; HM Hali Meidenhad, ed. Cockayne; KH King Horn, ed. Hall; L
Layamon, ed. Madden; NED New English Dictionary; OEH i Old English
Homilies, ed. Morris First Series; OEH ii Second Series; OEM Old English
Miscellany, ed. Morris; ON Owl and Nightingale, ed. Wells; PRL
Political, Religious, and Love Poems, ed. Furnivall, second edition; SJ
St. Juliana, ed. Cockayne; SK St. Katherine, ed. Einenkel; SM St.
Marherete, ed. Cockayne; VV Vices and Virtues, ed. Holthausen.


  SM St. Marherete, ed. Cockayne
    [_spelling as in Cockayne_]



#Manuscript:# Worcester Cathedral Library, 174. It consists of sixty-six
leaves of vellum, ‘which had been cut and pasted together to form covers
for a book in the Cathedral archives’ (Catalogue of the Chapter Library,
ed. Floyer and Hamilton, Oxford, 1906). Its contents are (1) an
incomplete copy of Ælfric’s Grammar and Glossary, used by Zupitza for
his edition of the text (Berlin, 1880); (2) the scrap here marked A; (3)
the pieces B and C with five more fragments of the same poem. A
completes the page on which the glossary ends, and B is on the verso of
the leaf. The leaves have been slightly shorn at one side and reduced at
top and bottom, but probably to no great extent: the conjectural
complement, which is here printed within square brackets, is for the
most part fairly obvious, the more so as portions of the lost letters
often remain. The whole MS. is in the same large square hand, but the
pieces in verse, which are written continuously, like prose, are less
carefully executed. The handwriting is of the second half of the twelfth
century, perhaps about 1180 A.D. The Latin headings are not in the MS.

#Editions:# Phillipps, Sir T., Fragment of Ælfric’s Grammar, &c.,
London, 1838; Wright, T., Biographia Britannica Literaria, AS. Period,
p. 59, 60, London, 1842 (omits the last four lines); Varnhagen, H.,
Anglia, iii. pp. 423-25.

#Phonology:# The scribe is mainly faithful to the orthography of his
original, which was in Anglo-Saxon script (as is shown by _Sipum_ for
_Ripum_) and older language. He still uses the rune for _w_. His
spelling wavers between old and new, #ǣ# survives in ilærde, lærden,
læreþ, beside _e_ in ilerde, weren; #ea# persists in wireceastre, but
wincæstre, rofecæstre; the inflection is not levelled in leodan, but
leoden, hoteþ, losiæþ (æ = e). Drihten represents an OE. form in i; #ie#
is _e_ in derne; #ā# is _o_ in hoteþ, _eo_ (= _o_) in leore. OE. #æ# +
#g# is _æi_ in fæire, fæier, sæiþ; #e# + #g# is _ei_ in lorþeines; #ēo#
+ #h# is _i_ in liht; #ēa# + #h#, _eih_ in unwreih. Bocare goes back to
late OE. #bōcre#; #c# is written _ch_ in wisliche; #sć# [š] is still
_sc_ in sceolen.

#Accidence:# The def. article is _s. n. neut._ þet 17, 19; _s. a. f._ þa
5; _pl. n._ þeo 3, 17; _pl. d._ þen 19; _pl. a._ þeo 4. Noteworthy nouns
are the mutation _pl._ bec 7; diȝelnesse, _s. a._ 5; leoden, _pl. n._ 3,
18, leodan, _pl. a._ 15 (weak forms); leore, _pl. n._ 17. The relatives
are þe, þeo 18 (as in L 257, 2999), þet 3: the demonstrative þis, _pl.
n. neut._ 22, þeos, _pl. n. m._ 15, _pl. a. m._ 9 (properly a _sing._
form): possessives, ure 9, 15, 18; heore 16. Glod 16 is a weak preterite
beside strong #glēow#, but the cognate forms in other languages are
weak, and this may be a borrowing from the Norse (NED _s.v._).

French are questiuns, probably its first appearance, and feþ 23, with
its peculiar monophthong (OF. feid in which _d_ was the spirant [ð]);
comp. 8/91 note.

#Dialect:# Middle or Western South.

#Metre:# Alliterative long line, of somewhat rude construction, without
transitional rhymes or assonances. The alliteration extends mostly to
two consonants, sometimes to three, as 5, 17; l. 16 is pure syllabic
verse. The scribe sometimes misplaced the pause stop, as at 9, and
sometimes omitted it.

#Introduction:# In this scrap, some English patriot laments the
wholesale substitution of foreign prelates for English under William the
Conqueror. At the end of 1070 A.D. there were only two native bishops,
Wulfstan at Worcester and Siward at Rochester. This may point roughly to
the time, as the preponderance of names connected with Winchester to the
place, of the composition. The absence of the names of Wulfstan, Bishop
of Worcester (1002-1016 A.D.) and Archbishop of York (1002-1023), the
author of the Homilies; of Wærferth, Bishop of Worcester (872-915),
translator of Pope Gregory’s Dialogues; of the later Wulfstan
(1062-1095), under whose rule there was great activity in the collection
and transcription of Homilies and other literature in English (Keller,
W., Die litterarischen Bestrebungen von Worcester in AS. Zeit, p. 64);
together with the writer’s ignorance of the North, shows that it was not
composed at Worcester. And the mistakes in Sipum 1/11 and heoueshame
1/12 would hardly be made by a Worcester transcriber.

The heading is from Numbers xxvii. 17.

2. #⁊# = and: _ond_ apparently does not occur in the twelfth century.
[#writen#]: Varnhagen supplies _bec_. Comp. ‘þa writen me beoð to
icume,’ L 9131. #awende#. Bede translated into English the Gospel of S.
John and some extracts from Isidore (Baedae Opera Historica, ed.
Plummer, i. pp. lxxv, clxii).

3. #ꝥ . . . þurh#, by which. The preposition separated from its relative
and placed with the verb is common in ME. See Anklam, Das Englische
Relativ im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert, pp. 15-19, 44-6. Comp. in these
texts, _þet . . . bi_, 72/182; _inne_, 84/45, 131/104; _of_, 38/155,
66/96, 116, 117/8, 139/11, 211/476; _on_, 96/53, 179/112; _to_, 142/75,
79, 143/98; _þe . . . embe_, 81/77; _inne_, 11/3, 4; _mide_, 81/79;
_offe_, 85/84; _one_, 83/9, 119/73; _to_, 96/54; _uppe_, 84/71; _þer
. . . in_, 7/59, 54/1, 147/148; _of_, 64/61; _on_, 106/210; _to_, 89/32;
_wið_, 48/300. Similarly _hem . . . to_, 193/564; _þa . . . to_, 96/58.

4. #C[not]ten#: completed by Holthausen, Archiv, cvi. 347. Comp.
‘siȝewulf . . hine befran . . be ȝehwylcum cnottum þe he sylf ne cuþe,’
Interrogationes Sigewulfi, ed. MacLean, 58/12; ‘Ich habbe uncnut summe |
of þeos cnotti cnotten,’ SK 1150, 1; and 202/168. With #unwreih#, comp.
‘Ac Augustinus se wisa us onwreah þas deopnysse,’ AS. Homilien, ed.
Assmann, 5/103; ‘him þa toweardæn þing unwreah ⁊ swytelode,’ Twelfth
Cent. Hom. 98/17; Cursor, 22445. #questiuns#: probably Bede’s In Libros
Regum Quaestiones Triginta, answering questions put by Nothelm (Plummer,
p. cli). But there appears to have been a work known as Bedae
Quaestiones in utrumque Testamentum (Plummer, clv note), and there may
be a reference to such of his commentaries as were replies to the
queries of Acca, Bishop of Hexham. #hoteþ#: Wright supplies _we_ after
_þe_ as in 6, but _hoteþ_ may mean here ‘are called,’ though the passive
sense is commoner in Central than in Early ME.

5. #derne diȝelnesse#. Comp. ‘Þatt dærne diȝhellnesse | Þatt writenn
wass þurrh Moysæn,’ Orm 12945; and 125/296.

6. For Aelfric the Abbot see Skeat in E. E. T. S., O. S. 114, pp.
xxii-xliv. The writer appears not to know his translations of Joshua,
Judges, Esther, and possibly Job. His identification of Aelfric with
Alcuin, who liked to call himself Albinus, is possibly due, as MacLean
suggests, to the former having translated Alcuin’s Sigewulfi
Interrogationes (p. 47, and Anglia, vi. pp. 463, 4).

7. #bocare#. Comp. ‘Beda, se mæra bocere,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann,
22/210. [#fif#]: supplied by Varnhagen.

8. #Vtronomius#: probably a blunder, but possibly an original attempt at
abbreviation. Or the writer may have had in mind the explanation given
in De Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae, ‘Deuteronomium, hoc est,
iterationem Legis,’ S. Augustini Op., iii. App. p. 13a. Observe that he
places the title next to Exodus; he would know from Jerome’s preface
that it means ‘secunda lex.’ #Numerus#: so Ælfric, ‘on Lyden Numerus and
on Englisc Getel,’ Grein’s Prosa, i. p. 179.

10. #þet weren.# Comp. for the singular of the demonstrative, 80/35:
‘Soðlice ða eagan þæt bioð ða lareowas, & se hrycg þæt sint ða
hiremenn,’ Gregory’s Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, 28/12; ‘hwet beoð þas vii
ȝeate? Det beoð ure egan,’ OEH i. 127/29. Sometimes the verb also is
singular, as at 76/8. Similarly _hit_, _it_, 117/13, 190/450. #bodeden#:
this verb usually takes an acc. as here, so 15/86; ‘bodian þa soðen
ileafen,’ OEH i. 97/31; but ‘bodiende umbe godes riche,’ id. 95/19.

11. #Wilfrid#, Bishop of York, _d._ 709. #Ripum#: Ripon; Beda’s Inhrypum
(Plummer, i. 183, ii. 104). #Johan of beoferlai#, Bishop of York, _d._
721. He is commonly associated with the foundation of a monastery at
Beverley in Yorkshire, but see Memorials of Beverley Minster, Surtees
Society, 1898, pp. xv-xix. Beverley is Beoforlic in AS. Chron. MS. D 721
(but written about 1070 A.D.); Beoferlic in MS. E; Bevrelie in Domesday
(see Stolze, Zur Lautlehre der AE. Ortsnamen im Domesday Book, p. 28,
and Zachrisson, Anglo-Norman Influence on English Place-Names, p. 152).
#Cuþb[ert]#, Cudberct, Bishop of Lindisfarne, _d._ 687. Dunholm occurs
in AS. Chron. MS. D 1056 as the oldest name; Durham descends from AN.
Dureme. The episcopal mint from Beke 1283 A.D. to Langley 1437 A.D. has
Dunholm, Dunelm, and Dureme indifferently. The seal of Richard de
Marisco (1217-1226) has Dunholmensis. Comp. Zachrisson, 133-5. #Oswald#,
Bishop of Worcester, 962-91, Archbishop of York, 972-91, _d._ 992 (see
Keller, pp. 11-21). For Latin books attributed to him, see Wright,
Biographia, i. pp. 466, 7. Worcester in AS. Charters is Wigeran or
Wiogeran Ceaster, also Wigernaceaster, Wigraceaster; in Domesday,
Wirecestre. #Egwin#, Bishop of the Hwiccas, i.e. see of Worcester;
founder of the Abbey of Evesham, _d._ 717 A.D. For works attributed to
him, see Wright, Biographia, i. p. 227. #heoueshame#: in Domesday
Evesham; in the foundation charter Egwin writes, ‘In quo loco (i.e.
Ethomme) quum beata Virgo Maria cuidam pastori gregum, Eoves nomine,
comparuisset (ob cujus viri sanctitatem eundem locum Eoveshamiam
nuncupavi),’ Chronicon Abbatiae de Evesham, ed. Macray, p. 18.
#æl[dhelm]#, Abbot of Malmesbury and Bishop of Sherborne, _d._ 709 A.D.
(Plummer’s Bede, ii. pp. 308, 9). William of Malmesbury says in his
Gesta Pontificum, p. 336, ‘nativae quoque linguae non negligebat
carmina; adeo ut, teste libro Elfredi . . . nulla umquam aetate par ei
fuerit quisquam.’ He is said to have translated the Psalms. #Swiþþun#,
Bishop of Winchester, _d._ 862. #æþelwold#, pupil of S. Dunstan, Abbot
of Abingdon, Bishop of Winchester, 963, _d._ 984 A.D. In the Latin Life
by Ælfric as revised by Wulfstan, it is recorded, ‘Dulce namque erat ei
adolescentes et iuvenes semper docere, et latinos libros anglice eis
solvere,’ Acta Sanctorum, August, i. p. 94. His translation of the Rule
of S. Benedict was edited by Schröer in the Bibliothek der AS. Prosa,
ii. Kassel, 1885-8. #Aidan#, Bishop of Lindisfarne, _d._ 651. #Biern#:
Birinus, Bishop of Winchester, _d._ 650. The spelling with _ie_ appears
to be analogic with the _i_-umlaut in such words as #ierre#, and so to
belong to the scribe’s original. #wincæstre#: in the Chronicle, anno
744, Wintanceaster; Venta Civitas in Bede. #[Pau]lin#, Paulinus, the
Missionary Bishop of York, and, after 634 A.D., Bishop of Rochester,
seems more likely than the less-known Cuichelm, Bishop of Rochester,
suggested by Wright. The MS. has _lin_ not _lm_. #rofecæstre#: in AS.
Chronicle, anno 604, Hrofesceaster; ‘in ciuitate Dorubreui, quam gens
Anglorum a primario quondam illius, qui dicebatur Hrof, Hrofæscæstræ
cognominat,’ Beda, i. 85. #Dunston#. S. Dunstan was Bishop of Worcester,
957-9, Bishop of London, 958, 959, Archbishop of Canterbury, 959, _d._
988. #ælfeih#: S. Ælfheah, succeeded Æþelwold as Bishop of Winchester in
984 A.D., became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1006, and was martyred by
the Danes in 1012 A.D. #cantoreburi#: a French spelling, as Canteberi,
10/174; contrast Cantuarabirȝ, 11/4. L has still Cantuarie buri, 94/15;
Cantwareburi, 2821; where O has Cantelburi.

15. #on englisc#, repeating 9. The writer does not mean that all these
produced works in English, but only to contrast them with
French-speaking clerics.

16. Comp. ‘Si ergo lumen, quod in te est, tenebrae sunt, ipsae tenebrae
quantae erunt?’ S. Matt. vi. 23.

17. #nu is#: so Wright and Varnhagen, but read _nu beoþ_; for _beo
lore_, those teachings, is plural.

19. #lorþeines#, teachers, apparently an ἅπ. λεγ., of which the second
element represents OE. #þegn#, servant, disciple. Comp. the usual
‘larþawes,’ 15/82, ‘lorþeu,’ 20/68, ‘lorþeawes,’ 84/61, ‘larðewes,’ OEH
ii. 41/28 (OE. *#lārðēowas#), ‘lareaw,’ OEH i. 241/21 (OE. #lārēow#).
#losiæþ#, in the rarer intransitive use, perish. Comp. ‘ꝥ þa men ne
losien, þe on him ilyfæð,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 2/31, 34/1, 38/23; ‘þenne
losiað fele saulen,’ OEH i. 117/18. #forþ mid#, together with, also
with, here in the rare adverbial use. Comp. ‘þenne losiað fele saulen ⁊
he seolf forð mid for his ȝemeleste,’ OEH i. 117/18; ‘& him seolf þer
forð mide,’ L 608. It is common as a preposition, as at 40/176, 77/55,
195/611; ‘his þenegas forð mid him þe he þyder brohte,’ Ælf. Lives, i.
528/645; ‘forswoleȝeð þene hoc forð mid þan ese,’ OEH i. 123/11.

20. ‘Sicut aquila provocans ad volandum pullos suos, et super eos
volitans, expandit alas suas, et assumpsit eum, atque portavit in
humeris suis,’ Deut. xxxii. 11, spoken of God’s care and training of his
people. See Bozon, Contes Moralisés, p. 60, for an elaborate application
of the text.

22. #to worlde asende.# Comp. ‘fram Gode hider on world sended,’ BH

23. [#festen# &c.]. Comp. 190/438, 10/154. The sense required is, That
we should put our full trust in him.


  ἅπ. λεγ.  [hap. leg.]
    [_short for ἁπαξ λεγόμενον [hapax legomenon], “something that has
    been said only once”, i.e. an otherwise unattested form_]


  #Editions:# ... London, 1842 (omits the last four lines);
    [_text has : for ;_]
  6. For Aelfric the Abbot see Skeat in E. E. T. S., O. S. 114
    [E.E.T.S., O.S.]
  11. ... Ælfric as revised by Wulfstan
    [Wulstan: _spelling “Wulfstan” used everywhere else_]
  20. ... Contes Moralisés, p. 60  [Moralises]

B, C

#Manuscript:# As for A, p. 223.

#Editions:# Phillipps, as above; Singer, S. W., The Departing Soul’s
Address to the Body, London, 1845; Haufe, E., Die Fragmente der Rede der
Seele an den Leichnam, Gryphiswaldiae, 1880; Buchholz, R., Die Fragmente
der Reden der Seele an den Leichnam, Erlangen, 1889; afterwards enlarged
in *Erlanger Beiträge, ii. 6. 1890.

#Literature:# (1) =of the Worcester Fragment=. Haufe, E., Anglia, iv.
237 (emendations); Holthausen, F., Anglia, xiv. 321 (emendations);
Kaluza, M., Litteraturblatt, ii. 92; *Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxv. 78
(review of Buchholz). (2) =of the Desputisoun=. Heesch, G., Language and
Metre, Kiel, 1884; Holthausen, F., Anglia, Beiblatt, iii. 302; Kaluza,
M., Litteraturblatt, xii. 12; *Kunze, O., Critical Text, Berlin, 1892;
Linow, W., Erlangen, 1889, edition enlarged in Erlanger Beiträge, i. 1.
1889; Mätzner, E., AE. Sprachproben, i. 90-103; Varnhagen, H., Anglia,
ii. 225-52; Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxv. 84. (3) =of the Legend in
general=. *Batiouchkof, Th., Romania, xx. 236; Bruce, J. D., Modern
Language Notes, v. col. 385-401; Dudley, Louise, The Egyptian Elements
in the Legend of the Body and Soul, Bryn Mawr, 1911; id. An Early Homily
on the ‘Body and Soul’ Theme, Journal of English and Germanic Philology,
April, 1909; Gaidoz, H., Revue Celtique, x. 463-70; Kleinert, G., Halle,
1880; Paris, Gaston, Romania, ix. 311-14; Varnhagen, H., Anglia, ii.
225, iii. 569; *Zupitza, J., Archiv, xci. 369.

#Phonology:# For an account dealing with all the seven fragments see
Buchholz: what follows is based on the two here printed, with
references, where necessary, to his text of the other five.

Oral #a# is _a_, so ac, farene, habban: #a# before nasals usually _o_,
as from, mon, but _a_ in licame (wavering characteristic of the Middle
South): #a# before lengthening groups is _o_, as honden, imong, longe,
psalm-songe. #æ# is _a_ after _w_, as was, watere D 12, but nes D 19;
otherwise _e_, as crefte, þene (OE. #þænne#), þet, but the traditional
spelling survives in æt, æfter D 42, goldfæten, igædered, gæderedest
(OE. #gæderian#), þæs, wræcche (OE. #wræcca#), wrænches G 48 (OE.
*#wrænc#). Messe is a French loan-word. #e# is regularly _e_, as bedde,
heui, met, þenchen, wel, &c., but _i_ in siggen F 7, siggeþ G 34
(characteristic of South-East and Kent). #i# is regularly _i_, as him,
nimen, willæn; it is _u_ after _w_ in nulleþ, wulleþ C 35; but _i_ in
wihte D 3, nowiht D 19. #o# is regularly _o_, as bodeþ, iboren,
sorhliche; before nasal, onȝean C 6; after _w_, woldest D 50, noldest,
iwurþen F 46; but _a_ in aȝan C 18. _eo_ is written for _o_ in feorþsiþ.
#œ# (o + i) is _eo_ in seoruhfule, seorhful, seoruhliche, &c., neose.
#u# is regularly _u_, as biwunden, cumeþ, ful, tunge, &c., but _o_ in
iworþen F 45 after _w_. #y# is _u_, as ifulled, ikunde, lutiȝ, sunne,
ufel, wunne, wurmes, but _y_ is preserved in synne F 33: iflut 2/30 is
Scandinavian, OWScand. flytja; drihtenes 4/33, kinges E 39 descend from
OE. forms in _i_.

#ā# is normally _o_, as bon, loc, more, sor, woniende; but _a_ is often
preserved as þa 2/18, lac 4/25, mare E 39, wa F 4. _eo_ is written for
_o_ in þeo 2/2, greoning, greoneþ; and _oa_ in woaning 2/15, woaneþ
2/25, is an attempt to express graphically the [a^o] sound. Þe [ȝet] E
3, 36 occurs twice beside þa, þo. OE. #wāwa# gives weowe 2/7. #ǣ{1}#
(WG. ai + i) is mostly _æ_, idæled, tæcheþ, ilærede, and before two
consonants, ilæsteþ, æffre; but _e_ in bideled C 32, ilered G 29,
ilesteþ, efre D 41, þen (= OE. #þǣm#) 3/36. It is exceptionally _a_ in
þam C 25, facen (OE. #fǣcne#) G 10, atterne G 17. In bileafen D 6, _ea_
is written for _æ_. #ǣ{2}# (WG. ā) is still _æ_ in þær, þærof, wæde,
grædie, wære E 28, but commonly _e_, þerinne, seten, beden, were,
misdeden, gredi. _a_ is exceptional in hwar 3/4, 5, 7, 9, 10 (= OE.
#hwār#). #ē# is usually _e_, swetnesse, þe, 2/2, me, ne, also before
nasals, fenge, icwemdest. #ī# is normally _i_, bi, lif, iwiteþ, liþ,
hwile, &c., but after _w_ it is _u_ in hwule, swuþe: hwui 4/17 beside
hwi D 22 is an attempt to express more fully the sound of _w_. #ō# is
normally _o_, to, moder, flore, &c. #œ̄# is _eo_ in weopinde 2/10. (OE.
#wœ̄pan#). #ū# is regularly _u_, hus, wiþuten, ut, &c. #ȳ# is _u_,
ifuled, luþerliche, &c.

#ea#, breaking of #a# before #r# + consonant is _ea_, earfeþsiþ, eart,
scearp, _æ_ in ært 4/16, _e_ in ert D 15, scerpe F 29, imerked G 39; no
examples of _a_. It is _ea_ before lengthening cons. groups, earde,
bearn. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# (WS. #ie#) is _e_ in all cases, scerpeþ,
erming D 18, yerde bidernan F 6. #ea#, breaking of #a# before #l# +
cons. is _a_, alle, also, scalt, wale G 2 (#wealh#): before lengthening
groups normally _o_, colde, coldeþ, itolde, holden G 32, 45, iwold C 8,
isold D 38, monifolde, but _e_, heldan C 35. The _i_-umlaut is seen in
wældeþ, 4/41. #eo#, breaking of #e# before #r# + consonant, is _eo_,
heorte D 49 and _o_ herborwen C 23: after #w# also _eo_, andweorke F 42,
OE. #handgeweorc#, and _e_, werke D 30: the group #weor#, in LWS #wur#,
has _u_, iwurþe F 45, wurþe G 25, unwerþ 4/37, _o_, beworpen D 12;
before lengthening groups _eo_, yeorne, eorþe C 5. The _i_-umlaut of
#eo#, which after #w# had already become #y# in OE. is here _u_,
wurþest, deorwurþe, wurst D 30, wurþliche G 36. #eo# before #l# +
consonant gives _u_ in sulfen C 27, suluen F 28 (already #sylf# in LWS).
#eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _eo_ in heouene; _å_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_
in freome, feole, weolen (Bülbring, § 234); _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#
is _eo_, seouene, seoþþen. libbe 2/13 is OE. #libban#. #ea#, palatal
diphthong, is _ea_, _eæ_ in isceaft F 35, isceæftan; _a_ in schal, scal.
#ie# after #g# is _e_, ȝerde, biȝete C 13 (Bülbring, § 151 _n._), _i_ in
ȝiuen 4/21. #eo# < WG. #o# after _sc_ is _o_ in scorteþ, scoldest C 28,
but _eo_ in sceoldest G 42. #eo# < #u# is _u_, onscunedest, sculen C 38.
OE. #heom# is heom and ham C 18; #eom#, eam, am F 14.

#ēa# is normally _ea_, deaþ, heafod, bereaued, seaþe E 8, &c., but _æ_
in dædan 3/42, beræfed C 7, sæþe, and _e_, birefedest G 12. The
_i_-umlaut of #ēa# is _e_, alesed, iheren E 26, semdest 4/18, &c.
(Bülbring, § 183 _n._); and _u_, huned D 47 (WS. #ȳ#). #ēo# is normally
_eo_, beoþ, teoreþ, leoflic, freonden, &c. Its _i_-umlaut does not
occur; deore C 47, neowe C 29, neode F 5, retain _eo_ (Bülbring, § 189,
anm. 1). #īe# is _e_ in isene, E 40; yet C 2.

#a# + #g# is usually _aw_, as in dawes 2/14, gnawen C 42, mawe C 49, but
the older deaȝes survives 3/40. #æ# + #g# is normally _ei_, iseid, but
isæid G 19, and once dai E 13. #e# + #g# is _ei_, ileide: weile 4/19 may
represent OE. #weg lā# (see Björkman, Scandinavian Loan-Words, 51). OE.
#ongegn# is onȝean C 6, aȝan C 18. #o# + #g# is _ow_, bowe C 4,
forhoweþ: #o# + #h#, douhter G 31, wrouhte E 16, but wrohten D 25: #u# +
#ȝ#, fuweles 4/42: #y# + #h#, tuhte E 22. #ā# + #g# is _ow_ in owen C
45, sidwowes C 30: #ā# + #h# is seen in ohtest C 8, ahte E 2, 29 (a
survival). #ǣ# + #g# is _eiȝ_, iseiȝe D 8, leiȝe D 11, keiȝe F 16; _ei_
in clei: #ǣ# + #h#, aeihte 3/13, bitæiht G 52. #ē# + #g#, sweiȝe E 24.
#ō# + #g#, #h#, inouh, unifouh D 39, souhte, ibrouht. #ū# + #h# is seen
in þuþte 3/12 (= þuhte). #ea# + #ht#, becomes _ei_, istreiht, unseihte D
45. #eo# + #h# (LWS #i#) has _i_ in riht; the _i_-umlaut is represented
by besihþ 3/45. #ēa# + #g#, eiȝen, heiȝe E 39, but eȝen 3/42 and heie G
40: #ēa# + #h# is _eih_ in neih, heih G 42, but þauh G 27. #ēo# + #g#,
dreiȝen G 6, but driæn 4/36, written for drien, is due to the scribe and
may be Mercian; ifreoed 4/28 is noteworthy. #ā# + #w# is usually _ow_,
sowle C 2, blowen E 32, nowiht D 19, but soule, nouht. #ō# + #w#,
touward F 29, but reoweþ C 45. #ēa# + #w#, strau D 14. #ēo# + #w#,
usually eow, cneow C 27, icneowe C 27, þeow, þeowdome, but reouliche F
19, heou G 22.

In the vowels of final syllables, levelling has generally taken place,
but a few older forms, isceæftan, heafod, dædan, cumaþ, biddan, offrian,
weolan, remain from the original MS. In lufedæst, willæn, driæn, &c.,
_æ_ is written for _e_. The prefix #ge# is represented by _i_.

The consonants present little of note. OE. #nā māra# becomes one word
with doubled _m_ and shortened _a_ in nammore 3/34 (comp. wumme 2/13
note). farene 4/28, with _n_ for _nn_, is exceptional. OE. #ǣfre# is
æffre 2/14, so næffre C 6, but æfre 3/3. For #f# between two vowels _u_
is generally written, bereaued 2/22, but beræfedest E 20. In mænet 2/7
_t_ is French writing for þ: schal 2/9 is isolated, _sc_ [š] is the
rule, as in onscunedest 3/3: _k_ is written mostly before _e_ and _ie_,
while _ȝ_ is used initially for the palatal (y in yield) and between
vowels, once finally in lutiȝ 3/2 where the original probably had
lutiȝe; _g_ in other cases and mostly in combination with consonants.
For #cw#, French _qu_ is used once in quale 4/42.

#Accidence.# The #ā# and #jā# stems add e in the _nom._, blisse 3/8,
bote 3/11, seoruwe 3/8, sowle 2/28, soule 3/45, modinesse 3/4,
_accusatives_ are hwule 3/1, lore 4/29, soule 2/9, sunne 4/22, Godnesse
3/3. The _g._ of strong nouns ends in -es, the _d._ in -e, the _pl.
n. a._ of Masculines in -es; of Feminines in -e; Neuters as ban 2/21 are
uninflected, _pl. g._ has -e, _d._, -en, as honden 3/38. Markes 3/6,
pundes 3/5 have adopted masc. endings; honden 3/39, isceæftan 2/2,
goldfæten 3/7 have joined the weak declension. Of the latter dædan 3/42,
weolan 4/32 are _g._, heouene 4/28 (_nom. s._ heouene F 38 (OE.
#heofone#), molde 3/34, _d._, and exceptionally willæn 4/33, an archaic
form preserved by its phrasal character; _a._ is deade 3/40; æren, eiȝen
2/17, lippen 2/18, are _pl. n._, weolen 4/16, _d._, eȝen 3/42 _a._

The predicative adjective often shows strong declension, as grædie 3/13,
fuse 4/15, ikunde 3/32; but heui 2/15, leas, lutiȝ 3/2, loþ 4/37, &c.,
and the adjs. in #ig# are not inflected. Inflected attributives are
deope 4/40, _s. d. m._, muchele 2/23, _s. d. f._; durelease 4/40, _s. d.
neut._; seoruhfulne 4/19, _s. a. m._; alle 4/37, _pl. d. m._, &c. The
termination of the weak declension is -e in all cases, as seoruhfule
2/8, _s. a. m._; reade 4/27, _s. d. neut._; dimme 3/42, _pl. a. neut._

The pronoun of the third person has _pl. d._ ham, heom. The def. art. is
_s. n._ þe- þeo- þat, _d. m._ þen, _a._ þene- þeo- þat, _pl. n._ þeo- þa
-þa, þeo, þe. The relative is _s._ þet, _s._ and _pl._ þe, þeo, _pl._
only þa.

The terminations of the verb are _inf._ -en (but driæn, offrian); _ind.
pr._, e -est (contr. list 4/38), -eþ (but cumaþ 3/44, mænet 2/6); contr.
sæiþ 2/13, biþ 2/22, met 3/33, liþ 3/36; _pl._ -eþ. Come 3/11 is 2 _pr.
s. subj._ _Ind. pt._ of weak verbs, _s._ -de, -dest (but lufedæst 3/4),
-de; _part. pt._ -ed, d, t in ibrouht 4/39, _part. pr._ -inde, ende.
Strong pasts are ȝeat 4/27, beden 3/11, 4/21, seten 3/10; _part. pt._;
iboren 2/6, &c.

#Dialect:# The Dialect is Southern, outside the Kentish area, and
probably Middle South, with forms deriving from a Saxon patois. The poem
may have been written, as the preceding piece probably was, in or near
Winchester. The orthography belongs to two distinct stages of
development, the later showing the copyist’s practice towards the end of
the twelfth century, the more primitive being that of the original,
which may have been fifty or sixty years earlier. The phonetic position
of the scribe is in some respects more advanced than that of the Layamon
MS. A.

#Metre:# Alliterative long line of loose construction mixed with rhymed
syllabic verse. Occasionally four consonants alliterate, 2/6, 4/41, but
usually three 2/5, 8, or two 2/4, 23. Crossed alliteration of consonants
occurs at 2/16, 22, 27; 4/32, of consonant and vowels at 2/17; vowel
alliteration at 4/37. At 2/4, read ⁊ lif ⁊ soule · him on ileide; at
3/11, bote come. The rhymes are sometimes perfect, as at 2/15, 25; 3/6,
8; 4/15, 27, 44, but assonances like lif : siþ 2/29; wif : siþ 3/43;
dome : lore 4/29, and partial correspondences of sound like crefte :
idihte 2/3; bedde : libbe 2/13; honden : wenden 3/38; modinesse :
lufedæst 3/4; wæde : lufedest 3/9 are valid for this transitional verse.
Sometimes alliteration and rhyme are combined, as at 2/3, 10 (read
weopinde cumeþ), 3/4. Lines without either alliteration or rhyme must be
regarded as corrupt. We may perhaps read semeþ for þuncheþ 3/39; riht ⁊
godnesse 3/3; beden þe fore 4/21: icwemen woldest for icwemdest ær 4/42.
Compare the section on metre in the introduction to No. vi.

#Introduction:# This poem, in which, after an introduction on the
miseries of birth and death, a lost soul reproaches the body it has just
left, represents the original type of one of the most popular subjects
of the Middle Ages. The idea is ancient, for Kunze, p. 3, quotes a
passage from a treatise ascribed to Plutarch, and Linow, p. 2, another
from the Talmud, which contain it in the germ. But as it is used in
Christian literature, it originated in Alexandria under the influence of
Egyptian conceptions of death and the unseen world. In England before
the Conquest it had inspired (1) the poem printed in Grein-Wülker, ii.
92-105 from the Exeter and Vercelli MSS., in which a lost soul speaks;
(2) the fragment from the latter MS., in which a blessed soul consoles
the waiting body, id. 105-7; (3) the homily printed in Ancient Laws and
Institutes of England, ed. Thorpe, ii. 396-400 (8vo ed.); (4) the homily
in Wulfstan, ed. Napier, 140, 1. Versions 3 and 4 are based on a Latin
original represented by an eleventh-century text, which is printed by
Batiouchkof in Romania, xx. 576-8, comp. Zupitza in Archiv, xci. 369.
This Latin prose text professes to be the relation of a vision by a monk
to Macarius of Alexandria (_d._ 393 A.D.), and it, according to
Batiouchkof, is based on earlier Greek legends wherein Macarius is
himself the dreamer. The homily (5) printed in Angelsächsische Homilien,
ed. Assmann, Kassel, 1889, p. 167, and (6) that published by Zupitza,
Archiv, xci. 379, are independent of the Latin original just mentioned,
and they have been influenced by the Judgment Day literature. The former
contains addresses of a lost and a saved soul to their respective bodies
on the Judgment Day, the homily (6) has only the latter.

After the Conquest, contemporary with (7) the Worcester Fragment, there
is (8) the Oxford Fragment printed by Buchholz, p. 11. The theme is
again treated in (9) the twelfth-century homily, De Sancto Andrea, OEH
ii. 181, 3, which preserves as a quotation one line of its Latin
original, see 4/19 note. Closely related to the last three versions is
(10) the passage in the thirteenth-century poem printed in OEM p. 173,
ll. 65-216. In (11) the Desputisoun bitwen þe Bodi and þe Soule, ed.
Linow, based on the Latin Visio Philiberti, the matter is thrown into
_debat_ form for the first time in English. The Vision of Fulbert is
again adapted in (12) the fifteenth-century poem printed by Halliwell,
Early English Miscellanies (Warton Club), p. 12. Shorter passages in ME.
literature, as OEM 83/331-6, Böddeker, Altengl. Dicht., 235-43 are
fairly numerous.

The position of the Worcester Fragment among this literature is not easy
to define. It appears to form a group with 8 and 10, to which 9, though
too scanty to permit of an assured judgment, may be admitted. They
probably descend from a lost Latin original. Our author may indeed have
been acquainted with the oldest English version (1) and have drawn
thence the leading ideas for his poem. If so, he treated them with much
originality, for there is a wide difference between the austere
simplicity and concentrated energy of the older composition and his
diffuse and picturesque style, which reflects the influence of the new
literature imported from the Continent.

The _lacunae_ in the text were mostly filled up by Singer. It seemed
unnecessary to assign to each editor his contributions to this
complement, much of which is obvious. For [fei]ge 2/30 and foot-note,
read [fei]ȝe.

The heading is from the Book of Job, xxv. 6.

1. #en earde# is probably the remnant of on middenearde; elsewhere the
writer uses _eorþe_ for the uncompounded word.

2. And all the created things which pertain to it, i.e. to the earth.
With #isceæftan# comp. ‘He iscop þurh þene sune alle isceafte,’ Frag. F
47, 34/84, 130/80, 139/17, 187/356. For the position of #to# comp. _on_,
2/4; _fore_ 4/21, 23; 96/53, 54, mostly with relative pronouns.
#[s]cu[l]en#, the tops of long _s_ and _l_ are cut off, as also those of
_h_ and _f_ in the next line. It is not an auxiliary verb with ellipsis
of a verb of motion (H., B.); it has independent meaning as in ‘Þas
wyrte sculon to (= are proper for) lungen sealfe,’ Leechdoms, iii. 16/6.

3. #[þe]ne#. Singer’s _þonne_, then, next, adopted by H., may be right.

4. Comp. ‘se us lif forgeaf | Leomu lic and gæst,’ Christ, 775, 6, for
which Grau, Quellen . . . der älteren germ. Darstellungen des jüngsten
Gerichtes, p. 39, gives as source the poem ascribed to S. Cyprian, De
resurrectione mortuorum, ‘Qui sibi conplacitum hominem formavit in
aevum, | Hanc manibus caram dilexit fingere formam | Decoramque suam
voluit inesse figuram, | Spiritu vivificam adflavit vultibus auram,’
Opera, ed. Hartel, iii. App. 310/51, 57-9. #ileide on#, put into, a
meaning apparently without a parallel; perhaps, entrusted to.

5. #Softliche#, painlessly. #isom[nede]#. H. completed Singer’s
isom[ne]. #sor idol#, a painful parting; comp. l. 8.

6. #ꝥ# = þet; see 3/43. The child by crying at its birth predicts the
sorrowful separation of soul and body at death; comp. 2/23-28; ‘Þæt
cild, þe bið acænned, sona hit cyð mid wope | ⁊ þærrihte witegað þissere
worulde geswinc | ⁊ þa toweardan costnunga,’ AS. Hom. ed. Assmann,
77/126-8; ‘Quotquot nascuntur, vox illis prima doloris: | Incipit a
fletu vivere quisquis homo,’ S. Anselm, p. 199, col. 2 _b_; ‘Omnis homo
cum dolore mundum ingreditur, cum dolore iterum egreditur. Mox natus
plorat, quia laborem et dolorem sibi futurum pronunciat,’ Honorius
Augustod. Migne, P. L. clxxii, col. 1083.

7. The line is too short, but Buchholz’s conjecture is too long for the
gap. Perhaps the original had _hit woaneþ ⁊ weopeþ · ⁊ mænet þeo weowe_.

8. B. translates #siþ# here and at 2/16 by ‘weg’; rather lot,
experience, as in ‘wa heom þæs siðes þe hi men wurdon,’ Wulfstan, 27/3;
‘minegede alle his wrecche siðes, þe he þolede on þis wrecche worelde,’
OEH ii. 169/8; ‘weop for hire wei-sið | wanede hire siðes[;] ꝥ heo wæs
on liues,’ L 25846-8. For compounds with _siþ_ see 2/27. #sori#, not
‘schmerzlich,’ B, but mournful, sad.

9. Haufe’s completion is based on l. 28, where the verb is intransitive,
but the construction is supported by, ‘for þat he deleð þe sowle[;] and
þe lichame, þanne he wit of þisse woreld,’ OEH ii. 7/3. But the usual
construction is seen in ‘gif he þurh ferliche deð[;] saule fro þe
lichame deleð,’ id. 61/31, and it would be better to read _[fro li]
came_ here, for the position of ⁊ is awkward. Another construction is
shown in ‘wið þone lichaman seo sawle gedælan,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann,

10. #weopinde ⁊ woniende#, so, ‘wop and woninge,’ VV 17/32; see 42/231

11. Haufe’s completion is too short, Singer’s too long, for the gap. For
#[swo]#, stressed form, comp. 3/4.

12. #he#, i.e. licame. #walkeþ ⁊ wendeþ#, tosses and turns in his bed.
#[oftes]iþes# H. followed by B., who afterwards expressed his preference
for [þe weas]iþes, based on ‘ȝet ic wulle þe ætwi[ten þ]e weasiþes,’
Frag. G 7. Singer read _[his si]þes_.

13. #wo me#, though written as one, are separate words; coalesced they
become wumme; comp. 121/133; ‘wumme ꝥ ich libbe,’ SJ 72/5; ‘wumme ꝥ ich
shal wunien on uncuðe erde,’ OEH ii. 149/10; ‘wel me,’ 210/441.

15. #greoning . . . woaning#: comp. 2/25; 196/662; ‘Heo woneþ ⁊ groneþ
day and nyht,’ OEM 152/187.

16. biwunden. See 2/27, 79/13, 81/79, and for similar phrases comp. ‘swo
faste bunden ⁊ swo biwunde þarinne,’ OEH ii. 11/9; ‘mid sorȝen ibunden,’
L 12635; ‘mid sorinesse bistonden,’ OEH ii. 147/26, 181/1.

17-21. Comp. ‘Hyse eres shullen dewen, | & his eyen shullen dymmen, | &
his nese shal sharpen, | & his skyn shal starken,’ PRL 253/3-6, and the
similar piece OEM 101/1. An adaptation of the last quoted line has been
inserted at l. 19 to restore the alliteration. For him, comp. 80/47.
#deaueþ#, become deaf, a rare meaning, but paralleled in the quotation
above. OE. #ā-dēafian# has that meaning; see Deave, NED. So too
#scerpeþ#, l. 18, grows sharp, usually means to make sharp.

19. #scorteþ#. Comp. ‘[þin] tunge is ascorted,’ Frag. G, l. 9. The
phrase appears to be without parallel: the corresponding texts have,
‘And þi tunge voldeþ,’ OEM 101/4; ‘& his tonge shal stameren, oþer
famelen,’ PRL 253/8.

20. #teoreþ#, flags, droops. Comp. ‘Ðin mægn is aterod · and þa mihte þu
næfst,’ Ælfric, Lives, i. 86/611.

21. #[siden]#. S reads _heorte_, H _muþ_; something more extensive is
wanted, and _sides_ is often used vaguely for body (see passages in
Minot, i. 15 note). #liggeþ . . . stille# occurs again, Frag. E 11,
otherwise one might be tempted to conjecture, _liggeþ he stan stille_,
as in Minot, ii. 32, with improved alliteration.

23. #at#, as in ‘beræfed | At þene eorþliche weole,’ Frag. C 7, 8. So L,
‘biræiuie hine at liue,’ MS. C 9205: it is the usual construction in the
older version (but simple _dat._ in ‘biræfued þan liue,’ 15283), while
MS. O has regularly _of_. With the meaning _seize_ it takes the _acc._,
‘he biræuede mi{n}e æhte,’ MS. C 8801. #also#, an emphasized _so_, quite
so, all the: comp. al = entirely, 2/29.

26, 27. #So . . . so#, even as, even so. #feorþsiþ#: comp. 135/117,
3/41, 24/189, 119/74: similar combinations are ‘balesið,’ L 567;
‘fæisið,’ L 3731; ‘houdsiþ,’ ON 1586; ‘sorhsiðes,’ L 11109; ‘vnsiþ,’ ON
1164; ‘wosið,’ OEH ii. 209/3; ‘wræc-sið,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 538/808.

29. This line is repeated with variations as a sort of refrain, Frag. C
15, 37; D 9, 16, 42; F 19.

30. #iflut#, transferred from the bed to ashes laid on the floor in the
form of a cross. Comp. ‘Sori is the fore | Fram bedde to the flore,’
Rel. Ant. i. 160; ‘on flore licgende, bestreowod mid axum, on stiðre
hǽran,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 516/30; ‘Postremo redimens elemosinis
malefacta | Ipsaque confessus mortuus in cinere est,’ Epicedium
Hathumodae, 557; ‘Cum viderint iam eius exitus horam imminere, cilicium
expandunt, cinerem desuper aspergunt, et infirmum de lecto levatum in
cilicium submittunt,’ Consuetudines Cluniacenses, Migne, P. L. cxlix,
col. 772; ‘esto memor cineris in quo tandem morieris,’ Hauréau, Notices,
ii. 183/9. See other texts in Rock, Church of our Fathers, ii. pp.

31. #eastward.# Burial with the feet to the east was formerly the usual
practice (Rock, ii. p. 473), but the eastward placing of the dying man
is a detail which I cannot illustrate.

32. #[col]deþ.# Zupitza’s conjecture fits the place, gives a good
meaning, and accords with l. 36, but the usual phrase is seen in ‘þei
clungin so þe cley,’ Archiv, xcvii, 309/17; ‘As a clot of clay þou were
for-clonge,’ Hymns to the Virgin, 13/31; ‘ant clyngeþ so þe clay,’
Böddeker, AE. Dichtungen, 211/17; ‘The clot him clinge,’ M. L. Review,
V. p. 105. #hit is him ikunde#. Comp. 154/85; ‘Nes hit þe nowiht icunde
þet þu icore[n] hefdest | Nes hit icunde þe more þen þine cunne biuoren
þe,’ Frag. D 19, 20; ‘unfæger, swa him gecynde wæs,’ AS. Hom., ed.
Assmann, 176/208; ‘Ah nim þu þene kine-halm[;] he is þe icunde,’ L
18158, 22004, 23196; VV 57/28.

34, 35. Comp. ‘Now schaltow haue at al þi siþe | Bot seuen fet, vnneþe
þat,’ Desputisoun, 91, 2.

36. Comp. ‘Nu lið þe clei-clot | al so þe ston,’ OEM 172/73, 4.

37. #þeo he#, those to whom he. With 37-40 comp. 4/15, 16, 37; 32/34; ‘&
he þonne se deada byð úneaþe ælcon men on neaweste to hæbbenne,’ BH
59/14; ‘& se man næfre toðon leof ne bið his nehmagum & his
worldfreondum, ne heora nan hine to þæs swiþe ne lufað ꝥ he sona syþþan
ne sý onscungend, seoþþan se lichoma & se gast gedælde beoþ, & þincð his
neawist laþlico & unfæger,’ id. 111/27-30; ‘Alle his frendes he shal beo
loþ. | And helud shal ben wiþ a cloþ,’ PRL 253/1, 2. #freome dude#.
Comp. ‘him to fremen and do frame,’ GE 173: and see 176/24, 186/323.

38. #riht wen[den]#, set straight.

41. The copyist has allowed his eye to wander to the very similar line
43 and has transferred the second half of it here, to the exclusion of
something like _þe woneþ þe feorþsiþ_.

43. #[þon]ne#. The last half of _n_ and _e_ are in the MS. #riche# is
probably a mistake for _wrecche_, as S. suggests.

44. For love turns miserably into an evil under the stroke of
misfortune. To have loved and lost is an evil thing.

45. #besihþ . . . to#, contemplates; comp. 124/249 note. Zupitza quotes,
‘When þe gost it schuld go, | It biwent ⁊ wiþstode, | Biheld þe bodi þat
it com fro,’ Desputisoun, 9-11. Comp. ‘cum educerent eam (i.e. animam)
de corpore commonuerunt eam angeli tercio, dicentes: O misera anima,
prospice carnem tuam unde existi,’ Visio Pauli, Texts and Studies, ii.
3. 18/7.


The heading is added from the Book of Job, vii. 11.

1. S., H., and B. fill the lacuna with _Hwui noldest biþenchen_ from
4/17, but this does not fit the lower half of the letters left in the
MS. where _ligge_ as the end of the preceding line is fairly certain,
followed by a word of three letters, the middle one being _o_ and
another word of two or two and a half letters, of which the first is
_w_. Perhaps _loþ we[re]_ should be read. A question is not suited to
the context. The opening lines evidently correspond to OEH ii.
183/16-19, ‘longe habbe ich on þe wuned. swo wo is me þe hwile, for al
þat me was leof[;] hit was þe loð · þu ware a sele gief ich was wroð. To
gode þu ware slau and let · and to euele spac and hwat.’

2. This line is repeated at Frag. D 28.

4. #[mo]dinesse.# Comp. 77/52, ‘He hadde ben a modi kniȝt,’ Desputisoun,
5; ‘Me nimeð þe licome | ⁊ preoneð in a clut. | ꝥ wes so modi ⁊ so
strong | ⁊ so swiþe prud,’ OEM 172/67-70; and for the passage at large,
‘Hwær beoþ þonne his welan & his wista? hwær beoð þonne his wlencea &
his anmedlan?’ BH 111/33; ‘Hwar byð þonne heora wela, þe hi ahtan her on
life? ⁊ hi dæghwamlice gesam nodon ma ⁊ ma togædere ⁊ nystan nænigne
ende, hwænne hi ꝥ forlætan scoldan,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 165/35-7;
‘Whar ben þine markes ⁊ þine pou{n}des?’ Desputisoun, 33.

5. #þurh [pa]newes igædered#, scraped together, or, more probably, wrung
from the poor, ‘Quare pecunias et alienas facultates et substantias
pauperum tulisti et congregasti in domo tua?’ Batiouchkof’s text, p.
577. Comp. also 34/67, 46/296.

6. #itolde.# Comp. ‘and þa paneȝes weoren italde,’ L 29460. An early use
of #bi# with unit of measurement.

7. #Guldene# is corrupt; with the help of ‘Hwer beoþ þine nappes | þat
þe glyde to honde,’ OEM 175/107, 8, we may restore, _hwar beoþ [nu] þeo
Goldfæten . þe glyden to þine honden_. Then _comen_ is a gloss on
_glyden_; though it is found in this connexion elsewhere, ‘þe schal com
an hors to hande,’ Richard, 5554.

8. #fornon#, also at 4/44 is not OE. #for-nēan# (H.), which means
nearly, but #foran on#, in front, ahead, still to come. Comp. ‘foren an
his hafde,’ L 23968, with local meaning, in front of his head (Germ.
vorn an); ‘⁊ aȝȝ þeȝȝ tokenn efft forrnon | To serrfenn wukemalumm,’ Orm
16/553 (= in continuation of the series); OEM 149/92. L has also ‘aforen
on, afornon,’ 10413. Similarly, ‘þe sorȝe is him biforen,’ OEH i.

9. Comp. ‘Whare ben al þine worþliche wede,’ Desputisoun, 25.

10. #[sibbe]# is added to fill out the line. #ofer þe#, by the sick
man’s bedside; #ofer#, opposite to; more commonly expressed by _over

11. #bote#, cure or relief, an ambiguous word.

12. #þuþte#, for _þuhte_, like cniþt for cniht, L MS. O 346 a purely
graphic variation. On the other hand, _hauef_ for _haueþ_, Frag. G 26,
like _of[ ]þufte_ for _of[ ]þuhte_, 46/271, and _soþte_ for _softe_, KH
MS. L 392, represent a difference in pronunciation. See W. Horn,
Beiträge zur Geschichte der englischen Gutturallaute, pp. 91-4.

13. Comp. 22/129; ‘Þi fals air schal be ful fain | Þi fair fe to
vnderfo,’ Desputisoun, 105, 6; ‘And his freondes striveð | to gripen his
i-won,’ OEM 172/75, 6.

14. #[heo]#. B. reads [heo hit], which is too long for the gap, and
translates ‘sie thun es ohne dich.’ But it means, they put you outside;
which is varied in 15, 16. Comp. ‘Me wule for þin ahte | make striuinge,
| And pute þe wið-uten | of alle þine þinge,’ OEM 176/133-6. See 22/130.

16. #of weolen . . . bedæled#. The OE. construction is seen in ‘mínra
bóca bedæled,’ Ælfric, De vet. Test. 1/22, and it is the same generally
in L, ‘liues bidæled,’ 17365; ‘windes bidelde,’ 28239; but ‘of folke
bidæled,’ 12743.

17. Comp. ‘Wai hwi noldestu er | of þisse beon icnowe,’ OEM 178/167, 8.

18. #semdest#, didst load; see 84/73. The phrase seems to be without a
parallel; perhaps the use of the verb was suggested by ‘forðon gie sémað
menn mið seamum ðaðe gebeara ne magon,’ S. Luke xi. 46 (Lindisfarne

19. This _motiv_ is common to the versions. Comp. ‘heu me, heu me, quare
unquam in corpore illud tenebrosum et pessimum ingredi merui,’
Batiouchkoff, p. 577; ‘Heu michi cur olidum · fueram tibi iuncta
cadaver. Aweilewei þu fule hold ꝥ ich auere was to þe iteied,’ OEH ii.
183/14, 15; ‘Walawa ⁊ wa is me. ꝥ ic efre com to þe,’ Frag. F 4;
Wulfstan, 140/20-23; ‘Ue mihi, habitacio tua mersit me in infernum,’
Revue Celtique, x. 469; ‘for hwon sceolde ic æfre ingangan on þisne
fulestan ⁊ wyrrestan lichoman,’ Thorpe, ii. 398/9. ‘Heu me miseram, quod
unquam creata fui ac nata, seu in hoc corpus maculatum posita,’ S.
August. Opera, Migne, P. L. xl. col. 1357. For #buc#, comp. 186/330;
‘Awai þu wrecche fole bali,’ OEM 172/83.

20. #[lo]kien#, preserve, maintain, as 77/46; 78/85; ‘uorte loken riht
bitweonen ou,’ AR 286/6; ‘beloken (= to look to) þe sicnesse of þe
sowle,’ OEH ii. 77/32; or perhaps, look for, seek after, as in ‘Haueden
al þa reuen[;] . . . iloked tweiene eorles,’ L 5273, 7. The phrase with
_[ma]kien_, the conjecture of H., seems not to be earlier than the
sixteenth century. #ilærede men#, ‘lerdemen,’ OEH ii. 31/9; ‘leredmen,’
8/83; ‘bokilered,’ 18/2, 19/39. Comp. ‘alle þat weoren ihadded | & þreo
biscopes wise[;] a boke wel ilæred,’ L 21856-8; and for the sense,
‘Noldest þu ær gode men for lufe g[od dæ]lan,’ Frag. D 4, and 89/33-44.

21. #fo[re]#. See 2/2 note, and comp. _fore_ after its noun in 4/23.

26. #þæne#. B. takes _þære_ of the MS. as _gen. sing._ referring to
_messe_; H. as _gen. pl._ representing _ilærede men_, but _þurh_ with
the genitive is very rare. It might be dative; but Zupitza’s correction
is certain; #þæne# refers to _Christ_, as is required by _his_ and _he_
in the next line, and _were_ is 2 _sing. past indicative_ as at 4/32.
Comp. ‘þam soðfæstan gode | þas lac geoffrian þe us alysde fram deaðe,’
Ælfric, Lives, i. 66/284; ‘Ac us is mycel neodþearf ꝥ we geþencan, hu
drihten us mid his þrowunge alysde fram deofles anwealde, þa he a rode
ahangen wæs ⁊ his ꝥ deorweorðe blod for us ageat,’ AS. Hom., ed.
Assmann, 164/7-10; ‘Hwi noldestu gelyfan þinum drihtene, þe wæs ahangen
for us and us alysde fram helle wite,’ id. 167/80, 1; ‘alesde us of
helle grunde,’ OEH i. 19/8.

29. #fenge#, betook thyself, #þurh--lore#. Comp. ‘Þurh þæs deofles lore,
þe þe licode wel,’ Frag. G 14, 43.

30. #Bi#, concerning, comp. ‘bi hwam ure Louerd seið,’ AR 158/9; ‘Nu mon
mæi [seg]gen bi þe,’ Frag. C 9; 155/92.

31. Probably not a quotation, but an imperfect reminiscence of ‘Qui enim
divitiarum servus est, divitias custodit ut servus,’ Bedae Opera (1612),
v, col. 378.

33. #for drihtenes willæn#, for the Lord’s sake (Germ. _um Gottes
willen_). Comp. ‘for willan þæs ælmihtigan,’ Ælfric, Lives, ii. 112/683,
and contrast ‘[Nol]de he nefre þærof don his drihtenes wille,’ Frag. C

35. #from# must be taken closely with _forloren_, not as B. translates,
‘bist du verloren, fern von allem, was du liebtest.’ Comp. ‘And fra
folke forlese we þa,’ Surtees Psalter, Ps. 82, _v._ 5, translating
‘disperdamus eos de gente.’ But it is an uncommon combination.

37. Comp. ‘Mid clutes þu ert for [bu]nden and loþ alle freonden,’ Frag.
F 17; and see note on 3/37. For #unwurþ# see 26/258.

38. Comp. 12/11.

39. #þær--scalt#, where thou must remain. H. quotes ‘Nu me þe bringæð
þer ðu beon scealt,’ from the Oxford Frag. (The Grave) 5, and for 40
(which is repeated in Frag. E 8) ‘Dureleas is þet hus,’ id. 13.

41-3. B. explains, There worms dispose of all that was most prized by
thee, birds friendly to Death, all that thou didst formerly delight with
all kind (reading _kunde_) of sweetness, which thou didst dearly love.
But to call worms birds friendly to Death, is a flight of imagination
beyond our writer’s power, and the suggested arrangement of the two
halves of 41, 42 is artificial, though not without parallel. A
comparison of ‘Heo wulleþ freten þin fule hold,’ Frag. C 41; ‘Ac þu heo
(i.e. the earth) afulest mid þine fule holde,’ Frag. E 5; ‘Aweilewei þu
fule hold,’ OEH ii. 183/15, suggests here _fulest alre holde_, foulest
of all bodies. The meaning is then easy and straightforward. His body
was what the dead man had most prized and pleasured, ‘For þin wombe was
þin god,’ Frag. D 36; ‘þine þermes, þeo þe deore weren,’ Frag. C 47.

43. #[þære]#. The staff of the first letter has survived in the MS.; it
goes below the line.

44, 45 are repeated with small variation in Frag. D 40, 41. For #fornon#
see 3/8 note. With the rhyme of 45, comp. ‘Beornen [þer e]fre · ende nis
þer nefre,’ Frag. E 49.


  3/8, 4/19 (notes) = I. C (Worcester Fragments)
  42/231 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)


  #Literature:# ... (3) ... *Batiouchkof, Th., Romania, xx. 236;
    [Th. Romania]
    [_the passage cited as xx. 236 is actually xx. 1 and 513_]
  Bruce, J. D., Modern Language Notes
    [Languages Notes]
  #ā# is normally ... #œ̄# is _eo_ in weoþinde 2/10. (OE. #wœ̄þan#).
    [_text has “weoþinde,” and “wœ̄þan”_]
  #ea# ... _å_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_ in freome, feole, weolen
    (Bülbring, § 234); _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# is _eo_
    [_first “å-umlaut” misprinted as bold instead of italic;
    second misprinted as “a-umlaut”_]
  ... The prefix #ge# is represented by _i_.
    [_#ge# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  The consonants ... _k_ is written mostly before _e_ and _ie_
    [_“k” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
  #Accidence.# ... Neuters as ban 2/21 are uninflected, _pl. g._ has
    -e, _d._, -en  [-e, _d_, -en]
  ... The def. art. is _s. n._ þe- þeo- þat, _d. m._ þen,
    _a._ þene- þeo- þat, _pl. n._ þeo- þa -þa, þeo, þe.
    [_all hyphens printed as shown_]
  The terminations of the verb ... _part. pt._ -ed, d, t
    [_“-ed, d, t” misprinted as italic_]

  30. ... ‘Postremo redimens elemosinis
    [_form “elemosinis” for expected “eleemosinis” is in the
    source text_]
  ... Hauréau, Notices, ii. 183/9.  [Haureau]
  32. ... M. L. Review, V. p. 105  [M.L.]

  26. #þæne#. B. takes _þære_ of the MS. as _gen. sing._  [_pære_]
  33. ... and contrast ‘[Nol]de he nefre þærof  [[Nol] de]
  35. ... as B. translates, ‘bist du verloren
    [_#b#ist with anomalous bold #b#_]
  37. ... For #unwurþ# see 26/258.  [#unwurp#]


#Manuscript:# Royal 5 F vii, British Museum; described in Casley’s
Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the King’s Library, pp. 88, 89. The
pieces, with musical notation, in the order B, A, C, occur in a Latin
life of Godric by Geoffrey, a monk of Durham, on f. 85, apparently an
inserted leaf. This leaf is in a different hand from that of the life,
and belongs to the beginning of the thirteenth century; a hand of the
fourteenth century has added a Latin version beneath the lines of the
first stanza of A, and _onfong_ above _onfo_ in l. 3. The Royal MS.
alone contains C, but the first stanza of A, together with B, are found
in two MSS. of the life of Godric, written by his contemporary Reginald
of Durham, Laud Misc. 413, Bodleian Library, and Harley 153, B.M., and
the first stanza of A, also in another MS. of the same life, Harley 322
B.M., and in Mm. iv. 28, Cambridge University Library. Two MSS. of
Roger of Wendover, Douce 207, Bodleian, and Otho B v, B.M., and three of
Matthew Paris, C. C. C. Cambridge 26, Nero D v, and Harley 1620 B.M.,
have the whole of A. Most of these give Latin versions of the English
words. The filiation of the English copies has been determined by
Zupitza in the exhaustive article mentioned below: he gives a critical
text based on the Royal MS.

#Facsimile:# Saintsbury, G., History of English Prosody, frontispiece to
vol. i. London, 1906.

#Editions:# Ritson, J., Bibliographia Poetica, 1-4; Hazlitt’s Warton,
iii. 154 (reprint of A only); *Zupitza, J., Englische Studien, xi.

#Literature:# Zupitza, J., Archiv, lxxxvi. 408 (note on the
pronunciation of druð).

#Phonology:# Godric’s Northern dialect has been well preserved, but he
would have written scild 3, ric 4, and probably birth 13. #a# is _a_ in
scamel (#sćeamol#) 9; #æ# is _a_ in þat, bare 10, at 13. #e# is _e_ in
help 3, itredie 10. #i# is _i_ in schild 3, dilie 7, and _y_ (written
for _i_ before _m_) in tymbre 12. #o# is _o_ in godes 4. #y# is _i_ in
sinne 7, winne 8. #ā# is _a_ in swa 9, clenhad 6. #ǣ{1}# (WG. ai + i) is
_e_ in clenhad 6, iledde 9; #ǣ{2}# (WG. ā) is _a_ in bare 13, þare 14.
#ō# is _o_ in moder 2, onfo 3, mod 7, fote 10. #ū# is _u_ in bur 5, hus
12. #eo# before #r# + consonant is _e_ in erðe 10. #æ# + #g# is _ai_ in
faire 12; #ēa# + #h#, _eȝ_ in heȝilich 4 (#hēa(h)līce#). Scone 12 is
Norse, the OE. is #scīene# (Björkman, Scandinavian Loan-Words, p. 77),
and burth 13 is probably so (id., p. 162). Sainte, uirgine, flur, druð,
are French. The scribe uses þ initially, ð in other positions, and once
th. So he has ƿ generally, but once w in _wel_. In selfd 8, _d_ is due
to anticipation of the following word: in wid 10 _d_ is scribal error
for ð.

#Grammar:# moderes is a new genitive (OE. #mōdor#, #mēder#); _e_ of the
dative is lost in mod, scamel, burth. fote 10 is _pl. d._, sinne _acc.
pl._ Of the possessives mine 10 is _pl. d._, the others are uninflected;
min sinne 7 is noteworthy, because the _pl._ forms at this period are
usually inflected. Iledde is a solitary _ind. pt. pl._, silde _subj. pt.
sing._; the other verbs are imperatives: rix = rixe. A new present stem
appears in onfang; it may be as old in the North as Godric’s time;
elsewhere it appears about 1200 A.D.

#Dialect:# Specifically Northern are the representation of #ā#, the form
silde and the early simplification of the inflection. The development of
#æ#, #ǣ#, and #y# exclude the South.

#Metre:# Godric’s rhythms are all to be found in the Latin hymns which
probably inspired his verses. These are S. Anselm’s Psalterium S.
Virginis (Opera, ed. Gerberon, p. 303) and the Sequence for the Feast of
S. Nicholas, to be found under Dec. 6 in the York Missal and elsewhere.
The normal line in Anselm’s hymn contains four measures with trochaic
movement, as Nón est | nóbis | récens | Déus, but there are others of
five and six, with admixture of iambic rhythm. Godric uses all these and
applies to them the licences of native prosody, elision, slurring,
omission, and doubling of light syllables. So his 1 and 5, Saínte |
marí|e uír|giné |, and Saínte | marí|e chríst|es búr |, are exactly Áve
| Regí|na vír|ginúm, and 6, maíden|es clén|had mód|eres flúr only
differs by the slurring of _e_ before r. Line 2, móder | ihésu | crístes
| náza|réne |, has one trochee more than the normal line, one less than
Cúius | laúdes | sónus | fíunt | épul|ántis, and l. 7 with _mine_
restored before _sinne_ is of the same pattern, dílie | míne | sínne |
ríxẹ in | mín mod |. Line 8, bríng me to | wínne | wið þé | selfd Gód |,
has the same mixture of trochees and iambs as Ómnis | remítt|itúr |
iní|quitás |, or Áve | cúius | virgín|eó |, but with doubled light
syllable in the first measure; similar is the rhythm of 4, ónfang |
bríng he | ȝílich | wið þé | in gód|es ríc |. Line 3, ónfo | schíld |
hélp þin | gódric, has the same movement as óbdor|míens | páti|éndo, but
with omission of light syllable after stressed long syllable in the
second measure.

The long lines 9, 10 are based on a combination of two Latin ones, Críst
and | saínte | Marí|e swá || on scá|mel mé | ilédd|è, like Áve | cúius |
in fíl|iúm || Proclám|at fíd|es már|tyrúm | but with omission of light
syllable in the last foot; and þat íc | on þis ér|ðe né | sílde || wíd
mine | báre | fótẹ i|trédie | imitates indú|ti stó|la gé|mína || Dúplex
| dícunt | Álle|lúia, but with doubling of light syllables twice and

In the last verse, Saínte | Nícho|láes | gódes | drúð | is Glóri|óse |
Níco|láe | with added foot of one stressed syllable; týmbrẹ us | faíre |
scóne | hús | is vóca|lí con|córdi|à; Àt þi búrth | àt þi bár|è
resembles ùbi páx | et glóri|à, and Saínte | Nícho|láes | bríng vs wel |
þáre is the normal Ád sal|útis | pórtum | tráhe | with added foot.

In Godric’s verse the strict syllabic principle, with its consequent
abandonment of alliteration, save for ornament, and its consistent
attempt at end-rhyme, has obtained already a complete mastery, whilst in
most of the contemporary poetry it is still struggling with the
traditional alliterative metric. His methods rank him with the writers
of popular topical verse, while the more conscious artists still linger
in the old ways.

#Introduction:# S. Godric, the hermit of Finchale, near Durham, died
1170 A.D. In his earlier days he had travelled much as merchant and
pilgrim, and learnt to venerate S. Nicholas as the patron of those in
peril of the sea. Reginald tells us that the Virgin Mary, accompanied by
S. Mary Magdalene, appeared to S. Godric, in the chapel which he had
dedicated to her at Finchale, and taught him both words and melody of
the first piece (Vita, ed. Stevenson, Surtees Society, no. 20, pp.
117-19). The occasion of the second piece was as follows. His sister
Burgwen having died, S. Godric earnestly desired to know what judgement
had been passed upon her, and he was privileged to see the Virgin Mary
followed by two angels, clothed in albs, bearing the soul of his sister,
who, from the centre of the altar in the Oratory, sang the hymn which
filled the saint with joy (Reginald, 143, 4). The third piece was
unknown to Reginald, but Godric told him that on one occasion S.
Nicholas appeared to him, with a company of angels, and bade him join
them in their hymns (id. 202).

The literary value of Godric’s verses is small, but they are the first
compositions we have in Northern English after the Conquest, and
metrically interesting. There are, however, three earlier documents
which have been printed by Liebermann in Archiv, cxi. 275-84; the first
of these, Gospatric’s letter, is also in the Scottish Historical Review,
i. 62, 105, 344, 353; ii. 340: it is possibly pre-Conquest.

1. #marie# has three syllables with the accent on the second; in OE. it
is usually Maria with accent on the first (but ‘þæt is MARÍA · mædena
felast,’ Be Domes Dæge, 18/293); in Orm naturalized as Marȝe and in ME.
generally Marye. From his Latin models Godric takes his pronunciation
and the associated uirgine, apparently its first occurrence in English.

2. #ihesu#, the general form for any oblique case, here genitive.
#nazarene# is an invariable adj. like cristene, but Orm has, ‘Forr
Nazarenuss tacneþþ sannt,’ 308/8865.

4. #heȝilich#, with honour; _gloriose_ in the MS. version. MS. Harley
322 has hegliche and translates _cito_; the Cambridge MS. hehtlic,
wrongly rendered _eternaliter_ as though it represented #ēcelīce#;
Zupitza explains it as the adverb of #higð#, ME. on hihðe, in haste; MS.
Harley 153 reads hehliche, rendered _alte_.

5. #xpistes bur#: comp. ‘Maria, Dei thalamus,’ Anselm 303/5; ‘Ave, de
cuius intimo | Christus processit thalamo, | in sole tabernaculum |
fixit, qui regit saeculum,’ Mone, ii. 234/69-72, which shows that this
use of the word came from Psalm xviii. 6 ‘In sole posuit tabernaculum
suum et ipse tamquam sponsus procedens de thalamo suo exultavit ut gigas
ad currendam viam.’ For xp = Χρ, Chr, see Traube, Nomina Sacra, 156 ff.

6. The translation in some of the MSS. is ‘virginalis puritas, matris
flos.’ Godric has in mind, ‘Ave mater per quam via | Immaculata patuit |
Quia (Qui à in text) Deo flore | Virginitas effloruit,’ Anselm,
306/93-6; ‘Ave coeleste lilium | Per florem cuius unicum,’ &c., id.
305/153, 4. Christ then is the Virgin’s pure offspring, the mother’s
flower to whom the next two lines are addressed, and _þe_ in l. 8 (which
Zupitza rejects) presents no difficulty. The abandonment of the vocative
for a new subject is artless. The first half of 7 corresponds to, ‘O
Christe, proles Virginis | Patris compar altissimi | Per tuae mortis
merita | Dele nostra peccamina,’ Anselm, 303/22-5, and the second to
‘Ave mater cuius partus | Deus in coelis habitat | In sanctorum dum
mentibus | Dulcedine sua regnat,’ id. 306/111-4.

9. #scamel#, from L. Lat. _scamellum_, dim. of _scamnum_, step, stool;
it often means the little stool for the hands of cripples, but it is
also synonymous with _scabellum_, which in the phrase _scabellum pedum_
occurs nine times in the Vulgate, with the meaning footstool. In two of
these, Psalms xcviii. 5, cix. 1, the Surtees Psalter translates by
schamel, Eadwine’s Canterbury Psalter by scæmol, the Paris Psalter by
sceamul, the earliest Eng. Prose Psalter by shamel, the Lambeth Homilies
(OEH i. 91/11) by fot-sceomele. Comp. ‘Vor þi alle þe halewen makeden of
al þe worlde ase ane stol (scheomel, C; schamel, T) to hore uet, uorto
arechen þe heouene,’ Ancren Riwle, 166/15, 6. Psalm cix. 1 ‘Dixit
Dominus Domino meo: Sede a dextris meis, donec ponam inimicos tuos,
scabellum pedum tuorum,’ is quoted five times in the New Testament, and
there may be a reference to it here. Zupitza suggests that l. 10 is
based on ‘Quoniam angelis suis mandavit de te, ut custodiant te in
omnibus viis tuis. In manibus portabunt te, ne forte offendas ad lapidem
pedem tuum,’ Psalm xc. 11, 12; but _on þis erðe itredie_ is a weak
representation of _offendas ad lapidem_. Now we are told by Reginald
that the angels who bore the spirit of Burgwen halted ‘supra Altaris
crepidinem,’ and the Harleian MS. has, more definitely, ‘eam super
Altaris crepidinem statuerunt.’ The _scamel_ is simply the footpace of
the altar on which she has been set. Reginald’s version points in this
direction, ‘Sancta Maria super scamni sedile me deduxit’; as also
Geoffrey’s paraphrase, ‘Ne pede calcarem terre contagia nudo (_a. l._
mundo), | Sic mea me domina deduxit sancta Maria.’ The meaning then is,
I have been conducted to this altarstep in such a way that I should not
touch _this_ earth with my bare foot. I am divinely protected and lifted
above the world. And Godric understood, ‘statim intellexit quod anima
sororis suae super coelestibus Angelorum choreis esset associata’ (p.

11. #Nicholaes# occurs in AS. Chron. E. 1067 as Nicolaes. It corresponds
to Nicolaus, which in the Latin hymns is always four syllables, and so,
I think, it must be here.

#godes druð#: comp. ‘dilectus Dei Nicholaus,’ Aberdeen Breviary; ‘amicus
Dei,’ York Breviary, ii. col. 106; ‘et amico Dei magno | Nicolao
condole,’ Anselm, 307/168, 9; ‘godes drut,’ Be Domes Dæge, 18/290.

12. #hus# does not rhyme and has no reference to anything in the legend
of S. Nicholas. But he was invoked by sailors in peril (York Breviary,
ii. 105), and we are told that Godric would often interrupt a
conversation by saying ‘Quaeso, fratres, oremus; quia ecce, navis in
pelago periclitatur,’ and that, ‘facta oratione, iterum consuevit
adjicere, “Nunc navis mea applicuit”’ (Reginald, p. 130). If _huð_ might
be restored here, as an un-umlauted form of #hȳð#, harbour, on the
evidence of _to huþe_ = _ad portum_, quoted in Bosworth-Toller from the
Lambeth Psalter, it would correspond to ‘O beate Nicolae, | Nos ad maris
portum trahe’; ‘Gloriose Nicolae, | Ad salutis portum trahe’ of the
Sequence. #tymbre# can mean provide, prepare, see Minot, vi. 2.

13. Zupitza connects this line with _druð_, but its position requires it
to be taken with _tymbre_ or _bring_, #at# means from, by the merits of
(NED i. 529 †11). The singular piety of the infant Nicholas is told in
all his legends, ‘quarta et sexta feria tantum semel (= semel tantum)
sugebat ubera,’ Aurea Legenda, ed. Graesse, p. 22; ‘Qui in cunis adhuc
iacens | Servando ieiunia | a papilla coepit summa | promereri gaudia,’
in the Sequence. And he was helpful in his tomb, ‘Ex ipsius tumba manat
| unctionis copia | quae infirmos omnes sanat | per eius suffragia.’


  Χρ  [Chr]


  #Manuscript:# ... Harley 322 B.M.,  [B.M,]
  #Phonology:# ... #e# is _e_ in help 3, itredie 10.  [3.]
  4. ... #ēcelīce#  [#ecēlīce#]


#Manuscript:# Laud Misc. 636, Bodleian Library (MS. E). Described in
Plummer, ii. xxxiv, v. A new hand begins with 1132 and continues to the
end in 1155 A.D.

#Facsimile:# Keller, Wolfgang, Angelsächsische Palaeographie, Berlin,
1906: plate xii gives ll. 1-25.

#Editions:# For the earlier editions see Plummer, ii. cxxvii-cxxxv.
Thorpe, B., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 2 vols., London, 1861; Earle, J.,
Two of the Saxon Chronicles parallel, Oxford, 1865; *Plummer, C., Two of
the Saxon Chronicles parallel, 2 vols., Oxford, 1892, 1899; Emerson,
O. F., A Middle English Reader, New York, 1905.

#Literature:# Behm, O. P., The Language of the Later Part of the
Peterborough Chronicle, Gothenburgh, 1884: Würzner, A., Review of Behm,
Anglia, viii, Anzeiger, 18-24: Meyer, H., Zur Sprache der jüngeren Teile
der Chronik von Peterborough, Jena, 1889: Horst, K., Beiträge zur
Kenntniss der Altenglischen Annalen, ES xxv. 195-218: Robertson, W. A.,
Tempus und Modus in der altenglischen Chronik, Marburg, 1906. =For
History:= Hugo Albus, ed. Sparke in Hist. Angl. Scriptores, Londini,
1723 (comp. Liebermann, F., Ueber ostenglische Geschichtsquellen,
Hannover, 1892): Gesta Stephani in Chronicles of the Reign of Stephen,
Rolls Series; William of Malmesbury, Historia Novella, Rolls Series;
Bridges, J., History of Northamptonshire, 2 vols., Oxford, 1791:
Norgate, K., England under the Angevin Kings, 2 vols., London, 1887:
Round, J. H., Geoffrey de Mandeville, London, 1892.

#Phonology:# #a# is regularly _a_, whether oral, faren 9, makede 23, ac
39, pades 59 (*#pad#); or before nasals, Godman 22, nam 42; or before
lengthening groups, land 1, enmang 26. It is _e_ in henged 55, 56
influenced by Scand. _hengja_; _æ_, which in this text lies near _e_, in
the Scand. loan-word tæcen 120, 139; _o_ in oc 7, but, through influence
of Scand. _oc_, also. #æ# is mostly _a_, was (34 times), þat (9), at
(5), -masse (3), but no instance of after; the pasts, bar 85, spac 141,
stal 165; but _e_, wes (7 times, all between ll. 20 and 76), þet (once),
-messe (once), efter (15), analogy of #eft#; and _æ_, wæs (9), þæt
(once), æt (6), -mæsse (once), æfter (once), stæl 132. #e# is generally
_e_, nefe 7, wel 72; before lengthening groups, sende 4, 9, þrengde 61
(*#þrengan#), ferde 166; but _æ_ in bæron 63, 66, wæl 95, 203, þæ 100,
æten 124. #i# is regularly _i_, milce 4, scip 14, but _y_ is sometimes
written for it, uurythen 58, suyken 135, wyd 141. #o# is regularly _o_,
ouer 13, smoke 56, o 74 (= #on#); before length. groups, uuolde 3, gold
24. It is _a_ in an 14, a 20; _u_ in durste 22. #u# is regularly _u_,
sunne 15, cumen 18, sturuen 75; before length. groups, wurþen 17, hungær
67, wurthen 147. It is omitted in of uundred 17 (a French spelling). #y#
is _i_, dide 9, 18, bebiriend 22, sinnes 88, mint 98; written _y_ in
byrthen 24, yfel 29, 51, 88, fyrst 30, fylden 49, 51, styred 136.

#ā# is normally _a_, þa 1, sua 3, an 10, athes 46, mare 76, 87, mar 136;
before two consonants, halechede 28 (#hālgode#), halechen 87 (#hālgan#),
axen 128. It is _o_ in nan more 71, nan mor 6, to 111, 117 through loss
of stress. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, todeld 39, neure 73, flec 74, hethen 77, here,
her 190, or _æ_, æuricman 20, sæ 13, ælc 102, æuez 117 (#ǣfæst#),
todælde 178; exceptionally _a_ in ani 52, lastede 68; _o_ in onne 63
(#ǣnne#). #ǣ{2}# is normally _e_, slep 14, uueron 84, ormete 114, eten
123, or _æ_, wæron 6, 54, þær 61, 145, ræd 156, but _a_ occurs before
#r# some fifteen times, uuare 16, 183, uuaren 50, 75, war 85, 172, thar
40, 84, 136, thare 96, 149, bare 24, forbaren 78, nadres 59, stali 147.
#ē# is mainly _e_, fet 55, slep 86, refen 92, cuen 145; before consonant
groups, underfeng 27, uuenden 38, spedde 171, but _æ_ in læt 92, 164,
and rounded into _eo_ before _rd_ in feorde 6, 125, feorden 34, 150. #ī#
is regularly _i_, suithe 8, lic 21, for which _y_ is sometimes written,
suyðe 49, 92, gysles 157. #ō# is _o_, com 1, oþre 5, moste 97. #ū# is
_u_, ut 9, abuten 16. #ȳ# is _i_, litel 35.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in quarterne 59, nareu 60; _æ_ in scærpe
61, 64, iærd 78, 102; _a_ generally before lengthening groups, uuard 15,
18, 122, 189, 201, forewarde 157, 185, nowiderwardes 65, but _æ_ in wærd
176, 177, 193. The _i_-umlaut is represented by _æ_, _e_, _eo_, færd
115, 180, ferd 133, feord 164. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_,
als 15, alre 30, alle 45, hals 65; but ælle 43; before #ld#, ald 16,
halden 143, 186, 189; but manifældlice 113. Palatal #ea# is _a_, iaf 10,
128, 129, 158, 205; _æ_ in begæt 96, 98. Palatal #ie# is generally _i,
y_ after #g#, gyuen 9, 71, ííuen 144, 158, but gæildes 70, bigæton 170;
after #č#, cęste 60. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, weorces 50,
weorkes 103 (influence of _w_); _e_ in sterres 16; before length. groups
_e_, erthe 85, _eo_, eorl 116, _æo_, æorl 132. To the #wur# group belong
wurscipe 11, wurtscipe 93. #w# + #ie#, umlaut of #eo# before #r# + cons.
is represented in uuerse 69, wærse, 156, 159. #eo# before #l# + cons. is
_e_ in helde 184, _æ_ in sælf 202. #eo#, umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in
clepeden 70, here 44; _i, y_ in sithen 153, siððan 32, sythen 79, sylure
24, syluer 40, 53. #eo# after #g# is seen in iunge 178; after #sc# in
sculde 18, 38, scort 60; after #w# in suster 170; beionde 196, heom 34,
represent #eo# of obscure origin.

#ēa# is mostly _e_, ded 19, 176, 177, 193, hefed 56, estren 108, forles
140, reuede 173; or _æ_, ræuede 20, ræflac 29, ræueden 71, ræueres 83,
hæued 58, but _eo_ in eom 38, beom 64. Its _i_-umlaut is seen in flemden
118, herde 163, cæse 74. Palatal #ēa# after #g# is _æ_ in gære 13, 18,
undergæton 44; _ea_ in gear 1, _a_ in iafen 44 (#gēafon#).

#ēo# is mostly _e_, underþeden 3, ben 7, frend 21, helden 32, undep 61,
ieden 75, but _æ_ in dær 23, gæde 58, scæ 140 (*#sēo# Anglia, Beiblatt,
vii. 331), iæde 165, wæx 127, and _eo_ in heolden 47, 49, deoules 51,
preostes 80, freond 151. Its _i_-umlaut is seen in þestrede 15, 122,
dære 74, sæclede 201 and atywede 111 (#ætīewan#). #gīet# is gæt 76, get

#æ# + #g# is _æi_ in dæi 15, 16, 19, 52; _ei_ in dei 11, 14; _ai_ in lai
14, mai 67; _æ_ in sæde 143, sæden 17, 86. #e# + #g# is _æi_ in æie 22,
sæin 87, læide 173, læiden 70; _ei_ in eie 196, sei 24. #ongegn# is
represented by agænes 48, 130, agenes 30, 180, so togænes 116. #i# + #g#
is _i_ in ani 52. #o# + #h# is _oh_ in wrohte 91, bohton 107. #u# + #g#
is _ug_, flugen 76, 135, 147; #u# + #h#, _uh_ in fuhten 117. #ǣ{1}# +
#h# is seen in bepaht 4. #ē# + #g# is _ei_ in uureide 2, beien 176. #ī#
+ #g# is _i_ in fridæi 109. #ō# + #g#, #h# is _oh_ in onoh 63, brohten
21, brohte 92. #ea# + #h# gives _uh_ in muhten 147. #ēa# + #g# is _eg_
in rachenteges 63; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, neh 4, fleh 140, 149, 165, hehlice
204; but heglice 112.

#ā# + #w# gives _au_ in saule 40; #ō# + #w# is represented in nouther
78, 154 (#nōhwæðer#), noht 8 (#nōwiht#); #ēa# + #w# in fæumen 117; #ēo#
+ #w# in neuuæ 93, treuthe 47, 154, treothes 47.

In syllables of minor or no stress, #swā# is reduced to _se_, alse 38,
55, ware se 172; #o# to _e_, altegædere 79, enmang 26. _æ_ is written
for e, flugæn 82, forcursæd 84, War sæ 85, neuuæ 93, bletcæd 198. In
sona 30, _a_ is traditional spelling, instead of _e_. The suffix in
wreccehed 76 represents *#hæd#. Inflectional vowels are mostly levelled
to _e_, but _a_ persists in the infinitives winnan 115, rixan 176, and
is found in the _pt._ plurals, tocan 32, coman 82; _o_ in wæron (11
times), undergæton 44, bræcon 62, brendon 72, heoldon 143, fæston 154;
in macod 41, begunnon 210 and the _inf._ bæron 63, bigaeton 170. In
wicci 155 _i_ is miswritten for e.

For #w#, the scribe adds to the OE. symbol ƿ the French _uu_, which
occurs for the most part initially, as uureide 2, but medially in
þohuuethere 33, Noruuic 107; and for #sw#, #cw#, _su_, _cu_, as sua 3,
cuen 145. Once for #cw# he has French _qu_ in quarterne 59. In cusen
201, cosan 204, _s_ has been substituted for #r#, by influence of
#cēosan#, #cēas#, &c. An inorganic _n_ appears in conjunction with _d_
in bebiriend[en] 22, þolenden 87. In umwile 70, the prefix is O. Scand.
#um#; þumbes 56 (#þūma#) has inorganic _b_: in hauen, 131, #bb# has
passed through f, by analogy of #hafað#, to _u_; similarly liuen 98. #f#
between vowels is generally represented by _u_, as æuez 117, ræueres 83;
but hefed 56, yfel 29: it is also _u_ in æure 69, deoules 51, sturuen
75: it is assimilated in wimmen 53, lammasse 13. #t# is lost in efsones
156, and misplaced in sa`t´hleden 153: OE. #milts# is milce 4. #d# has
fallen off in þusen 66, and interchanged with þ in wurþen 17, wurthen
147. The contraction ⁊ = and 47, 198, but the _d_ as well as that of mid
142, 160 was evidently pronounced _t_ when followed by _te_ for þe. #þ#,
#ð#, #th# all occur indiscriminately; the last is French. #þ# of the
article þe is assimilated to a preceding _t_, as ð{at} te 3, þatte 8, æt
te 13, ⁊ te 5, and often, ⁊ to 111, 117, mid te 142, 160, but not after
_d_ in fand þe 90, nor in mid þemperice 160, wyd þemperice 162, where
the article coalesces with the noun. In wurtscipe 93, &c., wart 122, _t_
has displaced #þ#; while in wurscipe 11 #þ# has been lost: #þ# often
interchanged with _d_, as uuard 15, 176, 201, nowiderwardes 65,
fordfeorde 125, wyd 141, widuten 147. In bletcæd 198 (#bletsod#) _c_ is
written for #s#, as in emperice 141. #Sc# is [š], _sh_ in ship; so
sculde 7, scip 14, lundenisce 27, scort 60, scærpe 61, scæ 140, -scipe
11, &c. Voiced #s# is once written _z_, æuezmen 117.

The scribe uses _ch_, as often in Anglo-Norman, with the value of [k] to
represent #c#, #g#, as rachenteges 63 (#racente#, always with k
elsewhere in ME.), halechede 28 (#hālgode#), halechen 87 (#hālgan#),
folecheden 148 (#folgodon#), Burch 2, burch 163 (#burg#); being all the
instances of _ch_ which occur. But he also has _c_ with the same value
as folc, com, tocon, macod, &c., and _c_ for #č# (_ch_ in chin), which
may be assumed for ricemen 30, cæse 74, circe 78, ceste 60, cild 107,
cusen 201, cosan 204, -cestre 133, -rice 9, and for final ic.

Palatal #g# is mostly _i_, iaf 128, 129, 158, 205, iafen 44, aiauen 168
(#āgiefan#), ííuen 144, 158, iunge 178, iærd 78, 102, beionde 196, iæde
165, ieden 75 (#ge-ēodon#), but _g_ in gear 1, begæt 98, get 38, gæt 76,
gæde 58, bryniges 57. In sloghen 118 (#slōgon#) the guttural sound is

Initial #h# in words of less stress has largely disappeared, so, it 8,
&c., but hit 189: it is added in hær 159, here, her 190. #hw# is reduced
to _w_, War 85, wile 69, umwile 70, and is _wu_ in Wua 24. #h# is lost
in þur 112 through confusion with the following word, but its guttural
character is sufficiently indicated by added _c_ in þurhc 155, 156. _þ_
is written for #h# in þoþ 35, þoþwethere 91, 181; but þohuuethere 33.

#Accidence:# In the strong declension #sunu# _m._ is levelled to sune
_s. n._ 21; _f._ sæhte _s. n._ 184 has added _e_. Gen. _s._ -es, as
kinges 29; no examples of fem. or neut. nouns. The dative is mostly
without distinctive inflection, as land 1, king 2; eie 196, sune 184,
rice 177, genge 119 do not differ in termination from the nom., but
exceptionally kinge 28, tune 73; lande 10, 76, gære 13, quarterne 59,
wiue 179 have _e_. The dat. fem. forms saule 40, ceste 60, strengthe 99,
145, rode 109, forewarde 157, and the accusatives milce 4, treuthe 47,
blisse 175 probably correspond in this text to ME. nominatives with
added _e_, as is the case with the acc. fare 72, helpe 169, sahte 182.
Men 23 is probably dat. sing.: the gen. is mannes 65. Sylure 24 is
probably for syluer, as at 53. The plural _n. d. a._ inflection is -es;
sandes 34, tunes 70, 72; once s in martyrs 54. Neuters in es are gæildes
70, landes 92, weorkes 103, but wunder 46, 67 _pl. a._ retains the OE.
plural. Fote 165 is prob. _pl. d._ (= #fōtum#); wintre 69, 89 is a _pl.
a._ corresponding to OE. pl.#winter#; similarly threniht, _pl. a._ 16.
Pining 54, 108 (#pīnung# _f._) appears to be treated as a neut. pl.,
comp. pines 68: freond 151 is OE. _pl. a._ #frēond#. No example of _pl._
gen. occurs.

The weak declension of all genders has e in all cases of the singular;
_n._ mone 16; _d._ messe 11, lammasse 13, smoke 56, pape 95, time 106,
luue 109; _a._ throte 65, cyrce 79. But sunnen (dæi) 198 preserves an
old genitive; cyricen 203, circewican 97, horderwycan 98 are datives.
The plurals are mostly in -es. _n._ nadres 59, _d._ þumbes 56, _a._
neues 43; but halechen _pl. n._ 87, estren _pl. d._ 108 descend from OE.

Most of the adjective inflections are lost, and there is little trace of
the distinction between strong and weak. There is no instance of
undoubted inflection of a strong adj. in the singular, but ful 56, an
60, scort 60, al 66, 88 are uninflected: micel is invariable. Strong
_pl._ in e are sæhte 35, alle 45, 62, 67, 68, 72, 96, 129, yuele 51,
scærpe 61, suilce 86, manie 102, gode 104, wunderlice, manifældlice 112:
not inflected are al 15, cnotted 57, hethen 77, mani 103. I take
untellendlice 54, alle, ilce 108 as _pl. a._ The weak declension is
exemplified in the singular, lundenisce 27, 139, yfele 88, ilce 200; but
ilc 18, &c. Wise 182 is plural; not inflected, æuez 117, &c. onne 63,
_s. a. f._ corresponds to #ǣnne#, rather than #āne#.

The personal pronouns are i 67; he, him; hi _pl. n._ 37, her _pl. g._
(#hiera#) 154, heom, and once hi _pl. a._ 51; scæ 140 (first
appearance), hire; it: relatives þe, ð{at}, used also in oblique cases,
_pl. g._ 63, _s. d._ 116: article _s. pl._ þe, but _pl._ to 111, 117
(for þo).

Strong verbs have _inf._ in -en, but bæron 63, bigæton 170. The _dat.
inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, occurs 63, 71, 124, 170, 186, 189;
_part. pr._ are sittende 73, ridend 82; _pr. pl._ lien 97; _pt. s._ I a.
iaf, lai, besæt, begæt, spac: I b. com, nam, bar, stæl, stal: I c.
warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart, fand, wan, belamp: III. fleh, forles:
IV. for, toc, suor, forstod: V. underfeng, held, slep, læt, wæx, hatte;
_pt. pl._ usually ends in -en, but on, an, æn also occur; I a. iafen,
undergæton 44, drapen, eten: I b. comen, coman 82, namen, bæron,
forbaren, stali (error for stalen) 147, bræcon 62: I c. wurþen, fuhten,
fuhtten 181, sturuen: II. risen, uurythen, suyken: III. flugen, flugæn
82, 135, cusen: IV. tocan 32, sloghen: V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen
44, bræcon 62 are possibly subjunctives; bare 24, helde 184 are _pt. s.
subj._: _pp._ I b. forholen: I c. begunnon: III. cosan, forloren: IV.
suoren, forsworen: V. underfangen.

Weak verbs have _inf._ in en, but rixan 176, uuerrien 33, sæin 87, sei
24; _dat. inf._ with _to_, but uninflected, at 33, 98, 131; _pr. s._
maket 112, _pt. s._ in -de, -ede; but besætte 131, wrohte 91: beteht
117, goded 92, henged 55, 56, læd 135, macod 41, mint 98, scatered,
to-deld 39 have lost final _e_; gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._; þole(n)den 1
_pt. pl._ 87; _pt. pl._ in -en, as sæden 17, &c.; once in on, brendon
72. bebiriend 22, bebyried 111 are for bebyrieden; comp. byrieden 110,
the loss of _en_ is due to the following word; _part. pt._ in -ed, but
forcursæd 84, bepaht 4.

Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._; muhten _pt. pl._;
cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._; wæron, uuaren _pt. pl._; uuare 16,
ware 183, _pt. s. subj._; hatte 113, gehaten 11, 202.

#Dialect:# This is, no doubt, substantially the North-East Midland of
Peterborough, but with traces of Northern influence, such as the form
saule 40, and the extensive representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_;
of #ā#; and of #a# before lengthening groups. The last two perhaps need
no such explanation in this early text; they are indeed usual in Orm
fifty years later, but the inclination to #o# is marked in other East
Midland texts. There is a considerable survival of traditional spelling,
especially noticeable in the use of #æ# and in inflections of the verbs.

#Vocabulary:# French are acordede, canceler (pre-Conquest), castles,
carited, cuntesse (first appearance), curt (f. a.), emperice (f. a.),
justise, iudeus (f. a., OF. judeu, Reimpredigt 14/27), messe, miracles
(f. a.), pais (f. a.), prisun, processiun, rentes (f. a.), sot(lice),
Standard, tenserie, treson (f. a.), tresor (f. a.), tur, uuerre,
uuerrien 33: Latin are crucet (hus) 60, priuilegies 96; anno 94 is an
early use. Scandinavian are bathe 52, brendon 72 (OWScand. brenna),
bryniges, carlmen (already in OE.), drapen, hærnes, sæht, sæhtlian,
tæcen 139, þoh, til (in OE.), um (while).

#Introduction:# The Peterborough Chronicle continues the history for
seventy-five years beyond any of the other redactions of the AS.
Chronicle. The last section of it here printed differs in form and
language from the rest. It is not in annal form; only six dates are
given as headings and events are not recorded in their chronological
order. Places like 6/29, 7/68, 8/88, 104 show that, at least from the
first-mentioned passage, the whole was written down at the same time,
and that not long after 1155 (comp. 11/210). Though there is
considerable variation in spellings, there is no evidence of progressive
change, or of the influence of earlier documents. These variations are
distributed quite impartially over the whole piece, and witness to
nothing but the strong effort of the scribe to express as accurately as
possible the sounds he heard. For I think it was taken down at the
dictation of an old monk, who had lived through the Anarchy, by a
younger man acquainted with French scribal methods. His mistakes, such
as false grouping of syllables 6/20, failure to grasp what was said
7/62, dropping and altering of end syllables under the influence of the
following word, 6/22, 8/111, 8/112, 9/147, the omissions shown by the
interlineations, are mistakes of dictation. And the brevity and absence
of subordination in the sentences, the confusions in construction, as at
7/64-7, the frequent changing of the number of the verbs 7/48, 9; 7/56,
7; 7/60, 61, are hardly consistent with deliberate written composition.

Throughout this time there was an historian at Peterborough. Hugo Albus
was a monk there from 1114, and sub-prior from 1134 to 1154. In advanced
age he wrote the History of the Monastery in Latin, in which, at any
rate, he utilized the English Chronicle. Some have thought him the
author of the latter also, but that view is rejected very decidedly by
Liebermann (Ueber osteng. Geschichtsquellen, 5). His strongest argument
is the difference of style, the comparative smoothness, elaboration, and
coldness of the Latin. Some of that may be due to lapse of time, for
there is probably fifteen years between the two compositions. Something
too should be allowed for the difference in language and in purpose.

1. King Henry returned from Normandy to England in July, 1131. Henry of
Poitou had been in turn bishop of Soissons, monk and prior of Cluny,
prior of Savigny, abbot of S. Jean d’Angely in 1104, and, ‘quia versutus
erat et callidus et ingeniosus,’ as Hugo says, he acquired the
archbishopric of Besançon, from which he was expelled by the abbot of
Cluny after three days’ tenure. Then he got and lost in the same way the
bishopric of Saintes, which he held for a week. In 1123 he came to
England as legate for the collection of Rome-scot, and returning in 1127
on the same errand he told the king, to whom he was related, that being
old and tired of war and dissension in his own land, he desired to
abandon S. Jean for Peterborough. But being made abbot of the latter in
1128, he held both till the monks of S. Jean expelled him in 1131, when
he went to Cluny and was detained there till he swore to the abbot that,
if permitted to return to England, he would procure the subjection of
Peterborough as a priory to Cluny. What he charged the monks with is not

2. #burch#: S. Petri Burgum: ‘Medeshamstede monasterium . . quod nunc
. . Burch vulgariter nominatur,’ Hugo, 23.

3. #ð# = þat 6/34, 7/60, 64; but þet 11/186 and þæt demonstrative
11/195, each once only.

4. #sende efter#: summoned the monks to Brampton in Hampshire: ‘rex . .
misit propter monachos apud Bramtune,’ Hugo, 75. With #efter# comp. 5/9,

5. Roger of Salisbury, chancellor 1101; named bishop of Salisbury 1102,
but not consecrated till 1107; ‘secundus a rege,’ Henry of Huntingdon,
245; deprived of his castles at Oxford 1139 (6/42); died in the same
year. Alexander, nephew of Roger, created bishop of Lincoln 1123; died
1148. #b# = biscop, see 8/83, 9/140. #Seresberi# with inorganic _s_ is
Sereberi 6/42, OE. #Searoburg#: Sælesberi in the AS. Chronicle MS. F
_anno_ 552 has dissimilated _r_, while the corresponding Latin is
Seleberi: #lincol# is influenced by the common French form, Nicol: on
Lincollan occurs at E 627.

6. In #he feorde#, he may be the king, who had to deal with guile: comp.
‘Al es bot a fantum þat [we] with ffare,’ ES xxi. 201/1; ‘Tandem non
post multum temporis post haec intellexit rex fraudulentias eius,’ Hugo,
75. If _he_ is the abbot, as in the next sentence, the sense is, he
employed guile, so ‘_Iactantia_, ꝥ is idelȝelp on englisc, þenne mon bið
lof-ȝeorn ⁊ mid fikenunge fearð,’ OEH i. 103/29. With the next sentence
comp. ‘Cum autem quod cogitaverat perficere non posset, voluit nepotem
suum Gerardum haeredem & abbatem facere pro se, ut quod ille non potuit,
iste perficeret,’ Hugo, 75.

9. Henry returned to S. Jean. Hugo says he made a good end. His
successor, Martin de Vecti, native of the Isle of Wight, usually called
Martin de Bec, first prior after its second foundation of St. Neots, a
cell to Bec, was received by the monks on June 29th, 1132. #S’# = seint,
sometimes sein; a French fashion. In MS. E, from 1066 to 1122, where a
new section begins, _sc̄e_ for sancte is normal and frequent, exceptions
being Octab{us} sc͞i Martini 1114, Octab{us} sc͞i Joh{ann}is 1117, while
sc͞e Marie is treated as a genitive depending on words like _nativitas_.
From 1122 to 1131, S’ is regular save for three entries in 1125 and sc͞e
Marie twice as genitive. #neod# = Neotus may be due to the Anglo-Norman
tendency to substitute _d_ for final _t_ (Stimming, Boeve de Haumtone,
221). The pronunciation persisted, for in the church of St. Neots in
Cornwall, whence the body of the saint was stolen by the people of St.
Neots in Huntingdonshire, there is a tablet over his tomb with verses
said to have been written in the sixteenth century, in which occurs the
line ‘The vulgar call it now St. Need’s’ (Gorham, History of Eynesbury,
340). Sancti Neothi occurs twice in a document, Palaeograph. Society,
First Series, pl. 193. The name is now pronounced like mod. Eng. neats.

10. Comp. ‘An preost wes on leoden[;] Laȝamon wes ihoten,’ L 1: ‘he
co{m} to þere dune oliueti his ihaten,’ OEH i. 3/5. This paratactic
construction with _hatan_ is confined to names of persons and places; it
is colloquial and does not involve ellipsis of a relative.

11. #mid micel wurscipe#: ‘cum magno honore et gaudio,’ Hugo, 75: comp.
8/93, 11/188, 197, 207, 108/241.

13. #gære#: 1133 A.D. The eclipse took place on August 2nd ‘ð oþer dei’;
it lasted ‘ab hora fere 3 usque ad horam 6,’ Liebermann,
Anglo-Normannische Geschichtsquellen, 79. Henry died at Lions-la-Forêt
on the night of December 1st, 1135, and was buried January 6th, 1136.

18. #sua dide#: Comp. ‘sua diden’ 10/152; ‘swa ibeoð’ 14/70: similar are
8/84, 110, 9/115, 10/165, 176, 12/v. 5, 140/30, 146/117, 215/27, 217/97.
The subject is often omitted when it would represent the same thing as a
noun or pronoun in an oblique case in the preceding clause or phrase, as
at 16/122, 45/239, 98/71, 102/133, 118/42, 128/5, 140/25, 207/354,
217/94; see KH 1268 note.

19. #Andreas# is the Vulgate form.

20. #þe mihte#: comp. 8/81.

21. #sune . . . frend#: Robert of Gloucester and Hugh, archbishop of
Rouen, were at his death-bed.

22. ‘Corpus eius . . . apud Radingum in monasterio cuius ipse devotus
fundator largusque ditator exstiterat, sepultum est,’ William of
Newbury, 30. #Redinge#, L. Radingia.

23. #wið#: the usual prepositions are against and to, but comp. ‘nalde
na mon mis-don wið oðre,’ OEH i. 15/17, 35/2, and see 48/300 note.
#dær#. Their peace was soon broken, ‘Ferae quoque, quae in tota prius
regione, tanquam in indagine reclusae, cum summa pace reservabantur,
nunc quaquaversum turbari, a quolibet passim dispergi, ab omnibus,
abiecto metu, prosterni,’ Gesta, 4.

27. #blais#: L. _Blēsae_: _ai_ is an English graph for _ei_. Tonic e
free (L. ē) passed through _ei_ to _oi_ in most French dialects, but in
Norman it stopped at the first stage: in the Norman _patois_ of to-day,
L. _me(n)sem_ is meis, mes. Similarly L. Pictavum passed through Peitou
to Poitou in central French, but remained at the first stage for some
time in Anglo-Norman; see 10/179. Stephen was ‘filius comitis
Blesensium’; he was himself ‘comes Boloniensis.’

28. #Willelm curbuil#, Guillelmus Curbuliensis, W. of Corbeil (L.
Corboilum), a canon regular of the Augustinian Order, became archbishop
of Canterbury in 1123, and died 1136. The subject of #halechede# is
lundenisce folc: according to the Gesta (p. 4) they claimed the right to
elect. #mide-wintre dæi#, Christmas Day; the pre-Christian name for the

30. #ricemen#, powerful men, nobles: comp. 8/99, 19/34, 206/324.
#Balduin de Reduers#, Balduinus de Radvariis; in France, Baudouin de
Réviers (near Caen). An _e_ for Fr. _ie_ is characteristic of
Anglo-Norman. He was created Earl of Devon sometime before June, 1141.
The order of events is here confused. The settlement with David of
Scotland by which Stephen granted the earldoms of Carlisle, Huntingdon
and Doncaster to David’s son, Henry, was made before Easter, 1136; Hugh
Bigod seized Norwich castle in May; Stephen laid siege to Bampton in
June and took Exeter in September; Milo of Beauchamp held Bedford castle
against the king early in 1138. Stephen was much blamed for his clemency
to the rebels at Exeter; see Round, 24.

31. #Execestre# is the spelling of Domesday Book; OE. #Exanceaster#.
Similarly gloucestre 9/133, OE. #Glowecester#; Wincestre 9/140 (contrast
wincæstre 1/13), and Rouecestre 10/149 (contrast rofecæstre 1/14): all
show the Anglo-Norman [ts]. In the two last words the English sound has

35. #forstode#: comp. 10/155. Morris translates availed, as in ‘hu micel
forstent · and hu mære is · seo soþe hreow,’ Be Domes Dæge, 4/55; but
the ME. dictionaries and NED have only hinder, which would answer here.

37. #underfangen#, &c., accepted as ruler, for they thought he would be
exactly like his uncle, and he had still something to give away.
Elsewhere 6/27, 11/187, 197, 207 used of ceremonious welcome.

39. #sotlice#, foolishly, not ‘soothly’ (Norgate). Stephen lavished it
in personal expenditure, payments to mercenaries and subsidies to
discontented barons. ‘Habebat enim . . . rex immensam vim thesaurorum,
quos multis annis rex Henricus avunculus suus aggesserat; aestimabantur
denarii . . . fere ad centum milia libras. Hanc copiam gazarum habenti
auxiliatores deesse non poterant; praesertim cum esset ipse in dando
diffusus et, quod minime principem decet, prodigus,’ Malmesbury, ii.
540; Annales de Wintonia, 50.

40. #na god#, &c. Comp. 4/20-28.

42. The Oxford Council was held in June, 1139. The Chancellor Roger
Pauper was Bishop Roger’s son. The castles surrendered were Devizes,
Malmesbury, Newark, Sherborne and Sleaford.

44. #milde#: ‘lenis et exorabilis hostibus, affabilis omnibus,’
Malmesbury, 539. For a modern estimate see Norgate, i. 280.

45. #na iustise ne dide#, inflicted no punishment, as in OF. _faire
justise_, _justiser_; comp. ‘de li iert faite granz justise: | a glaive
sera turmentee | u vendue en altre cuntree,’ Marie, Lais, ed. Warnke,

46. #wunder#, dreadful deeds, destruction; a development of OE.
#wundor#, portent: comp. 7/67, 66/120; ‘þa scipen wenden to wu{n}dre,’ L
7855; ‘of hem ðat haued ðis wunder wrogt,’ GE 3588. The picture of
oppression and desolation which follows was probably drawn from the
doings of Geoffrey de Mandeville in the Fen country during Dec.
1143-Sept. 1144 (Round, 214-19). Comp. L 4034-53, an original passage
based on the tradition of this evil time. #hi nan#, none of them;
extension of the OE. appositional constr. in #hi sume#. Comp. ‘alle he,’

49. Under the treaty of Wallingford one thousand one hundred and fifteen
‘adulterine’ castles were to be razed. With #suencten# comp. 44/250; and
Round, 416.

52. #þe--hefden#, lit. whom they thought that they had any property. For
this periphrasis comp. 119/58, 9; ‘breðren ꝥ he hefde iherd ꝥ weren of
muche speche,’ AR 74/9. The subject of the dependent verb is not

53. #efter#, with an eye to, to extort; a use mostly with verbs of
pursuit or desire, but comp. 60/12, 118/28. See Round, 214 note for
instances of these extortions.

54. #pining#, notwithstanding the scribe’s punctuation, is a cognate
_acc._ to _pined_; with the adj. it is practically equal to unutterably;
comp. 8/108.

55. Comp. ‘Sumne hi o{n}hengon be þan fotu{m} ⁊ sumne be þan earmum,’
AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 171/36. After _henged_ the object _heom_ is
omitted as being the subject of the previous verb.

58. #to ð#, to the extent that, so far that, so that. OE. #to þon þæt#.

60. #crucethus#, torture house: the first element is L. _cruciatus_.
Comp. ‘Heo deden heo in quarterne[;] in ane quale-huse,’ L 3769; ‘þis
meiden wes bicluset | þe hwile in cwarterne | ⁊ i cwalmhuse,’ SK 600.

62. #him . . . þe limes#, his limbs. Emphatic is ‘þ{a}t his ribbes him
to brake,’ KH 1077. #lof ⁊ grim#: the passage is corrupt: grī may be
gri{n} or gri{m}; lof can only be for loþ, as Thorpe suggests in his
translation, ‘loathly and grim,’ as if two adjectives for the name of
the contrivance. Possibly grine has dropped out after grī; the words are
associated in ‘Forðon he me alysde of laðum grine’ = ‘Quoniam ipse
liberavit me de laqueo,’ Paris Psalter, xc. 3. But more probably the
scribe has heard indistinctly an unfamiliar word such as, wæron loþ
engins. It is true that engine, device, machine does not appear in
English till 1300, but it is found in Anglo-Norman books in the last
half of the twelfth century, and it must have come to England with the

63. #rachenteges#, chains, fetters; but the gloss #collario# racentege
(Napier, 2062) is noteworthy in the present connexion. #ð . . . onne#,
one of which.

64. This may mean, ‘That was adjusted in this way, namely it is
fastened,’ &c., but it is not clear. Perhaps _it_ has been lost before
_is_. The contrivance must have resembled that described in Reade’s It
is Never too Late to Mend, ch. xi.

66. #bæron#: supply _sculde_ out of _myhte_.

70. #æure umwile#, at regularly recurring times; it became a regular
tax. #tenserie#, protection money. Round, 215, quotes from a letter of
Pope Lucius to Archbishop Theobald, ‘Quidam etiam sub nomine tenseriarum
villas et homines suos spoliant.’ LL. _tensare_ means, to protect, and,
through extortion of money on pretence of protection, to rob. See Round,
414 and NED _s.v._ Other references for _tenserie_, _tenser_ are
Wistasse le Moine, 2112; Roman de Rou, 9554.

71. Worcester was burnt in 1139, Nottingham in 1140 and 1153, Winchester
in 1141, Oxford in 1142, Cambridge by Geoffrey in 1144.

72. Comp. ‘Ærst aswond þat corn here[;] ȝeond al þas kineriche. | þer
aft{er} hit wes swa deore[;] & al folc gon to deȝen. | swa þat þu mihtes
fare[;] fulle seouen nihte | ꝥ no mihtest þu þurh nene chep[;] finde
neouwer na bred. | an b{ur}ȝe and on londe,’ L 31793-31801; ‘ꝥ folc ut
of londe[;] flah on ælche ænde. | monie hundred tune{n}[;] bi-læued
weoren of monne{n}. | þat lut me uinde mihte[;] me{n} uaren ȝeond
londe,’ L 31845-50.

75. #ieden on#, ‘went about asking,’ Norgate. This meaning requires the
verbal subst.; rather, ‘subsisted on,’ with _on_ of manner.

78. #ouer sithon# is usually taken as, everywhere subsequently, which is
not suitable here. Earle equates it with OE. #ofer sīþum#, as meaning
times past reckoning, but #ofer# in the sense of surpassing requires an
acc., and the phrase is without parallel. Perhaps sithon is a weak acc.
sing. of #sīþ#, which is often weak in ME.; the phrase might then mean,
contrary to experience. For #ofer# in that sense, comp. ‘ofer aþas ⁊
treowe’ = ‘contra fidem iurisiurandi,’ Bede, 148/10. William of Ypres
burnt Wherwell, plundered Abingdon, and tried to burn S. Albans.
Geoffrey de Mandeville sacked Ramsey in 1143; ‘nec ecclesiis nec
coemiteriis parcebant,’ Ann. de Wintonia, 52; Malmesbury, ii. 540.
#forbaren#, abstained from injuring; comp. ‘That the pore is thus
i-piled, and the riche forborn,’ Pol. Songs, 337/312.

81. #ouer#, written for ower, anywhere. OE. #āhwær#. #Gif#, &c.: comp.
‘Ubicunque alter alterum in itinere conspicebatur, totus protinus
contremiscere, meticulose visum effugere, vel prope in silva vel in
divortio aliquo latere, usquequo, resumpto tandem spiritu, viam coeptam
tutior carperet, et audacior,’ Gesta, 41.

83. #leredmen#: see 4/20.

84. #oc--þarof#, lit. but to them was nothing concerning that; it
concerned them not at all. Comp. 46/292; ‘ne beo ha{m} nawt of’ = let
them be unconcerned, 70/167; ‘þe dead (_d._) nis nout of, þauh he ligge
unburied’ = the dead does not mind, AR 352/5; ‘þe deade nis nan more of
scheome þen of men[s]ke,’ AR 352/29 (in both places Morton wrongly takes
_nis_ as _ne wis_); ‘Wha summ itt iss þatt mann, þatt niss | Nohht off
to wurrþenn fullhtnedd,’ Orm 140/4074. Similarly 180/131; ‘lutel me is
of ower luue, leasse of ower laððe,’ SJ 27/14. With #of# comp. 44/260,

86. #xpist slep#. Said by the wicked, H. of Huntingdon, 277; by the
good, W. of Newbury, i. 45. See Norgate, i. 335 note, and comp. ‘Sed
. . . unicum mihi consilium superest, Deum hominem . . . exorare: qui
velut in navi dormiens, fidelium precibus excitandus est, ut procellam
componat naufragantis Ecclesiae,’ John of Salisbury, Metalogicus, 206.

89. #suinc#: ‘cum maximo labore abbatiam tenuit, sed adiuvabant eum
monachi sui, et tamen invenit eis abbas, et hospitibus, quicquid
necessarium fuit, et erat caritas magna in domo illa,’ Hugo, 76.

91. #carited#: _d_ is written for ð: similar forms are ‘kariteþ,’
‘cariteþ,’ Orm 3000, 3008; ‘kariteð,’ VV 19/34, &c.; ‘Natiuiteð,’ Chron.
E 1116; ‘plenteð,’ GE 3709. This ð represents the final t (sometimes
_d_) of the corresponding French words in the older texts, which had a
voiced [ð] or a voiceless [þ] sound according to the beginning of the
following word. This final _t_ disappeared from Central French in the
eleventh century; it lingers on in Anglo-Norman texts of the twelfth:
see Behrens, Beiträge, 175, 6. The word may mean alms, but _caritas_ had
the technical meaning of commemoration feasts, ‘epulae solennes et
extraordinariae’ ‘caritativae comestiones,’ Ducange, at the
anniversaries of benefactors, &c., ‘gaudies.’ #þoþwethere#,
nevertheless: ‘et in omnibus tribulationibus hiis operatus est in
ecclesia,’ Hugo, 76. #sette þarto#, assigned for that purpose; ‘ad
ecclesiam faciendam, villam Pilesgatam & omnes decimas & omnes
offerendas . . . constituit,’ Hugo, 78.

92. #Rentes# are incomings generally, not rent. #goded#, endowed, i.e.
with the aforesaid lands, tithes, and offerings. Comp. 72/190 for
another meaning. #læt it refen#, had it covered (with lead). Thorpe
translates ‘had it provided with vestments.’

94. The fire took place on August 4, 1116. The convent entered the
church (Martin built the choir only and the transepts were added by his
successor) on June 29th, 1140, according to the text and Hugo, but the
Chronicon Petroburgense and John the Abbot say 1143.

95. #fram#, by. Comp. ‘wearð Romeburg getimbred from twam gebroðrum,’
Orosius, 64/21; ‘Her swealt Herodus from him selfum ofsticod,’ AS.
Chron. A 3; ‘I sothlike set am for-þi | King fro him,’ Surtees Psalter,
ii. 6 (= ‘constitutus sum rex ab eo’).

96. The termination of #priuilegies# is due to direct borrowing of the
technical term from L. _privilegium_. The two documents are printed in
Hugo, 78, 82, and the former also in Dugdale, Monasticon, i. 390. They
are dated A.D. 1146: Eugenius was elected in 1145. The former protects
the lands, property, and rights of the monastery in general, and these
are given in detail: the latter recounts and confirms that part of the
properties which was specially allocated for the expenses of the sacrist
(#ciricweard#) (‘terras, quae ad sacristiam pertinent,. . . vel decimas,
vel servitia plurimorum, & domus,’ Hugo, 82). #of#, for, relating to.

97. #lien to#, appertain to: a phrase of the charters. B-T. quotes, ‘mid
eallon ðá[m] þingon ðe ðǽr fyrmest tólæg,’ Kemble, vi. 190; ‘ǽlc ðára
landa ðe . . . læg intó Cristes cyrcean,’ id. iv. 232. #gif#, &c., if he
might have lived longer, he meant to do the same for the office of
store-keeper; ‘similiter & redditus cellerarii & camerarii affluenter
augere & Romae confirmare, si posset vivere, cogitaverat,’ Hugo, 87. The
_camerarius_ had to keep the stores of clothes and bedding for the
monastery, the _thesaurarius_ was an officer in charge of the sacred
vessels and the plate under the direction of the sacrist. Martin did
assign two manors for the provision of clothes, but he did not live long
enough to get the protection of a _privilegium_ for the appropriation.
#Hordere# is a word of wide application; in Wright, Vocabularies,
330/18, it glosses _cellerarius_; here it is the reilþein (_vestiarius_)
of the Chronicle, 1131. For the purpose of these special appropriations
see Plummer’s note, ii. 311.

98. He recovered property of the Abbey in the shape of lands which
powerful men possessed by force. In Domesday the Abbey has holdings at
Cotingeham (Cottingham, Bridges, ii. 208), Ascetone (Easton-Mauduit, id.
163), Erdiburne (Irthlingborough, id. 235), Stanwige (Stanwick, id.
195), and Eldewincle (Aldwincle, id. 208), all in Northamptonshire. They
are all in one group in the first _privilegium_, duly protected under
threat of excommunication. #Malduit# (Maledoctus; Hugo says Maledictus)
was constable of the king’s castle of Rockingham and warden of the
Forest. #Rogingham# is Roegingahám in a charter dated 811, Kemble, i.
243. Hugo has Rogingeham 43, Rochingham 88, Rokingham 89. Hugh de
Waterville, lord of Adington Parva and Thorp Waterville, was probably
kin of the succeeding abbot, 11/202. He paid to Peterborough sixty
shillings per annum for Aldwincle (‘LX solidos de Aldewincle reddendos
annuatim,’ Hugo, 88). Dele stop after sol in text.

102, 3. ‘Conventum quoque de viginti monachis augmentavit,’ Hugo, 88,
89. #winiærd#. For vine-growing in England see Plummer, Bedae Opera, ii.
5, and Anglia, Beiblatt, xvii. 208. The #weorkes# were domestic
buildings, ‘cameram abbatis & aulam ad familiam aedificavit.’ #wende#,
‘Forum mutavit,’ Hugo, 88. He changed the site of the town and
afterwards of the market, it is supposed, from the east to the west of
the monastery.

106. #Stephnes kinges#: see 15/87 note.

107. #iudeus# is _pl._ of iudeu, Orm’s Judeow, Judew, OF. _Judeu_.
English forms Judeas _pl. a._, Judea _pl. g._, occur in the early part
of MS. E. #bohton#. In Thomas of Monmouth’s Life of S. William of
Norwich, ed. Jessop and James, the mother of the boy is said to have
been persuaded, by a gift of three shillings, into letting him go away
with the supposed cook of the Archdeacon of Norwich, to be a helper in
his kitchen, p. 17.

108. #pining#: see 7/54. #ð#, with which; see 46/292.

109. #langfridæi#: see 85/101. The date in the Life is Wednesday before
Easter, March 22nd, 1144, but the chroniclers differ as to the year
(Plummer, ii. 311). A miraculous light in the sky led to the discovery
of the body. The charge of ritual murder at large has been investigated
by Dr. Strack in Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit,
München, 1900.

111. The body was first buried in the wood where it was found, then
about a month after in the monks’ cemetery, and after six years it was
translated to the chapter-house, probably the occasion referred to in
the text. It was afterwards moved twice at least.

114. David crossed the Tweed in April, 1138. The battle of the Standard
was fought at Cowton Moor on August 22nd.

116. #Albamar#: ‘Willelmus de Magna Villa, comes de Alba Mara apud
Gisortum,’ Ricardus Divisiensis, 389; William of Albemarle (Aumale),
recently created Earl of York. #þe#, to whom; see 46/292.

117. #euorwic#: OE. #Eoforwic#; see Zachrisson, 63. Other English
captains were Walter Espec, Walter of Ghent, Ilbert de Lacy, and Robert
Bruce. The English were greatly inferior in numbers to the invaders.

120. Robert landed with the empress at Arundel in September, 1139.
Leaving her at Arundel he rode across the south of England to Bristol
with a few followers; ‘ediscensque [Stephanus] a veris exploratoribus
comitem cum suis evasum Bristoam sub nocturno silentio tetendisse . . .
ipse ad capiendum comitem totus intendit,’ Gesta, 55.

122. #wart it war#: comp. 48/330, 203/204; #it# = of it, may be regarded
as an _acc._ of reference, comp. 192/518, 200/116.

124. March 20th, 1140.

125. William of Corbeil died in 1136; Theobald was elected Dec. 24th,
1138, and consecrated, Jan. 8th, 1139.

126. #the bec#: the monastery of Le Bec-Hellouin; the village and
commune of to-day have the same name. It is stated that the article
appears where _bec_ means a beak or wedge of land at the junction of two
streams, but not where it is the Scandinavian loan-word meaning stream.
The rule does not hold here, for the monastery was built ‘in vallem ad
rivum, qui Beccus dicitur,’ Robert de Torigni, 27.

128. The king gave Ranulf des Gernons all that he asked for, save the
earldom of Carlisle, which was held by Henry of Scotland. William de
Roumare (de Rollonis mara: _o_ for _ou_ is Anglo-Norman) was his elder
half-brother. The king appears to have made him Earl of Lincoln about
this time. The brothers got into Lincoln Castle by a trick, and Stephen
at the appeal of the men of Lincoln besieged them there. The battle was
fought on Feb. 2nd, 1141.

135. Comp. ‘plurimis autem antequam manus consererent, ut comes
Mellonensis et Willelmus ille de Ypra, proh pudor! fugitantibus,’ Gesta,
70; ‘Capto itaque rege, tota Anglia concussa obstupuit,’ id. 71.

137. #þer efter com.# She had been in England more than four months. The
news of Stephen’s capture reached her at Gloucester, and her brother
joined her there with his royal captive on Feb. 9th. The interview with
Bishop Henry (9/140) took place before Winchester on March 2nd. The
empress was elected queen, with an interim title of ‘domina,’ on a
second visit to Winchester on April 8th at the Great Council summoned by
the bishop (Round, 70). At this meeting was pronounced the
excommunication of l. 143. The empress reached London some time in June
and fled from it on the 24th. She reached Winchester on July 31st, and
laid siege to the bishop’s stronghold, but was herself besieged by
Stephen’s queen (l. 145), and fled on the 14th of September, when Robert
of Gloucester was taken.

139. #Angou#: the scribe has made a better attempt in Angæu 10/167, 176.
His predecessor wrote Angeow at 1111 E and eleven times after (_ge_ =
Fr. j).

150. #minstre.# She was at Ludgershall, Devizes and Gloucester in her
flight. The last is, no doubt, meant.

151. The negotiators were Stephen’s wife and Mabel, Countess of

152. Early in 1142, when Stephen was on his way to York, he was met at
Stamford by Ranulf and William de Roumare. There the king and the earl
bound themselves by oath to mutual fidelity (Round, 159). But the barons
compelled the king to proceed against him at Northampton in 1146. He was
seized and only regained his freedom at the price of surrendering his
castles. He gave up Lincoln at any rate. On his release he attacked
Lincoln and Coventry. The Gesta (p. 124) calls the ‘wicci ræd’ of the
barons ‘sanum consilium.’

154. #treuthes fæston#, made solemn declaration of fidelity: comp. ‘To
the kyng Edward hii fasten huere fay,’ Pol. Songs, 214/9; ‘treowðe
staðeluæste,’ L 9819.

155. #hamtun#, Northampton: _p_ in the modern spelling is parasitic.

157. #to ð forewarde#, on condition: comp. ‘Al Denemark i wile you yeue,
| To þat forward þu late me liue,’ Havelok, 485, 6. This rare use of
_to_ has probably developed from the notion of associated with.

159. #dide . . . sculde#: ‘did worse here than he should,’ Thorpe. For
#hær sculde#, read ær dide: comp. her, 11/190.

163. Oxford Castle was surrendered to Matilda in the summer of 1141, and
Stephen’s men entered the city, Sept. 26th, 1142. Matilda escaped a few
days before Christmas 1142; she left England early in 1147.

164. #sægen#, if a noun, OE. #sægen#, means report; it is a verb at
8/106, and may be here.

165. #mid rapes#, a detail peculiar to the Chronicle.

167. By 1144 Geoffrey of Anjou was completely master of Normandy. The
Angevin house was not popular there. #here thankes#, with their
goodwill, willingly: _thankes_ is an adverbial genitive, _here_, poss.
adj. Comp. 116/155, 153/70: with gen. noun, ‘warschipes vnþonkes,’
118/42; with gen. of possessive pron. ‘þines þonkes,’ OEH i. 17/35;
‘hares unþances,’ 14/56: absolutely, ‘sume þances sume unþances,’ AS.
Chron. MS. C 1066: uninflected, ‘unþonc hise teð,’ HM 47/26, comp. ‘þat
him wes mucheles unðonc,’ L 22370; ‘mid his gode þonke,’ 34/69.

170. #suster#, Constance, sister of Louis VI of France. The betrothal
took place in 1140 when Eustace was about ten years old. The attempt to
secure Normandy took place in 1151. Just before his death, Aug. 18th,
1153, Eustace ravaged East Anglia and tried to extort money from Bury
St. Edmunds.

174. #Canteberi#: see 1/14.

176. #rixan#: Stephen sought in vain to have Eustace crowned in 1152.
Geoffrey of Anjou died Sept. 7th, 1151; Matilda of Boulogne, May 3rd,
1152. Louis VII was divorced from Eleanor of Aquitaine, March 18th,
1152; she married Henry of Anjou at Whitsuntide. She sent for Henry, and
he hastened to Poitiers where the marriage took place; ‘ad nuptias ducis
quas concupierat convolavit,’ Ann. Monast. iv. 28.

180. Henry landed in England Jan. 6th, 1153. He captured Malmesbury,
demolished Stephen’s tower at Wallingford, took Stamford and Nottingham.
By Nov. 6th he had come to terms with Stephen at Wallingford.

184. ‘Rex Stephanus ipsum ducem . . . adoptavit in filium,’ Gervase,
1375; ‘Ducem siquidem Normannorum rex in filium arrogavit,’ R. de
Diceto, 527. #sib ⁊ sæhte#: comp. ‘betere weore sæhte[;] þene swulc
vnisibbe,’ L 9844, and see 70/158.

188. #lundene#, L. Lundonia: Lundone 656 E, but generally with -en.

190. Comp. ‘Annis enim iam plurimis fere nudo regis nomine insignis,
tunc recipere visus est huius rem nominis, et quasi tunc primo regnare
coepit,’ W. of Newburgh, 91. #æuert#, ever as yet: comp. 218/135,
221/248, with #her# (#ǣr#), ever at any time previously.

194. #fauresfeld#, Faversham, where Stephen and his queen founded a
Clugniac abbey in 1147, is meant: in the charters Febresham, Feferesham,
Ferresham. Lambard, Perambulation, 270, says it is called in Saxon
Fafresfeld, a statement probably founded on this place. The mistake was
probably due to confusion with the place now called Fairfield, a manor
once belonging to Christ Church, Canterbury, which Hasted (iii. 486)
says was anciently called Feyrsfelde.

196. Comp. 6/22.

198. #sunnen dæi#, December 19th. Martin died Jan. 2nd.

201. #innen dæis#: Thorpe translates ‘within a day’; that is the sense
required: comp. ‘Eodem vero die, quo [Martinus] obiit, convenit omnis
congregatio in unum, ut quempiam ex suis eligerent . . . ne propter
moram aliquis extraneus per pecuniam se inmitteret,’ Hugo, 89. But the
text does not give that sense, and _innen_ with a gen. is strange: read,
‘in an dæis wile,’ within the space of one day.

202. William de Waterville was one of Henry’s chaplains at the time of
his appointment. He belonged to a family founded by Ascelin (Azzelino)
de Waterville, who was a tenant of Peterborough in 1086 at Thorp
Waterville in Northamptonshire. Hugo, 8/100, was a descendant of his.
William de Waterville was deposed in 1175 for sheltering a relation who
had incurred the king’s displeasure (Hoveden, ii. 86).

204. #sone#: on the day after his election.

206. #bletcæd#: by Robert of Chesney, bishop of Lincoln. The new abbot
made a tour of the surrounding monasteries, which had many interests in
common with his own: Ramsey, Benedictine Abbey in Huntingdonshire
(Dugdale, ii. 546); Thorney, Benedictine Abbey in Cambridgeshire (D. ii.
593); Spalding, Benedictine Priory in Lincolnshire (D. iii. 206). The
gap before Spallding may be filled by Bourn, that after it by Sulby
baresworth. Sulby Priory, to the south-west of Peterborough, is said to
have been founded about 1155; it was connected with the Waterville
family and had extensive possessions in Baresworth; possibly the abbot’s
visit was connected with its inauguration. The last gap may have held
Croyland. In the last two lines the italics indicate letters in the MS.
which are very faint and doubtful. #Ramesæie# corresponds to L.
Rameseia, Fr. Rameseie, in contemporary documents: #Torney# is mostly
Torny in Domesday; sometimes in L. Torneia.


  15/87 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  48/300 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)


  #Phonology:# ... þat (9), at (5), -masse (3)  [(5) -masse]
  _æ_, wæs (9), þæt (once)
    [_æ misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  _æ_ in bæron 63, 66  [_œ_]
  ... #eo#, umlaut of #i#
    [_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  #ā# + #w# gives _au_
    [_“au” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
  For #w# ... þumbes 56 (#þūma#) has inorganic _b_  [inorganic _m_]
  In wurtscipe 93 &c., wart 122, _t_ has displaced #þ#
    [_“wart 122” added by author_]
  Most of the adjective inflections ... onne 63
    [_“onne” misprinted as bold_]
  Strong verbs .. I c. warth, uuard, ward, wærd, wart
    [_“wart” added by author_]
  _pt. pl._ usually ends in -en
    [_“-en” misprinted as italic_]
  V. helden, heolden, hengen: iafen 44, bræcon 62  [braecon]
  Weak verbs ... gæde 58 is _pt. s. subj._
    [_final . invisible_]
  Noteworthy among the Anomala are myhtes 2 _pt. s._;
    muhten _pt. pl._; cunnen 1 _pr. pl._; durste _pt. s._
    [_final . missing in first “pt. s.”, invisible in second_]
  #Dialect:# ... representation by _a_ of #ǣ{2}# before _r_  [æ{2}]
  9. ... exceptions being Octab{us} sc͞i
    [_superfluous comma after “sc͞i” deleted by author_]
  20. #þe mihte#: comp. 8/81.
    [_Author’s Corrigenda:_
    Dr. Bradley’s restoration in M. L. Review, xii. 73, þa þestreden
    sona þas landes, appears to me certain.]
  95. #fram#, by.  [_“by” printed in bold_]
  97. ... B-T. quotes, ‘mid eallon ðá[m] þingon ðe ðǽr fyrmest
    tólæg,’  [ðær]
  201. ... ‘in an dæis wile,’ within the space of one day.
    [_corrected by author from “hwile”_]


#Manuscript:# Harleian Charter 111 B. 49, British Museum. The upper half
contains a version in Latin, excepting the passage ‘sacha . . . frimþa,’
which is in English; the names of six witnesses are appended. On the
lower half is the present text; on the back, ‘carta reḡ. H. ii de sacha
& socne.’ The document is in a French record hand, and the writer was
evidently little versed in the insular script. He uses both þ and th, ƿ
and w.

#Facsimile:# Keller, plate xiii.

#Editions:# Hickes, G., Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus,
i. p. xvi; Dugdale, W., Monasticon, i. 111; Birch, W. de Gray,
Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, New Series, xi. 312;
Stratmann, F. H., Anglia, vii. 220; Earle, J., A Handbook to the Land
Charters, 346 (with the Latin); Kluge, F., Mittelenglisches Lesebuch, 5.

#Phonology:# The language is not contemporary, for the drafter, who was
not the scribe, used as a model a charter (H^2) in the same terms,
granted to William of Corbeil (see 6/28) and the monks of Christ Church
by Henry the First in 1123 A.D., a copy of which exists in Campbell
Charter, xxi. 6, B.M., reproduced in Facsimiles of Royal and other
Charters in the British Museum, i. no. 6, and printed in Lye’s
Dictionary, ii. appendix. H^2 differs from our text in its dialect,
which is mainly Southern, with some Kentish forms, in greater regularity
of grammar, in details of names and relationships, but in little else.
It was derived from a charter (H^1) granted to S. Anselm and Christ
Church by Henry the First, _c._ 1107 A.D., extant in Campbell Charter,
xxix. 5, and Cotton Charter, vii. 1, printed in the Journal of the
British Archaeological Association, xxix. 242, also imperfectly in
Hickes and in Dugdale, i. 109, 111. It also shows traces of its Kentish
origin. But it was ultimately based on the Charter (E) granted by Edward
the Confessor to Archbishop Stigand, _c._ 1052 A.D., Campbell Charter,
xxi. 5, reproduced in Facsimiles of Ancient Charters in the British
Museum, part iv, no. 38, and printed in Transactions of the Royal
Society of Literature, i., New Series; and the chain extended back to
the first extant example of the formula, the charter (C) of Cnut to
Æthelnoth, A.D. 1020, preserved by a copy in a Canterbury book, the
MacDurnan Gospels (now at Lambeth), and printed in Earle, 232.

There is another copy of the present document, but fragmentary and
decayed, in the muniment room of Canterbury Cathedral.

H^1, H^2, and the Harley Charter (H^3) here printed, have been accepted
by Dölle in his book, Zur Sprache Londons vor Chaucer (Morsbach’s
Studien, xxxii), as specimens of the English of the London Chancellery.
As the editors of the Facsimiles of Royal and other Charters point out,
H^1, H^2 are in a book hand, not that of an official court scribe; they
are without witnesses or place of execution. Their seals do not prove
them to be the original grant, for both H^1 and its duplicate Cotton
Charter, vii. 1, have seals, and a note on the back of the latter
appears to indicate that it is one of four copies. The duplicate of H^3
also has its seal, attached, like the others, in an unusual way to the
left side of the document, as if to show that both documents and seals
are replicas of the original. They are, in fact, copies, and the natural
assumption is that they were made at Canterbury to provide against risk
of loss or damage to the actual grant.

H^3 is on a different footing: it is properly attested, its place of
origin is given, and its seal is attached in the usual way at the foot.
But it is not in a charter hand, and its language shows that it was
prepared by a Canterbury scribe to be placed before the king for his

It should be noted that the English words from saca to frimtha also
appear in the Latin version with the following variants: Sacha, Wude,
felde, tolnes, grithbreches, thiofes, flemene.

The charter is then a patchwork of old and new; its phonological
position may be defined by an attempt at a version in Late West-Saxon.
Ic Henric · þurh Godes gife Englalandes cyng · grēte ealle mīne
bisceopas ⁊ ealle mīne scīrgerēfan ⁊ ealle mīne þegnas frencisce ⁊
englisce · on þām scīrum þe Þeobald ærcebisceop ⁊ se hīrēd æt xpīstes
cyrican on Cantwarabyrig habbað land inne frēondlice · ⁊ ic cȳðe ēow þæt
ic hæbbe heom geunnen ꝥ hi bēon ǣlc þāra landa wurðe þe hi hæfdon in
Ēadweardes cynges dæge · ⁊ on Willhelmes cynges mīnes furðor ealdefæder
· ⁊ on Henrices cynges mīnes ealdefæder · ⁊ sace ⁊ sōcne · on strande ⁊
on streame · on wudum ⁊ on feldum · tolles ⁊ tēames · griðbryces · ⁊
hāmsōcne · ⁊ fōrstealles · ⁊ infangeneþēofes · ⁊ flȳmena fyrmðe · ofer
heora āgene menn · binnan burgum ⁊ butan · swā ful ⁊ swā forð swā mīne
āgene wīcneras hit sēcan sceoldon · ⁊ ofer swā fela þegnas swā ic heom
tolǣten hæbbe · And ic nelle ꝥ ǣnig mann ǣnig þing þǣrof tēo · butan hī
⁊ heora wīcneras þām þe hi hit betǣcan willað · ne frencisce ne englisce
· for þām þingum þe ic hæbbe Crīste þās gerihta forgifen minre sāwle to
ēcere ālȳsednesse · ⁊ ic nelle geþafian ꝥ ǣnig mann þis ābrece be mīnum
fullan frēondscipe. God ēow gehealde.

It will be seen that the OE. phonetic position is largely maintained;
noteworthy divergences are: #æ# as _e_ in hebbe, ercebisceop; as _a_ in
habbe (occasionally in OE.), ealdefader; as _ea_ (= #e#) in eafdon, #æ#
+ #g# in deȝe. ænglelandes (also in H^1, H^2) shows a survival of
primitive #æ#, characteristic of the south-east. en 12/6 for #on# is
due to loss of stress; Layamon 8059 has æn; #e# + #g# is _ei_ in þeinas.
#y# is _e_ in grithbreces of the Latin text and H^1, H^2 (but
grithbrices is OE. #griðbrice#); _i_ in Cantuarabirȝ. #ǣ# is _e_ in
bitechan, enig, eni, echere, toleten, þer; #ȳ#, _e_ in keþe. #ea# before
#l# + cons. is _a_ in forstalles; frimtha is descended from #fiermð#
with metathesis of _r_: the others have fermþe and H^1 also feormþe,
forms without umlaut: #giefu# appears as ȝefu, but #giefan#, forgifan.
#heora# is heara (early Kentish hiara) beside heore; scolden answers to
a non-diphthonged OE. form. #flīema# gives flemene in the Latin text (so
E, H^1, H^2, the latter also flæmene) and fleamene: alisendnesse is OE.
#ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȝsendnesse#), the others have alysednesse.
#ēo# is _e_ in frenscipan: _io_ in thiofes of the Lat. text, _ia_ in
thiafes; #ā# + #w# is _au_ in saule; #ēo# + #w# appears as geau (ȝeu,
Poema Morale, Digby MS.) with ȝ borrowed from the _nom._, helped, no
doubt, by the general tendency exemplified in gearfoþe, ungeaþe of the
MK. gospels.

#w# is written _u_ in Cantuarabirȝ; an inorganic _n_ is inserted in
alisendnesse; #f# is _u_ in geþauian, scirereuan. The dentals are
confused: _þ_ for #t#, _t_ for #þ#, _t_ for #d#, _d_ for #þ# appear in
theames, theo, teobalt, hiret, habbad, ford; #d# is omitted in
frenscipan, as in stan, halen, &c., of the MK. gospels; #č# is written
_ch_ in chyrchen, bitechan, echere, ich, grithbriches; the scribe
apparently uses _ch_ for [k] in Sacha of the Latin text; #h# is omitted
in eafdon; _cht_ for #ht# in gerichtan is an attempt to indicate the
guttural sound.

The inflections of OE. are largely preserved, but levelling of #a# to
_e_ is shown in fele, fleamene, fullen, heore, lande (_pl. g._), þare,
Wicneres, while _a_ is written for older #e# in frimtha, saca, wurþa,
and _o_ for #e# in geunnon. OE. #um# is _an_ in burgan, feldan, minan,
sciran, þingan, wudan; #þām# appears as þan. Weak forms are gerichtan,
frenscipan; ȝefu is nom. form for accusative.

#Dialect:# The levelling of #y#, #ȳ#, #æ#, #ǣ# to _e_; #ea# as _a_, the
old Kentish #io#, #ia# in thiofes, thiafes, heara point to Kent. The
absence of _v_, _z_ for #f#, #s# initial, the retention of #a# in lande,
strande, and of #n# final either mark an early stage in the dialect, or
show the conservative influence of the older documents.

#Introduction:# King Henry the Second grants, or rather confirms, to
Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the monks of Christ Church their
lands and privileges of jurisdiction. The date is February, 1155 (Eyton,
Itinerary of Henry II. 5) and the place York. For alisendnessee 12/15,
read alisendnesse.

1. #gret . . . mine#, verb of the third person, pronoun of the first: so
CE; it is formal, and not a scribe’s error as Stratmann thinks; H^1, H^2
have grete. #bissceopas#, &c.: in Latin, ‘Ep{iscop}is · Com{itibus} ·
Bar{onibus} · Justic{iariis} · Vi{c}e{comitibus} · Cet{er}isq{ue} suis

3. #þe . . . inne#, in which; see 1/3 note. E has þær . . . inne.

4. #Cantuarabirȝ#; see 1/14.

5. #ꝥ# = þet. #ælc#, each of them: the archbishop and the monks
severally, as well as jointly; so H^1, H^2; E omits.

6. #kinges#: see 15/87 note.

7. #saca# and the other genitives are, like lande, dependent on wurþa.
Each of these words has a threefold aspect: (1) the simple meaning of
the word itself; (2) the right to adjudicate in connection with that;
(3) the right to profit by fee or fine arising out of such jurisdiction.
#Sacu# and #sōcn# are glossed, _litis, contestatio_ and _quaestio,
inquisitio_ respectively. #Sōcn# is the leading word and #sacu# was
added to round off the phrase; together they express a single idea,
inquisition into a disputed matter (sometimes the area of jurisdiction);
then the right to adjudicate privately within one’s own jurisdiction on
certain cases which arise within it, and the right in consequence to
appropriate the proceeds in fines, &c. #Toll#, tax on merchandise,
sometimes exemption from such, the right to collect it, the profit
arising therefrom. Sometimes merely the right to tallage one’s villeins.
#Tēam#, vouching to warranty, right to adjudicate in cases which
involved the production of a guarantor (#getēama#), right to
forfeitures, &c., arising out of such processes (see B-T. _s.v._).
#Griðbryce#, breach of a special peace, that is, a protection accorded
specially to a person, place, or period of time by the king, the right
to try such cases and fine. #Hāmsōcn#, in Domesday hāmfare (OE.
#hāmfaru#), attack on a man’s house, trial for the offence and fine.
#Fōrsteall#, assault on the king’s highway; in Norman law, ‘assultus
excogitatus de veteri odio’ (PM. ii. 453). #Infangeneþēof#, thief caught
red-handed in a privileged area, the right to judge and hang him. In =
within, _adverb_: fangene = #fangenne#, _s. acc._ of the participle
agreeing with þēof: as the phrase was almost always _acc._ after a verb
of granting, these formed a compound regarded as the _nom._ as well, but
a _nom._ by form is sometimes found as _acc._, ‘infangenðeóf,’ Kemble,
iv. 226. The dat. ‘mid infangenumþeofe’ occurs, id. 227, but usually
‘mid infangeneðéf,’ id. 190; _gen._ ‘infangeneðeófes,’ id. 193. C, E,
H^1, H^2 all have both words inflected _gen._ as here: I have not found
the double inflection elsewhere. #Ūtfangeneþēof# was the right to hang
one’s own thief wherever caught, if he were found in possession of the
stolen property: it appears to have been rarely granted. #Flȳmena
fyrmð#, the harbouring or supporting of a wrongdoer or fugitive from
justice. (Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen; Pollock and
Maitland, History of English Law.)

10. #binnan Burgan#, &c.: a phrase for everywhere. Comp. ‘on ǽlce styde,
be lande and be strande,’ Earle, 344/11; ‘be wætere and be lande,’ id.
344/21; ‘inne tíd and út of tíd, binnen burh and búten burh, on stráte
and of stráte,’ id. 340/21.

11. #swa ful ⁊ swa ford#: ‘in tantum et tam pleniter,’ as fully and
extensively as my own officers are in duty bound to exact: comp. ‘swá
wel and swá freolíce swá ic hit meseolf betst habbe,’ Earle, 343/16.

12. #habben#: read habbe as in H^1, H^2; C, E have hæbbe. For #toleten#,
granted, E, H^1, H^2 have to gelæten. The Latin has ‘super tot
theines[;] quot eis concessit Rex Willelmus proauus meus,’ which is
probably the correct version.

13. #þeron theo#: ‘þær on teo,’ C, E; ‘þær on tyo,’ H^1; ‘þer on tyo,’
H^2. The Latin ‘se intromittat,’ meddle (also in H^1, H^2), is not an
equivalent, but rather ‘subtrahere,’ ‘exigere,’ ‘ad se trahere’ of
similar documents. The meaning is, take any thing from these lands and
rights: for #þer on#, comp. ‘ne teó se hláford ná máre on his ǽhte butan
his rihtan heregeate,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 308. Fuller expressions are
‘ænig þæra sócna him to hánda drægen,’ Kemble, iv. 222: ‘fram honde
téo,’ id. 212, 196: ‘of handa átéo,’ id. 226. #þe#, to whom: see 46/292.

14. #for þan þingan#, for the reason that, because: see the examples of
the phrase in B-T., p. 1060. C has for þā; H^1 for þam þingan; E, H^2,
as in the text.

15. #to echere alisendnesse#, for the eternal salvation of my soul;
comp. ‘to ecere alysednysse,’ Ælfric, Lives, 258/320, ii. 154/178.
Keller prints eche, treating the curl attached to the final _e_ as a
mere flourish, but the scribe’s model, H^2, had æcere: see 23/161.

16. #bi#, as concerning, having regard to, i.e. on pain of losing. Comp.
‘unrihtwisan deman þe heora domas awendað æfre be þam sceattum,’ Ælfric,
Lives, 430/233; ‘bebead eallum his folce, be heora life, þæt hí sceoldon
feallan adune,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 18/23; ‘þat ælc mon bi his liue[;]
comen to him swiðe, | bi heore liue & bi heore leme,’ L 19434.


  1/3 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
  15/87 (note) = V. (A Parable)


  The charter is then a patchwork ... land inne frēondlice
    [_printed as shown: expected form “frēondlīce”_]
  binnan burgum ⁊ butan ... butan hī ⁊ heora
    [_printed as shown: expected form “būtan”_]
  ... alisendnesse is OE. #ālīesednesse# (but once #ālȝsendnesse#)
    [_initial ā in both words corrected by author from “a”_]
  #ā# + #w# is _au_ in saule
    [_#ā# corrected by author from #a#_]
  7. ... #Ūtfangeneþēof# was the right to hang one’s own thief
    wherever caught  [Utfangeneþēof]


#Manuscript:# Cotton Vespasian A 22, British Museum. It is composite; a
second MS., 224 × 153 mm. in two columns, begins at f. 54 with the
pieces printed in OEH i. 217-45. It is written in a small and crabbed
hand unlike that of a professed scribe. The use of the contraction marks
is unsystematic and the readings are sometimes uncertain. The other
articles bound up with this MS. before and after are historical and
largely connected with Rochester Monastery.

#Editions:# Morris, R., Old English Homilies, i, pp. 231-41 (with
translation), and Specimens of Early English.

#Literature:# Vollhardt, W., Einfluss der lateinischen geistlichen
Litteratur auf einige kleinere Schöpfungen der englischen
Übergangsperiode, Leipzig, 1888; Lauchert, F., Englische Studien, xiii.
83; Heuser, W., Anglia, xvii. 82.

#Phonology:# #a# is _a_, fram 38, maniȝe 54, lange 83, sandon 30, but
_o_ in longe 155, sonden 161. #æ# wavers between _e_ (28 times), feder
42, hwet 17, stef creft 89, þes 72, &c., wes 1, 94, 96, and _a_ (16),
fader 40, hwat 49, þas 43, was 19, 27, water 46. #e# is regularly _e_,
engel 41, menn 31, but _æ_ in ængles 166 (#ængel#), mæn 22, 78, næmmie
112, and _a_ in anglene 139, angles 146, man, _pl._ 23, 76. #i# is _i_,
for which _y_ is written in cyldren 42, cyrce 108, scyft 117: it is _e_
in ȝeðe (= iþe) 165, þeser 74, þeses 113, repen 169 (= #ripon#), swepen
13; _u_ in swupen 132. #o# is _o_, but a, an 4, &c. (= on), þann 120,
þáleð 123 (comp. the dialectic taal, Dan. _taale_, EDD). #u# is _u_, but
_o_ in come 7, icome 115, sonne 46, all associated with _m_ or _n_. #y#
is regularly _e_, berie 7, ded 73, drench 46, euel 41, ferst 167, gelty
153, senne 91, 95, 151, but _i_ in þrimsettles 36, (dier)chin 45; _y_ in
cyme 87 (? #cime#); _o_ in formest 50, 72. #mycel# is represented by
mucele 129, 137, moche 90: king 1, drihte 52 have _i_, as often.

#ā# is mostly _a_, fa 25, na 55, þa 106; but _o_ in anon 12, cofe 27,
cofer 17, gefo 22, go 22, more 97, 120, non 38, soriȝe 104, to 147, þo
140. clone 15, an isolated form, represents #clāne#. #ǣ{1}# is mostly
_e_, arerde 80, clene 103, elc 112 (3), er 117, geð 157, helendes 87
(4), þer 139 (4); the traditional _æ_ appears in ælc 91, 152, ær 18, 99,
æer 21, ærst 69, ærndraches 16, 69; but it is _a_ in halende 93, lat
124, stanene 81, þar 19 (7), unwraste 23; _ea_ in unwreaste 79, 100,
104, 130, and _eo_ once in leorde 109 (#lǣrde#) between _l_ and _r_.
#ǣ{2}# is uniformly _e_, adredeð 147, letes 129. #ē# is regularly _e_,
but dieð 51 (= #deð#). #ī# is _i_; written _y_ in tyme 77: gescung 54 is
apparently #gītsung#. #ō# is _o_ without exception. #ū# is _u_; but
uncoðe 22. #ȳ# is normally _e_, ceðen 16, 70, 113, fer 46, 143, 155,
scred 42; but litl 160, leoðre 169.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in arme 51, barn 60, middenard 39 (5),
widerwardnesse 24; _ea_ in bearn 50, 159, ȝearceon 6, ȝearnede 27; _æa_,
gæarced 156; _æ_ in ærfeð 3, and _e_ in merchestowe 124. #ea# before #l#
+ cons. is regularly _a_, alle 4 (21), manifald 79; but manifeald 46,
90. The _i_-umlaut of #ea# is represented by weregede 131 (#wiergod#).
#eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_ in eorðe 36 (4), heorte 72,
leorninchnihtes 106; _e_ in sterren 47; _æ_ in ærlen 20. In the #wur#
group, _wur_ is written in wurð 143, otherwise _wr_ = _wur_, derewrlice
10, wrð 77, 123, wrðeð 108, wrhmint 65, 93. The _i_-umlaut is
represented by birne 154, abernð 143, sterfeð 163, werpð 45 (#wierpð#),
werpeð 142, ?stiarne 13 (#stierne#). #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in
self 61 (7), sielfe 48. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _e_ in heuene 107,
163, hefenen 36, but heofene 171; _å_-umlaut is seen in fele 83; #eo#,
umlaut of #i#, is _e_ in clepeien 49, ȝeclepien 6, lefede 102, 155,
lefie 155, seþe 51, 76, 170; _eo_ in neowelnesse 36; _i_ in silure 92
(#silofr#); _u_ after _w_ in cwuce 162, wude 47. Here also belong tolie
44, #teolian# and hare 85, 172, hares 56 from #heora# through #heara#,
both with shifted accent. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in gat 13, 117; _e_
in scel 135; _eo_ in sceol 147, _ea_ in ȝesceafte 93, _ia_ in ȝiaf 97;
scandlice 151 is #sceandlice#, before nasal, ȝescepe 56 is #gesceapen#.
#ie# after #g# is _i_ in gife 86, ȝife 88, 109; _ie_ in gief 98, ȝief
119, ȝiefe 11, forȝiet 60, underȝeite 4; _e_ in forȝeten 59, 61, bigeten
55; #scieppend# gives sceappend 65, 93, sceppend 40, 41. The conj. #gif#
is gief 12 (EWS. #gief#), ȝief 60, gif 63, ȝef 9. #eo# after #g# is seen
in iunglenges 107 (#geongling#); #eo# after #sc# in sceolde 7, 25, 87,
sceolden 12, 160; #heom# is ham 18, 55, heom 5; #eom# is am 162, ham 63.

#ēa# is _ea_ in bread 162 (4), lean 135, deade 115, deaþe 123 (4),
abreað 83; _a_ in admoded 104, brad 29 (4), ȝecas 81, grate 6, hafed 51,
hafedmen 108; _e_ in eðelice 124; _æ_ in ære 166. niatt 45 represents
#nēat#, ȝie 49, #gēa#. The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# is represented by
unhersamnesse 84. #ēo# medial is _eo_ in beoð 108, &c., ibeoð 70, beon
69, bitweone 9, underþeod 6, 66, underþeoden 3, 17, leoem 45 written for
leome (#lēoma#); _e_ in betwenen 169, befel 3, 4, ȝede 95, fend 5 (8),
frend 5 (9), frenden 28, 157, lefe 96, prestes 111; _ie_ in bieð 54, 65,
bienn 135, to bienne 43, diefles 95, dierchin 45, frienden 21, lief 59,
underþiede 137; _io_ in þiode 91. Final #ēo# is _i_, hi 50 (4), ibi 135,
isi 55 (4), si 50 (6), þri 99, 101, and _ie_, besie 14 (#besēon#). The
_i_-umlaut of #ēo# is seen in dierewurð 20, istriened 96, þiestre 53,
þiesternesse 14; but derewrþe 138, derewrlice 10, fendes 133, aþestreð
144, þesternesse 27. #īe# gives _ie_ in giet 53, ȝeiet 56, ȝie 24, 26.
#ēo# from #ō# after #sc# is _eo_, ȝesceod 8, toȝesceodeð 117, ȝesceop
33, 39; but ȝescod 74, ȝescop 54.

#a# + #g#, #h#, is _ag_, lage 71, &c.; muȝe 49 has _u_ by imitation of
other pret. presents. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, deie 126, 137, meide 139,
meiden 141, meidenes 166, neiles 146, seið 158, seieð 153; _eȝ_ in deȝe
108, isegd 27, seȝð 163; _eiȝ_ in seigd 34; _e_ in sede 117, 119, seden
69, 160 (= #sǣdon#), ȝesed 114, mede 94 (= #mæden#); _ai_ in mai 152,
maie 148. The peculiar spellings dȝeie 68, dȝeies 52, dȝei 134 show the
development of a _y_ sound, but deȝie 7, 8, 116, maȝie 59, maȝi 34
appear to be for deiȝe, maiȝe, maiȝ. #e# + #g# is _ei_, þeinen 21, rien
47, written for rein: þenið 142, þeninge 46 go back to #þēnian#,
#þēnung#: #ongegn# is represented by aȝen 101, aȝenes 24. A _y_ sound
has developed in ȝeie 43, 142 (#ege#); aȝeie 64 seems to have been
influenced by OWScand. _agi_. #ig# is preserved in niȝen 138; #ih# in
dihte 39, 41: exceptional is forðteh 42 (#forðtihþ#). #o# + #g# is seen
in abroden 134, 156, abruden 27; heretoche 80; #u# + #g# in ȝebugon 25;
#y# + #h# in drihte 52. #ā# + #g#, #h# give oge 59, ogen 60, oȝeð 64,
aȝen 88, ah 43, fa 5. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, echte 55, tehten 110: #ō# + #h#,
brochte 101, ibrocht 146, innoh 152: #ū# + #h#, þuhte 11.

#ea# + #h#, #ht# is _ea_ in leahtrum 79, _a_ in wax 81; miht, niht have
uniformly _i_. #eo# + #ht# is _i_ in cnihten 20: the _i_-umlaut is
represented in isecgð 148, iseȝð 150 (= #siehð#), ȝesecðe 134, 156
(#gesiehð#). #ēa# + #g#, #h# is _ag_, _ah_, hagefaderen 140, hahes 171,
þah 112, þahhweðer 60. #ēo# + #h# is _e_ in wex 168; _ih_ in
rihtwisnesse 40, richtwise 147, 148, brictnesse 145, with _ct_ for _ht_:
lichte 50, 53; loht 45 is #lēoht# with shifted accent: #īe# + #h# gives
nixtan 73. #ā# + #w#, daw 47, ȝesawen 165, sawe 44, sawle 42 &c., but
feawe 96, scewie 22: ahte 122, nahte 33, ahct 49 come from #āht#,
#nāht#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# occurs in ȝecnowe 71: #ēa# + #w# in unþeawes 132:
#ēo# + #w# in ableow 42, bleowu 168, treowe 92, fierðe 105 (#fēowerða#),
ȝeu 24, 113, ȝehw 119, ȝiu 117, ȝiure 52.

The vowels of the inflections are generally levelled to _e_, but a few
remain from the scribe’s original; _inf._ wunian 159; _pr. s._ blissið
50, _pr. pl._ þenið 142; cwaciað 147; _pt. pl._ arerdon 85; _pl._ dunan
37, lagan 70, sandon 30; _s. d._ nixtan 73; _pl. d._ leahtrum 79; buton
38, 72, 95, bufon 149. Among vowels of minor stress are noteworthy _ie_
in laðienge 6 (#laðung#), ȝelaðieres 82 (*#laðere#); _a_ for #e#, þina
37; _æ_ for #e#, anæ 6, ȝæarced 156; _e_ for #æ#, rigtleceden 86, 103;
_e_ for #i#, iunglenges 107; _e_ for #o#, hefenen 36, 107, sicernesse
128; _i_ for #e#, adiligde 79, 84; _eo_ for #ie#, ȝearceon 6; _ei_ for
#i#, clepeien 49. ableow 42 possibly represents #onblēow#. _e_ is lost
in ærndraches 16 (4), witȝin 89, and added in seneȝeden 153: seneȝden
154 is for senȝeden. The prefix #ge#, once written ge, gelest 2, is
largely retained, but it is reduced to _i_ in _pp._ ibroht, icome 115,
idon, imaced, isent, istriened; _inf._ ibite, isi; ibruce 25, ibeoð 70,
isecgð 148, iseȝð 150, innoh 152, uniredlice 131, iwiss 37; noteworthy
is unitald 47.

#w# is lost in sa 54, se 86, alse 115; it represents _wu_ in the #wur#
group, wrð 77, wrhmint 65, derewrlice 10 &c., and similarly wlcne 145:
_u_ is written for it in uin 160, _wu_ in bleowu 168, hwu 99. #l# is
lost in swice 75, wic 142: final #ll# often becomes _l_, befel 3, bispel
31, ful 102. #mm# is simplified in wiman 59. The loss of final #n# in
inflections is characteristic: it occurs also in bine 90 (#binnan#),
bitweone 9, bute 17, morȝe 119, to fore 138, to for 22, upe 132: #n# is
assimilated to _m_ in næmmie 112, it is added in hesne 98, doubled in
bienn 135, sennenn 132, þann 120 &c. #on# is weakened to a 126 (an 153).
#bb# is simplified to _b_ in habe 161; it is _u_ in sweueð 53, perhaps
influenced by Scand. _svefja_. For #f# the scribe writes þ in sielþe 48,
selþ 61, 149, which perhaps represents an individual pronunciation. The
voiced sound between vowels is represented by _f_, not _u_. The added
#t# in mistlice is found in OE., that after _n_ in berient, melstanent
170 is local, as sarment, suddent, varmint in the SE. modern dialects:
#t# is doubled in fett 14; #ts# is _s_ in milsi 59, _c_ in milce 102. In
an 130 #d# is lost (and 145), as in hlafor 21: it is written for þ in
dierewurd 20, had 152, hafd 56, sede 170. For #þ#, _f_ is written in of
11, 15, 108, _ft_ in oft 134, 136; _t_ in to 36 (?), 147 after ⁊ = ant:
#æt þǣre# is eter 13, 117: it is lost after _h_ in forðteh 42, and
intrudes before _h_ in awiðhst 37. #sc# is [š] in biscopes 111, sceolde
7, scandlice 151; _ss_ is written for it in wasse 10, 123. #c# is
palatalized in cheðen 70 (ceðen 16), dierchin 45 (fiscynn 46),
ærndraches 16, machede 41 (macede 91). #c# is doubled in accenned 94.
#g# is lost in witien 140 and final in almihti 32, ȝegen 156, leornin
(ch[n]ihtes) 106: it is _ch_ in heretoche 80, _c_ in strencþe 97. The
scribe generally uses ȝ for #ġ#: exceptions are gelest 2, gife 86, gief
98, gif 63, bigeten 55, iunglenges 107. The development of a _y_ sound
is seen in ȝeðe (= #iþe#), ȝeie 43; ȝ in ȝeu 24, ȝiu 117, ȝehw 119 has
been adopted from the nom. #ȝe#. Initial #h# before a vowel is often
omitted, abben 160, afeð 150, alste 36, is 28 &c., us 167; before
consonants, laford 12, 61, wa 4, wat 24 (hwet 17), wic 142, wile 82: it
is added in her 160, his 128 &c., hofne 170, hur 65, hure 44, hus 43,
and hwe 69, which helps to the understanding of ȝehw 119. For #ht#,
_cht_ is written in echte 55, ibrocht 146, lichte 50, richtwise 147:
ahct 49 is for acht (= #āht#); _ct_ in brictnesse 145.

#Accidence:# Strong decl. of _m._ and _neut._ nouns. _Sing. n._ halende
93, helende 109, 163, sceppende 41 with participial terminations
(sceppend 40), endedeie 118, gate 117 have added _e_: tacne 145 is
#tacen#; drihte 52 has lost _n._ _Gen._ -es. _Dat._ -e: exceptions,
anginn 115, bearn 50, barn 60, fer 155, gat 13 (gate 117), ȝegen 156,
innoð 60, godspel 161 (godspelle 165), hlaford 65, licht 53 (lichte 50),
mancyn 99, sceappend 65 (sceappende 93), þing 53. _Acc._ as _nom._:
accennende 103, a participle used as noun, fultume 47 with added _e_.
_Plur. n. m._ -es: deade 115 has adj. term., wude 47 (#wuda#); _neut._
wlcne 145. _Dat._ -en, as apostlen 139, bearnen 159, bredene 81, cnihten
20, aldren 20, esten 158, kingen 32, martiren 140, melstanent 170,
þeinen 21: exceptions, had 139 (= #hādum#), leahtrum 79, meiden 141,
neiles 146, write 85, and ME. repples 13. The accent on hlafordé 32 may
be a contraction mark. _Acc. m._ -es: _neut._ folc 68, niatt 45, þing
33, 101, 109; þrimsettles 36 has masc. form. Weak are anglene 139, _pl.
g._, esten 159 _pl. n._, hefenen 36 _s. g._ comp. hefene 163. Strong
decl. of _fem._ nouns: blisse 125, eorðe 45, lare 90, mihte 38, þiode
91, underþiede 137 (treated as compound of #þēod#), witnisse 149 have
added _e_ in the _nom. sing._: ȝefered 138 has lost _en_; its _dat._ is
ȝeferede 20. The other cases sing. and pl. which occur end in _e_, as
merche (stowe) 124, rode 145, _s. g._; echte 55 (possibly _pl._), gife
86, 88, 109, _s. d._; hesne 98, laðienge 6, lage 80, _s. a._; senne 80,
91, 151, _pl. d._; ahte 122, _pl. a._ Exceptions are wrldes 77, a masc.
form, berient 170 (= #byrgenne#), ȝescung 54, gief 98 (possibly for
gife), hand 37, nicht 53, _s. d._; wrhmint 65 (wrhminte 93), _s. a._;
ceðen 16, 70, 113, underþeoden 17, _pl. d._; hand 14, _pl. a._
underþeod, 6 is adj. used as noun. Weak forms are dunan 37, _pl. a._,
lagan 70, _pl. n._, sennenn 132, _pl. a._, underþeoden, _pl. n._ 3.

Weak declension: _Sing. nom._ halege 126, mone 47, sonne 46, tyme 77,
witiȝe 35: _d._ ære 166, heorte 72, heretoche 80, time 84, witie 57,
uuantruce 122, _acc._ deme 148, lichame 41, 126: leoem 45 is probably
for leome. _Plur. nom._ ȝeferen 15, sterren 47, 144; _dat._ swepen 13,
swupen 132, witȝin 89, witien 140; _acc._ witiȝe 85, ȝefo 22. ærndraces
69, _pl. n._, 16, _pl. a._ have adopted a strong inflection: nixtan 73,
_s. d._ is adj. used as noun.

Minor declensions: burh 166, berie 7, _s. d._; fader 40, 44, feder 42,
_s. n._, feder 48, _s. d._, hagefaderen 140, _pl. d._; fett 14, _pl.
a._; frienden 21, 28, 157, _pl. d._; mannes 72, 118, _s. g._; man 76,
_s. d._, 41, _s. a._; menn 31, hafedmen 108, man 23, 76, _pl. n._;
mannen 153, _pl. d._, 159, _pl. g._; mæn 22, mænn 78, _pl. a._

Adjectives: Remnants of the strong decl. linger in ecer 128, _s. d. f._,
soðe 65, grate 6, _s. a. f._; and perhaps hage(faderen) 140
(= #hēagum#); of the weak decl. in fulle 127, gode 121, _s. n. m._, lefe
96, _s. n. f._, mucele 137, _s. d. m._, 129, _s. d. f._, richtwise 148,
soriȝe 104, _s. a. m._, unwreaste 104, _s. a. neut._ hahes 171 is a
strong form for weak; haliȝe 102 a strong fem. qualifying lif, _neut._
The _pl._ inflection in all cases is -e, so ȝeredie 131, stanene 81.
Longer words are often uninflected, as manifald 79, 90, dierewurd 20
(derewrþe 138), wrldlic 55; also ful 54, gelty 153, hali 122, 140.
Adjectives used as nouns are senfulle 147, _s. n._; fa 25, fo 156, latst
8, 69, nixtan 73, _s. d._; innoh 152, _s. a._; richtwise 147, _pl. n._

Pronouns: Noteworthy are hwe 69, ȝie 24, 26 (ȝe 116); ȝeu 24, 113, ȝiu
117, 160, ȝehw 119. The pronoun of the third person is, _Sing. n._ he,
_m._ hi 50, 51, 59, 60, _f._; hit, _neut._; _d._ him, _m._; _a._ hine 10
&c., him 14, _m._ hit, _n._ _Plur. n._ hi, i in combinations icome 17,
ibeoð 70, mihti 55; _d._ heom 5, ham 18, 55, 147; _a. m._ hi 117. From
*seo _f._ are his 81 _s. a. f._ (= is) and his 117, _pl. a. m._ (= is),
es in letes 129, _pl. a. n._, for which forms see Anglia, Beiblatt vii.
331, xi. 302. The dat. _s. pl._ with self uninflected occurs as
definitive adj. 61, 81, 149; _s._ and _pl._ with selfe as reflexive, 55,
91, 151, 152; us sielfe 48. Possessives are mine 64, mi 63, _s. n. m._,
mine 25, 156, _s. d. m._, mire 24 (with rice _neut._) 26, 154, mine in
other cases; þina 37, _s. d. f._; ure, hure, ur, hur 65, with ures 87,
106, _s. g. m._; is, his, hire; ȝiure 52, ȝeur 153; hare 85, 172, hares
56, _s. g. m._ his 21, 29, _pl. d._ is used as noun, his men. The def.
article is, _Sing. n. m._ se, once seo 66; _f._ si, with _neut._ tacne
145, but rode is _fem._, gate 117; _neut._ þat 143: _g. m._ þes, with
wrldes 77, ses 87, by analogy from #se#; _neut._ þes: _d. m._ þa, þe,
(to) ðe 22; _f._ þare 93, with _neut._ gate 129, þar 19, þer 139, (i)þer
123, with _m._ 141, with _neut._ 13, 117; _neut._ þam, þan 118, 158, þe
50, 145, (i)þe 161, ȝeðe 165, þa 110, probably for þa{n}: _a. m._ þann
120; _f._ þa 54 &c., _neut._ þat 168. _Pl. n. m._ þa, þe, (⁊) to 147;
_d. m._ þa, þo: _a. m._ þe 85. Used pronominally si 83, _s. n. f._; þat
97, _s. n. neut._; þa 26, _pl. n. m._; þan 141, _pl. d. m._ The compound
demonstrative is, _Sing. n. m._ þes; _f._ þes; _neut._ þis: _d. m._ þese
48; _f._ þisser, þesser, þeser; _neut._ þese 118, 163: _a. f._ þas 80;
_neut._ þis. _Pl. n._ þes, þas: _g._ þeses: _d._ þesen: _a._ þes.
Exceptional is þas 43, _s. n. neut._ (OE. occasional #þæs#). The
relative is þe 26, 32, 97; wam 48, 96, _s. d._; introducing dep.
questions, wa 4, 66, hwa 67: interrogatives, hwat, hwet, wat 24, wic
142: indefinites are _n. m._ an 1; _d. m._ ane 68, _neut._ ane 164, ene
7, an 53; _a. m._ ænne 7, _f._ anæ 6, _neut._ a 57; _n. m. f._ ælc, elc;
_g. m._ elces 118; _a. m._ elce 116; swice, _pl. n. m._; nahte 33,
_s. d. n._ Sum 17, _s. n._ has oblique cases in _e_ 56, 82, but sum 92,
_pl._: fele 83, maniȝe 54, 109 are plurals: oðre (once oðere) is
constant: #eall# is _sing. n._ all, al; _d. f._ alle 66, _neut._ 4, 24
(rice is regarded as _fem._); _a. f._ alle 96, _neut._ all, al 47. The
plural is alle; but all 15, al 141.

The infinitive of verbs ends mostly in _e_, fandie 130: noteworthy are
besie 14, isi 55: ȝief 119 has lost _e_ before him. wunian 159 is a
survival; others in _n_ are ȝearceon 6, ȝeclepien 6, clepeien 49, don
88, finden 173, forȝeten 59, abben 160. _Dat. inf._ with inflection,
bienne 43, donne 152; without inflection abiden 11, bigeten 55, don 51,
fulforðie 98, ȝelaðie 17, 78, isi 137, sawe 44, tolie 44. _Pres. s._ 1.
forȝete 61, lefie 155, nell(ic) 60; 2. awiðhst 37, belocest 37, halst
36; 3. blisseð 52 and 8 others, but contracted forms predominate, abernð
143, belimpð 128, cumþ 114, 121, 129, ett 163, fett 42, fet 171, ȝemet
133, ȝestrenð 112 (#gestrengeþ#), isecgð 148, iseȝð 150 (#siehð#), lat
124 (#lǣdeþ#), sit 138 and 9 others. Exceptional are blissið 50, had 152
(#hæfð#), scred 42 (#scrȳt#), scyft 117, forðteh 42 (#tyhð#).
_Subjunctive pr. s._ forȝiet[e] 60, habbe 74, letes 129 (lete + es),
milsi 59, underfo 126. _Pres. pl._ 1. habbeþ 48, siggeð 114, wene (we)
49; 3. adredeð 147, aþestreð 144 &c.; but cwaciað 147, þenið 142 (Archiv
lxxxix, 160-6). _Subj. pr. pl._ næmmie 112, scewie 22. _Imp. pl._
understandeð 31, 99, witeð 155, wite (ȝe) 125. Past of Strong Verbs:
_Sing._ I a. cweð 21, et 28, ȝiaf 97; I b. com 19, nam 5; I c. dranc 28,
ȝelamp 1; II. astah 162, wratẹ 81 (#wrāt#); III. abreað 83, ȝecas 81;
IV. ȝesceop 33; V. ableow 42, bleowu 168, befel 3, wex 168. _Pl._ I a.
cweðe 18, 1. _pl._; I b. come 9; I c. sturfe 28; II. repen 169; III.
ȝebugon 25. _Subjunctives_ are I b. come 12, 20; V. ȝewold[e] 55. _Pp._
I b. icome 115; I c. abruden 27, abroden 134, 156; II. begripe 95; III.
belocen 16; IV. ȝescepe 56, understande 116; V. beswapen 151, ȝesawen
165, ȝewasse, uniwasse 123. _Past_ of Weak Verbs ends in -de, -ede,
arerde 80, clensede 103 &c.: diht 41, gelest 2, send 78, sett 72 have
dropped final _e_. _Pl._ -den; once arerdon 85: sede 117, 119, lefede
155, acolede 90, ȝearnede 27 have lost _n_. The _pp._ ends in -ed, -d,
-t; once acende 101, beside accenned 94: unwemmede 94, weregede 131 are
inflected. Minor groups: wat 54, _pr. s._; ah 43, _pr. s._, oȝeð 64
(#āgon#), 1 _pr. pl._; scel 135, sceol 147, _pr. s._, scule 26 &c., _pr.
pl._, once sculen 161, sceolde 87, _pt. s._, sceolde 7, sceolden 12,
160, _pt. pl._; mai 152, _pr. s._, but maȝi 34, maie 148, maȝie 59, _pr.
s._ are subjunctive in form; muȝe (we) 49, 1 _pr. pl._, mihtí (mihte hi)
55, mihten 86, _pt. pl._; am 162, ham 63, 1 _pr. s._, his 33 &c., is 36,
_pr. s._, beoð 70, 108, 146, bieð 54, 65, _pr. pl._, beon 69, bienn 135,
_pr. pl. subj._, was 19, wes 1 &c., _pt. s._, were 99 &c., wer 69, 75,
_pt. pl._, were 5, 10 &c., _pt. s. subj._, 8, 15, 16 &c., _pt. pl.
subj._, ibi 135 (*#gebion#), _pp._; don 72, 73, _pr. s. subj._ but
plural in form, ded[ė] 73, _pt. s._; to gað 145, _pr. pl._, go 22, 1
_pr. pl. subj._

Accents are used extensively, but on no consistent principle, so láge
79, lage 80; arerde 80, arérdon 85; áȝenes 34, aȝénes 24. They are
mostly placed over long vowels, but they are used to indicate separate
pronunciation of the vowels in méé 158, bethléem 167, besíé 14.
Similarly they show that a vowel is not to be slurred in belocést 37,
clénséde 103, macéde 91, ?Æér 21; that _i_ is to have its full vowel
value (not _y_) in ȝeclepíen 6, ȝelaðíe 17, halíe 85, 107, halíȝe 140,
maníȝe 54, 109, witíe 57, 62, witíge 85; and that final _e_ is to be
pronounced in forté 137, mihté 38. Sometimes the accent has been
exchanged with a contraction mark, as hlafordé 32, acénde 101. It is
only a diacritic, answering to the printed dot, in íunglenges 107,
ímaced 164, þenínge 46 &c., and over _y_ written for _i_ in scýft 117,
cýme 87, týme 77. In diphthongs it marks the stressed element, séo 66,
unterþéod 6, líef 59, níatt 45; in leóem 45 it shows shifted accent (as
in loht 45), so feáwe 96, ?bleówu 168, ?leórde 109: sónne 46, féce 7 are
hard to understand. In unwēmmed 139, the contraction mark has been kept,
although _m_ has been added; hīne 133 is curious.

#Dialect:# There is a considerable survival of older spellings from the
West-Saxon original. The scribe’s language is South-Eastern strongly
affected by Kentish, a mixed dialect such as might be current on the
south-eastern border of Kent, or used by a southern man, not of Kentish
extraction, but resident in the county, possibly at Rochester.

#Introduction:# This piece, like its predecessor in the MS., which is a
transcription of Ælfric’s De Initio Creaturae, is, at least in part, an
adaptation of an older, probably pre-Conquest homily, as is shown by the
occurrence of archaic inflections and constructions (comp. to 8, hungre
28, hatrede 24, &c.; the extensive use of the subj. mood), and by its
OE. vocabulary (þrimsettles 36, hagefaderen 140 &c.) almost free from
any foreign element. Vollhardt suggested as its source the 46th chapter
of the Liber de S. Anselmi Similitudinibus, a collection of parables and
sayings of S. Anselm recorded by his biographer Eadmer, probably after
the death of his master in 1109 A.D. This is printed in Anselmi Opera,
ed. Gerberon, App. 161; Migne, P. L. clix., 625 and Vollhardt, 25. That
the two versions are related cannot be doubted, but a consideration of
dates compels the conclusion that they have a common source, or that the
Latin is not S. Anselm’s.

The parable and its application is in the Latin brief and direct, in
marked contrast to the vivacity, fullness of detail, and diffuseness
(comp. 3. 19, 136) of the English. The latter has also expanded the
application of the parable by much extraneous matter: i. The Creation
Theme, 31-66; ii. The Five Ages of the World; iii. The Doomsday Theme,
136-156; iv. The Living Bread, 160-173, all of which is wanting in the

For filii 58 read filio, and for descendit 162, descendi.

There is no title in the MS.: Rex Suos Judicans is from Anselm’s title.

2. #gelest#, extended; probably the earliest example of the word in this
sense. OE. #gelǣstan#, to accomplish, follow, last. With #wide ⁊ side#,
spacious, extensive, comp. ‘Ðu leof cyningc leod-scipas ðine wide and
side þu hætst,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 496/145; ‘⁊ ta wass Romess kinedom | Full
wid ⁊ sid onn eorþe,’ Orm 173.

3. #ærfeðtelle#, difficult to number; comp. ‘earueðhealde,’ 48/311;
‘Earfoðfynde,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 492/82; ‘arueðwinne,’ OEH ii. 49/14. OE.
#earfoðe#, #ēaðe#, #unēaðe# are usually followed by the _dat._ of the
infinitive, ‘earfoðe is ænegum men to witanne,’ Cura Past. 51/5, to
which corresponds, ‘Hit is arfeð to understonden,’ OEH ii. 205/14; but
they are also associated with a kind of verbal noun having a _dat._
termination in _e_, in imitation of the Latin supine in _u_, as
earfoðlǣre, ēaþlǣre, unēaþlǣce, and the two words come to be treated as
a compound adjective. For the _acc._ inf. comp. ‘Ac þe ben swo fele ꝥ
hie ben arfeð tellen,’ OEH ii. 201/30.

4. #ꝥ--befell#, lit. that it occurred to him in purpose, that he formed
a resolution: comp. ‘Ich wilnie a mine þo{n}ke[;] to walden al Rome,’ L
25091; ‘þat him wes on þonke,’ id. 13258.

5. #nam him to rede#, lit. took to himself for counsel, adopted the
plan: comp. 110/298; ‘nam him to ræde,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 64/230; ‘let him
to ræde,’ id. 506/319; ‘hwæt him to ræde þuhte,’ id. 244/113; ‘him to
ræde fand,’ BH 201/25. See Minot vi, 68 note. For omission of subject
after ꝥ, see 6/18 note.

7. #berie# was meant to supersede #curt#, but the scribe forgot to put
dots under the latter. He uses berie regularly afterwards. With ꝥ comp.
‘& swa he nom enne dai[;] þat come heore drihtlice folc,’ L 2550.

8. #be þe latst#, at the latest; so 14/69. #to#, at: comp. 14/68; ‘to
þan dæie heo comen,’ L 13187.

9. #mistlice#, variant of mislice (Bülbring § 535). It means, diversely,
of different sorts, friends and foes. But note fastlice, 16/114.

10. #derewrlice#, so as to confer honour on him.

11. #formemete#, first meat, breakfast, the ‘morȝemete’ of 16/125;
‘mixtum cibi,’ Ans. With #to lang#, comp. 4/38.

12. #none#, after formemete is probably for nonemete, midday meal,
dinner: though #to# might mean _at_, as at l. 8. See 206/323.

13. #stiarne swepen#: ‘strong whips,’ Morris: ‘stiff (strong) whips,’
Specimens: comp. 16/132. But the adj. is rarely applied to a thing:
perhaps stearce or smerte would suit better.

14. #besie#, look to, provide for, handle: comp. underfangeð 16/131;
‘Euele thai gonnen him bisen,’ Seuyn Sages, 507 (said of a whipping);
bisen, 202/195 is similar, look after.

15. #abide#, _inf._ depends on _he sceolde_ understood from sceolden 12.
#clone#, without exception, entirely: comp. ‘Ne dude hit noht þe king
ane[;] ah duden we alle clæne,’ L 8825; ‘mare ich habbe ane[;] þane þa
oðere al clæne,’ id. 13059, 13264.

17. #hwet bute icome#, lit. What but they came? i.e. What did they but
come? they came of course. Comp. ‘nis þer bute þonken God.’ AR 382/26
with ‘Hwæt magon we secgean buton ꝥ hi scotedon swiðe,’ AS. Chron. E
1083. Similar in effect but exclamatory is ‘Hwæt þá se casere cwæð him
tó andsware,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 46/358; OEH i. 229/26.

18. #bi ham#, with reference to them, in their case: comp. ‘gif þu witan
wille hwæt be Criste gedón wæs on Iudea lande,’ BH 177/1.

23. #wente he hin#, ‘then turned he,’ Morris, as though for hine. But
#hin# is rather for in.

24. #lacede#: Morris altered to makede, but the text means, of what did
you feel the want?

25. #ȝewinne#, with the rare meaning of contend; usually, to conquer. It
takes #wið# in OE., but comp. ‘wunnen aȝean,’ AR 238/17. #ȝebugon#, not
‘bow to, be obedient to,’ Morris, but, turned aside from me and to my
foes; L. _declinare_: comp. ‘hi alle to rede gebuȝon,’ OEH i. 219/27.
#Swa ibruce# &c., As surely as I possess my kingdom: #brūcan# usually
takes a genitive; here with dative or accusative.

26. #mete ibite#: comp. ‘ne moste he nauere biten mete,’ L 15340; KH MS.
L 1131 note.

28. #þe#: conj. = #þæt# consecutive, with the result that: see 50/334
note. #sturfe hungre#: contrast 7/75: the construction, like that of the
_dat._ ‘hatrede ⁊ widerwardnesse’ 24, is OE., ‘menn . . . lætað cwelan
hungre Cristes ðearfan,’ Cura Past. 326/5. Morris translates nam hit
him, betook himself: for the correction in the text comp. 17/157,
213/539 note.

30. #sandon#, courses: comp. 207/349; ‘þas beorn þa sunde[;] from
kuchene to þan kinge,’ L 24601. For the meaning of #vii.# comp. ‘Id enim
frequens & usitatum est in sacris Litteris, ut septenarius numerus
interpretetur dona illa, quae perfecta sunt, & quae desursum sunt,’
Gilbert of Hoyland in S. Bernardi Opera, ii. col. 120.

31-39. A parallel passage is ‘He is ealra cyninga Cyning, and ealra
hlaforda Hlaford. He hylt mid his mihte heofonas and eorðan, and ealle
gesceafta butan geswince, and he besceawað þa niwelnyssa þe under
þyssere eorðan sind. He awecð ealle duna mid anre handa, and ne mæg nan
þing his willan wiðstandan,’ Ælf., Hom. Cath. i. 8: comp. OEH i. 219,
1-3 for a modernization of the first half to _geswince_. Our writer was
acquainted with the De Initio Creaturae, but he has translated ‘Qui
celorum,’ l. 35, independently. The ultimate source is the antiphons,
&c., at vespers in October and November. ‘Benedictus dominus qui creavit
celum et terram,’ York Breviary i. 597; ‘Domine rex omnipotens in
ditione tua cuncta sunt posita: et non est qui possit resistere
voluntati tue,’ id. 599; ‘Qui celorum contines thronos et abyssos
intueris, domine rex regum, montes ponderas, terram palmo concludis,’
id. 610.

34. #wiðstande# has double construction (#1#) with #aȝenes#, (#2#) with
#him#: for the former comp. ‘Ic wiðstande ongen eow,’ ‘Ponam faciem meam
contra vos,’ Levit. xxvi. 17; for the latter the quotation from Ælfric
in the preceding note. #him seigd#: this use of the dative pronoun,
mostly in the third person, with intransitive verbs to reinforce the
subject, is seen in ‘warschipe hire easkeð,’ 119/75; ‘Affrican hire
feader wundrede him swiðe,’ 141/62; ‘ȝe schulen . . . sinken . . . ow,’
146/111; ‘He is him ripe,’ 159/167; 197/16; ‘ꝥ word him herde
Androgeus,’ L 8525; ‘þer him cumeþ iudas,’ OEM 42/174, 38/31; ‘men
sullen . . . hem þar bidden,’ OEH ii. 23/21; KH 137 note: with acc.
exceptionally, ‘And gon hyne to abidde,’ OEM 41/156. See also 54/27,
81/90, 215/25.

35. #witiȝe#: the antiphon is drawn from Isaiah xl. 12, Daniel iii. 55;
see 14/57.

36. #to#: Morris altered to tho without necessity, if it is the art.
(see 17/47); but it is probably a preposition, see 124/249 note.

37. #· iii · prou.#: Morris read in pon. The reference is to the Third
Book of the Proverbs (the division into books, as in Bede’s commentary,
preceded that into chapters), and probably to ch. xxx. 4.

38. #for þan þe# is the usual expression: for þat þe may be right.

42. #sawle ableow#: comp. ‘God þa geworhte ænne mannan of láme, and him
on ableow gast,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i, 12/28; ‘him on bleow gast’, OEH i.
221/17; ‘him anbleow sawle,’ id. 223/9; ‘And his licham of erðe he nam,
| And blew ðor-in a liues blast,’ GE 200; ‘dû bliese im dînen geist în,’
MSD i. 81/7. #fett# &c.: comp. ‘he scryt me wel and fett,’ Wright’s
Vocabularies, i. 93/27.

43. #þas#: Morris read [_vel_ as].

44. #his# as a correction is not inevitable, but it improves the
rhetorical effect.

45. #werpð#, lit. casts, i.e. sends forth: comp. 151/45. #leoem ⁊ lif#:
comp. ‘to lif ⁊ to leomen,’ SK 1046.

48. #of wam#: from ‘In ipso enim vivimus et movemur et sumus,’ Acts
xvii. 28.

49. #acht#, _acc._ used as _adv._, in any wise, at all: comp. ‘Ne mihte
he neuere finde{n} mon[;] þe him oht wolde fulsten,’ L 6601. #moder#:
comp. ‘Sed et tu, Jesu, bone Domine, nonne et tu mater? Annon es mater
qui tanquam gallina congregat sub alas pullos suos?’ Anselmi Opera, 300.

50. #chereð#. The MS. reading cheteð is explained, console, cheer, as
possibly from OWScand. kǣta, but this is rejected by Björkman, 260.
There is no other instance of the word. #be# = mid, l. 52, with.

52. All this doth your lord.

53. Comp. ‘Est autem noctis umbra mortalibus ad requiem corporis data,
ne operis avida continuato labore deficeret ac periret humanitas,’ Bedae
Opera, ed. Giles, vi. 158.

55. #ȝewold#, for omission of subject see 6/18 note.

56. #hares unþances#, see 10/167 note.

57. #word#: Morris reads worden, in wonderful words, which may be right:
the same scribe writes wordon once, wordum twice elsewhere. #Numquid#
&c. The Vulgate has ‘Numquid oblivisci potest mulier . . . ut non
misereatur filio?’ Isaiah xlix. 15.

59. #la lief#, O beloved: comp. ‘Eala men þa leofoston,’ BH 165/32; ‘La
leof ic bidde eow,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 522/580; ‘Eala, leof hlaford’ = O mi
domine, Thorpe, Analecta, 19. #his#: OE. #wīmman# is masculine.

61. #be -- is#, as regards his being father.

62. In the Vulgate, ‘Si ergo Pater ego sum ubi . . . et si Dominus ego
sum’ &c., Malachi i. 6.

63. #manscipe#, the first occurrence of the word in the sense of homage.
In OE. it means humanity, courtesy.

64. #G. m.#, Gode men.

70. #fif lagan#: the five laws correspond to five ages of the world. The
division here is unusual. The English writers mostly follow S.
Augustine, who gives six, so Bede, Alcuin, Ælfric, de vetere Testamento;
but Wulfstan has seven, Anselm and Herbert de Losinga eight. In another
place Ælfric has five, but different from those of our writer; see Hom.
Cath. ii. 74.

71. #ȝecnowe#, revealed.

74. #ȝescod#, discretion, reason: see 122/176.

77. #nas tid# &c. Comp. ‘he fram frymðe middaneardes oð his geendunge ne
ablinð to asendenne bydelas and láreowas to lǽrenne his folc,’ Ælf. Hom.
Cath. ii. 74/10, which is probably from ‘a mundi huius initio usque in
finem ad erudiendam plebem fidelium praedicatores congregare non
destitit,’ S. Greg. Hom. i. xix.

79. #adiligde#, was destroyed: passive use, OE. #ādīlegian#, to destroy.
#unwreaste leahtrum#: see 118/30 note.

81. #wrate# &c. Comp. ‘God awrát ða ealdan ǽ mid his fingre on ðam
stǽnenum weax-bredum,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 204/1. #his#, the law.

82. #ȝelaðieres#: comp. ‘sende hire his sondesmen biforen, þet weren þe
patriarkes ⁊ þe prophetes of the Olde Testament,’ AR 388/14.

83. #fele#; see 132/9.

84. #wat#, until: comp. 217/102: often with _al_, 215/26; ‘al hwat hie
hine fordemden,’ VV 51/12 and frequently: #wat# is relative conj.
substituted for þat, with same meaning; see 72/179, 108/245: so þen
exchanges with hwanne, þer with hwær. #þe#, when, so þa 93.

85. #arerdon#, set up, established: comp. ‘þæt is þonne ǽrest þæt ic
wylle þæt man rihte laga upp arǽre,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 270.

87. #hlafordes . . . helendes . . . cristes#: this appositional
construction is OE.; comp. ‘on drihtnes naman ures hælendes cristes,’
Ælf. Lives, i. 366/46: it is fairly common in early ME.; comp. 8/106,
9/121, 9/137, 12/6, 7.

89. #stef creft#: OE. #stæf cræft#, the art of letters, and hence, book

90. #Eft bine fece ⁊#: with this superfluous and connecting a phrase to
the main sentence, comp. ‘Him þa gyt sprecendum ⁊ soþlice þa beorhtwolcn
hig oferscean,’ S. Matt. xvii. 5. (= ‘Adhuc eo loquente, ecce nubes
lucida obumbravit eos.’) #acolede#, cooled, lost its vigour: comp. ‘⁊
forþam þe unryhtwisnys rixað manegra lufu acolaþ,’ S. Matt. xxiv. 12
(= ‘refrigescet charitas multorum’). See 159/161.

91. #hur ⁊ hur#, especially: a doubling for emphasis of OE. #hūru#, at
least: comp. 149/11.

92. #awente# &c.: ‘Qui commutaverunt veritatem Dei in mendacium: et
coluerunt et servierunt creaturae potius quam Creatori,’ Romans i. 25.

95. #begripe#, seized, in the grip of: comp. ‘seo sawul bið micele
atelicor, gif heo mid mislicum leahtrum begripen bið,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath.
i. 122/23. #diefles muðe#: comp. 17/150. Mediaeval art gave a very
literal rendering of ‘infernus . . . aperuit os suum absque ullo
termino: et descendent fortes eius, et populus eius, et sublimes,
gloriosique eius ad eum,’ Isaiah v. 14; see Wright, History of
Caricature, 69-71.

97. #sette#, ordained, established: comp. ‘þis synd þa . . . laga þe
drihten gesette betwyx him and Israhela folc,’ Levit. xxvi. 46.

99-104. Comp. ‘Triplici morbo laborat genus humanum: principio, medio et
fine, id est nativitate, vita et morte. Nativitas immunda, vita
perversa, mors periculosa. Venit Christus, et contra triplicem hunc
morbum attulit triplex remedium. Natus est enim, vixit, mortuus est:
atque eius nativitas purgavit nostram, mors illius destruxit nostram, et
vita eius instruxit nostram,’ S. Bernardi Op. ii. 776. The Liber
Sententiarum, from which this passage comes, is placed by Mabillon among
the doubtful works. There can be little doubt that it is the source of
the English passage.

100. #ful#: comp. 29/33. #grislic#: inspiring terror and shrinking: see

101. #þer aȝen#, to remedy these blemishes of our nature: L. _remedium_.

102. #efer þurh#, ever through, throughout, perpetually. #milce#, not
the active mercy, compassion, but meekness, patience.

103. #acennende#, the being born, birth: present participle with the
same meaning as the new verbal noun acenneng, 100. The OE. noun is
#ācennednes# or #ācennes#.

104. #admoded#, submissive: ‘Humiliavit semetipsum factus obediens usque
ad mortem,’ Philippians ii. 8. The contrast is between man’s shrinking
from death and His voluntary acceptance of it.

105. #ȝelice#: read grislice as suggested by W. H. Brown, Mod. Lang.
Notes, vii. 226.

106. Omit _þer_, put full stop after _iunglenges_, and understand from
the previous sentence _were ærndraces_.

110. #þa# may be dat. sing of the article as at 14/57, but more probably
it = þan, then. #folce to freme#, for benefit to the folk; see 176/24
note. #bedeles#, heralds: comp. ‘Þa halgan apostolas, þe ðam hælende
folgodon, wæron þa getreowan þeowan ⁊ ða fyrmestan bydelas, þe godes
lare geond þas land toseowon,’ AS. Hom. ed. Assmann, 56/141; ‘wearð se
halga iohannes ætforan him asend swa swa heofonlic bydel,’ Ælf. Lives,
i. 342/94; Orm 19/633.

112. They are all one in God’s purpose. For #on# comp. ‘Alle hie bieð
forsakene o{n} godes awene muðe,’ VV 3/2.

114. #fastlice#, in steady flow, or, corresponding to ‘þicce þringeð,’
116, crowding. It sometimes means vigorously, as in ‘hi fengon togadre
fæstlice mid wæpnum,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 98/489; sometimes firmly, ‘þing ðe
godd fastliche ðe forbett,’ VV 37/23. See 12/9.

117. #his#, them. #scyft#, separates, is a mere synonym of ‘to
ȝesceodeð.’ Perhaps scryft = #scrifeþ#, fixes their destiny.

119. #morȝe mete#, the ‘forme mete’ of 12/11.

120. #more mete#, the ‘fulle mete’ of 16/127; ‘none,’ 12/12; ‘vii
sandon,’ 13/29.

121. #witetlice# of the MS. may represent OE. #witodlīce#, assuredly.

122. #uuantruce#, failure; as being compounded of #wan#, wanting, and
the noun of #trucian#, to fail, it should mean absence of failure.
#hað#: for omission of nom. see 6/18.

123. For the pain of dying as penance, comp. ‘Quidam autem electi in
fine suo purgantur a levibus quibusdam peccatis,’ Isidore vi. 361;
‘Nullus tui Ordinis peribit, si Ordinem amaverit; aut in morte
purgabitur, aut in brevi post mortem,’ Arnulf of Boheries in S. Bern.
Opera, ii. 802.

124. #eðelice lette#, easy hindrance, i.e. slight delay. #merchestowe#:
Morris suggests ‘merthestowe, a place of mirth,’ or alternatively
translates the MS. reading, place marked out, place of separation. The
word is not found elsewhere; it is probably a special coinage for the
intermediate state, the place of the soul waiting for the body, the
place of the ‘morȝemete,’ the limited joy of which the soul is capable
in its severed state (‘requies ei, sed in anima sola, interim datur,’
Anselm, in Eadmer, 161 col. 2 B); the banquet of perfect felicity, ‘se
fulle mete,’ follows when soul and body meet again at the resurrection,
17/157 (‘in anima simul & corpore laetabuntur,’ Ans.). Comp. #March#,
‘myddys be-twyn ij cu{n}treys,’ Prompt. Parv. ed. Mayhew, 282.

128. #belimpð hit#: a superfluous nominative, as if, what is it that

129. #letes# in Specimens is resolved into lete + his, the latter being
_gen._ of hit, governed by fandie, and so like ‘ȝif we his abiriȝdon,’
OEH i. 223/22. But support is lacking for enclitic es = his: it seems
better to take letes as lete + es, _pl. acc._, them, or even as _s. a.
f._ used incorrectly as _neuter_.

131. #anu# is taken by Morris as for anu{m}, but neither his ‘at once,’
Specimens, nor ‘only,’ OEH, is satisfactory. Probably the original had
anūge (= #ānunge#) gerǣde, entirely, quite ready, very keen.

132. #hade#, a past among the presents, is probably a mistake for habe
_subj. pres._ of indefinite comparison, Howsoever many vices he has on
him, just so many fiends he there encounters: fele has dropped out after
swa 133.

135. In Specimens [habbeþ] is inserted after _hi_, with the translation,
‘and they shall have for their reward the home that long shall last.’
The text given means, they shall be thrust from his sight and into their
reward which must last long for them. For #hin# = in, comp. 13/23, and
for #abroden into#, 13/27. But the original may have had, ⁊ higien him
to hire lēan þe lange sceal gelǣstan.

136. #a þa mucele deie#: comp. ‘on þam miclan dæge,’ Christ 1049, and
often; ‘in iudicium magni diei,’ S. Jude, 6. See Deering, W., The
Anglo-Saxon Poets on the Judgment Day, 8.

138. #niȝen anglene had#: ‘Novem esse distinctiones, vel ordines
angelorum sacrae scripturae testantur: id est, Angelos, Archangelos,
Thronos, Dominationes, Virtutes, Principatus, Potestates, Cherubim et
Seraphim,’ Isidore, vi. 137.

141. #þer midenarde . . . werpeð abec#. The article is _s. d. fem._, the
noun _s. d. masc._ The phrase might mean, with all those who for his
love turn backwards to the world, but not, ‘put aside the world,’
Morris. It seems to be without parallel: such expressions as,
‘projecerunt legem tuam post terga sua,’ ii Esdras ix. 26, suggest the
_acc._ þes midenard here.

142-146. The ultimate source is Ephraem Syrus, ‘Quomodo sustinebimus,
Fratres, quum videbimus igneum fluvium . . . comburentem omnem terram et
quae in ea sunt opera? Tunc, dilecti, ab illo igne flumina deficient et
fontes evanescent, stellae cadent, sol extinguetur, luna abibit, coelum
plicabitur ut volumen, sicut scriptum est . . . Quomodo sustinebimus
tunc, Christo dilecti, quum videbimus terribilem thronum praeparatum et
signum crucis apparens, in quo affixus est Christus voluntarie pro
nobis,’ ed. Lamy, ii. 192. Comp. with the present passage BH 91.

144. With #aþestreð# comp. 123/230.

145. #to gað#, should ordinarily mean, parts in sunder, but in view of
plicabitur in the quotation above (‘et complicabuntur sicut liber
caeli,’ Isaiah xxxiv. 4), it may mean here, is rolled up. Comp. ‘& on
þæm dæge heofon biþ befealden swa swa boc,’ BH 91/25. #si hali rode
tacne# usually means, the sign of the cross, 130/65; BH 237/21; AR
106/9; here and OEH i. 121/9 it is the cross itself as a sign. Comp. ‘et
tunc parebit signum Filii hominis in caelo,’ S. Matt. xxiv. 30, ‘and seo
hea ród | Ryht aræred rices to beacne,’ Christ 1063. See also Deering,

147. #cwaciað#: comp. 34/94; ‘oðe dom of Domesdai, þer þe engles schulen
cwakien,’ AR 116/19. #senfulle#: comp. ‘þer þe crysmechild for sunnes
sore schal drede,’ OEM 90/11. The passage bears considerable resemblance
to ‘hinc erunt accusantia peccata, inde terrens justitia: subtus patens
horridum chaos inferni, desuper iratus judex: intus urens conscientia,
foris ardens mundus. Justus vix salvabitur; peccator sic deprehensus in
quam partem se premet?’ S. Anselmi Op. 208.

148. #bechece# is translated in Specimens, ‘gainsay’ and connected with
#cigan#, which is difficult both as to form and sense: probably it is
written for beceche, deceive. #beswice#, get the better of.

151. #beswapen#, clothed: ‘et induit maledictionem sicut vestimentum,’
Ps. cviii. 18; ‘Qui oderunt te, induentur confusione,’ Job viii. 22.

152. #an himselfe#, concerning himself: comp. ‘Eft ne mot nan mann . . .
secgan on hine sylfne,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 274/177.

153. #ecenesse# is strangely said of man’s earthly existence. Perhaps

158. #esten#, dainties: comp. 50/359; metaphorically, it means delight,
at 159. #Delicie# &c.: Prov. viii. 31; _sunt_ is not in the Vulgate.

160. #litl her#, a little time ago.

161. #Ego# &c.: S. John vi. 51; in Vulgate, _descendi_.

162. #astah#: OE. #astīgan# is a neutral word the direction of which is
indicated by an adverb. When alone, it is generally used of rising; but
comp. ‘Ah crist . . . asteh of heuene riche,’ OEH i. 17/25; ‘he (Christ)
asteh to þisse liue,’ id. 19/7.

164. #alswa se#, not, ‘as he also,’ Morris, but, just as, even as,
17/173: so alswa alse, 17/169; alse, 13/42, alswa, 17/170 = as.

165. #⁊ c.#: ‘cadens in terram mortuum fuerit, ipsum solum manet,’ S.
John xii. 24. #was ȝesawen#, at the Annunciation. The fanciful
comparison is common in mediaeval writers: comp. ‘Elegit autem sibi
quasi granum tritici Deus corpus de Spiritu sancto in utero virginali
conceptum . . . in cruce illa [grana] moluit, in resurrectione
cribravit,’ Petri Cellensis Sermones (Migne, P. L. ccii), 808.

167. #com#, sprang up; a common use in mod. dialects. #ꝥ cweð us of
breade# is translated in Specimens, ‘which speaketh to us by bread.’ It
means, of course, that is called house of bread: comp. ‘Bethleem is
gereht “Hlaf-hús,” and on hire wæs Crist, se soða hlaf, acenned, þe be
him sylfum cwæð, “Ic eom se liflica hláf,”’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 34/14;
‘In coelis erat panis angelorum, set in bethleem factus est panis
hominum. Merito igitur locus iste domus dicebatur panis, unde angelorum
et hominum carnaliter fuerat oriundus panis,’ H. de Losinga, ii. 12; Orm

170. #melstanent#: ‘Pastor farinam moluit in cruce tanquam in
molendino,’ P. Cellensis, 807. #berient#: the tomb as the oven is
original. Comp: ‘Iste est ille, qui seipsum coxit in clibano passionis,’
Bede, vii. 369 (Cologne ed.); ‘Et sicut panis igne coquitur, ita
Christus in camino passionis assatur,’ Elucidarium Honorii Augustodun.,
1129; Adam. Praemonstr. 178 (Migne, P. L. cxcviii); Petrus Blesensis,
iv. 33.

173. #Ego sum# &c.: S. John xv. 1.


  6/18, 10/167 (notes) = III. (The Peterborough Chronicle)
  50/334 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  118/30, 124/249 (notes) = XVI. (Sawles Warde)
  176/24 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)


  #Phonology:# ... _y_ in cyme 87 (? #cime#)  [cyme,]
  .... #ǣ{2}# is uniformly _e_  [#æ{2}#]
  #ē# is regularly _e_, but dieð 51 (= #deð#)
    [_text unchanged: error for “dēð”?_]
  ... Final #ēo# is _i_, hi 50 (4), ibi 135, isi 55 (4), si 50 (6)
    [(4) si 50]
  ... #æ# + #g# ... _eiȝ_ in seigd 34  [seigð]
  _e_ in sede 117, 119, seden 69, 160 (= #sǣdon#)
    [_corrected by author from #sædon#_]
  #ǣ{1}# + #h#  [#æ{1}#]
  Minor declensions: ... feder 48, _s. d._  [_d. s._]
  ... man 76, _s. d._, 41, _s. a._  [41.]
  The infinitive of verbs ... _Pres. s._ 1. forȝete 61  [1:]
  ȝestrenð 112 (#gestrengeþ#)  [ȝestrend]
  V. ableow 42, bleowu 168  [V ableow]
  oȝeð 64 (#āgon#), 1 _pr. pl._  [1. _pr. pl._]
  muȝe (we) 49, 1 _pr. pl._  [1. _pr. pl._]
  26. ... KH MS. L 1131 note.  [Ms.]
  28. ... see 50/334 note.  [_final . missing_]
  37. #· iii · prou.#  [_anomalous spacing unchanged_]


#Manuscript:# Jesus College, Oxford, E 29, formerly Arch. i. 29 (J). It
consists of two distinct MSS. bound in one; the second begins at f. 217
r. (new foliation) and was written not long after 1276 (Anglia xxx,
222). Its contents are best described in the Owl and the Nightingale,
ed. J. E. Wells, Boston, 1907, at pp. ix-xiii. Our piece is written
continuously as prose, each stanza forming a paragraph, but iv and v are
in one without l. 54, which is here supplied, while l. 43 is written at
the end of the preceding paragraph and similarly the lines beginning
viii-xvii, xix-xxiii. The scribe was evidently struggling with an
original which he could not always read; see footnote to l. 105.

Another MS. is B. 14. 39, Trinity College, Cambridge (T): see The
Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, by
M. R. James, vol. i. p. 438. It gives a much longer text very badly
copied by a scribe little skilled in English.

A third copy in MS. Cotton Galba A. xix was destroyed in the fire at
Dean’s Yard in 1731. But Wanley had printed a specimen (W),
corresponding to ll. 1-21 of this edition, in his Catalogue (published
in 1705), p. 231; and Richard James (1592-1638) had copied, from a
transcript furnished to Thomas Allen (1542-1633), Fellow of Trinity
College, Oxford, by Sir Robert Bruce Cotton (1571-1631), in what is now
MS. James 6, Bodleian Library (RJ), p. 68, pieces corresponding to ll.
1-23; 27-49; 52, 53; 55-64; 78-85; 168, 9; 173, 4; 211-13; 204-206; 236,
7; 307, 8, and two fragments which correspond to the text in MS. T, ll.
516-32; 652, 3, but are not in MS. J. Allen’s MSS. passed into the
possession of Sir Kenelm Digby, who presented them to the Bodleian in
1638. But the transcript was not among them. It is a curious mistake to
think that it ever formed part of MS. Digby 4, which has been caused by
Langbaine’s calling the copy of the Poema Morale in that MS., Alfredi
Regis Parabolae. This is clear from MS. Rawlinson D 325, which consists
of Hearne’s notes to Spelman’s Life of Alfred; it contains the note
printed on p. 131 of the Life, which is immediately followed by a
cancelled extract from the Poema Morale in the Digby version. Allen’s
transcript has disappeared.

The Cotton MS. was again used by Sir John Spelman (1594-1643) for his
Life of Alfred. He says that ‘by the Courtesy of Sr Thomas [Cotton,
1594-1662] I am provided of a Copy of them.’ Apparently he was himself
the copyist, for he speaks of the MS. as ‘faulty and ill writ, in a
mungrel Hand (as well as Language).’ He gives what corresponds to ll.
1-64, and a paraphrase of six stanzas more. It is hard to say what
Spelman actually wrote, for his own MS., which was probably University
Coll. MS. 136. 8, has disappeared, and the three versions of it differ
considerably. They are (1) Hearne’s transcript (SH^1) of Spelman
prepared for the printer, now MS. Rawlinson D 324 (p. 225); (2) the Life
of Alfred in English (SH^2), published in 1709; (3) the Latin
translation (SL) published in 1678. A fragment of the latter was copied
in MS. Stowe 163, B.M. ff. 101-135; of the English poem it has ll. 1-19.
The evidence which is to be got from the Spelman sources as to the text
of MS. Galba is suspect. S signifies their agreement.

#Editions:# Wright, T., in Reliquiae Antiquae, i. 170 (J,T): Kemble,
J. M., Salomon and Saturn. (T only). This book, without title-page, is
dated in pencil in my copy, 1845, 6. It seems a first attempt for the
following: Kemble, J. M., The Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus. Ælfric
Society, London, 1848, p. 225. Morris, R., An Old English Miscellany,
1872 (J; and T from Wright and Kemble), p. 53: *Skeat, W. W., The
Proverbs of Alfred, Oxford, 1907 (J,T); *Borgström, E., The Proverbs of
Alfred, Lund, 1908 (J,T).

#Literature:# Wülker, R., Ueber die neuangelsächsischen Sprüche des
Königs Ælfred. Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 240: Gropp, E., On the Language
of the Proverbs of Alfred, Halle, 1879: Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 570;
Holthausen, F., Archiv, lxxxviii. 370-2 (emendations). Ekwall, E.,
Anglia, Beiblatt, xxi. 76-8. Skeat, W. W., Transactions of the
Philological Society, 1895-8, p. 399. =For Proverbs:= Förster, M., in ES
xxxi. 1-20: Kellner, L., Alteng. Spruchweisheit, Wien, 1897: Kneuer, K.,
Die Sprichwörter Hendyngs. Leipz. Dissert. 1901: Skeat, W. W., Early
English Proverbs, Oxford, 1910; Tobler, A., Li Proverbe au Vilain,
Leipzig, 1895: Catonis Disticha, in Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores,
iii. 205-42: Senecae Monita, ed. Woelfflin: Publilii Syri Sententiae,
ed. Woelfflin, Lipsiae, 1869: Alanus de Insulis, ed. C. de Visch,
Antwerpiae, 1654: Arnulf, Deliciae Cleri, Romanische Forschungen, ii.
211: Columbani Monostichon, Poetae Lat. Aevi Carolini, i. 275: Fecunda
Ratis, ed. Voigt, Halle, 1889: Florilegium Gottingense, Rom. Forsch.
iii. 281, 461: Florilegium S. Omer, id. vi. 557: Florilegium
Vindobonense, Müllenhoff u. Scherer, Denkmäler, xxvii: Otloh, Beda, i.
1080: Proverbia Heinrici, MSD: Proverbia Rustici, Rom. Forsch. iii. 633:
Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, ed. Croke, Oxford, 1830: Wipo, ed.
Pertz., Hannoverae, 1853.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups,
_o_, but can 231, manyes, 295, fremannes, 299: me, _indef. pron._ <
#man# is due to loss of stress: þanne, þane, þan, hwanne are usual, but
þenne 72, 91, hwenne 254. #æ# is mostly _a_, as always in after, at,
fader, hwat, war 16, but _e_ in eþelyng 44, gedelyng 214, gled 209,
glednesse 30, gres 81, heuedest 187, queþ 19, &c., þet 154 (once), þes
63 (once), wes 4 and always; Ealured 6 occurs beside Alured 12, &c. #e#
and #e# before lengthening groups is _e_, but ny 124 < #ne#: imulten 276
represents #myltan#. #i# is _i_, often written _y_, mostly in
conjunction with _n_, but wule 91, 254, 286 (beside wile 154, wille
142), nule 69, after _w_, nele 254, OE. #nele#. #o# is _o_, but #on# is
weakened to a 112, 200; #ðone# is þane 247, 248, þene 114, 116, 198
(LWS. #ðane#, #ðæne#). #œ# is represented in seorewe 151, 233, serewe
156. #u# is _u_, but bycome 138, where _o_ is associated with _m_. #y#
is _u_: munye 25 is OE. #mynian#; vordrye 227, OE. #fyrþrian#, is a
French spelling; king, kyng, dryhten with _y_ for _i_ are exceptions as
usual; steorne 207 is corrupt.

#ā# is _o_; _a_ remains in bihat 245, mayþenes 130, madmes 133, 276.
#ǣ{1}# is _e_: exceptions are vyches 276, euer uyches 54, which descend
from #ylc#, agoþ 146, ouergoþ 143, without umlaut: nenne 296 is #nænne#.
#ǣ{2}# is also _e_, but þar 4 &c., always. #ē# is _e_, but doþ 81. #ī#
is _i_, often written _y_, but me 140 (#mīn#) is due to loss of stress.
#ō# is _o_, but reowe 96 (#rōwan#), a French spelling. #ū# is _u_: for
it _w_ is written in hw 11, 22, 42. #ȳ# is _u_ in byhud 163, cuþe 254,
cuþeþ 170, lutel 215, 277, 312, luþre 257, but litel 281; #þȳ# has _i_
in forþi 304, _e_ in þe 82.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_ in erewe 156, _a_ in arewe 152, þarf 108,
244; before length. groups, _e_ in bern 311; its _i_-umlaut is seen in
churreþ 53 (#cierran#), and, before length. group, yeorde 328 (#gierd#):
#ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, as al 105, &c.; before length. groups,
_e_ in weldan 130 &c., awelde 320, _o_ in cold 237, holde 42, 102, 280,
304, &c., vpholde 113; its _i_-umlaut is seen in ealde 319, 330, elde
68, 71, 72 (#ieldo#), ildre 125 (#ieldran#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is
_eo_ in heorte 163, 166, smeorte 164, but _e_ in werk 15, werke 16;
before length. groups, _eo_ in cheorl 58, eorl 4, eorþe 81, &c., yeorne
66, 69, leorne 170 &c., but furþ 113; its _i_-umlaut is shown in durlyng
7, hurde 6, vrre 136. The #wur# group has invariably _u_. #eo# before
#l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 308 &c., but sulue 284 (#sylfe#). #ea#,
_u_-umlaut of #a#, is wanting in balewe 282, baleusyþes 189. #eo#,
_å_-umlaut of #e#, is shown in feole 2, 249, and weole 78 (5), but fele
2, 132, 302 is without change; vale 300 is #feala# with shifted accent.
#eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in heonne 115, heore 11,
seoluer 121, 134, but is wanting in huntseuenti 79; #leofian# appears
only as libben 135. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in schal 35 (8),
#gesc(e)apen# is ischapen 92; #ie# after #g# is _e_ in foryeteþ 137,
yeue 90: #eo# after #g# is _o_ in yong 195, yonge 328, yongmon 87; youþe
105, youhþe 66, 69, 98 (#geogoð#) show combination with the following
_g_: #eo# after #sc# is _o_ in scolde 87 &c., scholden 11: #heom# is
heom 9.

#ēa# is normally _a_, but reade 80, lyen (= #lēan#) 289; its _i_-umlaut
is _e_, foryemeþ 137, ilef 132, 248, nexte 265, iherest 251, but _u_ in
ihure 10, ihurd 205. #ēo# is normally _eo_, but _e_ in forleseþ 137,
fremannes 299, _o_ in wolde 278, loþ 234, the latter miswritten for
leoþ, _r. w._ forteoþ; the rhyme istreon 125 : lone (#lān#) is
noteworthy: neode 141, 217, 265 is LWS. #nēod# arising beside #nied# by
confusion with #nēod#, desire. #īe# in #scīene#, #gesīene# gives schene
213, isene 75.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, but seye 152, seyþ 234, 246, sayþ, 305: #æ# + #g# is
_ay_, but seyde 24, iseyd 236, ised 230: #e# + #g# is always _ey_: ayeyn
95 = #ongegn#: #o# + #g# always _ow_: #u# + #g# gives mvwe 113 (LWS.
#muge#), doweþes 118 (#duguða#).

#ā# + #g# is always _ow_: #ā# + #h# is _ah_ in ahte 79: #ǣ{1}# + #g#
occurs in feye 113; #ǣ{1}# + #h# in ayhte 125, 171, 274, but eyhte 145:
#ī# + #h# in lyeþ 109 (#lihþ#): #ō# + #g# in inowe 133, plouh 61,
brouhte 181: #ū# + #g# in buwe 201.

#ea# + #h# occurs in wexynde 112, 113, iauhteþ 171 (#geeahtian#),
probably a miswriting of iachteþ in the scribe’s exemplar (T has hachte
for #æht#, nocht, &c.): #eo# + #h# in bryht 211, rihtwis 34, mixe 276
(#meox#), vouh 129 is #feoh#; in case it corresponds to #fēo#, dative;
Skeat and Borgström read veoh. #ēa# + #h# gives þeih 88 (9), þey 79. #ā#
+ #w# is _ow_ in mowe 53, 60, sowen 59, isowen 80, _au_ in saule 23,
_ou_ in nouht 35 &c. and _ey_ in iseye 186 (#gesāwe#): #ēa# + #w# is
_ew_ in fewe 301, þewes 195, 312, vnþewes 262, _eu_ in glev 256, vnþev
198, _eaw_ in gleaw 30: #ēo# + #w# is _eow_ in greowe 81, reowe 330,
treowe 202, _ew_ in rewe 71: the _pron._ #ēow# is ou 21, eu 142, #ēower#
ower 141, eure 20, 23.

The acute accent is used twenty-one times over long vowels, in ten cases
over _e_ representing #ǣ#: séé 95, 132 is furnished with two, as often
in MS. O of Layamon, comp. 95/2. In v́uel 217 it serves to distinguish
the vowel.

The consonants show little divergence from OE. use. For #w#, _u_ is
written in uexynde 112, for #u#, _w_ in hw 22, 42: #wur# is _wr_ in
wrþsipes 22, wrþie 36, 286, wrþe 124: iwrche 83 is OE. #gewyrcan#, wrt
112 is #wyrt#. OE. #swa# is regularly so, but once swo 99, influenced by
the initial _sw_ of the following word. #l# is lost in vyches 276,
eueruyches 54 and other pronominal words of similar formation: #n# is
dropped in euelyche 49, owe 111, wyndrunke 184; uppe _prep._ 132 occurs
beside vpen 123. #f# between vowels is commonly _v, u_, but hafst 133,
oferhoweþ 323, wife 185 where it is probably voiced; initially it is
largely maintained, but it is _v, u_ in urouer 37, velde 112, vouh 129,
forvare 147, 260, vere 148, vordrye 227, vayre 245, 6, avynde 291, vale
300, in all these cases before a vowel. #d# is _t_ in huntseuenti 79;
schaltu 168 has _t_ for #þ# after a dental: #þ# is represented by _d_ in
vordrye 227; madmes 138 answers to LWS. #mādm#: #t# is omitted in lest
316. #c# + #s# is represented by _x_ in arixlye 329. #hw# is generally
preserved, but wile 149: in initial combinations with other consonants
#h# is lost: swyhc 159 is written for swych, iscohte 303 for ischote.
The prefix #ge# is regularly _i_: _k_ is often used for #c#; #cw# is
_qu_; #č# is _ch_, as chireche 57, cheorl 58, &c. #sc# is generally
_sch_, but scolde 87, wrþsipes 22: #ġ# is regularly _y_.

In syllables of minor stress the vowels have mostly been levelled to
_e_, as in egleche, sadelbowe, sikerliche, vppen, &c. An _e_, generally
slurred in scansion, is inserted in clerek, euere, seorewe, arewe,
erewe, foleweþ, pouere.

#Accidence:# Nouns of the strong declension _m._, _neut._ have _s. g._
-es, cristes 283, cunnes 276; _d._ -e, bure 212, balewe 282, &c., but
the termination is sometimes not written before a vowel, god 104, word
16, or omitted by the scribe, lyf 28, lond 12, mod 224, þing 188, or an
accusative form is used, cotlyf 174, fryþ 58, loþ 234, through confusion
of the prepositional constructions. The plural of masculines ends in
-es, _n._ þeynes 1, _d._ wrenches 257, _a._ acres 79: neuter nouns with
masc. terminations are _n._ wordes 24, _a._ sedes 59, þinges 21, wyttes
40, but the normal þing, _pl. a._ 143; treowe 202, _pl. n._ represents
#trēowu#; þinge 250 is an isolated _pl. a._; worde 300 is probably _pl.
g._, an OE. construction after vale; worde 301 is _pl. d._: englene _pl.
g._ 6, &c. (#Engla#), iwriten _pl. a._ 67 are weak forms. Of the strong
feminines, ayhte 125, blisse 31, 282, 310, lone 126 (read lon), neode
141, vnhelþe 73, youþe 105 have added _e_ in the _s. n._, and worlde
278, wunne 279 in the _s. a._: worldes 22, _s. g._ shows confusion of
declensions: the _s. d._ ends regularly in -e, except world 122 (see
note): _s. a._ in e. The general termination of the _pl._ is e, _n._
eyhte 145, ayhte 274, leode 20 &c., wene 74; _g._ quene 237 (#cwēna#),
or _s. g._ (#cwēne#); _d._ leode 264, honde 259; _a._ custe 170, saule
23, but _d._ blissen 31, deden 47, spechen 249: tales 295, _pl. d._
medes 60, _pl. a._ (#mǣdwa#) show confusion of declensions: doweþes 118
appears to be meant for _s. g._, but it answers to OE. #duguþa#; perhaps
doweþe is to be read. Loss of final _n_ has greatly simplified the weak
declension, so _s. d._ heorte 163, sadelbowe 153, weole 82, 103, ivere
144, vere 148, wille 35; _s. a._ tunge 190, tyme 114, weole 91, 100,
wille 185 &c., but wyllen 283: dwales 296 is a strong _pl. a._ The minor
declensions are represented by mon _s. n._ 17, monnes _s. g._ 54,
fremannes 299, mon _s. d._ 159, wymmon _s. a._ 204, monne _pl. g._ 32,
_pl. d._ 253, 269; boke _s. d._ 39; fader _s. n._ 33, _s. g._ 212, moder
_s. d._ 203; freond _s. a._ 83, 245, _pl. v._ 25, _pl. a._ 267.

Remnants of the strong declension of adjectives are longes _s. g. neut._
109, reade _s. d. n._ 80 (#rēadum#), yonge 328 (#geongum#), godne _s. a.
m._ 45, vuelne 231, swikelne 252; wenliche _s. n. m._ 68, godlyche 204
have e, contrary to OE. usage, but vnlede _s. n. m._ 238, is OE.
#unlǣde#. Weak forms are wise _s. n. m._ 287, betere _s. n. neut._ 325,
327, wysuste _s. n. m._ 17; for mildest _s. n. m._ 32 mildeste should be
read. OE. #āna# is one 29, 41, 118, #ān# is o 79, 278. The participial
#āgen# gives _s. n. neut._ owe 149, _d. f._ owere 54, _a. m._ owene 318,
_a. neut._ owe 128. With exception of the above, the adjective is not
inflected in the singular. The plural in all cases ends in e. Adjectives
used as nouns are arewe _s. d._ 152, erewe _s. n._ 156, fayre _s. d._
172, feye _s. g._ 113, frakele _s. a._ 172, god[e] _s. d._ 225, god
_s. a._ 90, ifon _pl. n._ 129, ivo _pl. d._ 186, ildre _pl. g._ 125,
loþe _s. a._ 247, more _s. a._ 162, pouere _s. d._, riche _s. d._ 268,
_s. a._ 50, vuele _s. d._ 90.

The personal pronouns are ich, we, us, þu, þe, ye, ou 21, eu 142:
_s. n._ he _m._ 9, heo _f._ 169 &c.; _d._ him _m._ 35, 71, 88, 330, _n._
312, 316; _a._ hine _m._ 36 &c., hyne 144 &c., hi _f._ 187, 192, 242,
hit _n._ 118, it 96; _pl. n._ hi, heo 76; _d._ heom 9; _a._ hi 80, 170.
Reflexives are him seolue 260, hymseolue 137; definitives, heo seolf
308, himseolf 41, seoluen 38: possessives, mi, me 140, myne _pl._ 25,
26; þi _s. n. m._ 272, þin _s. n. f._ 166, þire _s. d. f._ 163, þin
_s. a. neut._ 323, þi 168, in all other cases þine, þyne; hire, hyre,
once heore 11; vre; eure, ower 141. The definite article is _s. n._ þe
_m._ 4 &c., _f._ 141; þes _g. m._ 63, þas 113; þan _d. m._ 55, 152, þare
_f._ 5, 217, þe 216 (read þare); þane _a. m._ 247, 248, þene 114, 116,
198, þe _f._ 95 &c., þe _n._ 220, 234, þat 46, 56; _pl._ þe in all
cases; for þan _adv._ 240. The compound demonstrative is þis _s. n. f._
63; _d._ 122: the relatives, þe, þat, once þet 154, hwat 181:
interrogative, hwat 84: indefinites, oþre _pl. d._ 242; non _n._ 38, no
112, nones _g._ 299, none _d._ 169, _a. f._ 280, non _a. neut._ 308,
nenne _pl. a._ 296; eny _s. d. neut._ 225: nouht _n._ 35, nouhte _d._
275: me 245, 247: fewe _pl. d._ 301: fele, feole 2, 249, vale 300:
vyches _s. g. neut._ 276, echere _s. d. f._ 161, eueruyches _s. g. m._
54: hwych _s. a. neut._ 52: swuch 53, swyhc 159: al _s. n. neut._ 105,
alle _d. f._ 29, 30, _a. m._ 185, al _a. f._ 278, 279, _a. neut._ 89
&c., alre _pl. g._ 62, 110, in other cases of the _pl._ alle; mid alle

Two-thirds of the infinitives end in e, ie, ye, y, lokie 41, wrþie, 36,
286, wyssye 21, arixlye 329, leorny 69, weny 244; n is retained mostly
before vowels and at the end of lines and half-lines, but leten and
forleten occur six times against lete once. A dative infinitive with
inflection is to fone 55, others without inflection are leden 46, mowen
60, reowe 93, sowen 59, swynke 96, for to do 229, for to werie 56, for
to vordrye 227. Presents are _s._ 1. holde 304, munye 25; 2. hauest 151,
hafst 133, lest 316 (#lǣtest#); 3. leorneþ 66, seyþ 234 &c., foþ 289,
wurþ 209, iwinþ 100 (read iwinneþ), let 204, 329, bihat 245: _pl._ 1.
wurcheþ 283; 3. ibureþ 45, forteoþ 235: _subjunctive s._ 3. fare 64,
lykie 88, lyke 155, loke 64; _pl._ 1. biþenche 284; 2. adrede 27,
luuyen, lykyen 28: _imperative s._ 2. seye 152, leorne 170, ilef 132,
248, ryd 153, let 165, wurþ 184, but wrþe 124; _pl._ 2. lusteþ 140. Past
of Strong Verbs: _s._ 3. Ia. cweþ 19 &c.; Ic. bigon 9, _pl._ Ia. sete 1;
_subj. s._ 2. Ia. iseye 186; 3. Ib. bycome 138; V. greowe 81, wolde 278.
Participles present: I c. singinde 153; V. uexynde 112, 313; past: I b.
iboren 138, 328, vnbore 327; I c. forswunke 200, aswunde 76; II. biswike
76, idryue 61; III. idrowe 105, iscohte 303; IV. ischapen 92; V. isowen
80; VI. bitowe 106. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 2. heuedest 187; 3. brouhte
181, hadde 80, luuede 15, seyde 24, wiste 181. Participles present:
lyuyinde 188, werende 316; past: ihurd 205, ilered 2, 39, iseyd 236,
ised 230, iwreþþed 187, 222. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 118, 156, not
114; ahte _pt. s. subj._ 79; on _pr. s._ 160, 162; con _pr. s._ 154,
302, kunne _pr. s. subj._ 40, cunne 41; schal _pr. s._ 35 &c., schulle 1
_pr. pl._ 127, schulen 276, schulle _pr. pl._ 49 &c., schule _pr. s.
subj._ 42, 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 119, scolde _pt. s._ 87 &c., scholden _pt.
pl._ 11; myht 2 _pr. s._ 159, 263, may _pr. s._ 38 &c., mawe 1 _pr. pl._
286, 2 _pr. pl._ 10, mvwe _pr. s. subj._ 113, myhte _pt. s._ 199 &c., 2
_pt. pl._ 22; mote _pr. s. subj._ 149; beon _inf._ 68, nys _pr. s._ 112,
125, biþ _pr. s._ 322, beoþ _pr. pl._ 74, 76, beo _pr. s. subj._ 35 &c.,
_pr. pl. subj._ 202, wes _pt. s._ 4, were _pt. pl._ 24, _pt. s. subj._
200, 325, nere 82; wille 1 _pr. s._ 142, wile _pr. s._ 154, wule 91 &c.,
nele 254, nule 69, wolde _pt. s._ 21, 2 _pt. pl._ 20, _pt. s. subj._
191; do _inf._ 197, for to do _dat. inf._ 229, deþ _pr. s._ 288, 321,
doþ 81 (read deþ); agoþ _pr. s._ 146, ouergoþ 143, ago _pr. s. subj._

Noteworthy adverbs are frakele 246, ifurn 236 (#gefyrn#), lihte 198,
muchele 162, vuele 171, 176, vayre 245, 246: #oft# is always ofte.

#Dialect:# Southern, free from South-Eastern influence. The wavering in
the representation of #a# before nasals points to the Middle South, but
ihure 10, ihurd 205 are South-Western. But this representation of #īe#,
as well as lyen (= lēan), is found in MS. e of the Poema Morale, which
is generally taken as of the Middle South. The forms vyches, eueruyches
occur elsewhere in MS. J, and are probably due to the scribe.

#Metre:# The system is that of Layamon and the Bestiary; the Worcester
Fragment B shows an earlier stage of its development. It is a mixture of
the national alliterative verse loosely constructed and rhyming
couplets. The latter are bound together by perfect, imperfect, even
inflectional rhymes, and assonances. The halves of the couplets as they
appear in MS. J are of varying lengths, two measures as 73, 216, more
frequently two and a half 7, 44 &c., three 51 &c., three and a half 8
&c. Three-syllable measures are common, as, ‘hé wes þe | wýsuste | mòn,’
17, ‘his sé | des to sów | èn,’ 59, ‘his mé | des to mów | èn’ 60. The
alliterative combinations present every possible variety, 2 + 2, as 16;
the normal 2 + 1, as 67; 1 + 2, as 142; 1 + 1, as 23 and often. The
couplet has sometimes the added ornament of alliteration, as 46, 47.
Where a line has neither alliteration nor rhyme, it may be assumed that
the formless text is corrupt, as at 26, 68 &c.

There is then little to be gained by a metrical analysis of the poem in
its present condition. It had originally a quite definite and regular
structure, but this has been spoiled by copyists with little feeling for
the structure of the verse and possessed by a strong desire to renovate
the antique. It is highly probable that the last of them, the writer of
MS. J, had a large hand in this alteration, for the copy of the Poema
Morale in the same MS. has undergone a drastic revision which sets it
apart among the versions of that poem, and the version of the Owl and
Nightingale has suffered, though not to the same extent. On the other
hand MS. T was copied by a man who was incapable of remodelling it;
though a ruin, it often preserves in details the original.

The dilapidations wrought by the copyists may be classed as follow: i.
Archaic and uncommon words are rejected: for þeynes 1, read sweynes;
comp. L 28359, O 3297, 14953 for this word as meaning the immediate
dependants of the king; the line then divides after ‘sete’: l. 13, see
note: l. 24 for seyde þe, read wordede; comp. ‘þe king wordede þus,’ L
13052: l. 26 with the help of T may be restored, arme ⁊ edie leode · of
lifis wisdom: l. 38, see note: l. 56, adopting ‘here’ from T, read þat
land for to werie | wiþ hunger and wiþ here (the Danish marauding host
was forgotten): l. 62, for bihoue read biliue (bilif T, W): l. 68, for
beon read wurþen: l. 71, 330 for rewe read suwe, smart; comp. 72/199: l.
82, see note and comp. L 30903: l. 87, for howyen, read ȝeomeren, be
depressed: l. 88, 155, for lykie read wurþe: comp. ‘Ne scyle nán wís
monn gnornian to hwæm his wise weorþe,’ Boeth. 40, 3 (B-T): l. 111, see
note: l. 115, for turne read rume (rime T): l. 122, see note: l. 133,
for inowe read muche (moch T): l. 136, for Monymen read moni gume: l.
137, for him seolue read his saule, with T: l. 138, for bycome read
were, with T, restoring a couplet: l. 143 for þing, read weole (welþe
T): half a line is lost after lere: read, And ich eu lere wille · [leoue
freond myne] | wit and wisdom · þat alle weole ouergoþ.: ll. 202, 207,
see notes: l. 278 for mon read wiht: l. 280 for holde read lenge, as in
T. ii. Older forms and constructions are modernised: ll. 159, 160, see
note: l. 169 read þat heo þe bringe, making a couplet: l. 187 read
heuede: l. 216 read þare for þe: l. 305, read alle for al, comp. 185:
other instances are noted in Accidence. iii. Words are rearranged mostly
in a prose order, spoiling rhyme and rhythm: read l. 25, leoue freond
myne: l. 41 himseólf one lokie: l. 55 bihoueþ þan knyhte, for the
alliterating word in the first half of the line comes almost invariably
last, the rare exceptions being mostly verbs: for l. 56 see above: read
l. 80 and he isowen hadde: l. 118 hit one wot dryhten: l. 130, vre
maþmes welden | and vs byhinde leten: l. 142, lere wille: l. 156, if þu
hauest serewe | and hit wot þe erewe: l. 203, þe kat museþ: l. 211,
wiþute is bryht: ll. 232, 233, þe hire rede folẹweþ | to seorewe heo
bringeþ: l. 245, þat he habbe freond: ll. 321, 322, þanne hit sone deþ |
þat þe unyqueme biþ. iv. Lines and parts of lines are transposed, most
of these as affecting the interpretation have been dealt with in the
notes, see 40, 90, 144, 186, 247; read ll. 72, 73, þenne cumeþ vnhelþe |
and ek uniselþe: though the combination in the text is found elsewhere
as 40/197, elde seems to be due to the preceding line; at l. 190 we
should perhaps read wymmon is tungwod · ⁊ haueþ wordes to wroþ. v.
Padding is freely used: l. 4 omit þe: l. 7 read On Engelonde king: l. 9
read gon for bigon: omit l. 24, þe before king; l. 35, ne; l. 49, he; l.
66, his; l. 69, þat; l. 98, þe mon, and read þe on youhþe swo swinkeþ |
and worldes weole her iwinneþ: l. 105, read on ȝouþe þat he haueþ
idrowe: omit l. 132, þu; l. 149, owe; l. 152, þu; l. 188, hit; l. 189,
scholde, forþ; l. 192, nowiht, and read ll. 191, 192 as an alliterative
line: omit l. 205, ne, he; l. 209, blyþe and; l. 210, þe mon: l. 219-23,
with the help of T we may restore, Ne ared þu nouht to swiþe | þe word
of þine wyue. | If heo be i wreþþed · myd worde oþer dede; l. 231, for
þat wymmon read heo; comp. T: l. 242 omit þe mon: l. 249, see note: l.
254, omit þe before wule: l. 262 omit þe, see note: l. 275, for schulle
bicumen read bicumeþ: l. 280, for none read no: ll. 294, 296, omit þu:
l. 324 omit þe. vi. The rhymes may, in some cases, have been spoiled by
the substitution of alien dialectic forms; it is tempting to read ihere
10, iherd 205, but the _u_ forms do not appear to belong to the dialect
of the scribe of J: at l. 102 helde, a patois form (Bülbring § 175
note), might be read: at l. 240 þon. The combinations brouhte : myhte,
181, 182; ayhte : nouhte, 274, 275 are remarkable.

Many intractable lines remain, such as 284, where perhaps bet has been
lost at the end.

Elision and slurring are frequent; pronounce þeorl 4, lawẹlyche 47,
euẹlyche 49, euẹruyches, owẹre 54, &c.

#Introduction:# The ascription of the Proverbs to Alfred rests on no
firmer ground than an affectionate remembrance of the great king as a
sage and teacher of his people. The only part of the poem which could
with even artistic fitness be attributed to him is ll. 19-64, the rest
is mostly the cautious wisdom of the common people, varied by
reflections in a higher strain on the favourite mediaeval theme of the
shortness and uncertainty of life. Up to l. 64 the poem is connected;
afterwards it is without apparent plan, though there is occasionally a
slender thread of union between the stanzas. The editors indeed see a
new exordium and the beginning of a second section in stanza xiii, which
appears to me to be a weak imitation of stanza vii. Perhaps a structural
difference may be detected between the more general observations of the
first part and the advice to an individual which begins with stanza xiv.
Stanza xxi appears to have strayed from its natural place beside stanza

The version of MS. J is not necessarily the more primitive because it is
shorter than that of T. A poem of such loose structure readily lends
itself to selection on the part of the copyist; and the scribe of MS. J
was evidently a critic.

If the suggestions offered in the section on metre have any weight, a
considerable time and several copies must have intervened between the
original and the present form of the poem. The composition of that
original should, I think, be placed somewhere about 1180 A.D.

1. #Seuorde#: siforde T; Sifforde W, RJ, which is identified by Spelman
126 with ‘Shifford, six miles west from Oxford.’ That it is ‘remote from
the use of the southern dialect’ does not prevent it from being the
place where Alfred discoursed. But Seaford, a seaport in Sussex, is more
likely to have been associated in the popular mind and tradition with

2. #Biscopes#, &c.: comp. ‘Forð iwenden eorles[;] forð iwenden beornes.
| forð iwenden biscopes[;] & þa boc-ilæred m{en}[;] forð iwenden
þæines[;] forð iwe{n}den sweines | . . . at þan hustinge,’ L 14620. With
#bokilered# comp. 19/39, 4/20 note.

3. #egleche#, valiant: OE. #aglǣca#, a fierce warrior. egloche S.

4. #Alurich#: An Ælfric thesaurarius witnesses a charter of King Alfred,
A.D. 892, Birch, Cart. Saxon. ii. 209.

5. #of . . . wis#: comp. 212/533.

6. #hurde#: comp. ‘Swa se æþela lareow sægde, þæt se cyning & se biscop
sceoldan beón Cristenra folca hyrdas,’ BH 45/24; ‘folces hyrde,’ Beowulf

7. #Englene durlyng#: so, ‘com Alfred þe king[;] Englelondes
deorli{n}g,’ L 6316: he has also ‘Bruttene, Orka[n]es, Denemarkes,
Irisce mo{n}nen, utlaȝen deorling.’ See KH 488 note.

9. #bigon#: gon T, gan W,S: set to work to teach.

13. #and# may be redundant, as often in Layamon, as ‘Ic wlle mine riche
to-don[;] & alle{n} minen dohtren,’ 2945 but #Alured#, though it is in
all the copies, may be an error for Ælder: comp. ‘& þu seolf læuerd
king[;] leoden þu ært ælder,’ L 16835, 17252, in the latter place,
leader. T,W,S read a.

16. #wis . . . war#: comp. 129/27, 156/148, 186/324, 190/456; ‘þe wes þe
wiseste[;] þe wes þe warreste,’ L 2107; ‘wisliche þauh ⁊ warliche,’ AR

21. #wisliche#, wise, advisable: OE. #wīslīc#: Layamon has ‘to
iwisliche{n} þinge,’ 21052. T has, of wi[s]liche þinges.

28. #lykyen#, please: in this sense it governs a dative, which may be
understood out of hine. But Mätzner translates, like.

29. #one#, alone: comp. 19/41, 22/118, 60/2.

30. #glednesse#: after the manner of l. 29, we expect gleawnesse, but
comp. ‘Of alkin gladnes es þar gleu,’ CM 23359. T has ⁊ he is gleu |
ouer alle glade þinhes: S omits. Line 31 is probably a gloss upon l. 30.

34. #riche#, powerful: comp. 6/30, 133/33; ‘hit ne gerist nanum ricum
cynincge,’ Ælf. Lives i. 382/260.

35, 6. that there shall not be wanting anything he desires to him who is
purposed to honour Him here in this world. For the construction of
#wone#, see 52/368: for the double negative comp. ‘for he ne mihte beon
wurðe[;] na þing of his wille,’ L 18704: in the MS. _wc_ the scribe
mistook þ for w. T has apparently þo, not wo: Skeat reads [hwo]: that
relative is not found in J.

37. For stanza iii generally comp. ‘Decet regem discere legem. | Audiat
rex quod praecipit lex. | Legem servare hoc est regnare. | Notitia
litterarum lux est animarum,’ Wipo 1-4. An echo of this stanza is
evident in, ‘The ferste seide, “I understonde | Ne may no king wel ben
in londe, | Under God Almihte, | But he cunne himself rede, | Hou he
shal in londe lede | Everi man wid rihte,”’ Wright, Pol. Songs, 254/7
(date 1311 A.D.).

38. #may# has possibly its independent force, is strong, has power,
comp. 29/12, but the line is evidently corrupt; #ryhtwis# is a
reminiscence of l. 34, as is also _riche_ in T. It is easy to supply beo
after #king#, for TS have _ben_. But RJ, S are nearest the right reading
with, Ne mai no riht cing ben under crist selve (selve SH{1}; self
SH{2}, selfe SL). Read Ne may beon ryht king. #vnder criste#, a
favourite expression in Layamon, as, ‘Ȝe beoð under criste[;] cnihten
alre kennest | and ich æm rihchest alre kinge[;] vnder gode seolue,’ L
27230, 27976, 28056.

40. It is obvious to substitute for #wyttes#, _wrytes_, or better
_iwriten_, as at 20/67, 70, after #writes# in T, but ‘his writings,’
i.e. manuscripts, seems suspicious, and if correct gives a feeble
threefold repetition of the same idea; and further the relation between
ll. 41 and 42 requires the explanation of #hw# as, ‘so as to know how,’
Skeat. A transposition of ll. 40, 41 with _welde_ read for #kunne#
(which seems to be due to the following line), will give a better
sequence of ideas, obviate repetition, and restore the alliteration.
Comp. ‘ælc bi his witte[;] wisdom sæiden,’ L 25627; ‘he wes swiðe wis
mon[;] and witful on bocken,’ id. 22097. For cunne RJ, S have icweme.

41. #lokie#, consult, examine, refer to records for himself: comp. ‘þat
yow tels sent Ieremi, | If yee wald lok his propheci,’ CM 9333.

46. #leden#, guide; usually with personal object.

49. #he#, resumes the subject #clerek and knyht#: a frequent
construction in this poem, comp. 20/66-68, 21/98-105, 24/204, 5;
similarly 24/209, 10 where the pronoun is explained by a noun. It is
common in AR ‘þe wreche peoddare more noise he makeð to ȝeien his sope,’
66/17. Borgström takes #he# as referring to #eorl and eþelyng#, l. 44,
with #clerek# and #knyht# as object of #demen#, on the ground that
clerks and knights did not exercise judicial power. The matter is not so
simple. #Clerek# may include bishops, who sat in pre-Conquest
shire-courts by the side of the Alderman, and lawyers generally. And
#demen# is a word of wide meaning, comp. ‘Ne wandige ná se mæsse-preost
no for rices mannes ege, ne for féo, ne for nanes mannes lufon, ꝥ he him
symle rihte deme, gif he wille sylf Godes domas gedégan,’ BH 43/9; ‘Ne
sceall nan godes þegn for sceattum riht deman,’ Ælf. Lives i. 430/244;
‘And he hæhte alle cnihtes[;] demen rihte domes,’ L 22115. Alfred meant
that there should be no discrimination between rich and poor;
discrimination between clerk and knight was not likely. #demen riht# is
a phrase in which riht is a noun: comp. ‘Se rihtwisa dema sceall deman
æfre riht,’ Ælf. Lives i. 430/239: sometimes, as in the quotation above,
it means simply, to administer justice.

52, 3. Comp. ‘Ech man sal eft mowen bi þan þe he nu soweð,’ OEH ii.
159/15; i. 137/31, 131/24; all referring to ‘Qui parce seminat, parce et
metet,’ 2 Cor. ix. 6: here the reference is to ‘Quae enim seminaverit
homo, haec et metet,’ Galat. vi. 8: l. 54 means that the judgment passed
on each man is of his own making: comp. 36/115.

55. #on to fone#, may mean, to take on himself; its ordinary use is, to
begin, 143/85. Skeat translates, undertake, but in the place referred to
in support, L 31415, the meaning is, proceed. T, RJ have cnouen, cnowen;
S. mowen: the former has been explained, to study, to know how to. I
think these readings are substitutes for something the scribes did not
understand, such as, keneliche to kepen, or keneliche him kepen.

56. T has, of here ⁊ of heregong, where _of_ is remarkable: the simple
dative in OE., _wið_, 48/321, 141/41, and later _from_ are the usual
constructions with _werien_, of the thing guarded against.

57. #gryþ#: ‘pax regia per manum data,’ Liebermann, Ueber die Leges
Edwardi Confessoris, 28: here it means vaguely, protection, much as frið
with which it is constantly associated; comp. ‘þonne nam man grið ⁊ frið
wið hi,’ AS. Chron. 1011; ‘a þisse londe he heold grið[;] a þisse londe
he hulde frið,’ L 9912; Orm 116/3380; 116/133.

58. Comp. ‘þe ælc cheorl eæt his sulche[;] hæfde grið al swa þe king
sulf,’ L 4260.

59, 60. Comp. ‘cornes heo seowen[;] medewen heo meowen. | al heo
tileden[;] ase heo to þohten,’ L 1941.

62. #bihoue#: comp. 91/108: ‘to his awere bihoue,’ L 4565. T has bilif.

63. #lawe#, rule of conduct, practice: at 176/15, habit. In spite of the
consensus of the MSS., the reading of the original was probably _lare_.

64. Let the knight see that it thrive, i.e. be well kept.

65-71. Comp. ‘Disce puer, dum tempus habes, euo puerili, | Ne te nil
didicisse fleas etate senili,’ Flor. Gott. 98: ‘Qui vacat in iuventute
turbatur in senectute,’ Wipo 63; Cato 231/12; ‘He ꝥ in ȝouþe no vertu
vsiþ, | In Age Alle honure hym refusiþ,’ ES xli. 262/27. See Kneuer, p.

69. #lorþeu#: see 1/19.

72. #elde . . . vnhelþe#: for this combination, see 40/197, where
_unhelðe_ rhymes with _uniselðe_.

75. #wroþe#, _pl. adj._ agreeing with #wene#, to which latter #heo# and
#hi#, variant forms of the _pl. n._, refer. When age and ill-health
come, then the expectations of the improvident man are in experience
found to be utterly perverse: not only are they cheated, but they
actually vanish, i.e., he is left without hope at all. There is a play
on wene and wenliche, l. 68.

78. Comp. ‘Melior est sapientia, quam secularis potentia | Plus unicus
sensus quam multiplex census,’ Wipo 7.

82. #furþer#. T has wrþere, more worthy, which is, no doubt, original,
as it alliterates with _weole_. noht wurþ, RJ.

83. #of frumþe#, from the beginning, betimes: comp. 65/59; ‘þah þu
liuedest of adames fru{m}ðe,’ OEH i. 33/31. RJ reads of fremðe, but T
fremede, and Skeat adding [of] translates, out of a stranger. But the
point is not the making friends early or out of strangers, but the
having wisdom along with your gold. Stanza xiii. is a weak echo of vii.
and l. 144 is the key to l. 83. Read _hine to freme_ for _him of
frumþe_, with the meaning, Unless he make Wisdom his friend to his
profit. See 15/110; 176/24 note.

87-92. Comp. ‘ȝif þou be visite[d] w{ith} pou{er}te, | take it not to
hevyle, | for he ꝥ sende þe Adu{er}site, | may t{ur}ne þe Aȝen to wele,’
ES xli. 261/5: Li Proverbe au Vilain, no. 133.

87. #howyen#, be anxious, distressed: comp. ‘Ne beo ge na hogiende ymb
þa morgenlican neode,’ S. Matt. vi. 34.

89. #welde#: comp. 4/41.

90. Comp. ‘After vuele cumeð god[;] wel is him þe hit habbe mot,’ L
3608. A transposition here restores the alliteration in two verses.

92. Comp. 195/634, where the verb is omitted after wel, as is usual in
such expressions; ‘Wel him ðe is clene iþrowen,’ VV 95/30; ‘Ah wel hire
ꝥ luueð godd,’ HM 27/35. For #þat#=for whom, see 46/292 note, and for
#ischapen#, destined, comp. ‘after ðan ðe hem iscapen is,’ VV 105/4: hit
is, of course, good after evil, weal after woe.

94. Comp. ‘Whoso roweth aȝein the flod, | Off sorwe he shal drinke; |
Also hit fareth bi the unsele, | A man shal have litel hele | Ther agein
to swinke,’ Pol. Songs, 254/20; ‘werig sceal se wiþ winde roweþ,’ Exeter
Book, 345/12. For #strong#, difficult, tough, comp. 48/312, 76/18,
200/111; ‘hu strong hit is to arisen of vuel wune,’ AR 326/28: ‘þes ilke
Mon is strong to sermonen’ (difficult to preach to, a tough subject),
OEH i. 81/14.

98. #mon# is a suspended _nom._, the construction being changed at l.
105: analogous to 19/48.

102. #idelnesse holde#, enjoy leisure. T has hednesse, OE. #ēadnes#,
happiness, comfort. ‘Honestior est qui senectutem ad otium rettulit,
quam quem in otio invenit,’ Monita 22/75.

106. #wel bitowe#, well employed, profitably experienced. Comp. ‘alle þe
ȝeres weren wel bi-toȝe,’ L 19902; VV 13/2; ON 702; ‘uuele bitohe,’

108. See 26/244 note, and for the form of the expression, comp. ‘Ah her,
þu wenest ȝet | ꝥ tu wenen ne þerf,’ SK 1153.

110. #lyues#: read lyf is . . . luued: ‘Qui enim vult vitam diligere,’
&c. 1 S. Peter iii. 10.

111. #lyf his owe#: the order is strange, and #owe# is pointless, quite
different from 22/128, 23/149, 27/277, where there is a contrast with
one’s possessions, &c. Possibly the original had _lifes leowe_, life’s
warmth, shelter, OE. #hlēow#: comp. ‘herd leouwe,’ AR 368/12, poor
housing. The word was uncommon and likely to puzzle the copyist.

112. #wrt#: Comp. ‘Herba nec antidotum poterit depellere loetum; | Quod
te liberet a fato, non nascitur horto,’ Fecunda Ratis 132/725. Skeat
quotes as a proverb, ‘Cur moriatur homo, cui salvia crescit in horto?’
It is from the Regimen Sanit. Salern. l. 177, and the next line is,
‘Contra vim mortis non est medicamen in hortis.’ #a wude#: comp.

113. #þas feye furþ#, the life of the doomed man.

118. #doweþes louerd#: prob. the original had duȝeðe, _pl. gen._:
‘duguða dryhten,’ Christ, 781 = Dominus exercituum, Dominus virtutum. T
has domis louird.

122. Skeat explains the MS. reading, givest away and controllest; an
unnatural order: Borgström takes yefst = yhefst < OE. #gehæbban#, ‘If
thou hast and possessest.’ Morris’s conjecture, _yetst_, may mean,
gettest, gainest. The passage is corrupt: T has ‘ȝif þu hauest welþe
awold iwis ȝerlde:’ #in þis world# is mere padding arising from #vpen
eorþe#: the original may have been, Gif þu havest a wold | seoluer and
gold: comp. 22/133, 4; ‘Whil ȝe habbeþ wyt at wolde,’ Hendyng 299;
52/387 note.

125. #ildre istreon#: comp. ‘þæt he of his yldrena gestreone hine sylfne
fercian mote,’ Ælf. Lives i. 524/597, 528/669; ‘þæ castles aðele
weore[;] of his eoldrene istreon,’ L 18608.

126. #lone#: Skeat quotes ‘divitiæ . . . donum Dei,’ Eccles. v. 18.

127. #þar of#, from them: comp. 22/117: the expression is unusual.

128. ‘Homo vitæ commodatus, non donatus est,’ Syri Sent. 220.

129. #vouh#, for veoh: OE. #feoh#. Comp. 3/13: ‘ffrendles ys þe dede,’
Hendyng 288.

130. #Mayþenes# for maþmes: see 102/134. #leten . . . byhinde#: Skeat
explains as, forget us; but 4/14 suggests a more pointed meaning.

131. Comp. ‘Cum fueris felix, quae sunt adversa caveto,’ Cato 218/18;
‘Tranquillis rebus semper diversa timeto,’ id. 232/26. The first four
lines are imitated in, ‘The ferthe seide, that he is wod | That dwelleth
to muchel in the flod, | For gold or for auhte; | For gold or silver, or
any wele, | Hunger or thurst, hete or chele, | Al shal gon to nohte,’
Pol. Songs 256/1, where the writer has evidently misunderstood l. 132.

132. #fele# as adverb is not common; Einenkel, Anglia, xxxiii. 531,
quotes ‘þonne moton we . . . fela for urum synnum þrowian,’ Wulfstan
151/5, and the present passage: add Beowulf 1385; ‘He bounde{n} hi{m} so
fele sore,’ Havelok 2442. #see#, the flowing tide of success: comp. ‘Swo
floweð þis woreld þenne men michel tuderið . . . ⁊ beð michel blisse
among mannen,’ OEH ii. 177/16.

134. #gnyde# in the intransitive meaning, ‘be rubbed away’: elsewhere
active. T has wurþen. Comp. 27/274-6.

135. #to duste . . . dryuen#: comp. ‘makede . . . godes deore temple to
driuen al to duste,’ SJuliana 41/1; a less frequent intransitive use.
#Dryhten#, &c.: comp. ‘geong ealdian · god us ece biþ,’ Exeter Book, ed.
Thorpe, 333/22.

136. #godes vrre#: comp. 46/276.

137. #foryemeþ# &c.: comp. 122/167, 8; ‘Forrletenn ⁊ forrȝemmdenn,’ Orm

138. #by come#: comp. 27/275: in T, were.

142. #wit and wisdom# are often so coupled: ‘Wyt and wysdom is god
warysoun,’ Hendyng 21; Kneuer, 20; 130/81: with sing. masc. pronoun
hyne, l. 144.

143. #ouergoþ#, surpasses in worth: comp. ‘Þeo luue . . . ouergeð ham
alle uoure ⁊ passeð ham alle,’ AR 394/1; an extension of the meaning of
OE. #ofergān#, conquer, overcome, which is that of 125/270, 207/340: at
29/45 it means, pass away, so ‘deð ꝥ ouergeað,’ SK 1883; ‘ðæt hi
geðencen hu hrædlice se eorðlica hlisa ofergǽð,’ Cura Past. 447/29.

144. #sitte#: comp. 26/270. The recurrence of þe--vere at l. 148 and the
divergence of T which gives for the last half of this line, and hwo hem
mide senden, preserving the alliteration, shows that something is wrong
here. A rearrangement in the order 143, 147, 148, 144, reading syker he
may sitte ⁊ þat him mide syndon, 145, 146, 149 gives a good sense.

151, 2. Comp. ‘Tel þou neuer þy fo þat þy fot akeþ,’ Hendyng 93; Kneuer,
29. #arewe#, apparently found only here, malicious person, enemy: OE.
#earg#, #earh#.

153. #þe#, an ethical dative; see 13/34 note.

154. The subject of wile is the clause #þet--con#, he who is not
acquainted with your circumstances. With 155 comp. 21/88.

158. #teleþ#, derides, makes sport of.

159. #swych mon þat#, &c., such a man as wishes you very well, said
ironically: þat is not conjunction, but relative pronoun, and the
construction is parallel to, ‘talem igitur te esse oportet qui primum te
ab impiorum civium . . . societate seiungas,’ Cic. Fam. x. 6. 3; just as
#so . . . þat#, 24/184, 5 is matched by, ‘Quis est tam lynceus qui in
tantis tenebris nihil offendat?’ id. ix. 2; and similarly ‘nec tamen ego
sum ille ferreus, qui fratris maerore non movear,’ Cic. Cat. iv. 3.
Where the expression is generic, the dependent verb should be
subjunctive, as is the case with _segge_, and probably here the original
had _monne--onne_. Comp. ‘ic bidde . . . swælc monn seðe to minum ærfe
foe,’ Thorpe, Diplom. 471/16; ‘Nes þo non so hardy · þat on me leyde
honde,’ OEM 43/209; ‘þat na man ne wurðe swa wod[;] ne witte bi-dæled, |
þat in his hirede breke grið,’ L 10282; ‘þat na mon on worlde[;] swa wod
no iwurðe, | no swa ær witte gume[;] þat his grið bræke,’ id. 22069,
787. With #on# comp. ‘ne beo he no swa luðer mon[;] þat his freond him
wel ne on,’ L 22963: Skeat’s insertion of _hit_ spoils the meaning.
#Swyhc mon# = such a one: _swillc an_ appears for the first time in Orm

166. #bywite#: þenkeþ T.

169. Comp. ‘Uxorem fuge ne ducas sub nomine dotis,’ Cato 228/12:
‘Monimon for londe wyueþ to shonde,’ Hendyng 280; Kneuer, 57.

170. #custe#, qualities, virtuous or otherwise.

171. #vuele iauhteþ#, estimates falsely, makes a bad bargain.

172. #of fayre#, not, out of what is fair, but, in choosing a fair wife:
of = in the form of, in the person of. For #frakele#, comp. ‘he bið
wið-uten feire ⁊ frakel wið-innen,’ OEH i. 25/27. ‘Munditiam seruat
sinceram rara uenustas,’ Fec. Ratis 114/581.

175. #So#: Holthausen, Archiv lxxxviii. 370, suggests wo, which gives a
common phrase, ‘Wo is hym alyue,’ OEM 183/221; ‘wa is me on liue,’ L

177. #vppen eorþe#, a favourite tag: see 28/315; KH 247 O.

179-82. These lines are repeated with small variation in Hendyng, 133-7,
but the ‘wyf’ is ‘ȝonge’; Kneuer, 53. Zupitza, Anglia, iii. 370, quotes
an inscription in Low German from a room in the Lübeck Rathskeller,
which is identical with the English proverb, and Holthausen, Archiv,
lxxxviii. 371, contributes two more versions in the same dialect.

184. #so wod . . . þat . . . segge#, so mad as to say: see 23/159; and
comp. ‘Ne wurðe nan cniht swa wod[;] ne kempe swa wilde,’ L 8593, ‘& þa
drihliche gumen[;] weoren win drunken,’ id. 8125.

185. #wille#, all that is in thy mind: comp. 27/305, 23/166.

186. #þu#: T has hue, and Skeat alters here to _heo_, but the text may
very well mean, if you ever found yourself. Perhaps the original had:
For if þu hi myd worde · iwreþþed heuede | And heo iseye þe · bi vore
þine ivo alle. Comp. ‘confundet te in conspectu inimicorum,’ Ecclus.
xxv. 35.

188. #lete#, omit, refrain from: form and meaning from OE. #lǣtan#, but
with construction, _þat-_ clause with subj., of OE. #lettan#.

189. Omit #scholde#, a mere repetition from the preceding line. Comp.
‘gyf þonne þissa þreora þinga ænig hwylcne man lette, þæt hine to ðam
fæstene ne ónhágje,’ Wulfstan 285/3 (quoted in B.-T.). #forþ#, openly,
freely: comp. ‘ðane sei ðu forð mid seinte Petre: Tu es Christus,’ VV
25/31. #baleusyþes#, cast up to you your misfortunes: comp. 2/27. But
one expects, after l. 185, something like, will reveal all your secrets.

190. #woþ#: T has wod and wordwod may mean word-mad; in that case the
second half of the line is little more than repetition. But T has often
_d_ for _þ_, and so his reading may be the same in effect as that of J,
which does not put _þ_ for _d_. Now in Layamon the younger MS. writes
woþ for _wouh_, _woh_ in the elder, 3327, 4333, where the sense requires
the latter, and _word woh_, perverse of speech, would fit well here.

191. #wel wolde#, though she desired it ever so much, she cannot control
it at all.

194. #ouerprute#, excessive pride: the noun apparently only here; the
adj. ouerprut is commoner. In T, orgul prude. Comp. ‘Bruttes hafden
muchel mode[;] & vnimete prute,’ L 19408.

196. After #þat#, _heo_ has dropped out.

198. That vice she would readily give up, if she were often in a sweat
exhausted with toil. Comp. ‘moni swinc moni swæt[;] . . þolede ich on
folde,’ L 2281, 7; ‘he swonc i þon fehte[;] þat al he lauede asweote,’
id. 7488.

202. Read, þat beon uulle treowe: lit. though it is ill to bend what are
full-grown trees, i.e. though full-grown trees are hard to bend. It is
not necessary to alter #beo#, but #n# of #nule# probably belongs to it;
it is subjunctive in an object clause expressing a class of things. For
#uulle# comp. 42/219; ‘min fulla freond,’ Thorpe, Diplom. 525/8; ‘heo
beoð ure fulle feond,’ L 963; ‘Ech god giue ⁊ fule giue cumeð of heuene
dunward,’ OEH ii. 105/17; ‘fulliche cristene mon,’ OEH i. 73/5. ‘Dum
curuare potes, vel curuam tendere virgam, | Fac sit ut ad libitum
plantula ducta tuum: | Cum vetus in magnum fuerit solidata vigorem | Non
leviter flectes imperiale caput,’ Alanus 435. It is difficult to alter a

203. #after#, following the example of: comp. ‘Prendere maternam bene
discit cattula predam,’ Prov. Heinrici 169; ‘Muricipis proles cito
discit prendere mures,’ id. 109: said of innate tendencies. The
hindrances to the training of the young wife are that she is already
grown up and has an inherited disposition.

204. #þe mon þat . . . he#: see 19/49. Comp. ‘Femina quem superat,
nunquam uiuit sine pena; | Libertate caret, turpi constrictus habena,’
Flor. Gott. 724.

205. #ihurd#, listened to, or perhaps, spoken of, as having any
independence in what he says. Had the writer in mind, ‘labia nostra a
nobis sunt, quis noster Dominus est?’ Ps. xi. 5.

207. #steorne# is strange in form (it should be sturne in this text),
and does not suit the context, and the verbs _to-trayen_, _to-teonen_
are apparently found nowhere else. Read, turne to treye and to teone,
change his life to sorrow and affliction: in that case the two lines
should be printed as one alliterative long line. The combination is
common; comp. Minot vi. 2 note, and 133/61. T has, ac he sal him rere
dreiȝe, but he shall provide trouble for himself.

210. #þe mon# resumes #he# of l. 209. #qued# occurs again as quet T 702,
in the metaphorical sense of devil, evil man. Here Skeat translates,
aversion; Borgström, following Morris, contempt, scorn, without any
support from other examples. The word is a coarse term of contempt for a
‘poor creature,’ based on the primitive sense of OE. #cwead#: it is
easily paralleled in modern dialects.

212. #fader# is pointless: the reading of T, in hire faire bure, which
is for, faire in hire bure, points to the right way. Read, So is mony
burde · bryht on hyre bure: ‘bright in bower’ is a common tag in the
romances; see Guy of Warwick 2674 with Zupitza’s note.

213. #Schene vnder schete#: comp. ‘swete in bedde,’ Havelok 2927.

214. Comp. ‘Ne sont pas tuit chevalier, qui a cheval montent,’ Li
Proverbe au Vilain, no. 201.

215. This line is to be rejected: it spoils the symmetry of the
contrast, and is not original.

216. #glede#, ‘beside the glowing coal,’ Skeat; ‘in mirth,’ Borgström;
glede being identified with OWScand. gleði, joy, with an allusion to
boasting at the feast. The original word was probably wede, comp. ‘in
wlanke wede,’ Eng. Met. Homilies (ed. Small), 42/2 = _mollibus
vestimentis indutus_; ‘Whyle þe wlonkest wedes he warp on hym-seluen,’
Sir Gawayne, 2025; ‘awlencð his lichame,’ OEH ii. 211/36. The contrast
would then be between his gay clothes and his unserviceableness. T has
werȝe, for which Borgström reads werwe, steed; and Skeat weiȝe, way: for
the former might be quoted, ‘Nis so wlonk vnder crist · ridynde on
stede,’ OEM 91/19. With 217, comp. 26/265.

221. #arede#, take as advice. ‘Femina quod iurat, errat qui credere
curat,’ Prov. Hein. 64.

222. ‘Coniugis iratae noli tu verba timere; | Nam lacrimis struit
insidias, cum femina plorat,’ Cato 229/20.

226. #lude ⁊ stille#, under all circumstances: comp. 28/317, 188/377;
‘don we hit wullet | lude and stille,’ L 3665: Minot viii. 54 note.

228. ‘Didicere flere feminae in mendacium,’ Syrus 74/130; ‘Muliebris
lacrima condimentum est malitiae,’ id. 87/343; Fecunda Ratis 39/163.

231. Not said by Solomon, but by Syrus, ‘Malo in consilio feminae
vincunt viros,’ 86/324.

234. #loþ#, read leoþ; OE. #lēoþ#, song.

235. Skeat equates #scumes# with Icel. skūmi, twilight, and translates,
‘like twilight-shadows (they) mislead (us),’ which is fanciful. #Scumes#
may be miswriting for _scunnes_, which would represent OE. #scēones#,
#scȳness#, suggestion, temptation, as in ‘deofol þonne þurh þa attor
berendan næddran mid hire þære yfelan scéonesse . . . beswác þone
ærestan wifmon,’ BH 3/17. The sense would be, as temptation they
mislead. But more probably the place is corrupt, and the original may
simply have had, as cwen us forteoþ, with an allusion to Eve’s bad

237. Björkman, 14, thinks that this proverb was originally Scandinavian,
and it adds point to understand #cold# in the meaning, disastrous, of
the Icelandic version. Comp. ‘Wommennes counseils been ful ofte colde,’
Chaucer, C. T., B 4446. ‘Mulier cum sola cogitat, male cogitat,’ Syrus

240, 241. Skeat’s version, ‘I do not say this because a good woman is
not a good thing,’ shows that he takes #for þan þat# together, which is
contrary to the metrical stress on #þan# and gives no sufficient sense:
#for þan#, is, therefore, i.e. in spite of all the hard things I have
said about women: #hit# is an anticipatory object, which is expanded in
the object clause, #þat . . . wymmon#. The scribe deleted _n_ before
#ys#, Skeat restores it; T also has #is#, for which Skeat substitutes
[n]is, quoting, ‘Hic ne sige nout byþan | þat moni ne ben gentile man,’
T 665. I think that what the scribe wrote should be retained. It is
clear that the relation between a negative principal clause and its
dependent object clause was often in ME. very loose and illogical. Comp.
‘For sco was traist and duted noght, | þat godds wil ne suld be wroght,’
CM 12321; ‘Ne doð ham no þing swo wo | . . . | swo ꝥ hi niten, ꝥ here
þine | ne sal habben ende,’ Poema Morale, MS. D. 140 (see 46/290); ‘ihc
nas na wurdra[;] þenne ich nes weldinde,’ L 3466; also 100/104. ‘Ðat ne
forȝeit ðu naure · þat ðu godd ne heriȝe,’ 93/149, means, That forget
thou never that thou honour God; what is more natural than to leave out
the negative, if the contrary meaning is required? Our text may be
paraphrased, Whatever I have said about women in general, I do not say
it with reference to the proposition that a good woman is a good thing.
For the sentiment comp. ‘Femina raro bona, sed que bona digna corona,’
Prov. Hein. 65; ‘Femina pauca bona est; si forte inveneris ullam, | De
celo cecidit, tessella caractere miro,’ Fecunda Ratis 153/919.

242. #þe mon þe#, for the man who. #icouere#, &c. win her from his

244. Repeated from 21/108.

245. Comp. ‘Nulla sevior pestis quam familiaris hostis. Nis non werse
fo[;] þene frakede fere,’ OEH ii. 189/33; ‘Gravior est inimicus, qui
latet in pectore,’ Syrus 79/200.

246. #vayre . . . frakele#: see 23/172 note.

247. Skeat explains #þane loþe#, the hostile one, and #lead#, keep on
one’s side, #so#, by fair words. T reads So mo{n} mai welþe lengest
helden, which is easier of interpretation, but is just as inept. I think
both scribes or their exemplars have altered as best they could a
displaced line to fit it into its new context. Its proper place is after
the good advice of ll. 248-51 (comp. l. 263), and it may have originally
run, So myght þu fayre lif · lenguste leden.

248. ‘Nolito quaedam referenti credere saepe: | Exigua est tribuenda
fides, qui multa locuntur,’ Cato 224/20.

249 is a very lame verse; we might read, þat feole speken can.

251. With #singen#, comp. ‘Noli homines blando nimium sermone probare: |
Fistula dulce canit, uolucrem dum decipit auceps,’ Cato 220/27.

252. #swikelne#, deceitful: comp. ‘Ueond þet þuncheð freond is swike
ouer alle swike,’ AR 98/5; ‘Habet suum venenum blanda oratio,’ Syrus

254. #cuþe#, give warning.

256. Alfred would hardly have said that a man learns wisdom from
proverbs and prudence from good luck. Read for #sawe#, sorewe (the
scribe has overlooked the contraction for _re_), and for #hiselþe#,
uniselþe, misfortune. Comp. ‘In þes middeneardes iscole · selðen ⁊
uniselðen,’ OEH i. 243/7: ‘Vitat maiora sapiens post dampna minora,’
Prov. Hein. 240. Borgström reads his elde, where _his_ is surely
doubtful and þ interchanging with _d_ without parallel.

258. The editors leave out #And#, which is not in T, but l. 257 is
complete in itself; #And vnwurþ#, and despicable, is a sort of
afterthought: for the combination comp. 4/37; ‘þat he biðe vnworð & lah’
(loþ, MS. O), L 3464, and further for this meaning of #vnwurþ#, 143/92;
‘þe idele ȝelp us beo eure unwurð,’ OEH i. 107/8.

259. #hokede#, thievish: in thieves’ slang, a hook is a pickpocket, his
fingers are hooks. Comp. ‘Sutoribus custodem addidit et ut eorum curvos
ungues observaret . . . rogavit,’ Disciplina Clericalis, ed. Hilka u.
Söderhjelm, 28/19; ‘Arpiis similes armantur in ungue ferino,’ Fec.
Ratis, de Predonibus, 173/1154. #þat he bereþ# is rejected by Skeat as a
‘gloss.’ It is certainly feeble; perhaps we should read, þat he herȝeþ,
with which he plunders; the relative would be under the régime of the
preceding #þurh#.

261. #From--wune#, (dis)accustom thyself from lying: a singular phrase.

262. #þe# may be the reflexive dat. as at 13/34, but it is more probably
a mistake, due to #þe# in the previous line: its omission improves the

263. #on þeode#, a tag beloved of Layamon: with him it is always local;
comp. ‘he þohte to quellen[;] þe king on his þeode{n},’ 20056 (in his
londe, MS. O); ‘þa weoren Rom-leoden[;] bliðen on heore þeoden,’ id.
11144: it corresponds to ‘vpen eorþe,’ 22/123, and differs from #in alle
leode#, among all the people, Layamon’s ‘on folke,’ 2218.

265. Comp. ‘behoueð ðe ðat ðu bie well warr ꝥ tu luuiȝe ðine nexte, ðat
is, aurich mann ðe berð ðin anlicnesse,’ VV 39/13: a translation of
_proximus_, S. Luke x. 29. #þe#: comp. 22/141, 25/217: ‘Au besoing voit
on qui amis est’, Li Proverbe au Vilain, no. 72.

266. Comp. 188/378; ‘Vrom mulne ⁊ from cheping, from smiðe ⁊ from ancre
huse, me tiðinge bringeð,’ AR 88/26; ‘At chireche and at chepyng |
hwanne heo to-gadere come,’ OEM 189/57; Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 112/82.

270. #sytte#: comp. 22/144: rest in contentment; ‘sit soft.’

271. Skeat takes #lond le# as a mere scribal error for londe which T
reads. I think it points to an original londe ⁊ se: comp. 40/194; ‘Mid
mede man mai ouer water faren And mid weldede of giue[;] frend wuerche,’
OEH ii. 41/20 (possibly a reminiscence of this place). For the proverb
comp. ‘Mieux vaut amis en voie, ke deniers en corroie. Melius valet
amicus in via quam denarius in corrigia,’ Hauréau, Notices et Extraits,
ii. 283.

274-6. Comp. 22/133-5. #mixe#: T has nocht.

280. #holde#, maintain: ‘vpholde,’ 21/113.

285. Comp. 18/9-11.

288. Comp. generally 32/39-65; 29/20-24. Perhaps the allusion is to ‘In
timore Domini esto [tuum cor] tota die: Quia habebis spem in novissimo,
et praestolatio tua non auferetur,’ Prov. xxiii. 17, 18.

289. #lyen#: comp. ‘ꝥ sind þa gecostan cempan þa þam cyninge þeowað | se
næfre þa lean alegeð þam þe his lufan adreogeð,’ Exeter Book, ed.
Gollancz, 108/91. See 32/64 note.

293. #gabbe#, talk mockingly or derisively: the meaning of Fr. _gaber_,
to talk boastingly, would suit well here, but it lacks support.
#schotte# is difficult: the obvious sense is, to pay scot, to take part
in convivial assemblies, but this does not go well with #gabbe#.
Borgström thinks that it may be _schoute_, to shout, or possibly to
scout, sneer, modified for the sake of the rhyme. If that principle may
be admitted, _stroute_, to swagger (Havelok, 1779), would be preferable.

294. #chid#, wrangle, engage in a ‘flyting,’ or scolding match: ‘Ne
respondeas stulto iuxta stultitiam suam,’ Prov. xxvi. 4. Whether #tales#
be taken with the preceding or the following line, it is equally
unsuitable, unless it may mean reproaches, charges, after OE. #talian#.
It goes best with l. 296; _ne_ should be omitted before _chid_.
#dwales#, not ‘fools’ in the general sense, but erring ones; _dwall_ in
mod. dialects means to wander in mind, to talk incoherently. With
#cunnes# comp. 81/80.

298. ‘Rumores fuge, neu studeas novus auctor haberi,’ Cato 218/12. With
299 comp. ‘Pauca in convivio loquere’, id. 217/51. ‘Inter convivas fac
sis sermone modestus,’ Columbanus 92; ‘Contra verbosos noli contendere
verbis: | Sermo datur cunctis, animi sapientia paucis,’ Cato 217/10.

302. #biluken#, enclose, comprehend: the brief utterances of the wise
man are weighty.

303. See Hendyng 85 and Kneuer 28.

305. With #wille#, comp. 24/185.

307. Comp. Hendyng 144 and Kneuer 55; Förster’s note, ES xxxi. 6; ‘Osse
caret lingua, secat os tamen ipsa maligna,’ Prov. Hein. 149; ‘Mo sleað
word þene sweord,’ AR 74/1; ‘plaga . . . linguae comminuet ossa,’
Ecclus. xxviii. 21.

310. ‘Exultat gaudio pater iusti,’ Prov. xxiii. 24: ‘Him stondes wel þat
god child strenes,’ Havelok 2983.

311. #ibidest#, dost obtain: OE. #gebīdan#, to await, experience, attain

312. #mon þewes#: comp. ‘hauest þu nu quene þeouwes inume,’ L 30281.
‘Curva cervicem eius in iuventute, et tunde latera eius dum infans, ne
forte . . . erit tibi dolor animae,’ Ecclus. xxx. 12. The ‘child
unþewed’ is one of the ‘Ten Abuses,’ OEM 185/9.

314. The better things will ever go in the world. For #buuen eorþe#, see

316. #werende#: Skeat reads wexende; if any alteration is made, wuniende
would give a common OE. and ME. combination: as ‘þæt he her in worulde
wunian mote,’ Christ 817; ‘wuniende ⁊ rixlende on worlde,’ OEH 1. 25/17.
But #weren# is equated in Stratmann-Bradley with Mid. Dutch, OHG. weren,
to remain, with this place as the only instance.

317. #lude and stille#: see 25/226.

327. Comp. ‘For betere were child ounboren þen ounbeten,’ Hending, MS.
O, Anglia iv. 191/4.

328. ‘Qui parcit virge, sua pignora protinus odit,’ Fec. Ratis 93/438;
‘Quippe diu male cesus lamentabitur infans,’ id. 65/289. #spareþ#, with

329. #areche#, get at, control.


  13/34 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  23/172 (note) = _present selection_
  46/292, 50/334 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale)


  The Cotton MS. ... MS. Stowe 163, B.M. ff.  [Stowe, 163 B. M.]
  ... #īe# in #scīene#, #gesīene# gives schene 213, isene 75.
    [#scīene# #gesīene#]
  #ea# + #h# occurs in wexynde 112, 113, iauhteþ 171  [113 iauhteþ]
  The personal pronouns ... _a. f._ 280, non  [non,]
  _s. g. neut._ 276, echere  [echere,]
  ... Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 2. heuedest 187;  [187:]
  1. #Seuorde#: siforde T; Sifforde W, RJ, which is  [RJ.,]
  38. ... #ryhtwis#   [rightwis]
  87-92. ... sende þe Adu{er}site  [Aduersite]
  129. #vouh#, for veoh
      [_“veoh” misprinted as bold_]
  144. ... the divergence of T  [of B]
  258. ... which is not in T,  [T.,]
  271. Skeat takes #lond le# as a mere scribal error
      [_“lond le” misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]


#Manuscript:# As for no. vi. There are other copies in (C) MS. Cotton
Caligula A ix., B.M., of the first quarter of the thirteenth century,
and (B) MS. Laud 471, Bodleian, of the end of the same century. In (A)
MS. Arundel 57, B.M. there is a fourteenth-century version of nine
lines. CJ form a group, B belongs to another branch.

#Editions:# Of CJ; Morris, R., OEM, pp. 156-9 under the inappropriate
title, Long Life: of B; Zupitza, J., Anglia i. p. 410: of B, corrected
by CJ; Kluge, F., ME. Lesebuch, p. 56; of C; Wright, T., Percy Society,
vol. xi. p. 63. Of A; Morris, R., Ayenbite of Inwyt, p. 129.

#Literature:# Zupitza, J., Anglia i. 410; Varnhagen, H., Anglia ii. 71;
ii. 67.

#Phonology:# The position is the same as that of piece vi: words not in
it are blench 4 (#blencan# _vb._); falwy 6 (#fealwian#); luteþ 29
(#lūtian#); sterk 11 (#stearc#); steo 38 (#stīgan#, imitating in the
_inf._ flēon, wrēon, Bülbring, Ablaut 88), sunne 10 (#synn#). MS. C does
not differ materially from it: it has however drinche 8, deaþes 8,
sterch 11, strench 14, tahte 23, fole 33, wormes 34, nowt 50. MS. B is
South-Eastern bordering on Kent; it has rene 3 (#rēn#), senne 10, starc
11, sene 13, to yenes 16, Man let lust a{n}d senne stench 19, sede 23,
stie 38 and _st_ for _ht_ in brigst 13. The text is often faulty as if
written down from memory, and l. 26 is missing, but the rhymes are
correct: the original was doubtless in the South-Eastern dialect.

#Accidence:# longe _s. g. neut._ 1 (comp. longes 21/109); heyust _adv._
38; endi _inf._ 39 (#endian#), last 2 _pr. s._ (#lǣdest#) 36 are the
only forms which require notice.

#Metre:# The ten-line stanza of this poem is unique in ME. literature.
It is an expansion of the common eight-line stanza: its rhyme formula is
abab | baab | bb, two quatrains with contrasted rhymes and a two-line
close in which the sentiment of the stanza culminates. In the last
stanza the effect is spoiled by the absence of a break at the end of the
eighth line.

As a rule the line contains four measures, but four out of five times
the ninth line of the stanza has only three, so, Món | er þu fál | lẹ of
þi bénch | 9; Ac déþ | lúteþ | in his schó | 29; In déþ | schal þi lýf |
endí | 39; wúrcheþ him | pýnẹ eu|er mó | 49. Further, in the original
form of the verse, as preserved by MS. B, the tenth line has only two
measures, þi sénnẹ | aquénch | 10; wel dó | wel þénch | 20; hím to |
fordó | 30 (Zupitza’s correction of the MS. do him for do); on wóp | þi
glé | 40; ne dó | þu só | 50. The rhythm is mostly trochaic, as Món may
| lónge | lýues | wéne | 1, but sometimes iambic, as Nis nón | so stróng
| ne stárk | ne ké|nè 11; her naú|ẹstu blís|se dáy|es þré | 35. Lines
with three-syllable measures like 9 are 22, 26: with monosyllabic first
foot are 19, 22, 31, 32.

#Introduction:# The comparative smoothness and finish of the verse
points to a date considerably later than that of the Proverbs: perhaps
about 1210 A.D. The piece seems to have been inspired by stanzas x and
xxi of the earlier poem.

1. A man may look forward to a long life, but the trick often deceives
him; an oft-quoted proverb, as at 21/108, 222/274; ‘Mani man weneþ þat
he wene ne þarf, longe to liven, and him lieþ þe wrench,’ Hending MS. O,
Anglia iv. 200. The second line occurs in another connection in AR,
‘moni mon abit to schriuen him uort þe nede tippe. Auh ofte him lieð þe
wrench,’ 338/18. For the case of #liues# comp. ‘Ðær sceolan þeofas . . .
lifes ne wenan,’ Christ 1608; with #wrench . . . blench# comp. 157/125;
‘wrenceþ he ⁊ blenceþ · worn geþenceþ · hinder-hoca,’ Exeter Book, ed.
Thorpe, 315/18.

3. #turneþ#: went, BA.

4. #makeþ#: hit makeð, C; the subject is weder, _neut._: turneþ he, B;
i.e. reyne (OE. #regn#, _m._). Comp. ‘Hope maketh fol ma{n} ofte
ble{n}kes,’ Havelok 307; ‘þe{n}ne þe ky{n}g of þe kyth a cou{n}sayl
hy{m} takes, | Wyth þe best of his burnes, a blench for to make,’
Cleanness 1201, 2.

6. #falwy#: falewi, BC: comp. 133/39, ‘faleweþ so doþ medewe gres,’ OEM

8. #deþes drench#: comp. ‘Þær Cristess mennisscnesse | Drannc dæþess
drinnch o rodetreo,’ Orm 45/1373.

9. #bench# implies feasting: comp. ‘Ne schaltu neuer sytten · on bolstre
ne on benche | Ne neuer in none halle · þar me wyn schenche,’ OEM
175/89; ‘Ye þat weryeþ þat riche schrud · and sytteþ on eure benche,’
id. 169/3; ‘Ac þu sete on þine benche, underleid mid þine bolstre,’
Worcester Frag. C, 26; L 9693.

10. With #aquench#, comp. ‘Her-of we owe þenche. | And vre sunnen
aquenche. | Mid beden and myd almesse,’ OEM 79/217.

12. B reads, þat may agein deaþes wiþer clench, that has power against
death’s hostile grip: _wiþer-clench_ appears to be without parallel. In
our text, Morris takes #ago# for _agon_, escape, but, as Zupitza points
out, it is probably for _agon_ = agein, which is also found as age, aȝe.
Stratmann-Bradley translates #wiþer-blench#, attack, quoting this place
only: more probably it means sly, treacherous attack.

14. #ryueþ#, rakes: Icel. rifja, to rake hay into rows: ‘Ryvyn, or
rakyn,’ Prompt. Parvul. ed. Mayhew, col. 386. #on o streng#: so B, but C
in one strench, which would represent OE. #strenc#, a by-form of
#streng#, recorded in _Funiculus, modicum funus_, rap _uel_ strenc,
Wright, Vocabularies 245/6, just as drench, wrench represent #drenc#,
#wrenc#. If that be the case here, then C agrees with BJ, save in the
preposition _in_. For Death armed with a rake comp. ‘Hwen he com to
arudden | of deaðes rake oðre, | hwi deide he him seoluen?’ SK 1137:
Satan is often so represented, ‘Þer is sathanas þe qued · | redi wyþ his
rake,’ OEM 181/213; SM 11/11; SK, MS. C 917. Death sweeps in his victims
with his rope; ‘Ded has vs wit-sett vr strete, | · | All sal we rin into
his rape,’ CM 23727; ‘Ded sal rug us til his rape,’ CM 21920; ‘Deþ shal
take vs al in rape,’ id. MS. T. The conception then is that of Death
sweeping in all sorts and conditions with the same rope. It is just
possible that the reading of C, strench, is meant for strech, i.e.
stretch, the word still used in Dorsetshire for ‘the space taken in at
one stretch of the rake,’ EDD. v. 813. Streche is not common at this
period, but comp. 42/231; ‘on his modes streche,’ OEH i. 111/25, in the
sweep, or compass, of his mind.

15. #fox#, _adj._: comp. 187/351; ‘fox of fyl’ (_read_ wil), Horst.,
S.A.L. 12/251; Orm 230/6646: for #wrench#, comp. ‘Alse þe fox þe mid his
wrenches walt oðer deor[;] ⁊ haueð his wille þerof,’ OEH ii. 195/7.

16. B has, ne mai him noma{n} to yenes.

17. #þreting#, menace, or possibly upbraiding: B has weping. The nouns
#þreting#, #bene#, #Mede#, &c., are subjects of may, l. 16.

18. #Mede#, bribery: B reads, ne listes ne leches drench.

21. Possibly a reference to the advice given at 27/288.

23. Do as He who bringeth thee to thy end taught thee and said. Comp.

25. #mysdo#, misfare. B leaves out #þenne# and the whole of the
following line, which means, But thou hast good reason to live in fear
and trembling. ‘A peyne joie avra un sul jur | Ke de sa fyn bien
pensera,’ MS. Lambeth 522, Archiv lxiii. 76/23.

27. #such#, such and such a man, indefinitely.

29. #luteþ#, lurkeþ. Comp. ‘Ja n’ert tant prus ne tant vaillanz, | Ne
tant de richesces en avra, | Ke tuit nel perde a un launz: | Kar mort
tapit enmi sun gaunt, | Kant meyns quide | Chescun,’ Archiv lxiii.
76/33; ‘within the hollow crown | That rounds the mortal temples of a
king | Keeps Death his court,’ Shakspere, K. Richard II, iii. ii. 160.
The reading of B, ‘deþ him ledes on his sóó,’ apparently means, death on
his shoes (OE. #scōum#) directs his footsteps.

33. #fule fulþe#: comp. 134/94. ‘Cum faex, cum limus, cum res vilissima
simus, | Unde superbimus? Ad terram terra redimus,’ Hauréau, Notices,
vi. 124.

37. Comp. ‘Quor deades strenge warp him dun,’ GE 21/714.

38. Comp. 21/110; ‘Quen þu best wenis to haf all, | Fra al þan sal þou
titest fall,’ CM 21939; ‘þenne þu wenest ꝥ þu scalt libben alre best ·
þenne gest þu forð,’ OEH i. 7/23; ‘quant mielz quidet vivre | e estre a
delivre, | la mort li cort sore,’ Reimpredigt 32/16.

41. Comp. ‘Wela · weolla · wella[;] hu þu biswikest monine mon. | þenne
he þe treoweðe alre best on[;] þenne biswikes tu heom,’ L 3411.

45, 6. Evidently a popular saying, so ‘Mon let þi fol lust ouergo · and
eft hit þe likeþ,’ Poema Morale MS. J. 15 an interpolated line; ‘auh let
lust ouergon ⁊ hit te wule liken,’ AR 118/26; ‘Let lust ouergon ⁊ hit þe
wule liken,’ id. 238/27; Hendyng 53. For #likeþ# comp. 30/11, and for
#ouergo#, pass by, 22/143.


  #Manuscript:# ... (B) MS. Laud 471
    [_printed as shown: error for “Laud Misc.”?_]
  #Editions:# Of CJ; Morris, R., OEM  [R. OEM]
  As a rule ... Món may | lónge | lýues | wéne  [lyúes]
  4. #makeþ#: hit makeð, C; the subject is weder, _neut._  [_neut_]


#Manuscripts:# i. Lambeth 487 (L), a small quarto, 177 × 135 mm., of 67
leaves, written towards the end of the twelfth century. Its contents are
described in Wanley, p. 266, and printed in OEH i. pp. 2-189: nos. x,
xi. of this book are also taken from it. The words printed in clarendon
in these three pieces are written in red, not inserted afterwards by a
rubricator but done at the same time as the rest of the text. The PM
ends with fordemet, l. 270, in the middle of a page; the final t has a
flourish for its cross stroke; the copyist had apparently no knowledge
of any more.

ii. iii. Egerton 613, B.M., described in the List of Additions, 1843.
Its contents are mostly in Norman French, but it has two copies of the
PM: the second (e) furnishes here a complement to the Lambeth MS. as far
as l. 370, with which it ends; the first (E) is used to complete the
text. e was written in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, E is
somewhat later; the former has accents, the latter none. In e every
other line has a red initial, but the rubricator went wrong at ll. 308,
312. These copies are in different hands.

iv. Trinity College, Cambridge, B. 14. 52 (T), on vellum, 135 × 105 mm.;
written early in the thirteenth century. Its contents are described in
James, M. R., The Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College,
Cambridge, 1900, i. 459. A leaf is lost after f. 8, and a new hand
begins with f 9; the PM appears to be a distinct MS. (Anglia, iv. 408).
The initials of each line are capitals and written apart from their
words. A later hand has glossed aihte 42, goodes; ore 53, favour, grace;
lean 64, deserving; manke 70, Manca, Mancus.

Other MSS. are v. Digby A 4, Bodleian D, of the beginning of the
thirteenth century; described in Macray, W. D., Catalogue of the Digby
MSS., Oxford, 1883. The PM is written in half lines and stanzas; it is
in a hand found nowhere else in the MS., which was probably copied at
Christ Church, Canterbury (James, M. R., The Ancient Libraries of
Canterbury and Dover, Cambridge, 1903; Förster, M., Archiv cxv. 167).
Its dialect is Kentish. vi. Jesus College, Oxford, E 29 (J): see p. 285.
vii. McClean MS. 123 (M), Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, 122 leaves on
vellum, 262 × 167 mm.: about 1300: the Nuneaton Book, described by Miss
Anna C. Paues, who discovered this copy of the poem, in Anglia xxx.
217-26, and in A Descriptive Catalogue of the McClean Collection of
Manuscripts by M. R. James, Cambridge, 1912. Like Egerton 613 it has the
Bestiary of William the Norman and the Gospel of Nicodemus in French.
The dialect of PM is South-Eastern, bordering on Kent. It begins with
two lines from Sinners Beware (OEM p. 72), and has four other lines not
found in any other copy: on the other hand, it wants seventy lines found
in T; it diverges from the other MSS. in the order of the lines, and in
other respects gives the impression of having been written down from

#Facsimile:# Of vi. Skeat, W. W., Twelve Facsimiles, Oxford, 1892; plate
vi gives ll. 1-34.

#Editions:# Of L: OEH i. 159-75 with modern version. Kluge, F., ME.
Lesebuch, 57-61. Of E: Furnivall, F. J., Early English Poems.
Philological Society, 1862, 22-34, with readings of e and OEH i. 288-95,
175-83. Of e: Zupitza-Schipper, Alt- und Mittelenglisches Übungsbuch,
Wien, 1907, 80-91, completed from E. Of T: OEH ii. 220-32 and Specimens
195-221. Of J: OEM 58-71 and Specimens 194-220. Of D: Zupitza, J.,
Anglia i. 6-32, part in Hickes i. 222. Of M: Paues, A. C., Anglia xxx.
227-37 (I read l. 29, hire; 63 þon; 65 na{m}more; 71 ouersicþ; 84
þurȝsicþ; 105 diaþe; 147 þar pine; 152 ysicþ; 191 ofspreng; 223 hi
neure; 236 Mot; 268 wulle; 314 hī = hi{m}; 333 ḅyseo = yseo).

A critical edition based on all the MSS. then known was issued by H.
Lewin, Halle, 1881. He adopted Zupitza’s filiation of the MSS. as
expressed in the following table:

                           +------------- L
                 +--- X ---+
                 |         |         +--- E
       +--- Y ---+         +--- W ---+
       |         |                   +--- e
       |         |
  U ---+         +----------------------- J
       |         +----------------------- T
       +--- Z ---+
                 +----------------------- D

Miss Paues thinks that M is descended from V co-equal with U, thus
displacing the latter from its position of original: to me it seems to
belong to the Z group, and to be most nearly related to D.

The MSS. thus fall into two groups, which are here adequately
represented by the printed texts, for D is inferior and J much altered,
indeed often rewritten. U, the original, was probably written about 1180

#Literature:# Einenkel, E., Anglia iv. Anz. 88-93; Jordan, R., ES xlii.
38-42 (dialect of L); Krüger, A., Sprache und Dialekt der ME. Homilien
in der Handschrift B. 14. 52. Trinity College, Cambridge, Erlangen,
1885; Paues, A. C., Anglia xxx. 217-37; Zupitza, J., Anglia i. 5-38;
iii. 32, 33; iv. 406-10.

#Analogues:# Reimpredigt, ed. H. Suchier, Halle, 1879; Le Sermon de
Guischart de Beauliu, ed. A. Gabrielson, Upsala, 1909; Guischart de
Beauliu’s debt to religious learning and literature in England, by A.
Gabrielson, Archiv cxxviii. 309-28.

#Phonology:# (1) =of the Lambeth MS.= Oral #a# is _a_, baþien 245, faren
176; #a# before nasals is normally _o_, mon 22, þonc 71, but _a_ in
manke 70, þanke 241, and þenne, þene, þen, wenne are the usual
spellings, with occasional þanne 18, 160; #a# before lengthening groups
is _o_, honde 81, ifonded 147; ent 159 is Anglian #end#. #æ# is mostly
_e_, brec 183, et 92, feder 148, efþ 171 (#hæfð#), hwet 92 &c., weter
248, but _a_ in bað 218, fader 186, 195, habbe 3, 5, hwat 90, water 142,
194, 240. #e# is _e_, beren 95, ende 179, strengþe 168, but sullic 181
(#syllic#; comp. seollic L 18035), ni 77, meind 142 (#mengde#). #i# is
_i_, biden 125, binden 216, child 148; after #w# it is _u_ in wule 34,
39, 155, wulleð 97, 226, uuel 123 (= nule), nute 236, nusten 102, 225.
It is _e_ in þerdde 138, _u_ in ofsprung 207; boð 120 is miswritten for
bið. #o# is _o_, bifore 16, borde 260, but after #w#, _a_, walde 49,
nalde 185, 261; cumen 202 is #c(w)omon#. The prep. #on# is mostly a,
sometimes an; #u# is _u_, cumeð 234, funde 68, but come 124, 221, iwoned
57 in contact with #m#, #n#, #w#. #y# is mostly _u_, abuȝeð 195, cunne
202, duden 265, sunne 201, swuch 80, þunchen 62; before lengthening
groups, sungede 258, but _i_ in afirst 37, hwice 136, lifte 83, ofþinchþ
130 (5), swich 80 (3), and _e_ in dede 2, vnnet 5: king 50, drihten 80,
drihte 110 are the only forms of these words.

#ā# is normally _a_, an 26, are 179, hwam 202, þa 190; before consonant
groups, are 207, hattre 247, but it is _o_ in hom 95, hwon 105, þo 53,
wori 142, _e_ through loss of stress in se 80 &c., þe 169. #ǣ{1}# is
_e_, eni 53, er 11, þen 71, ech 32, efre 68, ledden 209, but _a_ in
anige 269, þan 74: uches 90 descends from ylc. #ǣ{2}# is always _e_,
adrede 6, brede 143, lende 122, uniselðe 198. #ē# is always _e_; #ī#,
_i_; #ō#, _o_, but _e_ in te 108: na 134 is Anglian #nā#. #ū# is always
_u_. #ȳ# is normally _u_, cudde 191, fur 76, hud 77, lutel 46, but litel
28, hwi 104.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is regularly _e_, erȝe 17, þerf 43; before
lengthening groups, erninge 64, herde 157, 169, wernin 228, but arme
227, warni 226: the _i_-umlaut is represented by derne 78, smirte 114.
#ea# before #l# + cons. is once _ea_, bifealt 7; normally _a_ (Anglian
absence of breaking), al 7 &c., salt 248, ald 4, -fald 54, 247, waldeð
84, but welde 2, welden 55 (by confusion with #gewieldan#): the
_i_-umlaut is seen in elde 14, 15, eldre 192, helde 197, but alder 1.
#eo# before #r# + cons. is mostly _e_, herte 74, werke 27 (9), but horte
113; before length. groups it is _o_ in ȝorne 49, horþe 75, orðe 81,
orðliche 153. The #wur# group is represented by wurð 140; the _i_-umlaut
by wurs 236, wurst 217, 219: bernd 249, berninde 218, bernunde 245 come
from #bærnan#. #eo# before #l# + cons. is written _o_ [ö], solf 12 (13),
but _u_ in sulf 214 (LWS. #sylf#). #ea#, _u_-umlaut of #a# is
represented by kare 45. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _o_, houene 25 (7),
world 153, 222, but _e_ in heuenriche 42, 63, and by influence of #w#,
_u_ in suster 148, 185: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e# is written _o_ [ö],
brokeð 91, fole 9 (4), unfrome 226, but is _e_ in fele 70, 166, wele
222. #eo#, umlaut of #i# is written _o_ [ö], binoþen 87, hore 101,
solure 264, souene 26, soððen 9, 117, but is _e_ in biclepie 107,
iclepede 104, seue 140; _u_ in suððen 205, hure 141. The palatal
diphthong #ea# is _a_ in scal 24, 35, schal 19, -gate 180; _e_ in scefte
84, ȝere 110; #sceamian# is skamie 163, 165, #sceomu#, scome 166. #ie#
after #g# is regularly _e_ (Anglian), ȝeuen 64, 261, ȝefð 144, ȝeue 45,
74, ȝelde 45, forȝeten 34, 98, but _i_ in giue 56; after #č#, _e_, chele
197, 233 (without umlaut); after #sc#, _i_, scilde 220. #eo# after #g#
is _u_ in ȝung 4, 10; after #sc#, _u_, sculen 20 (8), sculde 118, 263,
sculden 60, 265, but _o_ once in solde 51. #eom# is em 1, 4, #heom#, hom
18 &c.

#ēa# is _ea_ in deaþe 182, uneade 181, otherwise _e_, brede 189, chep
68, deðe 115, uneðe 189: lan 64 is Scandinavian. The _i_-umlaut is _e_,
alesed 134, iheren 262, ileuen 255. #ēo# is _eo_ in beoð 17, beo 29,
freonde 220, seon 16, otherwise regularly _o_, bon 2 (5), bo 134 (10),
boð 26 &c., dore 143, doule 97 (5), frond 30 (4), son 158, þoue 43, but
_e_ in lef 252, sec 199, tening 253: bið 233 is due to confusion with
the singular. The _i_-umlaut is represented by dore 144, 184, fond 219,
frond 220, node 261, þostre 78, but once þestre 76. #gīet# is ȝet 5;
#gēar#, ȝer 140. #ō# after #sc# is seen in scop 84.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, draȝen 47, 49, laȝe 170: _ah_ 14, 119, ach 58 is
Anglian #ah#. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, dei 134, mei 14, seið 114, 133. #e# +
#g# is _eȝ_ in weȝes 72, _ei_ in eie 18, weien 63: #ongegn# is aȝein 76;
#e# + #h# is seen in hechte 268; #i# + #h# in iwichte 212; #o# + #g# in
unwron 160 (#unwrogen#); #o# + #h# in bohte 184, unbocht 59; #u# + #g#
in fuȝeles 83, luȝen 159, muȝe 21, wruȝen 160; #y# + #g# in abuh 144
(#abygþ#). #ā# + #g# produces _aȝ_, aȝen 30 (5), maȝe 29, but ahen 161:
#ā# + #h# is seen in ahte 2, achten 129. #ǣ{1}# + #g# is _ei_ in eiðer
62, seiden 223; #ǣ{1}# + #h#, _eh_ in ehte 259, echte 42 (3), but _ach_
in tachte 268. #ǣ{2}# + #g# gives _eȝ_ in iseȝen 98, 102, but _ei_ in
mei 29, 185. #ē# + #g# is seen in forwreien 97; #ō# + #g# in inoch 235;
#ō# + #h# in biþocht 8, brochte 183: uwer 88 is #ōwer# < #ōhwǣr#, comp.
ouhwar AR 60/25. #ea# + #h# gives mihte 13, michte 16, 52, mahte 222,
isech 261; the _i_-umlaut is represented in nihte 78: #eo# + #h#,
brichte 75, rihte 109; its _i_-umlaut is represented in ouersich 75,
þurþsicheþ 90. #ēa# + #g# is _eȝ_ in eȝen 75; #ēa# + #h# gives þah 4,
þach 102, 222, þech 181; #ēo# + #h#, lihte 76, lihtliche 145. #ā# + #w#
is _au_ in cnauð 146, knauð 110, saule 136, 245, naut 48, 212; _aw_ in
nawiht 150, 249 (but noht 190, nocht 132 are from #nōwiht#); _auw_ in
iknauwen 161; otherwise _aw_, blaweð 136, mawen 20. #ēa# + #w# is _aw_
in scaweð 135. #ēo# + #w# is _ou_ in ou 50; _ow_ in ow 228, rowen 19,
sowen 20, _eow_ in eow 25: its _i_-umlaut is represented in untrownesse

In syllables without stress #a# is levelled to _e_, abuten 267,
bihinden, binoþen 87, biforen 25, sone 38, but biforan 63; #o# to _e_,
atter 142, siker 41, swikele 251. _e_ is added in areles 216 (#ārlēas#),
ofte 57. The prefix #ge# is _i_, ilome 47, iswinc 36, itit 125.

For #sw#, _su_ is written once in suilch 120; _qu_ is the regular
equivalent of #cw#, iquemen 95, quike 79. An #l# is lost in ful 6, 145,
fulenden 243: _gg_ is written for #ng# in biginnigge 119. Initial #f# is
once _u_ in uersc 248: #f# between vowels or vowel and voiced consonant
is generally _u_, buuen 87, eure 86, iuere 229, solure 264, uuel 251,
but _f_ in ufel 59, 93, ufele 17, ifere 102; frure 232 is probably
#frōfre#. In heste 242 _t_ is added, but hese 91: #ts# is _c_ in milce
72. #d# is lost in leden 93 and added in ordlinghes 103: _t_ is written
for #d# in ent 159, fordemet 270, idemet 106, 171, maket 230, undret
208, 247. #þ# is lost in abuh 144, ouersich 75; written for #d# in hefð
147; for it _th_ is written in with 216, _t_ in etlete 148, 153, 257,
hauet 65, ofþinchet 10, seit 133, þunchet 233, _d_ in cud 159 (but kuðe
9), uneade 181, _h_ in þench 33, wih 220, _c_ in eclete 74: it is
assimilated in attere 127, at ta 156. #sc# [š] is _sc_ in scal 24,
scameþ 165, scilde 220, _sch_ in schal 19, _s_ in bisunien 152, _ss_ in
fisses 83 and notably _sk_ in skamie 163. #č# is generally _ch_, chele
197, child 3, ich 1, but drunke 258, smike 16; #c# [k] is palatalized in
hech 232, werch 108, 116, werche 254, but werc 177; it is _g_ in þingþ
5; ah 14, 119, 120, ach 58, 166, hi 221 (= ih) have Anglian #h#: #čč# is
_ch_, feche 222, reche 221, rechð 133, streche 231, stuche 189, wreche
232: #cg# is _gg_, seggen 94, buggen 65, but abuȝeð 195. Palatal #g# is
very regularly represented by _ȝ_, forȝeten 34, ȝeue 74, ȝere 110, but
_i_ in medierne 256 (#georne#), _h_ in ahen 161 and _g_ in anige 269:
gate 180 is plural: #ng# is _ngh_ in ordlinghes 103, _ngg_ in eueningges
162: #g# is lost in murþe 154. The prefix #ge# is lost in bon 137, hud
77, meind 142, write 101. _h_ has been added initially in hech 232,
helche 89, his 72, 121, 229, honde 193, dropped in is 217, raþer 131,
undret 208, 247: _þ_ displaces #h# in þurþ 90. For #hw#, _w_ appears in
wa 114, wet 79, 94, _h_ in hom 95. _ch_ for #h# is frequent, achten 129,
brochte 183, brichte 75, hechte 268, isech 261, ouersich 75, þurþsicheþ
90, &c. In soht 30, _ht_ is written for #tt#.

(2) =of the Trinity College MS.= Oral #a# is _a_, fare 180, habben 39;
#a# before nasals regularly _a_, man 20, þanc 245, þanne, þane, þan are
the usual forms, but þene 343; #a# before lengthening groups is _o_,
fonded 149, longe 3, but hangeð 312. #æ# is regularly _a_, after 28,
almesse 28, brac 185, fader 150, water 244, but sæd 392, hweðer 240. #e#
is _e_, bed 222, beren 95; before lengthening groups, bende 398, felde
348, imengd 144, strengðe 317, but ængles 94, angles 284, 355, 380. #i#
is _i_, þridde 140, child 3, finde 54, but _e_ after #w# in nele 336,
nelle 291, nesten 229, 388, also in ofspreng 211, þese 312, þesse 328,
383, þesses 338 (#ðyssum#, #ðysses#), _u_ after #w# in swunche 208, 373,
as also in ofsprung 198. #o# is _o_, bode 264, borde 311, but #on# prep.
is most frequently a, an. #sorg# is soreȝe 142 (4), but sareȝe 378. #u#
is invariably _u_, bigunne 218, grunde 180. #y# is _e_ in deden 269,
270, euel 26 (11), hlesten 230, 387, kenne 206 (4), senne 129 (7),
senden 290 (#syndun#), steche 191, vnnet 5, unwenne 212; _u_ in abugeð
197, abuið 146, bugge 65, dude 2, duden 96, fulle 352, furst 37, gulteð
315 (4), gult 197 (4), hulle 351, misduden 101, 194, muchel 76 (8),
murie 156, murihðe 396, þunche 62, ofþunche 207 (3), sunegeden 262; _i_
in tihte 272, þincheð 5, 10, 166, swilch 79, 399, hwilch 138, unwinne
250: king, drihten, drihte are the only forms of these words.

#ā# is mostly _o_; the exceptions are aquerne 366, bihat 368, hat 308,
hatere 251, hwan 206, lac 203 (loc in corresponding line 73). #ǣ{1}# is
mostly _a_, ani 53, are 124, has 91, 349, hate 236, sa 83, sade 131
(LWS. #sǣde#), tache 305, þare 346; before two consonants, ache 235 (4),
afre 86, mast 7, unhalðe 16 (4); but _e_ in hete 199, mene 170, ðer 216,
and before two consonants arerde 172, ech 23 (8); _æ_ in ænes 185; _ea_
in hease 296. In forgoð 358 a plural form is used for the singular.
#ǣ{2}# is mostly _a_, adrade 6, dade 3 (4), lache 306, misdade 132, 166,
275, rade 4, strate 235 (4), before two consonants naddren 277, ofdrad
43, 94, 288, unisalðe 200, 378, wapne 340, but _e_ in mere 393, misdede
209 _r. w._ ofdrade, unsele 201, iselðe 15; _æ_ in læte 345, and _ia_ in
þiar 165. #ē# is _e_, beten 242, demde 274, iquemd 174, but _a_ in ache
364 (#ǣce#): doð 35 (8) is plural form for singular. #ī# is _i_, abiden
140, þriste 19, but syrreue 50, ȝietceres 271 (Bülbring, § 306, anm. 1).
#ō# is _o_ except in cam 117 (4), te 316. #ū# is invariably _u_. #ȳ# is
_e_ in forbet 307, here 45, kedde 193; _u_ in cuðen 99, fure 43, 152,
hudden 162, _i_ in litel 46, 264, 331.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is, as a rule, _a_, arme 231, narewe 343, swarte
282, before lengthening groups mostly _a_, hardde 171, warnie 304, but
_e_ in erninge 64, metheschele 366; _ea_, _æ_ in middeneard 140, 200,
middenærd 195: the _i_-umlaut is represented by erminges 323, derne 77,
smierte 114. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, alle 22, biualle
198, before lengthening groups mostly _ea_, bihealde 288, eald 4, but
bihelden 392, holde 55: the _i_-umlaut is seen in elde 16 (5), elder 1,
326, elderne 194. #eo# before #r# + cons. is mostly _e_, herte 74 (3),
werc 108 (10), but storre 279, hierte 113; before lengthening groups it
is _ie_ in ȝierles 324, ȝierne 49, _e_ in erðe 75, erðeliche 155. In the
#wur# group _u_ is the rule, wurðe 142, wurðen 334. The _i_-umlaut after
#w# gives werse 299, werest 221 (LWS. #wyrsa#, #wyrrest#): barneð 253,
barnende 222, descend from #bærnan#; oerre 280 represents #eorre#. #eo#
before #l# + cons. is always _e_, self 131 &c. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#
is _e_, heuene 27, wereldes 271, but _o_ in woreldes 226, 338; the
_å_-umlaut is represented by fele 9 (3), wele 155 (4): #eo#, umlaut of
#i# is _e_, icleped 104, henne 400, seðen 9, seuene 28, bineþen 87, but
binime 44, ȝieue 74, niþer 347, quike 78, 192, siluer 268, and after
#w#, suster 150, 187, wude 348. #ea# after palatals is _a_ in sal 21,
26, safte 84, same 168, samie 165, sameð 167, scat 367. #ie# after #g#
is _ie_ in biȝiete 105, 126, ȝielde 45, forȝiete 34 (4), ȝieuen 64 (12),
forȝieue 217; after #sc#, #c#, it is _i_, silde 224 (5), _e_ in chele
199, 236, bicherd 322. The conj. #gif# is ȝief 121, 166. #eo# after #g#
gives ȝeunge 10, ȝeunger 326, jung 4, ȝieuð 377 (#geogoð#): #eo# after
#sc#, solde 37, 267, solden 60, sulle 22, sullen 103. #heom# is hem;
#eom#, am.

#ēa# is mostly _ea_, breade 191, deaðe 106 (7), eaðe 210, 288, 376,
uneaðe 183, 191, but ec 46, 107, eðlate 74, 150, 261, rauing 257. The
_i_-umlaut of #ēa# has regularly _e_, alesed 136, hereð 89, ileuen 49,
temen 108, but ȝiemeð 80. #ēo# is mostly _e_, ben 39 (12), biflen 154,
deflen 97, lef 73, frend 30, rewen 358, but _ie_ in bien 389, bie 4 (4),
biede 266, bieð 291, 315, diere 145, fiendes 223, friende 224, lief 203,
261, hielden 172, 298, isien 18 (5), swiere 146, þieue 43; _i_ in sic
201. The _i_-umlaut is represented in diere 146, 186, fiend _pl. n._
283, friend _pl. a._ 224, niede 265, þiesternesse 281, but derlinges
389, frend 185, 304, þuster 77. #gesīene# is isene 344; #gīet#, ȝiet 5,
293; #gēar#, ȝier 142: #ō# after #sc# is seen in sop 84.

#a# + #g# is _aw_ in drawen 47, _aȝ_ in laȝe 172, 295. #æ# + #g# is
_ai_, dai 370, fair 392, mai 16, 44, but maiȝ 88, 124, 217. #e# + #g# is
_ei_, wei 353, eiseliche 285, eie 20, seið 112, 135, but treiȝe 375,
weiȝ 341, weiȝen 63: #ongegn# is aȝien 351. #i# + #g# is _ie_, nieðe
342, unwrien 162; final #ig# is _i_, peni 300, weri 244: #i# + #h# is
_ih_, sihte 369, wihte 78. #o# + #h# is _oh_, bohte 186. #u# + #g# is
_uȝ_, luȝen 161, muȝe 23, 55, muȝen 159, but fueles 83. #y# + #h#,
drihte 79, 110 with _i_ as usual, abuið 146, abugeð 197. #ā# + #g#, #h#
is _oȝ_, moȝe 187, oȝen 163; _ow_, mowe 29, owen 30; _oh_, foh 365.
#ǣ{1}# + #g# is _ei_ in eiðer 62, 239, but aiðer 306, aihware 88: #ǣ{1}#
+ #h# is _ai_, aihte 42 (5), taihte 272, but eihte 321. #ǣ{2}# + #g# is
_æi_ in mæi 29; _ai_ in mai 187, grai 365; _ei_ in iseie 118, iseien 98,
99, 102. #ē# + #g# occurs in forwreien 97, leie 282: #ō# + #g#, #h# in
inoh 391, inoȝh 389, biþoht 8, brohte 185. #ea# + #g#, #h# is _ei_,
iseih 265; the _i_-umlaut is seen in mihte 15, 52, 202, 226, mihte 76,
nihte 77, 370. #eo# + #h# is _ih_ in brihte 75, rihte 109, rihtwisnesse
72, unriht 93; the _i_-umlaut is represented in ouersihð 75, þurhsihð
90. #ēa# + #g# is seen in eien 75, 381, raketeie 283; #ēa# + #h# in heie
16, 284, þeih 4, 102, 131: #ēo# + #g# in drie 292, lie 291; #ēo# + #h#
in liht 316, 382, lihtliche 147. #ā# + #w# is _ow_, bloweð 138, cnoweð
110, icnowen 163, nowiht 152, sowle 138, but naht 48, &c., naðer 367.
#ī# + #w# is seen in glie 292; #ēa# + #w# in feawe 349; #ēo# + #w# in
newe 313, rewen 21, sewen 22, untrewnesse 269: #ēow# is eow 157.

In unstressed syllables levelling to _e_ takes place as in L: _e_ is
inserted after #r# between consonants in arefeð 315, harem 198, iboreȝe
167, narewe 343: quica 192, þa 349 have _a_ for #e#; comp. alla 81/76,
blaca 82/99.

#r# is lost medially in metheschele 366; #rr# is simplified in werest
221. #n# is lost medially in ore 383, raketeie 283, druken 257,
seuenihte 142; #nn# is simplified in done 37, isiene 392. #bb# is
simplified in haben 53, 100, habeð 179, 194, libeð 208. #f# between
vowels is _u_, buuen 87, eueten 277, deueles 179, but deflen 97, defles
258. #t# is dropped in a te 92, foremes 197, nah 129; #ts# is
represented by _c_ in milce 8, by _ch_ in milche 219. #d# is lost in
godcunnesse 393, exchanged with _ð_ in idemð 173, and doubled in hardde
171. For #þ#, _d_ is written in habbed 141, 177, bed 104, 381; _th_ in
lothe 61, metheschele 366, sathanas 287: #þþ# is simplified in seðen 9,
117, 209. #sc# [š] is _sc_ in scat 367; _s_ in bisunien 154, safte 84,
sal 21, same 168, sameð 167, samie 165, senche 335, silde 224 (5), sineð
279, solde 37, sop 84, srud 367, sulle 22, syrreue 50; _ss_ in fisses
83. #gītsere# is ȝietceres 271. #č# is expressed by _ch_, muchel 12
(23), ich 1 (25), but mukel 209, ic 12, 229: #čč# is also _ch_, feche
226, reche 135, 225, steche 191, ?wichen, 103: #cg# is _gg_, seggen 92,
_g_, abugeð 197 (but abuið 146), ligeð 283: #cw# is always _qu_, aquerne
366, quike 78. #ġ# is regularly _ȝ_, forȝieuenesse 302, forȝiete 34, but
_j_ in jung 4. A _y_ sound has developed initially in ȝierles 324; comp.
ȝeie 13/43. #g# before #ð# is _c_ in strencðe 170, _h_ in murihðe 396.
For almihtin 337 see 79/17 note. #hw# initial is preserved, but #hr# is
_r_, raðer 133, rewen 358.

#Accidence:# (1) =of L.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns.
In the _s. n._ were 31 has added e; sune 186 represents #sunu#. _Gen._
-es, swinkes 64; golde 70 is probably miswritten for goldes: _d._ -e,
gode 73, middenerde 193, fure 43, werke 27; exceptions are festen 145,
god 49, hunger 145 (#hungre#), king 63 (r. w. erninge), middenerd 198,
unriht 209, mostly before vowels, fur 150, werch 116, at mid pause of
the verse: misse 234, _acc._ has added e. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines
ends in -es, engles 94, weȝes 72, bendes 188, but wintre 208 (#wintru#):
neuters are -ȝer 140, iswinc 36, lif 246, þing 84, word 9, 158, doule 97
(#dēoflu#), gate 180 (#gatu#), werkes 63, 72, 111 with masc.
termination; _g._ manke 70; _d._ doulen 269, wrenchen 251, bende 134,
wintre 1, 4, write 101. Of the _fem._ nouns, blisse 233, endinge 120,
mihte 211, milce 72, murþe 154, rihtwisnesse 72, sorȝe 140, 194, sunne
201, tilþe 57, unhelðe 197, witnesse 113, 116, wombe 145 have added e in
the _s. nom._, echte 42, 55, ehte 259, node 261 in the _acc._ The other
cases _sing._ and _pl._ end in e, helle 216, _s. g._, are 179, _s. d._,
53, _s. a._, but tening 253; _pl. n._ are blisse 153, glede 218, mihte
77, saule 136, uniselðe 198, wihte 79; _g._ misdede 130, souenihte 140,
_a._ dede 10, hese 91, saule 245, scefte 84, sorȝe 166, stunde 147,
sunne 238, tide 137: worldes 222 _s. g._ is a masc. form, deden 89 _pl.
a._ a weak form. In the weak declension the termination of all cases in
the singular is e; _n._ mone 76; _g._ houene 65; _d._ deme 96, wawe 151;
_a._ grome 166, swore 144: _plural n._ are reuen 256, swicen 103, eȝen
75, ifere 102, iuere 229. The minor declensions are represented by mon
_s. n._ 22 &c., monnes _s. g._ 30, monne _s. d._ 117, but mon 201, 259,
men _pl. n._ 41, monne _pl. g._ 161, _pl. d._ 18, but men 18; boke
_s. d._ 118, (a) boken _pl. d._ 224 (#on bōcum#); feder _s. n._ 148,
fader _s. g._ 195, _s. a._ 186; broðer _s. n._ 148, _s. a._ 185; suster
_s. n._ 148, 185; frond _s. n._ 30, freonde _pl. d._ 220, frond _pl. a._
183, 219, 220, fond 219.

With the exception of the weak forms laþe 268, betere 26, 142, hattre
247, loure 29, 263, mare 2, 18, wunderlukeste 68, the adjective in the
_s. n._ is uninflected: alder 1 is #ieldra#. The _s. d._ regularly
terminates in e, except uuel 24. The _s. a._ is mostly uninflected, as
wurst 217, but endelese 141, herdne 169, lesse 60, muchele 191, 205. The
participial #āgen# is unvaried, aȝen 30, 108, 113, 116, 261, once ahen
161. The _pl. n._ ends in e, arme 227, erȝe 17, herde 169, orðliche 153,
but words in #-ig#, gredi 264, edi 227, weri 240 and idel 9, lut 104
(#lȳt# indeclinable), ofdred 94 are uninflected: _pl. d._ are fulle,
gode 219, uuel 251; _pl. a._ with e, bare 137, ȝunge 10, sare 36, uuele
170, wreche 170, 250. OE. #āna# is ane 86, 110, 213: #ān# is an _s. n.
f._ 26, are _d. f._ 205, 207, enne _a. m._ 137; #nān# is na _n._ 22, 80,
181, nan 59, nane _d. neut._ 236, nenne _a. m._ 119, nane _a. f._ 235;
naþing _a. neut._ 98. Adjectives are used extensively as nouns, _s. n._
sullic 181, ufel 59, uersc 248; _s. a._ beste 51, litel 28, lutel 46,
lesse 71, lest 112, mare 2, 54, mest 7 (4), muchel 28. In the _s. d._
and throughout the _pl._ the termination is regularly e, _s. d._ gode
21, 61, laðe 61, ufele 17; _pl. n._ eldre 192, fremede 34, laðe, loue
44, sibbe 34, unholde 36, _pl. a._ dede, quike 190, uuele 192.

The personal pronouns are ich, hi 221 (= ih), i in ilede 5, me, we, us,
þu, þe, ȝe, eow 25, ou 50, ow 155, 228. The pronoun of the third person
is _s. n._ he _m._ 21, hit _neut._ 11, _d._ him _m._ 24, 44, _a._ hine
_m._ 12, 34, 116, him 110, ha _f._ 215 (Mercian), es (see p. 274) 55,
239, is 144, his 40, 259; hes, hies 56 (= he + es), hit _neut._ 15, 38,
_pl. n._ hi 66 (4), ho 19 (11), _d._ him 165, 184, hom 18, 62, 181, hi
_a._ 180, hom 182, 184. Reflexives are him _s._ 124, him solue 23 (5),
him solf 115; definitives, solf _s._ 46, 129, sulf 214, þe solf 29, him
solf 40, 114, 184, hom solf _pl._ 225; possessives, mi 2, þin 29, his
30, 31, 42, is 217, hire 31, vre 57, 247, hore 101, hure 141. The
definite article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 39, 68, þe _f._ 74, þa 116, 201,
_g._ þes _neut._ 193, _d._ þe _m._ 63, 92, 96, þa 156, (at) ta 156, þere
_f._ 233, (at) tere 127, þe 83, þan _neut._ 212, _a._ þe _m._ 232, þe
_f._ 13, 261, þat _neut._ 51, _pl. n._ þe 94, þa 103, 136, (ent) ta 103,
_a._ þa 190. The article is also frequently used as pronoun antecedent
to relatives, þe ðe 69 (5), þa þe 215, þo þe 53, 261, þe þet 55, he who;
þa þe 93 (8), þa þi 173, þo þe 61, 96, they who; þa þe 250, þe þe 252,
þe ꝥ 263, they to whom; with þa þe 216, with those whom; þen þe 71, to
him who; þan þe 225, to those who; ꝥ þe 58, what. Other pronominal uses
are of þan 74, of him of whom, þe 169, þa 270, they; þer fore 144, for
it. The compound demonstrative is represented by þisse _s. g. f._ 267,
þes _pl. n._ 41, þas _pl. a._ 230. The relatives are þe 33 &c., þa 12,
139, 169, þi 173, often meaning he who, they who 12, 19, 23, 253, þet 21
&c., often meaning that which, what: þe 10 is _genitive_, of which, ꝥ
65, 257 _dat._: þen 269 is þe + en. Interrogatives are hwa _s. n._ 133,
hwam _d._ 202, hom 95; hwat 244, hwet, wet 79, 103, to hwon 105; hweþer
236, hwilke _s. d. m._ 130, hwice _s. n. f._ 136, correlative suilch
_s. n._ 120, swich, swuch 80, swilche _pl. d._ 220: #ilca# is ilke
_s. d._ 212. Indefinites are wa se 114; me 48 &c.; sum _s._ 25, summe
_pl._ 147; fole 9 (4), fele 70, 166; eiðer 62; oðers _s. g. m._ 30, 263,
oðer 257, _s. d. m._ 186, _s. a. neut._ 147, oþre _pl. n._ 166; ech
_s. n._ 32 &c., hech 232, ec 171, uches _s. g. m._ 90, elches _s. g. f._
222, eche _s. d._ 231, ilche _s. d. m._ 86, helche _s. a. f._ 89; eni
_s. n. m._ 68, anige _s. d. f._ 269, eni _s. a. neut._ 53; moni _s. n._
38, monies _s. g._ 36; al _s. n. a._ 81, 54, alle _pl. n. a._ 79, 173,
174, 195, 84, alre _pl. g._ 161, 187.

Five-sixths of the infinitives end in en, showing Anglian influence, the
remainder mostly in e, as bode 262 _r. w._ node, ileste 242 _r. w._
unstedefeste, ofþinche 203 _r. w._ swinke; exceptional are wernin 228,
warni 226, seon 16, son 158. Dative infinitives are to baþien 245, beten
132, habben 39, swenchen 250, swinden 57, þenchen 252, for . . . cumen
154, for habben 53, for lesen 180, 182; possibly to frure 232, see note.
Presents are _s._ 1. adrede, biþenche 6; 3. biswikeð, fulieð 12, þunchet
233, ofþinchet 10, hauet 65, þurþsicheþ 90, and the contracted forms (as
numerous as the uncontracted), abuh 144, bernd 249, bet 126, 164, bit
126, iherð 89, itit 125, lest 167, sent 42, 46, ouersich 75, þench 33,
wit 84: _pl._ 1. abuȝeð 195, brokeð 91, þenke we 190; 3. fareð 232,
þolieð 202, wuneð 136: _subjunctive s._ 1. bidde 134; 2. wende 86; 3.
ȝeue 122, giue 56, helpe 156, lipnie 22, 31, rede 8, 156, scilde 220,
wite 122, wurð[e] 140: _pl._ 3. ?come 124: imperative _s._ 2. wende 86:
_pl._ 2. sendeð 25, vnderstondeð 227. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3.
isech 261; _pl._ 1. iseȝen 102; 3. 98: I b. _s._ 1. com 221; 3. binom
259, brec 183, com 117, nom 205; _pl._ 3. comen 139, 202, helen 160,
stelen 159: I c. _s._ 3. unbond 188; _pl._ 3. bigunnen 243, swunken 254;
_subj. s._ 3. bigunne 214, funde 68: II. _pl._ 3. witen 244, writen 224,
wruȝen 160: III. _pl._ 3. luȝen 159: IV. _s._ 3. scop 84: V. _s._ 3. let
260, hechte 268 (weak form); _pl._ 3. biheten 242, holden 170, sowen 20,
leten 266. Participles present: I c. berninde 218, bernunde 245: V.
wallinde 218; past: I a. biȝeten 105, forȝeten 98, iqueðen 9: I b.
bistolen 15, forholen 77, iborene 105: I c. iborȝen 165, _r. w._ sorȝe,
ifunde 177, sprunge 173, unforȝolden 59: II. iwriten 118: II, III.
unwron 160: III. biloken 81, icorene 104, forlorene 106: IV. forsworene
103. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hefde 13, sede 155; 3. biþohte 150,
cudde 191, herde 262, likede 11, seide 129, _r. w._ misdede: _pl._ 1.
hefden 51, leden 93; 3. ledden 209, luueden 93, iquemde 269: _subj. s._
3. hefde 137, hefð 147 (miswritten for hefde). Participles past: alesed
134, ibet 132, idemet 106, 171, fordemet 270, igult 27, hud 77, ihud 28,
ofdred 43, offerd 157, meind 142, iclepede 104. Minor Groups: wat _pr.
s._ 79, 89, 111, nute hi _pr. pl._ 236, wiste 1 _pt. s._ 15, wisten _pt.
pl._ 139, nusten 1 _pt. pl._ 102, _pt. pl._ 225; ahte _pt. s._ 2, achten
1 _pt. pl._ 129; kon _pr. s._ 71, cunne _pr. s. subj._ 213, kuðe 1 _pt.
s._ 9; þerf _pr. s._ 43, 44, 45, 163; scal _pr. s._ 24, 35, schal 19,
sculen 1 _pr. pl._ 47, 95, 161, scule we 92, 95, sculen 2 _pr. pl._ 20,
49, _pr. pl._ 94, sculde _pt. s._ 263, sculden 1 _pt. pl._ 60, solde 51,
sculden _pt. pl._ 265, sculde _pt. s. subj._ 118 (the past forms in _u_
are Anglian); mei 1 _pr. s._ 14, mai _pr. s._ 35, 40, 69, mei 65, 88,
124, 145, muȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 157, 206, _pr. pl._ 66, 237 (in form
subjunctive), muȝe _pr. s. subj._ 21, 55, 125, muȝen 2 _pr. pl. subj._
25, _pr. pl. subj._ 19, mahte 1 _pt. s._ (Anglian #mæhte#) 222, mihte
13, michte 16, 1 _pt. pl._ 52, mihten _pt. pl._ 200; mot _pr. s._ 33;
bon _inf._ 2 &c., bo 134, em 1 _pr. s._ 1, 4, is _pr. s._ 26, his 72,
121, 229, nis 77, 80, boð _pr. s._ 120 (in form plural), beoð 1 _pr.
pl._ 17, boð _pr. pl._ 26, 75 &c., bið 233 (in form singular), bo 1 _pr.
s. subj._ 4, _pr. s. subj._ 21 (7), beo 29, bo _pr. pl. subj._ 177, bon
94, wes 1 _pt. s._ 1, _pt. s._ 187, 208, weren _pt. pl._ 102, 230, 251,
were _pt. s. subj._ 153, nere 199, ibon _pp._ 3; wule 1 _pr. s._ 155,
_pr. s._ 34, 39, wile 55, uuel (miswritten for nule) 123, wulleð _pr.
pl._ 97, 226, walde 1 _pt. s._ 14 (Anglian), _pt. s._ 35, _r. w._
unholde 149, wolde 147, nalde 185, 261, nolde 138, walde ȝe 2 _pt. pl._
49, wolden _pt. pl._ 244, 266, nolden 238; don _inf._ 37, 69, 92, do
185, 186, to done _inf. dat._ 17, 37, deð _pr. s._ 35 &c., doð 53
(plural form), doð 1 _pr. pl._ 58, 60, misdoð 206, doð _pr. pl._ 19, 79,
do _pr. s. subj._ 18, 21, 69, 210, dede _pt. s._ 2, misduden 1 _pt. pl._
99, duden _pt. pl._ 265, misduden 192, dude 96, idon _pp._ 7 &c., fordon

(2) =of T.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ aquerne 366, were 31 have added e: sune 188 represents #sunu#.
_Gen._ -es, godes 313, goldes 70, werkes 64: _d._ -e, ate 262, biede
266, daie 80, 158; exceptions are deað 200, deuel 273, druken 262 (for
drunke), fasten 147, 339, god 284, hunger 147 (#hungre#), peni 300,
siluer 268 (#seolfre#), þanc 245, þing 320, mostly before a vowel, and
fur 152, middenærd 195, peni 67, werc 116 at mid pause of the verse:
misse 238 _s. a._ has added e. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in
-es, ængles 94, ȝietceres 271, bendes 190, but wintre 212, 356: neuters
are folc 217, ȝier 142, iswinc 36, þing 84, word 9, 160, ibede 301
(#gebedu#), werkes 63 (4) (with masc. termination), deflen 97, a weak
form: _g._ angles 355, 380, manke 70: _d._ dichen 41, ibeden 339, wallen
41, wrenchen 255, bende 136, 293, 398, wapne 340, winter 4, worde 312,
write 101, angles 284, derlinges 389, erminges 323, gultes 318, werkes
258, wines 223. Of the strong feminines blisse 237, 380, este 363,
idelnesse 7, mihte 76, 215, milce 72, reste 364, 373, rihtwisnesse 72,
senne 129, 196, 205, sihte 369, soreȝe 142, 196, 378, strate 345, tilðe
57, þiesternesse 281, unhalðe 327, unisalðe 378, witnesse 113, 116,
wombe 147, have added e in the _s. n._, aihte 42, 55, 263, niede 265 in
the _s. a._ The other cases _sing._ and _pl._ end in e, _s. g._ blisse
357, helle 220, sowle 306; _d._ bote 318, dade 3, dure 124; _a._ milche
219, murihðe 396; _pl. n._ glede 222, unhalðe 199, wihte 78; _g._ blisse
355, misdade 132, 275, seuenihte 142; _d._ aihte 271, 321; _a._ dade 10,
89, 160, laȝe 172, soreȝe 168. Exceptions are woreldes 226 (4) _s.g._,
sa 83 _s. d._, has 91 _s. a._, rauing 257; wihten 285 _pl. n._, honden
81 _pl. d._, luues 314 _pl. a._, tiden 139. Nouns of the weak declension
have e in all cases of the singular; _n._ moȝe 187, almesse 28; _g._
lichame 306; _d._ deme 96, herte 309; _a._ grame 168, swiere 146: _pl.
n._ are eien 75, 381, eueten 277, iferen 102, 233, 297; _a._ swiken 278.
The minor declensions are represented by man _s. n._ 165, noman 24,
mannes _s. g._ 30, 90, 113, manne _s. d._ 117, man 20, maniman 205, men
_pl. n._ 162, 260, manne _pl. g._ 163, 380, _pl. d._ 342, men 263, 354;
boc _s. d._ 118, 228; broðer _s. n._ 150, _s. a._ 187; fader _s. n._
150, faderes _s. g._ 197, fader _s. a._ 188; suster _s. n._ 150, 187;
frend _s. n._ 30, friende _pl. d._ 224, frend _pl. a._ 185, 304, friend
224; fiend _pl. n._ 283, fiendes _pl. d._ 223, _r. w._ friende.

Remnants of the strong declension of adjectives are wreches _s. g. m._
338 (with woreldes _f._), ealde[s] 195, euele _s. d. m._ 335, godelease
348, wrongwise 48, bare _s. d. f._ 211, stronge 283, gode _s. d. neut._
73, unstedefaste 320, wilde 145, hardne _s. a. m._ 171, endelease 143,
possibly _dat._, muchele _s. a. f._ 396. Weak are ealde _s. n. m._ 287,
loðe 272, 287, narewe 349, swarte 282, brode _s. n. f._ 345, murie 156,
bare _s. d. m._ 348, heuenliche 96, muchele 92, muchele _s. d. f._ 156,
narewe _s. a. m._ 343, brode _s. a. neut._ 341, the comparatives and
superlatives as betre 28, wunderlukeste 68, except elder 1 (#ieldra#),
niðer 299, 347, werest 221. All other adjectives are uninflected in the
singular: the termination in all cases of the _pl._ is e; arȝe _n._ 19,
lichamliche _d._ 398, wreche _a._ 172, but arefeðheald 315, eadi 231,
euel 172, 233, gradi 268, idel 9, iwar 334, weri 244 are not inflected.
#āgen# is owen 30, oȝen 113, 116, 163, 265 without variation: #āna#
gives one _n. s. m._ 86 (7): #ān# is on _n. s. m._ 67, _f._ 28, one
_s. d. m._ 348, on 335, ore _s. d. f._ 383, one 209, 211, one _s. d.
neut._ 384, on _s. a. f._ 139, #nān#, none _n. s. m._ 367, non 110, no
37, 50, non _s. n. f._ 289, nones _s. g. neut._ 372, none _s. d. neut._
240, _s. a. f._ 239: #ilca#, ilke _s. d. neut._ 216. Of the numerals
twam 312 is _dat._ Adjectives are freely used as nouns, _s. n._ foh,
grai 365, sellich 183; _s. g._ godes 371, 372; _s. d._ gode 23, lothe
61, juel (#yfle#) 19; _s. a._ emcristen 310, beste 51, lasse 71, mast
112: the _pl._ has e, _n._ fremde 34, elderne 194, heie 164, unholde 36;
_a._ deade 192; exceptions are elder 326 (#ieldran#), ȝeunger 326
(#geongran#), quica 192.

The personal pronouns are ich, i in ibie 4, ibiðenche 6, idude 2, ilade
5, ime 6, ine 16, 225, me, we, us, þu, þe, ȝie, eow. The pronoun of the
third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 21, hie 114, ?hi 38, hit _neut._ 13;
_d._ him _m._ 20, 21, 44; _a._ hine _m._ 110, 116, 385, him 34, him _f._
129 (_masc._ form), hes 219, 241, his 263, hies 243, hes 40 (= he + es),
55, 56, hit _neut._ 17; _pl. n._ hie 22 &c., hi 382, he 248 (5), _d._
hem 62, 167, 180, 239 &c., _a._ hem 184, 305, hes 102, 186, 288, 314,
mes 259 (= me + es). Reflexives are us self 310, him 21, 124, him selfen
_s._ 14, 107, 115, him selfe 25, him self 111; definitives, þe self 29,
him self 40, 114, 186, self 131, 218, 379, _pl._ hemself 229;
possessives, mi 2, mine _pron._ 304, þi 29, his 30 &c., hire 31, ure 57,
_pron._ 251, here 101. The definite article is _sing. n._ se _m._ 287,
þe 39 &c., þa 349, þe _f._ 116, 205, þet 68 (_neut._ form), _d._ þan
_m._ 63, 96, þe 83, 158, te in ate 92, þare _f._ 346, 347, 397, þe 83,
237, (a)te 127, ðer _neut._ 216 (_fem._ form), _a._ þane _m._ 341, 343,
353, þene 343, þe _f._ 265, þat _neut._ 51; _pl. n._ þe 103, _d._ þo
291, 340, 354, _a._ þo 278, þe 192, 278. The article is also frequently
used as pronoun antecedent to relatives, as þe þe, he who 25, 66, se þe
53, 55, se þit 112 (= se þe hit), þan þe, to him who 71, þo þe, those
who 213, 234, þar þat, of those who 192, þo þe, to those who 229, those
to whom 267, 275, those who and those to whom 256, wið þo þe, with those
whom 220. Other pronominal uses are of þare, of that other 328
(representing _neut._ noun), þar fore, for it 146, after þan(e) þe,
_conj._, according as 362, þo, those 171. The compound demonstrative is
þis _s. g. f._ 271, þesses 338 (_masc._ form), þesse _s. d. neut._ 328,
383, þos _pl. n._ 351, 352, ?þes 103, þese _pl. d._ 312, þos _pl. a._
234, 303, 314; relatives þe 33, 73, in combinations þis 156, 251 (= þe
is), þit 112, 141 (= þe hit): þe often means he who 14, 21, 30, se 221;
þe, they who 257, þat, that which 22 &c., þe, to whom 296, of which 10.
Interrogatives are hwo 135, hwat 78, 103, 137, hwan _d._ after prep. 95,
206, 330, to hwan, why 105, hweðer 240, hwilch 138 with correlative
swilch 79, 399; #ilca# is ilke 216: indefinites, hwo se 114; me 48, 63,
342; sume _pl._ 149, 361; fele 9, 70, 212; feawe 349, 354; eiðer 62,
239, aiðer 306; oðer _s. g._ 30, 261, 267, 363, _s. d._ 116, 188, 360,
_s. a._ 149, þoðre _pl._ 168 (= þe oðre), oðer 390; elch _s. n. m._ 107,
173, eche 344, ech 23, elch _s. n. f._ 360, aches _s. g. f._ 226,
_neut._ 371, eche _s. d. m._ 86, achen 350, ache _s. d. f._ 235, elche
_s. a. m._ 132, _f._ 89; ani _s. n. m._ 68, _d. f._ 273, _a. neut._ 53;
mani _n. s. m._ 38, _s. g. m._ 36; afric _s. n. m._ 32, africh 65, afri
117; al _s. n. m._ 198, _neut._ 7, alle _s. d. neut._ 307, 340, _pl.
n. m._ 22 &c., _f._ 78, alre _g._ 163, 189, 355, alle _d._ 318, 389,
_a. m._ 224, _a. f._ 84, 89, _a. neut._ 84.

The infinitives are equally divided between -en, including isien 18,
379, 385, and -e: exceptions are fulendin 247, warnin 230, 232. Those of
the second weak conjugation have -ien, -ie, wunien 153, 181, 249, samie
165, wunie 214, 376. A dat. inf. with inflection is to isiene 392,
uninflected are to bete 134, to bihelden 392, to falle 316, to habben
39, te læte 345, te stonde 316, to swenche 254, to swinde 57, to þenchen
256, for to haben 53, for . . . to fulle 352, for lesen 182, 184.
Presents _s._ 1. adrade 6, bidde 136; 3. barneð 253, bihoteð 38,
exceptionally biswicað 14, mislicað 13, haued 70, 340, singed 311,
contracted forms, three-sevenths of the total number, abit 130, abuið
146, bet 126, 166, bit 126, 357, itit 125, last 169, lat 129, lat 342,
sent 42, wit 84 and others; _pl._ 1. abugeð 197, brekeð 91, findeð 332,
wilnieð 319, but ileued 176, þenche we 192; 3. fareð 236, folȝeð 346,
but habbed 141, 177: _subjunctive s._ 2. wende 86; 3. bringe 397, cume
156, ȝieue 56 (4), ȝeue 317, helpe 158, hopie 31, rade 158, reche 135,
sende 27, silde 224, 303, warnie 304, wurðe 142; _pl._ 1. late 307, 341,
luue 309, silde 308, ute 337, werie 339, all followed by we, haben 100,
wurðen 334; 3. wende 400: _imperative s._ 2. wende 86; _pl._ 2.
understondeð 231. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. sat 266, iseih 265;
_pl._ 1. iseien 98, 99, 102; _subjunctive s._ 3. iseie 118: I b. _s._ 3.
brac 185, cam 117 (4), nam 209; _pl._ 1. come 330; 3. binomen 263, comen
206, halen 161, stalen 162, come 141: I c. _s._ 3. swanc 362, unbond
190; _pl._ 3. bigunnen 247, gunne 276, swunken 258; _subj. s._ 3.
bigunne 218, funde 68: III. _pl._ 3. luȝen 161: IV. _s._ 3. sop 84: V.
_pl._ 3. biheten 246, hielden 172, 298, leten 270, 352, sewen 22, lete
264. Participles present: I c. barnende 222: V. wallinde 222; past: I a.
biȝiete 105, forȝieten 98, ispeken 9: I b. bistolen 17, forholen 76,
iborene _pl._ 105: I c. iboreȝe 167, ifunde 179, sprunge 175,
unforȝolden 59: II. iwrite 117, write 228: II, III. unwrien 162: III.
biloken 81, icorene _pl._ 104, forlorene 106: IV. forsworene 103: V.
biualle 198. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hadde 15, sade 157; 3. bohte
186, kedde 193 (#cȳðde#), likede 13, sade 131, taihte 272; _pl._ 1.
ladden 93, luueden 93; 3. arerde 172, hudden 162, ilaste 246, iquemde
273, leide 263, saden 227, sunegeden 262; _subj. s._ 3. hadde 139, 149
(= hadde he); _pl._ 1. swunke we 321. Participles past: alesed 136, ibet
100, 134, bicherd, bikeihte 322, idemd 106, demde 274, ofdrad 43, 288,
ofdradde _pl._ 94, ispend 12, teald 120, wuned 57. Minor Groups: witen
_inf._ 386, wot _pr. s._ 78, 89, 111, not 148 (= ne wot), witen _pr.
pl._ 294, niten 240 (= ne witen), iwiste 1 _pt. s._ 17, wiste _pt. pl._
141, nesten _pt. pl._ 229, 388 (= ne wisten); oh _pr. s._ 2; cunnen
_inf._ 336, can 1 _pr. s._ 306, _pr. s._ 71, cunnen _pr. pl._ 305, cunne
_pr. pl. subj._ 217, cuðe 1 _pt. s._ 9; þarf _pr. s._ 43, 45, 165; sal
_pr. s._ 21, 26, sullen 1 _pr. pl._ 163, sulen 58, sulle we 92, sullen
_pr. pl._ 103, sulle 22, 106, solde _pt. s._ 37, 267, solden 1 _pt. pl._
47, 60, solde 51, solden _pt. pl._ 269; mai 1 _pr. s._ 16, miht 2 _pr.
s._ 129, mai _pr. s._ 35, 44, maiȝ 88, 124, 217, muȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 159,
210, 332, _pr. pl._ 241, 288, 374, muȝe 207, _pr. s. subj._ 23, 55, 125,
338, muȝe we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 325, mihte 1 _pt. s._ 15, 226, _pt. s._
202, 1 _pt. pl._ 52; mot _pr. s._ 33, moten 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 317, 400;
ben _inf._ 39 (12), bien 389, to be 2, am 1 _pr. s._ 1, is _pr. s._ 7,
72, nis 76, 79, beð 23, 32, 114, 1 _pr. pl._ 19, _pr. pl._ 75, 94, 237,
bieð 291, 315, bed 104, 381, senden 290, bie 1 _pr. s. subj._ 4, 136,
_pr. s. subj._ 29, 77, be 32, 251, bien _pr. pl. subj._ 80, ben 28, was
1 _pt. s._ 1, _pt. s._ 189, 212, waren 1 _pt. pl._ 100, 333, _pt. pl._
102, naren 383, ware _pt. s. subj._ 155, nare 201, 1 _pl._ 322, iben
_pp._ 3; wille 1 _pr. s._ 227, wulle 157, nelle 291, wile _pr. s._ 39,
55, nele 336, willeð _pr. pl._ 34, 97, 230, nelleð 374, wolde 1 _pt. s._
16, _pt. s._ 35, nolde 140, 187, 265, wolde ȝie 2 _pt. pl._ 49, wolden
_pt. pl._ 248, 270, nolden 247, nolde 242; don _inf._ 37, 69, 270, to
done _inf. dat._ 37, to don 19, deð _pr. s._ 21, 221, doð 35 (8), 1 _pr.
pl._ 60, _pr. pl._ 61, 78, do _pr. s. subj._ 8, 20, 23, 214, 1 _pr. pl.
subj._ 308, dude 1 _pt. s._ 2, duden 1 _pt. pl._ 96, misduden 101, deden
_pt. pl._ 269, 270, misduden 194, idon _pp._ 7, ido 304, fordon 274;
forgoð _pr. s._ 358, goð _pr. pl._ 351, go we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 343,

#Dialect:# L is a copy of a Southern original made by a Midland scribe
of the Southern border. His alterations, casual and inconsistent, affect
mainly the sounds; the inflections are on the whole Southern, but the
extensive retention of inflectional #n# is due to the scribe: the
pronoun ha 215 and the infinitives warni 226, wernin 228 are Mercian
features of the Katherine Group. T is South-Eastern bordering on Kent,
with some trace of Midland influence, such as the exclusive
representation of #æ# by _a_, the development of #æ# + #g# as _ai_,
distinct from that of #e# + #g# as _ei_, the absence of breaking in #ea#
before #l# + consonant, the past participles without prefix, the
infinitives in -in, features which point to the northern border of the
South-Eastern area as its place of origin. In phonology it closely
resembles Vices and Virtues. The dialect of #e# is Middle South: its
rhymes are mostly correct, and it is probably the best representative of
the original. MS. E is assigned by Jordan to the same area, but nearer
its northern border.

#Vocabulary:# The foreign element in these texts is small. French are
bikehte bikeihte (first appearance), cunin kuning, ermine (f. a.),
martres 50/362 (f. a.), sabeline (f. a.), serueden, werre: sōt is
pre-Conquest French, soht 30/30, written for sŏtt, a pre-Conquest Latin
borrowing: Sathanas with _th_ is French. Scandinavian are bene, efninges
eueningges (influenced by #efen#), ille, laȝe loȝe, lofte, niþinges,
þralles þrelles, wrange wronge, and possibly fruden frute, lan 32/64:
baþe boþe in a Southern text may descend from OE. #bā þā# (Björkman,

#Metre:# The Septenarius is a purely syllabic metre of seven feet, with
or without end-rhyme, fashioned on the model of such mediaeval Latin
verse as the well-known méum | ést pro|pósit|úm || ín ta|bérna | móri;
the first section of the line having four stresses with a masculine and
the second three with a feminine ending. The trochaic rhythm of the
verse is very often changed into iambic by the addition of a syllable as
prelude before either half of the verse: the full scheme is accordingly
(x)x́xx́xx́xx́ || (x)x́xx́xx́x̀. This is perfectly exemplified in the
Ormulum with its invariable line of fifteen syllables, but in the PM,
the earliest known attempt at the metre in English, the influence of the
native prosody is strong, and a regular line like Þe Món | þe wúl|e
sík|er bón || to háb|ben Gód|es blíssè L 39 is uncommon. The following
scansions of L illustrate the deviations from the norm of the verse:

  ich ém | nu áld|er þénẹ | ich wés || awín|tre ént | a láre
  Ich wél|de má|re þénẹ | ich déde || mi wít | áhte | bon máre
  Wel lóngẹ | ich háb|be chíld | ibón || a wórd|e ént | a déde
  þáh ich | bó a | wíntre | áld || to ȝúng | ich ém | on réde
  v́nnet | líf ich | hábbẹ i|léd || ⁊ ȝét | me þíngþ | iléde            5
  þénnẹ ich | mé bi|þénche | wél || ful sárẹ | ich mé | adréde
  mést al | þét ich | hábbẹ i|dón || bífealt | tó child|háde
  Wel látẹ | ich háb|be mé | biþócht || búte | Gód me nu | réde
  Fólẹ id|el wórd | ich hábbẹ | iquéðen || sóððen | ich spék|e kúðe
  fóle | ȝúnge | dédẹ i|dón || þe mé | ofþínch|et núðe                10
  Mést al | þét me | líkedẹ | ér || nú hit | mé mis|líkeð
  þa múch|el fúl|iéð | his wíl || híne | sólf he bi|swíkeð
  Ich míh|te háb|be bét | idón || héfdẹ ich | þé i|sélþe
  Nú ich | wáldẹ ah | ích ne | meí || for éldẹ | ⁊ fór | unhélþe
  Élde | me ís | bistól|en ón || ér ich | hít | wíste                 15
  ne míchtẹ | ich séon | bifór|e mé || for smí|ke né | for míste
  Érȝe | we béoð | to dón|e gód || ⁊ to úf|elẹ ál | to þríste
  Marẹ éi|e stónd|eð mén | of mónne || þánnẹ hom | dó of | críste
  þe wél | ne dóð | þe hwílẹ (þe) | ho múȝen || wél oft
          | hít schal | rówen
  þénnẹ _ho_ | máwen | scúlen ⁊ | répen || þét ho | ér | sówen        20
  Dó he | to gód|e þét | he múȝe || þe hwílẹ (ꝥ) | he bó | alíue
  ne líp|nie ná | món | to múchel || to chíld|e né | to wíue
  [þé] þe | hím | sólue | forȝét || for wí|ue né | for chílde
  hé scal | cúmen in | úuel | stúde || bútẹ him | Gód bo | mílde
  Séndeð | sum gód | bifór|en éow || (þe) hwíle | (ꝥ) ȝe múȝẹn
        | to hóuẹne                                                   25
  for bét|erẹ is án | elmés|se bifórẹn || þénne | bóð efter | sóuẹne
  Álto | lómẹ ich | hábbẹ i|gúlt || a wérk|e ént | o wórde
  Ál to | múchẹl ich | hábbẹ i|spént || to lítẹl | ihúd | in hórde
  Ne béo | þe ló|ure þé|ne þe sólf || ne þín | mei né | þin máȝe
  Soht is þét | is óð|ers món|nes frónd || bétre
          | þén his | áȝen                                            30
  for þer wé | hit mích|te fínd|en éft || ⁊ hább|en bút|en énde       52

Elision of e occurs under the usual conditions: pronouns like me 6, 10,
15, þe 23, and nouns of the type of wintre 1, 4 are not subject to it.
Instances of hiatus are worde 3, þe 13, werke 27. Syncopation of e
occurs in muȝẹn, houẹne 25, biforẹn, souẹne 26, litẹl 28, and probably
in muchẹl 28, though it might be regarded as forming part of a
trisyllabic verse. The prelude is wanting in the first section, 4, 5, 6,
14, 20, 27, 28; in the second section, 8, 12, 13, 15, 18, 19, 26, 30; in
both, 7, 11, 20, 24. It is doubled in the first section, 30, 52; in the
second, 17. The first foot of each section is sometimes a trochee
instead of an iamb; so in the first section, 9, 15, 17, 21, 25; in the
second, 9. The unstressed element in a foot is sometimes wanting, 15,
20, 22; sometimes it is of two syllables, 8, 12, 24, 26 (three times),
29. Feminine endings before the caesura are not uncommon, 2, 9, 18, 19,
20, 21, 22, 24; but the ending of the line is invariably feminine. A
comparison of the manuscripts shows that the author’s practice was more
correct than the representation of any of them; thus the unmetrical
second section of 25 is in e, þe hwílẹ | he méi | to héuẹne. But it is
clear that he used all the licences detailed above.

#Introduction:# The Moral Ode is, to all appearance, an original work,
the natural product of an old man’s musings on life with its lost
opportunities, death, and judgement. Its manner and spirit, simple,
earnest, austere, sententious, are of the Old English cast. The author
lived in Hampshire somewhere near the junction of the Stour with the
Avon. He was probably a secular priest, for he makes no reference to the
life of the cloister and names no saint or holy place. His theological
learning was of a commonplace kind and without subtilty. He may have had
some skill in medicine. He lived through the Anarchy, and the faithless
vassal and the tyrannous noble wallow in his Inferno with the corrupt
judge and extortionate official.

Another poem of similar content, the Sermon of Guischart de Beaulieu in
Anglo-Norman, was written in England about the same time as the Poema
Morale. If the author took his name from Beaulieu in Hampshire, where
King John founded a Cistercian Abbey in 1204 A.D. (Dugdale v. 680), he
may have written not far from the home of our poet. It abounds in
striking parallels to the PM, but the editor of the Sermon thinks the
resemblances are not sufficiently close to prove that Guischart used the
English poem.

1. #nu#: in LT only. #awintre ⁊ a lare#: a winter and ek on lore J; of
wintre ⁊ of lore M. ⁊ = ent; see 38/159.

2. #welde mare#: not in the usual meaning, possess more wealth, as at
21/89, 22/122, 130, 32/55, but either, am more respected, honoured, as
at 18/22; ‘for worulde weorðscypes wealdan,’ Thorpe, Laws, ii. 324. 4,
or more probably, possess more knowledge; if so, ‘knowledge comes but
wisdom lingers.’ Comp. ‘of wisdom wilde,’ OEM 96/94. For #welde# D reads
ealdi, M eldi, age, grow old.

3. #child#: comp. ‘Adhuc enim non pueritia in nobis sed, quod est
gravius, puerilitas remanet: et hoc quidem peius est quod auctoritatem
habemus senum, vitia puerorum,’ Seneca, Ep. iv; ‘To longe ich habbe sot
ibeo | Wel sore ich me adrede,’ OEM 160/31. #a worde#, &c.: comp. 30/27:
on worde ⁊ on dede D; of wordes & of dede M.

4. #a#: on D; of JM. #on#: at E; á e; of M.

5-8. Comp. ‘Ki se fie en cest secle por fol tenc mult celui | Par mei
meimes le sai ne mie par altrui | Folement le menai itant cum ieo i fui
| Kar unkes ne fis riens de quanke faire dui | Trop i dui demurer trop
tart men apercui,’ Guischart 32-36; ‘vnnut lif to longe ich lede |
hwanne ich me biþenche[;] wel sore ich me adrede,’ OEM 192/3, 4.

6. #wel ful#: wel, wel D; ful J; the other MSS. wel, but T alters the
first half of the line. #wel# qualifies biþenche.

7. #ꝥ# = þet; see 32/55. #bi fealt# &c. is not original, but an
avoidance of the rare word chilce, which is in E e J T; D has chilðe, M
chilse. #chilce#, childishness, appears to be formed from child, on the
analogy of milce from mild; it occurs here only. L alters l. 8 for the
sake of the rhyme; the other MSS. are with T.

8. #bute#, unless; comp. ll. 24, 210, 271.

9. #iqueðen#: ispeken T; ispeke J. Comp. ‘Ifurn ich habbe isuneȝet mid
wurken ⁊ midd muðe | ⁊ mid alle mine lime siððe ich sunehi cuðe | ⁊ wel
feole sunne ido þe me ofþincheð nuðe,’ OEM 193/29-31.

10. #þe#: so T e, but þat EJM; þet D. OE. #ofþyncan# is impersonal, it
takes dative of the person and genitive or, rarely, nominative of the
cause; ‘him ðæs slæpes ofþuhte,’ Ælf., Hom. Cath. i. 86/19 is normal.
The indeclinable relative þe here and in similar places, as ‘Ne do þu
non oðer man þing þe þe wolde ofþunche gief me hit dude þe,’ OEH ii.
179/20, may be doing duty for the genitive (see 46/292 note). But in ME.
generally hit is expressed as subject, 52/370, or the cause is
nominative, 38/164, 42/203 (notwithstanding the verb in the singular),
145/104, or the subject is actually personal, 46/271; ‘his freonden hit
ofþuhten,’ L 197. Þat in the other texts is nominative.

11. Comp. ‘Or me semblet puillent co ke ieo mult amai | Quant del plait
me souent enz en mun queor mes mai,’ Guischart 1205, 6. #Mest#: Best J.
The scribe should have put the stop after er.

12. Comp. ‘Mult est fous ke fait trop de sa volontez,’ Archiv lxiii.
84/301. After this line J interpolates, Mon let þi fol lust ouer-go ·
and eft hit þe likeþ; see 29/45.

13. #þe# is possibly miswriting of þen. M has also þe selþe, but e T D
þo; E þer; J eny selhþe. The meanings given in the dictionaries for
iselþe, luck, good fortune, happiness, do not give a good sense here; if
it could mean experience, the sentiment would be like ‘si jeunesse
savait, si vieillesse pouvait.’ Morris in OEH i. 160/13 translates

14. #elde# &c.: comp. 20/72; 40/197; 48/323.

15. #wiste#: awuste E; á wyste e; iwiste TD; er þan ich hit wiste JM.

16. #smike#: smeke E; smeche e D; smoke J; smiche M.

17. #al to þriste#, all too bold, ready; comp. 157/127.

18. #stondeð#: B-T quotes under #standan# (of direction) ‘Swa micel ege
stod deoflum fram eow,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 64/25, with meaning, came
over; similar is ‘Norð-Denum stod atelic egesa,’ Beowulf, 783. In ME.
stonden has developed the meaning, exists (comp. Fr. être < stare). For
the construction comp. ‘non eige ne stand of louerde,’ OEH ii. 39/20,
139/28; ‘of iwel and dead hem stondeð greim,’ GE 392: #men# here is
dative like #hom#. Variations are, ‘þer hem stod eie[;] þer hem ne
sholde,’ OEH ii. 73/30; ‘him ne stod æie to naþing,’ L 11694; ‘alle heom
stod him æie to,’ id. 27100; ‘wið dead him stood hinke and age,’ GE 432;
62/37; ‘uor elles vuele us stode,’ AR 312/9. For #do#, subjunctive after
þanne with comparative, comp. 31/28; ‘he brycð swiðor on ðone suðdæl
þonne he do on þone norðdæl; ⁊ sio hæte hæfð genumen þæs suðdæles mare
þonne se cyle þæs norðdæles hæbbe,’ Orosius 24/26.

19. See 32/35. #hwile þe#: comp. 32/33, 55: elsewhere L has the more
usual hwile ꝥ (always unmetrically), or hwile.

20. #ȝe#: hy E e; hi DM: but J has, Hwenne alle men repen schule · þat
heo ear seowe. For #ꝥ# E has þer þe; e, þer; M, her þat.

21. #to gode#, for good; comp. 32/61. #he# (muȝe): hi D; ȝe E e M; ye J:
similarly in the case of the following he.

22. #lipnie#, depend on, trust to: hopie E e; leue D; truste M.

24. #bute--milde#: a formula of frequent occurrence; see KH 80 note.

25. D alters, Sende sum god biuoren him | man, ꝥ wile to heuene; the
scribe of E copied the end of l. 21, reading, þe wyle ȝe ben aliue, and
in the second half of the next line, þanne ben after vyue.

27, 28 are misplaced, the other MSS. have them as in T. With 27 comp.
‘Ifurn ich habbe isunehed mid worke ⁊ mid worde,’ OEM 193/21; and with
28, ‘muchel ich habbe ispened[;] to lite ich habbe an horde. | Hord þat
ich telle · is almesse dede,’ id. 193/24, 25; ‘Ne des altres uertuz nule
ne reseruai | . . . | Or ai si despendu ke ieo nule nen ai,’ Guischart
1184, 6.

29, 30 are wanting in D. #þe solf#: þi self EJ. With #mei . . . maȝe#,
comp. ‘Ne naueþ he mey ne mowe. | þat durre one þrowe. | Bi hym sitte ne
stonde,’ OEM 79/208-10, 179/161, 2. With l. 30 comp. ‘Qui mieux aime
autri que sei au molin fu mort de sei.’ ‘Videtur enim quod quis alium
plus quam se amat qui alios admonitionibus et correctionibus pascit et
seipsum non emendat,’ Hauréau, Notices, ii. 281, an application which
robs the proverb of its apparent crude selfishness.

31. #lipnie#: lipne J; hopie E e T D; truste M.

32. #ech#: vych J; the others are with T.

33. #to him#: the others have him. #þe mot#: he is to be understood from
him in the preceding clause, see 6/18 note. E has þe he mot, D, ꝥ he, M,
þat he, the other MSS. he.

34. #fremede . . . sibbe#: a formula, see KH 64 note. A variant is, ‘to
freomede ⁊ to kunne,’ OEH ii. 259/30. #wule# is singular; comp. T.

35. Comp. 30/19, 44/238. The proverb is common, as, ‘he ne mei hwon he
wule, þe nolde hwule þet he muhte,’ AR 338/19; ‘hit is riht Godes dom,
þet hwo ne deð hwon he mei, he ne schal nout hwon he wolde,’ id. 296/22;
Hendyng C., stanza 46.

36. The fruits of many a man’s hard toil often pass into the possession
of his enemies. Comp. 22/129, 30. From ‘Scrutetur foenerator omnem
substantiam eius: et diripiant alieni labores eius,’ Psalm cviii. 11, in
the OE. version, ‘Ealle his æhta unholde fynd, rice reðe mann, rycene
gedæle; and his feoh onfon fremde handa,’ Thorpe, Psalter, 317/11. #sare
iswinc# is plural.

37. #don afirst#, put off: OE. #fyrst#, respite: comp. ‘Vre deð he do in
firste ȝet,’ OEH i. 71/294. #slawen#: so e; but sclakien E; slakien J;
sleuhþen D; sclakie M. ‘Nolite deficere benefacientes,’ 2 Thess. iii.

40. #he his#: he it E; he hit JD; he e M. #mid iwisse#, of a certainty:
OE. #mid gewisse#: ‘mid iwissen,’ 38/139 is #mid gewissum#: ‘iwis,’
187/349 represents _s. neut._ of #gewiss#: ‘fuliwis,’ 79/17,
‘fullȝewiss,’ 89/20 is the same strengthened by ful: ‘to fuliwis’
190/445 shows the same treated as though it were a noun: similarly ‘to
fuligewis,’ 192/508, a compound of fulli + #gewiss#; Orm has contracted
‘fuliȝwiss.’ From #to wisse#, #mid wisse# come ‘to nafre none wisse,’
45/240, ‘mid neure nane wisse,’ 44/236. See KH 1209 note.

42-65. Comp. generally 27/274-291.

43 T. After For, þar ne has been omitted by the scribe.

44. #þerf he#, copied by mistake from the preceding line. The MSS. agree
substantially with T: e has, þer ne mei hí be nime. #laðe . . . loue#:
formal; comp. ‘mid lufe ge mid laþe,’ BH 45/8; ‘litel me is of ower
luue, leasse of ower laððe,’ SJ 27/14.

45. #of ȝeve ne of ȝelde#, of bribes to officials and of taxes; things
which subtract from his gains on earth. Comp. ‘hem þat desireth | Ȝiftes
or ȝeresȝyues · bi cause of here offices,’ Piers Plowman, B. iii. 98,
99; Böddeker, Alteng. Dicht. 104/53; 44/256: Mede was very busy in those
days. This is undoubtedly the original reading; J D concur, but E has of
wiue ne of childe, similarly e; M of ȝunge ne of ȝelde: #here# in T is
hire, usury.

46. For #solf bereð# E has the singular variant, suuel and bred, savoury
meat and bread.

47, 48. Not in D. #draȝen ⁊ don#, convey our wealth and deposit it:
comp. ‘La devriüm traire | trestot nostre afaire, | nostre estage
prendre, | le nostre doner | por nos delivrer, | partir e despendre,’
Reimpredigt 56/110, which is possibly the source of the English; see
also 51 note. Otherwise #draȝen# with #þider# would naturally mean,
proceed to that place, as in ‘Traez uers cel pais chascon a grant
espleit,’ Guischart 1259, but that leaves #don# without meaning. It has
the sense of the fuller phrase in l. 42: see NED, #do# I 3. Morris
indeed connects don wel which is against the metrical pause as indicated
by the point after #don# in E e J: E e moreover read wel oft ⁊ wel
ȝelome, and J has hit in l. 48 for naut. For #wel ofte# see 49/329, for
wel ilome, 134/97. M reads þider we scolde bere ⁊ draȝe, ofte ⁊ wel
ylome, with hit in the next line, as in J. #ofte ⁊ ilome#: OE. #oft and
gelōme#; comp. 48/325, 119/78, 127/360; ‘Hi hedden teone and seorewe ·
ofte and ilome,’ OEM 89/14, 169/22; ON 1545; L 16500.

48. #wrangwise dome#: comp. 44/256. E reads mid wronge ne mid woȝe.

50. #ne reue#: ne se ireue e, the others with T. The ‘reue’ is the
sheriff. Comp. ‘Ia nuls hom ki cel (i.e. luer) ad ne se deit esmaer |
Kar li nel pot tolir ne prouost ne ueier,’ Guischart 614, 15; ‘Il nen i
ad prouost ne nad plaiz ne contez | Sun aueir ni ert pris ne a marche
menez,’ id. 375, 6.

51. #hefden#: hedde e; the others have the present. Comp. ‘Tut le mielz
ke auum a deu nus deurum traire,’ Guischart 329.

53. #er#, for her, which the other MSS. have.

55. #halden wel#, possess to good purpose, make good use of. M reads wel
wile wite.

56. #hies#: his E e; hit J; hi D; he M. #hes#: heo hit E; he his e; he
hit J; he hi D; hi M.

58. #doð#: yeueþ J, with T.

62. #Eiðer#, both. Both of them shall hereafter seem both too little and
too much; a curious way of saying, He shall think his good deeds too
little and his bad deeds too much. The MSS. are in accord. Comp. ‘De tut
le plus kat fait est dolens e pensanz | Del bien li semble poi · li mals
li semble granz,’ Guischart 30, 31.

63. #weien#: comp. ‘Dunc serrat a chascon tuz ses biens demustrez |
Sulum nostre labur dunc serrum mesurez | E les biens e les mals tuz nus
serrunt pesez,’ Guischart 442-4.

64. #swinkes lan#: comp. ‘⁊ ta shall ure Laferrd Crist | Att ure lifess
ende | Uss ȝifenn ure swinnkess læn | Wiþþ enngless eche blisse,’ Orm
111/3256-9; ‘lure ow is to leosen | ower swinkes lan,’ SK 804; ‘La
receura chacon luer de sun labor,’ Guischart 311. #lan#: lyen E; lien e
M; lean JTD: see 27/289.

66. #þe (mare)#: þe þe E e M; se ꝥ D. J rewrites, þe riche and þe poure
boþe · ah nouht alle ilyche. #muȝen#: mai E; mei e; the others omit
as T.

67. #Al se#, just the same: e Eal se, omitting the nominative, like L,
but He alse E; þe poure J; Al suo on D; Ase wel þon M. #alse oðer#: se
þe oþer E e; alse þe oþer M; swo oþer D; þe riche J.

68. #cheþ#: ware e J D T M; ȝare E, a case of letter substitution.

69. #mid--þonke#: equivalent to ‘of gode wille,’ l. 73: see 10/167 note.

70. #se þe þe#: se þe E e; swo se D; so he M; J omits 69, 70. #manke#:
the mancus was ‘not current coin but merely money of account,’ Grueber,
Handbook of Coins, introd. p. ix: ‘fif penegas gemacjað ǽnne scylling
and þrittig penega ǽnne mancus,’ Ælf. Gram. ed. Zupitza 296/15, 16. The
word was in OE. #mancus#, _g._ -es. _m._ its _pl. n._ #mancussas#, _pl.
g._ #mancussa#; _s._ mancs, #pl.# mancsas also occur (ES xxxix. 349).
The Latin forms were mancusa, mancus, manca, from the last of which may
have been derived an OE. *#manc# with _pl. a._ *#mancas# = mancys,
Kemble, Codex Dipl. ii. 380, and _pl. g._ *#manca#, the original of
manke here. e reads marke. #golde# may mean, in gold; OE. #on golde#,
but more probably it is a mistake for goldes as in the other MSS. For
#fele# with genitive see 132/9 note.

71. #kon mare þonc#, acknowledges, feels more thankful; like Fr. savoir
gré. #þen þe#, to him who: ðan þe E e D; ye þat J; him þat M.

73, 74 T: see 203, 204 T.

74. #ec lete# appears to be a mistake for eðlete, of small account as in
the other MSS.; ȝeþlete M: comp. Et lete 38/148, 153. #of þan#, of whom,
of him whose; ðenne E e; þer J; þanne D; of him þat M. J rewrites ⁊
lutel he let on muchel wowe · þer þe heorte is ille; wherein ‘wowe’ is
explained by Kock (Anglia xxv. 318) as = vowe, votive offering.

76. #houen fur#, probably daylight; possibly lightning or the stars:
heuene · ⁊ fur J; dai ⁊ fur E; dei ⁊ fur e; ⁊ alle sterren D; sterre ⁊
fur M. #þestre#: see 123/230. T omits this line and substitutes a new
line at 80, not in the other MSS.

79. #þenkeð . . . doþ#: doþ . . . queþeþ M.

80. #swich se#, such as: swilc se E e; comp. ‘þa com þær heofonlic leoht
. . . swilc swa hi ær ne gesawon,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 184/262; 76/29.
#swilch# in T, with which the other MSS. agree, = such as; comp. 36/120;
‘Ðonne ic wæs mid Iudeum ic wæs suelc hie,’ Cura Past. 101/5. The fuller
expression is seen in, ‘we ne magon . . . nan þing geseon swylc swilc
hyt is,’ Blooms, ES xviii. 354/26.

80 T is probably the scribe’s own attempt to remedy the omission of l.
76: #Boðe# appears to refer to ‘crist’ and ‘drihte.’ #þe his bien#, such
as be his, his own.

81. #biloken#: comp. 13/37.

82. #wettre . . . londe#: a common formula: comp. 26/271 note; 40/194;
‘Vor hi bynomen him saulen · in water ⁊ in londe,’ OEM 56/682, 162/13;
‘a londe ⁊ a watere,’ L 550, 562, 17990. See KH 245 note.

83. #fuȝeles# &c.: comp. 143/79.

84. #wit ⁊ waldeð#: wit ⁊ walt E. Comp. 139/17.

85. #buten#: abuten, in both places E e; al buten D: a buten ende
represents OE. #ā būtan ende#, ever without end; by union of the first
two words a false form abuten, without, grew up, as at 52/369, 371, 373,
alongside abuten, OE. #abūtan, onbūtan#, around, about. J rewrites, He
wes erest of alle þing · and euer byþ buten ende.

86. #wende# &c., go where you will; so ‘Ga quar þou ga,’ CM 14072; ‘for
wende woder þou wende[;] þine daȝes beoþ at þe ende,’ L 16110.
Expressions of the same form are ‘comen þer heo comen,’ L 20667, 23021;
‘fare wha swa auere fare,’ id. 20849, 23223; 104/176; ‘likien swa me
liken,’ L 22511, 30544; ‘wreaðe se þu wreaðe,’ 141/54; 143/84; 145/115.

88. #þe--wille#: the MSS. have the order in T. #uwer#, anywhere: aihwar
D (= OE. #ǣhwǣr#, everywhere); ichwer J; oueral M; but E e have eiðer,
OE. #ǣgðer#, both; perhaps for eaðe, or eaðere, easily, more easily.

90. #Wi#, alas; not in E e; wy J; wai D. Comp. 36/105; ‘wei þet he eure
hit wule iþenche,’ OEH i. 21/28; ‘Awi leof ware þu me, Heu dilecta
mihi,’ OEH ii. 183/7: Heu is translated by Aweilewei, id. 183/15.
#hwat--rede#, what shall be to us for advisable? a common tag; see KH
825 note.

91. #gulteð#, &c.: comp. 117/18.

92. #et--dome#: comp. ‘at þa{n} muchele dome,’ L 23056; 16/136 note. D
has at to heaȝe dome; M, atte heȝe dome.

93-96 are omitted in D. J has them in the order 93, 96, 94, then a new
line, Crist for his muchele myhte · hus helpe þenne and rede, 95, 97.

94. #engles#: comp. 17/146; ‘Dunc tremblerunt li angle qui tant sunt
beaus e clers | E nus que ferum dunc chaitif maleurez | Ki en peche
uiuom,’ Guischart 446-8.

95. #beren biforen us#: e, omitting us, has the right reading. The
phrase is Fr. mettre avant, put forward, allege as a plea; comp. ‘Mes tu
iés si engresse e fole, | qu’avant vuels metre ta parole,’ Marie de
France, Fables, ed. Warnke, 305/15, 16. Gabrielson, Archiv cxxviii. 327,
notes the similarity of the expression to ‘Mais eiez charite ke uus
metez de uant,’ Guischart 1896, but the metaphor there is that of
interposing a shield against the darts of the devil. #hom#: wan E; hwan
e J T; wham M: all the readings mean, what.

96. #þo#, a mistake for we, which the other MSS. read. #deme# is object
of #iquemen#.

99. The variant #iseien# is peculiar to T: it is evidently due to l. 98.

101. Comp. 119/70, 72.

103. Comp. ‘Quant ileoc tremblerunt martir e confessur | Dites mei que
ferunt pariurie e traitur,’ Guischart 319, 20. #þes wichen# in T may be
a false division of words, or it may be a deliberate variation, meaning,
these witches (#wicca#, #wicce#).

104. #hwi#: the other MSS. have the exclamation like T; a wei D; Awi M.
The corruption in L has brought about the insertion of ⁊, which is also
in D. ‘Multi enim sunt vocati, pauci vero electi,’ S. Matt. xxii. 14.

105. #wi hwi#: comp. ‘Wei hwi beo we uule on þisse wrecche world,’ OEH
i. 33/36; ‘Wi qui þan mak we us sa kene,’ CM 23845. #to hwon#: to hwi D;
hwi J.

107. #bi clepie#, accuse. D has biclepien, bitelle ⁊ deme.

108. All MSS. except L have temen or teme. For #he# J has hit, which is
probably object of temen, the subject of schal being that of the
preceding line.

110. #ȝere#, fully; OE. #geare#: the other MSS. have wel. For him J has,
his þonk.

112. #bi seiþ#, declares; with #mest#, has most to say about it. Comp.
‘Seó wearð gebróht and besǽd þám cyninge,’ B-T. suppl. _s.v._
#besecgan#; ‘elch sinne þare him seluen biseið,’ OEH ii. 173/6. he seið
e J; the others seiþ only; seit E. With #stille#, silent, comp. 135/105;
‘sedebit solitarius et tacebit, Me schal sitten him one ⁊ beon stille,’
AR 156/18.

114. #hal#: vnhol J. M has Þe man þat saiþ þat he is lame, himself he
wot þe smerte.

115. ‘Igitur ex nostro iudicio iudicat nos Deus,’ Alcuin ii. 131.

116. J agrees with L, but E e have oðer with T, and D aider: all
meaning, either death or life.

117. #com to monne#, was born; comp. 113/30.

118. The original is preserved in swilc hit si abóc jwriten e, as if it
were written in a book; similarly E; J has Al so he hit iseye; D swich
hit were on boc iwrite, | isien he sel hit þanne. #iþenchen#, remember:
OE. #geþencan#.

119-121. Compare generally, ‘forðan ðe god ne besceawað na, hwilce we ær
wæron, ac he besceawað, hwilce we beon, þonne we dælan sceolon sawle ⁊
lichaman. Þæt is to witanne, þæt god ne secð na þæs godan weorces angin,
ac he secð þæne ænde, forðan ðe ælc man sceal beon demed be ðam
geearnungum, þe he hæfð, þonne he of ðisum life hwyrfan sceal,’ AS.
Hom., ed. Assmann, 149/138-43; Orm 111/3248-55. S. Bernard quotes as
from Isidore, ‘Non iudicat Deus hominem de praeterita vita, sed de suo
fine,’ Opera ii. 840: for further parallels see Alcuin ii. 141; Fecunda
Ratis 4/8.

119. #efter#: in accordance with: comp. 119/80.

120. #suilch#, such as; comp. 34/80: swulc se E; swich se e; DM have
iteald, iteld, estimated; J rewrites, Ah dom schal þolyen vych mon ·
after his endinge.

121. #ȝefe# is probably due to ȝeue in the next line; ȝif E e; ȝef M;
yef J; ef D. The inversion in T is peculiar to it. e reads for the last
half of the line ⁊ gód ȝíf gód ís þenne.

122. #wite--lende#: in T lende is probably _pr. s. subj._ of lenden, OE.
#lendan#, to arrive, in the very rare causal use, bring to land
(#lǣnde#, _pt._ of #lǣnan#, would, by rule, be lande in this text): the
sense then may be, grant that he convey us to heaven, a forced meaning
for lende; similarly J with, God yef vs vre ende gód · hwider þat he vs
lende. On the other hand the scribe of D, regardless of the rhyme, can
have meant only #lǣnde# in writing, wite whet he us lende, meaning,
preserve what he has entrusted to us, i.e. our souls; the expression of
a familiar idea as at 121/144; 127/339, 368, and similarly lenne in e
_r. w._ þenne, must be taken to represent #lǣne#, _pr. s. subj._ of
#lǣnan#. The meaning of L, with which E and M agree, is probably the
same, but if #lende# means convey, then #wite# must have the rare sense
of, see to it, provide, as in, ‘Wite ȝe þet ȝe ȝemen þenne halie
sunnendei,’ OEH i. 11/28. It would seem that all the texts derive from a
corrupt source; the author may have written ⁊ wite us þen we wende;
comp. ‘For-þi er we wende. | Makie we us clene and skere. | Þat we
englene ivere. | Mawe beon o buten ende,’ OEM 73/27-30; 21/116-17.

123. #uuel#: mistake for nule, due to the persistence of uuel from 121.

124. J reads, þat deþ cume to his dure. #him# is in L only: comp. 30/6.

125. Comp. ‘Mult avient sovent, | quant li mals le prent, | qu’il ne
puet parler, | penitence prendre | ne le suen despendre, | partir ne
doner,’ Reimpredigt 32/64. #itit#: bilimpeð D.

126. #for þi#: þi E e, with same meaning; D omits. #biet# is difficult;
possibly it is a mistake for beiet, kneels; see 132/3; 143/84. For #bit
⁊ bet#, prays for pardon and amends, comp. 86/120. The variations in the
MSS. here look like attempts to mend a faulty source. E, like T, has bit
⁊ beȝit ⁊ bet, prays for pardon, obtains it and amends: e has beot ⁊
beat ⁊ bit, the first verb probably from beoden, the second possibly for
beȝat: þat bit ore J; þat ore bit M gives a good sense, but is plainly
from the previous line. Finally the reading of D, ꝥ bit ⁊ bete ⁊ bet,
suggests that the author wrote, þat beot bote ⁊ bet, that offers
satisfaction and reforms; comp. 136/132, and for bet, 38/164.

127 T. #þe deað#: the article is often so prefixed in ME.; see NED. iii.
73 for examples.

128. #latheð#: leted E; leteþ e J M; uorlet D: probably the scribe of L
meant to write lateð as in T, he does not elsewhere use th.

129, 130 T. These lines, not in L, were added on the margin of e and
then partially erased. They are not, in my opinion, original. J has,
Bilef sunne hwil þu myht · and do bi godes lore. | And do to gode hwat
þu myht · if þu wilt habben ore. #nah#: for naht; Sin leaves you and not
you it, when you cannot commit it any longer. #him# shows confusion of
genders, #synn# is _fem._ For him þan þu, e has hi þanne þus, E hire
þanne þus (= þu es). With the sentiment comp. ‘Nulla igitur laus est non
facere quod facere non possis,’ Lactantius 579; ‘Si enim tunc vis
poenitentiam agere, quando peccare non potes; peccata te dimiserunt, non
tu illa,’ Alcuin ii. 135; ‘Or l’estuet laissier, | ne puet mais pechier,
| n’at mais a durer,’ Reimpredigt 36/71 (l’ = son pechié).

130 T. #abit#, puts off, delays.

129, 130. Comp. ‘Ceo dit escriture: | Tant cum li huem dure | en sa
poesté, | se dunc se repent: | a deu veirement | s’est ja acordé,’
Reimpredigt, 38/73. The reference is possibly to Isa. lv. 7. #ꝥ#: E e
agree with T; For we hit ileueþ wel J; Swa ileuen we hit muȝen D.

132. #þer#: probably a miswriting of er, previously, hitherto: her T;
hier D, in this world. #haueð to#: scal E; sceal e.

134. #Ne--bet#, ought I not rather to pray? In 136 T, #bie ich# means,
may I be. For #alesed . . . of bende#, see 52/394. D reads, ne recche ic
bote bi ic alesd; and M similarly.

135. #scaweð#, shows, is pointless: with T the other MSS. have icnaweð
e; iknoweþ J D; knoweþ M; but icwoweð E, an error of anticipation.

137-140. Comp. generally, ‘El mund n’ad nul home, tant eit de leaute, |
S’il aveit par mort le siecle trespasse, | E en enfern un oret este | E
sentu la puur e veu le oscurte, | S’il reveneit en vie e en prosperite,
| Ke james feit mal, tant serreit effree,’ Archiv lxiii. 81/152-7. In
138 T #hit# is a scribe’s mistake for hete.

137. #twa bare tide#, merely two hours; comp. 221/227. After 138, J has
Swiþe grimlych stench þer is · ⁊ wurþ wyþ vten ende | ⁊ hwo þe enes
cumeþ þer · vt may he neuer þenne wende, which are not in any other MS.,
followed by two lines corresponding to 42/221-2, which fit in better

139. #þa hit#: þit E T = þe hit; ꝥ e; ꝥ hit D; heo hit J; & wite hit M.
The allusion is to such legends as those of Owain and Tundale. For #mid
iwissen#, see 32/40.

140. #wa wurð#: so T M; but, uuel is E e; þer wurh D; þer þurh J. #for#,
in exchange for.

141. #In# is a scribe’s mistake for Ent: wa wurð, or in E e uuel is,
must be supplied from the preceding line. The second #þe# is a
superfluous repetition of the last word on the preceding recto. J
avoiding #for# reads ⁊ for þe blysse þat ende haueþ[;] endeles is þe

142. #water drunch#, water-drink; comp. ‘Alls iff þu drunnke
waterr-drinnch,’ Orm ii. 149/14482. The other MSS. avoid the compound;
water to drinke E; weter í drunke e; wateres drung J; betere were drinke
wori weter D; wateres drinch M. #atter#: comp. ‘God for ure secnesse
dronc attri drunch o rode,’ AR 364/17.

143. #brede#, roast meat; OE. #brǣde#: comp. ‘he nom his aȝe þeh | . . .
þer of he makede brede. | he bredde heo an hiȝinge,’ L 30581, 3, 4.

144. All too dear he buyeth it, who giveth his neck for it.

145. ‘Plenus venter facile de ieiuniis disputat,’ S. Jerome, Epist.
158, 2.

146 is intelligible if of pine is understood after #cnauð#. E has þe
naht not · hu hi scullen ilesten; similarly e.

147. #stunde#: hwile E.

148. #Et lete#: see 34/74 note. J reads ⁊ lete for crist beo wif.

149, 150 are wanting in e M. For #oðerluker#, see 125/270.

151. #wawe . . . wene#: the combination is formal: comp. 142/77: but E
has wa . . . pine, e, wa . . . wawe; D, wo . . . wope; J, Eure he wolde
in bonen beon · ⁊ in godnesse wunye | Wiþ þat he myhte helle fur · euer
fleon ⁊ schonye, and similarly M.

152. #Wið ꝥ þe#, provided that, if only; wid þan þe E, wið þan ðe e M, =
#wīþ þǣm þe#; Wiþ þat J; wið þet D. T J D M add he, unnecessarily, as it
is in the principal clause.

153. J reads, ⁊ lete sker al þes worldes weole, where ‘sker’, utterly,
is OWScand. skǽrr, clean.

154. L appears to mean, Because to attain to that great bliss is joy of
a certainty. But #cume# in T E e, come in D are subjunctives dependent
on for, in order that he may come, the subject not being expressed
because of _him_ in the principal clause; see 6/18: #for . . . cumen# in
L could have the same meaning, comp. ‘for lesen’ 40/180, 182, but a
subject is needed for #is#. #For# with the subjunctive is not common,
but see NED. iv. 412, col. 3; in this use it descends from #for þǣm
þæt#. J has Wiþ þat he myhte to heouene cumen. In Te #þis# = þe is; D
has þet is, E þat is heuenriche. For #mid iwisse#, see 32/40.

155. #ꝥ . . . of#: see 1/3.

157. #eþe#: so E e D; J M omit; sore T is isolated, but J reads ⁊ sore
vs of-drede.

158. #he#: in L only: the others agree with T: #al# is in L T only.

159, 160. #þer men#, wherein men. #stelen . . . helen# change places in
T M only. #wruȝen . . . ⁊ helen#: the combination is formal; comp. ‘ase
þe uikelares wreoð ⁊ helieð,’ AR 88/18; a reminiscence of ‘quoadusque
veniat Dominus, qui et illuminabit abscondita tenebrarum et manifestabit
consilia cordium’, 1 Cor. iv. 5.

162. #riche#: so J only; heiȝe E; heȝe e D M.

164 T. #to þe#: a mistake which has probably arisen out of an original
þo: efning is constructed with wið.

163-166. Not in J. After scal E has þei, e þeh, D þeð, T þeih,

164. #ofþincþ#: see 30/10 note. The subject of #bet# is he, as implied
by him preceding.

165. #scameþ . . . gromeð#: comp. ‘Teonen þolien ⁊ gromen ⁊ schomen umbe
stunde,’ HM 7/8, and for the corresponding nouns in the next line, ‘Þu
vs hauest iwroht þes schome. | And alle þene eche grome,’ OEM 83/334, 5;
‘Me to sorge, scaðe and same,’ GE 302; OEH ii. 173/13, 14, 23.

166. #þo þre#: so D þoðre, but þe oþre E e M. #oft#: e D M agree with T;
but E has, þat sculle beon forlorene.

167, 168. Comp. ‘Ia ne porrat nuls dire ke il seit enganez | En tant com
li oil clot serrat li plaiz finez,’ Guischart 444, 5.

168. #mene#, with #him# reflexive, complain; comp. ‘þat he ne mahte
nanes weis | meanen him of wohe,’ SK 1235, 6. D has bimene; comp. ‘Men
hem bimenin of litel trewthe,’ Rel. Ant. ii. 121/11. At 196/663, 205/280
it has the more usual sense, with reflexive, of bemoan. #strengþe . . .
wronge#: comp. 19/48-51, 32/48-50, 44/256: the perversion of justice by
bribed or overawed judges is a common theme in the literature of the
time; see Wright, Political Songs, pp. 224-30. #strengþe#, violence, has
usually a determining adjective in this sense, as ‘nawt wið luðer
strencðe,’ SK 1234; ‘liste ne luðer strengðe,’ id. 1516, but see 60/18.

170. #uuele holden#, handled, treated, hardly; comp. ‘and heom heold swa
harde[;] ⁊ mid hærme heo{m} igrette,’ L 29937, 8. #redde#: a mistake for
rerde, as in E; the others have arerde, set up, instituted; comp. 15/80,

171. #ec#: Ac E; End e; ech D; Euerich M. 171, 172 are not in J.

176, 178. #forð mid#: see 1/19.

177. #habbeð doules were#: nabbeð god idon E e: comp. 44/254.

178. #grunde#: comp. 46/295; ‘alesde us of helle grunde,’ OEH i. 19/8;
‘al forloren into helle grunde,’ id. 21/35; see also 119/82. For #faren
forð mid#, E e have, falle swiþe raþe.

179. #are#: ore E J D. The text means, ever without mercy and without
end, but Lewin confusing ore with orde as in ‘Wiþþutenn ord ⁊ ende,’ Orm
234/6775, translates ‘ohne Anfang und Ende.’ e reads á ⁊ buten ende.

180. #gate#: dure E e J D; M omits. #for lesen#: for lese e; the others
have to. The infinitive of purpose with _for_ is uncommon, comp.

181. #sullic#, wonder. #wa . . . uneade#, OE. #unēaðe#, are historically
adverbs, lit. though to them it be wofully and grievously; bet, wwrs,
&c., are used in the same construction; see 46/289: comp. with #uneade#,
‘þer fore hire wes uneðe,’ L 4503; ‘an heorte him wes unneðe,’ id.
26730. J has, he mawe wunye eþe, they may easily remain there.

182. #for lesen#: variants as in l. 180, but E for lesen. Comp. ‘Ki deu
ne uolt conustre tut serrat cureicus | Il ne morrat ia meis ne por mei
ne por uus,’ Guischart 223, 4.

183. #helle brec#, harrowed hell. ‘The Gospel [of Nicodemus] probably
reached the climax of its popularity in England during the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries,’ The ME. Harrowing of Hell, ed. Hulme, p.

184: Comp. ‘Tant cher nus achatað de sun sanc precius,’ Guischart 220;
OEM 49/434, 187/20. #hom#: hi D; the others, us.

185. #mei . . . mei#: comp. 30/29, where L has the usual pair,
representing OE. #mǣge#, kinswoman, #mǣg#, kinsman: mouwe . . . mey E;
maȝhe . . . mei e; moȝe . . . meie D; moȝe . . . mei M: but J Nolde hit
nomon do for me.

188. #bendes#: comp. 81/67.

192 T. #þar þat#, of those who: comp. 1 Cor. vi. 2.

192. #ꝥ#, because. #uuele#: harde J D M, meaning hardship; comp. ON.
459, 527. #habbeð . . . on honde#, have to do with, have to suffer:
similar expressions are ‘sorhen heom com on honde,’ L 30428; ‘for al hit
trukeð us an hond[;] ꝥ we to temden,’ id. 16799; ‘and eoden him luðere
an hond,’ id. 31265: ‘him for ðissere worulde wel on hand eode,’ Ælf.
Lives i. 488/13. For the matter, comp. 183/241, 193/551-2.

193. #honde#: comp. 56/50: ande e.

194. #sake#: in L only. It means here, guilt, as in ‘Þa lakess mihhtenn
clennsenn hemm | Off sakess ⁊ off senness,’ Orm 36/1126, 7. Other
similar combinations are ‘sorge, scaðe and same,’ GE 302; ‘sorge and
sare,’ Ælf. Lives i. 266/90; ‘swinc and sorwe and deades strif,’ GE 268.
With T comp. 42/204, 136/136; ‘on sorhge leofodon and on geswincum,’
Ælf. de Vet. Test. 3/10; ‘labor et dolor,’ Psalm lxxxix. 10. For #a
watere#, &c., see 34/82; on se ⁊ on londe D.

195, 196. Comp. ‘Adam le (i.e. nostre pais) nus tolit e sa fole moiller
| E nus ki deaus uenimes lauum conpare chier | En grant cheitiuison mult
nus pot en nuier,’ Guischart 695-7. #forme#: formes E e; uormes D.

197. Comp. 48/323; ‘þurst and hunger · chele and hete · þis beoð stronge
pyne,’ OEM 37/9; ‘muchel hunger ⁊ hæte[;] at æuer ælche monnes ȝete,’ L
20441, 2. #helde ⁊ unhelðe#: comp. 20/72, 30/14, 48/323, 52/373. But,
eche ⁊ al unelþe E; eche · ⁊ eal un helðe e; ache and vnhelþe J; ecðe
(= eche) ⁊ al unhelðe D; eche ⁊ unhelþe M, show the original reading:
OE. #ece, æce#, ache.

198. #uniselðe#: comp. 52/374; 26/256 note. J has vnyselyhþe.

199. #unsele#: vnhele J; vnvele D.

200. #a hele#: on hele E e D; myd blysse and myd wele J.

203, 204 T are copied by mistake from ll. 73, 74. As in both cases the
lines are at the top of a folio, it may be inferred that the scribe of T
was copying a MS. exactly page by page, and that l. 202 completed a
gathering in his original with an added catchword Litel; that he, after
beginning f 5^a with the catchword, laid aside his work, and on resuming
it began at the wrong place. On discovering his mistake he started

201. #lutel--mon#: so T J D, it seems a small matter to many a man; but
E e omit hit, read iþenchð, iðencð, and hu for ac, many a man little
thinks how great, &c.

202. #hwam#: hwan e; whan M; whon J = #for hwǣm#, #for hwon#, why; vor
hwy D = #for hwȳ#; E has for þan. #hore# must mean Adam and Eve; M reads
adammes: but e reads þe, D þo, yet they begin the next line with Heore
e, Here D, and J with heore in this line has Vre sunne and vre sor · vs
may sore of þunche.

203. #ofþinche#: see 30/10.

204. #sorȝe#: see 40/194.

206. #eðe#: sore E J M.

208. #an helle pine# &c.: e M go with L; E with T; in pyne ⁊ on
vnwunne J.

209. #ledden#: the other MSS. have the present tense. #mid unriht#:
comp. ‘Ne wurþ þer vnryht ne wrong,’ OEM 143/85.

210. #buten--do#, unless God’s mercy intervene. #longe#: comp. 48/327,

212. #bi þan ilke iwichte#, by the same measure, i.e. as great as his
might; comp. 53/384: ah al by one wyhte J; nis him no þing litlinde, |
ac bi emliche wihte D (litlinde, decreasing, see 126/327; emliche,
equal). In T 216 mihte is a mistake for milce.

213. ‘Nuls ne pot tant pecher com deus pot parduner,’ Guischart 948.

214. #hit bigunne#, made a beginning, took the first step, i.e.
repentance, #hit# being indefinite; comp. ‘Li sires est tut prest certes
de nus aider | Se il en fust alkun kil uosist comencer,’ Guischart 703,
4. Less probable is, began to show mercy, Einenkel, Anglia iv., Anz. 92.
Morris takes #bigunne# as subjunctive of bigan, to seek for. E reads, it
bidde gunne.

218. #wallinde#: the other MSS. add pich, and have bed instead of bað:
see 44/245, 120/104.

219. Comp. ‘Ke plus fait sun servise, plus fait ke maleurous,’ Archiv
lxiii. 81/171; ‘Ki plus fait sun plaisir a celui fait il pis,’ Guischart
59; ‘Ki kunques mielz le sert cil ad peines plus granz,’ id. 102; ‘Hec
est natura Diaboli, qui semper malefacit amicis suis et non aliis;
pessime remunerat illos qui ei seruiunt,’ Eudes de Cheriton 232/7.
#fulle#, utter, deadly: comp. ‘þat is my fulle i-vo,’ OEM 42/174; ‘nawt
ane to hare freond, ah to hare fulle fon,’ HM 31/3; 24/202. For #frond#,
E e M have wines; D wine. J omits ll. 219-22. #Wurst# is adverbial.

220. #wih#: wihd E; wið e D; fram M.

221. #hi# = ih, I.

222. #þer--feche#, might there procure for myself: but E e D M have for
þer me, þerinne, þarinne, and D wende for mahte.

223. #ꝥ his# is a misreading of an original þeh ic, and #on# is for ou.
#wise men#: comp. ‘De ceo ke io dirrai asez en ai garanz | Les mielz de
seinte glise e tuz les plus uaillanz,’ Guischart 9, 10.

224. #aboken#: comp. ‘Hit is write in þe bok · þer me hit may rede,’ OEM

226. #unfrome#, detriment: unfreme e; unureme M; hearme E; harme J;
unwines D.

227. #edi men ⁊ arme#: comp. ‘Arme ⁊ edie ledin,’ Prov. of Alfred, ed.
Skeat 7/39; ‘ne ermne ne eadine,’ OEH i. 115/19. For arme M reads
strangely areȝe. ‘Entendez ca uers mei les petiz e les granz,’
Guischart 1.

229. #twa uuele#: uuele twa e, and similarly the other MSS. #iferen# in
T is certainly the noun, companions, so iueren D and probably #iuere# in
L: in the others #ifere#, in company.

230. #maket niþinges#, made worthless men, a reading due to the
misunderstanding of the compound, as in T and the other MSS., stingy in
giving away food: comp. ‘mete custi,’ L 19266. M has, þat were niþinges

231. For #waning#, D has sorinesse; for #wow#, all MSS. wop; comp. ‘þær
nan stefne styreð butan stearc-heard | wop and waning, na wiht elles,’
Be Domes Dæge, 14/200; 2/10. #efter eche streche#, at every stride, on
every hand; comp. 29/14; ‘bið swa mihtles on his modes streche,’ OEH i.
111/25, for the verb, ‘bot inwyth not a fote, | To strech in the strete
þou hatȝ no vygour,’ E. E. Allit. Poems, 29/969. The other MSS. agree
with T: #after ache strate#, along each road: for #after# comp. ‘Ðonne
licggeað ða giemmas toworpne æfter strætum’ (= dispersi per plateas),
Cura Past. 135/4; ‘Al þat verden æfter wæi,’ L 13776. M reads in
eueriche strete.

With 232-4 comp. 120/100-2. #from hete to hete# may mean from one degree
of heat to another, but the MSS. agree with T. The last half of the line
which is peculiar to L does not mean, ‘and nearly freeze the wretches,’
as Morris translates, but, and each (change) for comfort to the
wretches. The construction is probably the same as at 86/125; see 176/24
note: if #to frure# is a _dat. inf._, it is the only one in L without
final _n_.

233. #blisse#: J has here and l. 235, lisse, rest, respite; a word often
associated with blisse, as ‘Blisse ⁊ lisse ic sende uppon monnen’, OEH
i. 15/2.

234. #of--misse#, they feel the privation of heat. The verb is also
constructed with of, ‘Hwo þat for lyue þisse | þer-of schal mysse,’ OEM
73/34, 5, 87/7, 8; Minot ix. 13 note.

235. #hi#, heat and cold; the MSS. agree with T. The omission of the
subject to nabbeð T 239 is grammatically correct, but the metre requires
hie. #lisse#: T, so E e J M.

236. D reads Niteð hi hwer hi wonieð mest, they know not where they
lament most. For #mid--wisse#, see 32/40.

237. #walkeð#: not ‘rolls’ as at 2/12; the place in the writer’s mind is
‘Cum immundus spiritus exierit de homine, ambulat per loca inaquosa,
quaerens requiem; et non inveniens dicit,’ &c., S. Luke xi. 24.

238. See 32/35.

239. #for þi#: so J; for hi D; ⁊ hi M, but E has ac þi; e þi, therefore;
comp. ‘Ich rede þi þat man bo ȝare,’ ON 860, 1548: ‘þi bileafden heo
heore timbrunge,’ OEH i. 93/23.

240, 241. Suggested by ‘Qui enim haesitat similis est fluctui maris, qui
a vento movetur et circumfertur,’ S. James i. 6; ‘Vir duplex animo
inconstans est in omnibus viis suis,’ id. i. 8. #walkeð# here seems to
mean, rolls, tosses; see 2/12. #weri#: comp. ‘wery so water in wore,’
Bödd., AE. Dicht. 148/32, said however of stagnant water. For #weri# J
substitutes þar boþe.

241. #a þanke#: comp. ‘stif he wes on þonke,’ L 2110. For #boð#, D has
seden, for senden. For the last three words J substitutes Mid hwom me
heold feste; Morris, thinking it corrupt, conjectures, hwom me ne heold
feste, or, me heold vnfeste, whom men considered unsteadfast. But the
scribe of J has deliberately substituted for the men of infirm purpose
those who fare sumptuously. These are they who in this world were those
with whom men feasted.

242. #⁊ þa þe#: e reads ⁊ to, which gives the best sense. #heste#, not
often in the sense of promise: auht E; aht e. In T 246, naht has dropped
out before #ilaste#.

243. #ful enden#: fulendi D; OE. #fullendian#, finish.

244. #witen#, went; OE. #gewītan#: the other MSS. have weren E e D; were
J M.

245. e reads, þere is pich ðe æure wealð · þer sculle baðie inne, and so
the others, but for þer--inne J has, ꝥ heo schulle habbe þere, and M,
þat sculle þe beo inne. See 42/218 and comp. ‘In a bytter baþ | ich
schal baþe naked. | Of pych and of brunston | wallynde is i-maked,’ OEM

246. #here#: vuel E; uuel e. #in werre ⁊ in winne#, in war and in
strife: the combination is at least rare. M has, mid werre ⁊ mid ywinne.
#unwinne# in T 250, meaning distress, is also a rare word; comp. ‘Sinne
me hauiþ in care ibroȝt | broȝt in mochil vnwinne,’ E. E. Poems, 21/5,
6: e has, in feoht end in iginne, where iginne is miswritten for iwinne;
E in feoh (= feoht) end in iginne (= iwinne), in fighting and strife;
comp. ‘ne bilæfde he næuer nænne[;] þat heold feht and iwin,’ L 9042, 4,
11522. D reads, in wele ⁊ in senne; J vnwreste · and eke false were.

247. E has ll. 249, 250 before 247, 248. In 251 T #þis# = þe is.

248. #uersc#, fresh water; OE. _adj._ #fersc# used exclusively of fresh
as opposed to salt water. The other MSS. agree with T: nauene strien ne
sture E; nauene striem ne sture e; ne auene strém · ne sture J; Hauene
stream ne Sture D. There are two places where rivers called Avon and
Stour meet, in Warwickshire near Stratford-on-Avon, and in Hampshire
near Christchurch.

249. #nawiht#: nomon J; no þing D.

250. #þa þe--lof#, those to whom it was too pleasing, those who took too
much delight in: ll. 250, 251 may be a reminiscence of the Anarchy; see
7/49, 6/44.

252. Those who had the power to do evil, (and) those (without the power)
to whom it was sweet to contemplate it. But the other MSS., except T D,
and M which omits the line, agree with E, þo þe ne mihte euel don · ⁊
lef was it to þenche. In T 256 #þe# does double duty as _nom._ to
mihten, and as _dat._ to lief; comp. 118/28.

254. ⁊ á · on ðes deofles weorc · bliðeliche swunche e; comp. 40/177;
‘qui laetantur cum malefecerint, et exultant in rebus pessimis,’ Prov.
ii. 14.

255. ‘Or ne set lum ki creire tant est fel e muanz,’ Guischart 13. Comp.

256. #Medierne#, greedy of bribes. Comp. 32/48.

257. #ꝥ#: so þe E e, meaning, he to whom; comp. 161/187: Þe þat J; þo ꝥ
D: wes has fallen out after #wif#.

258. #ete#: méte J; comp. ‘Inne mete ⁊ inne drinke ic habbe ibeo
ouerdede,’ OEM 193/41. A variant is, ‘on hete and on wete,’ OEH i.
101/24; ‘on æte oððe on wæte,’ Ælf. Lives i. 354/270. #druken# in T 262
is miswritten for drunke (#drynce#) through confusion with druken 257

259. Who took from the poor man his property, and added it to his store.
See 7/51, and comp. ‘leggeþ ine hord,’ OEM 47/364; ‘Vych mon hit scholde
legge on hord,’ ON 1224.

260. #lutel let of#, held in small esteem; comp. 113/45; 143/99; ‘Ac se
kyngc let lihtlice of oð ꝥ he com to Englalande,’ AS. Chron. D 211/16;
‘ne lete he nout wel of þet he is Godes ȝerde,’ AR 184/21; ‘þat prophet
| þat drightin of sa mikel let,’ CM 9149; ‘þat of his wordus lette pure
liht,’ AE Legenden, ed. Horstman, 44/206; ‘he let lutel to þe,’ HM
33/14. For similar expressions see 8/84, 124/264, 129/32, 173/417.
#borde#: comp. 48/307: bode E J D; bibode e; hest M.

261. #⁊--aȝen#: End te his aȝen e, and to his own relatives, and
similarly in L T D, though the preposition be wanting. J has þeo þat
almes, adding as next line, Ne his poure kunesmen · at him ne myhte
nouht spede. E has And of his owen nolde ȝiuen.

262. #sonde#: so E J; sande e: but D agrees with T. In the second half
of the line L stands alone, with an easy phrase, when he heard it
announced. But E e have preserved the original, þer he sette his beode,
nor would listen to God’s messenger, when He spread His table; the
reference being to the parable of the marriage feast, S. Matt. xxii. 4,
as expounded at 85/84-7. The OE. word #bēod, bīed# occurs in ‘Þu
gearwodest beforan me swiðe bradne beod’ = ‘Parasti in conspectu meo
mensam,’ Psalm xxii. 5. The readings of T, of D, þer he set (= sat) at
his biede, and of J, þar he sat at his borde, are all corruptions of
that original with identical meaning, as in ‘Noldest þu nefre helpen þam
orlease wrec[che]n; | Ac þu sete on þine benche, underleid mid þine
bolstre,’ Worcest. Frag. C. 25, 26.

263. #ꝥ# does double duty as _dat._, to whom, to loure, and as _nom._,
who, to weren in the next line; similarly T: see 44/252. #hit#: him M;
leuere þan beon schulde J.

265. #þon þe#: þam þe e, both meaning, to those to whom. E has ȝam,
miswritten for þam, to whom. J rewrites, ⁊ luueden vntrewnesse · þat heo
schulden beon holde; Morris translates þat, in which; it is a mistake
for þar, which M reads. Comp. ‘treowe and holde,’ OEM 38/48: the offence
is in OE. #hlāford-swīcung#, Morsbach’s Studien, l. 167. D omits ll.
263-6: J adds after 265, Heo schulleþ wunyen in helle · þe ueondes

267. #weren . . . abuten#, were bent on; see 74/229 note. The other MSS.
agree generally with T: ȝysceres E; ȝetseres D; ȝeseres M; gaderares J;
witteres e = knowing, wise.

268. #hechte to ⁊ tachte#, bid and taught (them) to do: hem tihte ⁊ ec
tauhte E; heom tihte ⁊ to tehte e; heom tycede and tahte J; ham tichede
to ⁊ taðte D; tiȝte do ⁊ tehte M. The original was probably tuhte to ⁊
tehte, instigated and taught. Comp. 127/365; ‘Þe deofel heom tuhte to
þan werke,’ OEH i. 121/33.

269. #þen#: so E e; it = þe en (40/196), in; ꝥ anie wise D; þat in alle
wise M; And alle þeo þe myd dusye wise J, in foolish fashion.

270. #fordon# &c.: comp. ‘fordon ⁊ fordemed,’ SK 427; ‘fordude ant
fordemde,’ SM 2/32. Here the Lambeth MS. ends.

271. #of ðufte#: see 30/10.

273. Comp. generally 76/27-32; 120/95-7. #frute#, toads: frude E; fruden
J D: akin to OWScand. frauðr (Björkman, 76). Frod is a child’s name for
a frog in Yorkshire, EDD. ii. 504. NED. iv. 570 quotes from Dives and
Pauper, ‘Some man hadde leuer for to mete with a froude or a frogge in
the waye than to mete with a knyght or a squyre.’

274. #speke#: speken E; spekeð J D. #niðfulle#: ondfulle D.

276. #hate#: so M; but hete E J D; OE. #hete#, enmity. #eorre#: ȝeorre
E; herre D; erre M.

277. #uuel#: muchel J M.

278. #swierte leie#: comp. 76/17; 119/86-8: þiester leie D.

280. #ꝥ beoð þa#: comp. 1/10.

281. #ateliche . . . eisliche#: comp. ‘swo eiseliche and swo ateliche,’
OEH ii. 171/24: J reads ateliche ueondes ⁊ grysliche wyhtes.

282. #ifon#, seize: the other MSS. agree with T: ison E. #ðurh sihte#:
bi sihtes J; mid isiȝte M. NED. explains bi sihtes, by looks or glances.
The context rather requires, with open eyes, knowingly, wilfully, but I
know no parallel. Comp. Heb. x. 26.

283. Comp. 134/93; ‘sathanas þe cwed,’ OEM 180/213. #ealde#: ‘serpentem
antiquum, qui est diabolus et Satanas,’ Apocal. xx. 2: comp. ‘Se ealde
deofol þe is mid andan afylled,’ Ælf. Lives ii. 180/183; ‘For to beon
yuonded · of sathanas þen olde,’ OEM 38/28, 76/130; OEH i. 75/30; SK
1184; HM 15/14. #belzebud#: belsebuc E; belzebuc M: ‘est finalis litera
b,’ Catholicon.

285. A common formula; comp. 119/85, 133/48; OEM 173/57-60; AR 144/21.

287. #Wið#, as regards: it has apparently the same meaning in ‘god heom
aredde wið heore ifan,’ OEH i. 87/18, for aredden usually takes of or ut
of. E T have of, about: comp. 187/350; J For al.

288. #gamen ⁊ gleo#, a favourite combination: comp. ‘Iluued ich habbe
gomen and gleo,’ OEM 160/33; Minot iv. 57 note.

292 T. #of þat#, as concerns what; so far as what one may suffer here is

289, 90. ‘Tut est desespere iceo les par confund | Ke il seuent tres
bien ia merci nen aurunt,’ Guischart, 125, 6; CM 23261-4. #deð--wa#,
affects them so wofully, causes them such sorrow: see 40/181: such uses
of don are very extensive in ME.; comp. 34/69; ‘don us mare wa on,’ SJ
43/8. #naht#: noþing J.

290. #ꝥ#, as that: bute þat E; Ase ꝥ J; swo ꝥ D.

292. #þe#, to whom. The use of þe as oblique relative is not common in
OE.; comp. ‘he sealde his dohtor . . . þæm cyninge . . . þe he ær Æpira
rice geseald hæfde,’ Orosius 118/27, where #þe# is preceded by another
dative. It occurs more frequently in EME.: for þe = to whom, see 9/116,
12/13, 139/15; = in which, 113/36; with which, 88/4. Similarly þat is
used in various relationships, with which 8/108, possibly 26/259; to
whom, Orm 118/3439, HM 5/24; for whom, 21/92, 195/634; against which,
201/144, 218/147. E reads þe heom, to whom; the personal pronoun is
given a relative force by the addition of the relative þe; comp. ‘þe
holie man iob þe non ne was his efning on eorðe,’ OEH ii. 69/32, whose
equal was not on earth: þet . . . hire 117/10 is analogous. J reads
þet = to whom; comp. 143/84; D þer naht of godes bode, a hopeless
corruption. #þe nes naht of#, who heeded not: see 8/84 note.

293-6. ‘Quant fustes baptizez de funz regenerez | Ke dunkes premisistes
gardez ne li mentez | Ki or nirrad a lui il ert deseritez | Come fel e
traitre pus en ert apelez | En destreit serrat mis e a tel ert liurez |
Ki nel rendrat pas pus por mil mars dor pesez,’ Guischart 554-9.

294. #cristen dom#, baptismal vow. #heolde#, kept; see 48/310.

295. #on--grunde#: comp. 40/178. J reads anyþe helle grunde: a nyþe is
found only here. It may be a preposition formed from #an# + #neoþan#
(comp. anunder), like beneoþan and with the same meaning; but probably
it is for a niþer as in T and D in niþerhelle grunde.

296. #ut#: so D: but E J vp. ‘Ne porrat morir | n’a merci venir, | senz
fin i serat,’ Reimpredigt 34/67. #marke#: see 34/67, and comp. ‘myd
markes and myd punde,’ OEM 89/18.

297. #ibede#: bene D.

298. D, vor naht hi solden bidde þer | ore ne ȝeuenesse, in agreement
with T, in which hi must be supplied from hem in 301: see 6/18. ‘Almones
ne ben faiz ne lur profiterunt | Messes ne ureisuns ia certes nes
garrunt,’ Guischart 127, 8.

299. #of#: so E; but T J D M have wiþ, which is normal, as at 304, and
for schilden 50/346, 82/121; biwerien 50/334; werien 50/335; biwiten
117/5, 149/168; witen 82/118, 149/170, 178. Less usual are ‘misdon wið’
6/23 note; ‘loki wit’ 153/56. #of#, in respect of, as regards; a rare
use for, against; comp. ‘uor to warnie wummen of hore fol eien,’ AR
54/26: and note _wið_ interchanging with _of_, 46/287.

300. #þer wið#, against it, i.e. hell pine: see 1/3. #habbe#: wille D;
wulle M. With #ido# T 304 comp. 122/185 note.

302. #sceal#, must. #leche#: comp. ‘Of vre louerd ihesu crist · þat is
soule leche,’ OEM 51/508. From this place it has been inferred that the
writer was a priest with some knowledge of medicine. Perhaps he is only
asserting the claim of Christianity to benefit the body as well as the
soul, as in 1 Thess. v. 23, and often in Missal and Breviary, ‘mente et
corpore pariter expediti,’ &c.

304. #we ꝥ#: wel, swo D.

306. #emcristen#: euen cristen J; nexte M; see 26/265. After #eal#, se
has probably dropped out: alse E; as J; swo D; al suo M.

307. Every thing we hear in the services of the Church: comp. ‘Al þet me
ret and singeð . . . in halie chirche,’ OEH i. 125/27; ‘al þet holi
chirche redeð ant singeð,’ AR 268/9; OEM 91/43. #bifore godes borde#, at
the altar.

308. #hanget ⁊ bihalt bi#, derive their authority from and depend on. S.
Matt. xxii. 40.

311. #earueðhealde#, difficult to keep; see 12/3. J rewrites, Ah soþ ich
hit eu segge · ofte we agulteþ alle.

312. #strang#: see 21/94. #lange#: veste D. #liht#, easy: comp. 72/178;
‘All þiss to shæwenn niss nohht lihht | Shorrtliȝ wiþþ fæwe wordess,’
Orm 99/13032, 3: so lihtliche, 50/343, readily.

314. #unne#: lete J; leue M. #bote#: see 80/58 note.

315. #wele#: ayhte J.

316. #eal#: mest leggeþ vre swynk J; leggeð almest D; muchel M. Comp.

318. #of#: for oft: ofte J D M; E omits. #bicherd#, misled. #bi kehte#,
ensnared, deceived. But J reads for the latter, vuele by þouhte,
saddened by remembrance of our sins: comp. ‘þe man kið him seluen
mildhertnesse þe biðencheð on his sinnen,’ OEH ii. 189/5.

319. #erminges#, miserable mortals: mostly an adj. in ME. as at 76/22,
31. Morris suggested erninges, gains.

320. #en#: of E J. #her ⁊#: oþer E J D M.

321-3. Comp. 40/197, 8.

324. #of þere#, of that: J has þer of.

325. #ofte# &c.: see 32/47.

327. #lange#: comp. 42/210; 168/342.

328. J substitutes ⁊ after gode wel wurche · þenne ne þuruue noht kare,
and be vigorous in pursuit of good: comp. 30/21, 32/61.

330. Unless we are on our guard, this world will make us drunk: the
meaning of #fordrenche# is fixed by drinche l. 331. adrenche D M, drown.
With #wurðe . . . iwer#, comp. 9/122; with #us#, 13/34.

331. #scenche#, draught; OE. #scencan#, to pour out; comp. KH 369 note.
#deofles#: M reads, of one duole scenche, of a stupefying draught.

332. A man must know how to protect himself well, if it (i.e. the drink)
is not to trip him up. See B-T. _s.v._ #screncan#. J is defective here;
D omits ll. 331, 2.

333. #Mid#: Vor D. For #almihtin#, 337 T, see 79/17.

334. #ꝥ#: þe J; see 13/28. #he#: he ne E; heo . . . ne J; hi ne D.

335. #werie . . . wið#: see 48/299.

336. #bi ȝiten#: in e only; ȝiuen alle mancunne E; and similarly in the
other MSS. The text may mean, acquired for mankind.

337. #bene#, pleasant, agreeable: ‘spatiosa via . . . quae ducit ad
perditionem,’ S. Matt. vii. 13. J reads grene, rejecting, as often, the
unusual word: comp. ‘the broad way and the green’ of Milton’s sonnet.

338. #niȝeðe del#, nine-tenths, the great majority: niȝende del D.

339. #wei grene#: the path to heaven is compared to what is still in
some parts called a ‘green road’ or a ‘green way,’ ‘a road over turf
between hedges,’ EDD., the ‘unmetalled road’ of the Ordnance maps,
because, unlike the highway, it is used by few. J has, þene wey so
schene, and in the next line, and þat is wel eþ-sene; M, ⁊ þat is þe
worlde on-sene. The last half of T 344 appears to be corrupt.

341. #us lað#: comp. ‘lað þah him were,’ L 244; 145/106.

342. #eal#, wholly; but M al hare wil.

343. #mid--hulde#, along the lower (downward) slope: nuðer E; niðer
helde D M. J omits ll. 343-4. #mid#, in the same direction as, like the
modern ‘with the stream.’

344. #godliese#: gutlease D: the earliest quotation for godless,
impious, in NED. is under 1528; words before that time are ranged under
goodless, comfortless, worthless. But Mätzner puts examples from SK and
HM under the former. Are the cheerless wood and the bare field
Virgilian? Aeneas passes by the ‘descensus Averni’ ‘per tacitum nemus’
to the ‘lugentes campi’. #bare#: brode D.

345. #hese#: hes E; heste J M; hesne D. #ðer#: þat J, cognate _acc._;
comp. ‘I am a man farand þe way,’ CM 3295.

346. #ꝥ beoð ða#: see 1/10. #sculdeð . . . wið#: see 48/299: silten D
(for silden, shielded); schedeþ wel J, possibly, separate themselves
completely, but scheden requires from, 159/153, and in the presence of
wið the reading may be regarded as a mistake for schildeþ.

347. #ȝeanes#: to ȝeanes E; ayeyn J; aȝenes M; D omits ll. 347, 8. Not,
‘along the cliffs,’ but, breasting the steep slope, up the high hill;
comp. Milton’s ‘labour up the hill with heavenly truth.’

348. J reads, þeos leteþ awei al heore wil; comp. 157/133. #fulle#,
perform; OE. #fyllan#: M has felle.

352. #ne ðincð# &c.: comp. 12/11 (piece v). J substitutes, Wel edy wurþ
þilke mon · þat þer byþ vnderuonge.

353. þe lest haueþ murehþe J; Se ꝥ lest haueð blisce D.

354. #for ðas#, for the bliss of this world.

355. #uuel#: pyne J; hunger M.

358. In accordance with their deeds here, in proportion to the severity
of their effort.

359. #este#: comp. 17/159.

360. Comp. ‘giueð hem to medes eche lif · ⁊ blisse · ⁊ heuene mid him
seluen,’ OEH ii. 67/25; 74/233.

361. #fah ne græi#: fou ne grei E; fou ne grey J; foȝ ne grei M; D omits
ll. 361-2. For the association of the words comp. ‘Ne hedde he none robe
· of fowe · ne of gray,’ OEM 39/66; ‘gold · ne seoluer · vouh · ne
gray,’ id. 94/28; ‘Monye of þisse riche. | þat werede fouh and grey,’
id. 165/27, 8. In French they are vair (L. _varius_) and gris, as in
‘jamais ne vestirai vair ne gris ne hermine | n’afulerai mantiel ourle
de sabeline, | ne coucerai en lit covert de marterine,’ Le Chevalier au
Cygne, in Bartsch & Horning, 349/14-16. OE. #fāȝ, fāh#, variegated,
coloured, is also in ME. an adj., as at 81/82; ‘fah clað,’ L 24653. As a
noun it means a variegated or shaded fur, as distinct from one of
uniform colour, like #græi#, which is badger. #kuning#, rabbit fur, but
#cuniculus# is glossed marderis, i.e. marten, in Fecunda Ratis 450,
where it is associated with migale, ermine, which would go better with
the general idea of sumptuosity. But marten is in the next line. konyng
J; cunig EM.

362. #aquierne#, squirrel: OE. #ācwern#, in oldest form #ācweorna#,
Sweet, Oldest E. Texts, 590: ocquerne E; Okerne M; Ne oter ne acquerne
J. #martres cheole#, marten’s throat, explained by Mätzner as
throat-piece, collar or boa of marten; but the expression, found here
only, is a bad attempt at translating F. gole martrine, fur dyed red, as
in ‘ses mantels fu riches et chiers | et fu toz faiz a eschaquiers; |
l’uns tavels ert de blanc hermine | et l’altre ert de gole martrine,’
Eneas, 4029-32; a chess-board pattern in white and red. The pelisson of
the period was a tunic of fur enclosed between cloths which permitted
the red-dyed fur to be seen only at the front edges of the garment.
These borders were called goules; comp. ‘Lermes li moillent le menton |
E les goles del peliçon,’ Roman de Troie, ed. Constans, 15543-4; ‘Goules
de martre, ne vos vuel plus porter,’ Raoul de Cambrai, 6227: the
resemblance to the French word for throat has led to the translation
here, as to the erroneous explanation of goules, gole, by ‘collet’ in
Florence de Rome, 1959; Roman de Thebes, 6375-6. M has simply martrin,
OF. martrine, marten’s fur. #metheschele# in T is for merðes chele, the
first element being OE. #mearð#, marten; it is equivalent to the reading
of E e. #beuer#, &c.: Beuveyr ne sablyne J.

363. #sciet#: sced E; scete D descend from OE. #scīete, scēte#, cloth,
but scat T; schat M from OE. #sceatt#, property, money; as in ‘srud and
sat,’ GE 795, 881, ‘srud or sat,’ id. 3169. J has, Ne þer ne wurþ ful
iwis · worldes wele none. #scrud#, dress; not ‘shroud.’

365. See 125/291.

367, 368. D omits. #na wið uten#: noþing ȝit vten E; nowiht wiþ vte J:
the latter and T appear to mean, there is nothing wanting to him: e is
probably a corruption of na wiht uten, and ȝit in E is miswritten for
wit = wið, as ȝihte 380 for wihte.

368. #wane#: T has the usual construction, as ‘_deest mihi pecunia_, mê
ys fêos wana,’ Ælf. Gram. 202/11; ‘He nis naht fulliche cristene þat
(= to whom) is ani wane of þese þrie,’ OEH ii. 15/22; 19/35; in E e
#wane# is an adj. as in ‘ic eom wana of ðâm getele,’ Ælf. Gram. 202/11;
129/23. J has Nis heom nones godes wone.

369. #gane#, miswritten for wane, misery, the reading of D T; J has
wone; E grame.

370. #of ðinche#: see 30/10. e ends with this line; what follows is
from E.

371. #treȝe#: so D: J has the often-associated teone; comp. 133/61;
24/208 note. ‘La est uie senz mort ki tut tens li durreit,’ Guischart

373. #ulde . . . vnhelðe#: see 40/197.

374. #sorewe . . . sor#: comp. 147/137; ‘mid seorwen and mid seore,’ L
6885; ‘to forswelten isar ⁊ isorhe eauer,’ SJ 79/7; ‘iseien sor ⁊
seoruwe,’ AR 190/15; SK 1164: so too, ‘sorwȝe and sariness,’ VV 19/2;
‘seoruhful ⁊ sori,’ AR 88/12.

375. Seoþþe me dryhten iseo. So J, which cannot mean, ‘Afterwards one
shall see the Lord’: probably in Seoþþe lurk Swo þer, and schal has
fallen out, as it has in T. #swa#, even as, more fully in T, swo se;
comp. 34/80: D reads, swo ase he is. For omission of the subject in T
comp. 6/18 note. #mid iwisse#: see 32/40. Comp. ‘Kar deus sicum il est
tuz tens senz fin uerunt,’ Guischart 117; ‘En l’un qui serat | dampne
deu verrat | toztens en present,’ Reimpredigt 54/107.

377-80 are wanting in J. #And ðeh#, and yet.

378. #ði#, because. The reading of T, which is supported by D M, gives a
better sense.

380. #ȝihte#, miswritten for wihte; comp. 52/367 note: wiȝte M; rihte D.
See 42/212.

381. #seon#: wite M.

382. #icnawen ⁊ iwiten#, understand and get to know: iseon and iwyten J;
iknowen ⁊ isien D; biknowe ⁊ yseo M. For #mihte#, J has Milce; M milse.

383. #to#: þer to D; may luste J. The usual preposition is _after_, as
‘þa lisste himm affterr fode,’ Orm ii. 39/11333; ‘Aȝȝ lisste himm
affterr mare,’ id. i. 356/10220: but comp. 158/168; ‘Hi sete adoun ⁊ ete
faste: for hem luste wel þerto,’ Legendary, 223/127. #hleste# in 387 T
is explained in Specimens as a noun, desire: it can only be OE.
#hlystan#, listen, suggested by ‘isien’ in the next line.

384. #hali boc#: in liue boc D; on lyues be{c} (MS. bee) iseon J.

385. #alle &c.#: to alle derlinges J.

386. #he#: so J D: for #oþere# J has wordliche.

387. #wealded#: haueð on wealde D, has in his power, under his rule: see
22/122, 198/40 for the synonymous ‘owen a wold.’

388. #of him to sene#, of seeing him; comp. 124/239 note. #sed#: so D.
OE. #sæd#, sated, appears to be used here as a noun, for satiety. The
adj. is common enough, ‘Ich nam noht giet sad of mine sinnes,’ OEH ii.
75/8; ‘for selden y am sad þet semly forte se,’ Bödd., AE. Dicht. 149/5.
‘Mult porreit estre liez quant deu senz fin uerreit,’ Guischart 1256. J
has, Him to seonne murie hit is. In the second half of the line J D
agree with T.

389. #mere#: OE. #mǣre#, glorious: swete J.

391. #oþer#: oþre D, both meaning, to another; Ne may nomon hit segge ·
ne witen myd iwysse J.

392. #godes#: heuene J. Here D adds, Vten eftin þiderward | mid aldre
ȝernuolnesse | ⁊ vorsien þisne midelard | mid his wouernesse. || Ef we
vorsieð þis loþe lif | vor heuenriche blisce, | þanne selð us Crist ꝥ
eche lif | to medes on ecnesse. Zupitza notes that eftin is for efstin
(that is, hasten, OE. #efestan#), and wouernesse is OE. #wǣfernes#,
pomp, show.

393. #rixlet#: rixeð D; ricscleþ M; lesteþ J. #abuten#: buten J D; ay
bute M: see 34/85.

394. #of#: comp. 38/134; 112/11; 132/15: but ‘alesede hem eche deaðe,’
OEH ii. 5/26. Lines 393-4 are echoed in ‘And yef þat eche lif · þat
neuere ne haueþ ende. | Hwanne vre soule vnbynd · of lykamlyche bende,’
OEM 53/551, 2. #licames#: J D M agree with T.

395. #ȝyue#: lete J; leue M. #swilc#: swichne D; suicchne M.

396. After this J adds, Bidde we nu leoue freond · yonge and ek olde. |
þat he þat þis wryt wrot · his saule beo þer atholde. Amen.; which I
take to be a prayer for the scribe himself, not for the composer of the
Moral Ode.


  6/18, 8/84, 10/167 (notes) = III. (The Peterborough Chronicle)
  30/10, 34/74, 46/292 (notes) = _present selection_
  74/229 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  79/17, 80/58 (notes) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta)
  132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
  176/24 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)
  p. 274 = V. (A Parable, under Pronouns)
  p. 285 = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) under Manuscripts.


  iv. ... A leaf is lost after f. 8  [f 8]
  Other MSS. are v. Digby A 4, Bodleian D  [_“D” added by author_]
  The dialect of PM is South-Eastern
    [_printed as shown: error for “M” alone?_]
  #ēa# is _ea_ in deaþe 182
    [_paragraph break added by transcriber for consistency_]
  .... #ā# + #g# produces _aȝ_, aȝen 30 (5), maȝe 29, but ahen 161:
    [_final : invisible_]
  For #sw# ... _qu_ is the regular equivalent of #cw#
    [_#cw# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  #ēa# is mostly ... but _ie_ in bien 389
    [_“ie” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  #gēar#, ȝier 142  [_corrected by author from “gear”_]
  #a# + #g# ... #ǣ{1}# + #g# is _ei_  [#æ{1}#]
  #ēa# + #h# in heie 16  [#ea#]
  ... #þþ# is simplified in seðen  [#þ#]
  #Accidence:# ... _d._ -e, gode 73
    [_-e misprinted as italic_]
  _s. g._, are 179, _s. d._, 53  [_s. d._ 53]
  ... The _s. d._ regularly terminates in e
    [_“e” misprinted as italic_]
  Remnants of the strong declension ... (with woreldes _f._)  [_f_]
  The infinitives ... past: I a. biȝiete 105, forȝieten 98
    [forȝieten, 98]
  18. ... (comp. Fr. être < stare)  [être > stare]
  82. ... OEM 56/682  [OEM.]
  142. ... Orm ii. 149/14482  [_“ii.” added by transcriber_]
  153. ... OWScand. skǽrr, clean.  [OW Scand.]
  185. ... maȝhe . . . mei e  [meie]
  201. ... read iþenchð, iðencð
    [iþenchð, iꝥencð _corrected from Zupitza_]
  257. ... wes has fallen out after #wif#.
    [_#wif# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]
  265. ... to those to whom.  [to whom,]
  292. ... where #þe# is preceded by another dative
    [_#þe# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]
  361. ... in Bartsch & Horning  [Hornung]
  385. #alle &c.#: to alle derlinges J.
    [_printed as shown, with bold “&c.”_]


#Manuscripts:# i. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 402 (A); on vellum,
215 × 150 mm. The fly-leaf fastened down has the mark S. 15, then follow
three leaves with writing in a seventeenth-century hand (? Joscelin),
mostly a translation of the piece beginning in Morton, p. 6, ‘Nan ancre
bi mi read,’ then 117 folios, on the first of which is a marginal
rubric, J þe feaderes ⁊ i þe sunes | ⁊ i þe hali gastes nome | her
biginneð ancrene | wisse, as at the beginning of SJ (139/1) and SM in
MS. Bodley 34. On the lower margin of f. 1 r in a fourteenth-century
hand is Liber ecclesie s{an}ct{i} Jacobi de Wygemore: que{m} Joh{ann}es
Purcel dedit | eide{m} eccl{es}ie ad instancia{m} fr{atr}is Walt{er}i de
Lodel{awe} senioris t{u}nc p{re}ce{nt}oris. The Abbey of Wigmore was
dedicated to S. James (Dugdale, vi. 344). There are glosses in red
pencil and words underlined in red. The revival of Anglo-Saxon studies
under Archbishop Parker, partly prompted by the desire to use in defence
of the Reformation the evidences as to the tenets of the early Church in
England, caused such books as this to be carefully read. William L’isle
extracted from it some of the prayers (in Morton, 26, 28, 30) and,
treating them as debased Anglo-Saxon, turned them into the latter speech
as he understood it. His efforts are recorded in MS. Laud Misc. 201;
they have led Dr. Heuser (Anglia, xxx. 103) to conclude that the Ancren
Riwle is not a ME. but an OE. document.

The MS. belongs to the second quarter of the thirteenth century. It
cannot be earlier than 1225 A.D., for it mentions the Dominicans and
Franciscans, and it is probably later than 1230. It is the most correct,
but it has additions to the original, such as 62/46-64/62, 64/73-78. See
further A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge, by M. R. James, vol. ii, pp. 267, 8.

ii. Caius College, Cambridge, 234 (B); on vellum, 124 × 93 mm.; 368
pages; late thirteenth century. Pages 1-185 consist of extracts from the
AR, but not in the order of the other manuscripts (ES iii. 536). It is
addressed to ‘friends’ 55/1, not sisters, and the second passage printed
here is not in this MS. The contents of the manuscript are given in A
Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Gonville and Caius
College, by M. R. James, vol. i, p. 298.

iii. Cotton Nero A 14, British Museum (N); on vellum, 146 × 114 mm.;
written in the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Its contents
are ff. 1-120 r, the Ancren Riwle; 120 v-123 v, The Orison, printed at
pp. 132-7 of this book; 123 v-131 v, the pieces printed in OEH i, pp.
200-17. It forms the text of Morton’s edition.

iv. Cotton Titus D 18, British Museum (T); on vellum, 158 × 120 mm.; 148
folios in double columns, written from f. 14, where AR begins, to the
end, about 1220 A.D. Its relationship to two other manuscripts in
respect to their contents is shown by the following table:

  | Manuscripts.  |  SK  |  SJ  |  SM  |Sawles|  HM  |Wohunge|  AR  |
  |               |      |      |      |Warde |      |       |      |
  | Royal 17 A 27 |  --  |  --  |  --  |  --  |      |       |      |
  | Bodley 34   . |  --  |  --  |  --  |  --  |  --  |       |      |
  | Titus D 18  . |  --  |      |      |  --  |  --  |  --   |  --  |

For the Royal and Bodleian MSS. see the introduction to No. xvi.

v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6, British Museum (C), on vellum, 196 × 140 mm.;
196 folios of 19 to 26 lines to a page in a peculiar angular hand,
written about 1240 A.D. The scribe, after finishing the book, had access
to another manuscript, either A or one closely resembling it, and
interlined or put on the margin passages from it which were not in the
first exemplar. C was presented to Legh Abbey, Co. Devon, by Matilda de
Clare, by whom the Abbey was converted into a Nunnery about 1285 A.D.
(Dugdale, vi. 333).

vi. The Vernon MS. of the Bodleian Library (V), a very large book,
written in two columns of eighty lines to the column, has a
fourteenth-century version of the AR, which begins at folio 371 v^2. It
contains our first extract, but only a fragment of the second.

vii. Another version of portions of the AR, written at the end of the
fourteenth century, discovered by Miss Paues, exists under the title of
the Recluse in the Magdalene College MS., Cambridge, Pepys 2498 (P).

viii. A fragment in a hand of 1330-40, corresponding to p. 138, l. 25
&c. of Morton’s edition, was described by Napier in the Journal of
Germanic Philology, ii. 199-202.

ix. Magdalen College, Oxford, 67 (M). A Latin version in writing of the
end of the thirteenth century; on f. 1 r it begins, Hic incipit
p{ro}hemiu{m} ven{er}abilis patris Magistri Simo|nis de Gandauo episcopi
sar{um} in libru{m} de uita solitaria | quem scripsit sororibus suis
Anachoritis apu`d´ tarente. It ends on f. 95 r, Explicit liber septimus
de uita solitaria: Octauus omnino taceatur:--with the addition in a
later hand, eterna taciturnitate. The second extract is therefore not
represented in this version.

x. Cotton Vitellius E 7 (L): fragments of a Latin version rescued from
the fire of 1731, said by Macaulay to be the same as the Magdalen MS.
version, but with the addition of the eighth part. In Smith’s Catalogue
(1696) it is said to have had the note, Regulae vitae Anachoretarum
utriusque sexus scriptae per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarum in usum
suarum sororum. Hunc librum Frater Robertus de Thorneton, quondam prior,
dedit claustralibus de Bardenay. Bardney Abbey is in Lincolnshire
(Dugdale, i. 623).

xi. Cotton Vitellius F 7 (F). A French version, written about 1300 A.D.,
but retaining many forms of the considerably older manuscript from which
it was copied. This manuscript also suffered in the fire; the top half
of the folios is scorched and shrunken, and a line or two is lost on
each page: it consists of 164 folios in double columns. In Smith’s
Catalogue it is described as, La Reule de femmes Religieuses et
Recluses; sive de vita solitaria & anachoretica per Simonem de Gandavo,
Episcopum Sarisburiensium in usum sororum ipsius.

#Facsimiles:# Of T. Palaeographical Society; Second Series, plate 75. Of
C. Ibid., plate 76. Of P. The Recluse, ed. J. Påhlsson. Lund, 1911.

#Editions:# The Ancren Riwle, edited and translated by James Morton,
B.D. Camden Society, no. lvii, London, 1853. Mätzner, E., Altenglische
Sprachproben, ii. 8-41 (the second part of AR with introduction and
notes). Shorter extracts in Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 19-41,
Emerson and Kluge. The text of all the preceding is from MS. N. Heuser,
W., Anglia, xxx. 108-10 (passage from MS. A). Påhlsson, Joel, The
Recluse, Lund, 1911.

#Literature:# Bramlette, E. E., Anglia, xv. 478-98 (the original
language of AR); Brock, E., Philological Society, 1865, 150-67
(Accidence in N); Dahlstedt, A., The Word-Order of the AR, Sundsvall,
1903; Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 103-22; Kölbing, E., ES iii. 535, 6; ix.
115-17; xxiii. 306; Lemcke’s Jahrbuch, xv. 179-97 (collations and
dialect); Landwehr, M., Das grammatische Geschlecht in der AR,
Heidelberg, 1911; *Macaulay, G. C., The ‘Ancren Riwle’, Modern Language
Review, ix. 63-78, 145-60, 324-31, 463-74 (collation of A and general
discussion); Mühe, T., Über den im MS. Cotton Titus D. xviii enthaltenen
Text der AR, Göttingen, 1901; Anglia, xxxi. 399-404; Napier, A. S.,
Modern Language Review, iv. 433-6; Ostermann, H., Lautlehre des
germanischen Wortschatzes in der von Morton herausgegebenen Handschrift
der Ancren Riwle. Bonner Beiträge, xix, Bonn, 1905; Påhlsson, J., ES
xxxviii. 453, 4; Paues, A. C., ES xxx. 344-6; Redepenning, H.,
Syntaktische Kapitel aus der ‘Ancren Riwle’, Berlin, 1906; Williams,
Irene F., Anglia, xxviii. 300-4 (language of C); Wülker, R.,
Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 209-39; Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 34.

#Sources and Illustrations:# Ælredi Regula, in Lucae Holstenii Codex
Regularum Monasticorum et Canonicorum, Augustae Vindelicorum, 1759, vol.
i, p. 420; also as Ailredi Rhievallensis de Vita Eremitica ad Sororem,
in S. Augustini Opera, Antwerp, 1700, vol. i, p. 640; English version of
ch. xxi-lxxviii from the Vernon MS. in ES vii, pp. 304-44; Vita S.
Gileberti Confessoris: Institutiones beati Gileberti in Supplement to
vol. vi, pt. 2, of Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, London, 1830;
Eckenstein, Lina, Woman under Monasticism, Cambridge, 1896; Cutts,
E. L., Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages, London, 1872.

#Phonology:# (1) =of A.= Oral #a# is _a_, calices b 17, cat b 2; #a#
before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, dronc 21, gomen 83, brondes
b 161, wombe, 97; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne, selthwenne b 195 are the
usual forms, but once hwon b 116: #and# is ant 26 &c., #man#,
indefinite, me 16. #æ# is usually _e_, bres 103, ed b 121, efter b 12,
gedereð 87 (#gæderian#), hetter b 28, oðerhwet b 177, neppes 94, þet b
126, wes b 3, wicchecreftes 7, esken 79, 85 (#æsce#), weschen b 145,
vesscheð b 112 (#wæscan#), but _ea_, an EME. writing for #æ# in bearuot
b 39, bleasie b 162 (#blæse#, _sb._), feader b 173, b 231, feaste b 42
(3), gleadliche b 186, measse b 83, readliche b 94, noðeleater b 169,
weater b 94, inohreaðe 43 (#hræþe#), and _a_ in awakenet 24, awakenið b
61, b 91 (#awacenian#), blac b 23, warliche b 148 (flexion forms),
cappen b 45: habbe 25 &c., nabben b 130 descend from LWS. forms in #a#:
quoð b 76 (#cwæþ#) is due to loss of stress. #e# is regularly _e_, bedde
b 25, bereð 64 (but beore b 136), spekeð b 57 (but speoke b 132); before
lengthening groups, ende 100, englene 76. Between #w--f#, #e# is rounded
to _eo_ in tweolue b 112; before a palatal it is raised to _i_ in
rikenin 25, rikeneres 82: stude b 171, sullen b 12, 14, swuch b 18 are
due to OE. forms in #y#. #i# is regularly _i_, bidde b 237, binimeð b
221 (but neome b 34 &c.); before lengthening groups, blod binde b 69
(#binde#), bringen 49, child 22, but _u_ in wule 72 and other forms of
#willan#, nute b 130 (#nyte#). #o# is normally _o_, biuoren 57, hosen b
39, word 65, but _a_ in an(an) b 87; nalde 90, walden 42, iwraht b 24
are Anglian. #u# is _u_, cume b 90, cuppe 103, sunderliche 24, wunder b
63, but _i_ in kimeð 94, b 200 (#cymeð#; Bülbring, Ablaut, 74). #y# is
_u_, brune b 160, sundreð b 161, sungið b 191, but _i_ in pilche clut
68: #mycel# is muchel b 91, muche 82; sturne b 195 represents #styrne#.

#ā# is regularly _a_, are b 229; before two consonants, gast b 231;
length is indicated by doubling in aa, b 162, b 234: man b 8 is *#mān#.
_ea_ for #ā# appears in eanes b 34, b 189, easkin b 181, easki b 78,
easkeð b 118, b 203, wreaðfule 32, 63, coming from forms in #ǣ#. #ā# is
_o_ in cop b 142 (#cōp#), _e_ in se b 67 &c., but swa 73. #ǣ{1}# is, as
a rule (41 times), _ea_, ageasten 58, arearen b 159, asneasen 69, eani
8; before two consonants, eauer 54 &c., leafdi b 235, wreaððe b 153, b
166, but _e_ in þer b 155, and before two consonants in flesch b 26,
flesches b 91, fleschlich b 78, fleschliche b 75, leste b 37, b 54
(beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188), and _a_ before two consonants in
attri 12, attreð b 80 (? analogy of #āttor#). #ǣnig# is mostly ei 8
(possibly shortening of eiðer,--Holthausen); #ǣlc# is euch 34 &c. #ǣ{2}#
is _e_ (32 times), dreden b 196, her b 141, neddre 31, wepmen b 22, but
_eo_ in leote b 131, b 19, feorle 100. _ea_ appears only in ileanet 16,
read b 13, b 37, reade b 2 (but reden b 188, redeð b 223, b 224, b 228,
ired b 235): þear 41 is probably a scribal error for þer, but comp. þiar
39/165. The difference in the representation of #ǣ{1}#, as _ea_, rarely
_e_, and #ǣ{2}#, as _e_, rarely _ea_, is also found in the Katherine
group, and is Anglian (Stodte, p. 31). #ē# is always _e_; #ī#, _i_, but
wummon b 21 (5) after #w#; #ō# is _o_; #ū#, _u_; #ȳ# is regularly _u_,
fur b 160, hudest b 57; before two consonants, cuððe b 144, fulðe b 113,
but _i_ in schriden b 85, beside schruden 90.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _ea_, bearm 71, nearewe b 204; before
lengthening groups, bearnes 75, heard b 44, but _a_ in scharp 64, 65, 67
and always after #w#, warde b 231, -ward as in frommard b 165, inward
36, toward b 89, utward 37, warm b 23, warneð 11. _ea_ in chearre b 238,
wearien b 6 represents #æ#, _i_-umlaut of unbroken (Anglian) #a#. #ea#
before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_ (Anglian), alle 7 &c., falleð 6,
halden b 193. The _i_-umlaut has _ea_ = #æ# from unbroken #a#, ealde b
124, healden b 197, both before a lengthening group. #eo# before #r# +
cons. is regularly _eo_, heorte 51, keorue b 34; before length. groups,
eorðe 85, sweord 65, Beornard b 219, but Anglian smoothing is seen in
werkes b 62, b 67, b 81. To the #wur# group belong wurðen 88, forwurðen
23, forwurðe b 95: warpere 64, warpeð 66 are Scandinavian; WS. forms are
#weorpere#, #wierpð#. The _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne b 6,
iheortet 31; #wier, wyr# words have _u_, vnwurðe b 108, b 219, wurse 16,
56, b 37, iwurset b 191. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 59,
seoluen b 204 &c. #ea#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a#, is seen in
eateliche 58, 69, eawles 67 (#awul#), meaðeleð 73, 96, streapeles b 42,
vnsteaðeluest 5; fearen b 197, misfearen 13, and analogically (Bülbring
§ 228 anm.), feareð 79, b 120, forfearinde 29, gleadie b 232, heatien b
141, ?peaðereð 81, ?skleatteð 53. This umlaut is specifically Mercian.
#eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heouene 3, b 185, but world 40,
worldliche b 79 &c.: #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, beoden b 124, b 206, b
237, breoken b 20, eoten 99, ȝeouen b 71 (from Mercian #ġefan#), and
analogically, beore b 31, b 136, forbeoren b 149, breoke b 216, eote b
127, eoten b 150, ȝeoue b 131, b 173, b 233, forȝeoued b 200 (but ȝef
102), speoke b 132, speoken b 138: an Anglian feature. #eo#, _u_- and
_å_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in cleopede 9, 11, bicleopet b 192,
leoðeliche b 28 (#liþig#, OWScand. liðugr), neomen b 72, b 174, neome b
34, neomen b 189, neomunge 7, seoue 21, seouene 4, seolc b 69, seoluer
84, sweoke b 160, teolunges 6, but hare 5 &c. is the regular
representative of #heora#, suster b 4 &c., of WS. #sweostor#, Anglian
wike b 189, of WS. #wucan# (*#wiucu#). #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal
42 &c., ischauen b 101, schape b 146, but _e_ in ȝeten b 128 (WS.
#gatu#), _eo_ before nasal, scheome b 51: schapieð b 70 is a ME.
formation. #ie# after #ġ# is _e_ (Mercian monophthong), ȝef 102, 104,
ȝeueð b 68, ȝelden 15, b 7, forȝelde b 175, ȝelp 37; this _e_ with
_å_-umlaut gives forms in _eo_, ȝeouen &c. as above. #ȝef#, EWS. #gief#,
is ȝef 9. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre b 132; after #sc#, schule 99,
schulde 22 &c. (Anglian). #eom# is am b 236 (Anglian), #heom#, ham 4 &c.

#ēa# is regularly _ea_, beate b 31, deade 41, eadmode b 119, greatluker
b 157, reaflac 15, but _e_ in chepeð b 12, chepilt b 11, cwedschipe b
93, eð b 214, edscene b 147, and _a_ in chaffere b 11, chapmon b 12,
shortening due to stress on following syllable: its _i_-umlaut is _e_
(Anglian), bemen 39, 76, bemere 42, bemin 43, dremen b 206, ȝeme b 190,
ȝemeles 10 &c., ȝemeð 16, ȝemen b 98, iȝemen b 90, ihereð 53, leue b
174, b 207, leue b 36, misleue b 182, lefunge 7; but greattre b 67 is
#grēatra#. #ēo# is _eo_, beon 4, cneon b 150, feondes 92, feorðe 21, but
_e_ in seke b 108, secnesse b 111, before #c#. The absence of its
_i_-umlaut is Anglian, deore 71, feond _s. d._ 34 &c., neod b 1, neodeð
88, istreonede 23; _e_ in nedlunge b 8, tene b 112. Absence of
palatalization, characteristic of Mercian, after #ġ#, #sć# is seen in
ȝer b 101, schende b 52 (Bülbring § 289), schon b 38, but scheos b 39,
ischeoed b 40. #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193, the second element in edscene b 147,
is #gesīene#.

#a# + #g# is _ah_, dahes b 105, drahe b 53, draheð 36, mahen 50 &c.;
isleine 33 is #geslegen#; seið 46, 89, #sægð#; dreaieð b 233 (comp.
dreaien 147/153, dreihen, 146/122) descends from *#dreagaþ#, form with
_å_-umlaut (WS. #dragaþ#). #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, deies b 21,
feier b 123, heiward b 6, mei 4 &c., meiden b 96, seide 46, b 117, iseid
26: mahe b 148, b 180 comes from LWS. #mage#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_,
abreiden 75, aȝein 5 (#ongegn#), toȝeines b 56, eie b 18, eili b 9, leið
b 152, pleien 67, b 139, b 146, pleieð 64, but plohien b 218 which
descends with shifted accent from *#pleogan# with _å_-umlaut (comp.
#pleogede# in a SW. Mercian text of Bede, ed. Miller, ii. 82). The MS.
has in other places pleien as above, but the noun in Morton’s text
pleowe 184/4, pleouwe 218/8 is in MS. A regularly plohe, in MS. C ploȝe.
#i# + #g#, #h#, pliht b 97, ipliht 18, sihðe b 61, onsihðe b 55,
wriheles b 49, but sygaldren 6: lið 71, b 93 is #līþ# < #ligeð#, _il_ in
ilespiles b 31, #īl# < #igil#. In twien b 210 from #twiga# the spirant
has disappeared, as in monie b 168. Final #ig# is regularly _i_, bisi b
89, dusi 18. #o# + #h#, #g# is _oh_, bitohe b 225, dohter b 52, but
dehtren b 15 with _e_ from the dative singular. #u# + #g#, duhen b 59,
muhen b 44: #y# + #g#, #h#, buð b 11, b 187, drihtines 41, b 206. #ā# +
#g#, #h#, ah 17, ahne b 61, ahnes b 207, ahte b 181, lahe b 141, b 152,
wah b 58. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h#, ahte 84, bitaht 16, tahte b 75, but eiðer
53 (#ǣgþer#). #ē# + #g#, iueitsomet b 168, iheiet b 234: #ī# + #h#,
wrihen b 50 (*#wrīhan# _inf._), wriheð b 58: #ō# + #g#, inoh b 79,
inohreaðe b 41, ibroht b 214, þohten 39. #ea# + #ht#: lahtre 50, mahte b
213 come from Anglian forms in #æ#; the _i_-umlaut gives mihte b 230,
niht b 215, but _a_ in lahhen b 139, lahheð 97, monslaht 24 also
represents Anglian #æ#. #eo# + #ht#, riht 51, rihten b 99: sist b 57,
sið b 89, b 159 are Anglian forms corresponding to WS. #siehst#, #siehð#
with _i_-umlaut (Bülbring § 217). #ēa# + #g#, #h#, deh b 66 (North,
#dēg#), ehe 51, ehnen b 63, heh b 186, hehe b 185, neh b 90, b 120, but
þah b 7, b 63, as if from Ang. *#þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #h#, dreheð b 233,
but lihte b 39, lihtliche b 3, b 87. #īe# + #h#, nest b 26, b 29 (North.
#nēsta#), lihtin b 101. #ā# + #w# is _aw_, blawen 40, icnaweð b 201,
itawet b 24, nawiht b 9, nawt b 53, sawle 94, slaw 12, but nowðer b 48
represents OE. #nōwþer#, nohwer b 33, b 41, #nō(h)wǣr#, similarly
nohwider b 126, eawiht b 235, eawt 52 (*#ǣwiht# with _i_-umlaut, NED.);
sehe b 139 is Anglian #sēge#, WS. #sāwe#. #ǣ{1}# + #w# is also _aw_,
rawe 33, slawðe 11, 18. #ēa# + #w#, þeawes b 81, þeawfule b 106, but
schawin 38. #ēo# + #w# is _ow_, fowr 39, b 101, trowðe 18, ow 99 &c.,
ower b 1; _eo_ finally in gleo 47: neowe b 137 has no umlaut; the WS.
form is #nīwe# (Bülbring § 306, anm. 5).

Unstressed #swā# is se 15 &c., but swa 73: _a_ occurs for #o# in anan b
87; _e_ for #o# in streapeles b 42, sunderliche 24, vnsteaðeluest 5; _i_
for #e# in drihtines 41, b 206; _u_ for #i# in dimluker 43, greatluker b
157, monluker b 110, as in the Katherine group; #e# is lost in earst b
52, meidnes b 106, b 183, added in luðere 32, ȝiuere 92; #o# is lost in
unbischpet 19. The prefix #ge# is _i_; #ǣr#, _ear_ in earunder b 209;
#æt# is ed b 178; #þǣr# is syncopated in þrin, þrinne, þrof, þron,
þrefter, þruppe, forms characteristic of the Katherine group, found also
in MSS. C, T, but not in N.

#w# is assimilated in frommard b 165; isehen b 62 descends from
#gesegen#, not from #gesewen#. Metathesis of #r# is seen in iwraht b 24
(late North. #wroht#). #ll# is simplified in druncwile 105; #mm# in grim
62. #n# is lost in earunder b 209, and often in iþe 1, i 25 for #in#, o
7 for #on#; #nn# is simplified in monluker b 110. #p# is inserted in
nempneð b 48: #bb# is simplified in neb b 54. #f# is regularly _u_
between vowels, or vowel and liquid, biuoren 94, heaued 8, froure b 221,
bearuot b 39, underueð 74, vnsteaðeluest 5, but lefunge 7; once _v_
appears initially, vet b 42, but not _u_. #t# is doubled in hetter b 28,
lost in best b 43, olhnin b 6; _d_ for #t# occurs in ed b 121 &c.,
edhalden 13, b 73 (but ethalt 87), prude 30: #t# is assimilated in
ȝisceunge 14, 16 (#gītsung#), ȝiscere 79: milce b 182 is #milts#, milci
b 175 #miltsie#: #tt# is simplified in cat b 2. #d# has disappeared in
mungunge b 52; it is doubled in foddre b 5: _t_ for #d# appears in
ontfule 31, worltlich 36, b 107, b 108 (but worldliche b 139): mið 53 is
Anglian for mid: #dd# is simplified in bidest b 238. Initial #þ# often
becomes _t_ after _t_, _d_, te 5, 32, b 178, b 216, tis 83, teo b 179,
ter b 196, but þe b 43, b 171, þah b 196, þat b 215; it is lost in
forfearinde 29, _d_ is written for it in edscene b 147, ladlich b 7, _t_
in leste b 37. For #s#, _ce_ appears in ȝisceunge 14, 16; ȝiscere 79 is
#gītsere#: #sć# is regularly _sch_, schrift 19, schende b 52, weschen b
145, but _ssch_ in dissches 93. The stop #c# is commonly written _k_
before _e_, _i_, kemese b 83, kene 69, kimeð 94, awakenet 24, lokeð b
215, makien 48, rikenin 25, stikeð 92, and _ck_ after another consonant
in þonckið b 228, also in easkeð b 203, esken 79; in other positions
_c_, cat b 2, com b 74, cumeð 41, locunge b 143, exceptions are kues b
5, kun b 72: ah 25 is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#: _k_ is inserted as a glide
sound in skleatteð 53; see Archiv cxxxi. 305. #č# is _ch_, chearre b
238, cwencheð b 165, brech b 41, iþench b 237, kealche 103, swuch b 18,
but keorue b 34, keoruinde 65, conformed to #curfon, corfen#. #čč# is
_cch_ in wicche(creftes) 7; isticchet b 142 is a ME. formation
descending from OE. #stiče#; contrast stikeð 92 (Bülbring § 499, anm.
5). #cw# is usually preserved, cwide 13, forecwidderes 57, but quoð b
76. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_, biȝete 12, ȝemeð 16; _h_ is
written for #g# in murhðe b 221, orhel 38, teoheði 12; #g# is lost in
sygaldren 6; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen b 28, seggen b 72. Initial #h# is lost
in lahheð 97, lahtre 50, lud 38, lust 54, ring b 64; #hh# is simplified
in laheð 83 and #h# doubled in crohhe 94 (#crōh#).

(2) =Of B.= The principal divergences from A are noted. Some of them are
due to the scribe’s inexperience; his handling of the consonants in
particular is confused. _eo_ in eondfule 48 for _o_ from #a# before
length. group is a French writing; similar is neolden 89. #æ# is _a_ in
bras 103, inohraþe 42, hwat 9, nappes 94, þat 16, craftes 7. cwude 12 is
from #cwyde#; liki 50 is a mistake for loki; #u# is _o_ in open 64
(#uppan#); #y# is _i_ in mint 97. In leouerð 49, eo is for _o_ from #ā#;
ea 53 represents #ā#, ever; comp. nea L 1552, 1555. #ǣ{1}# is _a_ in
agastan 57, ilad 4, 19, _e_ in asnesen 68, hest 17, lesse 60, wredfule
32, _ae_ (= æ) in aetri 31, _ea_ in eawer 72, 99: #ǣnig# is ai 8, 15, ei
7. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ in ilened 15, as generally in A.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in barm 70, _e_ in bernes 74, sherpe 64,
but sharpe 63, 66: #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, swerd 64, but
sweordes 68. There is no _å_-umlaut in ateliche 57 (but eateliche 68),
vnstaþelfast 5, fared 78, forfarinde 29, paþered 80, as in A: skletteð
53 is OWScand. sletta. #seofon# is sewe 28. #ēa# is _e_, drem 37, 75,
reflac 14; #ēo# is also _e_ in strenes 28, thehewen 12: #gief# is gif 9.
#æ# + #g# gives mai 4, 25; #ā# + #w#, out 51, slauwe 70, slaþ 11
miswritten for slaw; #ǣ{1}# + #w#, areawe 32, slauþe 20, slouþe 10; #ēo#
+ #w#, trouþe 17. In syllables of minor stress _a_ appears for #e#,
bemares 36, galnasse 23, warpare 63; _e_ for #æ#, ethalden 12, _i_ for
#u#, neominge 7; _e_ for #ō#, te 15 &c., tegederes 79: #on# is a 74. _e_
is often inserted medially between consonants, bolehed 85, iboregen 41,
deoueles 42, deouelen 57, iugelurs 46, wigeled 96.

For #w#, _u_ is written in uule 72. #l# is lost in fundes 12, #n# in
cunen 46, druch 20. For #p#, _b_ is written in unbischbed 17: #f# medial
occurs in bifore 39, biforen 60, vnstaþelfast 5, but biuoren 62 as in A,
deoules 70 and _w_ for _u_ in biworen 94, eawer 72, 99, giwere 105,
keorwinde 64, 69, kniwes 62, underweng 73. For #t#, _d_ appears in
bihald 82, blend 80; #ts# is _ss_ in gissere 78, gissunge 14, but
giscunge 13; #d# is lost in an 25 (but and 86 and consequently ⁊ þe 31,
73); it is unaltered in ondfule 31, wondrede 76, worldlich 35, where A
has _t_: _t_ is written for #d# in hont 60, lauert 95, _ð_ for #d#,
leouerð 49; _d_ is often written for #ð#, beod 19 &c., drahed 35, gemed
15, libbed 33, puffed 36, serued 34, shuled 52, slead 30, tutelid 71,
wid 2, wredfule 32, wigeled 96, wurden 87; _t_ for #þ#, fondet 29, gat
2, _w_ for #þ#, thehewen 12, warwið 89. #sc# is regularly _sh_, dishes
93, shal 87, shruden 90, &c.: etheliche 76 is miswritten for echeliche;
in richkeneres 81, _k_ was added above as a correction of _ch_ not
deleted; #cw# is _qu_ in forquiddares 56. _g_ is used for #ġ#, agein 5,
bigete 11, ge 1. _cht_ for #ht# is frequent, drichtines 40, iplicht 17,
richte 14; _þ_ for #h# occurs in þwitel 89, _th_ for #h# in þothten 38,
for _t_ in thehewen 12.

(3) =Of N.= For an account dealing with the whole of Morton’s text see
Ostermann: the examples given in the following summary illustrate such
differences as exist between N and A. Oral #a# is _a_, blasie 143
(#blase#, _sb._), wasshen 124, wassheð 95; gledie 204 is influenced by
#glæd#: #a# before nasals and length. groups is _o_; hwon 6, 87,
seldwhonne 179 are the usual forms, but þeonne 5, 144, 181 by influence
of heonne. #æ# is regularly _e_, keppen 38, veder 154, ueste 37,
gledliche 168; occasionally _ea_, heater 29, readliche 77; _a_ in
hateren AR 104/24, later 151, was 3 (Bülbring, Ablaut 62), water 76, and
the flexion forms baruot 34, warliche 127. #e# is _e_, blodbendes 64;
raised to _i_ before a palatal, sigge 110, 130, siggen 152
(South-Eastern and Kentish); _u_ in stude 153, sullen 12, swuche 18 &c.
#i# is _i_, but _u_ in hwuder 103, wute 138, nute 107. #o# is _o_: #u#
is _u_, kumeð 184: #y#, _u_, drunch 187, wurcheð 70. #ā# is regularly
_o_, anon 69, boðe 105, mone 8, more 196, but _oa_ in moare 154, woanes
19 (comp. woaning 2/15, 2/25); _eo_ in beoðe 173, 182, and _a_ in lates
127 (Scand. lát). #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, clene 22, eni 93, geð 100,
wreððe 133, but _ea_ in arearen 140, unweawed 119, heale 193. #ǣ{2}# is
mostly _e_, leten 108, lete 19, but _ea_ in heare 36, readeð 208, weaden
125, and _a_ in hwarse 95, hwarto 126. The representation of #ǣ{1}# and
#ǣ{2}# is therefore practically identical. #ē# is _e_; #ī#, _i_, but _u_
in hwule 71, 198, ihwulen 73, swuðe 197, wummen 171: #ō# is _o_; #ū#,
_u_; #ȳ#, _u_, hure 167, schruden 67, but _ui_, expressing length, in
huire 6, 164, 205.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is mostly _e_, hermes 7, hermie 9, neruwure 189;
before length. groups, herde 28, herdure 189, and _a_, after #w#,
urommard 146, warme 25; in other conditions occasionally _a_, sparke AR
296/13, or _ea_, schearpe AR 82/11; _a_ in warien 6 is to be explained
as _ea_ in wearien 60/6. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, halue 174,
before length. groups _o_, holden 177; the _i_-umlaut is seen in elde
100, helden 181. #eo# before #r# + cons. is mostly _eo_, heorden 28,
leornen 79, but _e_ in hercnen 73, werc, werke 70, werkes 62; to the
#wur# group belongs forwurðen 77; #wyr# words are iwursed 174, wurðe AR
38/17: the _i_-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne 6. #eo# before #l# +
cons. is _u_ in sulf 32, suluen 189. The _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# are
not represented. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, occurs in heouene 167, but
worlde 206, worldliche 90, 115; #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, in beoden 100,
ueole 33: #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in bicleoped 175, seolke 64,
but hore 105, sustren 1, wike 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 27,
181, ischauen 84, _ea_ in ȝeate 105, scheape 125, but often _e_, ȝet AR
74/12; schepieð 65 is from #sćeppan#. #ie# after #ġ# is _i_, ȝiue 155,
205, uorȝiueð 185, _e_ in ȝelden 7, forȝelde 156: #gef# is ȝif 20 &c.
#eo# after #ġ# is _u_, ȝungre 108; after #sć#, schule 66, schulde 72.
#eom# is am 210, #heom#, ham 188. #ēa# is regularly _ea_, cheapeð 13,
cheapild 12, cweadschipe 75, but _e_ in chepmon 13, cheffare 11,
gretluker 137, gretture 62; its _i_-umlaut is _e_ in ȝeme 173, ȝemen 80,
ȝemeleaste 175, leue 156, 193, misleue 165, but _ea_ in dreamen 192.
#ēo# is regularly _eo_, but _e_ in seke 91, secnesse 93; the _i_-umlaut
has _e_ in nede _adv._ 9, but neode 20, neodeð 26. Palatalization after
#ġ#, #sć# is absent in ȝere 83, schon 33. #gīeta# is ȝete 176; #gesīene#
is represented in eðcene 126.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, dawes 88: auh 54 is the equivalent of Anglian #ah#,
WS. #ac#. #æ# + #g# gives _ei_, deie 94, feir 100; muwe 163 is LWS.
#muge# for earlier #mæge#. #e# + #g# is also _ei_, eilie 9, weie 100:
seihtnesse 139 is #sæhtness#. #o# + #g#, bitowen 198: #o# + #h#,
iwrouhte 25. #u# + #g#, muwen 37, 67. #ā# + #g#, owen 167, owune 67,
190: #ā# + #h#, ouh 10, 80, ouhte 163, louh 121, lowe 118, louwe 131,
nouhwuder 103. #ǣ{1}# + #h#, eihte 3, 8. #ī# + #g#, iueied 149, iheid
206. #ō# + #g#, inouh 36, 210, þouht 10. #ea# + #h#, muhte 116. #ie# +
#h#, nihtes 22, isihð 23, 71, 140: lauhwen 115 corresponds to lahhen in
A. #eo# + #h#, rihte 136. #ēa# + #g#, deih 56, eien 54, heie 168, 176:
#ēa# + #h#, neih 72, heie 118, but þauh 7 &c., as if from þah > *#þĕah#.
#ēo# + #g#, drieð 205. #īe# + #h#, nexst 27. #ā# + #w#, nout 10,
nouhtunge 145, nouðer 112, 159, but drawe 11, itauwed 25 (forms from the
scribe’s exemplar), iseie 116. #ō# + #w#, touward 71, 112, 199. #ēa# +
#w#, þeaufule 89. #ēo# + #w#, four 83, our 91, ower 175, seouweð 65.

#Swā# is so 62 &c., once se 187, and in composition hwo se 29, hwer se
60. For #e#, _a_ is written in demare 176, for _on_ in akneon 129; for
#o#, _e_ in strapeles 37; _e_ is added in heuede 197, sunegeð 174,
ȝeorneliche 177, _u_ in gretture 62, herdure, neruwure 189: in contrast
with A, syncope is rare. The suffix #-lēas# is unchanged in wimpelleas

#w# is assimilated in urommard 146, uppard AR 216/28. iwrouhte 25,
corresponding to iwraht in A, has metathesis of #r#. #ll# is simplified
in griðfulnesse 4; for #l#, _r_ appears in irspiles 30. Final #n# is
lost in iðe 83, o 141, but it is otherwise very regularly retained; it
is simplified in monluker 93. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_,
_ff_, _fs_, _ft_, lefdi 208, cheffare 11, ofte 19, lufsumere 54; as a
final, strif 134; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound,
foddre 5, fondunge 74, forwurðen 77 (with exceptions at 54, 90, 150,
172); also before _u_, ful 36, fur 142, 146, þeaufule 89, to avoid _uu_.
Otherwise it is _u_, _v_, at the beginning of a sentence, Vor 5, Uorði
23; after a syntactical pause, vor 72, 94; after a word ending in a
voiced sound, uet 37, ueond 69, or a liquid, uor 69, ueste 124, uere
110; or medially, iuestned 10, luuien 180. But _f_ is exceptionally
written sometimes after _d_, for 14, four 83, especially after and 147,
156, 204, 209, where the exemplar had ant, as well as in flesshes 74:
#of# is shortened to o 195, 208; _w_ is written for _u_ in unweawed 119.
#ts# is _c_ in milce 157, 165. #þ# is assimilated in ette 160, but and
te 189 is due to ant te in the scribe’s exemplar; #þ# is _d_ in lodlich
7. For #s#, _c_ is written in eðcene 126: #sć# is initially _sch_, schal
27, schon 33, medially _ssh_ in flesshes 74, wasshen 124, but fleshe 27.
#c# [k] is _c_ before consonants, clene 22, hercnen 73, but akneon 129,
iknotted 36, iknowed 185; _k_ is regular before e and i, keppen 38,
makien 129, and as frequent as _c_ before other vowel sounds, kat 2, kom
75, kume 102. #č# is _ch_, but ecchenesse 207: istihd 119 is miswritten
for istichd. Palatal #g# is regularly written _ȝ_; #rg# is _rw_ in
midmorwen 162; #ng# is _nc_ in strencðe 18; #čǧ# is _gg_, liggen 29,
sigge 110. #hs# is written _xs_ in nexst 27.

(4) =Of T and C.= According to the careful investigation of Mühe, MS. T
exhibits a varying mixture of Anglian and Southern forms, the former
being predominant. MS. C differs in no main feature from A. As in the
Lambeth MS. of the PM (317/6) _ch_ for #h# is frequent, olchni 6, þocht,
nawicht 10, iwracht 25, þach 53, echnen 54; noteworthy is the
interpolated y sound in muchȝen 67 (#mugon#), sechȝe 116, lachȝe, hechȝe
118, iueiȝet 149 &c.

#Accidence:# (1) =of A.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns.
In the _s. n._ sune b 231 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, gastes b 165,
bearnes 75: _d._ -e, bedde b 25, bure b 186, chearre b 238, hame b 122
(WS. #hām#), but the inflection is wanting in more than half the
instances, clað b 23, hus b 148, &c. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends
in -es, bemeres 36, brondes b 161, but scheos b 39, and schon b 38, a
weak form: neuters, with the exception of word 65, have taken the masc.
termination, felles b 24, b 31, gomenes b 218, þinges b 140, werkes 62,
wordes 96, &c., or have joined the weak declension, beoden b 124, b 206,
deoflen 58, 67, sygaldren 6: wa b 186, _pl. a._ is indeclinable:
genitives are cunne b 30, englene 39, 76, þinge b 200; datives have
mostly -es, breres b 32, streones 5 and 19 others, but beoden b 237,
cneon b 150 (Mercian #cnēom#), ȝeten b 128, siðen b 19, b 101; mel b
177, þing b 129 are _acc._ in form. The _fem._ nouns of the strong
declension have -e in the _s. n._, fulðe b 113, hure b 184, neode b 17,
b 202, þuftene b 123; exceptions are heast 18, b 115 (#hǣs#), neod b 1,
b 20, b 217, þuften b 119; the _acc._ also has -e. _Gen._ -e, helle 76,
heorte 86: _dat._ -e, honde b 121, worlde b 234, sawle b 175, b 176, but
uninflected half 40, 52, help b 75, hond 34, 95, luft 52, world 40, b
234. _Pl. n._ are teolunges 6, esken 85, weden b 146; _d._, esken 79,
honden b 14, sunnen 21, talen b 106, wunden b 198, sawles b 176; _a._
ahte b 3, kemese b 83, leasunges b 140, secnesses b 36, glouen b 65,
honden b 29, spechen b 139, sunnen 24, talen b 137. The extension of the
weak declension at the expense of the strong is Southern. Nouns of the
weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; exception, leafdi
_s. a._ b 235. _Pl. n._ are neddren, tadden 88, ancres b 188, leafdis b
46, b 79; _pl. d._ bemen 39, 76, cappen b 45, earen b 206, ehnen 48, b
63, heorden b 27, hosen b 39, nomen 25; _pl. a._ earen 54, b 136,
blodbinde, huue b 69, teone b 187 (Anglian absence of n). The minor
declensions are represented by vet _s. d._ b 42; wummon _s. n._ b 41,
monnes _s. g._ b 58, wepmonnes b 56, mon _s. d._ b 220, chapmon b 12,
wummon b 47, _s. a._ b 21, cunnesmon b 144, men _pl. n._ 99, monne _pl.
g._ b 15, b 70, wummone b 194, heordemonne b 5, wepmen _pl. d._ b 97;
boc _s. d._ b 223, (o)boke b 134; brech _pl. a._ b 41; kues _s. g._ b 5;
niht _pl. n._ b 215; feader _s. n._ b 173; broðer _s. n._ b 75, breðer
_s. d._ b 76; moder _s. n._ 21; dohter _s. n._ b 52, dehtren _pl. n._ b
15; suster _s. n._ b 4, sustren _pl. n._ b 1, b 232, sustres ?_pl. g._ b
208; child _s. n._ 22, godchild _s. a._ 20, childrene _pl. g._ b 96;
feondes _s. g._ 92, feond _s. d._ 34, 63, b 159; hettren _pl. a._ b 70
(#hæteru#): hetter _s. d._ b 28 is a ME. formation.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases,
as cleane b 21, softe b 198, swete b 43. Instances of weak inflections
are _s. n._ eadmode b 119, fleschliche b 75, hehe b 185, swote b 43;
_g._ sunfule b 51; _d._ dredfule 76, grurefule 40, hehe b 192, wide 103;
_a._ greate 97, ondfule 50, rihte 15: a solitary strong inflection is
linnene _s. a. m._ b 26. All other adjectives are uninflected in the
singular, as ful b 93, heh b 186, riht 51. Those in #-ig# lose g,
almihti b 231, attri 12; druncwile 105 represents #druncwillen#; lute b
116, #lȳtel#; #mycel# is mostly muche, but _s. n._ muchel b 18 (3); _d._
muchele 60, b 225; _a._ b 226; _pl. a._ 80: #āgen# gives _s. n._ ahne b
61; _g._ ahnes b 207; _d._ ahne b 205; _pl. n._ 57. The _pl._ ends in e,
bĭsie b 121, idele b 137; exceptions are hāli b 14, idel b 87. OE. #āna#
is ane b 2 &c.; #ān# is an, a; _s. g._ anes 14: #nān# is nan, na;
_s. g._ nanes 51; _pl. a._ nane b 68, b 137, b 218. Adjectives used as
nouns are inflected, as _s._ gode b 238, idele 74, nearewe b 204, slawe
71, wide b 205, wreaðfule 63, wurse 56; _pl._ neodfule 90, ontfule 31,
prude 30, wreaðfule 32; exceptions are ȝemeles (predicative) 10, 12, god
53, 73: feorle 100 represents #fǣrlic#. Comparatives end regularly in e,
lufsumre b 64, except dimluker 43, greatluker b 157: of superlatives
only leaste b 188 is inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, us, þu, þe, ȝe, ow b 37, b 196. The
pron. of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 66, ha _f._ b 4 &c., heo b
127, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 88; _a._ him _m._ 69, hire _f._ b 89,
hit _neut._ b 2; _pl. n._ ha 33, 51, 53, b 147, b 191, heo b 143, b 149;
_d._ ham 4; _a._ 58 &c. Reflexives are ow b 106, ow seoluen b 85, him
27, him seolf 81, b 208, him seoluen b 234, hire b 30, b 33, hire seolf
b 32, ham b 166, b 170, ham seolf b 138, b 194: definitive is ham seolf
59: possessives are mi _s._ b 91, mine _pl._ 99, b 1, b 232, þin b 162,
ure b 173, ower b 1 &c., his 11, hire b 9, hare _pl._ 5 &c. The definite
article is mostly þe, te after t; inflected forms are þet _s. a. neut._
b 205, þer _s. d. f._ b 155, þen _s. d. neut._, in ear þen b 126. Þet is
used demonstratively 52, 53, 54, b 152, þet ilke b 152, b 153, b 161:
the article is also used pronominally in þeo þe, those who b 86, which
25, þeo, that one b 122, teo, those b 179: þer buten, without that, b
103. The compound demonstrative is þes _s. n. m._ 74, þeos _s. n. f._ b
117, þis 82, þis _s. n. neut._ b 158, _s. d. f._ b 223, _s. a. neut._ b
188, tis 83, þes _pl. n._ 81, þeos 20, 56, þeose _pl. d._ 28, 43, b 115,
_pl. a._ 97. The relatives are þe, þet b 126; þe sometimes means he who
11, she who 21, b 103. Interrogative is hwuch 9; its correlative is
swuch b 18, b 65, b 146; #ilca# is ilke b 152; #þyllic#, þullich 104,
þulliche _pl._ 3, 20. Indefinites are hwa se 15, hwam se _d._ 73, hwet
se b 183; me 16, b 7; sum 27, summe _pl._ 47, b 46; eiðer 53 &c.; oðres
_s. g._ 14, oþer _s. d._ 8, 47, oþre 66, b 239, _pl. n._ 26, oðer _pl.
g._ b 15; oðerhwet b 177; euch 34, euche _s. d._ b 188, b 223; #ǣnig# is
mostly ei 8 &c., but eani 8, b 111, b 213; nowðer b 48; eawt 52, nawt b
15, b 89; monie _pl._ 80, b 168; al _s. n. a._ 82, 72, alle _s. g._ b
207, _s. d._ b 149, _pl. n._ 20, _d._ 7, _a._ 24, mid alle b 20.

Three-fourths of the infinitives end in -en; those of the second weak
conjugation mostly in -ien, as makien, þolien; with -in are bemin 43,
grennin 59, hungrin 99, lokin 51, b 145, rikenin 25, 82, schawin 38 and
the ME. niuelin 59, olhnin b 6, toggin b 145, wimplin b 51; with -i,
teoheði 12; with -e, cume b 90, drahe b 53, forwurðe b 95, habbe b 2,
teache 19, wrenche 48; contract verbs are underuon b 100, wreon b 50.
The _dat. inf._ is inflected in forte donne b 227, to witene 17.
Presents are _s._ 1. bidde b 237, hopie b 224; 2. hudest, sist b 57; 3.
attreð b 80, bodeð 66, forms in -ið are þreatið 97, winkið 51, contract
verbs, sið b 89, b 159, sleað 30, contracted forms, being about
one-fifth of the total number of 3rd presents, bihalt 83, 97, ethalt 87,
blent 82, buð b 11, b 187, hat b 135, leið 72, b 152, lið 71, b 93, punt
b 6, seið 89, send b 127, understont 83, went b 204; _pl._ 2. dreheð b
233, feleð b 111, makieð b 80; 3. bihateð b 201, bodieð 57, makieð 38,
in -ið, awakenið b 61, leornið 61, sungið b 46, b 191; also seoð b 22:
_subjunctive s._ 3. arise b 55, beate b 31; in -i, biblodgi b 32,
binetli b 33, easki b 78, eili b 9, frouri b 232, hearmi b 9, milci b
175; in -ie, bleasie b 162, gleadie b 232, makie b 18, b 155, b 217,
trukie b 183; from contract verbs, seo b 143, wreo b 54; _pl._ cussen b
156, dreden b 196, heatien b 141, makien b 150, plohien b 218, þolien b
43; in -in, bemin b 206, lokin b 147; with apocope of n, ȝeoue b 131,
segge b 172, ticki b 219; from contract verb, underuon b 151, underuo b
130: _imperative s._ 2. ȝef 104, ȝeot 103, loki b 9; _pl._ 2. ariseð 40,
schurteð b 106, schapieð b 70, seowið b 70, talkið b 105, þonckið b 228,
forȝeoued b 200, driue ȝe b 11, fondi(n), leue ȝe b 36, makie ȝe b 67, b
80, wite ȝe b 15, gruchesi ȝe b 177. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3.
quoð b 76; _subj. s._ 3. sehe b 139: I b. _s._ 3. com b 74, b 93: I c.
_s._ 3. dronc 21, swonc b 236: V. _pl._ 2. edheolden, underuengen b 73.
Participles present: I c. keoruinde 65, 69, singinde b 124: II. bitinde
b 199: III. lutinde b 152: IV. drahinde 45, forfearinde 29: V. wallinde
103; past: I a. isehen b 62: I b. iboren b 213, ibroken b 21, utnume
_adj._ b 221: I c. iborhen 42, icoruen b 141, fordrunke _adj._ 96,
ilumpen b 19: II. iwritene 28: II, III. bitohe b 225: III. bilokene 26:
IV. ischauen b 101, isleine 33: V. edhalden b 215, ileten b 103, ilete b
104. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. cleopede 9, hefde b 225, seide b 117;
3. schende b 52, gulte b 157, tahte b 75, ondswerede b 76; _pl._ 3.
liueden b 14, þohten 39. Participles present: suhinde b 199, wundrinde b
76; past: awakenet 24, biburiet b 76 and 28 others in -t, ilead 4, igurd
b 28, istreonede 23, iturnde b 147, ontende b 168 and six others in -d.
Minor Groups: nat 1 _pr. s._ 3, wat _pr. s._ b 7, nat 10, wite _pr. s.
subj._ b 226, nute b 130, witen _pr. pl. subj._ b 158; ah _pr. s._ 17,
ahen _pr. pl._ b 184, ahte _pt. s._ b 181 (with present meaning); duhen
_inf._ b 59, deh _pr. s._ b 66; con _pr. s._ b 134, cunnen _pr. pl._ 47,
b 171; schal _pr. s._ 42, schulen 2 _pr. pl._ b 28, schule 99, b 105, b
191, schulen _pr. pl._ 58, 89, schule ȝe 2 _s. imp._ b 71, schulde 1
_pt. s._ b 90, _pt. s._ 22; mei _pr. s._ 4, mahen 2 _pr. pl._ b 29, b 85
(4), _pr. pl._ 50, b 79, mahe _pr. s. subj._ b 148, b 180, muhen 2 _pr.
pl. subj._ b 44, mahte _pt. s._ 25, b 140, b 213; mot _pr. s._ b 5, mote
_pr. s. subj._ b 208; beon _inf._ 4 (9), beo b 4 (4), to beonne _dat.
inf._ b 195, beonne b 74, forte beon 41, am 1 _pr. s._ b 236, is _pr.
s._ 2, nis 5, beoð 2 _pr. pl._ b 104, b 223, _pr. pl._ 3, 20, 26, beo
_pr. s. subj._ b 9 (9), beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 203, _pr. pl. subj._ b
38 (5), beoð 2 _pl. imp._ b 45 (3), beo ȝe b 86, wes _pt. s._ b 3, were
_pt. s. subj._ b 96; wule _pr. s._ b 53, b 160, wulleð 2 _pr. pl._ b
101, b 113, b 205, wule _pr. s. subj._ 72, b 27, wullen 2 _pr. pl.
subj._ b 45, nalde _pt. s._ 90, walden _pt. pl._ 42; don _inf._ b 22
(3), do b 226, forte donne _dat. inf._ b 227, to fordonne 30, dest 2
_pr. s._ b 60, deð _pr. s._ 50 (3), doð 2 _pr. pl._ b 67, b 227, _pr.
pl._ 38, 82, do _pr. s. subj._ b 154, don _pr. pl. subj._ b 180, b 205,
dude _pt. s._ 22, idon _pp._ b 176; gan _inf._ 19, b 39, geað _pr. s._ b
124, gað 2 _pr. pl._ 1, 2 _pl. imp._ b 210, ga _pr. s. subj._ b 124, b
126, b 129, aga b 160.

(2) =Of B.= This differs from A in being somewhat more fully inflected:
divergences from A are noted. londe 2, schrifte 18 have dative
inflection; domes 40 is probably a mistake for dome; sunnen 26, earen 71
are _s. d._: þes 82, 92 is _s. g. m._ of the article, þen 103 _s. d.
m._, 32 _pl. d._: ha 60 is probably miswritten for hare. In the
inflection of the verbs i is occasionally found, skirmin _inf._ 66,
seruin 46, seruid _pr. s._ 48, tutelid _pr. s._ 71, shuli _inf._ 47,
liki (loki) 50: other noteworthy forms are agastan 57, a survival, maken
47 _inf._ of the second weak conjugation, ablent 84 contracted _pr. s._,
bitahted 15 _pp._

(3) =Of N.= The inflections are generally better preserved than in A.
Strong masculine and neuter nouns have -e in the dat. sing., deie 94,
weie 100 &c.; exceptions are cloð, drunch 187: mele 158, þinge 90 are
_pl. d._, blodbendes 64, _pl. a._ Of the strong feminines _n. s._ are
neode 20, seihtnesse 139; _s. d._ ȝemeleaste 175, halue 174, hwule 198;
_s. a._ hwule 21, 71, leasunge 117, ?mone 8; _pl. d._ soulen 157; _pl.
a._ eihte 3: weak is ancren _n. pl._ 171. In the minor declensions
ueonde 139 is _s. d._, monne 9, 109, 124, _pl. d._ The adjectives godere
182, heie 168 are _s. d. f._, sorie 91, _pl. n._, worldliche 90, _pl.
d._ #ān# is on, o 138, _g._ ones 193, _d._ one 94, 208, on 29, _a._ one
22; #nān#, non 27, no 23, _g._ none[s] weis 3, _a. m._ nenne 20, 23,
108, no 27, _a. f._ none 11, 101, _a. neut._ no 11; _pl. d._ none 9,
109, 124: #āgen# is represented by owune _s. d._ 67, 190. The _n. s. f._
of the pronoun of the third person is heo: possessive mine 73 is _a. s.
f._: #ēower# is our 91, ower 175, #heora#, hore 105. Inflections of the
article are _s. n._ þe _m._, þe _f._, þet _neut._ 140, _d._ þer _f._
130, 170, _a._ þene _m._ 6 (4), þeo _f._ 21, 71; _pl. a._ þeo 88. The
compound demonstrative has _s. d. f._ þisse 195, 208, _s. a. f._ þeos
209. The relative is þet; swuche 18, 92, 125 is _s. d._, sume 140,
_s. a. f._, 90, _pl. d._; ueole _pl. a._ 33; eueriche 195, _s. d. m._;
#ǣnig# is eni 8, 93.

Infinitives end in -en, those of the second weak conjugation mostly in
-ien, but loken 124; forms in -in, -i are absent. An inflected
infinitive is forto donne 199, in other cases the simple form is
preceded by uorto, uorte, for to, except to schruden 67. Inflected forms
with -i are not found in any part of the verb. The contract verb #sēon#
gives isihð _pr. s._ 23, 71, 140: contracted forms of the _pr. s._ occur
about as frequently as in A: the _pr. pl._ ends in -eð, drieð 205,
sunegeð 174, but iseoð 23; the _pr. subj._ ends in -e, -en, eilie 9,
gledie 204, hermie 9, milce 157, sigge 130, siggen 152, but iseo 119.
Past of Strong Verbs: I a. iseie _subj. s._ 3. 116: II. wrot _s._ 3.
209. Participles present: I c. singinde 100: II. bitinde 183: III.
lutende 131; past: I a. iseien 53: I b. ikumen 19: II, III. bitowen 198.
Past of Weak Verbs: heuede 1 _pt. s._ 197. Inflected past participles
are isette _a. s. f._ 164, iwrouhte _pl._ 25. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._
198, wat 7, wute ȝe _imp. pl._ 138 (Anglian); ouh _pr. s._ 10, 80, owen
_pr. pl._ 167, ouhte _pt. s._ 163; deih _pr. s._ 56; schullen 2 _pr.
pl._ 29, schulen 87, 175; muwe _pr. s. subj._ 163, muwen 2 _pr. pl.
subj._ 37, 67, muhte _pt. s._ 116; beon _inf._ 4, _pr. pl. subj._ 24, to
beon _dat. inf._ 179, was _pt. s._ 3; uorto don _dat. inf._ 199, don 2
_pr. pl. subj._ 62; uorto gon _dat. inf._ 34, geð _pr. s._ 100, go _pr.
s. subj._ 100 (4).

(4) =Of T=: mainly a statement of divergences from A. In the strong
declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns, wede _s. n._ 125 represents OE.
#gewǣde#; heordes 6 is _s. g._ As in A, the _dat._ sing. is mostly
uninflected, but ȝate 105, hame 98, rihte 164, tune 109. schon 33 is a
weak _n. pl._, beodes _n. pl._ 192, _a. pl._ 100 has _masc._
termination, þinge 184 is _pl. g._; datives have mostly -es, -s, cneos
129, 135, giltes 150, wahes 19, but siðe 19, 83, þinge 117; meal 158,
þing 106, 188 are _acc._ in form. Strong declension of _fem._ nouns:
somentale _n. s._ 139 represents #-talu#; _dat._ -e, lokinge 18, but
uninflected are hond 97 (#hond#), rest 92; _acc._ -e, without exception:
fondinges 74 _pl. n._ has masc. termination, tales 89 is _pl. d._,
_acc._ are gloues 56, leasinges 117, speches 115, tales 114, ahte 3.
Nouns of the weak declension are _s. g._ ancres 8 (4), chirches 66,
schirches 32 (= chirches), _d._ deme 176, eare 192, fere 110, anker 165,
lauedi 155, lafdi 112; _pl. n._ ancres 171, _d._ ehne 54, hose 35,
heordes 28, _a._ cappes 38, eares 112. The tendency to substitute the
terminations of the strong declension for those of the weak is Midland.
In the minor declensions namon 9 is _s. d._; sustre 204, _pl. n._;
childrene 78, _pl. g._

An adjective inflected in the _sing._ is hehe 176: plurals have -e, with
the exception of bisi 97, idel 69, sari 91: _pl. a._ is nane 115. Beside
ich 86 (3), i occurs 72 as pers. pronoun. The _n. s. f._ and _n. pl._ of
the pronoun of the third person is ho 4, 122; hom 167 is miswritten for
ho; #heora# is hare 125, 127, hore 126. The relative pronoun is þat: the
demonstrative #þā#, those, is seen in (⁊) ta 68, 161: the indef. is mon
8 (5); hwat as noun occurs at 145, 159; #āwiht# is oht 208; alle is
_s. d._ 128, _pl. d._ 116.

Infinitives are divided equally between -en and -e; those in -ien are
hatien 117, þolien 87, 169, in -ie, werie 27, but loke 124; forms with
-in, -i are absent. Dative infinitives are for to biginnen 199, for to
puffen 143, to habben 56, with four others in -en; to breke 20, to haue
11, to lose 94, to reare 140. The 3rd _pr. s._ ends in -es, askes 188,
blawes 190, and 32 others, none being contracted forms, but lis 76, seos
71, 140, and bueð 170; the 3rd _pr. pl._ in -en, bihaten 186, hauen 208,
and 13 others, but suneheþ 174; the _subjunctive pr. s._ in -e, blawe
148, cume 102, blodeke 32, eile 9, like 35, make 135, but blasie 143,
gladie 204, trukie 166, werie 27, seo 23, _pl._ in -en, bemen 192, hauen
66, nabben 106, halden 202 (but halde 147), luuien 180, makien 129;
_imperative s._ 2. in -e, loke 9, were 30, _pl._ in -es, biddes 201,
haues 21, habbes 26 and twelve others, driue ȝe 12, gruse ȝe 158, &c.
Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _subj. s._ 3. sehe 116: I c. _s._ 3. swanc
210: III. _pl._ 2. drehden 205, a weak form; comp. HM 37/6. Participles
present: II. bitende 183: III. lutende 131; past: II, III. bitohen 198:
V. bifallen 19, ileten 85, 87. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hafde 197.
Participles present: seiende 100, suhiende 184; past: bicleopet 175,
iset 164, ifest 149 and 8 others in -t, idodded 83, ilaced 37, iturnde
126, gurd 30, red 208, icnotten 36. Minor Groups: duhen _inf._ 24, deah
_pr. s._ 56; cunnen _pr. pl._ 172, cunen 152; schule 2 _pr. pl._ 175,
schuln 29, schule _pr. pl._ 122; mai _pr. s._ 4, muhen 2 _pr. pl._ 67,
89, 173; beon _inf._ 53, 196, beo 4 (6), to beon _dat. inf._ 179, arn 2
_pr. pl._ 87 (5), _pr. pl._ beon 126, 147, 149, beos 97, beo _pr. s.
subj._ 148, 206, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 189, _pr. pl. subj._ 33, 105,
beos 2 _pl. imp._ 188, 201, beo ȝe 69, was _pt. s._ 3, were _pt. s.
subj._ 198; wile _pr. s._ 28, 168, nule 29, wiln 2 _pr. pl._ 96, 191;
don _inf._ 89, for to donne _dat. inf._ 199, to do 199, dos _pr. s._
142, 189, don 2 _pr. pl._ 200, 201, _pr. pl._ 129, 157, 2 _pr. pl.
subj._ 62, do 191, idon _pp._ 157; to gan _dat. inf._ 34, gas _pr. s._
100, ga _pr. s. subj._ 100, 141. The termination of ladli _adj._ 7,
gladli _adv._ 168, nomeli 149 is due to Scand. -ligr, -liga; nedinge 9
represents OE. #nēadinga#; wið prep. 20, 22 (in N mid), ni conj. 55 &c.,
and til conj. 172 are noteworthy.

(5) =Of C.= This differs little from A. Nouns of the weak declension are
ancres _s. g._ 8, blodbinden _pl. a._ 64. The pronoun of the third
person _s. n. f._, _pl. n._ is ha 4, 122. While the _pr. s._ of the verb
regularly ends in -eð, makes 8, 20 survives from the Midland original;
so too don 2 _pr. pl._ 200 beside doð 201, beon 126, 149. iburð _pr. s.
impers._ 56, befits, represents OE. #gebyreþ#; other verbal forms are
sechȝe _pt. s. subj._ 116, segginde _pres. p._ 100, nach for ne ah _pr.
s._ 80, achȝen _pr. pl._ 167, muchȝen 2 _pr. pl._ 67, muȝen 92, wullet 2
_pr. pl._ 96, 191 beside wulled 84, wullen 38. The adv. nedunge 9
represents OE. #nēadunga#.

#Vocabulary:# The Scandinavian element is large: ai T 206, arn T 87 &c.,
blast T 144, eskibah 79, flutte b 182, geineð b 163, grið(fullnesse) b
4, hesmel N 118, lah b 143, lahe b 152, lane 13, lastunge 56, lates b
147, meoke b 38, b 66, nai b 48, b 76, riue b 83, riueð b 82, riuunges b
83, sahtnesse b 158, (but seih[t]nesse N is English), scale 95, semes T
3, skile b 118, skleatteð 53, tiþinges NT 114, tidinges b 138, C 114,
til TC 172, wanes b 19, warpere 64, warpeð 66 (worpare, worpeð N are
English), windowe b 59, wontreaðe 76, wursnet T 174: probably baðe T
105, T 156, T 187, brendes C 141, hird B 33, hwitel 89, lustni b 90,
lustnen T 73, meaðeleð 73, 96, rukelin 80, rukeleð 86, ruken 81, somen
(tale) T 139, suhinde b 199, suhiende T 184, suwinde N 184, umben b 229,
TC 201: possibly dusten 68, glopnen T 56/58. The French element is very
extensive; many of the words appear for the first time: accidie 11,
amendeð N 65, mendið b 70, amices b 78, angoise 60, apostle b 50, atiffi
b 63, untiffet b 64, tiffunge b 53, aturn b 146, augrim 81, best N 2,
beastes 28, boistes b 16, broche b 65, caliz C N 17, chaliz T 17, canges
82, celer 92, change b 222, ichanget b 117, chartres b 16, cheres 48,
complie b 179, criblin b 81, curt 34, cuuertur 89, cyrograffes b 17,
dame b 129, (deuleset TC 198), disceplines b 35, dute N 79, eise b 187,
eise b 223, eoli b 197 (Bonn. Beitr. xv. 110), familiers T 113, figures
81, folliche 18, frut b 177, gloire b 80, glutun 92, grace b 174, graces
b 171, greueð b 105, gruchunge b 135, haire T 36, hurte b 214, hurten b
213, inobedience 6, iuglurs 47, large b 203, laz b 69, ilacet b 42,
leattres b 99, leon B 30 liun 30, manciple 92, mantel C 120, imantlet C
121, meistre b 2, imembret b 65, meoster 35 mester B 48, mustreisun b
80, noise 38, obedient b 129, ore 7, parures b 79, penitence b 169,
poure b 70, pouerte b 114, prophetes 57, religiun b 74, riwle b 116,
rund b 59, sacrement 8, scoren b 16, scurge b 32 schurge N 31, seinte C
46, semblant 60, seruant b 181, seruin 47, seruise 43, silence b 180,
skirmi 67, sot(schipe) b 111, spece 5, stamin b 27, strif b 154,
isturbed N 163 isturbet b 181, suffreð N 205, surpliz b 66, taueles b
82, temptaciuns b 35, tendre b 73, terme 15, tohurten b 164, triccherie
17, vnicorne 32, ures b 135, vampez b 40, veiles b 45, veine b 80,
uestemenz b 17. Latin borrowings are auez b 134 auees C 111, cuchene 93
(pre-Conquest), false 6, falsliche 19, paternostres b 134, presumptio 9,
purses b 68, scapeloris C 120, unbischpet 19, venie b 150.

#Dialect:# The AR has hitherto been generally regarded as Southern,
partly because of the prevailing Southern dialect of the manuscript
printed by Morton, and partly because of the fancied connexion of the
treatise with Tarrant Kaines in Dorsetshire. But the presence of Midland
and Northern forms to a greater or less extent in all the manuscripts,
although four of them at least were written by Southern scribes, points
to the Northern border of the Midland area as the home of the original,
while the large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence
of the characteristic u in unaccented final syllables (-ud, -un, -us,
-ut) decide for the East against the West Midland. MS. N is a copy made
by a scribe of the Middle South; his alterations of the inflections are
systematic, but with occasional lapses like timbrin Morton, 12/24,
blescið 18/11, seihtni 28/19, kalenges tu 54/2, wenes tu 54/5 (beside
wenest tu 54/20), muhtes 304/13 (but muhtest 270/3) &c.; more frequently
he copies Anglian sounds from his exemplar. He also substitutes, as far
as he can, English and French words for Scandinavian, e. g. hercnen 73
for lustnin, yet he retains such purely Northern elements as suwinde
184, and the suffix in godleic Morton, 136/15, ureoleic 192/25. Peculiar
to the scribe are his representations of #a# + #h#, #ā# + #h#, #ō# + #w#
(touward occurs in Layamon). MS. A presents the characteristic features
of the Katherine Group; it is a copy by a scribe of the Northern border
of the South. The Midland element in its sounds is considerable, but the
inflection is mainly Southern; the _u_- and _å_-umlauts of #a# appear to
be due to the scribe and not to the original. MS. B is closely related
to A, but it is somewhat more Southern in preservation of the
inflections; the scribe was more accustomed to French than to English.
MS. C also closely resembles A, but in the flexion North-Midland forms
appear more often by inadvertence. In MS. T, both sounds and inflections
are predominantly Midland: still in other parts of the manuscript the
Southern element is more evident than in our extract. This manuscript
stands nearest in dialect to the original; it appears to be a copy of a
North-Midland text made by a scribe not long enough resident in the
Midland area to have quite forgotten his native Southern speech.

#Style:# MS. N is not only the most remote from the original in dialect,
it has also been altered in language more than the others, partly from a
desire to make the meaning plainer, partly from a dislike of any
singularity of expression. The changes made may be classified as i.
insertion of connecting particles, ‘and,’ ‘vor,’ ‘þeonne,’ N 144 &c.;
‘so uorð so’ in A is altered into ‘uor so’ Morton, 136/13: ii.
expansions like ‘ȝe habbeð’ N 95, ‘he nout’ N 101, ‘to þer eorðe’ N 130,
‘þeo þinges’ N 160: iii. re-arrangement of words in a prose order, ‘kume
hom’ N 102, ‘so’ N 115, ‘dreamen wel’ N 192: iv. substitution of nouns
for pronouns, ‘nenne mon’ N 23; the writer has a peculiar affection for
the word mon, so, ‘ase deð, among moni mon, sum uniseli ancre,’ Morton
128/23, where A has ‘monie’ without noun: v. elimination of words and
expressions used in a figurative way, ‘hit is’ N 99 for ‘driueð,’
‘kumeð--heouene’ N 170, destroying the alliteration. These alterations
have tended to obscure the peculiar rhythmic movement of the prose,
which was a feature of the original as of Sawles Warde, the Katherine
Group, Hali Meidenhad and some smaller pieces. It is discernible in the
other manuscripts, especially in elevated passages, as b 182-7, b 205-8,
b 231-5, and the scribe of MS. A often shows by his punctuation that he
recognized its existence.

#Introduction:# The Ancren Riwle, as it was called by Morton, the
Ancrene Wisse (the Anchoresses’ Guide) as its title is in MS. A, was
written for the instruction of three sisters, ‘gentile wummen,’ of whom
the author says ‘ine blostme of ower ȝuweðe, uorheten alle worldes
blissen ⁊ bicomen ancren’ (Morton, 192). Their dwelling is under the
eaves of a church, they are ‘under chirche iancred’ (M. 142); there is
but a wall between them and the Host (M. 262). They live in separate
cells, for they send messages to one another by their attendant maids
(M. 256), and they are fully provided for, ‘euerich of ou haueð of one
ureond al þet hire is neod[;] ne þerf þet meiden sechen nouðer bread ne
suuel, fur þene et his halle’ (M. 192). They are greatly beloved, ‘vor
godleic ⁊ for ureoleic iȝerned of monie’ (M. 192); their whole life in
so strict an order is as a martyrdom, ‘ȝe beoð niht ⁊ dei upe Godes
rode’ (M. 348).

As they were not subject in their anchorhold to any recognized monastic
rule, they sought some regulations for their way of life, and the
treatise they received is represented, so far as the matter is
concerned, best by MS. N. But a book so helpful was certain to be copied
for the use of other anchorites, with suitable adaptations and possibly
additions; such a copy is MS. A, made a considerable time after the
original. It omits the important reference to the author, found only in
MS. N, wherein he speaks of the practice of the lay brothers of the
community to which he belonged (Morton, 24), the word ‘leawude’ in ‘ure
leawude breðren’ (M. 412/8), and the passage addressed by the author to
the ladies for whom the book was composed (M. 192) containing the
biographical details quoted above: of the numerous additions the most
interesting is that in which reference is made to the general adoption
of the rule by anchoresses all over England, with such unanimity that it
is as though they were all gathered within the walls of one convent at
London, Oxford, Shrewsbury, or Chester (M. L. Review, ix. 470). As MS. T
is imperfect at the beginning, its first leaf corresponding to Morton,
p. 44, it cannot be known whether it left out the first passage (Morton,
24) mentioned above, but it does omit the second passage (Morton, 192),
and further eliminates commendatory references to the sisters found in
Morton, 48/2-4, 50/20-24; it is therefore adapted like A. So too is the
French version; it contains some of the additions of A, and is
subsequent to it. A third stage is reached when the book is recognized
as profitable reading for others who are not anchorites, for nuns, as in
the Latin version of MS. M, in which the first ritual part is abridged
and the last wholly left out as inapplicable to those who have a
definite rule of their own, such as the Cistercian sisters at Tarent,
for whom Simon of Ghent may well have executed this translation.
Similarly the extracts of MS. B were probably made for the use of

Hitherto no plausible guess as to the author has been made. Simon of
Ghent, who died in 1315 A.D., is manifestly out of the question. Bishop
Poor (d. 1237) has been drawn in solely because of his connexion with
Tarent (Dugdale, v. 619), of which he was the principal benefactor. From
internal evidence it may be gathered that the writer was a disciple of
S. Bernard (1091-1153), whom he quotes some twelve times expressly, and
from whose Liber Sententiarum he says he takes most of his sixth book;
‘hit is almest Seint Beornardes Sentence,’ Morton, 348/14. He was
acquainted with Ailred of Rievaulx and with the treatise which Ailred
wrote for his sister the anchoress (Morton, 368), of which he made
extensive use. He belonged to some monastic order, for he speaks of ‘vre
leawede breþren,’ and ‘ure ordre’ (Morton, 24). He appears to have been
acquainted with other anchoresses (Morton, 102, 192, 410). There is a
note of weariness at the end of the book, as of one already advanced in
years, and indeed the accumulated experience of a long life must have
gone to its making. He was a widely read man; he quotes from many
authors, of whom, after S. Bernard, S. Augustine and S. Gregory were the
chief, but he drew on the Bible twice as often as on all the others put
together. Finally, the Scandinavian element in his native speech was
exceptionally large, and French was so familiar to him as to colour his
English far more than that of any previous writer.

There were two men living towards the end of the twelfth century who
might answer to this description, Gilbert of Hoyland, Abbot of Swineshed
in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, v. 336), and S. Gilbert of Sempringham. The
former completed the treatise on the Canticum Canticorum begun by S.
Bernard, in which the mystic interpretation is quite different from that
which runs all through the Ancren Riwle. But for S. Gilbert (1089-1189)
I think a good case can be made out. He was brought up in South
Lincolnshire, where the Danish element was strong, and not far from the
northern border of the Midland area, for Lincolnshire north of the
Witham was more Northern than Midland. In later years his visitations
took him often to his houses of Watton and Malton in Yorkshire. He
received his early education mostly in France, and he probably visited
that country often in later life; he spent more than a year there in
1147, 1148 A.D. To no other person would the recluses have been so
likely to apply for a rule, since he was famous as the greatest director
of pious women in England; ‘vir eximiae religionis, in feminarumque
custodia gratiae singularis,’ says Trivet in his Annales; ‘vir plane
mirabilis, et in custodia feminarum singularis,’ W. of Newburgh. His own
foundation for women and men, the order of the Gilbertines, had its
beginnings in an anchorhold which he built for seven maidens against the
north wall of his own church of S. Andrew at Sempringham sometime about
1131 A.D. (Dugdale, vi, pt. 2, *ix). For these he framed a Rule, ‘dedit
. . . eis praecepta vitae et disciplinae,’ and provided servants
‘puellas aliquas pauperculas in habitu seculari servientes.’ When, after
a long visit to S. Bernard, he returned to England with his
Institutiones confirmed by Eugenius III, his order was regularly
founded, with himself as Master. The Rule of his nuns was framed on
Cistercian lines, but with modifications from many sources. While it
differs of necessity from regulations suitable to the life of the
recluse, it shows the same extraordinary attention to details (‘non
solum magna et maxime necessaria, verum etiam minima quaedam et abiecta
. . . non omisit,’ Dugdale, *xiii) which is displayed in the Ancren
Riwle. And the two Rules often agree in these details, as will be seen
in the notes; the most remarkable example is the similarity of the
devotions of the lay brethren of the order to which the writer belonged,
as described in the AR (Morton, 24), to the rule for the Hours of the
Fratres in the Sempringham Order (Dugdale, *lx). There are numerical
differences in the number of Paternosters and Psalms, but the Gilbertine
Rule, as we have it, is a revision, probably a relaxation, of Gilbert’s,
and the principle is the same. This method of saying the Hours is given
by the writer to the recluses as an alternative use to the more
elaborate one already prescribed, and he adds, ‘Gif ei of ou wule don
þus heo voleweð her, ase in oþre obseruances, muchel of ure ordre.’
Gilbert was intimate with Ailred of Rievaulx, and sought his advice in
the case of the nun at Watton (Twysden, Decem Scriptores, i. col. 420).
Unfortunately, no authenticated writing of his, save a formal letter
addressed in his last days to the Canons of his Order (MS. Digby 36, f.
189 b), has come down to us. But the first of his biographers tells us
that, when in the course of his constant visitations of his houses he
rested for a time anywhere, he did not eat the bread of idleness, but
among other occupations wrote books, ‘scripsit quandoque libros’
(Dugdale, *xv), and the writer of the Nova Legenda Anglie, i. 471, says
‘libros multos scripsit; verba eius nichil aliud quam sapientiam et
scientiam sonuerunt.’ The first members of his Order would surely
multiply copies of the works of their founder, and it is not likely that
all of these have disappeared. The Ancren Riwle was probably one of
them. But there is besides a group of writings which are seen in their
true setting when regarded as a product of the Gilbertine movement; the
table on p. 356 gives the contents of three manuscripts which are in my
opinion collections of the works of S. Gilbert. Among them is that
‘Englische boc of Seinte Margarete’ (M. 244/20) possessed by the
recluses, as the writer of the AR knew.

There has been much dispute as to the language in which the AR was
written. The older scholars, Dr. Thomas Smith (1696 A.D.), Wanley
(1705), Planta (1802) had no doubt that it was Latin. Morton (1853)
championed the English version, but some of his arguments were refuted,
others shaken by Bramlette. Muhe, holding the priority of the Latin
proved, was obliged to adopt an involved and improbable view of the
relationship of MS. T to the other manuscripts. It should be observed
that these scholars were unable to take into account the Corpus MS. and
the French version. The first to pronounce from a knowledge of all the
materials was G. C. Macaulay in the M. L. Review, xi. 61. He appears to
have disposed effectually of the claim on behalf of the Latin version,
but his arguments in favour of French as the original language are not
convincing. It must suffice here to say that nothing he adduces appears
to be so crucial as the passage at 58/79, or even 56/38, 56/54, 70/170.
In a general comparison, the English has all the vigour and raciness of
an original work, while the French gives the impression of being
unidiomatic and wanting in spontaneity.

In the foot-notes p. 60, l. 12, add C after chepilt: p. 61, l. 17, read
chirche: p. 65, l. 62, add C after grettere: p. 67, l. 96, read wull{et}
C for wulh C., also at p. 75, l. 191.


The references throughout are to the Corpus MS., unless otherwise

1. #wildernesse#: of the world; he has already said, ‘Iþisse wildernesse
wende ure Louerdes folc, ase Exode telleð, touward tet eadie lond of
Jerusalem . . . ⁊ ȝe, mine leoue sustren, wended bi þen ilke weie toward
te heie Jerusalem,’ AR 196/28-30. Comp. ‘alse longe se we iðese westen
of þesser woruld wandrið,’ OEH i. 243/3; ‘Claustrales in huius mundi
deserto exulantes,’ Alanus de Insulis, 65. #þer . . . in#, in which; see
1/3: ‘ou vous aleȝ enȝ,’ F.

3. #beastes . . . wurmes#: The Lion of Pride, the Serpent of Envy, the
Unicorn of Wrath, the Bear of Sloth, the Fox of Covetousness, the Swine
of Greediness, the Scorpion of Lechery, each with its whelps. The
conception comes from S. Jerome, ‘quasi inter scorpiones et colubros
incedendum ut . . . iter per insidias saeculi huius et inter venena
faciamus possimusque . . . terram repromissionis intrare,’ iv. 796.
Comp. also, ‘Per superbiam enim quasi a leonibus lacerantur, per
invidiam tanquam viperarum morsu percutiuntur,’ Cesarii Sermo lx, in S.
August. v. App. 301 B. It is not in the manner of the Bestiaries, where
the lion and the unicorn are types of Christ, though the influence of
the Bestiaries is often shown in the AR.

4. #ilead . . . to#, traced to, classified under; ‘reduci ad,’ M; ‘menee
od,’ F.: a rare use; comp. 54/20. #seouene#: in the older English
literature the number is eight; Superbia being followed by Vana Gloria.
See Max Förster, Über die Quellen von Ælfric’s Homiliae Catholicae,
Berlin, 1892, pp. 47-9 for a good summary of the changes in the lists.
#seoluen# B: so T seluen.

5. #streones#: ‘hweolpes,’ AR 198/7; ‘engendrures,’ F. #vnsteaðeluest#:
‘Destable,’ F. literally, unstabled. #nis hit# &c., is it not the
species of Pride called Disobedience? CTN agree with B; the meaning is
the same: T reads, nis hit of prude. Jnobedience. Her to falleð
sigaldres: M has ‘Jnconstans fides. cont{ra} sacram doct{ri}nam. nu{n}c
ex sup{er}bia inobedi{enci}e est: ad h{oc} p{er}tine{n}t sortilegia.’
The division in Morton is therefore wrong: P has Inobedience ne falleþ
it to sigaldrie. ‘Þe vifte hweolp [of þe Liun of Prude] hette
Inobedience,’ AR 198/17.

6. #Herto falleð#, come under this head; comp. ‘alle þe þing ꝥ lust
falleþ to,’ AR 52/24, 58/9; ‘⁊ falleð to biȝete,’ SK 24/471. #false
teolunges#, wrongful practices, especially in treatment of the sick by
means of herbs gathered with incantations and of other pagan devices;
comp. ‘Se cristena mann ðe on ænigre þissere gelicnysse bið gebrocod,
and he ðonne his hælðe secan wyle æt unalyfedum tilungum, oððe æt
wyrigedum galdrum, oþþe æt ænigum wiccecræfte, ðonne bið he ðam hæðenum
mannum gelic,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 474/19-22. These ‘unallowed practices’
are, at the same place, contrasted with ‘true leechcraft,’ the skill of
a doctor: comp. ‘uncundelich lechecreft,’ 62/36, and see the Homilia de
sacrilegiis, ed. Caspari, ch. iv and notes, for abundant illustrations
of these superstitions. Comp. also, for a wider use of #teolung#, ‘to
æghwylcre neode man hæfð on cyricbocum mæssan gesette and tilige man
(= let one set to work) georne mid þam . . . þæt is hwene betere, þonne
man to wiccan, and to wigleran tilunge (= treatment) sêce æt ænigre
neode,’ Wulfstan, 171/7-12 (B-T). Morton translates ‘false reckoning,’
which hardly comes under the head of unsteadfast belief; ‘fals
takynges’ P.

7. #lefunge o swefne · o nore#: this order is peculiar to A. For the
Dream Books of mediaeval England see Förster in Archiv cxxi. 33, cxxv.
39, cxxvii. 31. #o nore#: so BCT; N has on ore ⁊ of swefnes; PV have
nothing corresponding; M is vague, ‘ad h{oc} p{er}tine{n}t sortilegia ·
⁊ quecu{n}q{ue} infidelitas · credere sompniis · ⁊ h{u}i{us modi}’: in F
the place is at the damaged top of the folio; it has, apparently,
‘credence en estrenies en songes ⁊ toutes manieres de sorceries.’ #ore#
cannot represent OE. #ār#, which has no meaning like luck, nor can it be
connected with L. #augurium#, the contemporary French form of which is
#eür#. I think it is F. oré, favourable weather, favourable occasion, as
in ‘Nos n’avrons ja tens ne oré | Desci que li vienge a plaisir,’ Roman
de Troye 5952, 3: the particular form of ‘unsteadfast belief’ meant
being the trusting to the system of favourable and unfavourable days for
different kinds of work &c., embodied in such books as the Calendar
printed in M. L. Review, ii. 212-22, where it is stated that the first
day of the month is good for beginning a piece of work, the second for
marrying, the third is a bad day for taking up one’s abode in a town,
and so on (for the literature see Archiv cx. 352). The collection in
Caspari’s note on § 12 of the Homilia already cited shows that the
superstition was often attacked in sermons as pagan; he quotes ‘Nullus
Christianus observet, qua die de domo exeat, vel qua die revertatur,
quia omnes dies Deus fecit; nullus ad inchoandum opus diem . . .
attendat,’ Pseudoaug. Sermo cclxxviii. Comp. ‘time,’ OEH ii. 11/13 and
VV 27/22-29.

8. #heaued sunne#: Orm’s ‘hæfedd sunne,’ 98/2728; peccatum capitale:
‘cum mortali peccato,’ M. Comp. ‘Nu syndon eahta heafod leahtras,’ Ælf.
Lives, i. 354/267.

9. ‘þe ueorðe [hweolp of þe Liun of Prude] is Presumptio,’ AR 198/14.

10. #ȝemeles#: so BPV, negligent, _adj._ for _noun_, negligence,
carelessness: N has the noun ȝemeleste; C scheomeles. #under#,
classified under the head of: ‘þe seoueðe [hweolp of þe Bore of heui
Slouhðe] is Gemeleaschipe,’ AR 202/13.

11. For #uuel# C has lure: NT have incorrectly lure for biȝete; so in M,
‘Qui non p{re}munit aliu{m} de dampno u{e}l inco{m}m{od}o.’ Not to warn
a man against something hurtful is slothful negligence; not to apprise
him of something to his advantage is venomous envy. The sins are
different and come under different heads. The first half of the sentence
is in effect hypothetical, and equivalent to, if a man does not warn
&c.; so 54/21; 66/120, and F, ‘Ki ne garnist altre de son mal ou de son
gaig[ne][;] nest ceo perescouse negligence ou venimouse envie.’

12. For #slaw ȝemeles# C has slauðe scheomelese. #teoheði mis#: Contrast
‘rihtliche teðien,’ OEH ii. 215/32; ‘giuen rihte tiðinge,’ id. 129/32;
‘theoþe ryht vnder his honde,’ OEM 77/149. teouðen C; tiheðe T; Mis
iteoðeged N, the being mistithed; a remarkable use of the participle;
‘male decimare,’ M; ‘mes doner,’ F, a vague expression, which looks like
a translator’s failure. How S. Gilbert once dealt with a ‘mistither’ may
be read in his life, printed in Dugdale, vi., pt. ii., p. *vii. #mis# is
aphetic for amiss, wrongly; comp. 56/48.

13. #edhalden#: edhalde C; OE. #oþhealden#, withhold; so at 64/73: comp.
‘Lante ⁊ thyng me was taght | I held ouer-lang as i noght aght,’ CM
28398. #oðer--mis fearen#, or treat badly, is peculiar to A.

14. #ȝisceunge#: ‘Þe Vox of ȝiscunge haueð þeos hweolpes: Tricherie ⁊
Gile, Þeofðe, Reflac,’ AR 202/18. #⁊ anes cunnes# is peculiar to A.

15. #strong reaflac#: ‘rapina,’ M. #hwa--mei#, if one is able to pay it:
peculiar to A. #þe--ȝisceunge#: ‘species cupiditatis,’ M; ‘qi est desouȝ
couoitise,’ F.

16. It is sinful ‘biseon ȝemeleasliche eni þing þe me mide uareð, oðer
ouhte to ȝemen,’ AR 344/6.

17. #þen--hit#, than the owner of it thinks right: M has here p{ri}us
for peius. #ȝemeles of slawðe#, negligence, a subdivision of Sloth. The
author has already classified under Gemeleaschipe, ‘miswiten ei þing þet
heo haueð to witene,’ AR 202/14. C reads scheomeles of slauðe.

18. #alswa is dusi#: alswa · idusi C: apparently OE. #gedysig#.
#longe--unbischpet#: ‘diu e{ss}e s{i}n{e} confirmac{i}one,’ M.

19. #falsliche#, insincerely. #abiden#, put it off: N connects it with
what follows by reading uorte for ne.

21. #moder#: so he writes of the ‘seoue moder sunnen,’ AR 216/21.

23. #istreonede#, _pp._ as noun: ꝥ te istreonede T; ꝥ þe streonede C.
#strong monslaht#: ‘fort homicide,’ F; ‘homicidiu{m},’ M.

24. #galnesse#: comp. ‘þe Scorpiun of Lecherie[;] þet is, of golnesse,’
AR 204/15. #awakenet#, originated; comp. 64/61, 66/91, 143/70; AR 44/9,
220/9; HM 27/8, 31/5; ‘woden . . . whence first awoke the West-Saxon
bloud royall,’ L’isle, Divers Ancient Monuments, sig. f 3 v. #of
galnesse awakenet# are not represented in M, though necessary to the

25. #nomeliche#, particular, proper; exceptionally an _adj._ here; in l.
27, as usually, an _adv._ corresponding to OE. #namcūþlīce#; comp. ‘ne
ne muhte, ase ich wene, mide none muðe nomeliche nemen ham,’ AR 226/6.
‘touȝ peccheȝ seueralment par lour p{ro}pre nouns[;] ne porreit nul hom
contier,’ F.

26. #beoð bilokene#: ‘includu{n}tur,’ M: comp. ‘Auh ine þeo þet beoð her
etforen iseid alle þeo oðre beoð bilokene,’ AR 226/7. ilokene CT.

27. #understonden him#, perceive; see 13/34 note and comp. ‘þenne aȝe we
to understonden us | from alle uuele he scal blecen us,’ OEH i. 57/63,
64; ‘Peter · anon þer after · hyne vnderstod · | Hwat his louerd hedde
iseyd,’ OEM 45/297, 8. #of#: the genitive of the thing perceived is
found in OE., ‘ðe hiora ðeninga cuðen understondan,’ Cura Past. 3/4.

28. #imeane#, ‘general heads,’ Morton, evidently taking it for the
_adj._ used as a noun: it seems better to regard it as the _adv._
generaliter, referring each species of sin to its genus. T omits; B
alters by inserting þat, which I indicate. ‘Nec est a{liqui}s ut puto
qui [non] possit intellig{er}e suu{m} p{ec}c{a}t{u}m sub aliquo
p{re}d{i}c{t}or{um} contineri,’ M.

29. #anlich#: comp. ‘he (S. John Baptist) . . . wende into onliche stude
iðe wildernesse,’ AR 160/7. #þe--for donne#: nothing corresponding in M.
#for fearinde#: forð farinde CT; uorðfarinde N; ‘passanȝ,’ F.

31. #hehe . . . iheortet#: comp. ‘ase of prude[;] of great heorte[;]
oðer of heih heorte,’ AR 342/24. #hehe#, adverb; LWS. #hēage#, comp.
68/142. #ouerhohe#: ouerhoȝe C; ou{er} hehe T; ouer heie N. Apparently
they all mean, too loftily; the forms with _o_ may be due to the
influence of ouerhowien (comp. 28/323): ouerhowe, contempt, occurs as a
noun, ‘ouerhowe of eorðliche þinges,’ AR 276/3, HM 43/4 (comp. OE.
#oferhoga#, a contemner): for hehe in B is corrupt. M has ‘elatos

32. #iþonket#: iþonked C; iðoncked N, is explained as a new formation
from iþanc, OE. #geþanc#, thought, thus meaning thoughted, but the
versions connected it with þankien, OE. #þancian#, ‘Serpens uenenosus
inuidos ⁊ ingratos,’ M; ‘La venimouse serpente lenuious ⁊ ceauȝ qe sunt
de male voluntee vers lour bienfetours,’ F. T has ‘þe ondfule ⁊ te
luðere iþohtet: ꝥ beo{n} malicius ⁊ luðere aȝain oðere’; luþere J·hertet
V. The unicorn stands for Pride, not Anger, in the patristic literature;
comp. Cohn, Zur literarischen Geschichte des Einhorns, ii. 8.

33. #o rawe#, in their order, in succession. #to--isleine#:
‘Int{er}fecti quo ad d{eu}m,’ M; ‘q{a}nt a dieu[;] il sunt tueȝ,’ F.
Comp. ‘mest al þe world, þet is gostliche isleien mid deadliche sunnen,’
AR 156/9.

34. #hond#, control: the MSS., except V which has warde, agree with B:
‘in eius excercitu,’ M; ‘de sa meignee,’ F. #of#: comp. 56/48; a
locative use = in.

35. #falleð#, is proper to, is in accordance with his nature; comp.
54/6: ‘quilib{et} de officio ad se p{er}tinente,’ M, ‘qe a lui
apent,’ F.

36. #draheð wind#: the germ of this comparison is possibly, ‘Qui
inflantur superbia, vento pascuntur,’ Isidore vi. 241/4. Comp. also,
‘Dominus cuidam heremite ostendit in spiritu tres homines quorum unus in
monte excelso trahebat ventum ore aperto . . . Hii sunt vani et superbi
homines qui vane glorie ventum attrahunt et multa opera faciunt ut ab
hominibus laudentur,’ Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 68/2.

37. #hereword#: comp. 84/69; ‘don hware þuruh me buð þene kinedom of
heouene, ⁊ sulleð hit for a windes puf of wor[l]des hereword[;] of
monnes heriunge,’ AR 148/2; OEH ii. 83/20; ‘vent de veyn glorie,’ Bozon
89/25. #idel ȝelp#: comp. ‘Se seofoða leahter is iactantia gecweden |
þæt is ydel gylp on ængliscre spræce,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 356/300; OEH i.
103/29; VV 5/20; Orm 10/391; SK 470.

38. #orhel#, pride: so T; oreȝel C; horel N; gle P; craft V; ‘pompose
melodie,’ F, confusing it with orgel, organ.

39. #o--world#, in four quarters of the world: comp. ‘æt þissum feower
endum middangeardes,’ BH i. 95/13; ‘þenne sculen engles mid bemen
blauwen on fower halue þe world,’ OEH i. 143/18. As to the form of the
expression, N reads, a uour halue þe worlde; P, on foure half þe werlde;
all the other MSS. have uninflected half and world (word B), and omit
of. For the ellipsis compare the similar construction of side: half
apparently follows the analogy of pound and similar words of measure.

40. #grurefule . . . grisliche#: see 120/95. #Ariseð#: see 58/77.

42. #iborhen#: iboreȝen C; iboruwen N; iburhen T; ‘saluab{itur},’ M.

43. #inohreaðe#: a favourite word with our author, comp. 62/41; 143/74,
and not found outside AR and the group associated with it. It means
literally, quite quickly, quite readily, but in AR it is mostly a
sentence adverb meaning, quite possibly, probably; comp. ‘ant so ofte
inouhreðe ne dest tu hit nout i rihte time,’ AR 270/6. inochraðe C;
inohraðe T: ‘parauenture,’ F. #dimluker#: of this comparative,
descending from an OE. *#dimlīce#, there does not appear to be any other
example: for the termination see 125/270. Elsewhere in ME. dim is used
of the voice. ‘min{us} sonare{n}t,’ M; ‘plus coiement son{er}eient lour
busme,’ F.

44. #Jeremie#: sein Jerem’ T; sein Jerome C. #solitarius#: ‘assuetus in
solitudine,’ Jer. ii. 24. M has ‘Onag{er} in desiderio . . . sui ·i·
vane gl{ori}e.’ T omits sui.

45, 46. N, apparently puzzled by seið ABCT, remodels, Of þeo ðet draweð
wind i{n}ward uor luue of hereword · seið ieremie[;] ase ich er seide.
The other MSS. agree with A, but T has prud for wind, and C omits in.
#seið#, means; ‘And seið syon ase muchel on englische leodene ase heh
sihðe,’ HM 5/6. P omits #seið--seide#.

47. #iuglurs#: joculatores, called ‘menestraus,’ AR 84/11; ‘nebulones,’
W. of Malmesbury, ii. 438, were usually a combination of minstrel,
storyteller, tumbler and buffoon, but those in the text are limited in
their means of making mirth.

48. #makien--ehnen#, pull faces, twist their mouths awry, look obliquely
with their eyes: ‘mutare uultu{m}. curuare os. obliq{ua}re oculos,’ M;
‘faire cheres besturner la bouche ⁊ trestourner les eoilȝ delesclent,’
F. #schulen#, #schuleð#, l. 53, are found only in this passage: OE.
#(be) scȳlan#; dialectic sheyle, shyle. T has schuldi (? through
confusion with #scyldan#), but sculeð at l. 53: P, sculleh (for scullen,
scowl); V, staren.

49. #seruið#: comp. with this and the following paragraphs a passage
from an anonymous sermon of the fourteenth century, ‘Nota quam bonos
(servos) habet diabolus qui ad nutum sibi obediunt, imo qui nutum eius
praeveniunt. Habet suos ioculatores, scilicet lascivos; suos traiectores
qui trahunt de sacco plus quam sit in sacco, omnes male iudicantes et
maledicos; suos thesaurarios, omnes avaros; suos gladiatores, omnes
contentiosos; suos advocatos, omnes detractores; suos insidiatores,
omnes invidos; suos latrinarios, omnes gulosos; et sic de aliis. Certe
periculosum est servire tali domino,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 101.
#bringen o lahtre#, induce to laugh; a curious expression, which seems
to be without parallel: ‘ut ad risu{m} prouocet,’ M, ‘p{ur} mettre en
risee,’ F.

50 B. #liki# is a scribe’s mistake for loki. Comp. ‘Riht so hit farþ bi
þan ungode | Þat nouht ne isyhþ to none gode,’ ON 245, 6.

51. #þider#: þiderwart C; þiderward N. #riht--heorte#: comp. ‘þa eagan
minre heortan,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 28/425, 38/559; ‘mid þe eȝene of his
horte,’ OEH i. 157/28, 203/11; ‘Ablinde þe heorte, heo is eð ouercumen,’
AR 62/10, 90/22, 178/16; ‘opene to vnderstonde þe ehne of þin heorte,’
HM 3/15; ‘espiritel sacrement | Ke nus od le oil de cuer ueum,’ Adgar,
175/283. See also 115/119, and comp. ‘lay to the eere of thy herte,’
Rule of St. Benet, 1/3. For #ehe# C has echȝe. #winkið#: the writer had
perhaps in mind, ‘Annuens oculo fabricat iniqua . . . novissime autem
pervertet os suum, et in verbis tuis dabit scandalum,’ Ecclus. xxvii.
25, 26.

52. #o ꝥ half#: on C; oþere half N. He closes the eye which looks in the
direction of the good deed: ‘S{ed} ex p{ar}te illa co{n}niue{n}t oclis,’
M. The readings of the passage which follows are, ⁊ bi halt o luft · ȝef
þer is eawet to edwiten oðer · ladliche þiderwart schuleð wið eiðer · C;
⁊ biholdeð oluft ⁊ asquint · ⁊ ȝif þer is out to eadwiten · oðer
lodlich[;] þiderward heo schuleð mid eiðer eien · N; ⁊ bihaldeð oluf ȝif
þer is eyt to edwite{n} · oðer loken laðliche þiderward · sculeð mid
eiðer hwe{n} &c. T. A means, turn away their unclosed eye to the left
and suspiciously try to pick holes in the good, or else they scowl
wickedly at it with both eyes. BCV seem to have lost an infinitive after
oþer. In N lodlich agrees with out. M has ‘⁊ q{uas}i a sinist{ri}s
vident · si q{ui}d sit ibi q{uo}d rep{re}hendant · u{e}l displicent{er}
se h{abe}nt’: F ‘regardent del senestre sil i ad rien qe rep{ro}uer ou
laid cele part regardent en esclench · dautre part q{a}nt il oient le
bien,’ &c. #o luft#, on the left side, askance, an expression of
suspicion, Milton’s ‘squint suspicion,’ Comus 413, or of incredulity as
to the genuineness of the good deed. But ‘ibi’ in M suggests another
explanation; he looks in another direction to see if he can there find
something else to find fault with.

53. #skleatteð--adun#, slaps down the flaps of his ears: scletteð C;
sleateð N; sclattes T; ‘dep{ri}m{un}t aures,’ M.

54. #lust#, hearing; ‘auditus’ M: OE. #hlyst#. C has luft, and F
accordingly ‘Mes la senestre enqore al mal est touȝ iours ou{er}te.’ T
has luf and P loue. In 53 B #ea# may be miswritten for aa, ever.

55. After #muð#, CNV add mis.

56. #lastunge#: so CN; ‘ampliori det{ra}ctac{i}one,’ M; leasinge T;
sustenynge V, due to confusion with lasten, endure: ‘par plus
entocch{er},’ F.

58. #eateliche#: atterluche T; no _adj._ in P. #ageasten#: glopnen T;
rapelich glutten P, the former word due to reading #ȝet# as ȝer. There
is an OWScand. glúpna, to be surprised, but Björkman (241) thinks a
Scand. origin of the English word doubtful. Comp. the modern dialectic
gloppen in the North and North Midland; glottened, startled, is also
recorded for Shropshire.

59. #niuelin#: niuelen CNT; nyuelen V; P omits: probably means to
snuffle: M has ‘geme{n}t’; F, no equivalent: is possibly a form of
snivel, and is recorded in EDD. for Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire, to
turn up the nose in disdain. #makien sur semblant#, wear a rueful
countenance: comp. 117/19; ‘ȝif þu makest ei sembla{u}nt,’ AR 90/18:
loþly semblaunt P; ‘frunt vn egre semblant,’ F.

61. #hond#: ha{m} T.

62. #makien grim chere#: comp. ‘niuelen ⁊ makien sure ⁊ grimme chere,’
AR 240/4; ‘makeð hire ueire cheres,’ id. 218/11. M has ‘q{u}i{a} p{rius}
discu{n}t officiu{m} suu{m} · ut facia[n]t horribilem’ [uultum].

63. #skirmeð#: Master Walter Leskirmissour, who performed before Edward
the First at Whitsuntide 1306, was, no doubt, an artist of this sort. A
picture of one who is keeping three knives and three balls going in the
air may be seen reproduced in Strutt, Horda Angelcynnan, i. plate 19.
#⁊#: BC omit.

64. #warpere#: so C; worpere N; cast{er}e T. M has ‘Iracu{n}dus coram
diabolo pu{n}g{na}t ut pugil · cu{m} cultellus est p{ro}tector
cultelloru{m}’; his original had probably cultellis, and projector;
possibly protector represents a mistake, warde, or wardere.

65. #eiðer beoð#: eiðer baðe ha beoð C, with same meaning.

66. #he . . . him . . . he#: ho . . . hire . . . ho T, and so hire for
him in the next three lines. #warpeð#: so C; warpes T; worpeð N. #from#:
frommard N; see 77/63 note. #skirmeð#, directs, aims: ‘i{m}pu{n}g{na}t,’
M. P has kerueþ.

67. #eawles#, hooks; comp. 120/126: used of the torturer’s hook, SK
2178; SM 6/28; the ‘īsen hoc’ of BH 43/25. In Ælf. Gloss. 316/6 #āwul#
glosses L. fascinula (= fuscinula), the Vulgate word at 1 Sam. ii. 14,
which is a diminutive of fuscina, ‘quoddam instrumentum ferreum . . .
quo vtuntur . . . piscatores ad pisces capiendos, coci ad carnes
extrahendas de caldario,’ Catholicon. F has ‘crochouns’; M ‘cum
creag{ri}s’: creagra (= κρεάγρα), fleshhook, occurs in the Vulgate at 2
Paralip. iv. 11, 16. Similarly, ‘And when þai hadde on hym ylayd | Her
scharpe hokes al þo | It was in a sori playd | Ytoiled boþe to ⁊ fro,’
Desputisoun, ed. Linow, 56/477.

67-69. #skirmi--ut#: M has dimicabunt for #pleien#; but otherwise
nothing corresponding to this passage: F ‘ietteru{n}t, lun vers
laltre[;] sicome pesce de policon ⁊ despeies denf{er} le p{er}cer{un}t

68. #dusten#, fling; a word characteristic of the group SK, SJ, SM;
comp. 120/127: dunchen P, push, strike. #pilche clut#, rag of a pilch,
whether that means a garment of fur or skin, or the nether garment of an
infant: but the latter meaning is not evidenced till the seventeenth

69. #asneasen#: snesen C; sneasin T; alsnesien N; stingen V; pierce: OE.
#āsnǣsan#. For #ꝥ# see 1/10 note.

72. #tutel#, mouth: the word, which occurs only in AR, descends from a
Teutonic root, meaning something projecting, comp. Franck, _s.v._ Tuit;
in its English use it has acquired a derivative meaning like its O.
French congener tuel, tuelet, pipe, passage: comp. ‘þe veond of helle
. . . went þurh þe tutel ꝥ is euer open into þe heorte,’ AR 74/7,
‘ȝeoniinde tuteles,’ (= aures prurientes) 80/15. For the verb #tuteleð#,
whispers, comp. 64/88; ‘þinne tutelinde muð,’ AR 106/28; ‘garulat ei
q{ui}cq{uit} uult,’ M. For #eare# C has arm.

73. #hwam se#: se C. #idel of god#, not occupied in good; comp. 64/87;
‘uol of zennes, and ydel of alle guode,’ Ayenbite, 131/12; ‘ydel of
guode workes,’ id. 218/20: the construction with _of_ is rare; Wiclif
has from: ‘huclif (read hucsif) de bien faire,’ F; ‘ociosis,’ M.

74. #underueð#: underfeð C; underuoð N; vndertakes T; vnderfongeþ P;
vnderuongeþ V: underweng B is no doubt for underuengþ. #ȝemeles#: C has
scheomeles corrected into ȝemeles. #is þes#: is tis T; is wel C.

75. #bearnes#: so C; barnes V: but bermes N; barm T; barme P: ‘le dormir
al filz del diable ⁊ a la fille,’ F; ‘Ociu{m} ⁊ negligencia ⁊ so{m}nus
sunt pueri diaboli,’ M, surely a translator’s mistake. For #abreiden# T
has abreien.

76. #wontreaðe#: comp. 121/129, 143/96: wṛontrede C; wondrede N;
wand{re}ðe T: OWScand. vandrǽði (Björkman, 92, 290). V substitutes
serwen: P for this and the next word, wonderlich.

77. #echeliche#: so T; ateliche CN; ferfulliche V. M has nothing
corresponding to ⁊--wakien: F ‘en la meseise denf{er} pardurablement
veillera,’ but no Latin quotation. #Surgite# &c.: all the MSS. agree
with B in this quotation. Part of it is in S. Jerome, ‘Semper tuba illa
terribilis vestris perstrepet auribus, Surgite mortui, venite ad
iudicium,’ ed. Martianay, 1706, v. 438; also in Alanus, ‘Vos qui iacetis
in sepulchris surgite et occurrite ad iudicium salvatoris,’ 63 b.

79. #Þe--esken#: the readings are, Þe giscere is his eskebach fareð
abuten esken C; Þe ȝisc{er}e is his askebaðe · fares abute{n} askes T;
Þe ȝiscare is þes feondes askebaðie ⁊ lið eu{er} iþen asken · ⁊ fareð
abuten asken N; Þe couetous mon · is þe fendes askebaþi · ffareþ abouten
asken V; Þe coueitouse man haþ swich a bay þ{a}t he liþ eu{er}e in þe
askes ⁊ askes al aboute{n} hym P. askebaðe is a Scandinavian word,
meaning one who bathes or sits in ashes, similar are Danish askefis,
blower in ashes, askepot, wallower in ashes (Björkman, 135, 6), and the
English dialectal ashypet. #feareð abuten esken#, is busy with ashes:
the usual _prep._ is with; comp. 5/6. The form of the expression agrees
with 56/36, 58/92, and contrasts with the vague ‘Cupidi est officiu{m}
cineres co{n}gregare · cumulare ⁊ cumulos multiplicare’ M: F has ‘Li
couoitous en son despit enfant qest touȝ iours entour la ceindre ⁊
ententiuement sentremette damonceiller la ceindre ensemble a g{ra}nȝ ⁊
plusours monceals,’ where despit is probably a mistake for esp{er}it and
qest for gist; the passage looks like a translation of an original
wrongly read as, þe ȝiscere in his estre babe lið euer abuten asken.

80. #ruken#, heaps: probably a Scandinavian word (Björkman, 252): used
in this sense still in North and North-Midland dialects.

81. #peaðereð#, pokes, stirs up: paðereð CN; puðeres T; poþereþ P;
Piþeriþ V. A word of obscure origin: potter, pother, of same meaning,
represent it in modern Yorkshire and Lincolnshire dialects: ‘palpat ⁊
planat,’ M; ‘Trestourne la cendre de fusiaus,’ F. #augrim#: ‘algorismi,’
M; arithmetic.

82. #canges#, fool’s: for the word, which is characteristic of the AR,
SK, HM group, see Björkman, 290, note 4. T substitutes askebaðes. P
reads conions; F has ‘cangon.’

84. After #wis mon# T adds ⁊ wummo{n}, and for #eorðlich# T has

85. #ahte# appears to have been repeated by mistake from the foregoing.
#ablendeð#, probably from ‘Quid aliud detrahentes faciunt, nisi in
pulverem sufflant, atque in oculos suos terram excitant,’ S. Gregorii
Opera, ii. 193.

86. #bolheð#, inflates: boleȝeð C; boluweð N; bolhes T; bolneþ P; bloweþ
V. M strangely, ‘excecant (i.e. cineres) insufflantem ⁊ inflant’: F
‘Cest qi se enfle par eus en orgoil de queor.’

87. #mare--neodeð# belongs to #ethalt#: T has mare þen hire nedes.

88. #wurðen him#, become for him; ‘vertet{ur},’ M. T has hire, and
similarly twice in the next line. #tadden#: frouden P; see 46/273. #ba#:
boðe N; Baðe T.

89. #hwitel#: whittel P; OE. #hwītel# is usually a mantle, cloak; the
sense here accords better with Icel. hvítill; it means a blanket spread
over the bed straw to lie on. So the poor man in Piers Plowman has a too
short ‘substratum,’ ‘when he streyneþ hym to strecche · þe straw is hus
whitel,’ C 284/76; Walter of Henley quotes as an English proverb, ‘wo
þat strechet forþerre þan his wytel wyle reche, in þe straue his fet he
mot streche,’ Husbandry 4/6. ‘de v{er}mib{us} erit tam coop{er}toriu{m}
q{ua}m substratoriu{m},’ M; ‘son cou{er}tour ⁊ sa coilte,’ F; coilte
meaning mattress. The reading of N, his kurtel ⁊ his kuuertur, spoils
the meaning.

90. #Subter# &c.: Isa. xiv. 11; the Vulgate has erunt vermes.

92. For #manciple# M has mancipium, which may = manceps, purveyor. #ah#:
Uor N: TP omit.

94. #neppes#, drinking cups, but Morton translates ‘table cloth.’ nepp
C; neppe N; nappes TP; cuppe V; ‘ciphis,’ M; ‘hanaps,’ F. #crohhe#: so
T; crochȝe C; OE. #crōh#: crocke NPV; OE. #crocca#: ‘urceolo,’ M;
‘poot,’ F.

95. #bismuddet#: so BT, a form found here only; comp. ‘smod,’ stain,
E. E. Allit. Poems, 59/711: bismotted V, from be + smot; both words mean
besmutted, smudged. C has bismuðeled, which, with ð for d, appears to be
a derivative of *besmud. bismitted N; OE. #smittian#, to stain;
discoloured. bismoked P, grimed with smoke, is a substitution for a less
familiar word. #bismulret#: bismurlet T; bismorlet V point to a
*#smyrlian# from #smyrels#, ointment: bismeored C; bismeoruwed N;
bismured B; bismered P, besmeared, are variant spellings of the same
word; OE. #besmierwan#. ‘perfusus et fedatus,’ M, a colourless
expression beside the vigorous English; ‘esmite ⁊ enbroe,’ F. #scale#:
OWScand. skál, bowl (Björkman, 92, 93): schale CP; scoale N; skale T;
bolle V.

96. #mis wordes#, words mispronounced; comp. 62/43 note for another
meaning: ‘iargoune paroles corrumpneme{n}t,’ F. P omits all from
Meaðeleð to fallen. #haueð imunt#, has an inclination; OE. #gemyntan#,
intend, purpose: the use here is peculiar: þat is in poynt to fallen V;
‘en pensee de cheir,’ F.

98. ‘Ecce servi mei’ &c., Isa. lxv. 13.

99. #hungrin#: impersonal; comp. 188/390.

100. #feorle#: apparently for feorli = OE. #fǣrlic#, sudden; used in ME.
for wonder: it may have been suggested by vos confundemini in the next
verse: comp. ‘Tamquam prodigium factus sum multis,’ Ps. lxx. 7. But all
the MSS. are with B, and F has ‘vous serieȝ la pouture del enemy.’
#Quantum# &c.: Apocal. xviii. 7. The following #Contra# &c. is adapted
from ‘in poculo, quo miscuit, miscete illi duplum.’ M has the Latin of
the text. CN read luctum ⁊ tormentum.

103. #kealche#: kelche BT; keache C. V has ȝif þ{o}u þe kelche þe cuppe.
Wallynde bras to drinken, and P ȝiue þe gloton þe coppe · he þat wil
eu{er}e drynk · Coppe in glotonye ȝiue hy{m} wellande bras to drinken,
from which it is evident that they regarded kelche as an independent
word, perhaps as = OE. #celic#, cup, used for drinker. But the
construction points to a compound, kelche-cuppe, of which the first
element must be a verb, perhaps the word which has survived in the
Northern dialects as kelch, to throw up, keiltch, an upward lift or
push; giving a meaning for the combination of tosspot. M has ‘miscete ei
duo. pro cyphatu potus: date ei es candens’; where cyphatus means the
man provided with a cup (scyphus). N has gulchecuppe, compound from
gulchen, to swallow greedily; comp. ‘ne beo hit neuer so bitter, ne
iueleð he hit neuer[;] auh gulcheð in ȝiuerliche,’ AR 240/2 (gluccheð A;
glucches T). #wallinde bres#: comp. 146/118.

104. #swelte inwið#, burn within: form from #sweltan#, to swoon, die,
with meaning from #swelan#, to burn: aswelte wiðinnen N: ‘qil arde tout
de denȝ,’ F; M has nothing corresponding to ȝeot--inwið. #aȝein# &c.:
comp. ‘Aȝaines an likinge; habben twa ofþunchunges,’ HM 7/35.


Passages in C (mostly interlined or marginal) which are not in N are
inserted between asterisks in the text of the latter. The collations at
the foot of pp. 60-75 show the other divergences of C and those of T
from N; when not followed by any letter they give the readings of T;
those followed by C are the readings of C, while B indicates agreement
of T and C as against N.

The Eighth Book of the Ancrene Wisse consists of a brief introduction,
to the effect that the outer rule is not rigidly binding, and seven
sections (‘stucchenes’ 72/188) treating of i. eating and drinking; ii.
worldly possessions and dealings, ll. 1-25; iii. clothes, 26-67; iv.
occupations, 67-100; v. care of the person, 101-20; vi. servants,
120-222; vii. use of the rule, and conclusion, 223-39.

1. #bute--reade# corresponds to frequent phrases in the Gilbertine Rule,
like ‘nisi necessitas postulet aliqua hoc fieri,’ ‘nisi magister aliter
iusserit.’ With the former compare 60/18, 62/20, 64/84, 74/217; with the
latter 60/13, 62/30, 37, 66/98; ‘þes riwle ⁊ alle oðre beoð in owres
scriftes read ⁊ in oweres meistres breoste,’ MS. C f. 190. The master is
‘presbyter aliquis senex maturus moribus, cui raro, nisi de confessione
et animae aedificatione, [inclusa] loquatur. A quo consilium accipiat in
dubiis, in tribulationibus consolationem,’ Ailred, 642 c.

3. #þuncheð bet#, seemeth to be rather. The contrast of Martha and Mary,
the active and the contemplative life, is a favourite topic in the AR;
‘Husewifschipe is Marthe dole[;] and Marie dole is stilnesse and reste
of alle worldes noise,’ 414/16. Less frequently it is Lya and Rachel
that are opposed, Hugh of S. Victor, i. 133.

5. #for# &c.: the passage is based on Ailred, ‘Aliae [inclusae] . . .
pecuniae congregandae vel multiplicandis pecoribus inhiant: tantaque cum
hac sollicitudine in his extenduntur, ut eas matres vel dominas
familiarum existimes, non anachoretas. Quaerunt aliquibus pascua,
pastores . . . Sequitur emptio et venditio’ &c., 641 c, but its vivid
detail and interest are all the writer’s own.

6. #Olhnin#, wheedle, get on the right side of; a word peculiar to AR,
SJ, SK, SM; ‘couendra . . . de querre la g{ra}ce de messer,’ F.
#heiward#: OE. *#hægweard# occurring in _dat._ hæigwerde; adopted by the
writer of Quadripartitus, p. 22 (_c._ 1100), as heiwardo, _d._, but
often called messor; among other duties, he kept cattle out of the
enclosed fields and impounded strays: see Liebermann, Gesetze, i. 452;
Leo, Rectitudines, 245. #wearien#: warien NCT; OE. #wergian#, curse,
revile; comp. ‘ne ne warien hwon me agulteð to ou,’ AR 186/2, 284/22;
‘Ȝe ne schulen uor none þinge ne warien, ne swerien,’ 70/20: ‘mandir
(for maudir) le q{a}nt il les enparke,’ F.

7. #ȝelden# &c., and moreover pay for the damage done. #wat crist#:
comp. ‘Deu le set,’ AR 382/17. #hwen# &c., when there is complaint among
the people at large about the recluse’s cattle, or possibly, wealth. The
order of the words forbids the explanation, ‘complaint of anchoresses’
cattle in an enclosure,’ Morris. For the vague use of #in tune#, comp.
KH 153 note. Comp. ‘si bestias haberetis, aliena pascua forsitan
occupare{n}t, essetque magnus clamor vicinorum dicentium: Utinam isti
eremitae nunquam advenissent, nam multiplex eorum possessio multiplex
nobis infert impedimentum,’ S. Stephani Grandimontensis Regula; De
bestiis non habendis; Migne, P. L. cciv. col. 1143: possibly the source
of this place.

8. #Nu þenne# introduces a command, 123/218, 126/311, or request 119/78,
or argument 122/191, but its use here for still, notwithstanding, is
peculiar. Note that the scribe of T deleted þenne in favour of þah.

10. #ifestnet#: L has nothing corresponding to the following
ancre--heorte, but instead ‘Cauens en{im} psalmista [di]cente. Nolite
cor appon[ere]’; a reference to Ps. lxi. 11.

11. #driue#, practise, pursue: comp. 130/72; ‘þa þe þone ceaþ drifað,’
Benedictine Rule, ed. Schröer, 95/11; ‘ꝥ nis bute dusilec | al ꝥ ha
driueð,’ SK 424, 5, 1798; ‘long wune is her driuen,’ GE 1681. #chepilt#,
a female trader, one who buys to sell at a profit, as the text explains.

12. #efter#: see 7/53. #chepeð#, offers for sale, with _dat._ chapmon;
comp. ‘And chepte heom to sullen vre helare,’ OEM 40/115, but with prep.
in sense of buying, ‘Ȝif me cheapeð on of þeos et ou,’ AR 190/8.

14 C: the addition þah--wordes, not in any other MS., is noteworthy: F
has nothing corresponding to it or to the sentence in A, þing--honden.

14. #sumhwile#: he is probably thinking of the Fathers of the Desert,
who plaited mats of palm, for the Vitas Patrum was a favourite book of
his. The regulation is only of general application, these sisters being
fully provided for.

15. #wite#, take charge of: in troublous times the anchorhold would be
regarded as a place of safe deposit. #of#: so CN, but T omits (correct
footnote by deleting B); it depends on #Nawt#. ‘Rien ne gardeȝ en
v{os}tre maisone daltrui choses,’ F. In N #of# must be partitive, for
witen takes the _acc._ of the thing guarded: see 118/52 note.

16. #boistes#, boxes, caskets, mostly for ointment, but here probably
jewel cases. #chartres#, deeds; probably the earliest instance.
#Scoren#, scrolls: OF. escroe; comp. ‘Scrowe oðer quaer,’ AR 282/29.

17. #cyrograffes#, indentures, bonds; an early instance of the word.
#calices#: there was a special objection, ‘nulla femina . . . calicem
Domini tangat,’ Udalrici Sermo Synodalis, Migne, P. L. cxxxv. 1071 b.

18. #strengðe#, violence: comp. 40/168: ‘bute vor neod one, als strengðe
⁊ deaðes dred,’ AR 6/23; ‘auh teares doð him strencðe’ (= lacrima
cogit), id. 244/27; ‘Ne dede dieuel him none strengþe,’ VV 113/19. F has

20. #makeð--hus#, causes your house to be laid open; comp. 117/8,
118/28; ‘oðer ȝif þu iherdest þeoues breken þine woawes,’ AR 242/23. The
Gilbertine Rule, while forbidding access to the nuns ordinarily, says
‘propter ignis incendium vel mortis instantis periculum, vel propter
furtum et latrocinium omnibus sustinemus introitum,’ p. *lxxvi.

22. #seoð#: comp. ‘Nullich ꝥ no mon iseo ou bute he habbe leaue speciale
of ower meistre,’ AR 56/21; ‘inclusa etiam facie velata loqui debet cum
viro,’ Ailred, 642 d. #wel mei don of#, it matters little about: #don#
means originally, serve, suffice, as in ‘that will do,’ but the phrase
with the words in this order is specialized: comp. ‘Ah wel mæi do{n} hu
hit ga[;] for wræcches we beoð æuere ma,’ L 12754, 5; ‘Scheome is
understonden bi þe reade[;] auh wel mei don,’ AR 356/11, where Morton
mistranslates. Quite different is, ‘an olde ancre mei don wel ꝥ tu dest
vuele,’ AR 52/9. T has duhen here, as A at 64/59 and C at 65/52,
ordinarily meaning to be of profit, to avail, but the sense is the same
as in the phrase containing don. The construction is impersonal; ancre
is _dative_ at 64/59, 65/52, as at 64/74: for #of#, concerning, comp.
‘he . . . dyde of heom ꝥ he wolde,’ AS. Chron. D 208/9. ‘De colore
aute{m} vest{ium} non est m{u}ltu{m} curandu{m},’ L; ‘ne puit chaler de
voȝ draps,’ F.

23. #unorne#, plain, rough: ‘vils,’ F; ‘du{m} [ta]me{n} no{n} n[im]is
(?) exq{ui}site,’ L. But Förster (Morsbachs Studien l. 171) would
translate, ordinary, usual.

24. #ow to neodeð#: comp. ‘nimen . . . þet hire to neodeð,’ AR 414/24.
#ow# is _dat._ depending directly on the verb, the usual construction of
the person in EME. for neoden and neod, comp. 123/210; #to# is adverbial
and a superfluity, quite in the manner of the writer, comp. ‘þurh hwat
muhte sonre ful luue of aquiken,’ AR 58/10; ‘þet ich spec er of
þeruppe,’ id. 372/23; 130/80 note. Contrast, ‘Nefde he nane neode to us
ac we hefden muchele neode to him,’ OEH i. 123/35, where to = of. #to
bedde#: comp. ‘to ruggen and to bedde[;] iscrud mid gode webbe,’ L
19946, 7; ‘Nowe is the tyme of the yere when provysion was wont to be
made . . . of ther wynter vesturys [to] theyr bodyes and to ther
beddis,’ Wright, Suppression of Monasteries, 68/4: ‘a lit ⁊ a dos,’ F.

26. #linnene#: its use in any form was a great concession. It was noted
that Abbot Roger Norreys of Evesham, in his contempt for the Rule,
‘camisiis et lintheaminibus . . . palam utebatur,’ Chron. Abb. de
Evesham, 104. #hearde#, hard; _pl._ of heard, l. 44: #herde# N 28 is the
same word, but Morris glosses it, hards, hurds, tow, and heorden, hards
of flax, referring both to #heordan#, without accounting for the
difference in form. The meaning, of hards and of coarse hards, is not
satisfactory. F has ‘sil ne seit de stupeȝ ⁊ de grosses estoupes’; the
two nouns appear to be an Anglo-French and a French form from the same
Latin word, stupa. Possibly the former means tow of flax and the latter
tow of hemp; anyhow the cloth was called stupacium. Comp. generally,
‘Porro talia ei vestimenta sufficiant quae frigus repellant.
Grossioribus peliciis utatur, & pellibus propter hyemem, propter
aestatem autem unam habeat tunicam: utroque vero tempore duas de
stupacio camisias vel staminas,’ Ailred, 644 e.

27. #Stamin#: OF. estamine, an under-garment loosely woven of coarse
wool, nearly as uncomfortable as a hair shirt, ‘camiseam de grossiori
panno [habeant], si voluerint’ of the Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxix.
‘Estamiȝ,’ F.

28. #hetter#, garment: ‘vn de voȝ vestures,’ F. OE. _pl._ #hæteru#,
often in ME. as singular. ‘Vestiti quoque dormiant et cincti, vt semper
sint parati,’ Grimlaici Regula Solitariorum, in Holstenii Codex, i. 291.
Lay folk did not in those days wear night clothes. #leoðeliche#,
loosely: the ME. adverb corresponding to the OE. adjective #liþig#,
flexible; comp. OWScand. liðugr, free: liðeliche, 72/194 is OE. #līþe#,
soft. The writer here and elsewhere shows himself anxious to mitigate
the austerities of his pupils. F has nothing corresponding to

30. #cunne# is historically genitive plural: see 132/9 note and 81/80
note. #schriftes#, confessor’s: the ‘meistre’ of 60/2: comp. 80/62; ‘bi
ure shriftes rede,’ OEH ii. 55/29; ‘mid ðe rade of þine scrifte,’ VV
127/2. In F ‘sanȝ congie de son confessour’ corresponds to ‘wiðute
schriftes leaue,’ 62/33.

31. #ilespiles felles#, hedgehogs’ skins: OE. #igil#, #īl#, hedgehog +
#pīl#, prickle; the compound is used in ME. for the animal. Comp. ‘⁊
alle [sunnen] weren prikiende so piles on ile | He biþ þicke mid piles,’
Worc. Frag. F 21, 2. In #irspiles# N 30 _r_ is probably due to OF.
heriçun: F has ‘peel diricon.’

31 N. #ileðered# in this MS. only: it must mean, furnished with leather
thongs: F has ‘[pl]umbee.’

32. #holin#: OE. #holegn#, #holen#, holly.

33. #binetli#, whip with nettles: NED. quotes from Cotgrave,
‘_enortier_, to benettle.’

34. #biuoren#, in front of the body. #ne na keoruunge#, practise no
cutting or mutilation. #ed eanes#, at any one time. F ‘a nule foiȝ.’

35. #luðere#, severe, lit. wicked. #disceplines#: ‘smerte smiten of
smale longe ȝerden,’ OEH ii. 207/6. Comp. ‘Disciplina pacis nostre super
eum, seið Isaye, þus ure beatunge ueol upon him,’ AR 366/14, 346/24.

36. #cundeliche#: for sicknesses which come in the natural course they
must not put faith in or try remedies which are unnatural, such as the
nostrums of the herb-woman: see 54/6 note. The writer in another place,
368, says that recluses are apt to be far too much concerned about
bodily health.

37. #leste# &c., lest worse befall you: see 30/18. #leste# descends from
#þȳ lǣs þe#; this is an early instance of its use.

38. #meoke#, soft, supple; comp. 64/66: the only instances in English of
the use of this word in the material sense of OWScand. mjúkr as in Icel.
mjúk-hendr, soft-handed. ‘In yeme utamini sotularib{us} grossis ⁊
callidis,’ L.

39. #Hosen wiðute vampez#, stockings without feet; the ‘chausses’ were
usually footed. ‘En chauces sanȝ auant pieȝ gise qi voudra,’ F; ‘In
caligis sine pedalib{us} dormiet{is},’ L. #vampez#, _pl._ of vampe or
vampey, are properly the front part of a boot, the ‘uppers’ (avant
pied), here they mean the whole covering of the foot. In Cavendish’s
Life of Wolsey (ed. Singer 335), Wolsey is represented as saying, ‘we do
intend . . . to go afoot . . . in the vamps of our hosen,’ i.e. in our
stocking feet. The second #and# in 35 N is superfluous.

40. #Ischeoed--bedde#: another prohibition of undue austerities. The
passage is not in any other of the English MSS., nor in F, but L has
‘calciatis nu{m}qu{am} n{e}c nisi in lecto.’

41. #Sum--wereð#, it may be that some woman wears &c. For #inohreaðe#
see 56/43; F has ‘parauenture’ here as there. #brech#, drawers; OE.
#brēc#, _pl._ of #brōc#, answering to femoralia of the monastic Rules.
#here#, haircloth; OE. #hǣre#.

42. #streapeles#, the legs of the drawers; especially so called when
they were closely confined to the limb by cross-gartering. They were
worn by men also: see Strutt’s Complete View of the Dress &c. i, plates
31, 49, 56, for good illustrations. OE. #strapul#: ‘Hoc tibiale: a
strapylle,’ Wright, Vocab. 775/18, 734/23. F has ‘les braeis de heire
m[u]lt bien noueȝ les tiguns aual desqe a pieȝ mult ferm laceȝ,’ but
nothing corresponding to #ah--here#, which is in A alone: and yet it is
necessary to the sense. The writer does not approve of the ‘brech of
here,’ a sweet and patient disposition is better, an often-repeated
idea; ‘Þis is Godes heste, þet him is muchele leouere þen þet tu ete
gruttene bread, oðer werie herde here,’ AR 186/10. L is with A, ‘Alique
utu{n}tur femoralib{us} ciliciu{m}. Mallem tame{n} in vobis cor humile ⁊
pote{n}s s{us}tinere dura v{er}ba · et p{ro}brosa · q{uam} duru{m}
ciliciu{m} portare.’

43. #swete . . . swote#: a frequent combination: comp. ‘swete ⁊ swote
iheorted,’ AR 118/3; ‘so unimete swote ⁊ swete,’ id. 102/26. #þolien#:
comp. ‘A mis-word þet ȝe þolieð . . . ȝe nolden sullen hire uor al þe
worldes golde,’ AR 190/7.

44. #ȝef--wullen#, If you can do without wimples, and you would
doubtless wish to do so.

45. #beoð bi#, have for use: comp. ‘beoð bi þe leste þet heo euer
muwen,’ AR 350/7; ‘gifð us al þat we bi ben,’ OEH ii. 69/29, 179/6.
Similarly, ‘ne na mâ wifa þonne ân hæbbe, ac beo be þære anre þa hwile,
þe heo lybbe,’ Wulfstan, 271/14 (B.-T.); ‘ne æac maran getilige to
haldænne þonne ic gêmetlice bi beon mage,’ Blooms, ES xviii. 343/43.
#cappen#: the ‘mitras lineas, nigras et forratas de agninis pellibus’ of
the Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxix.

46. #wimplunge#: so S. Bernard contrasts the wimpled fine lady and the
veiled nun, ‘Risus immoderatior, incessus lascivior, vestitus ornatior
wimplatae magis quam velatae congruerent,’ i. 123 f. The wimple was a
long strip of fine linen which encircled the head, neck, and the top of
the shoulders; at this time one end of it hung down along the left arm.
There is a good illustration of it in Shaw’s Dresses and Decorations, i,
on the middle figure of plate 10. Like other linen clothing, it was at
this time coloured with saffron; ‘hire winpel wit, oðer maked geleu mid
saffran,’ OEH ii. 163/32; Rel. Ant. ii. 15/8; the ‘ȝeolewe clað’ of
82/108. The long passage from Ancren l. 46 to wimplunge l. 59 is in AC
only; in the latter it is added on the margin, which has been cropped. L
is very fragmentary at this point, but it had matter corresponding to A.

47. #cundeliche#, by reason of her sex, because she is a woman, and
ordered as such by S. Paul to veil her head.

48. #heaued clað#: the ‘couvre-chef,’ a veil of fine linen worn on the
head. Holy Scripture says nothing of wimples or other head-dress, but
speaks of covering only. ‘Si turpe est mulieri tonderi aut decalvari,
velet caput suum,’ 1 Cor. xi. 6.

51-55. The source of this passage is probably, ‘Linus papa . . .
constituit ut mulieres in ecclesia velatae sint. Et hoc propter tres
causas fit: una est, cum sint decipula diaboli, ne laxis earum crinibus
iuvenum animi illaqueentur; . . . tertia est ut reatus originalis
peccati, qui per mulierem evenit, ad memoriam nobis revocetur. Iudex
quippe malorum est Christus: sacerdos eius vicarius. Ante sacerdotem
ergo debet se mulier velare velut rea et tanti mali sibi conscia coram
iudice celare. Unde dicit Apostolus, ut mulier velata sit propter
angelos, id est sacerdotes,’ Honorius Augustodunensis (Migne, P. L.
clxxii) 589 d. #sunfule# goes with eue; comp. 63/44.

52. #on earst#, at the beginning, would correspond to OE. *#on ǣrest#,
which is apparently not found: OE. #on ǣr# means beforehand. Comp. ‘on
erest,’ AR 264/8; ‘on earst,’ SM 14/7; ‘on alre earst,’ HM 17/25; SM
14/4. The phrase is confined to AR and its group; elsewhere at erst is

53. #drahe#, divert from their proper use: a rare meaning. #tiffunge#,

54. If #ȝetten# means yet, furthermore, it repeats and reinforces #Eft#.
As a form it seems to be quite isolated: it may be derived from ȝette
and owe its final _n_ to the influence of such pairs as ofte, often;
uppe, uppen; buten, bute; seþþen, seþþe. #ȝette# 47 C is also a rare
form; comp. 76/19; HM 13/9, 43/13; ‘ewt ꝥ mon seið þe oðer deð ȝette,’
id. 43/21. It can hardly come from #gīeta#, which gives ȝete; perhaps it
is for ȝet + þe, like þætte for þæt þe: þe ȝet is frequent in Layamon.

55. #þurh hire onsihðe#, through the seeing of her: comp. 124/253,
perhaps the only other place where the word occurs: it is possibly
formed on the analogy of OE. #ansīen#. #Et hoc# &c.: ‘Ideo debet mulier
potestatem habere supra caput propter Angelos,’ 1 Cor. xi. 10.

56. #iwimplet#: the writer is addressing an imaginary disciple who
insists on the wimple as satisfying the requirements of S. Paul. He
replies that the apostle requires more; the face also must be veiled;
his words are directed against the recluse who receives visits from men.
The wimple can be dispensed with by the recluse who keeps within her
walls and avoids the sight of men. The visits of various people to the
recluse are often referred to; see AR 56/20, 58/5, 68/16.

57. #þe# is for þe þe, as in C and at 64/60.

59. #wel# is a mistake for þurl due to anticipation of the following
wel. Three windows are mentioned, that looking into the church, the
‘chirche þurl,’ AR 68/16; the parlour window, through which they
converse with visitors and communicate with the servants, the ‘þurl’ of
74/209, AR 68/19; and the house window, the ‘rund windowe’ of the text.
Each window was hung inside and out with black cloths marked with a
white cross, AR 50/2, 96/10, and furnished with shutters; compare the
elaborate regulations for the windows in the Gilbertine Rule, Dugdale,
*lxxv. #wel mei duhen#: see 62/22 note: #ancre# is dative.

60. #þus ne dest#, i.e. hidest not thyself from men’s gaze.

61. #þer . . . of#, thereby, by reason of that, see 1/3 note: so
‘hwarof,’ whereby AR 58/22.

63. #þah#, if. Comp. ‘Ȝif we weopeð for ure owune [sunnen] hit is nout
muchel wunder,’ AR 312/23. ‘ki qe vult estre veue mes qele satife nest
pas g{ra}nt m{er}ueille,’ F.

64. #untiffet wið uten#: comp. 1 Pet. iii. 3, 4.

65. #broche#: ‘fermail,’ F; ‘firmaculos,’ L (should be firmacula).
#imembret#, striped, parti-coloured: comp. ‘Singuli Fratres singulas
zonas tantum habeant, sintque zonae eorum simplicis corrigiae, sine
fibulis & absque omni tinctura,’ Statuta Ord. Grandimont., Holst. ii.
303. #glouen#: comp. ‘Ut nunquam induant gantos,’ Regulae
Sanctimonialium Fontis Ebraldi, Migne, P. L. clxii. 1097.

57 C-61. See 66/114-19. The scribe of C copied this passage by
inadvertence at the bottom of f. 193 _r_ instead of f. 194 _r_.

66. #ow ne deh#, it is not proper for you. #meoke#, soft and pliant, not
like the heavy sheepskin winter garments. See 62/38 note.

67. #greattre#, coarser and larger pieces of work, not fancy trifles.

68. #forte--wið#, with which to get yourselves friends. ‘nec eorum (i.e.
friends) munuscula litterasque suscipias, nec illis tua dirigas, prout
moris est, puta zonas, marsupia, quae diverso stamine & subtegmine
variata sunt,’ Ailred, 642 e. In the Gilbertine Rule the nuns are
forbidden to make purses embroidered with silk, p. *xciv.

69. #huue#, coif, skull-cap: OE. #hūfe#; Germ. haube. #blodbinde#,
ligatures of silk to stop bleeding: ‘tenas,’ L (a LL. form = taenias).
#laz#, not ‘lace’ Morris, but laces, i.e. strings for lacing garments:
‘laqueos de serico,’ L.

70. #chirche claðes#: ‘les vestementȝ de seint iglise,’ F.

72. #fore#, beforehand: OE. #fore#: without telling him about it
beforehand, as well as the circumstances, your relationship to the
persons, how often you receive them, how long you entertain them.

73. #tendre of cunne#, affectionate towards kindred. The story which
follows is in Eudes de Cheriton (ed. Hervieux, 270) and in Jacques de
Vitry (ed. Crane, 54). Both were active in the first quarter of the
thirteenth century. Eudes may have found the story (which is, in any
case, an interpolation) in AR, he quotes, p. 195, a variant of the
proverb found in AR 96/24, ‘euer is þe eie to þe wude leie,’ and applies
it correctly.

74. #⁊--him#, to whom came.

75. #efter#: see 7/53.

76. #dead biburiet#: probably and has fallen out between these words.

77. #dead gasteliche#: ‘mortuus sum in claustro sepultus,’ Eudes, 271;
‘Quanti monachorum dum patris matrisque miserentur, suas animas
perdiderunt,’ S. Jerome, ii. 577.

78. The amice, L. amictus, is the oblong piece of linen which envelops
the neck of a vested priest. For a good illustration see Bock, Gesch.
der liturg. Gewänder des Mittelalters, ii. Tafel ii. To its upper edge
is sewn an apparel which forms a collar to it. The parures, apparels,
are pieces of richly embroidered cloth sewn on the amice and on the alb,
two at the lower hem before and behind, two on the cuffs, and sometimes
two on breast and back. See Shaw’s Dresses, i. plates 14, 16; Rock,
Church of our Fathers, i. 424-66. The Gilbertines were allowed to use
silk for these embroideries.

80. #mustreisun#, ostentation, boasting: OF. mo(n)straison, L.
monstrationem: NED. records a later monstrison and monstration.

81. For #gode werkes# spoilt by publishing them, see the characteristic
passage in AR 146-52. #Criblin#: the exact meaning of this word,
hitherto unrecorded, is hard to determine. Its connexion with F.
cribler, LL. criblare (in Mulomedicina Chironis, ivth cent.), L. cribrum
can hardly be doubted; it must mean some kind of open work; either
embroidery on a net foundation, ‘filatorium,’ or drawn-thread work, or,
what seems most probable, ‘tambour,’ wherein the strips of linen
stretched in a ring frame, with the pattern pierced by a bodkin and the
edges of the holes thus made framed in needlework, would above all
things suggest a sieve. Such work might be used for ornamenting altar
cloths, or pyx cloths, or even albs (see Bock, ii. 35). It was elaborate
work, such as recluses ought not to undertake.

82. #Taueles#, linen cloths which are spread on the mensa of the altar,
the ‘tres tobaleae mundae’ of the Roman rite. LL. toualia, Eng. towel.
#riueð#, stitches, sews together; OWScand. rifa, to tack, sew loosely
together: in Scottish dialects, riv.

83. #measse kemese#, albs: OE. #cemes#, LL. camisia. #nomeliche
oueregede#, especially such as are foolishly elaborate: #oueregede# is
found here only; egede is a characteristic word of the group, AR 282/13;
HM 39/2; SM 11/9.

84. #Helpeð# &c.: comp. ‘Quod ut fiat, videat inclusa, ut si fieri
potest, de labore manuum suarum vivat, hoc enim perfectum est,’ Ailred,
641 d. A general injunction, not applicable to the sisters, for whom
ample provision had been made, AR 192/16.

85. #se forð se#, as far as: comp. ‘so uorð so,’ 65/67; ‘se uorð ase,’
75/187; ‘ase forð as,’ 72/201; ‘so uorð ase,’ AR 268/10, 382/11.

86. The reference is probably to ‘ne quemquam otiosum possit diabolus
invenire, ne variis desideriis pateat cordis aditus, altera sororum
libros scribat . . . suat altera cucullas sororum,’ Opera v. 442.

87. #lihtliche#, without good reason. #allunges#, altogether, wholly:
the genitive form is less common than the dative, 70/154, which
represents OE. #eallunga#. #of sumþing . . . idel#, without something to
do: comp. 58/73. #anan rihtes#, immediately, straight away.

89. #for nawt#, to no purpose.

90. #iȝemen#: OE. #gegīeman# occurs only in the sense of treating as a
patient, amending: ȝeme T means, take heed to, give attention, the
variant in N, #ihwulen#, have leisure: comp. ‘hwon so ȝe euer muwen
ihwulen,’ AR 44/5. Apparently it occurs nowhere else.

91. ‘In desideriis est omnis otiosus,’ comp. Prov. xxi. 26. For
#awakeneð# see 54/24. ‘Ecce haec fuit iniquitas Sodomae, sororis tuae,
superbia, saturitas panis et abundantia, et otium ipsius,’ Ezech. xvi.

94. #rust#: ‘otium enim et desidia quasi quaedam rubigo sapientiae est,’
S. Jerome, ii. 773.

95, 96. From Ailred; ‘sunt quaedam inclusae, quae in docendis puellis
occupantur, et cellam suam vertunt in scholam,’ 641 f. #forwurðe#,
degenerate into; a meaning apparently found only in AR; its ordinary
sense is, to perish, 54/23. Comp. ‘Þeo þet schulden one lecnen hore
soule mid heorte bireousunge . . . uorwurðeð fisiciens ⁊ licomes leche,’
AR 368/28; ‘bicumeð (forwurðeð T) meister, þe schulde beon ancre,’

96. #ꝥ--of#, concerning whom it would be danger; comp. 1/3. For #of#,
meaning ground, cause, comp. ‘strengðe of,’ 66/116; ‘gostlich fondunge
þat is more dred of,’ AR 194/23: for #pliht#, risk, ‘Nu ne sceole ȝe
halden eower child to plihte to longe hæþene,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 6/7:
#dute# 79 N has the same meaning.

97. #bimong#: a form characteristic of AR and the allied writings.

99. See 64/68 note. In the next line #writen# probably means compose or
copy books; comp. ‘Nulla etiam de nostris praesumat libros aliquos, vel
orationes, vel meditationes scribere vel scribi facere sine assensu
prioris omnium,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxiii.

100. Their hair is to be cropped, #idoddet#, or shaven four times a
year, or if any one prefers it, trimmed, #ieueset#, but in that case,
the hair must be washed and combed more often, C 85; not more than seven
times in the year according to the Gilbertine Rule.

102. #beo bi#, as at 62/45.

103. #as ofte#: four times a year, as in the Gilbertine Rule, p. *lvi.
#þe#, who, equivalent to whoso; if any one can dispense with
bloodletting; #þer buten#, without it: see NED. _s.v._ Here § 16.

105. #þe þreo dahes#, a recognized period of indulgence; ‘Minutis tribus
diebus pitantia mane vinum autem bis datur . . . a laboribus vacant, ad
lectos redeunt, a post prandium usque ad vesperas colloquium de bonis
faciunt,’ Guigonis Consuetudines, Migne, P. L. cliii. 737.

106. #schurteð#, amuse: a rare word supposed to be cognate with Germ.
scherzen. ‘Mes dalieȝ de paroles od voȝ meschines ⁊ od honestes countes
solaceȝ vous ensemble,’ F.

107. #beoð#: the subject ȝe is understood from the preceding ow.

109. They were too severe in their austerities, AR 378/21, 228/18.

110. For #monluker# see 125/270 note.

115. #ꝥ--riwle# depends on #nan#. This passage corresponds to 65/57-61.

116. #strengðe#, weight, importance: a favourite word of the writer;
comp. ‘of þincges wiðuten . . . nis nout muche strencðe,’ AR 12/12; ‘me
schal makien strencðe of onnesse of cloþes,’ id. 12/5. For #of# see
66/97. In the introduction to part viii, he says that they must not
promise, as unwise people might do, to observe any of the external

117. #inre#, the inner rule, the ‘lady rule,’ to which the outer is but
an handmaid: comp. AR 4/10, 12/24, 410/18.

118. #skile#, reason.

119. #þuften#, handmaid; comp. 68/123; ‘for mi lauerd biseh his
þufftenes mekelac,’ HM 45/12; AR 4/11. OE. #þyften#.

120. #feareð to wundre#, goes to misfortune, ruin: OE. #wundor#, a
portentous thing. Comp. 6/46 note; 117/10; ‘þu scealt to wundre
gewurðan,’ AS. Hom., ed. Assmann, 174/163; ‘⁊ tukeð ham alto wundre,’ AR
380/15; ‘ȝeuest þin ahne dere bodi to tuken swa to wundre,’ HM 27/14;
‘so was ðis were to wunder brogt,’ GE 3977. #Ancre# &c.: the first
clause is conditional, as at 54/11; if an anchoress have not her food
close at hand, two women are busy, i.e. have plenty to do, are needed.
This absolute use of #bisie#, meaning fully employed, is noteworthy. F
has ‘Recluse qe nad pas sa vetaille pres · mestier ad dauer ij
fe{m}mes’; L, ‘Anachorita que no{n} h{abe}t victu{m} ad manu{m} indiget
duabus ancillis.’ The rule is founded on that of Ailred, ‘Itaque
eligatur tibi aliqua anus, non garrula, non vaga, non litigiosa, non
nugigerula . . . Haec ostium cellulae custodiat . . . Habeat sub cura
sua fortiorem ad onera sustinenda puellam,’ 641 f.

121. #þe leaue#, who may remain, to stay: an intransitive use.

123. #unorne#, not ‘old,’ but plain in appearance; comp. 62/23; either a
young girl or middle-aged, without adornment.

124. #beoden#, prayers: comp. ‘Cheatereð ouwer beoden euere, ase sparuwe
deð þet is one,’ AR 174/24: ‘voise disant ses proiores,’ F.

129. #dame#, mistress: each of the anchoresses had her own maids; see

132. #ȝe#: the reading of N is preferable: CT have no nominative: ‘Nul
hom ne lessent entrer,’ F.

134. #oboke#, by book; comp. ‘Sum is clergesse ⁊ sum nis nout ⁊ mot
. . . an oðer wise siggen hire ures,’ AR 6/12. #bi#, by the repetition
of: ‘die par p{at}r{e} n{ost}res,’ F. Comp. AR 24, where the writer
describes how the lay brethren of his own order say their hours.

136. Comp. ‘So þet me seið ine bisawe, “Vrom mulne ⁊ from cheping, from
smiðe ⁊ from ancre huse, me tiðinge bringeð,”’ AR 88/26: Ailred, 641 b.

140. #to uuel turnen#: ‘vnde q{ui}s aliq{uid} mali pot{er}it
suspicari,’ L.

141. #heaued clað#: ‘coeuere chief,’ F. #eiðer ligge ane#, let each lie
by herself, comes in awkwardly among the directions about their clothes:
F has it here, but T after habben, l. 143.

142. #cop# is apparently the caputium of the Gilbertine Rule: ‘Conversae
vero laicae sorores vestiantur sicut monachae, cucullis et scapulari
exceptis; quorum loco habeant pallia de adultis agnis forrata; et
caputia earum mamillas tegentia ad formam scapulariorum
sanctimonialium,’ p. *lxxxvii: so a short cape covering the shoulders
instead of the longer cloak called scapular. It was to be sewn high on
the breast, not closed by a brooch: hence its name #hesmel# in N, as a
garment with a hole for the head to pass through; Icel. hálsmal:
#istihd# in N is probably miswritten for istichd. ‘lour cotes soient par
de sus closes par deuant la poitrine sanȝ fermail,’ F.

143. #unleppet#, literally unlapped, not enfolded; ‘desaffublieȝ,’ F:
not in their ‘cop’ or ‘hesmel.’ OE. #læppa#, skirt. #unweawed# N,
ungarmented, means the same thing, not ‘unveiled,’ Morris: comp. OE.
#wǣfels#, pallium, indumentum. #open heaued#, bare-headed; ‘teste
descouerte,’ F. #ihudeket# C, covered; from *#hȳdecian#, derivative of
#hȳdan# (NED).

144. #cussen#: the mode of salutation then general among lay folk is
forbidden them. For the custom at a much later period see Cavendish’s
Life of Wolsey, ed. Singer, p. 171.

145. #toggin#, tug, pull about; comp. 186/318. T has the derivative,
toggle: Sc. dialect, tuggle.

146. #aturn#, attire, or possibly, bearing, manner. OF. atourn,
equipment, adornment. Comp. ‘for þi is hare aturn se briht,’ HM 23/10;
‘aturnet,’ 123/209.

147. #hwerto . . . iturnde#, in what direction they are going, what way
of life they have chosen. #Hare lates# &c., let them wisely give heed to
their gestures, behaviour; ‘porteures,’ F.

150. #venie#, acknowledgement of fault and petition for pardon, usually
in the form of a genuflection or of a profound bow (curvatio). It was
also used as a formal act of humiliation at the end of a Psalm and with
the angelic salutation, as ‘cum tribus veniis totidem feci
salutationes,’ Caesarius Heisterbach., ii. 33, 39: see also Ecbasis
Captivi, ed. Voigt, ll. 769-72. Comp. ‘nimeð ower uenie dun et ter eorðe
mid te honden one[;] oðer ualleð adun al uor muchel misnimunge,’ AR
46/27; ‘sumat veniam super terram,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxi.

154. #do--ut#, put it utterly out.

156. #eiðer# &c., and let them raise one another and end with a kiss:
#ham# in N is reciprocal.

157. #þe greatluker gulte#, who was more in fault; see 125/270.

158. #witen# &c.: see 90/73 note. #some#, concord: comp. ‘to some and to
sehtnysse,’ Ælf., Hom. Cath. ii. 198/19, ‘myd sib and myd some,’ OEM
89/15; ‘sib ⁊ sæhte,’ 11/184; ‘sib wið ute uihte,’ 133/60. #somentale#
in T means concord; in Orm, sammtale, in CM, samertale, concordant.

159. #umben#: see 74/229 note. For #leaððe#, OE. #lǣððo#, hatred, N has
substituted the commoner #wreððe#.

160. #o brune#, alight; comp. ‘bed bringen o brune,’ SK 1355; AR 296/12.
#aga#, go out; an uncommon use of a word which means, to depart. Comp.
‘That other fyr was queynt and al agon,’ Chaucer, C. T., A 2336.

161. #nond#, aphetic form of anond, onond. The emendation appears to be
justified by the reading of N, although this shortened form does not
occur elsewhere. All the scribes seem to have been puzzled by the
peculiar use of the word; N adds a gloss ‘also.’ T has dos hond to, sets
his hand to; C omits. The word is adverbial, meaning likewise; a
development of #on efen#, on a level with. He doth likewise the same
thing, is a tautology characteristic of the writer: ‘il fet meismes
ceste chose,’ F.

162. #ꝥ he wule ꝥ#, which he wills that it should burn: comp. 7/52: ‘le
quel il vult qe arde en n{ost}re queor,’ F.

163. #ne geineð nawt#, is of no avail.

164. #nohtunge#, depreciation: comp. ‘for noht oðer nohtunge,’ HM 9/1.
But F interprets it otherwise, ‘ascune altre chose qe rien ne vaut.’ #to
hurten#, may dash asunder: ‘par quey il seuerent lune de laltre,’ F. #to
hurren# CT means, whirl asunder: comp. dialectal Danish hurre, dial.
English hurr, to whirr round.

165. For #frommard# see 58/66. #cwencheð# should be cwenche or #hurten#,
hurteð. An early instance of cwenchen, to be extinguished.

166. #halden ham#, let them, i.e. the brands, hold themselves firmly

167. #ne--of#, let them not heed; see 8/84. F has ‘⁊ ne lour seit a rien
tout soffle lenemy.’

168. #monie#, i.e. brondes. #iueiet#, joined; corresponds to OE.
#gefēged#, _pp._ of #gefēgan#: a favourite word of the author; comp.
‘iveied togederes,’ AR 26/9; ‘iueied somed,’ id. 308/17; ‘hope ⁊ dred
beon euer iveied togederes,’ id. 336/9, 356/7. #ontende#: comp. 128/370;
‘of þeos two treon ȝe schulen ontenden fur of luue wiðinnen ower
heorte,’ AR 402/7. For #wið# see 130/52: F has ‘nomeem{en}t ensemble. si
plusours estes ensemble iointes ⁊ bien dam{ur} esprises,’ where the
first ensemble is superfluous.

170. #schriuen ham#, let them make their confession: a new development
in the meaning of the word: OE. #scrīfan# means, to hear confession, to
impose penance (#scrift#). F has ‘Al p{re}stre ia le plus tard ne se
co{n}fessent souent,’ where the equivalent of #noðeleater#,
nevertheless, is noteworthy.

174. #se lengre se mare#: ‘a touȝ iours · plus ⁊ plus,’ F.

177. #gruchesi#, a hitherto unrecorded form, means, like the other
readings, to munch, nibble. It is related to #gruse# T as the mod.
dialect. forms growdge (Lincs.), grouge (Notts) are to grouze, to eat
noisily (mostly Lincs.): #gruselie# N may be represented by gruzzle, to
eat voraciously (Lanark). Similarly OF. groucier is grutch in ME., in
mod. dialects, grouse, to grumble.

178. #liht#, readily given by the mistress; comp. 48/312. F appears to
have read liþ, ‘le conge gist en toutes choses la ou ny ad pecche.’

179. #na word#: the rule for the anchoresses was, ‘Silence euere et te
mete[;] vor ȝif oðre religiuse doð hit . . . ȝe owen biuoren alle,’ AR
68/21. #⁊ teo stille#, and those few in a low voice: N has added #beon#,
and let those be &c. #complie#: after the anchoress has said compline,
the servant must be careful not to disturb her obligatory silence. The
times of silence are stated in Ailred’s thirteenth chapter. #aþet#,
until; OE. #oð ðæt#, until that, a conjunctional phrase, as at 72/189,
77/61, 69, 118/23, but here a preposition; comp. ‘aþet endunge þissere
weorlde,’ OEH i. 119/15; ‘aðet tes dei,’ SK 1305. þet, þat are used
alone as conjunctions, until; comp. 162/248; ‘ꝥ come þes dei,’ OEH i.
33/32; KH 123 note. #a þa#, 78/71 (= a þe) represents #oð þe#, _conj._,
until: so too #of# = oð, 13/15. #uort# N 73/162, until, is shortened
from for te (= for to); comp. ‘slepte uort midniht,’ AR 236/25; ‘for to
þe fowertuðe dai,’ OEH ii. 23/7. But it is mostly a conjunction, as at
134/64, 136/156, 151/41; ‘uort ȝe beon al greiðe,’ AR 16/6; ‘for to þe
time cam,’ OEH ii. 23/4; or it forms with þet a conjunctional phrase,
73/172; ‘vort tet we speken,’ AR 64/12; ‘forte ꝥ on þen þridde dai[;] ꝥ
is heorte be liht,’ OEH ii. 103/23. Finally, in ‘ȝet nabbe ȝe nout
wiðstonden uorte þet þe schedunge of ower blode,’ AR 262/17, #uorte þet#
is a preposition. Note the readings of TC at l. 172.

181. #hure# appears to be a repetition of the preceding: N has cloð; CT
clað: ‘fors le mangier ⁊ auestir,’ F.

182. #ꝥ . . . bi#, by means of which. #flutte#, subsist; OWScand.
flytja, but the meaning here answers to the reflexive flytjask, to
maintain oneself: ‘dunt ele se puit sustenir,’ F. Comp. ‘þet moni þusunt
muhten biflutten,’ AR 202/25, apparently the only other place where it
is used in this sense. The noun fluttunge is in HM, ‘to fluttunge ⁊ to
fode,’ 27/8, 29/4; SM 22/34. #Ne misleue# &c., Let no recluse’s servant
have such want of confidence in God as to think that He will fail her,
whatever betide the recluse. The servant may rest assured that she will
be provided for in any contingency. ‘Nule ne mescroie dieu qeiqe auienge
de la recluse qil lui faille,’ F. See 141/36, and for #trukie# comp.
further 82/105, AR 68/6, 234/17, 356/31.

183. #þe meidnes wið uten# would seem to restrict the application of the
last sentence to the aged indoor servant, see 66/121. The reading of T,
þeo ꝥ arn wið ute{n}, applied to people in general who help the recluse,
seems better.

184. #alswa as#, even as, just as: so ‘alriht so,’ AR 92/8. hom in T is
a mistake for ho.

185. #haueð ehe . . . toward#: comp. ‘hwon ȝe habbeð touward me eien
oðer honden,’ AR 76/15 (= ‘cum extenderitis manus’): ‘qi ad loil
desperance v{er}s si haut louer,’ F. In N 168 ‘of’ has been lost after
‘eie,’ which cannot mean any.

186. #heh bure#, Blake’s ‘heaven’s high bower’ is quite in the manner of
the writer; he has ‘breoste bur,’ AR 34/11; ‘heorte bur,’ 102/22; ‘in to
þe stirrede bur bliðe to heouene,’ SM 22/12. Comp. also, ‘in to þan
heuenliche bure,’ OEH ii. 167/3. A has preserved the original reading: F
has ‘v{er}s si haut louer.’

187. #eise . . . este#: a frequent combination in AR, comp. ‘Eise ⁊
flesches este beoð þes feondes merken,’ AR 364/2, 136/26, 220/6, 374/27;
‘Al þe este ⁊ al þe eise is her,’ HM 29/26. ‘Od aise ne od delit ne
achate hom pas tiele ioie,’ F.

188. #reden#: F has ‘lire,’ but the women would not understand French.
#euche wike eanes#: ‘Quater in anno legantur scripta fratribus et
sororibus,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *xciv. #ou beoðe# in N 173, to both of
you, means, to the anchoresses as well as to their servants; comp. N

190. #igodet#, improved: comp. 8/92; AR 386/15.

192. #for þi as#, for the reason that: comp. 130/53. The writer affects
a fullness of expression in such phrases: so ‘ȝef þet’ in the preceding
line; ‘uor þi ꝥ,’ in order that, AR 66/22; ‘uor hwon þet,’ if on
occasion, id. 160/3, 270/11, 300/16; ‘mid tet ꝥ,’ as soon as, id. 76/22;
‘wið þen þet,’ on condition that, id. 242/27; ‘bi þen þet,’ by that, id.
330/18. #ow#: dative, to you.

194. #liðeliche ⁊ luueliche#, gently and affectionately. #wummone lare#,
teaching to women.

195. For #selthwenne sturne#, F has ‘relement estiburne’; the former
word is dialectic for rarement, the latter apparently ME. stiborn,
Chaucer C. T., D 456; comp. ‘Styburne, or stoburne (or sterne).
_Austerus_,’ Prompt. Parv., ed. Way, 475: OF. estibourner, to palisade.

197. #eoli ⁊ win#. The source is probably, ‘Hinc namque est, quod
docente Veritate per Samaritani studium semivivus in stabulum ducitur,
et vinum et oleum eius vulneribus adhibetur, ut per vinum scilicet
mordeantur vulnera, per oleum foveantur. Necesse quippe est ut quisquis
sanandis vulneribus praeest, in vino morsum doloris adhibeat, in oleo
mollitiem pietatis,’ S. Gregorii Pastoralis Cura, ii, ch. 6. The
biographer of S. Gilbert says he applied this teaching, ‘Quoniam autem
vulneribus saucii nunc vinum, nunc oleum infundere debet Samaritanus qui
interpretatur custos, studuit . . . medicus iste animarum utroque uti
genere medicamenti.’ Dugdale, p. *vi. Wine is mystically interpreted
justice; oil, mercy.

199. #suhinde#, biting, smarting: perhaps connected with OWScand. svíða:
a Northern word, see Minot, v. 12 note and EDD _sou_. C substitutes

200. #luue eie#, love-fear; ‘doute en am{ur},’ F. Comp. ‘With loue awe,
sone, þy wyfe chastyse,’ How the Wyse Man taught hys Sone, 33/140, where
the editor reads lone; ‘frigti luue,’ 197/18. The words are often
associated, as ‘And quat for luue and quat for age,’ GE 3632.

201. #icnaweð#, confess: arn cnawe in T means are confessing; OE.
#gecnǣwe#; see KH 983 note. #Ase forð as#: see 64/85: ‘Ausi auant come
v{us} poeȝ,’ F.

203. #nearowe#, strict, sparing: comp. ‘hold hire neruwe,’ AR 268/25;
‘neruwe domesmon,’ id. 156/14; ‘et te neruwe dome,’ id. 308/9. It is a
noun in the next line, as is #wide#, l. 205: ‘lestreit del corn . . . le
large,’ F. #hearde#: as they in fact were; ‘Noðeleas, leoue sustren,
ower mete and ower drunch haueð iþuht me lesse þen ich wolde,’ AR
412/28. Similarly Ailred, ‘parcissimo cibo vix corpus sustentas,’ 644 c.

205. #ȝe don#, may ye do, do ye.

207. #ahnes#, own; a gen. sing., corresponding to OE. #āgnes#, in a sort
of apposition to #ower#: so aunes in C: the construction is probably the
same in ‘His ahȝenes þonkes he þrowede for us,’ OEH i. 121/27. With
#ones# N 193, alone, comp. 147/163; ‘mid his ones mihte,’ AR 160/10,
where T has the curious anres as here; ‘wið his anes wit awarpen,’ SK
591, 1283; as in Latin, ‘Mea unius opera respublica salva est.’ In OE.
are found, ‘mid þines anes ȝeþeahte,’ Boethius, ed. Fox, 128/19; ‘ðæt ge
ures nanes ne siendon,’ Cura Past. 211/14, where the possessive has
conformed to the adjective.

209. #cumeð# &c., pay a visit to your maids for relaxation. With
#froure# comp. ‘iuvencula quaedam quae ei (sanctimoniali) ad solatium
fuerat deputata,’ Caesarius Heisterbach., ii. 216. #cumeð . . . to þe
þurl#: comp. the rule as to visits of the recluse’s friends, ‘ȝif eni
haueð deore gist, do hire meiden ase in hire stude te gladien hire uere,
⁊ heo schal habben leaue to openen hire þurl enes oðer twies ⁊ makien
signes touward hire of one glede chere,’ AR 68/22. #earunder#, before
undern, noon: undern is from nine to twelve, sometimes twelve as here
and at 206/323, sometimes nine as at 220/205: comp. ‘ereyesterday,’ the
day before yesterday, quoted from Coverdale in NED iii. 267. With
#ouerunder#, after undern, comp. ‘ofer non,’ Wulfstan, 205/9; ‘ouernon,’
afternoon, R. of Gloucester, ed. Wright, 7302, 7487; ‘mydouernoon,’
Hymns to the Virgin, 84/49; ‘þy feorþan dæge ofor undern,’ BH 93/14. The
dialectic overday, overnight, overyear refer to the past day &c.

210. #note gastelich#, spiritual occupation, duties.

211. #sitte# &c.: do not remain at the window talking to them past the
proper time for compline.

213. #hurten heorte#, wound another’s feelings, if retailed: that
readily works mischief. Comp. AR 256/1-7, where the devil is said to be
busy about separating the sisters with gossip.

215. #lokeð#, watches over, preserves; see 4/20. #edhalden#,
entertained: comp. ‘Prohibemus . . . ne aliqua . . . praesumat alicui
hospiti dare carnes . . . nec aliquem balneare, vel minuere vel ultra
unam noctem retinere,’ Gilbertine Rule, p. *lxxxv. #ꝥ beo#, let it

218. #plohien# is _subj. pr. pl._, Let not the anchoress or her maiden
play; it represents OE. #pleogian# as ME. pleien does OE. #plegian#.
Possibly the dialect word ploy, amusement, usually explained as aphetic
for employ, is connected with this form. The #gomenes# would be
backgammon, chess, and the like.

219. #ticki to gederes#, pat, caress each other, or possibly, romp, play
the child’s game of ‘ticky.’ See NED _s.v._ Tick, _v._^1 for examples of
the phrase ‘tick and toy.’

220. #fleschlich froure#: the reference is perhaps to ‘Venientibus
quippe ad religionem non est consideranda carnis fragilitas, ut ei
delicate subserviatur, sed impedimenta fervoris spiritus, ut sollicite
fugiantur,’ Opera, i. 370 b.

221. #wið ute met# &c., beyond measure (exceptional) exquisite joy.
Comp. ‘utnume feir,’ SJ 6/1.

222. #þruppe# usually means, in addition, as at 127/358, but in AR it
generally refers to what has previously been said. Comp. ‘Turneð þeruppe
(= back to the place) þer ich spec hu he was ipined,’ AR 188/17; ‘þet
ich spec er of þeruppe,’ id. 372/23; where it repeats ‘er’; ‘þeruppe is
inouh iseid,’ id. 194/5, already enough has been said. The passage to
which he refers them is probably ‘ne schal tu nonesweis þeos two ilke
cumforz, min ⁊ te worldes--þe joie of the holi gost ⁊ flesches froure
habben togederes,’ AR 102/13.

223. #eise#, at leisure, have opportunity: so ‘hwen þu art on eise carpe
toward ihesu,’ OEH i. 287/11; ‘eise (= opportunity) makeð þeof,’ HM
17/24; AR 288/21; ‘aisie,’ convenient, OEH ii. 47/16; ‘efter hire
eaise,’ to her liking, AR 114/10. In ‘Et te one psalme ȝe schulen
stonden ȝif ȝe beoð eise,’ AR 20/27, it means, in good health, as ‘hwo
se is ful meseise,’ id. 46/22, means, whoever is very infirm. The
Gilbertine Rule gives leave to sit at the choir offices, especially
after bloodletting, p. *lvii.

225. #biheue#: see 91/108. #bitohe#: see 21/106.

226. #wite#: subj. as in the exclamation ‘wite Christ,’ OEH i. 29/26:
the ind. as in N is usual. CT have deu le set. #do me toward#, set out
for Rome, a journey of hardship and difficulty; see Arnulfi Lexov.
Epistolae, ed. Giles, 197. The simple infinitive after #leouere# is
noteworthy: the reading of N represents the normal OE. #to donne#.

229. #beoð umben#, be bent on. The phrase is constructed with (1) inf.,
70/159: (2) noun, ‘and beo ge embe þæt ylce,’ Ælf., Lives, i. 120/79,
154/120, 434/34; ‘Ac hi efre beoð ymbe þat an,’ OEH i. 221/7: (3)
relative adverb as here and at 75/201: (4) with relative clause, ‘⁊ ymbe
þæt wæron þæt hig hig sylfe on Hierusalem beclysan woldon,’ AS. Hom.,
ed. Assmann, 185/123; ‘is vmbe eueriches weis þet heo him luuie,’ AR
218/12. #beon abuten# has the same meaning and constructions: comp.
46/267, 118/29; ‘Aure to feawe men bien abuten to habben ðese hali
mihte,’ VV 133/20; ‘Satan is ȝeorne abuten (= expetivit) uorto ridlen þe
ut of mine corne,’ AR 234/15, and absolutely, ‘Inouh ich was abuten,’ I
did my best, AR 88/8. But ‘abuten to eggen,’ AR 146/1, means, employed
in inciting. #þeronuuen#, thereupon, on that object, i.e. that ye keep
it better &c., where the adverb is somewhat superfluous, but in the
writer’s manner. OE. #þǣr an ufan#. But #on uuen# has in two places at
least the meaning of, for the future; SJ 53/9; AR 236/14; and the word
in the text might mean, thereafter. #þer abuten# N 202, about that

231. #wite . . . warde#: see 118/50.

233. #dreheð ⁊ dreaieð#, suffer and endure; OE. #drēogað ⁊ dragað#:
comp. ‘þe alre meast derue | ꝥ eni deadlich flesch | mahe drehen ⁊
drawen,’ SK 1889; ‘þu hauest for mi luue muchel idrohen ant idrehen,’ SJ
34/9. For the form #dreaieð#, comp. 123/206, 147/153.

234. #him seoluen#: comp. 50/360. #aa#, ever: comp. 118/53, 119/90,
120/108, 125/276: so in SK (MS. R) 664, 1480; HM (MS. T) ‘aá’ 15/34. The
doubling is merely an indication of length.

235. #þe leafdi#: comp. ‘Saluum la Dame souent,’ Adgar, 200/58.

236. #meaðful#, moderate: OE. #mǣþfull#; comp. 122/197.

237. #writere#, the scribe; comp. 128/375. #sum chearre#, sometimes;
comp. ‘sume cherre,’ AR 108/10.

238. #þe#, for thee, dative.


  κρεάγρα  [kreagra]


  1/3, 1/10 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
  13/34 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  54/6 (note) = _present selection_ (A: Seven Deadly Sins)
  62/22, 74/229 (notes) = _present selection_ (B: Outer Rule)
  77/63 (note) = X. (In Diebus Dominicis)
  90/73 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues)
  118/52, 125/270 (notes) = XVI. (Sawles Warde)
  132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
  table on p. 356 = _present selection_ under Manuscripts


  v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6  [_corrected by author from “C 5”_]
  #Literature:# ... Mühe, T.  [Muhe]
  #Phonology:# ... but _u_ in wule 72
    [_“u” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  #ā# is regularly ... (beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188)
    [(4) leaste]
  #ū#, _u_;  [_u_,]
  #ea# before #r# ... ȝeouen b 71  [ȝeouen,]
  #ēa# is regularly ... #ȝīet# is ȝet b 193
    [_printed as shown: apparent error for “gīet”_]
  #a# + #g# ... in MS. C ploȝe  [C. ploȝe]
  Final #ig# is regularly _i_
    [_“i” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  #siehst#, #siehð# with _i_-umlaut
    [_“i” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  #ea# before #r# ... and _a_, after #w#
    [_#w# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  before length. groups _o_  [length groups]
  #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#
    [_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  (4) =Of T and C.= ... investigation of Mühe  [Muhe]
  Three-fourths of the infinitives ... witen _pr. pl. subj._
    [_pr. pl. subj._,]
  idon _pp._ b 176;  [176,]
  (2) =Of B.= ... sunnen 26, earen 71 are _s. d._  [_d. s._]
  (3) =Of N.= ... ueonde 139 is _s. d._,  [_comma missing_]
  Infinitives end in -en ... II. bitinde 183:  [183.]
  Infinitives are divided ... II. bitende 183:  [183;]
  #Vocabulary:# ...
    [_all commas in this paragraph are printed (or missing) as shown_]

  [IX A.]
  3. ... inter scorpiones et colubros  [colubres]
  32. ... F. T has ‘þe ondfule ⁊ te luðere  [_open quote missing_]
  37. ... a windes puf  [þuf]

  [IX B.]
  26. ... Grossioribus peliciis utatur  [_spelling unchanged_]
  65. #broche#: ‘fermail,’ F; ‘firmaculos,’  [_open quote missing_]
  68. #forte--wið#, with which to get yourselves friends
    [_“with” added by author_]
  75. #efter#: see 7/53.  [#efter#;]
  78. The amice, L. amictus  [L amictus]
  103. ... p. *lvi ... see NED. _s.v._ Here § 16.  [N.E.D.]
  207. ... apposition to #ower#
    [_#ower# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]


#Manuscript:# Lambeth, 487: see p. 312.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 41-47, and Specimens, 17-21;
Zupitza-Schipper, AE Lesebuch, ed. viii, 92-95.

#Literature:# (1) =of the Vision of S. Paul=. Brandes, H., Ueber die
Quellen der me. Versionen der Paulus-Vision, in ES vii. 34-65; id. Visio
S. Pauli, Halle, 1885; Batiouchkoff, Th., in Romania, xx. 17; James,
M. R., Visio Pauli in Texts and Studies, ii. 3, Cambridge, 1893; Meyer,
P., in Romania, vi. 11-16, xxiv. 357-375, and in Notices et Extraits,
xxxv. 153-158; Ward, H. L. D., Catalogue of Romances in the British
Museum, ii. 397-416; Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung
der Hs. Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1887. Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19). (2)
=of the Vision in general=. Fritzsche, C., Die lateinischen Visionen des
Mittelalters, in Romanische Forschungen, ii. 247, iii. 337; Peters, E.,
Zur Geschichte der lateinischen Visionslegenden, in Romanische
Forschungen, viii. 361-364; Becker, E. J., A Contribution to the
Comparative Study of the Mediaeval Visions of Heaven and Hell,
Baltimore, 1899; Bedae Opera Historica, ed. C. Plummer, ii. 294. (3) =of
the Sunday Letter=. Priebsch, R., in Otia Merseiana, i. 129, and in Mod.
Lang. Review, ii. 138-154; Napier, A., in An English Miscellany,

#Phonology of x and xi:# References to piece xi are marked b. Oral #a#
is _a_, crabbe b 84, slakien b 67; #a# before nasals, _o_, biwon 73,
from 87, but swam b 90; #a# before lengthening groups, _o_, ahonge 14,
ontful 53, but and 8, 85, b 25. #æ# is regularly _e_, cweð 45 (3 times),
þet 25 &c., but abac b 86, blake b 82, b 120, blaca b 99, saterdei 71,
þat 25, 68, watere b 86: with habbe b 14, b 77 comp. LWS. _subj._
#habbe#. #e# is regularly _e_, betre b 24, eten b 101, b 104 (but eoten
80), engles 5 (4), sunbendes b 67; but it is _i_ in tilden b 110, _eo_
in seolcuðre 17: stude 40, 41, b 26, whulche b 80, wulc b 20, swulc b 85
are due to OE. forms with #y#, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, uwilc 83, 85 to
forms with #i#. #i# is _i_, bidde 60, wille 60, b 62, bindeð b 110, but
en 59, wule 6, nule b 28 and all other parts of #willan#. #o# is _o_,
froggen b 83, longe 47, but iwrat 79, walde 46, 47, b 93, nalde 46, 51,
nalden 32, 58, all Anglian forms with _a_; in weord 65 (5) _eo_ is
written for _o_. #u# is _u_, bicumeð 73, sunedei 4, hundes b 38. #y# is
_u_, cunnes b 80, cunde b 85; #mycel# is muchele 67 &c.

#ā# is regularly _a_, an 16, claþeð b 114, gast 87, lauerd 39 (5), na b
100 (Anglian), þas 30, swa 29, but on 43, louerd 60, þon 5, þeo b 19,
þeos b 14 (4) þos b 95, b 99, se b 11, b 69; noteworthy is foage b 119:
escade 44, 49 descends from #ǣscian#. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, efreni 27, ledde
50, but _a_ in þare b 98, _ea_ in eani 18, 48, sea 24 (4); ulcne b 66
descends from #ylc#. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, breðe 42 (Anglian #brēþ#), neddren
26, but ariste 87. #ē# is _e_, gleden 35, ferde 10, but deað b 58. #ī#
is _i_, is 25, swiþeliche 90, fifte 26. #ō# is _o_, bicom b 9, nom b 10,
bisocnie 80, but eoðre 45. #ū# is _u_, hus b 73, lude 33. #ȳ# is _u_,
fur 25 (3), mus b 113, tuneð b 27 (4), uþe 24, but forþi 6.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_, herde b 51, midelerd b 81, both before
lengthening group; _a_ between #w# and #r# appears in swart b 105, warp
16, warðe 41. #ea# before #l# + cons. is invariably _a_, ald 43, alle 5.
The _i_-umlaut is _e_, aweriede b 29, erming 6 (3), but earming 22,
bicherreð b 112. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðe 59 (4), ȝeorne
49, heorte 16 (3), weorkes 67, but ibureȝe 36, apparently from OE.
#gebeorgan# (comp. ‘bureȝe,’ OEH i. 25/16, ‘bureȝest,’ id. 39/20). The
#wur# group is represented by wurþien 75, 90. The _i_-umlaut is wanting
in beorninde 12, after #w# it is _u_, wurse 26, wursien b 14, unwurðe b
29: berninde 16 (3) is from #bærnan#, smurieð b 114 from #smyrian#. #eo#
before #l# + cons. is seen in seolf 76, 83. #ea#, _u_-umlaut of #a#,
appears in eateliche 17, heauekes b 38. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is
_eo_, heofene 5, 99, ȝeolewe b 107, b 108, weorlde b 91, b 100, or _o_,
ȝolewe b 120, world b 36, but hefene 82, heueneriche 55, ȝeluwe b 83,
without umlaut. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in beode 80, beoden b
29, beoreð b 82, eoten 80, feole 19: unaneomned 28 is perhaps an
analogic form. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #i#, is _eo_ in seodðan 16, b 115,
seoðþan 40, seodðe b 25, heore 6 (3); hare 31 is Anglian #heara#:
analogous are dalneominde 99 (comp. ‘neoman,’ OEH i. 29/18), icleped 88
(4). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #i#, is seen in seofen 41, seofe 17, seofeþe
26. The palatal diphthong #ea# appears in sceal 62, scal b 89, ȝete 13:
#ie# after #ġ# in ȝeue 71, ȝefe 60, 69, geuen b 49, b 102, ȝeueð 93;
#gef# is ȝef 1, gif 6. #eo# after #ġ# is _u_ in ȝunge b 87; after #sc#
it is seen in sceolde b 13, scolde b 111, sculen b 21: #heom# is heom 9
&c., ham 70.

#ēa# is _e_, deðe 87, eren b 27, aȝen b 90 (#ongēan#), and six others,
but ædie b 19 (‘eadi,’ OEH i. 39/5), dead, deade b 59: the _i_-umlaut
gives _e_, alesnesse b 76, chese b 111, iheren b 28 (12), remeð 33. #ēo#
is regularly _eo_, beot 98, feorðe 25, iseo 58, þreo b 51, but bitwenen
83, fredome 3, þre b 69; the _i_-umlaut does not occur. After #sc#, #ēa#
appears in scean 29.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 98, maȝen 40 (5); slage b 57, slaȝeð b 98 are
new formations from the _pp._ #slagen# (Bülbring, Ablaut, 96); ah 51 (5)
is Anglian #ah#. #æ# + #g# is invariably _ei_, mei b 103, seide b 87.
#e# + #g# is also _ei_, eisliche 12, toȝeines 60 (3), wei b 24, but awey
b 94. #o# + #g# is seen in forhoȝie b 25. #ā# + #g# is _aȝ_, aȝene 23
(4), faȝe b 82 (3), foaȝe b 119, expressing the [ā^o] sound. #ǣ{1}# +
#ht# gives ehte b 100, b 105. #ē# + #g# appear in leies 17, leit 30
(#lēget#), tweien 8; #ō# + #g# in wohe 47; #ū# + #h# in þruh b 60. #ea#
+ #g# is seen in gneȝeð 34 = *#gneagað#, with _å_-umlaut of #a#, idreȝen
b 70, _pp._ analogous to #dreagan# _inf._ with the same umlaut; #ea# +
#h#, #ht#, in iseh 48; the _i_-umlaut in mihte 42, mihte 92, niht 30.
The _i_-umlaut of #eo# + #h# occurs in siste 26 (#siexta#). #ēa# + #g#
is _eȝ_, eȝen 15, heȝe 12; #ēa# + #h#, _eh_, abeh 64, heh 45: þah 23, b
97 is Anglian #þæh#. #ēo# + #g#, #ht# are seen in liȝere 53, lihtliche b
43, the _i_-umlaut in lihting 72. #ā# + #w# is _aw_ in iknawe b 24,
nawiht b 22, _au_ in saule 7 (7), snau 25. #ǣ{1}# + #w# gives _eu_ in
eubruche b 34. #ō# + #w#, noht b 11 (#nōht#). #ēa# + #w# is seen in
sceawede 12 (8), sceaude 16, scawede 11, scawere b 116; #ēo# + #w# in
eow 2 &c., feower b 45, heowe 17 (WS. #hīw#), reowliche 33, how b 118,
fower b 80, bireusunke b 53.

In syllables without stress #a# is usually levelled to _e_, but it
survives in dringan 47, ilca 31, locan 86, 91, pinan 36, 37: #o# becomes
_e_ in heuene 55, seofeþe 26, suteliche 3, but _a_ in escade 44, 49;
#onuppan# is anuppon 46. In alla b 76, alra b 46, blaca b 99, wiðinna
43, _a_ is written for final _e_, similarly clusterlokan 41, manaðas b
34; comp. quica 41/192. The prefix #ge-# is largely retained as _i_,
iblissieð 5; it is _u_ in uwilc 83 &c. #e# is added in amonge 30,
medially in hefede 68, swiþeliche 90, lost in onswerde 57, sceaude 16.

_w_ is added in hwure 61. #ll# is simplified in suteliche 3; #m# doubled
in summe 14 &c.; #mm# simplified in swim b 88, swam b 90, as #nn# in
clenesse 51, 91, ene b 45, ine b 34: #n# is doubled in sunne 100. #p# is
doubled in deoppre b 41. Initial #f# is written _u_ in ualleð b 46, b
47, uindeð b 7, uenne b 8, b 33, but _f_ in falleð b 106: #f# between
vowels or vowel and liquid is usually _u_, but ȝefe 69, leofe 72,
monifolde 57, ufele 42, b 94, wifes b 37, nefre 45, 51, 52, efre 97,
efreni 27: #f# is assimilated in wimmen b 113, but wifmen 93. #tt# is
simplified in put b 31; #ts# is _c_ in milce 63, milcien 62. #dd# is
simplified in midelerd b 81; #d# is lost in onswerde 57, 70: #d# is _t_
in ontful 53, iseit 82, b 14, _td_ in feðer fotetd 28, _ð_ in forðwarð b
87, iclepeð 3, iherð 73, isceaweð b 49. #þ# is written _ðd_ in
strengðdeð b 85, _dþ_ in redþer 68, _d_ in dringan 47, rested 95,
wurdliche 91, _t_ in speket b 92: #þþ# is _dð_ in seodðan 16, b 115,
seodðe b 25, but seoðþan 40. #sć# [š] is _sc_ in gledscipe 81, iscild b
121, scal b 89, scolde b 111, and other forms of #sceolan#, scrift 32
(5), _s_, _ss_, _ssc_ in fis b 84, fisses b 88, fissce b 84: the scribe
writes elsewhere ‘ichefte,’ OEH i. 77/5 (#gesceafta#), ‘iblesced,’ id.
5/7, ‘edmodnesce,’ id. 5/19. #č# is expressed by _ch_, chese b 111,
chirche 79 &c., eche b 98, tech b 89, uwilche 74, whulche b 80; but _c_
is used finally for the same sound in ic 57, hwilc b 21, swilc 21, swulc
b 85, uwilc 85, wulc b 20. #čč# is seen in totwiccheð b 94, wrecche 7,
11. The stop #c# is _k_ before _e_, _i_, stoke b 113, swike b 111 and in
clusterlokan 41, otherwise _c_, locan 86, but apparently _ch_ in
musestoch b 109, b 110. #čǧ# is _gg_ in liggeð b 34, seggen 3. #cw#
appears in cweð 45 (3), but _qu_ occurs elsewhere in the MS., as ‘quic,’
OEH i. 81/1. #ġ# is _ȝ_, daȝes b 45, ȝef 1, ȝeue 71, ȝete 13, slaȝed b
98, but Gif 6, slage b 57, geuen b 49: #ng# is _nk_ in bireusunke b 53,
‘of sprinke,’ OEH i. 75/31 (comp. Horn, Beiträge, 29); but _ng_ for #nc#
occur in ‘þong’ (= þonc), OEH i. 39/33, ‘dringen’ (= drinken), id.
37/33. Initial #h# is lost in lauerdes 4 &c., lusten 1, lude 33,
redliche 64, redþer 68, remeð, reowliche 33, bireusunke b 53, witsunne
88; it is added in heow b 21, how b 118, hiheren b 16; #h# is also lost
in iwrat 79; for it _ð_ is written in þurð b 53. #hw# is seen in whulche
b 80, wulc b 20: siste 26 is #siexta#, Angl. #se(i)sta#.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ sune b 120 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -es, muðes b 53, cunnes b
80, but monedeis 72; _d._ -e, deie 3 (3 times), scrifte b 69, fredome 3,
ȝete 13, but domesdei 72, sunnedei 61, gast 87, 100, scrift b 67, atter
b 106, non 71, smel b 112, without inflection. _Plural n. a._ of
masculines, -es, daȝes 98, sunbendes b 67, but euencristene b 96 with
adj. termination; neuters _n._ are deor 28, 33, weord b 14, beode 80
(#gebedu#), but þinges b 80, with masc. termination; beoden b 29,
clusterlokan 41, deoflen 21, 43, 48, weak forms; _a._ hors b 37, weord
65, but huses b 36, weordes b 16 (4), wifes b 37, treon 12; _d._ -es,
rapes b 12, weorkes 67, -weorkes 94, weordes b 94, but manaðas b 34,
treon 13 (? #trēum#). Of the feminines mihte 92, 94, 95 has added e in
the _nom._, bisocnie 80 represents #-socn#. The other cases end in -e,
_s. g._ dede b 54, but weorldes b 100, a masc. form; _s. d._ ireste 77,
weorlde b 91, but irest 5, sea 24, 27, b 84 (#sǣ#); _s. a._ reste 7 (5),
but rest 6, sea 24; _pl. n._ ehte b 105, saule 19, but gleden 35, saulen
6; _pl. d._ pine 27, 97, saule 7, 73, but honden 14, pinan 36, 37,
sunnen b 32 (3); _pl. a._ laȝe 59, b 28, pine 57, saule b 98, but laȝen
46, pinen 39, saulen 14, 22, sunnen b 62 (3) are weak forms. Nouns of
the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular, _n._ crabbe b
84; _g._ heorte b 53; _d._ chirche b 28; _a._ nome b 96: the plural has
-en, _n._ crabben b 84, neddren 26, b 82, but neddre b 91; _d._ eȝen 15,
haleȝen 68; _a._ eren b 27, but licome 31. Minor declensions: fet _pl.
d._ 14, 28, 64 (possibly _sing._); mon _s. n._ 42 (3), _s. a._ 43, b 66,
men _pl. n._ b 33, monne _pl. d._ 32, 74, 83, men 31, wepmen 93, wifmen
93, wimmen b 113; boc _s. d._ b 7; mus _pl. a._ b 113; þruh _s. d._ b
60; niht _s. a._ 30; feder _s. n._ b 120, fedre _s. d._ 99; moder
_s. n._ b 88; breðre _pl. n._ 72; children _pl. a._ b 37.

The weak declension of adjectives has -e throughout the singular,
_n. m._ alde 44, b 87, halie b 121, _f._ leofe b 88, foaȝe b 119, blake
b 120, _neut._ faȝe b 91; _d. m._ ȝunge b 87, halie 87, 100, ufele 42,
_f._ eche b 98, stronge b 106, _neut._ halie b 17; _a. f._ muchele b 36.
The only exception is heh _s. n. m._ 69. The strong forms are
flectionless in the singular, except _s. d. f._ halie b 7, b 27, b 75,
heuie b 66, mildere 70, seolcuðre 17 (with heowe _neut._), warde 41
(= wardre); _s. a. m._ sunfulle b 66, _s. a. f._ muchele b 15, b 49. The
termination of all cases of the plural, strong and weak, is e;
exceptions are blaca b 99, freo b 50, sari b 56. #āgen# is represented
by aȝene _s. a. f._ 34, _pl._ 23, 35, b 98: #ān#, #nān# appear as an
_n._ 45, 50, b 84, on 43, nan 42, b 69, naþing 79; ane _d. m._ b 8,
_a. m._ 40, ene b 45, an 16, ane _a. f._ 20, b 9, an _a. neut._ 49, nan
51, na b 101. Adjectives used as nouns are deade _s. d._ b 59, fulle
_s. a._ b 104, god 48, 52, b 101, sunfulle _pl. d._ b 76, _pl. a._ 11:
nouns as adjectives, erming 6, 22, 31, 96, liȝere 53, wrecche 7, 11, 13:
hindene b 116 has _pl._ adj. termination. Noteworthy among numerals are
þridde 25, 95, fifte 26, siste 26, seofeþe 26 (#seofoþa#).

The personal pronouns are ic, we, us, þu, ȝe, eow, heow b 21, how b 118.
The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 13, heo _f._ 50, 86,
91 (dei like L. dies is _fm._), b 88, b 104, hit _neut._ 10, _d._ him
_m._ 12, 13, hire _f._ 91, _a._ hine _m._ b 10 (4), heo _f._ 50, hit
_neut._ 2, _pl. n._ hi b 93, heo 8 (10), ha 21, b 15, _d._ heom 9, 56, b
39, ham 70, b 117, _a._ heon b 98 (for heom), ham 36, 39. Reflexives are
ham 5, heom 94, heom seoluen b 117, b 118; definitive, seolf 76, 83;
possessives, mine _s. a. f._ 63, _pl. a._ 58, þin _s. n. m._ 60, 69,
þines _s. g. m._ b 62, þine _s. d. m._ 66, b 63, _s. d. f._ 67, _pl. d._
66, his 34, hire 20, ure 55, 83, heore 6 (5), hare 31. The definite
article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 4, _f._ 25, þet _neut._ 25 &c., þat 25, _g._
þes _m._ 4, _f._ b 100, _neut._ 68, _d._ þam _m._ 41, 87, þan 3 (6), þen
61, 69, þon 5, þe b 8 (4), þa 3, þare _f._ b 98, þere b 60, b 84, b 103,
þer 15, b 106, þe 15, þan _neut._ b 17, þon 23, þa b 111, þe 15, _a._
þenne _m._ 75, þene 90, 97, b 59, þon 88, þe b 24, þa _f._ 20, b 32, þe
24, þet _neut._ b 70 (with scrift _m._), _pl. n._ þa, 5, 6, b 79, _d._
þam 7 (4), þan 13, 32, þa 14 (4), þe 15, _a._ þa 11 &c.: þet 8, b 35, b
47, b 51, b 114, b 115, b 116, is demonstrative. The article is also
used as antecedent to relatives, þeo þe b 19, þa þe b 39, they who. The
compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis _m._ b 84, þes b 31, þis _neut._ b
91, þas b 73 (comp. 13/43), _d._ þisse _m._ b 10 (3), þis b 77, þisse
_f._ 54, b 91, _neut._ 31, _a._ þeos _m._ b 81, þas _f._ b 36, þis
_neut._ b 39, _pl. n._ þas 30, b 90, þos b 95, b 99, þeos b 14, b 33, b
105, _d._ þas b 113, _a._ 57, 65, þes b 100. The relative is mostly þe,
but ꝥ 43 (6), þet b 106: interrogatives are hwa _s. n._ 7, 73, hwet 44,
hwat, ꝥ b 78, hwilc _s. n._ b 21, wulc b 20, whulche _pl. n._ b 80,
correlative swilc 21, b 40, swulc b 85: #ilca# is ilke _s. d._ 27, _pl.
n._ 30, ilca _pl. d._ 31. Indefinites are hwa 6, hwa efre 97; me 36, b
9, mon 98, b 24; sume _s. d._ 9, sum _s. a._ 95, summe _pl. n._ 14, 28;
oðer _s. d. neut._ 50, eoðre 45, oðre _pl. d._ 27, b 35, oðer _pl. a._
97; ulcne _s. a._ b 66; uwilc _s. n._ 85, uwilche _pl. d._ 74, uwilc 83,
uwilcan _s. n._ 17 (#gehwilc ān#); eani 18, 48, efreni 27; monie _pl._ b
113; alle _s. d. f._ 5 (4), al _s. a. m._ b 81, _s. a. neut._ 90, b 39,
alle _pl. n._ 17 (4), alra _pl. g._ b 46, alremest b 35, alle _pl. d._
27, alla b 76, alle _pl. a._ b 121.

The infinitive ends regularly in en; locan 86, 91, iþolie b 11 are the
only exceptions; verbs of the second weak conjugation have -ien, iðolien
40, lokien 46, and six others; exceptions are enden 32, iloken 85,
sceawen b 21. Dative infinitives with inflection are to bihaldene 18, to
brekene 30, to demene 89, to swimminde b 86, uninflected are to haliȝen
74, to wurðien 75 (virtual nominatives), for to lokien 9, for to arisen
b 40 and ten others in piece xi with for to, to draȝen b 117 and fifteen
others with to. Presents are _s._ 1. bidde 60, iseo 58; 2. bringest b
63, leist b 60; 3. bicherreð b 112, wuneð b 91, exceptional are bitacnet
b 74, speked 37, speket b 92, contracted forms as beot 98, bret b 111
amount to one-third of the total number; _pl._ 1. cumeð b 58, slage we b
57, tuneð b 44; 2. habbeð 73, b 20; 3. beoreð b 82, wepeð 34, and of the
second weak conjugation, iblissieð 5, lokieð b 115, smurieð b 114,
wunieð b 80; _subjunctive s._ 2. ȝefe 60, 69, milcie 68; 3. ibureȝe 36,
iknawe b 24, icnawe b 25, cume 61, 69, forhoȝie b 25, ilokie 97, trukie
b 105; _pl._ 1. tunen b 44: _imperative s._ 2. aris 70, haue 39, iscild
b 121, swim b 88, tech b 89; _pl._ 2. ihereð b 79. Past of Strong Verbs:
Ia. _s._ 3. cweð 45 (3), iseh 48: Ib. _s._ 3. com 10 (3), bicom b 9, nom
b 10: Ic. _s._ 3. biwon 7, 73, gon 65, bigon 54, b 89, swam b 90, warp
16; _pl._ 3. urnen 20: II. _s._ 3. scean 29; _pl._ 3. swiken 30: III.
_s._ 3. abeh 64: IV. _s._ 3. stod b 7: V. _s._ 3. het 9, weop 55.
Participles present: Ib. dalneominde 99: Ic. beorninde 12, berninde 16
(3): II. glidende 35; past: Ia. ibeden 71, geuen b 49, b 102, ispeken b
77: Ic. biwunden b 79, idoluen b 46: III. icorene _pl._ 68: IV. idreȝen
b 70, istonde b 9: V. ahonge 14, 19, ihaten 4, b 52. Past of Weak Verbs:
_s._ 3. ferde 10, ledde 50, sende 88, escade 44, 49, onswerede 70,
onswerde 57, sceawede 12 (7), sceaude 16, hefde b 69, b 70, hefede b 8,
seide 59, b 87; _pl._ 3. ledden 44, 49. Participles present: graninde
33, liuiende 42, wuniende 12, 53; past: afered b 104, ibet b 62, forgult
22, iherd b 20, iherð 73, b 77, isceaweð b 49, iseit b 14, ise[i]t 82,
isend b 39, iwrat 79; fotetd 28 is participial in form; inflected are
aweriede b 29, blessede b 19, iclepede b 110, forgulte 73, isende b 73.
Minor Groups: witen _inf._ 7, 58, wat _pr. s._ 62, witeð 2 _pr. pl.
imp._ b 118, b 119, wiste _pt. s._ 51, biwisten _pt. pl._ 21; aȝen 1
_pr. pl._ 90, b 65; sceal 1 _pr. s._ 62, scal b 89, sculen 1 _pr. pl._ b
21, sceolde _pt. s._ b 13, scolde b 111; mei _pr. s._ b 103, b 107,
maȝen 1 _pr. pl._ 40, b 50, 2 _pr. pl._ 65, 92, _pr. pl._ b 101, mihte
_pt. s._ 42, b 11; to beon _dat. inf._ b 49, is _pr. s._ 60, nis b 69,
bið 53, b 59, beoð 1 _pr. pl._ b 56, _pr. pl._ 34 (5), beon b 19, beo
_pr. s. subj._ 79, 84, beo 2 _pr. pl. subj._ b 119, _pr. pl. subj._ 99,
wes _pt. s._ 8, nes 52, weren _pt. pl._ 17 (4), were 11, nere 23, were
_pt. s. subj._ 44, nere b 70; wulle 1 _pr. s._ 62, wule _pr. s._ 6,
nulle 85, nule b 28, b 67, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 2, wuleð 2 _pr. pl._ 1,
walde _pt. s._ 46, nalde 46, nalden _pt. pl._ 32; don _inf._ 48, _dat.
inf._ b 101, deð _pr. s._ 29, deað b 58, do we 1 _pr. pl._ b 44, doð
_pr. pl._ b 34, fordoð b 81, idon _pp._ b 69; gan _inf._ 42, 43, eode
_pt. s._ 10, eoden _pt. pl._ 9.

With ȝette _adv._ 19, comp. ‘ȝiete,’ OEH i. 139/13, ȝetten 64/54; mid
_prep._ 65 with accusative is Anglian (Napier, Anglia, x. 138): leste
_conj._ b 104 (#þȳ lǣs þe#) is an early instance of the compound.

#Dialect:# These pieces were copied by the scribe of the PM in the same
MS. As was said at p. 327, he belonged to the Southern border of the
Midland area. On the evidence of the spoilt rhymes in the Pater Noster,
inne : sunne, OEH i. 55/23, 24 (4 times), linnen : sunnen, id. 67/230,
231, he must be located to the West of that area, where u was the
representative of OE. #y#, #ȳ#.

In the present articles his exemplars were in the South-Western dialect.
That of piece x was considerably the older, probably of the early
transition period about the beginning of the twelfth century, as is
evident from the archaic forms which have survived in the copy. There is
no trace of these in piece xi, the original of which was probably little
older than the copy. As in the copy of the Poema Morale, the scribe’s
alterations affect mainly the sounds; the grammar remains Southern; a
Midland form like beon b 19 is isolated.

#Vocabulary:# The foreign element is small; most of the Romance words
are in piece xi. French are archangel 8, blanchet b 114, castles b 38,
feble b 9, glutenerie b 34 (first appearance), grace b 49, lechurs b
117, manere b 84, prophete b 7, b 43, sacreð b 76, sacramens b 75,
salmes 47, seint b 22, merci 39, meister 21, meistres 23, ureisuns b 75:
Latin, apostles 88, sancte 8; mihhal 8 is probably a direct borrowing
from the Vulgate Michahel. Scandinavian are caste b 10, icast b 68,
griðe 80.

#Introduction:# The ultimate sources of this discourse are (i) the
Legend of S. Paul’s visit to the other world, and (ii) the Sunday Letter
as extended by the addition of the Dignatio diei Dominicae.

(1) S. Paul in his second epistle to the Corinthians, xii. 2-4, said
that he had been caught up to the third heaven and heard words
unspeakable. But a detailed account of what he saw, partly drawn from
the Revelation of Peter (ed. M. R. James, p. 65) and coloured by
Egyptian ideas of the other world, was extensively circulated in the
early Church, and existed in two Greek versions as early as the fourth
century. One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost, but it is
probably represented in a Latin version discovered by Dr. M. R. James
and published in Texts and Studies, ii. no. 3. The other younger Greek
version, denounced by S. Augustine as ‘nescio quibus fabulis plenam’
(iii. 541 e), was printed by Tischendorf in Apocalypses Apocryphae,
34-69: he dates it about 380 A.D. There is an early Syriac version, an
English translation of which is reprinted by Tischendorf under the Greek

The Latin version already mentioned is the most ancient and the fullest
form of the legend, and it is the main source of the Latin mediaeval
versions, which have been classed by Brandes in six redactions. Of these
the first alone contains an account of S. Paul’s visit to heaven, the
others describe only the abode of the lost. The fourth redaction (B iv)
printed in Brandes, Visio Pauli, 75, in the Cologne edition of Beda,
vii. 362, as one of his sermons, and by P. Meyer from a Toulouse MS. of
the fourteenth century in Romania, xxiv. 365, appears to be the main
source of most of the versions in the modern languages, as of our text.
Meyer enumerates twenty-three MSS. of it; he thinks that it is not
anterior to the twelfth century and that it was widely circulated in
England. In Notices et Extraits, xxxv. 153, he gives a list of six
versions in French: (1) by Henri d’Arci, there printed; (2) by Adam de
Ros, trouvère anglais, printed by Ozanam in Dante et la philosophie
catholique, 1845, p. 425; (3) Anonymous, MS. Bibl. Nat. 2094, of which
Brandes cites the beginning and end, p. 51; (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add.
15606, printed in part in Romania, vi. 11-16; (5) by Geoffroi de Paris,
an adaptation of the preceding; (6) by an anonymous English trouvère,
printed in Romania, xxiv. 357. The English versions in verse are (1) MS.
Laud 108, Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lii. 35; (2{a}) MS.
Jesus Coll. Oxford E 29, printed in OEM 147-155; (2{b}) MS. Digby 86,
Bodleian, printed by Horstman in Archiv lxii. 403; (3) Vernon MS.
Bodleian, in OEM 223-232 and ES i. 293-299; (4) MS. Douce 302, Bodleian,
in OEM 210-222. There is, besides the present article, a
fourteenth-century prose version printed in ES xxii. 134. The relations
of the English and French versions are determined by Brandes in ES vii.

Some references in the older literature should be noticed. Ælfric (Hom.
Cath. ii. 332) calls the legend a lying composition, and proceeds to
tell that of Fursey as true. The writer of the Blickling Homilies (43,
45) relates the episode of the wicked bishop, following a text closely
resembling the oldest Latin version, which differs little from the Greek
at this point. In a second passage, 209/29-211/7, he has combined vague
recollections of the legend with scenery drawn from Beowulf (see the
Preface to BH, pp. vi, vii).

The first part of the present article differs from B iv and agrees with
F iii in substituting smoke (‘smorðer,’ l. 26) for fulgur; with F iii it
omits the Fiery Wheel and the Bridge of Dread, and the punishment of
usurers by name. It is therefore possible that it and F iii had a common
source. But our author has exercised a free choice in details; he says
nothing of the punishment of the unchaste child murderers, of the
oppressors of widows and orphans, of those who broke their fast before
due time, and of those in the pit; nothing of the vision of sinful and
righteous souls borne through the air; all of which are in B iv. His own
fantasy is probably responsible for the division of the torments of the
furnace, l. 24, between the furnace, the fount of fire and the sea of
hell, and for the pleading of S. Paul in ll. 56-72, which are without
parallel in any of the other versions.

(2) The Sunday Letter was a fiction which originated in the south of
France or northern Spain towards the end of the sixth century. It
purported to be a letter, which had fallen from heaven, written in Latin
by Christ’s own hand, denouncing judgement on those who did not observe
Sunday rightly. It had great vogue in England before the Conquest, and
furnished material for the homilies printed in Wulfstan, ed. Napier,
nos. 43, 44, 45, 47, in Otia Merseiana i. 129, and in An Eng.
Miscellany, 357. Latin versions are printed in the two last-named. Our
author makes only general reference to it in 78/75-85, but ll. 85-91 are
taken directly from a Dignatio diei Dominicae which is sometimes
associated with it, and is found separately in the Pseudo-Augustine
Sermons clxvii, cclxxx, and Alcuin, ed. Froben, ii. 487. It is also
added to one MS. of the Visio Pauli (Brandes, 102), and it precedes the
German version which he prints at p. 83. It also forms the subject of
the fourteenth homily in OEH i. 139.

1. #Leofemen#: like ‘Men þa leofestan’ of the Blickling Homilies: the
writer also uses, ‘Gode men.’ But ‘Lordinges and leuedis,’ 215/31 is
French = Seingnurs & dames. #ȝe willeliche#: Zupitza prints ȝewilleliche
(_adv._, meaning gladly), and the separation of the words in the
manuscript is of no weight against it. But the prefix #ge# is in this
text commonly reduced to _i_, and ȝewilleliche occurs nowhere else and
has nothing to correspond in OE., the forms in which are #willīce#,
#willendlīce#, while willeliche is in AR 396/20. #ȝe# is probably a
repetition of the preceding by mistake for ec, which very frequently
goes with and in these homilies (comp. 76/4, 78/68).

2. #hit# belongs to lusten as well as to understonden; comp. ‘þe luste
nulleð þesne red,’ OEH i. 63/161, and for the postponement of #hit#, ‘Al
hit us mei rede ⁊ to lare ȝif we wulleð,’ id. i. 15/5, where to goes
with rede.

3. #fredome#: the Latin version in Harley 2851 has for title Priuilegia
diei dominice.

4. #blisse# &c.: see 78/77.

6. #erming#, only here and at 76/22, 31 as adjective, for the usual
armliche. OE. #earming#, a miserable person. #rest of#: comp. 78/96;
‘þæt is sio an ræst eallra urra geswinca,’ Boethius, 144/27; ‘hwonne him
lifes weard, | frea ælmihtig frecenra siða | reste aȝeafe,’ Genesis,
1426; ‘lagosiða rest,’ id. 1486. Rare in ME., but for the verb comp.
‘thei rest of her traueilis,’ Apoc. xiv. 13 (Purvey).

7. #to soþe# &c.: see 90/73 note.

8. #þet wes#: comp. 1/10, where the verb is plural.

10. #hu--ferde#, how things went on there: ‘quia deus voluit ut Paulus
videret penas inferni,’ B iv. 75/5. #Mihhal--wuniende#, there is nothing
corresponding in B iv, but James has, ‘dixit [angelus] mihi: Veni et
sequere me, et ostendam tibi animas impiorum et peccatorum ut cognoscas
qualis sit locus,’ 28/17, and Adam de Ros, ‘Seint michiel en ueit auant
| Sein pol ses hores disant,’ Ward, ii. 410.

15, 16. #eȝen#: probably a mistake for eren (= ‘auribus’ B iv), as
Kölbing pointed out in ES xxii. 137. #hefede#, by the hair, ‘capillis.’
#heorte#: a strange substitution for ‘brachiis’ of B iv.

16. #ouen--leies#: ‘fornacem ignis ardentem per septem flammas in
diversis coloribus,’ B iv. #he#, i.e. ouen; if not a mistake for þe, a
striking example of parataxis.

17. #eateliche to bi haldene#: comp. ‘eatolice on to seonne,’ Beda,
240/21; the _dat. inf._ answers to the L. supine as in terribilis
aspectu. In #sead . . . to iseonne#, 133/30, it corresponds to the
genitive of the L. gerund, aspiciendi.

18. #strengre#: see 21/94 note, and comp. ‘ne geþæncaþ hio na, hu strang
hit biþ an helle to bionne,’ Wulfstan, 225/12.

21. #meister deoflen#, principal devils: for this use of meister comp.
KH 642 note. They are not in B iv, but F iv has ‘Soignours, an l’apre
fornoise habitent · vij · delo[u]rs | · vij · diable l’atisent: cest lor
maistre labours | Et · vij · flames an issent de diverses colours.’
#swilc#, as if; OE. #swilce#, _conj._; comp. ‘He . . . geseah |
modiglice menn on merebate | sittan siðfrome swylce hie ofer sæ comon,’
Andreas, 247; ‘mon geseah swelce hit wære an gylden hring on heofonum,’
Orosius, 234/8; ‘þe king Leir iwerðe swa blac[;] swlch hit a blac cloð
weoren,’ L 3069. #Swylc swa# is also found with the same conjunctive
sense, ‘þyslic me is gesewen . . . þis andwearde lif . . . swylc swa þu
æt swæsendum sitte,’ Beda, 134/24. For #swilc swa#, such as, 76/29, see
34/80 note.

24. #þe sea of helle#: B iv has ‘Et septem plage erant in circuitu eius
(i.e. fornacis): prima nix, secunda glacies’ &c. The writer or his
original has changed these plagues of the furnace into waves ‘uþe’ of
the ‘flumen orribile in quo multe bestie dyabolice erant quasi pisces in
medio maris,’ which is mentioned at a later point in the Latin, while he
alters the river into a lake, perhaps due to a recollection of the
‘stagnum ignis et sulphuris’ of the Apocalypse, xx. 9.

25. #snau#: comp. 120/100.

26. #smorðer#, thick smoke: B iv has ‘sexta fulgur’; F iv ‘Et la siste
de foudres et d’avenimemant.’ F iii agrees with the English text. #ful
stunch#: comp. 46/277; 133/44.

28. #unaneomned#, without a name, because they were like nothing in this
world; not ‘unmentionable, on account of their number,’ Morris. There is
no description of the beasts in the Latin, but such details are to be
found elsewhere in the Visions literature, e.g. Visio Tnugdali, 16/7,
17, 19/26.

31. #to brekene#: dative infinitive: OE. #swīcan#, #geswīcan#, to cease
from, are often constructed with dative of nouns, as, ‘gif he ðonne ðære
hnappunge ne swicð,’ Cura Past., 195/11, but apparently not with the
dat. inf. This construction is common with analogous verbs such as
#onginnan#, #forlǣtan#, #ieldan#. In ME. the dative of the noun occurs,
as ‘þa aswac worden[;] Merlin þe wise,’ L 16112; and the gen., ‘iswikeð
unrihtwisra dedan,’ OEH i. 117/32 as in OE., ‘ðæs noldan geswican,’ BH
211/6. Comp. 81/85, 6. #þe--nalden#: ‘qui non egerunt penitenciam post
peccata commissa in hoc mundo,’ B iv. 75/14.

32. #enden#: see 80/54.

33. #lude remeð#: ‘ululant’; comp. 120/99, 192/528.

34. #his#, each of them his; distributive in meaning.

37. #Miserere# &c.: possibly from some unprinted version of the Visio,
or from some version of the Evangelium Nichodemi; comp. The Harrowing of
Hell, ed. Hulme, 18/203.

39. #ham#: the writer frequently doubles the subject or object by a
pronoun; comp. ‘ꝥ ic hit efre dude mid mine wrechede licome þas sunnen,’
OEH i. 29/9; ‘þe mon þe leie · xii · moneð in ane prisune nalde he
ȝefen,’ id. 33/9; ‘Gif þu hine iseȝe þet he wulle,’ id. 17/13. See also
78/97 note; 136/144; 138/12.

41. #midde warðe#: OE. #middeweard# is usually an adjective,
occasionally a noun: it is probably adj. here, and miswritten for
middewarðre. Comp. ‘In mideward þe felde,’ KH, O 574. #clusterlokan# is
explained as ‘enclosures,’ Morris; ‘cloisters,’ Strat.-Bradley. The
corresponding passage in B iv appears to be, ‘Et ostendit illi puteum
signatum ·vij· sigillis et ait illi: Sta longe ut possis sustinere
fetorem hunc,’ and the meaning, fastening, lock, seems most appropriate
here. The word is OE. #clūstorloc#: comp. Pogatscher, §§ 179, 182; L. L.
claustella, _pl._ of claustellum, is glossed clusterlocæ, Sweet, Oldest
E. Texts, 50/220; hæpsan, loca, Napier, OE. Glosses, 106/4003;
clustello, loce, fæstene, id. 136/5936. The metrical versions have
‘seals,’ except the Jesus MS., ‘Seoue duren þer beoþ on’; OEM 153/235
and the second prose version renders, ‘a put ylokke wiþ seuen lockes,’
ES xxii. 136/53. Comp. also, ‘Til he vnclustri al þe lokes | þat liif
ligges vnder,’ ES ix. 441/59, 60.

42. #þar neh#, near that place; an expression of rare occurrence; comp.
‘magas þa þe þær neah wæron,’ BH 139/16.

44. #escade . . . to#: see 77/49; a rare construction, not in OE., and
probably influenced by F. demander à; comp. ‘Huet may þe zone betere
acsy to his uader þanne bread,’ Ayenbite, 110/14: analogous is, ‘fulluht
we to þe ȝeorneð,’ L 29473. But at is older, ‘hwæt axast ðu æt us,’ Ælf.
Lives, ii. 74/112, and of is in Layamon, ‘he axede gauel of þan londe,’
6122. Comp. ‘þretest to,’ 155/83.

45. In the Latin and the other versions the bad bishop is not in the
‘puteus,’ but in another place of less torment; there he is ‘avarus et
dolosus et superbus,’ here he is specialized into one who iniquitously
vexed his tenants and dependants by legal proceedings and steady
oppression. So the Monk of Eynsham saw a bishop grievously tormented
‘quod placitoris loco inter saeculares iudices consedere plurimum
delectari soleret, multis etiam bona conscientia nitentibus in
litigantibus violentus contra iustitiam oppressor exstiterit,’ 698/5.
Some contemporary is here meant, such as Gilbert Glanville, Roffensis
(Godwin, De Presulibus, i. 572), or perhaps the earlier Gerard of York
(id. ii. 27; Mapes, De Nugis Curialium, 224). The haughty maiden of ll.
50-54 is not in the Latin; in all probability she is drawn from the

46. #lokien#: ‘non custodivit legem dei,’ B iv. 77/21; see 4/20 and
comp. ‘witen,’ 77/58.

49. #swiðe unbisorȝeliche#, with great want of care, consideration, like
‘mid mycelre reþnesse,’ said of the bishop’s treatment by the devils in
BH 43/29.

52. #Elmesȝeorn#, fond of giving alms, benevolent; OE. #ælmes-georn#: it
occurs here only in ME. #prud . . . ⁊ modi#: comp. 3/4; ‘So modi and so
prute,’ OEM 82/300.

53. #wreðful ⁊ ontful#: comp. 56/31.

55. #forð mid#, together with: see 1/19 note. #of#, from: a common use
with dative in OE.; comp. ‘Peahte ðeod com of Scyþþia lande on scipum,’
Bede, 28/7.

56. #on þunres liche#, in the likeness of thunder: the alteration of the
MS. reading wunres is due to Morris, but the resultant meaning is
unsatisfactory. He suggested, on þunres sleȝe, comparing ‘þær com swylce
þunres slege,’ Ev. Nichod. ed. Thwaites, 13/3, and the expression occurs
in ME. ‘ofdradd of ðese muchele ðþunresleiȝ ðe cumþ ut of godes auȝene
muðe,’ VV 11/18. The writer has elsewhere, ‘Vre drihten wile cumen
dredliche in fures liche,’ OEH i. 143/15, which may suggest the true
reading here. The Latin has ‘deus descendit de celo et dyadema in capite
eius’; possibly crunes lurks under wunres.

60. #toȝeines#, _adv._, in reply: #him# depends directly on #seide#, as
in ‘ic eou habbe þet godspel iseid,’ OEH i. 5/13; ‘heom seggen godes
lore,’ id. 7/33, though the construction with to is also found in these
homilies. Comp. ‘Cuðberhtus him togeanes cwæð,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii.
138/34. But the word is generally a preposition, as at 64/56, 86/142.
#ȝef--is#: see 134/84.

61. #la hwure#, ah! at any rate. This writer uses #La# mostly with
interrogatives, ‘La hu ne beað,’ 89/34; ‘Lahwet scal þis beon,’ 89/36.
#a þet#: see 72/179 note.

63. #efterward#, in quest of, seeking; = ‘efter’ 7/53; comp. ‘þat ha
beon þe lasse afterward swuch þing,’ HM 37/7; ‘Iohannes . . . wearð him
æfterweard,’ Ælf. de Novo Testamento, 18/21. Similar uses of the
compound in the sense of the simple preposition are, ‘al urommard
þisse,’ AR 178/18; 58/66 note; 70/165: ‘They met Beues inwarde the
paleys,’ Beues of Hamtoun, 69/1208; ‘alysde of þam witum ða þe towearde
wæron,’ Wulfstan, 228/11. Similarly ‘þu most beon on ward þine sunnen,’
OEH i. 37/20 appears to mean, thou must give attention to thy sins.

64. #swiðe wa#: see 40/181 note and comp. ‘Ofte hadde horn beo wo | At
neure wurs þan him was þo,’ KH 115, where him shows that horn is dative.
#abeh# &c.: ‘Post hoc prostravit se Michahel et Paulus et angelorum
milia milium ante filium dei,’ B iv.

66. #for#, by: comp. 94/26.

68. #þes þe redþer#, the sooner on that account, the sooner. The more
regular comparison is seen in, ‘ah þes þe we heoueden mare wele on þisse
liue, þes we ahte to beon þe edmoddre,’ OEH i. 5/27, 21/12.

69. #a þet#: see 72/179 note.

71. #non#, three o’clock, when the Sunday festival began; ‘ab hora nona
sabbati usque in prima hora secunde ferie,’ B iv. 79/21; ‘fram nóntide
þæs sæternesdæges oð monandæges lihtincge,’ Wulfstan, 207/11. #a þa#:
see 72/179 note.

72. #þet efre forð#, for all future time: for #þet#, until, see 72/179
note; it is so used especially when aþet, or aþa precedes it; comp. ‘a
þet ic beo ealdre oðer þet ic beo sec,’ OEH i. 23/3. #forð#, right
onwards, develops the meaning, continuously, ever; comp. ‘ðat we moten
forð mid ȝew on blisse wuniȝen,’ VV 21/24, 25/12, 113/16.

74. #mucheles#, by much; an adverbial genitive, mostly used in
comparative phrases, as, ‘mucheles þe swuðere,’ AR 368/6; ‘mucheles þe
more,’ OEM 86/74; ‘se læce bið micles to bald,’ Cura Past., 60/2.

75. #for--seið#: ‘Hanc epistolam scripsit dominus Iesus Xristus manibus
suis,’ Sunday Letter in An Eng. Misc., p. 400. The Latin quotations
which follow are probably from some redaction or expansion of the same

79. #Ne beo# &c.: ‘nec aliud faciatis in die dominico nisi sacerdotibus
meis seruiatis,’ An Eng. Misc., 403.

80. #bisocnie#, visit, frequenting; elsewhere, petition, request:
Mätzner compares ON. kirkju-sókn: see chirchsocne 82/4; hamsocne 12/9.

82. #iset#, miswritten for iseit, translating ‘dicitur.’

85. #iloken#, observe, from the idea of keeping guard over something;
comp. 116/156.

86. #ester dei#: ‘Dominicum ergo diem Apostoli . . . religiosa
sollemnitate habendum sanxerunt, quia in eodem Redemptor noster a
mortuis resurrexit,’ Pseudo-August. Sermo cclxxx; ‘dies clarus in quo
resurrexit Dominus a morte . . . in quo Spiritus sanctus descendit in
Apostolos et in quo speramus Dominum nostrum . . . ad judicium
venturum,’ id. Sermo clxvii. Comp. Wulfstan 219/27-29, 230/26-28;
294/5-12; Alcuin, ii. 488; OEH i. 143/7.

91. #hafð mid hire#, there is inherent in it.

92. #mihte#, virtues, the power to accomplish certain purposes.

93. #eorðe þrelles#: a combination after the pattern of #eorðwaru#, as
in ‘Sunne dei blisseð togederes houeneware ⁊ horðeware,’ OEH i. 139/22:
not ‘slaves,’ Morris, but said of men generally as enslaved by earthly
pursuits; comp. 14/54-56.

94. #heom#: the corrupt reading of the MS. perhaps points to he heom as
the original; see 77/39 note. Comp. ‘þe sonenday is best of alle | þanne
aungles habbuz heore pley,’ Archiv lii. 35, the Latin has only ‘in quo
[die] gaudent angeli et archangeli maior diebus ceteris.’

96. #ireste . . . of#: comp. 76/6.

97. Whosoever then observes Sunday . . . let them be participators &c.,
is a sentence of much the same type as, ‘Se þe Drihten ondræde herie
hine, eall Iacobes cynn,’ Psalter, ed. Thorpe, xxi. 21; 77/39. Morris
suggests the change of heo to he, but singular and plural in these texts
often alternate: for #beo#, _pl. subj._, see 82/119. #þa oðer halie
daȝes#: the feast-days of obligation.

100. #abuten ende#: see 34/85 note.


  Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου  [Anabatikon Paulou]


  1/19 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
  21/94 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred)
  34/80, 34/85, 40/181 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  72/179 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  77/39 (note) = _present selection_
  90/73 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues)
  p. 269 = V. (A Parable)
  p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  p. 327 = VIII. (Poema Morale) under Dialect


  #Literature:# ... Bedae Opera Historica
    [_text unchanged, but work cited spells it “Baedae”_]
  _w_ is added ... #ġ# is _ȝ_
    [_“ȝ” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  #Accidence:# ... monedeis 72;  [72:]
  The weak declension ... strong and weak, is e;  [e,]
  The personal pronouns ... (dei like L. dies is _fm._)  [L dies]
  (1) S. Paul in ... One of these, the Ἀναβατικὸν Παύλου, is lost
    [Παύλου is]
  represented in a Latin version  [Version]
  The Latin version ... (4) Anonymous, B.M. Add. 15606  [B M]


#Manuscript:# As for piece x.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 47-53, and Specimens, 21-25.

#Literature:# Cohn, O., Die Sprache in der me. Predigtsammlung der Hs.
Lambeth 487, Berlin, 1880.

#Phonology# &c.: See piece x, pp. 407, 410, 413.

#Introduction:# No source has been found for this singular piece, which,
in its treatment of Jeremiah in the pit as the type of the unshriven
sinner, differs from the usual mystical interpretations of this episode
in the life of the prophet. So Adam of Prémontré, ‘Pax tibi, o
sanctificate in utero, virgo et sacerdos Dei, o Jeremia sanctissime!
quem de lacu lutoso et funes et panni levant veteres, quia sanctos Dei
ab aeterno ad vitam ab ipso praedestinatos de sordido vitae praesentis
profundo et sacrae Scripturae praecepta et sancta elevant exempla,’ De
triplici genere Contemplationis, Migne, P. L., cxcviii., col. 824. So
for S. Gregory, the ropes are ‘praecepta Dominica,’ the old rags,
‘antiquorum patrum exempla,’ Moralia, xxv. 7, and the interpretation of
Hugh of S. Victor, ii. 256, is similar.

The homily consists of two parts, very dissimilar in style and
discordant in tone; the joint is plainly discernible at 81/76. The first
part is an earnest insistence on the necessity of sacramental
confession, a question much debated at the time of this sermon and
after, till it was finally disposed of by the fourth Lateran Council in
1215 A.D. The passages in Latin, like 81/64, do not necessarily imply a
Latin original, they are rather headings of the divisions of the
discourse, which is probably an effort of the writer’s own ingenuity in
support of his favourite contention. It contains no hint of the crabs
and other ‘wurmes’ of the pit. The second part reads like a translation;
it has all the vivacity and simple directness of the contemporary French
Sermo ad Populum. Its leading idea was probably suggested by the famous
apologue in the legend of Barlaam of the man who, pursued by a furious
unicorn, fell into a well tenanted by a dragon, a four-headed snake, and
two mice. This story was used by Eudes de Cheriton, p. 217, and Jacques
de Vitry, no. cxxxiv.

The thirty-third Homily in OEH ii. should be compared with this second
part: it is in the same style, if not by the same author.

1. The Latin is based on Jeremiah xxxviii. 6-13, but there is no
authority in that place for the second sentence and the first half of
the fourth. Comestor adds to the Scripture narrative, ‘et erat propheta
in luto usque ad guttur.’

7. #ꝥ# = þet: see 76/8, 25.

8. #⁊ ꝥ#, and what is more, and indeed: comp. 80/33; OEH i. 121/9.

12. #claðes#: ‘veteres pannos et antiqua quae computruerant,’ Jer.
xxxviii. 11.

15. #bitacnunge#, spiritual meaning, allegorical significance.

17. #fuliwis#: see 32/40. #almihtin#, comp. 51/337: according to NED.,
it owes its _n_ to imitation of drihtin: Morsbach, ME. Gram. 95/4 sets
it down to late OE. _acc._ #ælmihtigne#.

18. #Beati# &c.: S. Luke xi. 28.

23. Alanus de Insulis, Opera, ed. Visch, 78, has the same words as a
quotation without naming the author. S. Gregory, Regula Pastoralis, pars
iii. ch. 34 and in four other places, quotes 2 Pet. ii. 21 thus, ‘Melius
enim eis non cognoscere viam justitiae, quam post agnitionem retrorsum
converti ab eo quod illis traditum est.’

25. #þe#: miswritten for þen; see 80/39: þet, from the preceding
clause, is to be understood with it.

26. ‘Qui declinat aures suas ne audiat legem, oratio eius erit
execrabilis,’ Prov. xxviii. 9, is quoted by S. Gregory, Moral., xvi. ch.
21, with variant ‘aurem suam,’ as in Codex Amiatinus, and again Moral.,
x. ch. 15, with ‘avertit aurem suam.’ #Obturat# is probably due to ‘Qui
obturat aures suas,’ Isa. xxxiii. 15, also quoted by S. Gregory, Op. i.

28. #þe--beoð#, that proceed from him.

29. #unwurðe#: _pl._ OE. #unwierþ#, despicable: see 26/258. #Puteus# &c.
What follows is drawn from S. Augustine’s Enarratio in Psalmum lxviii.
15, 16, ‘Eripe me de luto ut non infigar: libera me ab iis, qui oderunt
me, et de profundis aquarum. Non me demergat tempestas aquae, neque
absorbeat me profundum: neque urgeat super me puteus os suum,’ on which
part of the comment is, ‘Magnus est puteus profunditas iniquitatis
humanae: illuc quisque si ceciderit, in altum cadet. Sed tamen ibi
positus, si confitetur peccata Deo suo, non super eum claudet puteus os
suum,’ Op. iv^1, col. 523, an interpretation adopted by Bede, viii. 655.
The writer of the homily probably had for his immediate source the
abbreviated quotation in the Liber Poenitentialis of Alanus, 195. Comp.
OEH ii. 43 for another comment on this passage.

32. #heueð sunnen#: see 54/8.

34. #glutenerie#, gluttony: OF. glutunerie; apparently here only.

35. #ꝥ#: comp. 1/10.

37. #hames#, estates, possessions, as in ‘hig cípton ealle hira hámas,’
Gen. xlvii. 20 = ‘vendentibus singulis possessiones suas.’

38. #tunes#, enclosures, such as parks: comp. OE. #dēor-tūn#.

39. #þe liggeð--arisen#: comp. ‘in quo lacu sunt multi qui se ibi esse
non sentiunt, quia peccata sua non attendunt, nec clamant ad Dominum,’
Beda, viii. 508.

41. #propheta#, S. Augustine: the quotation in Alanus is ‘non claudet
super te os suum, si tu non claudas os tuum.’

43. Comp. ‘ne ꝥ þe pit tune ouer me his muð,’ OEH ii. 43/16.

45. #feower daȝes oðer fiue#, for a considerable length of time: comp.
‘Iesus þo his wille wes · aros from deþe to lyue. | Þeyh hyne bi-wusten
knyhtes voure oþer vyue,’ OEM 52/538.

46. #ualleð# &c.: probably suggested by ‘Lacum aperuit, et effodit eum:
et incidit in foveam, quam fecit,’ Ps. vii. 16.

47. #him#: comp. 2/17, 120/96, 121/132. This dative instead of the
possessive adj. is common with parts of the body affected: in ‘þat his
ribbes him to brake,’ KH 1077 we find both. #ꝥ is ꝥ#, that means: comp.
‘ꝥ is þet þe deofel þe geð abutan . . . ꝥ he neure ne maȝe cuman
wið-innan us,’ OEH i. 127/27. #þer# &c., where he never again cometh out
of penance, i.e. where he must make perpetual expiation instead of a
brief one on earth. For omission of the subject comp. 6/18 and for of =
out of, ‘forfaren of ða rihte weiȝe,’ VV 125/30: for bote comp. 80/58.
Morris, in OEH i. 48, translates, ‘from whence he will never again
return to repent,’ joining þer of and taking bote as = to bote. In
Specimens it is taken to mean, ‘therefrom neuer again cometh help,’ but
of should be after bote for that sense, comp. 64/61, 66/116, and the
examples in the note at 1/3, though the prep. is occasionally awkwardly
placed before a noun which it does not govern, as at 84/45,106/210.

51. #þreo herde weies#: comp. ‘Tria debent occurrere ad hoc ut vera sit
confessio; scilicet cordis contritio, oris professio, operis
satisfactio. . . . Haec est via trium dierum per quam debemus ire in
solitudinem,’ Alanus, 99. But it is a commonplace: see the Liber
Sacerdotalis on Confession. In a French sermon we find, ‘Vocabatur
[diabolus] primo, gallice “Clocuer,” claudens cor contra contritionem;
secundo “Cloboche,” claudens os contra confessionem; tertio “Cloborse,”
claudens bursam contra satisfactionem,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 159.

54. #dede wel endinge# is wrongly explained in Specimens as = wel dede
endinge, completion or performance of good works. It is a very literal
translation of the Latin phrase, #dede#, _gen._ = operis, #wel# = satis,
#endinge# = factio. For enden, to perform, especially of religious
observances, comp. 77/32; ‘þat oure louerd hem ȝeue grace: þis holi dede
wel ende,’ E. E. Poems, 47/137. #Cordis# &c.: the source of this is
unknown to me.

56. #þe[nne]#: the correction was perhaps unnecessary, for þe = when,
occurs in OEH i. 79/21: possibly in both places þe is for þē = þen.

58. #sunbote#, confession, here corresponds to ‘oris confessione’: its
more usual meaning is penance, ‘operis satisfactione,’ as in ‘Alle
weldede beoð freomfulle to sun-bote · ah nan mare freomful denne elmes
idal,’ OEH i. 135/29: so ‘bote’ in l. 48 above. In 48/314, ‘cume to
bote’ has a more general sense of, find pardon.

60. #þruh#, coffin, not ‘tomb,’ Morris; the burial belongs to the third
stage, 81/63.

61. #scrift underuongest#, dost undertake, submit to the penance
enjoined by the priest: comp. ‘ær he hæbbe godcunde bote underfangen,’ =
‘antequam divinam emendationem susceperit,’ Schmid, Gesetze, 178/5.

62. #þenne# &c., when thou hast done penance for thy sins in accordance
with the directions of thy confessor: see 62/30.

63. #þine onwalde#, authority, power over thee: #þine# corresponds to
the genitive which goes with OE. #anweald#, #onweald# in the same sense,
as ‘onwald . . . ðæs folces,’ Cura Past., 3/5, power over the nation.

66. #heuie# is probably a mistake for heued; comp. 80/32; but ‘heuie
sennen,’ OEH ii. 11/29.

67. #sunbendes#: ‘colligationes impietatis,’ Isa. lviii. 6; comp.
85/100; ‘þeo þat ye aleseþ here · of heore sunnes bende,’ OEM 55/629.
Similarly ‘bendes’ 40/188: the verb is common, 135/123; ‘Ðe ilke mann ðe
is ibunden mid heaued-senne,’ VV 101/8; OEM 192/5.

76. #in alesnesse#, for the deliverance: #in# expresses purpose and the
noun is historically accusative; comp. ‘in gemynd þæs wundres,’ Beda,

77. #þe . . . embe#, about which: comp. 1/3; 89/48; 90/73; 118/44; ‘mast
ðar embe spekð,’ VV 101/9. So, þe . . . mide, 79.

80. #fower cunnes wurmes#, crawling things of four kinds; in such
expressions the _sing. gen._ cunnes often displaces the normal plural;
comp. 27/295, 88/13, 92/117, 119/90, 124/264, 134/93, 187/358, and
contrast ‘kunne,’ 132/9 note. So too the predicative ‘manie kinnes,’ of
many kinds, 85/104, 105.

82. #⁊ beoreð#, which carry: parataxis as in 150/27; ‘Euelin iseh enne
gume . . . ⁊ bar an his riht hond[;] ænne stelene brond,’ L 8435.

85. #euer#, as an invariable result; comp. 7/69. Connect #se mare#, the
more. #strengðdeð him#, exerts himself; comp. ‘⁊ streinþede him by al ys
miht | to serue god,’ Bödd., AE. Dicht. 257/7. #to swimminde#, in order
to swim, for swimming: corresponding in form to LWS. #to swimmende#,
alternating with the regular _dat._ infinitive #to swimmene#: comp. ‘to
quemende,’ 84/68, 70; ‘to lesende,’ 87/148; ‘to clensende,’ 87/177.
Another exchange of terminations is seen in ‘Hit is to vnderstondinge
þ{a}t sir Renaud . . . purchacede’ &c., An Eng. Miscellany, 350/6. The
writer has ‘to brekene,’ 76/31, ‘for to lokien,’ 76/9.

86-90. Comp. ‘Ecce quot laqueos diabolus tendit litteratis et maxime
theologis et predicatoribus, nam subplantatis et dejectis doctoribus
facile deiciuntur discipuli; verum dicitur quod cuidam querenti a cancro
cur non incederet recte sed retrograde, respondit cancer: “Ita didici a
parentibus meis,”’ Jacques de Vitry, xliv. (the Exempla ex Sermonibus
Vulgaribus may have been written as early as 1210 A.D.). The crab is
accordingly the type of the teacher who cannot himself perform what he
expects his pupils to do.

90. #swam hire#, swam: see 13/34.

92. #alse feire . . . alse#, as kindly as if.

93. #in--bosme puten#, clasp to their heart, like ‘suo sinu complexuque
recipiet,’ Cic. Phil. xiii. 4, 9.

94. #to twiccheð#, pluck to pieces, speak censoriously of; like L.
vellicare, discerpere. #to draȝeð#, rend, practise detraction, L.

95. #doctores#: perhaps detractores; comp. ‘Detractores, Deo odibiles,’
Rom. i. 30. But the mother crab was a ‘doctor,’ and #eciam# here may be

96. For the absolute use of #bihinden# comp. ‘þe ꝥ spekeð faire bi-foren
⁊ false bi-hinden,’ OEH i. 143/25.

97. #monslaȝen#, homicides. S. Gregory calls them cannibals, ‘Sciendum
quoque est quia hi etiam qui alienae vitae detractione pascuntur,
alienis procul dubio carnibus satiantur,’ Moralia, xiv. 52.

100. #þes--ehte#: read þes weorldes muchele ehte.

101. #itimien# represents OE. #getīmian#, to befall, happen, a meaning
which does not suit here or at 104. The ME. word may here have been
influenced by OWScand. tíma, always used with a negative as in tíma
ekki, to grudge (Egge in Mod. Lang. Notes, i. 131), but his suggestion
of a connexion with ‘beteem,’ Shak. Hamlet I. ii. 141, must be rejected,
and the isolated use of the word in a Scandinavian sense, afford, find
in his heart, in this Southern text makes a difficulty. Mätzner suggests
the meaning, ‘verfallen auf etwas,’ and Strat.-Bradley, ‘to use
opportunities.’ Possibly the writer was trying to translate some such
Latin as, non potest temporanee manducare, or temporare (= in tempore
vivere, Catholicon), or adtemporare, which would suggest getimien in a
strained sense of, to do at the proper season.

102. #ah liggeð þer uppon#: comp. ‘Condit opes alius, defossoque incubat
auro,’ Virgil, Georg. ii. 507; ‘Chryseros quidam nummularius, copiosae
pecuniae dominus . . . sordidus aureos folles incubabat,’ Apuleius,
Metamorp. iv. 9.

103. Eudes de Cheriton, Fabula lxvii. has, ‘#Contra auaros et laycos
tenaces.# Bufo, qui habitat in terra, rogauit Ranam, que habitat in
flumine, quod daret ei de aqua ad potandum. Ait Rana: Placet; et dedit
ei quantum uolebat. Rana esuriens rogauit quod daret ei de terra.
Respondit Bufo: Certe nichil dabo, quia ego ipse, timens ne deficiat,
[non] comedo ad sufficienciam. Sic sunt plerique in tantum tenaces, quod
expectant quod panes sint muscidi, bacones rancidi, pastilli sint
putridi; nec possunt manducare nec pro Deo dare; timent quod terra eis
deficiat. Hii sunt bufones Diaboli.’ Eudes flourished about 1219 A.D.
The parallelism between ‘nec--dare’ and ‘maȝen--godalmihtin’, 101, 2;
and between ‘timent--deficiat’ and ‘swa--trukie,’ 104, 5, is striking.

105. #trukie#: comp. 72/183.

107. The passage in brackets is conjectural: the copyist passed over a
line ending with the same word as that which he had just completed. For
the yellow cloth see 62/46 note.

109. #helfter#, halter, noose: OE. #hælfter#. The original had, no
doubt, laqueus diaboli. For similar expressions comp. ‘Revera ornatus
muliebris sagena diaboli est,’ Caesarius Heist., 287; ‘diaboli hamus,’
Vitas Patrum, 302. #þeos wimmen# &c.: comp. ‘Mundus est _la garanne au
diable_ in qua venatur ut capiat animas, et tendit ibi laqueos
infinitos. Unus laqueus ejus est pulchritudo corporalis et ornatus. Unde
istae dominae, quae tam pulchrae videntur esse et tam bene ornatae,
_acemées_, sunt muscipula diaboli, quam tendit ad capiendum fatuos;
ipsae sunt _la ratière au diable_,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 154. #lumeð#,
shine, are splendidly attired. The MS. reading luueð and Morris’s
conjecture liuieð give a poor sense. For _lumen_ comp. ‘Hire lure lumes
liht, | ase a launterne a nyht,’ Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 169/23; ‘þat lemeþ
al wiþ luefly lyt,’ id. 152/6, 155/8, 145/3. The transitive ‘alemeþ,’
illuminates, occurs in OEH ii. 109/1; ‘alumþ,’ id. 141/29. #musestoch#:
comp. ‘Similiter assatur caseus et ponitur in muscipula. Quem cum sentit
Ratus, intrat in muscipulam, capit caseum et capitur a muscipula. Sic
est de omni illicito. Caseus as[s]atur, quando mulier paratur, ornatur,
ut stultos ratos alliciat et capiat,’ Eudes de Cheriton, 221/1; ‘Mulier
pulchra . . . est caseus in muscipula. Mulier adornatur . . . Hoc est
caseus assatus,’ id. 328/1. See also 62/51 note.

114. #blanchet#, ‘fine wheaten flour,’ Halliwell, who quotes from MS.
Bowes of Robert of Brunne, ‘With blaunchette and other flour | To make
thaim qwytter of colour.’

116. #scawere#, mirror: comp. OEH ii. 29/9-13. #hindene#, Morris thinks
is miswritten for hid-ern, hiding-place; a word which does not occur
elsewhere; if it were connected with OE. #hȳdan# the first syllable
would be hud- in this text. In Specimens it is translated snare, with
comparison of OE. #hinderhōc#, stratagem, as if for hindere. I take it
to be the _adv._ hinden in substantive use, the hinder parts, the
‘behind’; in CM 22395, ‘hindwin.’ There is an ‘exemplum’ preserved in Le
Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry, ch. xxxi, which tells what the
lady who devoted a fourth of the day to her toilet once saw in her
mirror; it was probably in our writer’s mind here. The Book of the
Knight was written for the instruction of his daughters.

118. #wið#: comp. 48/299 and ‘þer wið,’ 82/121; ‘þe clenesse iscilt heo
wið unþeawes,’ OEH i. 111/17; but ‘from,’ 148/141; ‘Wiðtieð giu fro
flesliche lustes,’ OEH ii. 63/28.


  62/46 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)


  61. ... Schmid, Gesetze, 178/5.  [Schmidt]
  103. ... The parallelism between ‘nec--dare’ and ‘maȝen--godalmihtin’
    [_second set of quotation marks missing_]


#Manuscript:# Trinity College, Cambridge, B. 14. 52. See p. 312.

#Facsimile:# Frontispiece to OEH ii.; gives f 44 r.

#Edition:# Morris, R., OEH ii., and Specimens, pp. 26-33.

#Literature:# Krüger, A., Sprache und Dialekt der me. Homilien in der
Handschrift B. 14. 52. Trinity College, Cambridge, Erlangen, 1885.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# is _a_, ateliche 128, axen 183; #a# before nasals,
_a_, manne 168, þanken 48, but _o_ in þonc 72, þonked 84, 139; #a#
before lengthening groups, _o_, honde 23, understondeð 146, but _a_ in
lange 101, 184, understandeð 180: þanne 45, 136 alternates with þenne
52, 117. #æ# is _a_ (12 times), bad 88, 120, wat 175, and _e_ (9 times),
bed 11, set 71, wecche 97. #e# is _e_, eft 37, bendes 100, but
understont 176, understant 181 (#-stent#). #i# is _i_, bidden 188,
bringen 11, often written #ȳ# in synne OEH ii. 57/5, synfulle id. 57/17,
synegeden id. 65/16, and similar words: but #i# is _e_ in beð 122 (from
pl.), sleðrende 169. #o# is _o_, biforen 28, one 11, 14, borde 87, wolde
22, but an 185, a 4 (5 times). #u# is _u_, burh 21, bunden 127, but _o_
in comen 66, 69, folcninge 111, beside fulcninge 114. #y# is _i_ (29
times), iuele 116, kinne 103 (3), but _e_ in specð 85, euel OEH ii.
183/10, kenne id. 201/11, _u_ in cunde 162, fulste 76; cuinde 160 shows
hesitation between _u_ and _i_. #ā# is normally _o_, aros 137, bitocneð
102, but a 11, an 19, hatte 9, naðeles 13, 74. #ǣ{1}# is mostly _e_,
bileueð 158, clensinge 186, leren 65, but _a_ in ani 136, ar OEH ii.
11/24, lareð id. 15/2, _o_ in goð 4, 56 (from plural); a diphthong has
developed before #sc# in fleis 144 (6). #ǣ{2}# is also mostly _e_, beren
23, selðe 123, but _a_ in aristes 140, adrade OEH ii. 193/18, dade id.
187/22. #ē# is _e_, bete 73, este 166, but _o_ in doð 15, 159, 164 (from
plural), _ie_ in gie OEH ii. 21/9. #ī# is _i_, lichame 126, lif 67. #ō#
is _o_, blod 47, blostme 24, but te 11. #ū# is _u_, abuten 101, husel
47. #ȳ# is _i_, kidde 135, _e_, bet 147, _u_, cudden 18.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, armheorted 119, harde 98, warð 175, but
_e_ in bern 30, smerte _adj._ 98, _ea_ in smeart _pt. s._ OEH ii. 21/27,
_ia_ in giarked 84. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 71, half 68, but
sometimes _o_, olde OEH ii. 47/3, _ea_, ealde id. 19/15, ealse id.
35/23, and _ia_, ȝiald id. 169/4: the _i_-umlaut is _e_, eldre id.
43/35. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðliche 72 (3), heorte 62, but
_e_ in beregeð 114, herte 17, lerneð 17, sterre OEH ii. 161/4, _o_ in
storre id. 161/19, storres id. 161/6; the #wur# group has _u_, wurðe 84,
140, wurðlice 92, the _i_-umlaut is wanting, wurð 162, wurðe 91. #eo#
before #l# + cons. is _e_, self 155, seluen 90 (4), but sulfen OEH ii.
45/6. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, gives heuene 74, 79, wereld 168: #eo#,
_å_-umlaut of #e#, is wanting in fele 105. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of
#i#, is _e_ in bileue 149, clepen 10, cleped 44, 108, here 20, 107, 123,
seueðe 102, but biliue 172. #ea# after palatals is _a_, shal 27 (3), gaf
14, shap 158, but gef 172, giaf OEH ii. 113/27; _a_ in shameliche 127
before nasal. #ie# after #g# is _i_ in giueð 160, forgiuenesse 46, but
gief OEH ii. 9/10. #ȝef# is gif 57, 182. #eo# after #sc# is _u_, shulen
74: #eom# is am 17, #heom#, hem 171. #ēa# is regularly _e_, bred 87,
156, deð 6, ec 105, ester 101 (4), leue 143, þeh 12, but _a_ in admod
17, admodnesse 15, shad 148, _ea_ in deaðe 137; its _i_-umlaut is _e_,
lesen 147, lesende 148, remden 28, semeð 73. #ēo# is also _e_, beð 51,
ben 63 (10), crepe 100, preste 9 (5), but _ie_ in bie 30, 115, bien 61
(4), and _i_ in bi 57; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, þester OEH ii. 39/29, but
þiesternesse id. 9/27, and þeoster id. 171/25. #īe# after #g# is _e_ in
geme 57, 182; #hīe# is hie 74, 105.

#a# + #g# is _ag_, lage OEH ii. 3/6, dages id. 3/14. #æ# + #g# is _ai_,
dai 4 (5), fair 12 (3), mai 38 (4), but sunedeies 99, seið 24, 31, seide
155. #e# + #g# is _ei_, leiden 20, wei 32 (5); agen 37, 182 descends
from #ongēn#, so togenes 19, but toȝanes OEH ii. 177/32 is #tōgēanes#.
#e# + #h# gives _eh_, sehte 51 (3), sehtnesse 53, but Scand. sahtnesse
50. #i# + #g#, reine 171 (O.North. #regnian#). #u# + #g# is _ug_, muge
152, 188, but mo 77 (Kentish). #y# + #h#, drihten 33, driste 189. #ā# +
#g# is seen in agen 165, ogen 121; #ǣ{1}# + #g# in eiðer 126; #ē# + #g#
in tweie 39, tweien 10, 17, tweire 103; underfoð 106 (#-fēhþ#) has _o_
from the plural. #ō# + #g# gives boges 33, 65; #ō# + #h#, boh 24,
brohten 34; #ū# + #g#, bugen 88 (3). The _i_-umlaut of #ēa# + #ht# is
_i_ in mihte 135, 159, _ie_ in niehtes OEH ii. 11/5. #eo# + #h# is
represented in riht 68, rihte 143, six 96, sixte 101, its _i_-umlaut in
sest OEH ii. 137/5, seð id. 121/26. #ēa# + #g#, #h# in hege 21, heg 35,
nehgebures 122; hegeste 176 has no umlaut. #ēo# + #ht# is seen in
leochtes OEH ii. 11/5, liht id. 13/16. #ā# + #w# is _ou_, _ow_, soule
116 (4), snow 169, wowe 138, 181; noðer 12 is #nōþer#, noht 65, #nōht#.
#ēa# + #w# is _ew_, sheweð 94. #ēo# + #w# is _eow_, _eou_ in reoweð 119,
reouð 122, _ew_ in trewes 34, 60, hew 159 but hiu 158 (#hīew#), giu 147,
148, 153, comp. ȝiu 16/117: feorðe 99 is #fēorþa#, reoðe 121 (*#hrēowð#)
is probably miswritten for reowðe.

#Swā# is swo 9, in combination alse 15, wat . . . se 175. _e_ is
inserted in beregeð 114, forsinegede 71, 124, husel 47, ouelete 154,
shameliche 127, added finally in one 11, 14, þermide 139 by analogy of
inne 45, uppe 71. For #a#, _e_ appears in felefolde 164, for #e#, _i_ in
giarked 84; the prefix #ge-# is _i_ in iwis 150. #o# is _e_ in makede 5,
#u#, _e_ in þureh 54 (3); the suffix #-ung# is _ing_, clensinge 186,
tocninge 55, wissinge 95, but wissenge 187 and the compromise þroweinge
52. #ǣ# is _e_ in naðeles 74; #ea#, _o_ in felefolde 164; #ēa#, _e_ in
endelese 74, loðlesnesse 109.

In nemed 118, _n_ is omitted, by influence of the past #nemde#: #n# is
lost finally in selde 98, a 4 &c.: #nn# is simplified in mankin 136,
sinbote 109, sunedai 183: #ng# is _gg_ in biginnigge 5. #bb# is _u_ in
hauen 71, liuen 153. #f# becomes _u_ between vowels or vowel and liquid,
driuen 127, freureð 124, ouelete 154; in other positions it is generally
unchanged, fele 105, stefne 28, but uantstone OEH ii. 61/17, uele id.
63/11. #t# is doubled in settle 35, #ts# is _c_ in milce 188, _sc_ in
blesced 30: #d# is doubled in bidded 86; for #d#, _ð_ appears in
sleðrende 169; #ð# in dauiðes 30 is OE. #þ# is assimilated in atte 156,
likeste 122; te for þe 6, 166 is probably from the scribe’s exemplar as
tis 174 for þis; betfage is French, bethphage from the Vulgate: _d_ is
written for #þ# in bidded 86, maked 62, quedinde 145. #ss# is simplified
in cos 53; initial #sc# is _sh_, shal 27, shrud 113, shrifte 183, but
exceptionally srifte OEH ii. 73/5, scrifte id. 11/11: medially it is
seen in axen 183, acxen 96, bisshopes 61, englisse 44, it is _s_ final
in fles 47, fleis 150 (6). The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_,
drinke 150, kinne 103, but spece 118: it is omitted in ofþinð 123. #č#
is _ch_, eche 125, swinch 98; chosene 78 (#coren#) is conformed to
#cēosan#; for cruche 185 see NED. _s.v._ Crouch: #čč# is _cch_ in wecche
97, wrecche 123: #cw# is _qu_, quemende 68. Palatal #g# is written _g_,
giueð 160, gaf 14, hege 21, but occasionally _ȝ_, ȝaf OEH ii. 141/28,
heȝest id. 197/14: final #-ig# is _i_, but bode 189: swimesse 156
represents #swīg(e)messe#: #čǧ# is _g_ in wig 14, _gg_ in briggeden 32,
59. _h_ is added initially in heste, hestene 164, heorðliche 35, his 47;
#h# is lost in ider 130, louerd 13, lude 28, remden 28, reoweð 119,
reouð 122, reoðe 121; for #h#, _g_ occurs in hegsettle 35: #hw# is _w_,
wat 38 (3), wile 114, wit 113, conversely #hū# is hwu 130, wu 167: #ht#
is written _st_ in driste 189, _cht_ in leochtes OEH ii. 11/5.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. _Gen._ -es,
sunedeies 99, kinnes 104, 105: _d._ -e, deaðe 137, borde 87, but the
inflection is often wanting, as in the compounds of dai, 101, 183, 184
and in most of the neuters, blod 144 (4), fleis 144 (4), &c.; muð 156
may be _acc._ (Anglian) after mid. In the _acc._ weie 59, 60, 62 has _e_
like jo-stems, and tacne 53 from _pl._ #tācnu#: mule 12 is French. The
_pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, cloþes 20, prestes 61, bendes
100; preste 9 is a scribe’s mistake for prestes: neuters are burhfolc
21, þing 148. _Pl. g._ kinne 103, but englene 172, estrene 140
(#ēastrena#), kingene 13, muðene 44 are weak forms, louerdes 12; _d._
boges 33, 65, trewes 34, 60. The _fem._ nouns, except wereld 168, have
_e_ in the _s. nom._, chirchsocne 4, sinbote 109, abstracts in #-nes#,
109, 118, 119 as also in the _s. acc._ cuinde 160, forbisne 14, mihte
135, 159; hond 69, wereld 168 are exceptions: _g._ -e, sinne 100, but
aristes 140 (occasionally _m._ in OE.): _d._ -e, cunde 162, dede 15.
Plurals are _n._ hese 73, wede 103, wedes 104; _g._ estene 166, hestene
164, wedes 127; _d._ weden 131, honde 23, wedes 22, 125; _a._ mede 74,
sinne 119, sinnes 46 (4), honden 128, pinen 96. Nouns of the weak
declension have -e in all cases of the singular; lichames _s. g._ 162
excepted. Plurals are _n._ names 39, sanderbodes 18: _d._ axen 183,
blostmen 26: _a._ acxen 96, blostme 24. The minor declensions are
represented by fot _s. a._ 9, fet _pl. a._ 128; man _s. n._ 36,
cristeman 176, mannes _s. g._ 62 (4), man _s. d._ 117, manne 176 (a weak
form), men _pl. n._ 10, _pl. d._ 116, _pl. a._ 143; burh _s. d._ 21,
bureh 11, 18 (#byrig#); boc _s. n._ 24; helende _s. n._ 5 (5) with
participial termination; comp. 273/3, helendes _s. g._ 57; child _s. a._
112; children _pl. n._ 31.

Strong inflections of the adjective are _s. n. f._ bicumeliche 116,
holie 45, 51; _s. d. m._ bicumeliche 93, eche 125, _f._ bicumeliche 93,
94, 183, eorðliche 72, faire 64, lude 28, wise 66; _s. a. m._ endelese
181, rihte 143, sehte 55, _f._ eche 181; but holi _s. d. m._ 184, soð
183, fair _s. a. m._ 12 are not inflected. The weak form has mostly -e
in the singular, holie 24 (9), but holi 47 (9), lift 69, riht 68 are not
inflected. Adjectives in the plural have -e; as also comparatives and
superlatives, loðere 116, hegeste 176, but biterest 178. Adjectives used
as nouns are bitere _pl. g._ 178, half _s. a._ 68. #āgen# is ogen _s. d.
f._ 121; #ān# is an 19, a 11; #nān#, no 106 (3). Noteworthy among the
numerals are tweire _pl. g._ 103 (#twēgra#), fifte 100, sixte 101,
seueðe 102.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, we, ure _pl. g._ 182, us, te = þu in
likeste 122, ge, giu 147, 148, 153. The pronoun of the third person is
_s. n._ he _m._ 12, _d._ him _m._ 19, _a._ 27, hit _neut._ 19 (with asse
_m._), it 21 (with strete _f._); _pl. n._ hie 33, 74, _g._ here 107,
_d._ hem 72, _a._ 11. Reflexive is himseluen _d._ 107, _a._ 90:
definitive, himself _s. n._ 155: possessives are mi, ure, þin, his, hise
_pl. d._ 10, 78, here. The general form of the article is þe, te 6, 156,
166; inflected forms are ðet _s. n. neut._ 26, 117, þo _pl. n._ 17 (3);
þet 14, 84 is demonstrative: the article is used pronominally in þo þe,
those who 27 (10). The compound demonstrative is _s._ þis, tis 174,
_pl._ þese, once þis[e] 125. The relatives are þe, ꝥ = þet, þat 115: wat
38 (3) is interrogative: swiche 106, 129 is _pl._ Indefinites are me 27;
sum 24, sume _pl._ 33 (3); eiðer 126; oðer 117, oðre _s. d. m._ 15,
_s. a. m._ 136, _pl. d._ 22, _pl. a._ 135; ech 38, elhc 36, eches _s. g.
m._ 175, 178; ani 136; manie 104; fele 105; al _s. a. m._ 71, _s. a. f._
167, alle 114, _pl. n._ 105 (3), alre _pl. g._ 12 (6), alle _pl. a._
135 (3).

The infinitive ends in -en, bidden 188, þolen 6 and fifteen others;
exceptions are crepe 100, reine 171, and the contract verb fon 74.
Dative infinitives with inflection are to clensende 177, to lesende 148,
to quemende 68, for to quemende 70; without inflection, for . . . to
hauen 70, to blissen, to gladien 83, to bete 73 and ten others. Presents
are _s._ 1. speke 104, spece 118; 2. likeste (= likest þu) 122; 3.
beregeð 114, liðe 100 (miswritten for liðeð), bidded 86, for biddeð;
contract verb, underfoð, 106, 117; syncopated forms, about one-third of
the total number, bet 120, bet 147, bit 120, 143, sent 53, understont
176, &c.; _pl._ 1. hauen 186, undernimen 142; 2. understonden 154; 3.
bidden 46, herien 46, noten 45, þanken 48, wunien 9 and ten others in
-en, lereð 67, semeð 73, wisseð 63, maked 62, for makeð: _subjunctive
s._ 3. drinke 91, wurðe 84, 140; _pl._ 1. bugen 88; nime we 56, 182,
understonde 88; 3. liuen 153: _imperative s._ 2. haue 121, underfo 113;
_pl._ 2. brukeð 147, cumeð 87, lerneð 17, understondeð 87, 146. Past of
Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. gaf 14, gef 172, bad 88, 120, bed 11, set 71,
spec 160; _pl._ 3. eten 172: I b. _s._ 2. come 130; 3. com 8, 26; _pl._
3. beren 23, breken 33, 60, comen 28: I c. _s._ 3. warð 175; _pl._ 3.
funden 19: II. _s._ 3. aros 137, rod 20: IV. _pl._ 3. understoden 27: V.
_s._ 3. let 171; _pl._ 3. bihengen 21; _s._ 3. hatte 9. Participles
present: I a. queðinde 16 (3), quedinde 145; past: I b. brokene _adj._
65, cumen 182, cumene _pl._ 185: I c. bigunnen 179, 187, bigunne 177,
bunden 127, worpen 128: II. driuen 127: III. chosene _pl._ 78: V.
forleten 179, 187, shad 148. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. fette 138,
kidde 135, lufede 175, rerde 137, seide 155, sende 10 (3); _pl._ 3.
wenden 23, ferden 18, 28, leiden 20, makeden 61, but exceptionally
ferde, makede 58. Participles present: seiende 89, 120, seggende 86,
sleðrende 169; past: blesced 30, nemed 118, bet 179, 187, clepede _pl._
108, forsinegede _pl._ 71. Minor Groups: wot _pr. s._ 38; agen _pr. pl._
165; shal _pr. s._ 27, shulen _pr. pl._ 74; mai _pr. s._ 38 (4), muge we
1 _pr. pl._ 188, mo 77 (Kentish), muge [ge] 2 _pr. pl._ 152; ben _inf._
77, 127, am 1 _pr. s._ 17, is _pr. s._ 44, his 47, beð 122, 154, ben 1
_pr. pl._ 142, 185, _pr. pl._ 63 (10), bien 61 (3), beð 51, bie _pr. s.
subj._ 30, 115, bi 57, si (lof) 30, bien 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 182, was _pt.
s._ 18, weren _pt. pl._ 31, 67; wile _pr. s._ 78, wolde _pt. s._ 6, 22;
do 1 _pr. s._ 105, doð _pr. s._ 15, 159, 164, don 1 _pr. pl._ 141,
fuldon _pr. pl._ 74, do _pr. s. subj._ 114, do we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 88,
dide _pt. s._ 136, diden _pt. pl._ 31; gon _inf._ 101, goð _pr. s._ 4,

#Dialect:# A scribe of the South-East Midland has copied a manuscript
written in the South-Eastern area bordering on Kent. The changes he has
made affect both sounds and inflections in varying degree; in this
extract the Midland element is more pronounced than usual; towards the
end of his task the Southern gains the upper hand. But his exemplar was
in its turn descended from an original of the Middle or Western South,
written not long after the Conquest, or at any rate by a man to whom OE.
constructions, such as the uses of the dative in him 106, iuele 116,
folke 174, manne 176, were not strange.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are rideð 62, sahtnesse 50, shereðursdai 184,
wanrede 124, and probably gestninge 84. French are absolucion 100,
custume 3, diciples 10, mule 12, oliue 24, palefrei 12, procession 4,
prophete 169, proue 90, richeise 72, sepulcre 102. Latin are apostles
20, bisshopes 61, calice 52, cruche 100, crisme 112, fant(ston) 101,
munt 10, temple 23.

#Introduction:# These pieces appear to be original compositions of the
Middle English period, but the work of a writer who drew his ideas from
the older literature, Beda and Ælfric, and used many archaic words such
as burhfolc, chirchsocne, hegsettle, ouelete, sanderbodes, swimesse,
wig. There is similarity in parts to the sixth Blickling Homily.

1. #Turbe# &c.: S. Matt. xxi. 9.

4. #⁊# = and. #haueð--of#, has its origin in: for #of# comp. 131/98.

6. #Et# &c.: not a quotation from the Vulgate or Comestor.

8. #þe# is a mistake for he, necessary as sende l. 10 has no subject.

9. #preste#: ‘Bethphage erat viculus sacerdotum in monte Oliueti,’ Beda,
Opera, vii. 183. #þe . . . one#: see 1/3 note.

11. #into . . . ierusalem#: ‘in castellum quod contra eos erat ·i· in
hierusalem,’ Comestor, Hist. Euang. ch. cxvij. #wig#: OE. #wicg#, steed;
a poetical word, but here apparently in a depreciatory sense.

12. #noðer stede# &c.: comp. ‘Ne he nedde stede · ne no palefray. | Ac
rod vppe on asse · as ich eu segge may,’ OEM 39/67; OEH i. 5/19; ‘Broght
þai noþer on hir bak | Na sadel ne panel,’ CM 14981.

15. #on his dede . . . on his speche#, by means of act and word: _on_ is
more energetic than _in_: comp. ‘herte biðencheð ꝥ hie seggen shal on
songe,’ OEH ii. 211/17. But #on oðre stede# is a purely local use.

16. #Discite# &c.: S. Matt. xi. 29.

18. #sanderbodes#, messengers; apparently the word occurs only here, but
sandermen is in AS. Chron. 1123 A.D. A combination of #sand#, _gen._
#sande#, message, and #boda#, messenger: r may be due to Scandinavian
influence (NED viii. 91), or it is possibly analogous to that in
provender, OF. provende, lavender, Anglo-French lavendre, from LL.
lavendula. #þiderward#, on the way there; see 91/93 note.

21. #hihten#, adorned; comp. ‘alle þos wennen huihten his wurðshipe,’
OEH ii. 195/32, 71/24.

22. #oðre#: _adj. pl. d._, practically adverbial, besides.

25. #Occurrunt# &c.: Antiphon sung in procession on Palm Sunday,
according to Old English and Roman uses: see York Breviary i. 367.

27. #understoden#, received: for the earlier #underfōn# in this sense,
comp. 6/37, 11/187, 197, 207.

28. #remden lude stefne#, cried with a loud voice; stefne is dative;
comp. ‘and on cleopie agan[;] loudere stemne,’ L, MS. O 20789.

29. #Osanna# &c.: S. Matt. xxi. 9.

31. #Pueri Hebraeorum vestimenta prosternebant# in via, one of the
Antiphons sung at the blessing of the palms in the Old English and Roman
uses: see York Missal, i. 85, Breviary i. 367. _v. p._ are incorrectly
expanded in the text, through a too trustful following of Morris.

35. #heg settle#. OE. #setl#, #stōl# continue in regular use for the
official seat of king and dignitary till the middle of the thirteenth
century, when they are displaced by F. trone.

37. #fro chirche to chirche#. The Palm Sunday procession at Mattins
issued from the west door of the church, visited the stations in the
churchyard and re-entered the church by the same door. In so doing it
was mystically said to leave Bethphage and return to Jerusalem. The
scribe has misplaced #⁊ eft agen#; it should come before #to chirche#.
#⁊ bitocneð# parataxis; see 81/82.

40. #domus bucce#: ‘Bethphage autem domus buccae . . . dicitur . . .
quia multos ante passionem suam docendo [Saluator] donis piae
confessionis & obedientiae spiritalis impleuit,’ Beda, Op. vii. 183;
‘Venit Bethphage quod dicitur domus maxillae, dum adveniente morte
salvandus quisque peccata sua aperit in confessione,’ Godefridi Homiliae
in Migne, P. L. clxxiv. 22: Hildebert, id. clxxi. 500; ‘Betfage, se tun,
getacnaþ þa halgan cyricean on þære biþ sungen ꝥ halige geryne, ⁊ men
þær heora synna andettaþ, ⁊ him þaer forgifnesse biddaþ,’ BH 77/14.

45. #þet . . . inne#, in which: see 1/3. #noten#, employ (with
advantage) the functions of their mouths: comp. ‘here wiken hem binimeð
· þe hie ar noteden,’ OEH ii. 183/1: it takes an _acc._ here and at
87/165, but ‘noten of,’ 191/488: OE. #notian# often governs _gen._ of
the thing enjoyed.

48. #uisio pacis#: so Beda, vii. 262; Ælfric, Hom. Cath. ii. 66. #soð#,
l. 50, is a mistake for sihð, repeated OEH ii. 53/20; it really
translates pax uera; see 116/140. Comp. ‘sibbe gesihð Sancta
Hierusalem,’ Crist, 50; BH 81/1.

52. #of þe calice#. At this period, the celebrant after the consecration
of the elements kissed the chalice and then the Deacon, with the words
‘Habete vinculum pacis et caritatis’; the Deacon next passed on the kiss
to the assistants and so to the congregation. See York Missal, i. 198,
Zaccaria, Bibliotheca Ritualis, ii^2. cxlviii-cli. Ælfric calls the
messe cos, ‘sibbe coss,’ Lives, ii. 46/699.

53. #þe folc sent#, dismisses the people, with the words ‘Ite, missa
est’: a sufficient sense, but interposing awkwardly between ‘cos’ and
‘þer mide.’ Probably folc should be taken as dative, or folke should be
read; and sends it to the people and thereby betokens &c.

56. #⁊ eft# should come before #of ierusalem#: the church is Bethphage
when the procession goes out of it, but Jerusalem when it returns to it:
see 83/37.

60-72. The interpretation is peculiar; in some points it resembles that
of Hildebert of Tours, Migne, P. L. clxxi. 501.

62. #rideð#, clear the road; OWScand. ryðja; elsewhere in this text
ruden; comp. ‘ich sende min engel biforen þine nebbe þe shal ruden þine
weie to-fore þe,’ OEH ii. 133/27. #makeð--heorte#: comp. ‘ut Christo
iter ad mentem parent,’ Hildebert.

64. #forbisne#: ‘virtutum suarum exemplis,’ Beda, vii. 263.

65. #þo þe leren#: ‘Hi sunt qui a sanctis patribus bona sumentes
exempla, aliis etiam normam [bene] vivendi proponunt,’ Hildebert.

68. #quemende#: see 81/85 note.

69. #hereworde#: see 56/37.

72. #unwilliche# is an adverb; OE. #unwilsumlīce#; comp. 40/181 note.

73. #semeð#, burdeneth, as at 4/18.

74. #fuldon#, fulfil: comp. ‘dædbetan and þæt fuldon on þæs abbodes
hæse,’ Benedictine Rule, ed. Schröer, 70/21. As it appears to be always
transitive, the following hie, them, must be taken as its object, and
shulen is without subject expressed.

79. Read #secla#.

82. #Hec# &c.: Ps. cxvii. 24: the Graduale in Old English and Roman uses
for Easter Day.

84. #þonked wurðe him#, lit. be it thanked to him: comp. ‘we ahte . . .
þonkien hit ure drihten,’ OEH i. 5/29. #þe . . . offe#, concerning

85. #Ecce# &c.: St. Matt. xxii. 4 adapted.

87. Morris alters #þe# to we, but the article is necessary, and the
subject is often omitted by this writer; see 83/10, 85/105, 87/152, and
6/18 note.

88. #bord bugen#: so at 85/102, but ‘to godes bord bugen,’ 88/188:
bugen, to bend one’s steps, to go, is elsewhere used with a preposition;
either to has dropped out in these two isolated instances, or there has
been some confusion in the writer’s mind with _begin_.

89. #Probet# &c.: 1 Cor. xi. 28.

91. #wurðe þer to#, fit for that: þer to replaces an older genitive,
#ðæs wierþe#; comp. 86/142.

94. #Erest#, firstly: #oðer siðe#, 95, secondly; #þridde siðe#, 99,

95. #wissinge#, instruction, guidance; i.e. penance.

96. #acxen#: referring to the ceremony of giving the ashes to the
congregation on Ash Wednesday. #bilien#, pertain, are associated with:
comp. ‘þe six werkes of þesternesse · þe bilige to nihte,’ OEH ii. 15/3.

97. #saccum#, a penitential garment of sackcloth, worn over other
clothes, thus differing from cilicium, hair-shirt; S. Jerome, Ep. 44.
The writer has omitted after it, plagas, the ‘smerte dintes’ of the next
line, ‘disceplines,’ 62/35.

99. #siðes#: read siðe; the superfluous _s_ is due to the initial of the
next word: in #liðe#, 100, final _þ_ has been lost before initial _þ_:
#swiðere#, 119, owes its final _re_ to the beginning of the next word.
#shereðuresdaies#, of Maundy Thursday: corresponds to OWScand.
skíriþórsdagr, purification Thursday, but was wrongly connected with ME.
scheren, to shear. The form in _sh_ is native or naturalized; see
Björkman, 125, and comp. 99/73.

100. #sinne bendes#: see 81/67 note. #crepe to cruche#, creeping to the
cross; the adoration of the cross on Good Friday; Rock, Church of our
Fathers, iii^2. 88.

101. #lange fridai#: #langa frīgedæg#, an ancient name for Good Friday,
so called from its fast and observances. #gon--fantston#, appears to
refer to some procession of the laity at the blessing of the font on
Easter Eve, perhaps local, as it is not noticed in the service books.
Brand, Popular Antiquities (Bohn), i. 158, quotes from Googe’s
translation of the Regnum Papisticum of Kirchmayer, ‘Nine times about
the font they marche, and on the Saintes do call; | Then still at length
they stande, and straight the priest begins withall.’ Of course there
was a procession of the clergy to and from the font, Frere, Use of
Sarum, i. 149. In ‘ðor-of in esterne be we wunen | Seuene siðes to funt
cumen,’ GE 3289, the reference is to the procession made to the font
every afternoon in Easter week. The font is the symbol of the sepulchre
because, as Durandus, vi. De Sabbato sancto, says, ‘fit hac die
baptismus, quia in eo consepulti sumus christo.’ It is noteworthy that
nothing is said of the Easter Sepulchre, which was probably not
instituted before the fourteenth century.

103. #tweire kinne#, of two kinds; OE. #twēgra cynna#, but kinnes, 104,
105 is a _sing. gen._ in form, with plural meaning: see 81/80 note.

105. #do#: comp. 122/185 note.

106. #faire him#, becoming to him; ‘bicumeliche,’ 86/116.

107. #underfo#, used absolutely, like mod. receive, to communicate:
comp. the full expression 86/117. #himseluen to hele#, to his spiritual
well-being. #here oðer#, one of these two; but #eiðer þese wedes#,
86/126 can only mean, at this date, each, i.e. both of these garments.
If eiðer be a mistake for oðer, then þis wede must be read in l. 125.

109. #sinbote# is explained by ll. 119, 120.

112. #crisme cloð#: in the service books ‘chrismalis pannus, vestis’:
‘crismale seu vestis candida que super caput baptizati imponitur
significat secundum rabanum interioris et exterioris hominis castitatem
et innocentiam,’ Durandus vi. The chrism cloth was put on with the
words, ‘Accipe vestem candidam, sanctam et immaculatam,’ after the sign
of the cross had been made with chrism on the head of the person

115. #for þat#, by reason of which, through which.

116. #iuele# is predicative dative, equivalent to the usual construction
with to, as in l. 125. It is OE.; comp. ‘heora nan him ne mehte bion
nane gode,’ Orosius 282/18.

118. #embe#: usually þe . . . embe, about which.

120. #he#: for the personal pronoun used instead of a repeated relative,
comp. ‘hem,’ 87/156; ‘He ðurh hwam kinges rixit, ⁊ alle mihtes . . . of
him cumeð, he lai bewunden on fiteres,’ VV 49/27. #bet ⁊ milce bit#,
amends and prays for mercy; comp. 36/126, 44/238. Read seiende.

121. #Miserere# &c.: Ecclus. xxx. 24.

123. #likeð . . . selðe#, is pleased at the prosperity of all of them.

126. #soule#, #lichame#, datives; comp. ‘himseluen to hele,’ 85/107;
176/24 note.

129. #Amice# &c.: S. Matt. xxii. 12.

132. ‘Haec est dies quam fecit Dominus: exultemus et laetemur in ea,’
Ps. cxvii. 24.

135. #oðerluker#, in quite another fashion: a comparative adverb: see

140. #for þi . . . for ꝥ þe#, for this reason . . . because.

142. #þer togenes#, for its coming, to meet it, as in ‘biþ hit eft him
togeanes gehealden on þæm heofonlican goldhorde,’ BH 53/13. Comp. ‘þer
to,’ 85/91, and for a similar pregnant use of ‘efterward,’ 77/63;
‘hamward,’ 91/93.

143. Holthausen in ES xv. 307 emends this sentence by omitting ⁊ before
bringe and before þus and changing bringe, leue into bringeð, leueð. It
might be better to omit þe and retain ⁊ before bringeð, with leued and
omission of ⁊ before þus.

145. #Accipite# &c.: from the Missal, with substitution of commedite (S.
Matt. xxvi. 26) for manducate (1 Cor. xi. 24), as in all the English
service books. After #novi#, add ‘et aeterni testamenti, misterium

148. #to lesende#: see 81/85 note.

149. #Caro# &c.: S. John vi. 56: the quotation in l. 151 is from verse
54 of the same.

152. Morris says #muge# = muge ge: probably the latter word has dropped

154. #ouelete#, oblation, the thing offered, here the wafer to be
consecrated. OE. #oflǣte#, #oflēte# from L. oblata.

156. #⁊ . . . hem#, and which: comp. 86/120. #swimesse#, lit. silent
mass, explained in Specimens as a mass without music; in Bradley-Strat.
as a low mass. But the words of consecration were used in masses low and
high; the meaning is the Canon of the Mass, containing the words of
consecration, which was said _secreto_, and was often called _secretum_,
as by Durandus, ‘secretum silentium in quo & misse canon devote
dicitur.’ Comp. ‘Si comenca puis le secrei | De la messe, par bone fei;
| Et quant li secrez ert finez, | Est danz Theophle auant alez; | Receut
le dulz cors de Jhesu,’ Adgar, Mary Legends, 113/1041; and see the Lay
Folks Mass Book, pp. 267, 274. A similar compound is ‘swidages,’ OEH ii.
101/15, the still days, the last three days of Holy Week, which is
called ‘swiwike’ in MS. Cleopatra of AR 70/7.

157. Comp. ‘colorem et saporem panis voluit [Christus] remanere, et sub
illa specie veram corporis Christi substantiam latere,’ Hildebert, 535.

159-61. The words in brackets were supplied in Specimens, with
translation, ‘Greater might doth our Saviour than the holy words which
he spake by his (the priest’s) mouth, when he giveth mankind his flesh
and his blood,’ an explanation unsatisfactory in substance, for the
‘might’ is not ‘greater,’ but the same. Besides ‘his’ must refer to
helende, and the earliest certain example of man’s kind = mankind ‘þar
he for mans kind wil dei,’ CM 14909, is more than a century later; the
word in this text is ‘mankin,’ 86/136 (#mann cynn#), ‘manken,’ OEH ii.
19/14. #mannes cuinde# cannot mean anything but man’s nature, humanitas,
like Orm’s ‘mennisske kinde,’ Dedic. 218, ‘mennisscnessess kinde,’ id.
15687. Omitting the supplement the meaning appears to be, Our Saviour
works a greater miracle than if the words of consecration were literally
fulfilled, since he gives us in the sacrament his perfect human nature.

161. #⁊ Naþeles# &c., and moreover when a man eats and drinks in the
ordinary way, the bread he eats and the drink he drinks do change into
flesh and blood by the natural working of the body, wherefore &c.

163. #swo doð#: comp. 6/18 note.

166. #estene dai#, day of dainties, with a word-play on #estre# as in
#hu sel# = #wu god#: #sǣl#, happiness.

169. #sleðrende#, falling gently, like dew or rain. #Pluit# &c.: Ps.
lxxvii. 24, 25.

172. #biliue#, food: comp. ‘bileue,’ 87/149.

173. #Manna# &c.: ‘filii Israel dixerunt ad invicem: Manhu? quod
significat: Quid est hoc?’ Exod. xvi. 15.

177. #clensende#: see 81/85 note.

178. #michele sinnes#, mortal sins.

179. ‘Qui enim manducat et bibit indigne, iudicium sibi manducat et
bibit: non diiudicans corpus Domini,’ 1 Cor. xi. 29.

182. #agen#, with reference to; an early example of this use: comp. OF.

189. #driste#, for drihte, Lord, as at 35/79. For st = ht, see KH 249
note. But Morris reads Ariste, resurrection.


  1/3 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
  81/67, 81/80, 81/85 (notes) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta)
  91/93 (note) = XIII. (Vices and Virtues)
  p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale)


  #Phonology:# ... and _e_ (9 times), bed 11  [_comma missing_]
  _ea_ in smeart _pt. s._ OEH ii. 21/27, _ia_ in giarked 84
    [_“_ia_ in giarked 84” added by author_]
  #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#  [_a_-umlaut]
  #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#  [_a_-umlaut]
  #a# + #g# ... toȝanes OEH ii. 177/32 is #tōgēanes#.
    [_corrected by author from #togeanes#_]
  underfoð 106 (#-fēhþ#) has _o_ from the plural  [#--fēhþ#]
  #ēa# + #g#  [#eā#]
  In nemed 118 ... #ss# is simplified  [#s# is]
  The infinitive ... _pr. pl. subj._ 88,  [88;]
  _pt. pl._ 31; gon _inf._ 101, goð _pr. s._ 4, 56.  [31,]
  112. ... secundum rabanum  [_lower-case as shown_]


#Manuscript:# Stowe 34, British Museum: of the early part of the
thirteenth century; written on vellum, 223 × 160 mm., by three scribes,
with numerous corrections by at least three other hands. It belonged
once to William Fleetwood, Recorder of London, and to Thomas Astley. See
Catalogue of the Stowe MSS., and Catalogue of an Exhibition of the Stowe
MSS., no. 240.

#Facsimile:# Palæographical Society; Second Series, plate 92.

#Edition:# Holthausen, F., Part i. Text and Translation. E. E. T. S.,
O. S. 89.

#Literature:# Schmidt, G. Ueber die Sprache und Heimat der ‘Vices and
Virtues.’ Leipzig, 1899; Philippsen, M. Die Deklination in den ‘Vices
and Virtues.’ Kieler Diss. Erlangen, 1911; Heuser, W., Anglia, xvii. 88.

#Phonology:# Oral #a# and #a# before nasals is _a_, wascen 82, swanc 4;
#a# before lengthening groups wavers between _a_ (9 times) and _o_ (5),
lande 16, londe 8, understanden 34, understonden 138. #æ# is regularly
_a_, after 42, cwað 94, was 3; wrecche 60, 116 comes from #wrecca#. #e#
is generally _e_, but umlaut #e# before nasal is _a_ (representing #æ#,
Bülbring, § 171) in namden 117, inamde 120, sant 127, sante 84, wante
88; before lengthening groups _e_, lengðe 45, but _a_ as above in andin
122, andeden 123, wand 93, and _æ_ in wænden 46, strænges 28; _a_, _æ_
for umlaut #e# before nasals is characteristic of the South-Eastern area
(Morsbach, § 108); _i_ for #e# in ðingþ 41 is due to confusion of
#þencan# and #þyncan#; hwilliche 112 descends from #hwilc#. _i_ is _i_,
bidde 52, finde 83; cherche 9 is #cyrice#, ferst 91, ðessere 22 (3) come
from forms with #y#. #o# is _o_, dropes 12, borde 15; ðane 3 is LWS.
#ðane#. #u# is _u_, cumeð 26, swunken 146, grundwall 53, but beswonken
136, forðer 45 (late North. #forþor#). #y# is _e_, euele 26, kennes 13,
þelliche 36; #mycel# is muchele 4 (3), beside michele 21 (8); þincþ 47,
63, þingþ 70 represent #þyncþ#.

The representation of #ā# wavers between _a_ and _o_, the former
predominating, lare 20 (3), lore 57 (3), swa 5, swo 12, wat 136, wot
137; before two consonants, annesse 115, onnesse 148, tacneð 79, tocneð
130. #ǣ{1}# is regularly _a_, ani 35 (5), sade 75 (8); before two
consonants, alche 139, aure 125 (3), but _æ_ in ær 4, 47, bræde 44, mæst
29, næure 31, tæche 54, _ea_ in sea 22; ilke 130 descends from #ylc#.
#ǣ{2}# is also _a_, dade 92, 98, rad 19, 42, ware 129; before two
consonants, blastes 27, latst 48, but _æ_ in ræd 44, wære 60, and _e_ in
leten 56, nahwer 83. #ē# is _e_, bene 95, feden 116, before two
consonants, dest 36, misferde 125, but _ie_ in hie 36, hier 144, and
more frequently in other places, bienes VV 65/3, diest id. 41/2; _o_ in
doð 33, 42 is from the plural. #ī# is _i_, liue 8, wisdome 32, but
bleðeliche 66 beside bliðeliche 63. #ō# is _o_, don 123, godnesse 91.
#ū# is _u_, trukede 120, dust 70. #ȳ# is _e_ in screden 116, _ie_ in
inȝied 80, 91 (#ingehȳd#), _i_ in litle 12, litel 42, 91, little 136.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, harm VV 29/10; before lengthening groups
_a_, harde 31, warnin 27 (4), warð 87, but middeneard 6; the _i_-umlaut
is _e_, wernde 83. #ea# before #l# + cons. is also _a_, all 6 (14),
grundwall 53, halt 40 (#heald#), scalt 38, but _ea_ survives in ealde
128, healden 57 (4), before a lengthening group; the _i_-umlaut is _e_,
eldest 118. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, berȝen 140, berȝin 138, ferr
45, herte 34, 82, but _ie_ in hierte 31, 98, liernin 64, 138, _a_ in
harkeð 66 (*#heorcian#); _eo_ survives in weorc VV 95/3 &c.; the
_i_-umlaut is _ie_, hierdes 1, but worð 133. #eo# before #l# + cons. is
seen in seluen 20. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is _e_ in heuene 24,
heuneriches 140; after #w#, _o_ in woreld 2 (5). #eo#, _u_- and
_å_-umlaut of #i#, is _e_, icleped 58, leðebeiȝe 15, seððen 5, the
datives ðese 60, 143, 144, ðesen 119, 120, ðese 53, 140; #heora# is here
15, 30, and hire 14: niðer 30 is without umlaut. #ea# after palatals is
_a_, scal 79: #ie# after #g# is _i_, ȝif 90, 101, ȝiuen 40, ȝiue 74, _e_
in beȝete 125, forȝete 60, _ei_ (for ie) in forȝeit 149. #ȝef# is ȝif
32, gif 102. #eo# after #sc# is _u_, scule 8, sculen 1, 74, but scolde
129. #eom# is am 59, #heom#, hem 112.

#ēa# is _ea_, breade 100, dead 87, forleas 7, teares 73 (8), but bred
77, ec 2: aȝean 93 is #ongēan#: the _i_-umlaut has _e_, ȝemeleastes 13,
hersum 15, hersumnesse 115 (2), iherde 95 (5), netene 130, but
unbiliefde 33. #ēo# is mostly _ie_, bien 12 &c., dier 129, dieuliche 11,
lief 3, ouerȝiede 6, ðies 79, 91, but _e_ in be 39, betwen 112, deules
26, lef 88, twene 139; _eo_ is rare, beon VV 121/10. The _i_-umlaut is
_e_, fiftene 95, inede 74, steren 9, and _ie_, niede 92 (4), niedfulle
74, stieren 1, stierde 5. Palatal #ēa# after #g# is seen in ȝear 95,
biȝeates 14 (#begēat#, Napier, OE. Glosses 2698); after #sc# in
scadwisnesse 121. #ȝīet# is ȝiet 90, 95.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, laȝe 128, 131, forðdraȝen 97. #æ# + #g# is _ai_,
faire 11, mai 34, sai 94 (#sæge#), tail 129, but daiȝ 77. #e# + #g# is
_ei_, aweiward 48, seið 17 (#segeð#), but iseȝen 119 (#gesegen#). #o# +
#g# is seen in ibroiden 28; #o# + #ht# in þohtes 25, 30. #u# + #g# is
_uȝ_, muȝe 97, muge 125. #ā# + #g#, #h# are seen in wauȝe 89, auh 17;
#ǣ{1}# + #ht# in betaht 7; #ǣ{2}# + #g# in ȝeseiȝe 124; #ē# + #g# in
wreiȝede 83; #ī# + #g# in stieð 24; #ō# + #g# in bowes 44, #ō# + #ht# in
besouhte 84, ȝeþouht 46, þouhten 77; #ea# + #h# in iseih 94; #ie# + #ht#
in miht 98, mihte 5 &c., mihtes 46, niht 77; #eo# + #ht# in riht 146;
#ēa# + #h# in þeih 105; #īe# + #ht# in ieiht 96; #ā# + #w# in saule 10
(6), sawle 80: naht 12, 87, 126 is #nāht#. nielnesse 30 represents
#neowolnes#. #ēa# + #w# gives _eaw_, feawe 40, sceawin 25 (3), unðeawes
55; #ēo# + #w#, _ew_, ȝew 20, ȝewer 19, ȝewere 20, newe 131, #īe# + #w#,
_ew_, trewe 39.

#a# without stress is levelled to _e_ in andswereð 51, middeneard 6; #o#
to _e_ in forðer 45, niðer 30, sikere 12, sikerliker 98, sikerest 113,
te 28, 42; #u# to _e_ in leðebeiȝe 15. #e# is lost in eule 81,
heuneriches 140, o in nielnesse 30, _e_ is added in ofte 60. #on# is a

For #w# the rune is used. #ll# is simplified in dieuliche 11. #n# is
doubled in þennken 49: for almihtin 143, see 79/17 note. Initial #f# is
_f_, ferr 45, #f# between vowels or vowel and liquid is _u_, euele 26,
aure 125, otherwise _f_, unbeliefde 33. #d# is doubled in godd 7,
goddspell 118, lost in finst 40; #dd# is simplified in amidewarde 70;
for #d#, _t_ appears in halt 40. Initial #þ# becomes _t_ after #t# in
tin 40, tu 37, 47, 87; for #þ#, _d_ is written in seid 21, 67, speked
73, tobrekd 35, wid 71. #s# is represented by _sc_ in bledscin 147: #sc#
is regularly _sc_ [š], iscop 52, scal 79, sceawin 25, scipes 14, scolde
129, scule 8, wascen 82. The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_,
lokin 1, munekes 38 and before another consonant, forsakþ 20, tobrekð
32, but tobrecþ 36, _c_ in other positions, cumen 113, exceptionally
_ch_ in ilche 52 (#ilca#), arche 5, 9 (if not French), _g_ in ðingþ 41
(4): #ic# is ic and ich. #č# is _ch_, alche 139, beseche 58, ilich 69,
iswinch 48, michel 122 &c., tæche 54, þelliche 36, þench 89, þenchinde
59, but exceptionally _k_ in beseke 106, beseken 97, ilke 130 (#ylc#
confused with #ilca#): #čč# is _cch_, wacchen 114, wrecche 60, 116. #cg#
is _gg_, segge 99, 109; #cs#, _x_, rixin, rixið 110; #cw#, _cw_, becweð
86, cwað 94, cwide 86. Palatal #g# is _ȝ_, initially, biȝeates 14,
ȝemeleastes 13, but Gif 102 (with capital letter); medially, maniȝe 4
(4), heriȝen 147 (3), wuniȝeð 15, 18, muȝe 97, VV 3/18, 73/17 &c., but
muge 125. The prefix #ge-# is often retained, ȝewriten 23, ȝeþanc 57,
ȝeswinkes 145, beside iþanke 66, iswinch 48, and _ȝ_ is added in ȝew 20,
ȝewer 19, ȝewere 20, ouerȝiede 6. For the stop, _g_ is used initially,
grundwall 53, agunnen 123, ȝegunnen 53, but iȝunnen 47, medially,
bringen 8, but the palatal symbol is used for the spirant after _l_,
_r_, berȝin 138 &c., folȝin 44 (3), foriswelȝen 39: #myr(i)gþ# is
represented by merhðe 25, merchþe 140. #g# is lost in heuiliche 48. For
#h#, _ȝ_ is written in þurȝwunie 131, ðurȝwuneð 133; _h_ is added in
Hvte 143, lost in þurwuneð 128, inȝied 80, 91 (inȝehied VV 141/1):
initial #hl# is preserved in hlesteð 17 (3), but lhesten 50, lesten 44.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. _Sing. g._
-es, priestes 43, kennes 13, scipes 14: _d._ -e, hlauerde 143, netene
130, but daiȝ 151 (comp. OE. #on dæg#), hlauerd 52, ræd 44, sal 111 (OE.
#æt sumum sǣle#, #on sumne sǣl#) are without inflection. _Pl. n. a._ of
masculines, -es, hierdes 1, bowes 44, but wintre 4 (#wintru#); neuters
are _n._ dier 129, _a._ ȝear 95, þing 137, bede 114 (#gebēdu#): _pl. g._
ðinge 71; _d._ -es, blastes 27, biȝeates 14, ȝeswinkes 145, wordes 66.
Of the _fem._ nouns of the strong declension, forbisne 66, mihte 126,
niede 151, sawle 51 (3), scadwisnesse 121 have added e in the _s. n._
and bene 95, mihte 106, niede 92, 150 in the _s. a._ _Gen._ -e, herte
34: _d._ -e, bræde 44, cherche 9, but sea 22, woreld 2 (4). _Pl. g._
saule 13; _d._ ȝemeleastes 13, mihtes 46 (5); _a._ dade 92, 98, mihtes
69. Nouns of the weak declension are _s. d._ hope 28, ileaue 28; _a._
lichame 10; _pl. n._ dropes 12; _d._ wisen 117; _a._ wacchen 114. The
minor declensions are represented by mann _s. n._ 33, mannes _s. g._
145, manne _s. d._ 33, stieresmanne 15, man _s. a._ 127, stieresmann 3,
manne 124, stieresmenn _pl. n._ 8, mannen _pl. d._ 38, stieresmannen 18,
21, stieresman[nen] 23; moder _s. n._ 109; faderes _pl. n._ 109, 111.

Remnants of the strong declension of adjectives in the sing. are haliȝes
_g. m._ 145, faste _d. m._, rihte 28, dieuliche _d. f._ 11, mannliche
10, michele 21, 96, faire _d. neut._ 11. The weak declension in the
sing. has -e throughout, unware _n. m._ 41, unwise 33, eule _n. f._ 81,
gode 80, lieue 136, muchele _d. m._ 5, wilde 6, bitere _d. f._ 22, ealde
128, soðe 29, &c., gode _a. m._ 3, 35, michele _a. f._ 25, little _a.
neut._ 136; exceptions are hali 64, 117, 124, muchel 48. The _pl._
strong and weak has -e in all cases, sikere _n._ 12, halie _d._ 140,
euele _a._ 26, but hali _n._ 108, 111, hersum 15, hali _d._ 46, 53 are
uninflected; comparatives and superlatives are gladdere _s. n. f._ 98,
eldes[t] _pl. d._, wisest 118, #ān# is a _n. m._ 91, on 118, an _f._ 66,
126, one _a. f._ 106, #nān#, non _n. f._ 71, _neut._ 103, none _d. m._
10, 11, _f._ 72, _neut._ 32, 134. Adjectives used as nouns are gode
_s. d. neut._ 72, 134, arst _s. a. neut._ 71, betste 89, god 38, 40,
lasse 43, litel 42, gode _pl. d._ 150.

The personal pronouns are ic 45 (8), ich 46 (8), me, we, us, þu, (ðat)
tu 37, 58, (scalt) tu 87, ðe, ȝew 20. The pronoun of the third person is
_s. n._ he _m._ 4, 7, ?hie 45, hie _f._ 108, 109, he 110, hit _neut._
29; _d._ him _m._ 7, hire _f._ 110; _a._ hie _m._ 36, _f._ 5, his 127;
_pl. n._ hie 2; _d._ hem 56; _a._ hes 50, 54, 56. Reflexives are me
seluen 19, hem _pl. d._ 112: possessives, min 57, 79, mine _pl._ 76, 79,
þin 98, ðine _s. d. f._ 57, 90, 91, _s. a. m._ 95, _s. a. f._ 95, tin
_s. a. neut._ 40, þi 96, ure 23, ȝewer 19, ȝewere 20, his 82, is 93,
hire 81, here _pl._ 30, hire 14. The definite article is _s. n._ ðe _m._
17, _f._ 79, 80, se 81, þat _neut._ 80, 117; _d._ ðan _m._ 33, 52, ðe 5
(6), ðo 69, ðare _f._ 29 (8), ðe 9, 31, ða 147, ðe _neut._ 64, ðo 100;
_a._ ðane _m._ 3, 53, ðanne 127, ðe _f._ 25, 39, ða 4, 9, þat _neut._
89, ðe _instr._ 98: _pl. n._ ða 8, ðe 1; _d._ ðan 74, ða 21 (3), ðe 46
(4); _a._ ðe 26, ðo 31. The article is used as pronoun antecedent to
relatives, se ðe, he who 19, 65, ðo ðe, those who 1, 2: ðat is
demonstrative 17, 33, 64, 80, 102, 121. The compound demonstrative is
_s. n._ þies _f._ 91, 79 (with _neut._ bedd); _d._ ðese _m._ 60, 144,
ðessere _f._ 22, 71, 131, ðese _neut._ 143; _a._ ðese _f._ 58, 124, þis
_neut._ 20, 136: _pl. n._ þese 73; _d._ ðesen 119, 120, þese 38, 53,
140; _a._ ðese 103. The relatives are ðe 1, ðat 37, 60, what, se ðe 148,
who; ðe 4 means with which. Interrogatives are hwam _s. d. f._ 71, hwat
17, 36, hwilliche 112: #ilca# is ilche _s. d. m._ 52, #þyllic#, þelliche
_pl. d._ 36. Indefinites are se ðe 125, whoso; se . . . he 132; hwat
hwat 134, whatever, me 113, man 104, 110; feawe _pl._ 40; sum _s. n._
113, sume _s. d. m._ 111, _pl. a._ 97; oþres _s. g. neut._ 77, oðer
_s. d. f._ 61, oðre _pl. d._ 108; ilke _s. n. m._ 130, alche _s. d. m._
139; auriche _s. d. neut._ 130; ani 35 &c.; maniȝes _s. g. m._ 145,
_neut._ 12, manies 117, maniȝe _pl. n._ 12, manie 119, maniȝe _pl. d._
55, _pl. a._ 4, 119; all _s. a. m._ 6, _f._ 39, al _s. a. neut._ 37,
alle _pl. n._ 14, 129, alre _pl. g._ 71, alle _pl. d._ 14 (7), _pl. a._

Infinitives of the second weak conjugation, except watrien 79, end in
-in, andin 122, folȝin 44 (3), rixin 110, all others in -en, -ien,
berȝen 140, beseken 97, herien 143, except berȝin 138, herborȝin 115.
The _dat. inf._ is not inflected; to laten, to libben 88, to speken, to
þennken 49 are virtually nominatives. Presents are _s._ 1. beseche 58,
habbe 56; 2. hauest 53, lokest 47, syncopated are dalst 37, finst 40,
hafst 37, latst 48; 3. answereð 51, haueð 45, rixeð 148, tocneð 130,
rixið 110, and twelve others, but syncopated forms predominate, hafð 35,
sant 127, and nineteen others; _pl._ 1. fareð 21, habbeð 119 (3), speked
73, finde we 83; 3. cumeð 26, stieð 24, wuniȝeð 15, 18, exceptionally
folgið 3, seggeð 109, stikð 30; _subjunctive s._ 2. beseke 106,
forðbringe 54, heriȝe 149, sette 59, tæche 54, þanke 150; 3. beȝete 125,
þurȝwunie 131; _pl._ 1. bledscin, heriȝen 147, hvte we 143, segge we 99,
speken 71, þankin 147; 3. forliesen 9, lokien 14, tobreken 27:
_imperative s._ 2. becweð 86, sai 94, wand 93; halt 40 for hald; _pl._
2. hlesteð 17. Past of Strong Verbs: Ia. _s._ 3. cwað 94, iseih 94;
_pl._ 1. ȝeseiȝe we 124: Ic. _s._ 3. swanc 4, warð 87, worð 133; _pl._
3. agunnen 123, swunken 146: III. _s._ 3. forleas 7: IV. _s._ 3. iscop
52: V. _s._ 3. hatte 106, 126. Participles present: Ia. spekinde 112;
past: Ia. iseȝen 119: Ic. agunnen 133, ȝegunnen 53, iȝunnen 47,
beswonken 136, ȝeborȝen 119, iborȝen 133, ibroiden 28: II. ȝeswiken 57,
ȝewriten 23: V. ihoten 29, 128. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hadde 46,
47; 3. besouhte 84, ȝeherde 93, hadde 7, sade 75 &c.; _pl._ 3. andeden
123, namden 117. Participles present: liuiende 16, þenchinde 59,
wuniende 60; past: betaht 7, ȝeluued 90, icleped 58, ihafd 56, ieiht 96
(#geīecan#), unbiliefde _adj. s. d._ 33. Minor Groups: wat _pr. s._ 136,
wot 137, witen _pr. pl._ 41, wite 2. _pr. imp._ 73; auh _pr. s._ 17;
scal 1. _pr. s._ 79, scalt 2. _pr. s._ 38 (3), sculen _pr. pl._ 1, 74,
scule 8, scolde _pt. s._ 129; miht 2. _pr. s._ 98, 139, mai _pr. s._ 34
(3), muȝe 2. _pr. s. subj._ 97, muge _pr. s. subj._ 125, mihte _pt. s._
5 (3), mihten _pt. pl._ 13 (3), mihtin 122; bien _inf._ 72, 87, am 1.
_pr. s._ 59, is _pr. s._ 23, nis 103, bieð _pr. pl._ 2 (4), bien _pr.
pl. subj._ 12, 15, 105, be 2. _imp. s._ 39, was _pt. s._ 3, waren _pt.
pl._ 77, wære _pt. s. subj._ 60, ware 129; wile 1. _pr. s._ 46 (3), wilt
2. _pr. s._ 63 (3), wile 37 (_subj._ form), wile _pr. s._ 31 (4), willeð
_pr. pl._ 16, wile 40 (for willen, _subj._ form), woldest 2. _pt. s._
49, wolde _pt. s._ 82, wolden _pt. pl._ 39; don _inf._ 123, dest 2. _pr.
s._ 36, doð _pr. s._ 33, dede _pt. s._ 42, deden _pt. pl._ 121, idon
_pp._ 45, 90, don 134.

#Dialect:# Here, as in the Trinity College manuscript of the Poema
Morale, a scribe of the northern border of the South-Eastern area has
turned a composition in the dialect of the Middle or Western South into
his own, with occasional retention of Southern forms. After a
considerable interval his version was copied with little alteration by
the three scribes of the Stowe manuscript, for the differences between
the sections are mainly graphic and only in a minor degree dialectal. As
a consequence, the language of VV is older than that current at the time
when the copy was made; in some respects older than that of MS. T of the
PM., as in its representation of #ā#, #ā# + #g#, #ā# + #w#. Occasional
lapses into OE. forms at the beginning of the manuscript, such as
acwellan _inf._ VV 9/19, daȝas 27/22 (which would have been in OE.
#dagum#), have been thought to point to an OE. original, but they are
more probably due to a scribe acquainted with the older native

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are hahte 21, skele 121, sckelewisnesse 107;
an OE. borrowing is stieresmann 3: French are carite 29, cariteð 58,
hert 35, prophete 75, richeise 88, (stan) roches 31, seruise 130, and
probably arche 5: offrin 129 is a pre-Conquest Latin borrowing.

#Introduction:# The book is imperfect at the beginning, but probably
little has been lost. It opens in the middle of a confession by a sinful
soul of a formidable array of sins, to which Reason (‘Scadwisnesse,’
90/62, ‘Ratio,’ 92/135) replies by a series of discourses on the virtues
which will help the soul against its vices. The first extract, written
by the first scribe, is part of this. The second piece, written by the
third hand, concludes the book.

The writer speaks of his work as a compilation from many authors
(93/144). The framework of it may have been suggested by S. Isidore’s
Synonyma de Lamentatione Animae Peccatricis, wherein Homo and Ratio hold
similar alternate discourse (Opera vi. 472), but nothing else. The
author appears to have been acquainted with the writings of Hugh of St.
Victor (_d._ 1140); he may have borrowed from him (Opera i. 69) the idea
of the contest between Mercy and Truth (VV 113), but the influence of
the older English literature dominates his style, vocabulary, and mode
of thought.

1. #hierdes#, pastors: comp. ‘þe selue herdes beð þe lorþewes of holi
chiriche,’ OEH ii. 39/12; ‘se cyning ⁊ se biscop sceoldan beon Cristenra
folca hyrdas,’ BH 45/25. #lokin#, to take care of, preserve: comp. 4/20;
‘ðe sceaweres ðe lokeden ðe hali burh,’ VV 103/13, 121/11; generally
with _acc._, but ‘to lokin of mine wrecche lichame,’ VV 17/3. #⁊# = and,

2. #ute#, in the cloister.

3. #noe#: a type of Christ; the Ark is the Church, a common idea, Ælf.
Hom. Cath., ii. 60; OEH ii. 43/4; AR 142/12, but especially beloved of
Hugh of St. Victor, ‘Noe significat Christum sive quemlibet praelatum
qui in quantum potest facit arcam, id est, aedificat Ecclesiam,’ i. 226.

4. #þe#, with which: see 46/292 note.

5. #mihte . . . ȝemaked#, was able to complete: the last word is more
adjective than participle and its syntax is primitive, comp. ‘hie alle
on þone Cyning wærun feohtende oþ þæt hie hine ofslægenne hæfdon,’ AS.
Chron. 755 A.D.

8. #to liue ⁊ to londe#: a zeugma, #bringen# has its ordinary meaning
with #to londe#, but #bringen to liue# means, preserve alive, without
any sense of motion; comp. ‘To lyue God him wolde bringe,’ Gregorius,
269; similarly ‘to liue go,’ escape death, KH 97, where see note for
other uses of the same kind. Note the variant in 88/16.

10. #For none winde#, because of any wind.

11. #on#, in: comp. 90/66, 93/147; ‘forsakene on godes awene muðe,’ VV
3/2; ‘wakien on godes seruise,’ id. 3/27, and often in this text. See
83/15 note.

13. #kennes#: see 81/80 note.

15. #leðebeiȝe#, pliant, ready to obey: OE. #leoþu-bīege#,
supple-jointed; the figurative use is noteworthy: comp. ‘leðebeih ⁊
hersum gode,’ VV 109/3: ‘Soð was leðebei,’ id. 113/26.

16. #liuiende lande#, land of the living: glossed ‘terra uiuentium,’ VV

18. ‘Qui vos audit, me audit: et qui vos spernit, me spernit,’ S. Luke
x. 16.

20. #fullȝewiss#: see 32/40.

21. #hahte#, danger: OWScand. hǣtta; see Björkman, 99.

22. #hoc mare magnum#: Ps. ciii. 25. #bitere#: probably from ‘Porro
iuxta allegoriam, mare sive stagnum quod cum suis transire desiderat
[Dominus], tenebrosus amarusque seculi praesentis accipitur aestus,’
Bede, ed. Giles, xi. 70 (comment on S. Luke viii. 22).

23. #Ascendunt# &c.: Ps. cvi. 26.

26. #deules blastes#: comp. ‘Al so al holi chirche, þet is schip
icleoped, schal ancren . . . so holde þet tes deofles puffes, þet beoð
temptaciuns, hit ne ouerworþe,’ AR 142/12: ‘flante vento diabolicarum
suggestionum,’ Hugh of S. Victor, ii. 483.

28. #strænges#, strands. The expressions ‘rihte ileaue,’ ‘soðe luue’ are
of common occurrence; comp. 113/49, 189/435; OEH ii. 47/25, 103/28; Orm
46/1407, and for the latter, Ælf. Lives, i. 354/247. But ‘faste hope’ is
unusual; comp. VV 15/27, 39/1. For #hope te#, see 178/89.

31. #nexin#, soften: OE. #hnexian#: beside the ordinary neschen, OE.
#hnescian#. This text has ‘nexxin,’ 145/33, ‘nexce herte,’ 63/26: these
forms do not apparently occur anywhere else.

32. #watere of wisdome#: suggested by ‘Sitierunt, et invocaverunt te
(sapientiam), et data est illis aqua de petra altissima, et requies
sitis de lapide duro,’ Wisdom xi. 4. Comp. ‘flowinde wettres of wittie
wordes,’ SK 687. #ðar . . . to#: see 1/3.

33. #unbiliefde#, unbelieving, as though not possessed of belief: OE.
#gelīefed#, believing, a believer. With 33-44, comp. OEH ii. 29/33-36.

35. The unwise man, if he have any generous purpose, makes shipwreck (on
the stone-rock of the unbeliever), because the latter collides with his
good will and wrecks it by using such words as these. The figure of the
ship and the rock is continued in this sentence; the change of subject
in ‘he hert’ is not uncommon.

37. #spelleres#, talkers, preachers. For #hadede#, see 4/20.

38. Holthausen puts a comma after mannen, making #Wile ðu# subjunctive,
if thou wilt, which was no doubt the intention of the author.

39. #be trewe mann#: equivalent to our, Be a man!

42. #te gode#: comp. 30/21.

45. #Hie# &c. Charity has led me into talking about it at greater length
than I had intended. Comp. ‘Ich hadde iþoht ðat ic naht ne scolde writen
bute of ðese haliȝe mihtes . . . ðanne am ic iladd ut oðerhwile, ær ic
hit ouht wite, to oðer þinge,’ VV 53/15.

47. #lokest aweiward#, avertest thy face: comp. ‘a-weiward his heued
heold[;] [&] nolde hit ihere,’ L, MS. O 8878.

48. #heuiliche latst#, appearest to be wearied; in common phrase, look

51. #me to helpe#, for my help: comp. 85/107; 176/24 note.

53. #grundwall#, foundation: comp. ‘Ne mai no mann leiȝen oðer
grundwall’ (= fundamentum), VV 93/30.

54. #forðbringe#, bring forward, utter; perhaps here, build up on the
foundation already laid.

58. #halwende#, sanctifying, purifying: OE. #hālgian#, comp. 130/78.

59. #for ðan# &c., because I am very pensive as long as I dwell in this
wretched body: comp. ‘Ðarhwile ðe ðu art,’ VV 75/9, translating ‘Dum
es.’ This archaic use of the particle þe is characteristic of the
writer: so ‘ðar ðe,’ 91/109, VV 69/25; ‘ðarof ðe,’ id. 69/26; ‘ðar to
ðe,’ id. 73/15; ‘ðo ðe,’ id. 49/15; #ðat#, what, in l. 60 is elsewhere
‘þat ðe,’ VV 65/16: #Ðas þe# in l. 63 is for Ðas.

61. Comp. ‘for ðan ȝif hit ne helpð one, hit helpð an oðer,’ VV 53/18.

63. #Ðas þe#, according to that, according to what you say, so then:
adverbial use descended from OE. #þæs#, _gen. sing. neut._ of the
article #se#, with þe annexed, as sometimes in OE.; so too in ‘Harke nu
ðe formeste forbysne ðe he mankenn sceawede ðas þe we cunnen
understonden,’ VV 49/12, where the meaning is, so far as we can
understand. Otherwise þas þe, þes þe is regularly associated in ME. with
a comparative adverb, as ‘ðu scalt hauen ðas te more iswink,’ VV 75/4.

65. #Qui# &c.: S. John viii. 47.

66. #on iþanke#: comp. 12/4.

67. ‘Qui enim sine humilitate virtutes congregat, in ventum pulverem
portat,’ S. Greg. Op. i. 1461. Alcuin quotes with substitution of ‘bona
opera agit’ for ‘virtutes congregat,’ Op. ii. 132.

72. #wið healden#, restrained; which gives an inadequate sense: omit
wið, which is due to the preceding wið, the meaning then is, without
which (humility) no other virtue can be possessed to any advantage or
use. Comp. ‘for ðan hie (humility) is þe swa swiðe nedfull ðat tu ne
miht none oðre mihte habben ne healden . . . bute þu ðese habbe,’ VV
53/21. wiðhealden has the meaning, keep company with, associate with, in
‘he is to luuiȝen ⁊ to wiðhealden,’ VV 101/5, 101/10.

73. #Wite ðu to soðe#, know thou for a truth; a favourite expression of
the writer, but with te, not to, as at VV 41/32, 55/23, 59/11, 69/28,
‘wite ðu te fulle soðe,’ 65/22: comp. the variants at 70/158, 76/7,
142/73, 143/75, 91, and, ‘wite ȝe hit to wisse,’ SJ 27/16. #ðe . . .
spekeð#: comp. 81/77.

74. #inede#, needy persons: comp. the ME. verbs ineden, neden; OE.

75. #Fuerunt# &c.: Ps. xli. 4.

77. #Of--teares#, of tears of another kind; so 91/101.

78. #Lacrimis# &c.: Ps. vi. 7.

79. Comp. ‘Sit animae beatae culcitra conscientiae suae puritas: sit
cervical aut capitale tranquillitas: coopertorium securitas: et in hoc
strato delectabiliter dormiat et feliciter requiescat,’ Hugh of St.
Victor, iii. 236.

82. #þar of ðe#, whereof, of what: comp. ‘Ðar is ðin herte ðarof ðe ðu
mæst þenkst,’ VV 69/26.

85. #Dispone# &c.: Isa. xxxviii. 1. Omit ⁊ before #tu#.

86. #cwide#, legacy.

88. #lað#: comp. 189/412: #richeise# is accusative.

89. #dede þat betste#, took the best course.

90. #for--idon#, exerted myself cheerfully for love of thee.

91. #god inȝied#: referring to Hezekiah’s words, ‘Memento quaeso quomodo
ambulaverim coram te in veritate et in corde perfecto.’

93. #hamward#, on his way home; ‘antequam egrederetur Isaias mediam
partem atrii, factus est sermo Domini ad eum, dicens: Revertere,’ 4
Kings xx. 4. Comp. ‘þa ða he hamwerd wæs,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 318/181, ii.
150/110; ‘eoten wæs ut-weard,’ Beowulf, 761; ‘þiderward,’ 83/18; ‘þa wes
it cud ouer al þe burh þet þe helind wes þiderward,’ OEH i. 3/15; ‘is
towerd on worulde,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 170/28. These expressions are
elliptical; farende or the like is to be understood.

94. #Vidi# &c.: Isa. xxxviii. 5. #lacrimam tuam#: so Codex Amiatinus.
The Vulgate has ‘lacrymas tuas’.

97. #muȝe forðdraȝen#, art able to produce from thy store; L. depromere.

99. #forð mid#: see 1/19. #Ciba# &c.: Ps. lxxix. 6 (adapted).

104. #alswa alswa . . . alswa#, even as . . . even so.

107. #sckelewisnesse#, skillwiseness, discretion: OWScand. skilvíss.

108. #beheue#: comp. 74/225, 127/346: a favourite word of this writer,
see VV 99/25, 107/28, 109/8: comp. ‘Geþyld is micel mægen · and mannum
nyd-behefe,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 166/142; ‘hemseluen to unbihefe,’ OEH ii.

109. #moder#: ‘Haec dico ut discretionem, quae omnium virtutum et mater
et nutrix est, detegam,’ Ælredi Regula; ‘imetnesse is alre mihta moder,’
OEH i. 101/24; ‘Witerlice meteȝung is alræ mæȝene moder,’ Twelfth Cent.
Hom. 90/29.

110. #rixin# is a mistake due to the preceding rixið: the text, as it
stands, must mean, who wills to rule and follow her. hlesten is the word
associated with folȝin in VV, comp. ‘for ðan ðe hie nolden godes lare
hlesten ne folȝin,’ 61/16, ‘Hlest ⁊ folȝih se ðe wile,’ 77/9.

111. #vitas patrum#: see pp. 551, 2, ed. Roswey, Antwerp, 1628. #sume
sal#, at a time when a number of the hermits of the Thebaid came to
visit S. Antony, ‘perfectionis inquisitione et collationis gratia.’

112. #on--cumen#: ‘quaenam virtus . . . certe ad Deum recto tramite
firmoque gressu perduceret.’

115. #annesse#: ‘remotiorem vitam et eremi secreta.’ Comp. ‘Munec mai
ut-faren mid ileaue in to hermitorie, oðer in to onnesse te wunien,’ VV
73/24. The same word means unity at 93/148.

116. #to lokin# is syntactically on a level with #herborȝin#, but has
to, because it is separated from ðurh: comp. ‘Hit bieð sume þat non
imeðe ne cunnen of hem seluen to feden,’ VV 139/23.

117. #on manieskennes wisen#: see 81/80 and 132/9.

118. #on#: S. Antony. #Ðurh# &c. Holthausen translates, ‘Through all
these we have seen and heard a great many saved, and many by all these
named virtues perished, because _discretio_ failed them,’ which gives an
unsatisfactory sense for the second clause and involves a forced meaning
for ‘of’ as equivalent to ðurh (for which the only near parallels in VV
are 97/19, 103/3), and a meaning in which it would hardly be used
immediately after ‘manie’; ‘inamde’ (elsewhere ‘forenammde,’ VV 15/29)
is superfluous. The original is, ‘Omnia quidem haec quae dixistis,
necessaria sunt et utilia sitientibus Deum: sed his principalem tribuere
gratiam nequaquam nos innumerabiles multorum fratrum casus et
experimenta permittunt. Nam saepe vidimus fratres has observationes
tenentes repentino casu deceptos, eo quod in bono quod coeperant
discretionem minime tenuerunt.’ The English appears to be corrupt:
mihten belongs to the former ðesen; the second alle is repeated from the
first; under the superfluous inamde lurks the equivalent for repentino
casu, which would hardly be overlooked by the translator; perhaps in a
mu{n}de, in a handwhile, in a moment. The sense would then be, We have
seen and heard of very many persons protected (comp. VV 73/7) by all
these virtues, and (we have seen) many of these lapse in a moment,
because discretion failed them. This meaning of mund is not in the
dictionaries, and the evidence for it is slight, but comp. Varnhagen’s
note on ‘boten a mounde’ in Anglia, iii. 283. More usual, but less
appropriate, would be, in a niede.

125. #muge# is subjunctive after se ðe, indefinite, whosoever, as is
wile in ‘Weriȝe se ðe wile,’ VV 89/33, but se ðe, he who, is followed by
the indicative, ‘se ðe luueð,’ VV 41/7 (= qui diligit), ‘se ðe swereð,’
id. 79/3 (= qui iurat). There seems to be no distinction in meaning
between ‘Bie war, ȝif ðu wilt,’ VV 59/2, and ‘Bie war, ȝif ðu wile,’ id.
61/8, but the forms of this verb are confused, see 89/37. Note also the
indicative after ‘hwat hwat,’ 92/134.

126. #to laten#, to be passed over without mention, to be omitted.

127. #ðe--to sant#, to whom God sends it.

128. This is from S. Gregory, ‘Quia nimirum virtus boni operis
perseverantia est; et voce Veritatis dicitur: Qui autem perseveraverit
usque in finem, hic salvus erit. Et praecepto legis cauda hostiae in
sacrificio iubetur offerri. In cauda quippe finis est corporis; et ille
bene immolat qui sacrificium boni operis usque ad finem debitae perducit
actionis,’ In Evang. Homiliae, ii. 25, § 1. Similarly S. Isidore, v.
427; Alanus, 78. See Lev. iii. 9.

129. #alle dier#, a subject without a verb; the construction is altered.

132. S. Matt. x. 22, xxiv. 13.

136. #beswonken#, worked at; like L. elaborare, with acc. as in OE. #he
it wat# &c.: a favourite expression of the author, as VV 21/3, 95/26;
‘He it wot ðe all wot,’ id. 75/2.

137. #wissin . . . warnin#: so ‘wissedest ⁊ warnedest,’ VV 21/27.

139. #twene#, doubt: OE. #twȳn#.

143. #Hvte we#, let us: comp. 175/422; ‘Wuten we fare,’ VV 23/22.

147. #on#, in: see 83/15.

149. #ne heriȝe#: see 25/241 note.

151. #ofte ⁊ ȝelome#: see 32/47.

153. #implet#: a variant, without authority, for imple.


  25/241 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred)
  46/292 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  79/17, 81/80 (notes) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta)


  #Facsimile:# Palæographical Society  [_anomalous æ unchanged_]
  #ea# before #r# ... halt 40 (#heald#)  [40,]
  #ēa# is _ea_ ... #ȝīet# is ȝiet 90, 95.
    [_text unchanged: apparent error for #gīet#_]
  #a# + #g# is _aȝ_, laȝe 128, 131, forðdraȝen 97  [forðdragen]
  59. ... ‘ðarof ðe,’ id. 69/26  [_open quote missing_]
  ‘ðar to ðe,’ id. 73/15  [_close quote missing_]
  93. ... Comp. ‘þa ða he hamwerd wæs,’  [Comp,]


#Manuscripts:# i. Cotton Caligula A 9, British Museum (C); on vellum,
216 × 153 mm.; 192 folios in double columns of 32 to 34 lines, written
by two scribes in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It is
bound up with another manuscript containing the Owl and the Nightingale
and other pieces.

ii. Cotton Otho C 13, British Museum (O); injured in the fire of 1731;
on vellum; 145 folios in double columns of 38 lines; written in one
hand, of the third quarter of the thirteenth century.

C is by far the better representative of the original, yet O alone not
infrequently preserves it in details; though fifty years later than C,
it has probably been transmitted through fewer copies than the latter.
Mistakes common to both versions have been derived from an intermediate
manuscript X. O represents a recension of X, made by a man who was
mainly interested in the chronicle of events, a matter-of-fact person
who stood in a critical attitude to his exemplar and took no pleasure in
simile, epic repetition or descriptive touch. Under his handling, much
that is characteristic of the author disappears.

#Facsimiles:# Of C. Madden, i. p. xxxv, and New Palaeographical Society,
plate 86. Of O. Madden, i. p. xxxviii.

#Editions:# Madden, Sir Frederic, Laȝamons Brut, London, 1847. Of the
present extract: Mätzner, E., Altenglische Sprachproben, i. 19-39;
Morris, R., Specimens, 64-86.

#Literature:# =Manuscripts and Texts.= *Bartels, L., Die Zuverlässigkeit
der Handschriften von Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1913; Seyger, R., Beiträge
zu Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1912; Stratmann, F. H., ES iii. 269; iv. 96, 7;
v. 375; Zessack, A., Die beiden Handschriften von Layamons Brut und ihr
Verhältnis zu einander, Breslau, 1888. =Sources.= Brown, A. C. L., Welsh
Traditions in Layamon’s Brut. Modern Philology, i. 95-103; Imelmann, R.,
Laȝamon Versuch über seine Quellen, Berlin, 1906; Krautwald, H.,
Layamon’s Brut verglichen mit Wace’s Roman de Brut, Breslau, 1887;
Wülker, R., Ueber die Quellen Layamons, Paul-Braune, Beiträge, iii.
524-55. =Phonology.= Bowen, E. W., Open and close ē in Layamon. Anglia,
xvi. 380; Lucht, P., Lautlehre der älteren Laȝamonhandschrift, Berlin,
1905; *Luhmann, A., Die Überlieferung von Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1906;
Stratmann, F. H., Das paragogische N in Laȝamon. Anglia, iii. 552, 3.
=Grammar.= Bohnke, M., Die Flexion des Verbums in Laȝamons Brut, Berlin,
1906; Funke, O., Kasus-Syntax bei Orrm und Laȝamon, Wien, 1907;
Hoffmann, P., Das grammatische Genus in Laȝamons Brut, Halle, 1909,
completed in Morsbachs Studien, xxxvi; Lange, H., Das Zeitwort in . . .
Laȝamon’s Brut, Strassburg, 1906; Lichtsinn, P., Der syntaktische
Gebrauch des Infinitivs in Laȝamon’s Brut, Kiel, 1913. =Vocabulary.=
Monroe, B. S., French Words in Laȝamon, Modern Philology, iv. 559.
=Metre.= Brandstädter, K., Stabreim und Endreim in Layamons Brut,
Kirchhain, 1912; Luick, K., Anglia, Beiblatt, xii. 37, 8; Trautmann, M.,
Anglia, ii. 153-73; Bartels, as above. =Style.= Regel, K., Spruch und
Bild im Layamon, Anglia, i. 197-251; *Seyger, as above. =Antiquarian.=
Kolbe, M., Schild, Helm und Panzer zur Zeit Laȝamons, Breslau, 1891;
Krautwald, as above. B. S. Monroe, in Modern Philology, iv. 559-67,
gives a detailed bibliography.

#Phonology:# (1) =of C.= Oral #a# is _a_, fare 176, habben 189, but
færeð 43, færen 45, hæfuest 50; uerden 48 is from #fēran#. #a# before
nasals is normally _o_, comp 120, moni 93 (5 times), but whanene 31,
whænnenen 27, þenne 182, muni 113; #a# before lengthening groups is _o_,
hond 201, imong 141, but and 9 &c., andswerden 11 (6), answarede 51 (4),
angles 34. #æ# is _a_ (48), _e_ (20), _æ_ (16), after 179, æfter 186,
bad 241, bed 298, hafde 212 (7), hæfde 233 (3), hehde (for hefde) 69,
wes 8 (5), wæs 78, nes 104 (3), heleðes 248, sætterdæi 75. #e# is
normally _e_, bereð 44, sellic 267 (often elsewhere seollic), speken 12;
before lengthening groups, ende, uelde 211, hende 273; but _æ_ is
common, spækeð 159, ænde 34, 109, fæld 209, hændest 95, hændeliche 99;
Hængest 89 (8) is the common form; _a_ occurs in fareð 276 (#ferian#),
ualde 203, þa 15, 39, 68, _u_ in sugge 52, suggeð 167; _eo_ in heoreð 58
(if from #herian#): #bærnan# gives berneð 108, #forbærnan#, forbærnen
165, #ærnan#, ærneð 108, #mengan#, mæingde 292, beside mengde C 15530
(Morsbach, § 107, anm. 3). #i# is _i_, blisse 146, wille 25, but _u_ in
nulle 191, nuste 264, us 62, wulle 25, and the pres. forms of #willan#;
before lengthening groups _i_, child 44, þinge 61. #o# is _o_, folc 36,
hope 58, but durste 137, dursten 158; #on# is mostly an or o, once æn
211; before lengthening groups _o_, bord 215, wolde 20 (4), wolden 19,
192, but walden 12, 42. #u# is _u_, burh 173, cumen 137, iwune 117, but
ilomp 122, sonedæi 75; before lengthening groups _u_, funde 298, murnede
293. #y# is normally _u_, cume 118, wunne 188, but kime 263, kineborne
168, kineliche 173, kinelond 56, 192; before lengthening groups _u_,
guldene 257, vmbe 36: king 139 is the regular form, but kenge 94.

#ā# is regularly _a_, hali 66, ihaten 34, but _æ_ in bræd 218, bræ[d]ne
209, mære 42, særi 103; before two consonants _a_, hatte 32, ladlic 294,
madmes 134, but hæhte 59 (7). #ǣ{1}# is _æ_, bilæfuen 24, hæðene 8 (3),
sæ 2, spræde 210, or _e_, bitechen 191, breden 250, stenene 222, but _a_
in bitache 173, haðene 295 (possibly Scandinavian), _ea_ in leare 150;
before two consonants _æ_, ælche 129, æuer 44, læfdi 74, lædden 259,
næuere 176, or _a_, alc 51, alchen 280, auere 7, nauere 23, vnwraste 80,
wraððe 150, but _e_ in arerde 223, elchen 21. #ǣ{2}# is _æ_, æten 251,
dæde 197, þræd 218, or _e_, deden 96, vnimete 254, but _eo_ in weore 8,
weoren 2 (9), neoren 138, and _a_ in mare 223; before two consonants,
þærfore 175, setten 250. #ē# is _e_, greten 144, ueden 190, but heo 73,
þæ 63, 231; before two consonants, imetten 18, lette 283, but igrætten
18 (_r. w._ imetten), iuædde 100. #ī# is _i_, bliðe 24, 116, swiðe 2,
fiftene 36, but bluðeliche 282, swuðe 129. #ō# is _o_, com 113, godne
49, most 110, but neoðeles 83. #ū# is _u_, bute 176, runen 148, 159, but
ronenen 156. #ȳ# is _u_, biclused 177, cudðe 98, iscrudde 100, but forþi
48, 66, þa 8, 184.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, ȝare 224, iȝarked 238, 240, and _æ_,
hærm 8, 295, kærf 217; the _i_-umlaut is seen in awariede 81, and,
before a lengthening group, in ferde 85. #ea# before #l# + cons. is
regularly _a_, al 37, and the numerous forms of #eall#, scat 189, but
hælf 117, helue 129; before lengthening groups, _a_, alde 28, anwalde
83, athalden 20, halden 150 &c., walden 71, but athælde 83, hælden 13,
holden 143, olden 187: the _i_-umlaut is _a_ before lengthening groups,
aldeste 29, halde 290, iuald 109, but _æ_ in ælderen 193, ælderne 69.
#eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, feor 160, heorte 288, but hærcne 147,
werpeð 37; before lengthening groups, ȝeorne 288: the #wur# group has
_u_, iwurðe 90, wurðliche 190, wurðscipe 71. The _i_-umlaut before
lengthening groups is seen in ȝirnde 206, sturne 120, but deorne 148:
#wiersa# is wurse 81, 291. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolf 81
&c. #eo#, the _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in feole 119, weoli 60; #eo#,
_u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in cleopien 249 and its forms, heore 37 &c.,
seoluer 88, seoððen 96, 97, seoueðe 64, but hennen 160, iluued 22, and
without umlaut, niðer 82. #ea# after palatals is _a_, scal 38, _æ_, ȝæf
134, _e_, ȝef 133, 299, and before nasal _o_, scome 86. #ie# after #ġ#
is _e_, biȝeten 87, ȝeuen 88, and _i_, biȝite 172, ȝif 201, ȝiuen 297:
after #sc#, _æ_ in schæren 216. #ȝef#, _conj._, is ȝif 10 &c. #eo# after
#ġ# is _u_, ȝunge 160, ȝungen 187: #geond# is ȝeond 209. #eo# after #sc#
is seen in scolde 241, scolden 45, scullen 24, 39, 68. #heom# is heom 9;
#eom#, am 175, æm 24, 263, næm 176.

#ēa# is usually _æ_, æc 28, hæne 204, særes 216, slæn 165, but _e_ in
ȝette 242, ȝettest 184, iȝette 206, hehne 102, ileuen 53, 80, _a_ in bad
(influenced by #bæd#) 239; before two consonants _æ_, hæfden 87: the
_i_-umlaut is _e_, bemen 249, dremden 146, heren 13 and its forms,
ileueð 53, but _æ_ in hæren 19, 68, ihærde 264, ihærd 156, _i_ in hiren
184, biliueð 91, _eo_ in heoreð 58 (if from #hīeran#), ileoueð 80, 81.
#ēo# is regularly _eo_, beon 175 &c., biheold 288, feollen 127, freond
273, leoden 165, þreo 4; the _i_-umlaut is mostly wanting, deore 68 (4),
freonde, _dat._ 273, neode 171, 212, but (fif)tene 36, 233. OE. #sīen#
is seon 27. #ēa# after a palatal is seen in ȝer 36, ȝere 44, ȝeuen 76,
ȝiuen 73 (4), ȝifuen 72, 76. #gīet# is ȝet 65.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, laȝe 69 (6), ofslaȝen 163, but dæȝen 69, ofslæȝen
138. #æ# + #g# is mostly _æi_, dæie 23, fæire 18 (9), fræinede 265, mæi
73, mæidene 290, sæide 152, uæin 263, but _ai_ in dai 130, fain 286, mai
174, 204, main 290, maide 266, 283, maiden 282, _ei_ in feire 210,
feirest 89, seide 240 (3), seið 270, _æ_ in færeste 7, _æȝ_ in dæȝe 193,
194. #e# + #g# is generally _ei_, leide 215, toȝeines 240, þeines 101,
weies 202, but awæi 129, bilæde 220: #e# + #h# is seen in hæhte 225,
hæhten 230: #i# + #g# in þrien 284, þreoien 277 (influenced by #þrēo#):
#i# + #h# in dihteð 67, dihte 135, isihðe 103: #o# + #g#, #h# in
hohfulle 156, dohter 181: #u# + #g#, #h# in duȝeðe 141 (6), fluȝen 129,
130, but floȝen 129, fuhten 127. #ā# + #g# is _aȝ_, aȝene 208, 296,
aȝere 201; #ā# + #h# is _oh_, oht 113, ohte 84 (3). #ǣ{1}# + #g#, #h# is
seen in fæie 127, bitæht 205, bitæhten 284; #ǣ{2}# + #g# in maies 182;
#ē# + #g# in beyne 168, twene 168 (with loss of g); #ī# + #g# in fridæi
74; #ō# + #g# in droȝen 93, inoȝe 134, sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119,
vnnifoȝe 130; #ō# + #h# in biþohte 111, 142, noht 80, rohten, sohten 10,
þohten 122, exceptionally afeoh 188. #ea# + #h#, #ht# is seen in æhtene
234, isæh 116, mæhti 65, sæh 23, sæxisce 97, sæxelonde 271, but
saxelonde 124, 278, saxisce 114, sexisc 180; the _i_-umlaut in mihte 46,
mihte 58, nihtes 23. #eo# + #h#, #ht# is mostly _i_, cnihtes 17, fihte
115, 172, rihten 20, but feht 120, 126, sexte 39, fæhte 155, sæxte 63,
Peohtes 84, 107. #ēa# + #h#, is _eh_, heh 66, neh 291, _æh_, hæh 64, 65,
hæhliche 16, 190, hæhne 205; #ēa# + #g# gives hæȝe 141, 259: the umlaut
is wanting in hæhste 62 (3), hærre 13, ihæȝed 153. #ēo# + #g#, #h# is
seen in driȝen 25, 196, iuaid 175, ræh 291. #ā# + #w# appears in nawiht
104; #ī# + #w# in tisdæi 76; #ēo# + #w# in acneowe 261, bleowen 249,
neowe 28, 106, treowe 28, eouwer 24 (4), eoure 54, æoure 53, eou 26:
feorðe 61, 72 is #fēorþa#.

The prefix #æt# is _at_, atstonde 183, atwite 204; #on# is _a_ in afon
178, afeoh 188, among 146, but imong 157 is #gemang#. #oþ# is _a_ in
aþet 229: #o# is levelled to _e_ in whanene 31, whænnenen 27, wunder
213: _eo_ is written for #e# in cusseoð 277; _i_ for #e# in cristine
294. The glide e is inserted in æuere 132, nauere 23, læuedi 65, næueden
228; i is prefixed in iliue 22, probably by anticipation of iluued.

#w# is lost in þong 219, beside þwong 217, 218; for #w#, _u_ is written
in Cantuarieburi 15, #l# is lost in scat 189. #m# is doubled in icummen
3, #n# in hennen 160, iborenne 259, whænnenen 27. #n# is lost in gome
228, and often in i 137 for #in#, iþan 126, iþere 72, a 81 for #on#: in
240 represents #inn#. #f# is kept in the combinations _fd_, _fn_, hafde
212, læfdi 74, æfne 70, 296, and as a final, hælf 117, initially after a
word ending in a voiceless sound, færeð 43, fain 286, feorr 160, folc
36. Otherwise it is _u_, initially, as classified at 365/3-6, uorð 41,
ualde 203, uerden 48, uast 132, uæin 263, ueden 190, uiue 105, uul 276,
277, medially, bilæuen 39, biuoren 95, uuele 280, deluen 221, helue 129;
it is written _fu_ in hæfuest 50, bilæfuen 24, ȝifuen 72, 76, leofue 54,
79. But exceptions are numerous, fare 176, færen 45, feole 119, fiue 39,
forð 39, fforð 14, fuliwis 225, biforen 17, toforen 144, ifaren 105,
vfel 78. #of# is shortened to o 213. For #t#, _d_ is written in bed 100,
_th_ in bithecheð 276: in bezste 200 (4), z = ts; #t# is doubled in bett
100, lost in henges 32, 151, Hænges 55; for #tt#, _ht_ is written in
hæhte 59 &c., if it represents #hatte#. #d# is lost in lon 64, selcuðe
2, 35, walden 71. For #þ#, _d_ appears in cudðe 98, dod 86, falled 38,
iuald 109, ladlic 294, luted 54, madmes 134, odere 228, 276, swide 120,
236; whar 28 represents #hwæðer#. #sć# is regularly _sc_, scal 38,
scenden 192, monscipe 153, bruttisc 281, but særes, schæren 216. The
stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, also in kærf 217, in other
positions _c_, castel 173, dronc 283; ah 8 (6) is Anglian #ah#, WS.
#ac#. #č# is _ch_, ælchen 78, elchen 21, bitechen 191, drenche 272,
muchel 42, richen 154, sechen 49, swulche 23, wulche 53, but alc 51,
swulc 218. #ic# is ich 22, ic 175; #cæster#, Chastre 226. #čč# is _cch_
in ræcchen 148; #cw# is _qu_, queð 147. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, ȝare
224, ȝirnde 206, hærȝieð 108: a parasitic ȝ appears in iȝeten 252. #g#
is lost finally in weoli 60, moni 93; it exchanges with _w_ in herberwe
131. #čǧ# is _gg_ in sugge 52, 167, ligge 174 &c. Initial #h# is lost in
lauerd 49, læuedi 65, loten 37, iloten 252, lust 30, lusten 149, nap
275, ræh 291, and added in hi[s] 36; also medially in hehne 102
(#hēanne#), whar 61. #hw# is regularly _wh_, whæt 27 &c., whar 28, while
237, but wulche 53. In burhȝe 205, burhȝen 251, the scribe wavers
between h and ȝ; elsewhere he writes burhe, burȝen, burje, buruwe.

(2) =Of O.= Oral #a# is _a_, ac 8, faren 45; #a# before nasals is
regularly _a_, fram 203, gan 92, 207, nam 92, wan 183, wane 189, wanene
27, þanne 204, 282, but drong 283, isomned 36; #a# before lengthening
groups is _o_, among 156, londe 19 (16 times), longe 104, but amang 251,
answerede 21, 78, lang 217, þwang 217, 218, onderfang 188: #and# is and
18, an 133, #man#, _pron._, me 276. #æ# is _a_, after 186, bar 257, sat
261, 287, spac 195, 262, nas 104, but þes 292. #e# is normally _e_,
beste 238, Dence 229, selliche 2 (seollich O 14409); before lengthening
groups _e_, ende 109, Englene 262, Englisse 226, felde 203, but Ænglis
34 (comp. 266/15), Œnglisse 281: #forbærnan# is forbearne 165, bearneþ
108; #ærnan#, erneþ 108; #mengde#, meynde 292. #i# is _i_, amidde 203,
ligge 177, wille 196; before lengthening groups _i_, children 187, þing
60, but cheldren 159, þenges 35. The present forms of #willan# have _o_,
wolle 20, wolleþ 87, wolt 184, a French writing for _u_, but nelle 191:
#ġift# is ȝeftes 88, 133. #o# is _o_, bolle 257, dorste 137; before
lengthening groups _o_, borde 215, wolde 19: #on# is a 117, 261, an 53;
þane 74 (7) descends from LWS. #þane#. #u# is regularly _o_, borh 191
(4), come 137 (3), drongken 251, foliwis 225, gomes 2, loue 69, þos 183,
wonie 173, but þus 48, 77, vp 38; before lengthening groups it is _u_,
funde 298, grunde 109, hundred 5, 233, but mornede 293, wonder 35. #y#
is _u_, Bruttesse 225, cunne 181, custe, clupte 289, dude 117, fulþ 276,
lust 269, nuste 264, vuele 21; for _u_, _o_ is written in come 118,
comes 263, mochel 123 (6), soche 23, 291, woche 53 (#hwylc#), and before
a lengthening group, goldene 257; but #y# is _i_ in win 63, winne 188,
kinelonde 192, and as usual in king 50, and _e_ in dedest 162, wercheþ

#ā# is regularly _o_, brod 218, ihote 34, 67, non 258, no 23, 204,
(#nā#), on 59 &c., but a 60, 63, an 64, 65; before two consonants _o_,
loþlich 294, one 214 (#ānne#), but ane 217, 223, 257, nanne 191, hatte
32 (8), haxede 265: #þā# is þe 7 &c., #þās#, þeos 18, 69, 215; #þām#,
þan 1 &c.; #hwām#, wan 38. #ǣ{1}# is _e_, bilefue 24, 46, erest 262,
heþene 8 (3), sprede 210, but bitak 173, bitake 191, bitakest 205
(confusion with #tacan#), deal 220, heaþene 295, leore 150, rounded
before r, stonene 222 (*#stānen#); before two consonants _e_, arerde
223, ech 185, euere 7, wendesdei 72, but leafdi 65, ladde 259, wraþþe
150. #ǣ{2}# is _e_, dedes 87, onimete 254, sete 250, þere 44, 48, weren
2 (10), but _ea_ in beade 298, reade 110, 171, 298, _a_ in þar 119,
þarin 283, þaron 5, þare 37 (4), ware 176, 210, _eo_ in beore 93, eoten
251 (elsewhere #ge-eten#, _pp._, is represented by iheote O 6691, iȝeote
O 14952); before two consonants it is _a_ in þarfore 48, 86, adradde O
7575, _ea_ in sealþe O 25574, and _e_ in wepne O 14838. #ē# is _e_,
cweme 184, seche 41, wene 175; before two consonants, cwemde 139, grette
18, 144, lette 221 (4), OE. #lēt#: aȝen 131, toȝenes 240 represent
#ongēn#, #togēnes#; #gē#, pron., is ȝeo, 27, 53, 79; doþ 292, _pr. s._,
has o from plural. #ī# is _i_, bliþe 24, swiþe 2, 51, wif 178 &c.,
written always _ii_ in hii 8 (20), and _y_ in tydinge 1 (3); but
bloþeliche 282 (#blȳþe#), heredmen 67 (? influenced by #heord#); before
two consonants _i_, fifþe 62, wisne 214, but womman 299. #ō# is _o_, com
1, soþ 50; before two consonants, most 110, moste 46. #ū# is _ou_,
French writing for u, aboute 220, couþe 214, nou 48, þou 20, but _u_ in
dun 246, vre 35, 64, vs 20, 45, and _o_ in bote 177, 218. #ȳ# is
regularly _u_, biclused 177, cuðen 269, hude 202, lutel 206, prude 254,
scrude 190: #þȳ# is þe 8, 184.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is regularly _a_, harm 8, iȝarked 238, ȝarue
224. The _i_-umlaut is represented by deorne 148, which points to
Anglian _e_. #ea# before #l# + cons. is regularly _a_, al 22 &c., falleþ
38, halt 275, halle 99, half 117, salt 189, wal 222; before lengthening
groups _o_, anwolde 83, atholde 20, 83, biholde 209, 223, holde 143,
150: the _i_-umlaut is seen in elder 29, heoldre 187, falleþ 109 (Ang.
#fællan#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_ in heorte 288, _e_ in hercne
147, werpeð 37, _o_ in for 203; before a lengthening group _eo_ in
ȝeorne 288: words of the #wur# group have _o_, worsipe 26, 68, worþliche
190, iworþe 91; the _i_-umlaut is _o_, forst 26, ȝornde 206: #wyr# is
represented in worse 291, 292. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _eo_ in seolue
113, seolf 209. The _u_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in care 123, 176. #eo#,
_u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, gives cleopede 230, soueþe 64, and
analogically ileued 22, but #heora# is hire 69 &c. #ea# after palatals
is _a_, sal 89, _e_, ȝef 133 (3), before nasal, _a_, same 86. #ie# after
#g# is _e_, biȝete 172, ȝeue 88, ȝefue 69, ȝef 201. #ȝef#, _conj._, is
ȝif 20. #eo# after #g# is _o_, ȝonge 159, 187; after #sc#, _o_, solde
45, 178. #eom# is ham 24, 175, nam 176; #heom#, heom 69 (4).

#ēa# is divided between _ea_, dead 175, deaþe 46, slean 165, and _e_,
bileue 53, 79, gret 63, lefue 92, lesing 50: the _i_-umlaut is
represented by bilefeþ 53, ihure 149; before two consonants by ihord 50
(4). #ēo# is regularly _eo_, beo 27 &c., deor 43; before two consonants,
biheold 246, 288, freond 273, 274; but biful 122, 140, ful 45: bitwine
167 descends from #betwinum#: deore 88, 236, freond, _dat._, 273, neod
38, 171 are without umlaut. OE. #gīet# is ȝet 65. #ēa# after #g# is _e_,
ȝer 36, ȝere 44.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, daȝes 69, ofslaȝe 138 (#ofslagen#), and _aw_, lawe
285. #æ# + #g# is mostly _ai_, dai 23, faire 18 (7), mai 173, saiþ 273,
saide 51 (5), or _ay_, mayde 282, moneday 70, but _ei_ in seide 19, 240,
seiþ 270, tisdei 70, wendesdei 72. #æ# + #h# occurs in iveiþed 175. #e#
+ #g# is _ei_, leide 220, oþerweies 122, or _ey_, awey 129, but _ai_ in
laide 215. #e# + #h# occurs in hehte 162, 225; #i# + #h# in sihte 103;
#o# + #h# in dohter 181; #u# + #g# in floȝe 129. #ā# + #g# is _ow_, owe
201, owene 208. #ā# + #h# is seen in ohte 84; #ǣ{1}# + #h# in bitahte
284; #ī# + #g# in friday 74; #ō# + #g# in sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119; #ō#
+ #h# in iþohten 122, noht 41, 218. #ea# + #h# is _eh_, seh 23; the
_i_-umlaut of #ea# + #ht# is _i_, mihte 210, mihti 60, 65. #eo# + #ht#
is _i_, cnihtes 5, fihte 126, rihte 20, sixte 63, but Peutes 84, 107;
the _i_-umlaut is represented by nihte 23. #ēa# + #g# occurs in hehȝe
259; #ēa# + #h# in heh 64, neh 291: the _i_-umlaut in hehest 62. #ēo# +
#w# is _ou_, ȝoure 53 &c., ȝou 24, 88, ou 83, but cnouwe 261.

#e# is added in here 7, ofte 86. #on# is reduced to an 53, a 117, and in
the prefix of aboute 220, amidde 203; #o# becomes _e_ in forte 229. For
#u#, _o_ occurs in onderfang 188, onimete 254. The suffix #-ung# is
_ing_ in rouning 143, tydinge 147.

Initial #f# is once _v_, vare 176, elsewhere _f_, faren 45, fareþ 48;
between vowels or vowel and liquid it is _u_, _v_, delue 221, ived 100,
iveiþed 175, vuele 21, but bilefeþ 53, life 46, and before #u# _f_ is
retained, biful 122: _fu_ is written in bilefue 24, 46, lefue 92, 207,
leofue 79, 274, lifue 22, lofuieþ 286, wifues 43 (5). For #t#, _d_ is
written in bed 100; fifþe 62 (#fīfta#) is an early instance of the
modern form. #d# is lost in an 133, answerede 21. For #þ#, _th_ appears
in deathe 157; _ð_ occurs only in louieð 57. #sc# is regularly _s_, sal
89, same 86, sende 192, solle 24, worsipe 26, Ænglis 34, but _ss_ in
Bruttesse 225, 281, Englisse 226, Œnglisse 281, and _c_ in Dence 229
(#Denisc#), which appears to indicate a pronunciation for #sc# of [s].
The stop #c# is written _k_ before _e_, _i_, ilke 34, kinelonde 192, and
finally bitak 173, folk 36; #nc# is _ng_, dring 282, dringe 273, 275,
dringþ 275, drong 283, drongken 251. #č# is _ch_, childe 43, ech 185,
ich 22 (ihc 177), mochel 123, soche 23, 291, speche 266. Palatal #g# is
regularly written _ȝ_, aȝen 131, ȝarue 224, sloȝen 126: hehȝe 259
represents #hēage#, meynde 292 #mengde#. h is added initially in ham 24
&c., haxede 265, heoldre 187, hifulled 258, himakede 240, hin 131.
Initial #hl# is reduced to _l_, lotes 37, lust 269, #hn# to _n_, nap
275, #hw# to _w_, wan 38, wanene 27, ware 176, wat 27, wile 237, woche
53. #heo#, _pron._, she, is regularly ȝeo 67 &c., comp. Orm’s ȝho,

#Accidence:# (1) of C. A peculiar feature of these texts is the
occasional addition of n after a final vowel. This ‘nunnation,’ fairly
common in C, rare in O, is marked here by round brackets. Its use makes
it doubtful at times whether a noun or adjective ending in n is a weak
form or a strong form with added n. Strong declension of _masc._ and
_neut._ nouns. In the _s. n. a._ maide 266, 283, 295 has lost final n.
_Gen._ -es, þunres 73, twines 218: _dat._ -e, ræde 197, gomene 291,
londe 3, vfele 51, crafte(n) 214, cume(n) 24, cunne(n) 188, inne(n) 112,
liue(n) 25, rihte(n) 20, wurðscipe(n) 26; without inflection are ræd
298, gomen 231, kinelond 56, lond 162, vfel 78, gome (#gamene#) 228, lon
64, and the proper name Saturnus 75. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends
in -es, cnihtes 17 (6), madmes 134, but cnihten 5, 27, ridern 233, sunen
105 are weak forms: neuters are ȝer 36, þing 50, wif 43, but haefden 87,
loten 37, scipen 4 (3) are weak. Genitives are londe 33, þinge 260, weak
forms are ænglene 262, cnihtene 55, 89, and, before a vowel, cnihten 77,
152, 195: datives have mostly -en, cnihten 155, dæȝen 69, goden 68,
scipen 92, 232, but londes 137, þinge 61. The _fem._ nouns of the strong
declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, duȝeðe 170, 252, 272, hude 202,
210, dæde 197, ferde 85, duȝeðe(n) 166, but sæ 2. _Gen._ -e, duȝeðe 141;
humbre 117 is an indeclinable form: _dat._ -e, halle 99, helue 129,
honde 257, halle(n) 259, but hælf 117, hond 201. _Pl. n._ are laȝe(n)
278, 285, probably weak; _d._ deden 96, laȝen 163, leoden 295 (from pl.
noun #lēode#), runen 159, nihtes 23; _a._ leode(n) 165, 285, rune(n)
148, 156, probably weak. Nouns of the weak declension have mostly -e in
all cases of the singular, but iueren 276, monen 76, læfdi 74 are
dative, læuedi 65 acc.: the plural has -en throughout, _n._ gumen 2,
ileuen 53, 80; _d._ iueren 233; _a._ bemen 249, nomen 231. The minor
declensions are represented by mon _s. n._ 41, wimmon 180, monne _s. d._
205, mon _s. a._ 214, wimmon 299, men _pl. n._ 7 &c., wimmonne(n) _pl.
g._ 270, monnen _pl. d._ 112 (5), hiredmonnen 157, scipenmonnen 6 (for
scipmonnen), cunnesmen _pl. a._ 98; burh _s. n._ 228, _s. a._ 173, 191,
223, burhȝe 205 (? confusion with pl. #burga#), burhȝe(n) _s. d._ 251;
broðer _s. n._ 29; dohter _s. d._ 181; freond _s. n._, freonde _s. d._
273; walden _s. n._ 71; childe _s. d._ 43, child _s. a._ 44, children
_pl. d._ 187.

Adjectives, which in OE. end in a vowel, have e in all cases, bliðe 116,
deore 181, ȝare 224, hende 287, mare 223, sturne 120, vnimete 254, wilde
43; those in #-ig# lose g, hali 66, mæhti 65, weoli 60. Of the weak
declension are _s. n._ cristine 294, holde 154, leofue 274, _d._ bare
158, quicke 25, _a._ feire 210, hæðene 193, haðene 295. Strong
inflections are _s. d. m._ richen 154, soðen 26, fæire 211, hæȝe 141,
hæðene 205, _s. d. neut._ uncuðe 40, _s. a. m._ brædne 209, hæhne 205
(with #burg# _f._), hehne 102, godne 49, guldene 257, stenene 222, wisne
214, but long, smal 217 are not inflected, _s. a. f._ gode 136,
kineliche 173, stronge 85. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 42, _d._ muchele
_f._ 171, _a._ muchele _m._ 221 (but dic is usually _f._ in L), muche
220, muchele _f._ 223, muchel _neut._ 201, _pl. n._ muchele 234: #āgen#
gives aȝene _s. n. neut. wk._ 296, aȝere _s. d. f._ 201, aȝene _s. d.
neut._ 208. The plural of all adjectives ends in -e, except særi _pl.
n._ 103 (#sārig#), dæde(n) 110, ȝungen _d._, olden 187. OE. #ān# is
_s. n._ an 59, 64, 161, a 218, 267, _g._ anes _m._ 202, _d._ ane _m._
140, 141, 203, 213, an _neut._ 51, _a._ ænne _m._ 173, 209, 214, enne
(ende) 211, with _d._ uelde 211, 217, ane 257, a 153, anne _f._ 65, ane
173, 212, 223, an _neut._ 240, a 215: #nān# is _s. n._ na 41, _d._ nane
_neut._ 47, nan 228, _a._ nane _f._ 191, nan _neut._ 281: #bēgen# is
beyne 168. Adjectives used as nouns with inflection are hæne _s. n. m._
204, hæhste 62, bezste _s. d._ 238, fæie _pl. n._ 127, ælderen _pl. g._
193, ælderne 69. Comparatives end in -e, mære 42, mare 8; the
superlative has weak inflection in aldeste _s. n. m._ 29, bezste 268,
hæhste _s. a. f._ 69, but strong in aðelest 33, fæirest 55, 89, 152,
270, hæhst 155, hendest 77, 95, 195; plurals are færeste _n._ 7, bezste
200, 256, deoreste 244.

The personal pronouns are ich 22, ic 175, me, we, us, þu, þe, ȝe, eou.
The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 16, heo 73, heo _f._
66, hit _neut._ 5; _d._ him _m._ 72, heom 71, hire _f._ 74, 224; _a._
hine _m._ 13, 230 (with #burg# _f._), 275, heo _f._ 66, 225; _pl. n._
heo 3 &c., _d._ heom 9, _a._ 67. Reflexives are þe seoluen 166, hine
111, him seoluen 145: definitive, seolf 81, 209: possessives, _s._ mi
_n. m._ 32; mine _d. m._ 83, mire _f._ 181, 199, 201, mine _neut._ 22
(7); mine _a. f._ 149, 197, mi _neut._ 182; _pl. a._ mine 182; _s._ þin
_n. m._ 154, þine 170, þine _d. m._ 154, 197, 263, þire _f._ 171, þine
_neut._ 183, 186, _a. m._ 153 (possibly _f._, the nouns in #-scipe# are
mostly _f._ in L), _f._ 166, þi _neut._ 108, 165, þin 196; _pl._ þine
_n._ 167, _d._ 155, _a._ 165; his 10, hire 232; ure 35; eoure 54, eouwer
24 (4), æoure 53, heore 37. The definite article is _s._ þe _n. m._ 29,
218, þæ 63, 231, þa 15, 39, þe _f._ 224, þæ 228, þa 238, þat _neut._ 36,
þe 43, þas _g. m._ 292, þere _f._ 117, þan _d. m._ 4, 40 (with #leode#
_f._), þa 73 (miswritten for þan), þere _f._ 3, 72, 217, þene 75
(miswritten for þere), þan _neut._ 1, 126, 136, 253, 290, þene _a. m._
72 (7), þane 139, þa _f._ 174, 193, þat _neut._ 283, (for) þi _instr._
48, 66, þa 8, 184, 252; _pl._ þa _n._ 7 &c., þan _d._ 6, 137, 187, þa
_a._ 229, 285. Þat is used demonstratively, 8, 277, 283, 266 (with
speche _f._), 34 (with ænde _d. m._); the article is also used
pronominally in vppen þan þe, upon whom 38. The compound demonstrative
is _s._ þes _n. m._ 162, þis _neut._ 7, 278, þas _d. f._ 117, þisse
_neut._ 19, 162, þissen 285, þis 56, þas _a. f._ 215, þis _neut._ 116,
178, 209, 280; _pl._ þas _n._ 17, 79, 169, _a._ 231. The relatives are
þe, þat 7, 150 (= that which), þa 58, 68, 96, 105, 172, 174; þer . . .
on, on which, 210. Interrogatives are whæt 27 (3), what 31 (4), wulche
_pl. n._ 53, the correlative is swulchere _s. d. f._ 103, swulche _s. d.
neut._ 231, _pl. n._ 23: #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, ilken
_s. d. m._ 34, ilke _pl. a._ 285. Indefinites are me 276; oðer _s. n.
m._ 29, odere _d. neut._ 228, oder _a. m._ 276, oðer _a. neut._ 283,
oðere _pl. n._ 164; anoðer _s. n. neut._ 122; ælches _s. g. m._ 202,
ælche _d. m._ 203, _f._ 129, _neut._ 155, 291, aelchen 78, 185, alchen
280, elchen 21, alc 51; æueralche _s. d. neut._ 44; æi _s. n. f._ 272,
_a. f._ 205; nohtes _g. s._ 82; moni 93, 153, 286, muni 113, _pl._ monie
126, 130; feole 119; al _s. n. neut._ 37, alle _d. f._ 244, _neut._ 22,
al 56, alle _a. m._ 130, al 109, _f._ 197, _pl._ alle _n._ 99, all 110,
alre _g._ 33 (8), alle _d._ 61, 68, al 112, alle _a._ 50, 135.

Four-fifths of the infinitives end in -en; cleopien 249 is the only
infinitive of the second weak conjugation; there are no examples in -in
or -i; those in -e are athælde 83, bilæue 46, cuðe 158, ligge 174, liðe
39, 92, 207, 243, ræde 171, spræde 210, all at the end of line or
half-line, cume 164, iwurðe 90: contract verbs are afon 178, slæn 165.
The _dat. inf._ is not inflected. Presents are _s._ 1. habbe 22, libbe
174; 2. ȝettest 184, hæfuest 50; 3. bereð 44, bitecheð 276, dihteð 67,
drinkeð 275, fareð 276, falled 38, fordemed 170, exceptionally gladieð
272; contracted are halt 275, seið 270, sæið 274, sæiðe 273 (miswritten
for sæið); _pl._ 1. biliueð 91, luuieð 57; 2. haldeð 193, luted 54; 3.
ærneð 108, cusseoð 277, liggeð 82, hærȝieð 108, hatieð 157, luuieð 66,
spilieð 159, wunieð 160, iuald 109 (#gefiellaþ#): _subjunctive s._ 1.
fare 176, habbe 182; 2. biȝite 172, bitache 173, habbe 205, sugge 52:
_imperative s._ 2. afeoh 188, drinc 282, hærcne 147, lust 30, 269. Past
of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. sæh 23; 3. bad 241, 297, bed 298, ȝæf 134,
ȝef 133, 299, isæh 116, queð 147, sæt 261, sat 287, spæc 195; _pl._ 3.
æten 251, setten 250: I b. _s._ 3. bar 257, com 113 (4), nom 92, 207,
215; _pl._ 3. comen 1, 235 (11), come 229; _subj. s._ 3. come 241: I c.
_s._ 3. bigon 221, dronc 283, funde 298 (weak form), gon 92 (3), ilomp
122, 140, kærf 217; _pl._ 3. drunken 146, 251, fuhten 127, gunnen 14,
249: II. _pl._ 3. driuen 229: III. _s._ 3. bad 239; _pl._ 3. fluȝen 129,
130, floȝen 129: IV. _s._ 3. scop 224, stod 136 (3); _pl._ 1. uerden 48
(weak form from #fēran#); 3. droȝen 93, sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen 119: V.
_s._ 3. biheold 246, 288, hæhte 225 (weak form), lette (weak form), 283;
passive, _s._ 1. hatte 32; 3. hatte 64, hæhte (#hatte#) 59, 60, 61, 62,
63, 161, 162, if it be not the active form with passive meaning; _pl._
3. bleowen 249, feollen 127, hæhten 230, hetten 250. Participles past: I
a. biȝite 212, iȝeten 252: I. b. iborenne _adj. pl._ 259, (kine) borne
_pl._ 168, icumen 2 (6), icummen 3, icume 117, ouercumen 128: III.
iloten 252: IV. ifaren 105, ofslæȝen 138, ofslaȝen 163, atstonde 183: V.
ihaten 34, ihate 67, ihalden 102, 279, underfon 241. Past of Weak Verbs:
_s._ 3. andswerede 21, arerde 223, bilæde 220, fræinede 265
(#gefrægnan#), ȝette 242, hafde 212 (5), hæfde 233, hehde (for hefde)
69, bitæhte(n) 284, hæfde(n), 214, næuede(n) 228; _pl._ 3. andswerden
11, cleopeden 226, halde 290. Participles past: biclused 177, bitæht
205, ibrusted 256, iȝarked 238, 240, ihæȝed 153 (*#hēagian#), islit 219,
iuaid 175; inflected are iscrudde, iuædde 100. Minor Groups: nuste _pt.
s._ 264; cuðe _pt. s._ 214, 281, cuðen _pt. pl._ 11; dursten _pt. pl._
158, durste 137; scat 2 _pr. s._ 189, scal _pr. s._ 38, scullen 1 _pr.
pl._ 68, 2 _pr. pl._ 24, _pr. pl._ 39, scolde _pt. s._ 241, scolden 1
_pt. pl._ 45; mai 1 _pr. s._ 174, _pr. s._ 204, mæi 73, mihte _pt. s._
111, 210, mihte we 1 _pt. pl._ 46; most 2 _pr. s._ 110; beon _inf._ 28,
am 1 _pr. s._ 175, æm 24, 263, næm 176, is _pr. s._ 32, js 67, us 62,
nis 56, beoð 45, 1 _pr. pl._ 31, 33, 48, 110, seoð 31 (with s for b from
#sind#, #sīen#), beoð 2 _pr. pl._ 79, _pr. pl._ 35, 271, 278, beo 1 _pr.
s. subj._ 183, _pr. s. subj._ 41, beon 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 27, seon 27
(#sīen#), wes _pt. s._ 8 (6), wæs 78, nes 104, 218, weoren _pt. pl._ 2
(8), weore 8, neoren 138, weore(n) _pt. s. subj._ 266, ibeon _pp._ 154;
wulle 1 _pr. s._ 25 (7), wulle(n) 30, 88, 184, nulle 191, wult 2 _pr.
s._ 149, 178, wule _pr. s._ 202, wulleð 1 _pr. pl._ 194, 2 _pr. pl._ 87,
_pr. pl._ 164, wulle _pr. s. subj._ 90, wullen 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 28,
wolde _pt. s._ 20 (4), wolden _pt. pl._ 19, 192, walden 12, 42; don
_inf._ 111, to don _dat. inf._ 298, dod _pr. pl._ 86, dude _pt. s._ 292,
duden _pt. pl._ 71, 117, idon _pp._ 9, 63, 180; eode _pt. s._ 144, 253.

Noteworthy are the adverbs forðrihtes 107, at this very moment,
stilledliche 159, probably miswritten for stilliche of the exemplar,
rather than for stilleliche, which is unmetrical wherever it occurs, and
whænnene(n) 27, representing #hwanone#. OE. #nā# _conj._ is once na, nor
191, but no 23, no . . . no, neither . . . nor 138.

(2) =Of O.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n. a._ maide 266 (3) has lost final n. _Gen._ -es, kinges 292:
_dat._ -e, crafte 214, lifdaȝe 138, ȝere 44, inne 253, londe 19 (9), but
dai 23, and the neuters folk 295, ȝer 36, hin 131, lond 64, 262 are
uninflected; game 285, 291 represents #gamene#: borde _s. a._ 215 has
added e. The _pl. n. d. a._ ends in -es, _n. m._ comes 263, kempes 5,
_neut._ sipes 4, þenges 35, wifues 43, _d. m._ cnihtes 133, godes 68,
_neut._ sipes 232, þinges, 61, _a. m._ cnihtes 23, _neut._ bordes 250,
godes 93, londes 37, 193, lotes 37: _gen._ are cnihtes 112, Englene 262
(weak form), þing 260 (miswritten for þinge). The _fem._ nouns of the
strong declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, blisse 251, hude 202,
speche 266, tydinge 1, care 123, see 2, but leafdi 65, lesing 50,
rouning 143: _dat._ -e, halue 221, winne 188, but half 117, hond 201,
257, win 63. _Pl. n._ are lawe 285, tydinge 104, lawes 278, _d._
rouninges 148, wiþerededes 87, _a._ leode 165, tydinge 147, ȝeftes 88,
133. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular,
_n._ wone 271, _d._ ivere 276, _a._ bolle 257; _pl. n._ are bileue 53,
bilefues 79, gomes 2, _d._ ivere 233, _a._ rideres 233. The minor
declensions are represented by man _s. d._ 205, _s. a._ 214, womman 299,
men _pl. n._ 7, heredmen 67, wommanne _pl. g._ 270, men _pl. d._ 193;
borh _s. n._ 224, _s. a._ 191; nihte _s. d._ 23; broþer _s. n._ 29,
_s. a._ 164; dohter _s. n._ 181; childe _s. d._ 43, 44, cheldren _pl.
d._ 159, children 187; freond _s. n._ 273, _s. d._ 273.

Adjectives, which in OE. end in a vowel, have -e throughout, bliþe 24,
deore 236, deorne 148, ȝarue 224, hende 299, onimete 254, riche 33, 133,
wilde 43; those in #-ig# lose g, mihti 60, sori 103. Of the weak
declension are _s. n. m._ cristene 294, leofue 274, but heh 64, 205 is
not inflected, _s. n. f._ faire 287, _s. d. f._ bare 157 (deathe is
treated as _f._), _s. a. neut._ heaþene 295. Strong inflections are
_s. d. m._ heþene 205, _s. a. m._ goldene 257, stonene 222, wisne 214,
but lang, smal 217, strong 222 are uninflected. #mycel# is moche _s. n.
neut._ 181, mochele _s. d. m._ 26, _f._ 171, moche _s. a. m._ 220,
mochel _f._ 123, _neut._ 201: #āgen#, owe _s. d. f._ 201, owene _s. d.
neut._ 208. All adjectives have -e in all cases of the plural, except
wonder 35, noun used as adj., and ȝong 187, miswritten for ȝonge. #ān#
is _s. n._ an 64, on 59, 161, a 60, 63, _d._ one _m._ 203, on 140, 177,
_f._ 237, one _neut._ 33, _a._ ane _m._ 217, 223, 257, one 173, 214, an
_f._ 65, on _neut._ 240; #nān# is _s. n._ non 258, _a._ nanne _m._ 191,
no _f._ 50. Adjectives used as nouns with inflection are Bruttesse
_s. d. neut._ 225, 281, beste 238, Œnglisse 281. Of comparatives heoldre
187 is _pl. d._; the superlatives beste _s. n. m. wk._ 268 and faireste
_pl. n._ 7 are alone inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, ihc 177, me, we, vs, þou, þe, ȝe, ȝeo 27,
53, 79, ȝou, ou 83. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._
21, ȝeo _f._ 67 (6), hit _neut._ 5, _d._ him _m._ 19, _a._ hine _m._ 18
(5), hire _f._ 67, 225, _pl. n._ hii 8 (21), _d._ heom 69, _a._ 188:
reflexive is him seolue 113; definitive, him seolf 209. Possessives are
_s. n._ min _m._ 32, mi 269, _f._ 181, _neut._ 178, _d._ min _m._ 83,
_f._ 201, mine _neut._ 22 (4), _a._ mine _f._ 149; _s. d._ þine _f._
171, _neut._ 186, _a._ þine _m._ 196, þin _neut._ 108, þi 165, _pl. n._
þine 167, 263, _d._ 156, _a._ 165; his 19, 99, 101; hire 224; vre 35;
ȝoure 26; hire 37 (6). The definite article is _s. n._ þe _m._ 29, _f._
224, þat _neut._ 36, 38, 128, _g._ þes _m._ 292, _d._ þan _m._ 1 (11),
þane 72, 144, þare _f._ 157 (with deathe, usually _m._), þan 103 (_m._
form with sihte _f._), _neut._ 1, 126, 238, _a._ þane _m._ 74 (7), þat
_neut._ 206, þe _instr._ 8, 184, _pl. n._ þe 7 &c.: þat is used
demonstratively 8, 45, 283. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þis
_neut._ 278, _d._ þis _f._ 117, þisse _neut._ 137, þisne 285 (miswritten
for þisse), _a._ þeos _f._ 215, þis _neut._ 178, 280, _pl. n._ þeos 18,
þes 7, _g._ þeos 112, _d._ 68, _a._ 69. The relatives are þat 7 &c., þe
57, þat . . . he, who, 21, wan _s. d._, whom 38. Interrogatives are wat
27, 264, 266, 270, woche _pl._ 53, with correlative soche 23, 291:
#ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275, _s. d. m._ 34, _f._ 103, _neut._
285. Indefinites are me 276; oþer _s. n. m._ 29, _a. neut._ 283, _pl.
n._ 164; anoþer 114; eche _s. d. m._ 203, _neut._ 21, 36, 280, ech 185;
euereche _s. d. f._ 129, euerech 221, euereche _neut._ 44; eni _s. a.
f._ 205; mani _s. n._ 114, _pl. n._ 286, manie _pl. a._ 119, 126; al
_s. n. neut._ 89, alle _d. m._ 78, al _neut._ 22, alle _a. m._ 109, al
196, alle _pl. n._ 99, alre _g._ 77 (3), alle 260, alle _d._ 61, 68, al
270, al _a._ 93.

Nineteen-twentieths of the infinitives end in e; wonie 173 is the only
infinitive of the second weak conjugation; those in -en are cuðen 269,
faren 45, slean 165, wreken 164; in i-, granti 184, sarui 19, both
French. The _dat. inf._ is not inflected, to biholde 209, 223, for habbe
293, for to . . . seche 37. Presents are _s._ 1. habbe 22, wene 175; 2.
bitakest 205, hauest 50; 3. falleþ 38, fareþ 48, takeþ 276, stondeþ 227;
contracted, dringþ 275, fulþ 276, halt 275, saiþ 273, 274, seiþ 270;
_pl._ 1. habbeþ, louieð 57, but ȝefue 69 (5); 2. bilefeþ 53; 3. bearneþ,
erneþ 108, falleþ 109, hatieþ 157, louieþ 67, 286, sleaþ 108:
_subjunctive s._ 2. biȝete 172; 3. ȝefue 297: _imperative s._ 2. bitak
173, dring 282, ȝef 201, hercne 147, lust 269, nim 186, onderfang 188,
send 186. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. seh 23; 3. bad 239, 297,
ȝaf 206, ȝef 133, 299, sat 261, 287, spac 195, 262; _pl._ 3. eoten 251,
sete 250; _subj. s._ 3. beade 298, speke 266: I b. _s._ 3. bar 257, com
1 (3), come 144, nam 92 (3), _pl._ 3. beore 93, come 7, 104, 285, comen
18, 119; _subj. pl._ 3. come 113, 245: I c. _s._ 3. drong 283, funde 298
(weak form), gan 92, 207; _pl._ 3. drongken 251, gonne 245: II. _pl._ 3.
driuen 229: III. _pl._ 3. floȝe 129: IV. _pl._ 3. sloȝen 126, ofsloȝen
119; _subj. s._ 1. bitoke 193: V. _s._ 3. biful 122, 140, biheold 246,
288, ful 45, hehte 225 (weak form active), 162 (in meaning passive),
lette (weak form) 221, 250, 254, 283; passive _s._ 1. hatte 32; 3. 32
(8). Participles past: I b. ibore 259, icome 2 (4), icomen 27, 107,
ouercome 128: IV. atstonde 183, ofslaȝe 138: V. ihote 34, 67. Past of
Weak Verbs: _s._ 3. answerede 21, arerde 223, bitahte 284, grette 144,
hadde 214, mornede 293 (#murnde#), swipte 284; _pl._ 3. cleopede 230,
grette 18, hadde 123, ladde 259, seide 19, sette 230, wende 99, iþohten
122. Participles past: biclused 177, hifulled 258, iȝarked 238, ihord
50, 156, ileued 22, iscrud 100, isomned 36, ived 100, iveiþed 175,
iwoned 121, himakede 240. Minor Groups: nuste _pt. s._ 264; couþe _pt.
s._ 214, 281; dorste _pt. pl._ 137; salt 2 _pr. s._ 189, sal _pr. s._
89, solle 2 _pr. pl._ 24, solde _pt. s._ 178, 1 _pt. pl._ 45; mai 1 _pr.
s._ 173, _pr. s._ 204, mihte _pt. s._ 210, 258; most 2 _pr. s._ 110, mot
_pr. s._ 38, 41, moste we 1 _pt. pl._ 46; beo _inf._ 175, ham 1 _pr. s._
24, 175, nam 176, his _pr. s._ 34 (9), beoþ 1 _pr. pl._ 33 (4), 2 _pr.
pl._ 79, _pr. pl._ 35 (5), beo _pr. s. subj._ 41, 2 _pr. pl. subj._ 27,
beon _pr. pl. subj._ 172, was _pt. s._ 8 (10), nas 104, 218, weren _pt.
pl._ 2 (5), were 4 (5), nere 138, were _pt. s. subj._ 218, 266; wolle 1
_pr. s._ 26 (8), nelle 191, wolt 2 _pr. s._ 149, 184, wole _pr. s._ 202,
wolleþ 1 _pr. pl._ 184, 2 _pr. pl._ 87, _pr. pl._ 164, wolle 2 _pr. s.
subj._ 20, woldes 2 _pt. s._ 178, wolde _pt. s._ 143, _pt. pl._ 19, 192;
don _inf._ 178 (4), doþ _pr. s._ 292, _pr. pl._ 86, dedest 2 _pt. s._
162, dude _pt. pl._ 117, idon _pp._ 138; goþ _pr. pl._ 43, 44.

#Dialect:# The speech of North Worcestershire, where the Brut was
written, descended from a Saxon patois which was substantially
South-Western, but with an Anglian element derived from the neighbouring
Mercia. Occasional forms in the texts, which are foreign to this
dialect, may be due, as Luhmann thinks, to the poet himself, who, as he
tells us, had travelled ‘wide ȝond þas leode,’ or to some intermediate
copyist, but otherwise the manuscripts present, on the whole, the
natural development of the dialect of the original. What the
professional scribes who copied them contributed to the divergences from
the original text was mainly graphic and in a great measure due to the
clash of native spelling with the French scribal methods to which they
were accustomed.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian words in C O are bule bole, gærsume garisome,
gistninge gystninge, hæil hail, laȝe lawe, swaines sweines, wæshail
wassayl; in C only, ibon, dring, grið, loten, tiðende, utlaȝen; in O
only, sleh, þorisdai: French in C O, castel, latimer; in O only, granti,
pore, sarui.

#Metre:# (1) =Of C.= Like the Worcester Fragment, p. 232, and the
Proverbs of Alfred, pp. 292-4, Layamon’s verse presents an intermediate
stage in the transition from the OE. alliterative long line to the
rhyming couplet as exemplified in King Horn (KH p. xlvi). Our text has
i. lines which continue the OE. practice of binding together the two
halves of the line by alliteration only, as Ah héo weore hǽðene[;] þat
wes hǽrm þa máre, 8; of þat ílken ǽnde[;] þe ángles is iháten, 34; these
have four stresses separated by light syllables varying in number: ii.
lines which add rhyme as an ornament to alliteration, as heo cómen into
hálle[;] hǽndeliche álle 99; út of þan léode[;] to úncuðe lónde, 40;
swiðe monie péohtes[;] heo slóȝen iþan féhte, 126, and with similar
imperfect rhymes 79, 92, 174, &c.; the rhythm of these also is
alliterative: iii. lines like those of the second class in structure,
but already showing in various degrees the disintegrating effects of
rhyme in their wavering rhythm, as þat ouer sǽ weorẹn icúmen[;] swíðe |
sélcuðe | gúmen, 2, or with a regular syllabic rhythm, as ne mí|hte wé |
bilǽ|uè[;] for lí|ue né | for dǽ|ðè, 46: iv. lines with rhyme only, as
þe féor|ðe hǽh|te Jú|pitér[;] of ál|le þín|ge hé | is whár, 61; and
ǽf|ter óh|te món|nèn[;] þa béz|stẹ of mí|ne cún|nè, 200; these can be
scanned as syllabic verse without assuming any licence which is not to
be found in the Poema Morale: v. lines without alliteration or rhyme, as
67, 242, 286, 297; these may be regarded as corrupt. The alliteration is
varied, rarely 2 + 2, as 75, 127, 161; 2 + 1, normal in OE., as 17, 29,
32 &c.; 1 + 1, by far the commonest, as 30, 36, 38, 42, &c.; 1 + 2, as
2, 13, 33: the last stress sometimes falls at the end of the second
half-line, contrary to OE. usage, as 17. Crossed alliteration occurs at
31, 39, 40, 91, 124; distinct alliteration in each half-line at 76, 249.
Perfect rhymes like sohten : rohten 10, imetten : igrætten 18 are
comparatively few, imperfect ones frequent, as vnwraste : criste 80,
ænde : grunde 109, dæðe : cuðe 158, monnen : hennen 160, ræde : neode
171, spræde : hude 210, hude : neode 212, inne : cunne 235, nap : up
275, wīn : ĭn 283; a final consonant is negligible, to : idon 9, wolde :
athalden 20, laȝe : dæȝen 69, peohtes : fehte 126, fluȝen : vnnifoȝe
130, fæhte : cnihten 155, cumeð : gærsume 189, monnen : cunne 200, hude
: ouerspræden 202, sætte : hæhten 230, scruden : prude 254, even a final
syllable, scenden : lond 192; assonances are frequent, as driȝen : liuen
25, lond : strong 56, londe : stronge 85, 124, ligge : libbe 174, faste
: castle 177, atwite : riche 204, ende : uelde 211, while : time 237,
time : liðe 243; inflectional rhymes are admissible, as andswerden :
cuðen 11, peohtes : londes 137, andswarede : wolde 151, children : olden
187, ihærde : seide 264; partial correspondences of sound suffice, as
tiðende : kinge 1, wenden : kinge 14, leofue : laðe 79, læue : liðe 92,
arerde : mare 223 (Bartels, 61), tiðende : londe 271, hende : kinge 287;
proper names have special freedom, as Jupiter : whar 61, appollin : idon
63, Teruagant : lon[d] 64, alemanisce : horse 125, vortigerne : sone
265. The text has suffered much less from a metrical point of view than
the Proverbs of Alfred, the interval of time between the original and
the extant copy being shorter, but the changes are the same in kind. i.
Words altered: for þa king 15 read muri; comp. ‘Swa he uorð to
Cantuare-buri[;] þer him þuhte swiðe muri,’ L 29519, 20: l. 37, see
note: l. 63, MS. O has possibly preserved the original: l. 85, read
leod-ferde ful stronge: l. 146, for blisse--heom, read dune wes heom
among; comp. ‘Þer wes swiðe muchel dune[;] þeines þer dremden,’ L 11574,
5: l. 242, for wolde read ȝirnde (Bartels 55); comp. 106/206: l. 268,
for ær read euere: l. 286, for fain read sæl: l. 288, read þe leuedi he
ȝeorne biheold[;] and comp. ‘He clepede to þere leuedi[;] heo wes him on
heorten leof,’ L 1190, 1: l. 297, read dringe : ȝunge (for child). ii.
Words omitted: l. 67, read dihteð alswa (Bartels 69): l. 107, read
Lauerd king! nu forðrihtes; comp. 94/30, 96/50, 108/263: l. 131, read
Vortigerne þe king[;] to herberwe wendẹ on hiȝing; comp. ‘Þa sæide þe
king[;] Nu to scipe an hiȝing,’ L 32040, 1: l. 134, read hehȝe maðmes
inoȝe; comp. ‘þa hæuekes ⁊ þa hundes[;] ⁊ hehȝe mine maħmes,’ L 22397,
8: l. 148, read runen swiðe deorne; comp. ‘and Hengest spæc wið
Vortigerne[;] of rune swiðe derne,’ L 14768, 9: l. 209, where two lines
have been compressed into one, read ‘⁊ he seolf wende[;] wide ȝeond
þissen londe | To sechen on folde[;] ænne brædne fæld’; comp. ‘Ah anan
heo wende[;] toward þissen londe,’ L 11634, 5; ‘Leir king wende on
a{n}ne feld[;] ⁊ reste hine on folden,’ L 3510, 11: l. 215, read bule
hude: l. 224, read nome þare; comp. ‘Þa andswarede eorles þare[;] Alle
we beoð ȝarẹwe,’ L 27332, 3. iii. Substitution of forms: read l. 5,
cnihtes; l. 110 alle; ll. 149, 178, wule; comp. ‘Ȝif ȝe hit lusten
wlle,’ L 919: read l. 159, stilliche; l. 196, iwille : alle; l. 233,
rideren. iv. Words rearranged mostly in a prose order: read l. 3, icumen
weoren to londe; l. 14, wenden gunne; l. 82, nohtes ne beoþ; l. 83, ich
eou wullẹ; l. 129, ⁊ awæi floȝen swuðe[;] forð an ælche helue; l. 214,
ænne wisne mon he hæfden; l. 232, hider liðen; l. 250, Bord heo breden
hetten[;] cnihtes þer to setten (Bartels 35). v. Padding: omit l. 9,
and; l. 23, aer; l. 31, we; l. 86, muchele; l. 88, lond; l. 93, heore
scipen; l. 97, heore; l. 113, read mani oht mon: omit l. 121, ofte; l.
128, þa; l. 218, noht; l. 248, mid him; l. 252 þa (wes); l. 285, þissen;
l. 293 read hire for þat mæiden.

Elision takes place under the usual conditions, auerẹ 7, 132, cnihtenẹ
55, 89, sendẹ 198, bezstẹ 200, hudẹ 217, but hiatus is not infrequent,
þinge 61, swiðe 84, alle 135, fæire 144, fulliche 183, hafde 212. In
trisyllabic words the vowel of the middle syllable sometimes suffers
syncope, as neoðẹles 83, hengẹstes 232, nauẹre 23, læuẹdi 65, naeuẹden
228, similarly answerẹde 21, 29, 55 and generally bịliue, weorẹn. The
added n has small share in the metrical scheme; of the twenty-six
certain instances of its use, three, rihten 20, cumen 24, comen 235,
prevent hiatus, to which, however, the poet seems indifferent; once it
makes a rhyme, hallen : men 259; twice it is in excess cunnen : wunne
188, Rouwenne : wimmonnen 270; once it rhymes with itself, hæfden :
craften 214 (as emended above); four times it completes a rhyme, driȝen
: liuen 25, iwiten : wurðscipen 26, ræden : dæden 110, innen : monnen
112; the remaining instances are whænnenen 27, wullen 30, 88, 184,
duȝeðen 166, næueden 228, burhȝen 251, weoren 266, bitæhten 284.
Doubtful are runen 148, ronen 156, leoden 165, 285, laȝen 278, 285; but
they are most probably weak forms, and it may well be that the use of n
spread from such cases to other forms. It is noteworthy that, out of
these twenty-seven instances, the added n appears sixteen times at the
end of line or half-line.

(2) =Of O.= The author of this recension had little regard for the metre
of his original; ll. 68, 93, 112, 193, 226, 265, 297 are quite formless.
Two lines are compressed into one, mostly unmetrical, at 67, 90, 157,
159, 173. Rhyme is substituted for alliteration at 114, 123, 131, 133,
149, 178, 221, 245; occasionally attempts are made to improve the rhyme,
as at 35, 63, 253. At l. 7 a prose order is adopted; archaic words and
phrases are rejected at 92, 108, 138, 139, 184, 207, 230, 251, 258, 267,
273, 278 &c.

#Introduction:# The priest Layamon, son of Leovenath, served the church
at Ernley (Arley Regis) on the Severn near Radestone, ‘sel þar him
þuhte.’ There it came into his mind that he would tell of the noble
deeds of the English, and journeying wide over the land he got the noble
books, Bede’s History in English, the Latin text of the same, which he
ascribes to S. Austin and S. Albin, and the history which a French clerk
made. Such is the poet’s account of his authorities, but of the two
first he made no use, Wace’s metrical version of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s
Historia Britonum was his main source. This he greatly amplified out of
his legendary store and from other sources, writing in epic style and a
somewhat archaic diction derived from the older English literature, and
investing the whole with the charm of his imaginative and descriptive
powers. But Imelmann maintains that, apart from some insignificant
details, Wace was his only source, not indeed the text as we have it in
Le Roux de Lincy’s edition, but a later lost redaction enlarged from an
intermediate version which blended the original Wace with the first part
of Gaimar’s Chronicle.

Layamon wrote in the early years of the thirteenth century, and finished
his book before 1205 A.D.

This extract gives ll. 13785-14382 in Madden ii. pp. 152-177: it
corresponds to Wace (W) 6860-7168. The references are to the older text
of L, unless O is prefixed.

1. #Vnder ðan#, meanwhile; OE. #under þām#, where the prep. means among:
‘Entretant,’ W. Comp. ‘Under þis,’ SK 1858; ‘vnder þat,’ R. of
Gloucester 116/11. L has also ‘Vnder þan ilke þinge,’ 29849, ‘Wnder
þon,’ 6433. #tiðende# is OWScand. tíðindi: #tydinge# in O is OE.
#tīdung#: see Björkman, 167. #vortiger# is from W: the OE. form is

5. #Alse hit weoren#, to all appearance: usually with swulc in L, ‘heo
leopen ut of þan wuden[;] swulc hit deor weoren,’ 12828, 3070, 11571.
For hit comp. 1/10. Kempes, champions, in O is a characteristic toning
down of Kinges in C, but comp. L 25301.

6. #wiðuten#, not counting. #scipen monnen# is probably a scribal
mistake for scipmonnen. #þer wiðinnen#, in the ships.

7. #þis#: _sing._ like þet 1/10 note: so too at 110/278, and with Hit,
110/271. #færeste#: ‘Od biax viaires et biax cors,’ W 6863.

8. #ꝥ--mare#: a typical comment, comp. ‘hire cheap wes þe wrse,’ L 385;
‘his hap wes þe betere,’ id. 4894, 816, 3857, &c.

9. #hu--idon#: Madden translates, ‘how they were disposed (their
business)’: Mätzner, Sprachproben, says it corresponds exactly to OHG.
wio getân, how conditioned, circumstanced; but his dictionary does not
notice this use, which appears to be without support, for ‘þine ræddes
ne beod noht idon,’ L 24956, where Madden translates, vaguely, ‘good,’
seems to mean, your counsels are not completed, i.e. ripe, perfect. On
the other hand, wel idon occurs in L at least twenty-three times; with
it Madden compares MHG. wol getan, translating good, excellent, brave;
but it means more specifically, well equipped, (1) mentally, comp.
104/180; ‘þa wifmen wel idone[;] and þa betere biwitene,’ L 24677: (2)
physically, 96/63; ‘ah he ne blakede no[;] for he wes cniht wel ido{n},’
L 7524; well fitted out, ‘scipen he hæfde sone[;] monie ⁊ wel idone,’ L
28234; well provided with money, ‘þe riche burh wel idone,’ L 5923; ‘Ðu
ert wel don man,’ OEH ii. 29/15, the latter answering to the colloquial
‘well-to-do.’ Similar expressions are seen in ‘cnihtes wel bihedde,’ L
18010; ‘Jurdan is his bur-cniht[;] he is swiðe wel idiht,’ id. 18960;
‘twa hundred scipene[;] þer weoren wel biwitene,’ id. 20505; ‘wel
bifunden,’ Orm 73/2176. The meaning here is accordingly, how they were
provided for; a polite way of asking what they wanted.

11. #cuðen#, knew how, were able.

13. #heren#, obey: comp. 94/19; ‘nulle we him nauere hæren[;] ne hælde
for ure hærre,’ L 7671, 4887, 8483.

15. #Cantuarie#: see 1/14.

16. #Hæhliche spilede#: Madden translates ‘nobly diverted themselves,’
with the usual meaning of OE. #spilian#, to play; and his interpretation
is supported by, ‘mid haueken ⁊ mid hunden[;] hired-plæie luuien,’ L
14480. Luhmann, p. 91, regards this place as the only instance of that
meaning in Layamon; he points out that everywhere else (as at 110/266)
spilien has, from expressions like ‘spilede mid worden,’ L 17269,
‘plaȝede mid worden,’ L 17335, developed the meaning, to discourse,
proper to OE. #spellian#. It seems unnecessary to make an exception
here; the explanation, held high counsel, gives a good sense, and one
more suitable for ‘hæhliche’ than the other.

17. #folc kinge#: comp. 96/47: variants are, ‘biforen þen folke kinge,’
L 9107; ‘þeos folkes ki{n}g,’ id. 4872; ‘leod king,’ id. 6797; ‘leode
king,’ id. 3691; ‘leodene king,’ id. 5394; ‘leodisc king,’ id. 2144. As
here, O avoids the archaic expression in each case except the last,
where it has, ‘on leodene king.’ Comp. OE. #folc-cyning#, #lēod-cyning#.

18. #Sone swa#: see 130/51.

20. #mid rihten at halden#, retain them and treat them fairly.

21. #of--war#: this phrase, which is repeated after the epic manner with
the king’s name, as 96/51, 98/78 &c. appears for the first time at
13254, ‘of ufele he wes wel iwar,’ where the context requires the
meaning, he was well versed, practised in evil-doing. (OE. #wær#, having
knowledge of.) His character is bad, ‘Fax fu et faussement parla,’ W
6796; ‘þat iharde Uortigerne[;] þe swike wes ful derne,’ L 13603. Less
ambiguous is, ‘Æfter Cap Oein[;] for elchen vuele he wes fein,’ L 6993.
#Þat . . . he# in O = who.

23. Comp. ‘Ne seah ic el-þeodige | þus manige men mōdiglīcran,’ Beowulf,
336, 247-50. #bi nihtes#: comp. ‘feorh færde bi nihttes,’ L 4415.

24. #for--bliðe#: comp. 108/263; ‘Þe king wes gled for his kime,’ L
3962: with _of_, 128/9, 206/321; ‘forr mani mann | Wass off hiss come
bliþe,’ Orm, 24/795, as in OE., ‘ealle wæron swiðe bliðe his
ongeancymes,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 208/292.

26. #þurh--wurðscipen#, by your true worthiness, as truly as you are
honourable. For the position of eouwer comp. 102/154, 104/171. With for
in O comp. 78/66, 119/78.

28. #whar#: OE. #hwæðer#. #alde# &c., at all seasons, under all
circumstances: comp. 25/226.

32. #hors#: so W; in Hist. Britonum, Horsus: comp. such double forms as
Sceaf, Sceafa; Geat, Geata.

34. #ænde#, quarter: comp. 100/109, 127/344, ‘heofon biþ open on sumum
ende,’ BH 93/1; ‘þe alre leste ende,’ SK 587 (= de remotis partibus);
Minot, ix. 3. #angles#, Ænglis O: the OE. names are Angel, Engel, Ongel;
the final _s_ here is probably due to Englisc. ‘De Saisone, dist-il,
venon,’ W 6889; but they were Jutes.

35. #tiðende#, lit. happenings, here, customs, ways: comp. 110/271; ‘In
Fra{n}ce weore læwen[;] sulkuðe a þan dawen. | ⁊ selcuðe tidende,’ L
5137, where læwen and tidende are synonymous. #gonde# in O is regarded
by Madden as a mistake for goude, a spelling found in C, but not, I
think, in O: he translates ‘many good things’; Mätz. ‘wondrously good
things’; but that gives a very unsuitable sense and spoils a rhyme. In
Specimens it is taken for goinde: O has goinde, 1582, but mostly goinge,
which is hard to parallel at this date in the sense of taking place,
progressing. Brotanek, in Zupitza-Schipper, 339 suggests that gonde is
OE. #geondan#, yonder; but L otherwise has only ȝeond, ȝond, _prep._ as
at 106/209. Possibly it is a mistake for wonde, accustomed, instead of
the usual iwoned 101/121; ‘To hire weren iwoned[;] wonder craftie men,’
O 1153: C has iwunde, wounded, 10420, and the prefix is occasionally
dropped, as somned, 104/167.

36. #vmbe# is ambiguous: bi eche &c., O, means every fifteenth year: ‘Li
prince qui les teres ont | Tos les jenes asamblé font | Qui de quinze
ans sunt et de plus,’ W 6909. #hi[s]# for is: him MS. cannot be
reflexive here: comp. ‘Þa ferde wes isumned,’ L 1482, and so always in
L. But Kock, Anglia, xxv. 318 takes #isomned# as isomneð, assembles,
with #him# as reinforcing dative, like 13/34.

37. #iledene# is regarded by Mätzner as for ledene, with otiose _i_
prefixed, as in ‘iliue’ 94/22; it would in that case be _pl. g._ of leod
as in ‘leodene king,’ L 5394. But ‘folk of the people,’ ‘nation-folk,’
Madden, is a strange expression (though leod-folc is common enough), and
it would be a meaningless repetition; besides _e_ for OE. #ēo# is rare
in L. Kellner, Archiv cxiv. 164, proposes ileuede representing OE.
#gelyfed#, advanced in age, and one MS. of W has ‘Tout li viellart et li
plus fort’ as a variant of ‘Tot li millor et li plus fort | Sont mis
fors del païs, par sort,’ 6193. But ileuede is not used elsewhere in L,
and would connote decrepitude. Geoffrey of Monmouth has ‘totius regni
iuvenes coram se venire praecipiunt (principes): deinde sorte proiecta
potiores atque fortiores eligunt,’ 82/20; something corresponding to
‘iuvenes’ is required here, such as iwepned; comp. L 9942-6.

38. #of#: see 80/47.

45. #feole# is impossible: Mätzner suggests the substitution of lot, as
in O, for beoþ, but that would require feol instead of feole. More
probably the scribe has been influenced by beoð into miswriting feole
for fallen: #beoð# is singular.

46. #for liue# &c. apparently means, for any consideration, at any
price, like ‘for love or hire.’

47. #for þan#, because of the, for fear of the.

49. #vnder lufte#, under heaven: comp. ‘nes þa na man vnder lufte[;] þe
cuðe betere cræftes,’ L 10104: lufte is Madden’s correction.

50. #þurh alle þing#, in every respect, qualifying Soð: comp. ‘he wes
god þurh alle þing,’ L 6894: somewhat different is ‘⁊ þar an hiȝinge[;]
þurh ut alle þinges,’ L 2358.

51 O. #wis . . . war#: comp. 18/16.

52. #sugge#: for the subj. comp. ‘geliefeð ðæt he swelc sie swelce he
gehierð,’ Cura Past. 110/11. #soðriht#, _adv._ truly; comp. ‘a þilke
time soh riht,’ L 9668, MS. O.

53. #þat . . . on#, and 54. #þe . . . to#: see 1/3.

55. #cnihtene# &c.: a recurring phrase, as 98/89, 102/152; ‘cnihten alre
hendest,’ 104/195.

57. #mode#, feeling: comp. ‘on his heorte he hauede grome[;] on his mode
muchele sco{m}e,’ L 4847, and with O, ‘þe leof hire weis on mode,’ L
4489. See KH 281 note.

58. #hope to#: see 178/89 note. #heoreð . . . mid mihte#, strenuously
exalt; from #herian#, to glorify: it might be from #hīeran#, to obey,
but the former meaning is more suitable here; comp. 102/139.

59-68. There is little doubt that Layamon found this strange jumble of
the gods of the Romans, Teutons, and French Romance in his original, but
appollin and teruagant are missing in the printed Wace. Identification
of the Roman gods with those of the Teutons and Celts proceeded rapidly
among the barbarians from the first century onward, so that the Spanish
bishop, Martin of Bracara, denouncing in the sixth century the pagan
practices of his flock, uses the Roman names of the gods (De Correctione
Rusticorum, ed. Caspari, pp. xci, 7-11), in which he is followed by
Ælfric in the homily De Diis Falsis (Kemble, Solomon and Saturn, 120;
Wulfstan, ed. Napier, 104). L appears not to have known that under this
system Mercurius is Woden; Jupiter, Thunor; Mars, Tiw; Venus, Frea; and
Phoebus, perhaps the Sun, yet Wace says ‘Mercurion | Qui en nostre
langage a non | Woden.’ In L 16790-4, there is a similar list of the
Saxon gods with addition of Dido{n} and Mamilon.

60. #weoli#, rich, powerful.

62. #hæhste#: comp. ‘Nu hateð Aganippus[;] þe is þe heȝest ouer us,’ L
3648: ‘Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt,’ Tacitus, Germania, 9: see
Müllenhoff, Deutsche Alterthumskunde, iv. 212.

63. #appollin# is the god of Cassivellaunus, L 8081: one of the three
idols of the Saracens in French romance, Mahomet and Tervagant being the
others; ‘Mahummet sert e Apollin recleimet,’ Chanson de Roland, 8; ‘La
lei i fut Mahum e Tervagan,’ id. 611. In L, Tervagant is the god of the
Romans, 5353. #wel idon#: see 94/9 note. #of gret win# O, in whom we
greatly delight: OE. #wynn#.

66. #hired men#, members of a household, courtiers. But Frea had nothing
to do with these; she was the patroness and helper of lovers. Possibly L
has misunderstood cortoier or cortois in his original.

67. #dihteð#, guides, directs.

69. Comp. ‘and habben þa ilke læȝen[;] þe stoden bi heore ældre dæwen,’
L 5960. #hehde# is for hefde: comp. ‘what he i Rome hæhde biwunnen,’ L
10547; ‘enne sune he hehde,’ id. 6958, 30185: for other instances in L
of h substituted for f, see Luhmann, 45: the expression, to hold the
highest law, may well mean, to have the highest authority, for Layamon’s
use of laȝe is very wide and varied. But Brotanek treats #hehde# as
_past_ of heȝen, OE. #hēgan#, to put in force, to establish: this in L
is hæhȝede, heȝede: Logeman suggests hehte (OE. #hatan#), promised.

71. #heom# is written for him, and they did worship to him: the subject
heo is not expressed, because it is contained in heore preceding: see

72-76. The Romans adopted the week of seven days, with their allotment
to the heavenly bodies, from the Chaldaeans. They were already well
acquainted with it in the first century A.D., and it was in regular use
in the third. Owing to their many points of contact with the barbarians,
it spread rapidly everywhere among the northern nations, each of which
adapted it by substitution of their own equivalent deities in the names
of the days, Saturn alone proving intractable (see Grimm, Teutonic
Mythology, 1. 122 ff; Müllenhoff, iv. 644 ff.). The North German
invaders were already in possession of the system when they settled in
England: comp. Byrhtferth’s Handboc, Anglia, viii. 321/4-17.

72. #to wurðscipe#, in his honour. #wendesdei# O, for Wednesdei, is
representative of *Wēdnes-, Wǣdnes-dæg, out of Wōdines. (Holthausen,
Anglia, Beiblatt, iii. 39.)

73. #þunres dæi#, day of Thunor: #þorisdai# O is Scandinavian: ODanish
þūr (Björkman, 181): OE. #þūres dæg#. Comp. 85/99.

74. #fridæi#: OE. #frige-dæg#, the day of Freya, identified with Venus.

75. #sætterdæi# corresponds to OFrisian saterdei, OE. #Sæterdei#:
#sateresdei# O to OE. #sæteresdæg#. The fullest form is #Sæternes dæg# =
Sāturni dies (? Sǣ; see Anglia, Beiblatt, xx. 194). #þene# should be
#þere#. #sonedæi#: OE. #sunnan-dæg#; perhaps OWScand. sunnudagr has
influenced the ME. form.

76. #monedæi#: OFrisian mōnedei. #tisdæi#: OWScand. týsdagr: OE.
#tīwes-dæg#. #Tidea# is said in the glossary to Specimens to be a
Latinized form of Tiw in the _dat._ case, without support from any
parallel and without explanation of _d_: probably it is a mistake for
Tiwe, and as O has Tydea, the mistake would be derived from an earlier
MS. common to both.

81. #wurse#, the evil one, the devil; comp. 110/291; ‘þat he wið þene
wurse spæc,’ L 2841 where O has ‘feonde.’

82. #nohtes#, of a worthless kind: a descriptive genitive used
predicatively: comp. ‘eower godas ne synd nahtes,’ Ælf. Lives, i.
182/205; ‘ne beoð ha riht nohtes,’ SJ 22/10: it is in principle the same
as ‘ðæt fleax ðæt bið hwites hiewes,’ Cura Past. 86/19.

83. ‘Mult volanters vous retanrai,’ W 6957.

84. #ohte#, doughty: OE. #āht#, shortened from #āwiht#: so the root
sense is ‘anything, good for anything, worth something.’ Comp. ‘ahte
cniht wes Auelin,’ L 8141.

86. #scome . . . grome#: see 96/57 note, and for the corresponding verbs
comp. ‘þerfore him ofte scomede[;] ⁊ his heorte gromede,’ L 13763.

94. #dringches#, warriors: OWScand. drengr, young man: the change of e
to i is normal; see Björkman, 292.

95. #hændest# is taken by the editors generally as, nearest (to him),
but everywhere else in L it means, courteous, or the like: comp. 98/77:
perhaps him should be omitted.

97. #him to#, to Vortigern, but #senden# is corrupt; reading, seoððen
siȝen him to, the meaning would be, next the Saxon knights followed
after them; comp. ‘þe eorles heom siȝen to[;] mid fele heore cnihtes,’ L

98. #aldene# cannot be right, its final e does not belong to the dat.
sing.: comp. ‘in alden hire de{n}ne,’ L 22027. Read aldrene, of the kin
of his ancestors: comp. 98/69, 104/193; ‘of his eoldrene istreon,’ L

99. #hændeliche# is translated by Mätzner, courteously; rather, making a
brave show.

100. #iscrudde . . . iuædde#: comp. ‘he us haueð wel iued[;] he us haueð
wel iscrud,’ L 13573; 104/190.

101. #hængest# is the last word on the page, and the scribe has in
consequence omitted -es: for #swaine# read swaines.

102. #hehne#, ‘hæhne,’ L 11378, represents OE. #hēanne#, _acc._ of
#hēan#, mean, humble, and ‘hæne,’ 106/204, its _nom._ #hēane#: but
‘hæhne,’ 106/205, represents the _acc._ of #hēah#, high (seldom
#hēahne#, mostly #heanne#).

104. Comp. ‘Nes hit noh[t] longe[;] buten ane stu{n}de,’ L 14423. #ne#:
see 25/241 note. #longe# is adverbial in form.

108. Comp. ‘ꝥ lond heo þurh arnden[;] ⁊ herȝeden ⁊ barnden,’ L 12129,

109. #ænde#: see 96/34. #iuald#, they fell; comp. ‘sixti þusende[;] he
leide to þen gronde,’ L 4751.

111 is formal: see 102/142, L 1035, 3147 &c.

117. #duden--iwune#, behaved as usual: comp. ‘hu Osric Edwines sune[;]
dude ut-laȝen wune,’ L 31270.

120. Comp. ‘þat fæht wes swuðe strong[;] ⁊ swuðe stær ⁊ swuðe longe,’ L

121. ‘Por ce que vaincre les soloient | Lor costume tenir voloient; |
Mais lor usage i ont perdu,’ W 6991.

122. #an oðer#, _nom. adj._ agreeing with hit: the construction is
frequent in L; comp. ‘ah al an oðer hit iwærd[;] oðer he iwende,’ L
17336: oðer, _adj._ is also found in the same construction; comp.
203/202; ‘ah al hit iwrað (= iwarð) oðer[;] þene heo iwenden,’ L 19506,
but it is mostly adverbial, as, ‘ah al heo þohten oðer,’ L 5429; ‘al
oþer hit schal go,’ OEM 41/140.

123. If #hele# represents OE. #hælo#, safety, #heom# means, to the
Britons, but the transition is abrupt, and Logeman suggests that #hele#
may mean, thing hidden, secret; its known meanings being, concealment,
hiding-place; it might be better to substitute iheled for #al hele#.

127. #feondliche#, furiously; comp. ‘Dunwal i þan fæhte[;] wes
feondliche kene,’ L 4168, where O substitutes ‘swiþe.’ #feollen þa
fæie#: an oft-repeated formula in L.

130. #vnnifoȝe#: OE. #ungefōg#, immense; here, countless. Comp. ‘muchel
⁊ unifoh,’ L 8674, ‘monie ⁊ vniuoȝe,’ id. 13187; ‘For noldest þu nefre
[hab]ben inouh, buten þu hefdest unifouh,’ Worcester Frag. D 39.

132. #on uast#, close to, fast by him; OE. #on# + #fæst#: comp. ‘He
makede an temple onfest þe baðe,’ L 2852: but Luhmann, p. 95, deduces it
from #on œfeste#, influenced by the _prep._ fæst bi.

133. The subject of #ȝef# is he, contained in kinge: see 6/18. ‘Et
Lindesée et bons manoirs,’ W.

134. ‘unc sceal worn fela | māþma gemǣnra,’ Beowulf, 1783, 4.

136. #a þan ilke#, on the same footing, thus: comp. ‘⁊ þus ane stonde[;]
hit stod æ ðon ilka,’ L 3117, 3716, 14890 &c. ‘Ensi ont longement esté |
Et lor amor a mult dure,’ W 7001.

137. For #londes# read londe, or for #þan#, þas.

139 O. #hendeliche#, cleverly.

141. #hæȝe dæie#, festival; mostly associated with religious observance;
comp. ‘Hit wes an anne hæhȝe dæie[;] halȝede{n} leoden,’ L 10708. ‘Un
jor trova le roi haitié | Si l’a à consel afaitié,’ W 7009. #duȝeðe
monnen#, the men of his nobility, the retainers of his court; the first
element answers to OE. #duguðe#, _s. g._ of #duguð#.

148. #ræcchen . . . runen#, expound, disclose secret counsels; comp.
‘summe heo muche runen[;] ræhten heom bitweone{n},’ L 25123; ‘þe sunne
reccheð hire rune euch buten reste,’ SM 9/30. (‘Sol in aspectu
annuncians in exitu, vas admirabile opus excelsi,’ Ecclus. xliii. 2.)

150. #halden to wraððe# apparently means, consider it a ground for
anger: perhaps wenden should be read for halden.

153. #þine monscipe ihæȝed#, advanced thy dignity; comp. ‘⁊ mine
monscipe hæien,’ 5451; ‘þurh þe haueð Morgan mi mæi[;] is mo{n}scipe
afallet,’ id. 3838.

154. #þine#: see 92/26.

157. ‘Ai jo assés aparçéu | . . . | Que tu n’en as baron qui t’aint; |
Cascuns te het, cascuns te plaint,’ W 7017.

158. #bare#, actual, absolute; comp. ‘his leode hine hateden | in to þan
bare dæðe,’ L 7034; ‘bi þine bare life,’ id. 25800. #þare# O is a
scribal error.

159. #stilleliche#, secretly; so too stille 104/170; comp. ‘mid
stilliche runen,’ L 355; ‘mid heore stil rune,’ id. 3249: with #spilieð#
comp. 110/266; ‘Þus speken þeos swiken[;] and spileden mid worde,’ L

161. #ambrosie#: Aurelius Ambrosius: O has the former name.

163. #laȝen#, ways, practices, a sense developed out of that of custom,
but Mätzner translates, in a treasonable manner. His death was compassed
by Vortigern, as O says.

169. #androeinnes#: L has elsewhere only Androgeus, and Androgeum as in
W, with once Androchies _gen._ 8194. The present form corresponds to
Androgen, Andragen, Andragenus of the prose Brut, ed. Brie, p. 33.

173. #kineliche#, royal, and therefore in the king’s gift.

175. Comp. ‘Þin hired þe hateð for me | ⁊ ich æm iuæid for þe,’ L 14458.
#iuaid# is _pp._ of ȝefeogen, OE. *#gefēogan#: see NED v. 525, _s.v._
ivee. #iveiþed# is _pp._ of a derivative verb from OE. #fæhð#, feud: it
occurs four times in O. #uor þe#, because of your unpopularity. #ic
wene# &c., I expect to be killed.

176. #fare# &c.: see 34/86.

177. #biclused#: comp. ‘⁊ hæuede Valentin wel uaste | biclused in ane
castle,’ L 12191: elsewhere O substitutes ‘bituned.’ ‘Si ai por toi
maint anemi; | Ne puis par nuit estre aséur | Fors de castel et fors de
mur,’ W 7040.

180. #of--idon#: see 94/9 note.

182. #wine maies#: OE. #wine mǣg#, a loving kinsman: L has also
vniwinen, onwines, enemies, 14466.

184. #hiren#: comp. 94/19, 98/68. ‘Plus séurs en sera de moi | Et jo en
servirai mius toi,’ W 7035.

188. #afeoh#: ‘Et bien les recoif et conroie,’ W 7052.

190. #ueden . . . scruden#: see 100/100.

195. #Þa ȝet#, still: OE. #þā git#. Comp. ‘hafde þa ȝet an ho{n}de,’ L
8540; ‘þe ȝet þe he wes i Rome’ (= while he was still in Rome), id.

196. #driȝen#, submit to. #her# &c., in this and in all things.

201. #stonden--hond#, to be in my possession permanently: comp. ‘Nu
stond al þis muchele lo{n}d[;] a Bailenes aȝere hond,’ L 4330. Stonden
in L often means little more than beon. #a#, unemphatic on: comp. ll.
215, 210.

202. #anes bule hude#: Madden suggests an or bules, but in the glossary
treats bule as genitive: Mätzner thinks bule may represent a Scand. gen.
bola; but bule-hude is a compound of which the first element is
uninflected, yet genitive in essence, and so capable of association with
an adjective in that case: the principle is the same as in ahnes, 74/207
note; the meaning is, the hide of one bull. #Ælches weies#, in every
direction, but Mätzner explains, in any wise, any way, quoting ‘Ælches
weies him wes wa,’ 18703, where the meaning appears to be, in both
directions, on either side. #in grene# O, on a green, is a curious
variant, and an early use of the noun in this sense.

204. #hæne . . . riche#; a frequent combination in L: it means the lowly
. . . the exalted, the commons . . . the nobles, rather than, the poor
. . . the rich.

210. #þer . . . on#, on which: see 1/3.

213. #þe# refers to hude. #wunder ane strong#: this combination of
wunder ane with an adjective as here and at 106/219, 108/258, is
frequent in the older text of L. So we find wunder ane brad, bliðe,
cræftie, deop, fæir, laðe, lihte, monie, wod. It is also found with
adverbs, as ‘Þa weop Vðer[;] wunder ane swiðe,’ L 18140, and once
‘bitter ane swiðe’ occurs, L 30302, where O has ‘biterliche swiþe.’ For
wunder ane, O usually substitutes swiþe or wunderliche or rewrites or
omits, but once for ‘wunder ane kene,’ 19935, it has kept ‘wonder one
kene.’ #Wunder# is an adverb, as in ‘Þat feht wes wnder strong,’ L 1744;
‘mid wu{n}der muchele strengðe,’ id. 25078, and #ane# is OE. #ǣne#,
#āne#, adverbial derivative of #ān#, in an extended use, uniquely,
exceptionally, so that the combination means, wonderfully strong beyond
all comparison. The translation in Specimens, ‘a wonderfully strong
one,’ does not take into account the form of ane, and anticipates the
pronominal use of an. In ‘su{m}me heo sæten stille[;] mucle ane stunde,’
L 25121, ane is the acc. of the article, the meaning being, for a long

214. #cuðe a#: on and of interchange with this verb elsewhere in L: so
‘And alle þe cuðe a boken,’ C 14431, ‘Ac al þat couþe of boke,’ O.

218. #swulc#, as it were: OE. #swylce#: O regularly substitutes ase.

220. ‘Une coroie en estendi | De coi grant tère avirona,’ W 7072.
Similar tales are found in Virgil, Aeneid, i. 371; Saxo Grammaticus, ed.
Holder, p. 143, of Ivar’s foundation of London: comp. Geoffrey of
Monmouth, ed. San Marte, p. 313.

223. #muchele ⁊ mare#, great and glorious: B-T. quotes ‘Mære ⁊ miclu
weorc drihtnes,’ Ps. Lamb., cx. 2.

224. #scop . . . hire#, shaped for it: OE. #naman#, or #to naman
scieppan#, with dat. of person or thing named, as ‘scōp him Heor[o]t
naman,’ Beowulf, 78; 179/107 note. L has a weak past also, ‘ah scupte
him nome,’ 1951. ‘Cest non Vancastre li a mis, | El langage de son païs.
| Vancastre cest nom del quir prent, | Sel puet l’on nomer altrement |
Chastel de coroie en romans, | Kaer Kaerai en bretans. | Or l’apèlent
pluisor Lancastre | Qui ne savoient l’aqoison | Dont Vancastre ot
premier cest non,’ W 7075-84. The traditional site is Tong in Kent:
‘Tong Castle or rather Thong Castle, in Saxon Þwangceastre, in British
Caer Kerry . . . both whiche woordes signifie a Thong of leather,’
Lambarde, A Perambulation of Kent, ed. 1576, p. 195. But Camden in his
Britannia, published in 1586, p. 306, places it in Lincolnshire, at
Caster, six miles from Grimsby. L specializes in place-names; see his
account of London, 7099, Hampton, 9376, Caen, 27923, Cernel, 29674. The
formula in l. 227 occurs at 6062, 9380 &c.

228. #gome# is translated ‘adventure’ by Madden, rather, proceeding,
tricky device.

230. #lane castel# and Wace’s ‘Lancastre’ can hardly be meant for
Lancaster; they are possibly due to the Lincolnshire tradition.

232. #com# is practically an auxiliary verb: comp. ‘Leir wes cumen
liðen,’ Lear had arrived, L 3626, 5379; ‘Þenne þu cumes faren ham,’ when
thou dost fare home, id. 4398: similarly ‘gon forð liðe,’ 108/243, 245.

233. Read rideren: used vaguely for knights.

234. #comen# is probably an interpolation. #to iwiten#, that is to say:
comp. ‘and forð he gon liðen[;] mid his Brutleoden. | þat is to
iwitene[;] mid twa hundred scipene,’ L 30914. #æhtene#, ‘good,’ Madden;
but the meaning wanted is, eighteen large ships; ‘Vinrent dix huit nés
cargies | De chevaliers et de maisnies,’ W 7087; and so Madden corrects,
iii. 487. Mätzner reads æhtetene, OE. #eahta tyne#, but ahtene occurs
again C 18015, where O has ehtetene.

237. #umbe while#, after a (short) time: so ‘umbe stunde,’ L 26505;
‘umben ane stunde,’ id. 15924; ‘umben longne first,’ id. 287: O has
usually the same variant as here, but ‘bi on lutel stunde,’ O 11969: see
KH 333 note.

238. #mid#, among, ranking with: comp. ‘cniht mid þane beste,’ L 707,
‘swike mid þan meste,’ id. 2547; ‘hærm mid þon meste,’ id. 9806.

239. #bad# in C is OE. #bēad#, offered him hospitality; in O, OE. #bæd#,
invited him to a banquet, as also in C 241. #gistninge#, entertainment;
ME. gistnen, derivative of OE. #giest#, influenced by OWScand. gista:
see Björkman, 152.

240. #to ȝeines him#, against his coming, to receive him: comp. ‘scipen
he þer funde. | þat to-ȝenes him weoren ibonned,’ L 9731. Elsewhere in L
the preposition is joined with a verb of motion.

241. #fæire underfon#: see 5/11 note.

245. #ꝥ#, until: see 72/179.

246. ‘Le castel et l’oevre agarda, | Mult fu bien fais, mult le loa,’ W

249. Layamon’s delight in descriptions of feasts and music is in strong
contrast to Wace’s prosaic manner. The present passage may be compared
with L 3634, 5107, 14946. Mätzner would read gomen-men, musicians, or
gleomen, with change of cleopien into gleowien, but #gomen# means games,
a regular accompaniment of the feast (see KH 478 note), and #cleopien#
proclaim, as in ‘Lette þe king gan awal[;] ⁊ lude clepien ouer al,’ L

250. #hetten#, ordered; perhaps a mistake for letten, as L has generally
hehten in this sense. With #breden# comp. ‘bordes heo brædden,’ L 18523,
where O has ‘bordes hii leide{n}’: it means, to cover with cloth and

251. #dræm# &c.: comp. 102/146; ‘blisse wes on folke,’ L 5108, ‘blisse
wes on hirede,’ id. 14947.

252. #þa--iloten#, then had the better fallen to their lot; lucky men
were they! OE. #gehlēotan#, to share by lot.

253-268. In L 14956-81 Ronwen again appears as cupbearer.

254. #vnimete prude#, boundless splendour: OE. #prȳto#, influenced in
this meaning by OWScand. prýþi, ornament.

255. #al ꝥ scrud#, all the clothing; _sing._, the _pl._ is ‘alle þa
scrud,’ L 10180: the number changes in #heo weoren#. #ibon#, prepared,
adorned: comp. ‘wel wes he ibon,’ L 12805, in O alle wel idiht; ‘þas
scipen ibone,’ id. 32037. It is an East Scand. _pp._ bōin, as buen is
West Scand. búinn: ‘iboned,’ L 8086, with same meaning is _pp._ of the
derivative *ibonen parallel with bounen, derivative of buen. See
Björkman, 206.

256. #ibrusted#, made bristly, rough: comp. ‘alle þai mete-burdes[;]
ibrusted (ibrustled O) mid golde,’ L 24667; ‘vestes auroque ostroque
rigentes,’ Virg. Æn., xi. 72.

261. #sæt#, went down on: comp. ‘þa hie for þam cumble on cneowum
sæton,’ Grein, ii. 484/180: see KH 781 note.

263. #wæs hæil# is OWScand. væs heill, be well, good health to you! In
‘Lavert King wes hel tant li dist,’ W 7115, the forms are English: comp.
‘Wes þu, Hroðgar, hal!’ Beowulf, 407. #for--uæin#: see 94/24: O means,
for thy coming is wholesome to me; for #comes#, plural with meaning of
singular, comp. ‘hwanan eowre cyme syndon,’ Beowulf, 257; ‘hwonan his
cyme sindon,’ Grein, iii. 89/1196; and for the usual expression, 94/24

266. See 102/159. #weoren#, might be.

267. #Keredic#: ‘Redic li respondi premiers, | Brez ert, si fu bons
latiniers; | Ce fu li premiers des Bretons | Qui sot le langaige as
Sessons,’ W 7119. The name, Cerdic, Ceredic, Cerdicelmet, is in Nennius,
ed. Petrie, ch. xxxvii. #sellic#, marvellous, gifted.

268. #ær# is probably a scribe’s mistake for æuer, due to #her#

271. #tiðende#, _pl._ practice: see 96/35; and for Hit with beoð _pl._
1/10, 94/7. ‘Costume est, sire, en son païs,’ W 7127.

272. #gladieð of drenche#, find enjoyment in drinking: of with the adj.
is common, with the verb rare: comp. 126/310.

273. #Mid--hende#, with pleasant courteous looks, or manner, generally
including gesture: ME. lat, lot is OWScand. lát, Björkman, 91. Comp.
‘mid leofliche læten,’ L 19396; ‘mid swiðe uæire læten,’ id. 15661; ‘mid
wu{n}su{m}me lades,’ id. 12278. In Havelok 1246, ‘Wesseyl þe[i] ledden
fele siþe,’ read seyden for ledden.

274. ‘Quant ami boivent entre amis, | Que cil dist wes hel qui doit
boire | Et cil drinkel qui doit recoivre,’ W 7128. #drinc hail#, drink
health, the latter word being a noun, OWScand. heill.

276. #oðer--fareð#, one brings another full one there. Different in W,
‘Dont boit cil tote la moitié,’ but afterwards he has ‘Et de boivre
plain ou demi,’ 7143.

277. #þreoien#: nothing corresponding in W, only ‘entrebaisier.’

278. #sele laȝen#, pleasing customs: see KH 1110 note.

284 O. #swipte#, tossed it off: OE. #swipian#, to lash; comp. OWScand.
svipa, to move quickly.

286. #fain#: the English had a bad reputation for their drinking habits
among their French neighbours. Wace describes their revels on the night
before the battle of Hastings, ‘Bublie crient e weisseil | E laticome e
drincheheil, | Drinc hindrewart e drintome, | Drenc folf, drinc half e
drinc tode,’ Roman de Rou, ed. Andresen, 7377, that is, They cry, be
blithe and wassail, and let it (the cup) come and drinchail, drink after
and drink to me, drink full, drink half and drink to thee. ‘Fercula
multiplicant et sine lege bibunt. Wessail et dringail,’ says Burnellus
of the English students at Paris at the end of the twelfth century,
Nigelli Speculum, 63/19. The parallel place in the prose Brut is, ‘þat
was þe ferst tyme þat “whatsaile” and “drynkehaile” come vp into þis
lande; and fram þat tyme into this tyme it Haþ bene wel vsede,’ 52/13.

290. #mod . . . main#, mind and might: an OE. combination; comp. ‘ða
ongunnon heo sticcemælum mod ⁊ mægen monian,’ Bede, 54/8, = ‘vires
animosque resumere.’ #halde to#, inclined to: OE. #hieldan#: its use
elsewhere in L is quite different; ‘þa hæðene hundes[;] hælden to
grunde,’ L 19558, is typical.

291. Comp. ‘þe wurse him wes ful neh,’ L 13284, 16636; ‘þe wurs him wes
on heorte,’ id. 9215; ‘þe scucke wes bi-tweonen,’ id. 276; ‘Tant l’a
diables cimoné | Qui maint homme a à mal torné,’ W 7159. For #ælche#,
swilce should perhaps be read.

292. #mæingde#, troubled, lit. mingled: the verb is mostly passive in L,
as ‘his mod him gon menge{n}[;] he morȝnede swiðe,’ 3407; comp. ‘Almast
menged him his mode,’ CM 8804.

293. #murnede#, said of painful longing.

295. #leoden to hærme#, to his people’s hurt: comp. ‘Twenti ȝer he heold
þis lond[;] þa leoden al to hærme,’ L 2580; 176/24 note: #folk# in O is

298. #funde--ræd#, thought it advisable: comp. ‘he uunde on his ræde[;]
to don þat heo hi{n}e bede{n},’ L 21933; ‘Hit is on mine rede[;] to don
þat þu bede,’ id. 31106; 12/5 in piece v. But W says he took the advice
of his brother and friends, ‘Loë li ont et consillié | Que il li doint
délivrement,’ W 7172.


  5/11 (note) = II. (Saint Godric’s Hymns)
  25/241 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred)
  94/9, 96/57 (notes) = _present selection_
  178/89 (note) = XXI. (The Bestiary)


  #Phonology:# ... _eo_ in heoreð 58 (if from #herian#)
    [_missing close parenthesis_]
  #w# is lost ... bilæuen 39, biuoren 95  [39 biuoren]
  (2) =Of O.= ... The present forms of #willan#
    [_misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]
  ... Initial #hl# is reduced to _l_
    [_“l” misprinted as bold instead of italic_]
  #hn# to _n_, nap 275
    [_“#hn# to _n_” added by author_]
  Adjectives ... enne (ende) 211  [enne(ende)]
  The personal pronouns ... mine _neut._ 22 (7)  [22(7)]
  Four-fifths of the infinitives ... I c. _s._ 3. bigon 221,  [221;]
  V. _s._ 3. biheold 246, 288  [_period after “s.” invisible_]
  (2) =Of O.= ... man _s. d._ 205,  [205.]
  The personal pronouns ... #ilca# is ilke _s. n. m._ 237, 275,
    _s. d. m._ [275 _s. d. m._]
  al _a._ 93.  [al.]
  #Metre:# ... To sechen on folde[;] ænne brædne fæld’
    [_close quote missing_]
  comp. ‘Þa andswarede eorles þare  [comp,]
  37. ... one MS. of W  [W.]
  72-76. ... Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, 1. 122 ff  [122ff]
  123. If #hele# represents OE. #hælo#
    [_text unchanged: error for “hǣlo”?_]
  175. ... because of your unpopularity.  [unpopularity,]
  263. ... Beowulf, 257  [Beowulf 257]


#Manuscript:# Junius 1, Bodleian Library, Oxford: an oblong folio,
written in double columns on 118 leaves of parchment varying
considerably in size, the largest being 508 × 200 mm.; about 1210 A.D.,
and an autograph, but corrected by a second and third hand. See further
Holt, i. p. lxxvi.

#Facsimiles:# Skeat, W. W., Twelve Facsimiles, plate iv. Palaeographical
Society; Second Series, plate 133. Napier, A. S., Notes on the
Orthography of the Ormulum, Oxford, 1893, also in History of the Holy
Rood-tree, E. E. T. S., O. S. 103.

#Editions:# White, R. M., Oxford, 1852. Holt, R., 2 vols., Oxford, 1878.
Extracts in Mätzner, Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 48-81, Emerson
and other Readers.

#Literature:# =The Author:= Logeman, H., Archiv, cxvii. 29; Björkman,
E., Archiv, cxix. 33, cxxiii. 23; Bradley, H., Athenaeum, May 19, 1906;
Wilson, J., ibid., July 28, 1906; =Phonology:= Blackburn, F. A., The
Change of þ to t in the Ormulum, American Journal of Philology, iii. 46;
Bülbring, K. D., Die Schreibung _eo_ im Ormulum, Bonner Beiträge, xvii.
51; Callenberg, C., Layamon und Orm nach ihren Lautverhältnissen
verglichen, Jena, 1876; Hale, E. E., Open and Close ē in the Ormulum,
Modern Language Notes, viii. 37; Kaphengst, C., An Essay on the Ormulum,
Elberfeld, _n. d._; *Lambertz, P., Die Sprache des Orrmulums, Marburg,
1904; Menze, G., Der Ostmittelländische Dialekt, Strassburg. diss.,
Cöthen, 1889; *Napier, A. S., as above; =Grammar:= Funke, O., see p.
450; Sachse, R., Das unorganische e im Orrmulum, Halle, 1881; Thuns, B.,
Das Verbum bei Orm, Leipziger Diss., Weida, 1909; Weyel, F., Der
syntaktische Gebrauch des Infinitivs im Ormulum, Meiderich, 1896; Zenke,
W., Synthesis und Analysis im Orrmulum, Götting. Diss., Halle, 1910,
completed in Morsbachs Studien, no. xl; =Consonant Doubling:= Björkman,
E., Orrms Doppelkonsonanten, Anglia, xxxvii. 351 (good summary of
previous literature); Effer, H., Einfache und doppelte Konsonanten im
Ormulum, Anglia, vii, Anzeiger, 166; Holthausen, F., Wel und well im
Ormulum, Anglia, Beiblatt, xiii. 16; Trautmann, M., Orm’s
Doppelkonsonanten, Anglia, vii, Anzeiger, 94, 208, Anglia, xviii. 371;
=General:= Brate, E., Nordische Lehnwörter im Orrmulum, Paul-Braune,
Beiträge, x. 1, 580; Deutschbein, M., Die Bedeutung der
Quantitätszeichen bei Orm, Archiv, cxxvi. 49, cxxvii. 308; Kluge, F.,
Das französische Element im Orrmulum, ES xxii. 179; Kölbing, E., Zur
Textkritik des Ormulum, ES i. 1, ii. 494; Monicke, C. H., Notes and
Queries on the Ormulum, Leipzig, 1853; Reichmann, H., Die Eigennamen im
Orrmulum, Göttingen, 1905, and as no. xxv of Morsbachs Studien;
Sarrazin, G., Über die Quellen des Orrmulum, ES vi. 1.

#Phonology:# Orm supplemented the current graphic methods by devices of
his own. Thus he systematically doubled a consonant after a short vowel
in a closed syllable, so tunnderrstanndenn 109. Whether he meant thereby
to indicate shortness of the vowel or length of the consonant is
disputed. The latter view seems the more probable; the difficulty which
is presented by the occurrence of the doubled consonant in unstressed
syllables, where it is short in ordinary speech, is removed if, with
Björkman, we suppose that the phonetist isolated his syllables in
testing their value. Where the consonant after an open syllable is in
fact short, Orm often places a breve over the preceding short vowel, as
wĭtenn 3, tăkenn 40, wăke 76, 82, 105, hĕte 87, hĕre 123, but fails at
times, as in sune 20, wake 56, here 114, 143. Likewise he uses very
seldom an almost horizontal accent to indicate vowel length, as á 174,
but more frequently, as if to emphasize his warning against possible
error, doubles it, as le̋t, fe̋t 10, ha̋t 37, űt 53, &c., or even for
greater insistence trebles it, as clū̋t 2, ȝē̋t 39, mostly before final
t. Here, too, he is not systematic, thus time 115 has a single mark of
length twenty times elsewhere, and words like ut have sometimes two,
sometimes three accents.

Furthermore, Orm invented a special symbol [g] with a flat top
projecting on both sides for the guttural stop g, reserving the
continental g for the dzh sound in such words as egge (edge), leggen,
seggen: the latter occurs in this extract only in gluternesse 167, and
that by mistake. In his representation of late OE. #eo#, #ēo#, the
author hesitated between eo and e, preferring the former at the
beginning, but gradually increasing the use of the latter, so that it
becomes normal in the last third of the work and invariable in the
Dedication and Preface, which were, no doubt, written last of all. He
then appears to have aimed at uniformity by scraping out, not always
effectually, the o wherever he had written eo, which was restored in
many instances (but apparently not in this extract) by a later scribe in
a fainter ink and thinner letter. Holt, by printing eo wherever it once
existed, fails to represent the actual state of the manuscript: in this
extract o is still visible, though partly erased, in heore 56,
heoffness, leome 57, þeossterrnesse 65, deofless 67, heoffness, leome
70, heoffness 77, mildheorrtnesse 78, heoffness 107, 113, deofless 126;
everywhere else it is completely erased. Finally, heffness 174 is so
written without erasure in a line added lengthwise on the margin,
perhaps from the following leaf, which is now missing and may have been
withdrawn by the author. It is generally held that Orm employed eo and e
to represent the same sound, the former being a traditional spelling.
This is unlikely on the part of a determined phonetician like Orm, who
would naturally be impatient of traditional spellings. Much more
probable is Bülbring’s view that Orm spoke a mixed dialect, in which an
[ö] sound existed beside the [e] sound, and that he finally decided for
the latter.

Oral #a# is _a_, acc 3, habbenn 51; #a# before nasals _a_,
grammcunndnesse 86, ‘năme’ i. 9717; #a# before lengthening groups _a_,
faldess 56 (#fal(o)d#), hande 10, sang 131, but short in annd 114,
unstressed, stanndenn 67, 117: the indefinite pronoun is mann 36. #æ# is
_a_, affterr 21, fasste 59, wăke 76; ꝥat 46 was probably meant for þatt:
wrecche 4 (4 times), wrecchelike 24 is OE. #wrecca#. #e# is _e_, cwellen
38, hĕre 123, hĕte 87, sett 146, but se̋tt 68 (probably miswritten),
stressed wel 34 (13), qualifying a verb, and in most cases at the end of
the first half-line, beside well 29 (4), qualifying adjective or adverb;
#e# before lengthening groups is _e_, ende 113, genge 129, but short are
senndeþþ 62 and enngle 15 (10), with a consonant after the lengthening
group: whillc 152, iwhillc 134, 161 represent #hwilc#, #gehwilc#,
swillke 69, #swilc#. #i# is _i_, cribbe 2, friþþ 133, inn 2 &c., mikell
93, wĭtenn 3 (Orm divided wiþþ utenn 113), but in 170: #i# before
lengthening groups is _i_, bindenn 10, child 4, shildenn 67, 126, but
brinngenn 18, sinndenn 74, 169, winnde clū́t 2, 7. #o# is _o_, follc 30,
biforenn 16; before lengthening groups _o_, unorneliȝ 45, worde 60, but
short are wollde 5, forrþrihht 1 (usually forþ uncompounded): #o# is _u_
in wurrþenn 33, 48 (#worden#) by analogy of the infinitive. #u# is _u_,
stunnt 27, vnnorne 4; before lengthening groups _u_, sungenn 131, tunge
119, wundenn 7, but short are hunngerr 37, unnderrstanndenn 109,
wullderr 132, wunnderrliȝ 35. #y# is _i_, dill 27 (*#dyll#), gillteþþ
155, ifell 64, þrisst 37, wrihhte 151; before lengthening groups, kinde
108, but birrþ 3, 44.

#ā# is _a_, á 174, lare 79, whas 90; before two consonants _a_,
bitacneþþ 100, gast 73: shortening in hallȝhe 69: #swā# is usually swa
17, but se 1 (#swē#). #ǣ{1}# is _æ_, hæþenndom 161, læreþþ 73, sæ 12;
before two consonants _æ_, næfre 41, unnclænnesse 161, but _a_ in aniȝ
157 (#ānig#), lasse 39, mast 169 (North. #māst#). #ǣ{2}# is mostly _æ_,
færedd 84, 91, lætenn 45, 54, þær 19 (4), wæde 8, wære 17 (3), wærenn 58
(3), but _e_ in greditleȝȝc 167, and with shortening fordredd 88 (4);
before two consonants _æ_, wæpnedd 90, and _e_ with shortening, sellðe
95. #ē# is _e_, betenn 158, eche 19, fe̋t 10, le̋t 10, but _o_ in doþ 29
&c., from the plural. #ī# is _i_, bliþe 85, pinenn 36, riche 5 (4);
before two consonants _i_, crist 1, 90, cristenndom 49, but elsewhere
usually crisstendom. #ō# is _o_, dom 75, god 71; before two consonants
_o_, frofrenn 60, 66: shortened in comm 26, 30, 55, soffte 85. #ū# is
_u_, brukenn 174, -clū̋t 2, űt (numen) 53; shortened in vpp 18, 142, uss
3, 62. #ȳ# is _i_, bisne 43 (#bȳsne#), grisliȝ 91 (*#grȳslig#), kiþenn
92, litell 21 (3), shrideþþ 6.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, naru 13, starrke 75; before lengthening
groups _æ_, ærd 5, middelærd 6, but harrd 37, towarrd 87, warrþ 3 (3).
The _i_-umlaut is not represented in this extract, it is _e_ in ‘errfe’
i. 1068, beside ‘dærne’ i. 2004, where _æ_ represents #ea# before a
lengthening group. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_ (Anglian), all 3 &c.,
hallf 36, 93; before lengthening groups _a_, haldenn 22, kald 37, walde
124; the _i_-umlaut is _e_, beldeþþ 79, corrected out of miswritten
beoldeþþ; see 359/5. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _e_, herrte 89, 119, but
misspelt herte 134; before lengthening groups _e_, erless 164, erþe 20
(4). To the #wur# group belong forrwerrpenn 149, wurrþenn 17 (3),
wurrþshipe 132: ȝernenn 21 is without umlaut, but hirde 53, hirdess 46,
irre 75, 167. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in sellf 53, sellfenn 19
(4). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_, heoffness 57 (5), but _e_ in
heffness 5 (11), hefennlike 8, werelld 9: the _å_-umlaut of #e# is
wanting in berenn 29; the umlaut of #i# is _eo_ in heore 56, but here
50, ‘fele’ i. 7640. #ea# after palatals is _a_, shall 134, shaffte 9,
unnshaþiȝnesse 50 (#scæþþig#). #ie# after #g# is _i_, ȝifenn 14 (5),
ȝifeþþ 72, gife 174: #ȝef# is ȝiff 80. #eo# after #g# is _u_, ȝung 108;
after #sc#, _o_, shollde 47, 94, sholldenn 50, 96.

#ēa# is _æ_, læfe 49, ræfenn 89, sæm 29, but _e_ in ec 53 &c.; its
_i_-umlaut is _e_, ekedd 129, lefenn 96. #ēo# is _e_, ben 7, bitwenenn
141, defell 86 (3), lefe 34, lem 77 (4), sen 40, þed 15, and _eo_,
deofless 67, leome 57, seo 91; ȝho 2 (#hēo#) shows shifted accent: the
_i_-umlaut of #ēo# is wanting in lesenn 102, nede 33, stereþþ 9,
þessterrnesse 63, 160, þeossterrnesse 65. #gīet# is ȝḗt 39. #ēa# after
palatals is _e_, shep 50, 54, #īe# after #g#, _e_, ȝemenn 52, 125.

#a# + #g# is _aȝh_, laȝhess 22. #æ# + #g# is _aȝȝ_, daȝȝ 99 (= daī),
daȝȝess _s. g._ 100 (= dai-iess), laȝȝ 16, maȝȝ 40 (3), but seȝȝde 92
(as if from *#segde#). #e# + #g# is _eȝȝ_, leȝȝd 13 (= leīd). Final
#-ig# is _iȝ_ (= ī), aniȝ 157, bodiȝ 173, grisliȝ 91, modiȝnesse 87;
greditleȝȝc 167 is probably miswritten. #i# + #h# is _ihh_, sihhþe 58,
77. #o# + #g# is _oȝh_, forrhoȝhenn 149. #u# + #g# is _uȝh_, muȝhenn 80,
142. #ā# + #g# is _aȝh_, aȝhenn 3, 54. #ō# + #g# is _oh_, inoh 31. #ea#
+ #h# is seen in waxenn 137; the _i_-umlaut in mihhte 36, 137, nihht 55,
57, but mahht 72, allmahhtiȝ 108, nahht 46 (4) descend from Anglian
forms in #æ#. #eo# + #ht# is _ihht_ in brihhte 77, rihhte 49, 89, 91,
fihhten 123; the _i_-umlaut is wanting in seþ 84 (corr. out of seoþ).
#ēa# + #h# is _ehh_, þehh 74 (#ðēh# shortened by loss of stress), neh
30. #ēo# + #ht# is seen in lihht 57 (as if from #leoht#). #ā# + #w#
gives _aw_, sawless 69, 129, wawenn 151. hewe 70 is from Anglian #hēow#:
ohht 145 represents #oht#, similarly nohht 40, 91. #ēa# + #w# appears in
awwnedd 105 (*#ēawnian#); #ēo# + #w# in reweþþ 158 (corr. out of
reoweþþ), trowwþe 90 (#treowþ# without umlaut and with shifted accent),
þeww 72 (= þeū: from #þeow#), so, too, þewwten 31.

#Ealswā# is alls 172: for #e#, _i_ appears in drihhtin 42 (6); it is
lost in wiþþren 150, added in swikedomess 67, 168, onne 29, ‘offe’ i.
4097 by analogy of inne, uppe: #o# is _a_ in anan 1. The prefix #ge# is
_i_, iwhillc 134, 161.

Metathesis of #r# is seen in þrisst 37, wrihhte 151. #n# is lost in i 2,
o 36; by inadvertence it is not doubled in unorneliȝ 45, comp. vnnorne
4. #f# is used in every position, faldess 56, hafeþþ 28, hallfe 93, but
it was probably voiced between vowels and vowellikes, _v_ as in ‘serven’
i. 506 is rare. For #d#, _þ_ appears by analogy in wurrþenn 33, 48.
After #d#, #t#, certain pronominal words change initial þ to _t_, tær
13, tanne 94, tatt 13 &c., teȝȝ 128, te 25, 115, tu 34. #sć# is
regularly _sh_, shrideþþ 6, shop 9, nesshe 37; in bisscopess 51,
‘bisskopess’ i. 7233 (but elsewhere bisshopess), and mennisscnesse 38,
sc is probably due to Scandinavian influence. The stop #c# is _k_ before
_e_, _i_, makenn 5, mannkinn 21, _c_ before _o_, _u_, other consonants
and final, comm 26, clut 2, flocc 49, ec 53 (contrast ekedd 129), _k_ or
_c_ in other positions, kald 37. #č# is _ch_, child 4, eche 19, but
palatalization does not take place in swillke 69, illke 13, illkess 161,
iwhillc 134, whillc 152 and ekedd 129, mikell 93, miccle 33. #čč# is
_cch_ in wrecche 4: #cw# is regularly preserved, cwellenn 38, cwike 15;
_qu_ occurs in the Latin words quarrterrne, quaþþrigan. Palatal #g# is
_ȝ_, ȝæn 73, ȝernenn 21, ȝifenn 14 (6), but gife 174: the guttural
spirant is _ȝh_, follȝhenn 79, 107, 165, hallȝhe 69, sinnȝheþþ 155. The
guttural stop [g] is distinguished from the dzh sound in edge, which is
represented by g. #h# is lost initially in laferrd 25, nesshe 37, reweþþ
158: #hēo# is ȝho 2: #hw# is _wh_, whas 90, whatt 137.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ sune 20, 106 represents #sunu#. _Gen._ -ess, daȝȝess 100,
deofless 67, heffness 14, lifess 100, but, by a scribal error, daȝȝes
75: _d._ -e, hewe 170, sune 96, worde 60, and six others, but the
inflection is mostly wanting, as in bodiȝ 173, daȝȝ 99, dom 75, and
thirty-two others. The _acc._ heffne 12 is due to the LWS. _fem._
#heofone#. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -ess, hirdess 46,
bisscopess 51; neuters are shep 50, 54, ?wiless 126: genitives are
enngle (þed) 15, 122, kinne 64, 71, 157: datives have mostly -ess,
bandess 11, claþess 24, but þinge 71, wrihhte 151. The _fem._ nouns of
the strong declension end in e in the _s. n. a._, blisse, sellðe 95, are
80, bisne 43, except mahht 72, þed 15, werelld 9, and sæ 12. _Gen._ -e,
helle 101, 151, possibly blisse 174: _dat._ -e, blisse 18, cribbe 2,
hallfe 93, but hallf 36. _Pl. g._ is þede 122; _d._ sawless 129; _a._
hande 10, shaffte 9, sawless 69. Nouns of the weak declension have
mostly -e in all cases of the singular, but demess 75 is genitive and,
before the caesura, lem 77, dative, beside leome 57, lem 107, 163
accusative: a _pl. n._ is wawenn 151. The minor declensions are
represented by fet _pl. a._ 10, mann _s. n._ 20, manness _s. g._ 172,
manne _s. d._ 30, mann _s. a._ 134, menn _pl. n._ 76, _pl. d._ 49, 56;
nahht _s. d._ 46, nihht _s. a._ 57; moderr _s. d._ 1; child _s. n._ 4.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination throughout, as
bliþe 85, cweme 152, eche 19, 100, 103, milde 82, riche 5, 112, 165,
soffte 85, vnnorne 4. Instances of weak inflections are _s. d. m._ laþe
165, lefe 34, rihhte 49, starrke 75, _s. d. f._ brihhte 77, _s. a. m._
laþe 32, 73, 123, _s. a. neut._ rihhte 89, rume 14: strong inflections
are few, _s. d. f._ fulle 90, hefennlike 8, 173, _s. a. m._ gode 153:
all others are uninflected in the singular. The plural ends in -e, glade
127, gode 147, hallȝhe 69, laþe 31, 66, 126, cwike 15. Adjectives used
as nouns are not inflected. #mycel# in the strong declension is mikell,
_s. d. f._ 131, _s. a. f._ 93, _s. a. neut._ 61, in the weak, miccle
_s. d. f._ 33 (#myclan#), _s. a. neut._ 120 (#mycle#). #āgen# gives
aȝhenn 3, 54 without inflection. OE. #ān# is an _n. m._ 114, a 172,
aness _g. m._ 170, an _d. f._ 2, _a. m._ 49, _a. f._ 3. Comparatives are
bettre, mare 145, lasse 39; superlative, mast 169.

The personal pronouns are uss, tu, after t, 34, þe. The pronoun of the
third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 3, ȝho _f._ 2, itt _neut._ 28 (with asse
_mf._); _d._ himm _m._ 17, 23; _a._ 2, itt _neut._ 29 (with sæm _m._);
_pl. n._ þeȝȝ 130, teȝȝ, after t, 52; _d. a._ þeȝȝm. Reflexives are himm
10, 173, þe sellfenn 44, 45, himm sellfen 19, 35: definitive, himm sellf
53: possessives, ure 4; hiss, as general form for the singular, 1, 3,
16, 34, 47, 54, but hise _g. m._ 155; _pl. a._ hise 22; here 50, heore
56, teȝȝre, after t, 32. The definite article is þe, te, after t, 25,
126: þatt (ꝥ), tatt, after t, is demonstrative adjective 13 or
demonstrative pronoun 26; its plural is þa _adj._ 56 and _pron._ 22. The
compound demonstrative is _s._ þiss 6, _pl._ þise. The relative is þatt,
tatt, after t, 13, 27; þatt 30, 36, = in, on which, þurrh whatt 137,
144, by that by which. Interrogative is whillc 152 (#hwelc#); its
correlative is swillke _pl. a._ 69: #ilca# is illke _s. n._ 13, 152,
_a._ 97, 118. Indefinites are mann 29, 36, 38, 169; whase 154, whas 90,
whoso; illkess 161, every; iwhillc 134, 161; aniȝ _pl. g._ 157; all
_s. n. neut._ 30, _d. neut._ 64, 94, _a. m._ 32, _f._ 9, _neut._ 14, but
alle _s. d. f._ 6; _pl._ alle _n._ 128, alre _g._ 169, alle 64, 71, all
122, alle _d._ 172, _a._ 5, 9, 22: all 168 is apparently _s. n._ =

Infinitives end in -enn, except sen 40, fon 36: of the second weak
conjugation are follȝhenn 107, forhoȝhenn 149, lofenn 110, lokenn 156,
makenn 5, pinenn 36, ræfenn 89, sammnenn 48, tacnenn 47, þankenn 120.
The _dat. inf._ is not inflected, to berenn 29, tunnderrstanndenn 109,
to sen 116, forr to kiþenn 92, for . . . to makenn 112. Presents are
_s._ 3. beldeþþ 79, bitacneþþ 100, and nineteen others; contracted,
birrþ 3, 44, seþ 84, stannt 158; _pl._ cumenn 70, haldenn 22, lufenn 23,
stanndenn 117, waken 66, wiþþrenn 150: _subjunctive s._ 3. gife 174, seo
91. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. laȝȝ 16: I b. _s._ 3. comm 26,
30, 55: I c. _s._ 3. wand 2, warrþ 3, 20, 42; _pl._ 3. sungenn 131: IV.
_s._ 3. shop 9, toc 60, 82; _pl._ 3. unnderrstodenn 135, wokenn 46, 56
(form from #wacan#, meaning from #wacian#): V. _s._ 3. let 10.
Participles past: I a. ȝifenn 17: I b. borenn 1, 97, cumenn 92, utnumen
53: I c. wundenn 7, wurrþenn 33, 48: IV. V. waxenn 138: V. forrdredd 88,
forrdredde _adj. pl._ 59, 83, offdredde 74. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 3.
leȝȝde 2, seȝȝde 92. Participles past: bitacnedd 81, ekedd 129, leȝȝd
13, sett 68, 146. Minor Groups: witenn _inf._ 3, witt 2 _s. imp._ 34,
wisste _pt. s._ 83, wisstenn _pt. pl._ 128, 139; shall _pr. s._ 134,
shollde _pt. s._ 47, 94, shollden _pt. pl._ 50, 96; muȝhenn _inf._ 142,
maȝȝ _pr. s._ 40, 152, 171, muȝhenn _pr. pl. subj._ 80, mihhte _pt. s._
36, 137; ben _inf._ 7, iss _pr. s._ 63, 151 (apparently with _pl._
nominative), niss 91, sinndenn _pr. pl._ 74, 169, be _pr. s. subj._ 28,
si 3 _s. imp._ 132, wass _pt. s._ 1, wærenn _pt. pl._ 58, 76, 127, wære
_pt. s. subj._ 17, 138, 172; wile _pr. s._ 88, wollde _pt. s._ 5; to don
_dat. inf._ 32, doþ _pr. s._ 29, 109, missdoþ 157, don _pp._ 61, 118.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are afell 28, aȝȝ 44, baþe 10, fra 67, gætenn
52, griþþ 133, laȝhenn 44, lahȝhre 43, mec 85, occ 117, sahht(nesse)
140, skerrenn 88, skill (læs) 27, summ 27, takenn 40, till 49, (inn)till
18, þeȝȝ 74, þeȝȝre 32, þohh 28, usell 4, usell(dom) 24, and the suffix
in (modiȝ)leȝȝc, (gredit)leȝȝc 167; possibly also bandess 10, come 148,
deȝeþþ 41. French is gluter(nesse) 167; long i in Crist shows new
borrowing from French.

#Dialect:# East Midland bordering on the North; a mixed dialect, which
possibly accounts for the wavering in the representation of #eo#, #ēo#.
The large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence of u in
final syllables (372/34) point to the East; the representation of #ā# +
#w#, the development of #c#, #g#, and perhaps the uniform appearance of
#ā# as a in this thirteenth-century text, show Northern influence.
Lambertz has noted so many correspondences between the phonology of Orm
and that of the Rushworth gloss on the Gospel of S. Matthew as to make
it probable that they belong to the same dialectal area. The Northern
border of Lincolnshire was most probably the place where the Ormulum was

#Metre:# For the scheme of the Septenarius see p. 327. Orm’s verse is
monotonously regular; every line has its fifteen syllables exactly
counted out and ends in x́ x; the caesura comes after the eighth
syllable; the rhythm is iambic without substitution. For the sake of
this uniformity he does violence to the natural accent in Niþþrédd 35,
Bisscópess 51, Enngléss 69, sahhtnésse 140, drihhtíness 171, though
Schipper regards such cases as examples of ‘hovering accent,’ wherein
the stress is distributed equally over the two syllables having the
word-accent and the verse-accent,--a spondee rather than an iamb.
Elision takes place regularly before an initial vowel or h, sonẹ, leȝȝdẹ
2, vnnornẹ, wrecchẹ 4, heffnẹ 12, mihhtẹ 36, wolldẹ 54, wilẹ 88, seȝȝdẹ
94, whasẹ 154, &c. Sometimes e is not written, as in whas 90; crasis is
found elsewhere in he̋t (= he itt), ȝhőt (= ȝho itt), þűtt (= þu itt),
and similar combinations.

#Introduction:# The author of the Ormulum speaks of himself under two
names in ‘Þiss boc iss nemmnedd Orrmulum Forrþi þatt Orrm itt wrohhte,’
Preface 1, 2, and ‘Icc wass þær þær I crisstnedd wass Orrmin bi name
nemmnedd,’ Dedication 323, 4. The former was a fairly common name in the
Scandinavian districts of the North; in the latter, not found elsewhere,
he has probably added, as befitting the ritual occasion, the Latin
termination īn from īnus, as in Awwstin (= Augustinus). In the same way,
as Bradley suggests, he has taken the termination of Ormulum from
Speculum, as often occurring in titles of devotional books, like
Speculum Laicorum, Conscientiae, Sanctorale. He tells us that he wrote
at the request of his brother Walter, who was, like himself, an
Augustinian Canon; his purpose was to paraphrase and expound, for the
benefit of unlearned English folk, the Gospels of the Mass throughout
the year. His exposition is drawn for the most part from S. Bede, and
particularly from his sermons and commentaries, and to a small extent
from S. Gregory the Great. Traces of his acquaintance with S. Isidore
and Josephus, through Hegesippus, have been found by Sarrazin.

Nothing further is known of Orm, but Bradley has made it probable that
he was an inmate of Elsham Priory in North Lincolnshire (Dugdale, vi.
560). The contention of J. Wilson that he was identical with Orm,
brother of Walter, Prior of Carlisle between 1150 and 1170, would be
very attractive, if it were not for the philological difficulty, for the
Ormulum is undoubtedly written in the Midland dialect, and must be dated
about 1210.

This extract gives ll. 3662-4009, in Holt, i. pp. 126-38.

1. #Forrþrihht anan se#, lit. Straightway forthwith as, i.e. as soon as.
Orm has ‘forrþrihht se, anan se, sone swa, son se, forrþrihht summ, anan
summ,’ all with this same meaning, and forrþrihht summ, immediately, ii.
42/11404. Orm’s expletives are a feature of his dreary style; in his
dedication he says that he has set ‘maniȝ word | þe rime swa to
fillenn,’ that is, to make up the number of syllables required for his
metre; he makes extensive use of all, 112/3, 16 &c. Beside anan, Orm has
the primitive onn an, continuously, without a break.

2-18. The original of this passage is, ‘_Et pannis eum involvit et
reclinavit eum in praesepio . . . parvulus natus est nobis_, ut nos viri
possimus esse perfecti. Qui totum mundum vario vestit ornatu, pannis
vilibus involvitur, ut nos stolam primam recipere valeamus. Per quem
omnia facta sunt, manus pedesque cunis adstringitur, ut nostrae manus ad
opus bonum exertae, nostri sint pedes in viam pacis directi. Cui coelum
sedes est, duri praesepis angustia continetur, ut nos per coelestis
regni gaudia dilatet. Qui panis est Angelorum, in praesepio reclinatur,
ut nos quasi sancta animalia carnis suae frumento reficiat,’ Bede, v.

2. #⁊# = annd; see 115/114.

3. #uss birrþ#, we ought: a favourite expression of Orm.

5. #heffness ærd#, heaven’s region: a phrase suggested by #middellærd#.

9. #shaffte#, creatures: OE. #gesceafta#.

10. #baþe# belongs to #fet ⁊ hande#.

12-14. This section diverges in form from those before and after it, as
also from the original. The subject of #filleþþ# is #Þatt illke child#.
#heffness rume riche#, the wide kingdom of heaven: perhaps suggested by
‘ut amplitudinem nobis supernarum sedium tribueret’ of Bede’s Sermon,
vii. 300.

16. #all alls# = all alse, alswa, quite as.

17. #Swa summ#, so as, just as if: #summ# is OEScand. sum: more usually
the phrase means, just as, 112/27, 113/47, 55. Variants are ‘all swa
summ,’ O. Introd. 43; ‘all all swa summ,’ 114/76; ‘all all swa se,’ O.
Dedication, 281. #fode#: the ass represents the Gentiles, of whom Bede
says, ‘plurimi . . . coelestibus eius (= Christi) quaerebant alimoniis
ad perpetuam crescere salutem,’ vii. 300.

19. And give himself as everlasting food there to us with angels.

21. #to ȝernenn#, &c., to be content with a humble lot.

27. #stunnt ⁊ dill#: comp. ‘⁊ stunnt ⁊ stidiȝ, dill ⁊ slaw | to sekenn
sawless seollþe,’ O. i. 344/9885.

28. #afell#, strength. O. has also a _pp._ afledd, endowed with
strength, ‘Forr cnapechild iss afledd wel,’ O. i. 274/7903; opposed to

30. #þatt#, when: so þe 15/84, þa 15/93. #comm . . . to manne#, was
incarnate: comp. 36/117, 114/97; ‘þe becom to mannum mid iudeiscum
folce,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 60/89; ‘hu hi to mannum comon,’ AS. Hom. ed.
Assmann, 26/44; ‘Hwarto was he aure iscapen te manne,’ VV 113/14,
regularly with _pl. dat._; contrast ‘ic ðe to men gebær,’ I bore thee as
a man, Ælf. Lives, ii. 78/175.

31. #laþe gastess#, hateful spirits, i.e. false gods: ‘in asino autem
exprimit populum gentium, qui sordibus idololatriae semper manebat
immundus,’ Bede, vii. 300.

33, 34. #þurrh ꝥ . . . þurrh ꝥ#, inasmuch as, whereas . . . thereby, as
a consequence; propter quod . . . propter id: so 115/114, 116. O. is
fond of these formal correlatives: comp. ‘forr þi . . . Forr ꝥ,’ 113/48.

35. #niþþredd#, lowered, humbled: OE. #geniþerod#, _pp._ of #niþerian#.
#wannsedd#, diminished: OE. #wansian#. Comp. ‘⁊ illc an lawe ⁊ illc an
hill | Shall niþþredd beon ⁊ laȝhedd,’ O. i. 321/9205; ‘Aȝȝ niþþreþþ
Godess genge, | ⁊ cwelleþþ hemm ⁊ wannseþþ hemm,’ id. 279/8032.

36. #o ꝥ hallf ꝥ#, in that part of his nature in which: see 46/292.

39. #ȝet lasse#, still lower: ‘qui modico quam Angeli minoratus est,’
Heb. ii. 9.

43. #lahȝhre inoh#, sufficiently lower, i.e. much lower.

45. #lætenn#, &c., think very meanly: comp. 44/260.

46-53: suggested by, ‘Apte autem satis hoc superna est providentia
dispositum, ut nascente Domino pastores in vicinia civitatis (eiusdem)
vigilarent, suosque greges a timore nocturno vigilando protegerent.
Oportebat namque, ut cum magnus pastor ovium, hoc est, animarum nutritor
fidelium, in mundo natus est, testimonium eius nativitati vigilantes
super gregem suum pastores darent. . . . Nam et futurum (iam) tunc erat,
ut per orbem universum electi pastores, id est, praedicatores sancti,
mitterentur, qui ad ovile Dominicum, videlicet sanctam Ecclesiam,
populos credentium cogerent,’ Bede, vii. 301.

46. #wokenn#, kept watch: comp. 113/56.

48. #forr þi . . . Forr ꝥ#, for that reason . . . because: like ‘eone es
ferox, quia habes imperium in beluas?’ Terence, Eun. iii. 1. 25.

49. #rihhte læfe#: see 89/28.

52. #ȝemenn . . . gaetenn#: comp. 114/68, 115/125: synonyms, the former
English, the latter Scandinavian.

53. #utnumenn hirde#: ‘princeps pastorum,’ 1 Pet. v. 4.

56. #wakemenn#, watchers.

57. #lihht ⁊ leome#: often in O.; comp. 114/70, 77, 115/107; ‘Ah swuch
leome ⁊ liht | leitede þrinne,’ SK 1582. #leome# is flame, a bright and
flashing light. With 57-70 comp. ‘Bene autem vigilantibus pastoribus
angelus apparet, eosque Dei claritas circumfulget. Quia illi prae
ceteris videre sublimia merentur, qui fidelibus gregibus praeesse
sollicite sciunt, dumque ipsi pie super gregem vigilant, divina super
eos gratia largius coruscat,’ Bede, v. 235.

63. #þessterrnesse#: comp. ‘Þiss þessterrnesse iss hæþenndom | ⁊ dwillde
inn hæfedd sinness,’ O. ii. 303/18855.

64. #Inn--sinne#, in sin of all kinds; comp. 114/71, 116/157, ‘O fele
kinne wise,’ O. i. 123/3573, and see 132/9 note.

67. #stanndenn inn#: comp. 116/158; ‘Affterr þatt he beoþ fullhtnedd, |
Birrþ stanndenn inn to þeowwtenn Crist,’ O. ii. 43/11434, where Mätzner
says it = perseverare: in Specimens it is translated, continue. Orm is,
in his literal way, translating L. _instare_, to press on, to be
zealous, a meaning which suits well here and elsewhere: the phrase is
peculiar to him.

71. #god innsihht#, ‘recta sapere,’ ‘a right judgement in all things.’

72. #hiss þeww#, to his servant.

74. #þohh swa þehh#, notwithstanding: OE. #þēah#, yet, was reinforced by
the addition of #swā#, #swā þēah# meaning even so yet: to this in Orm is
prefixed the Scandinavian þoh, although. See Björkman, 73.

75. #starrke#, rigid, stern: ‘se hearda dæg,’ Christ, 1065.

76-91: this passage is mainly a repetition of O. 20/657-80, which
comments on the appearance of Gabriel to Zacharias, S. Luke i. 11: it is
drawn from Bede’s Commentary: ‘Trementem Zachariam confortat Angelus:
quia sicut humanae fragilitatis est spiritalis creaturae visione
turbari, ita et angelicae benignitatis est paventes de aspectu suo
mortales mox blandiendo solari. At contra daemonicae est ferocitatis
quos sui praesentia territos senserit ampliori semper horrore concutere,
quae nulla melius ratione quam fide superatur intrepida,’ v. 220.

78. #hihht#, joyful expectation.

79. #frofreþþ . . . beldeþþ#, comforts . . . encourages, a favourite
combination: comp. O. Dedication, 237; i. 20/662.

82. #Toc#, betook himself, began.

89. #shetenn inn hiss herrte#: Holt translates, ‘shut up, harden,’
wrongly connecting #shetenn# with OE. #scyttan#: it represents
#scēotan#, meaning, to shoot into his heart, to inflict a deadly wound:
the expression was suggested by such places as ‘þæt hi magon sceotan þa
unscyldigan heortan dygollice,’ = ‘ut sagittent in obscuro rectos
corde,’ Ps. x. 3 (Thorpe), and ‘þine flana synt swyþe scearpe on þam
heortum þinra feonda,’ id. xliv. 7.

90. #whas# is for whase, whoso. #itt# is formal nominative; the whole
expression is equivalent to, Whosoever is armed. Comp. 116/154; ‘Whasumm
itt iss þatt illke mann | Þatt hafeþþ tweȝȝenn kirrtless,’ O. i.
324/9291; ‘Whatt mann se itt iss þatt wepeþþ her,’ id. 196/5666; ‘ꝥ iss
ꝥ,’ 116/157.

91. #rihht#, _adv._, utterly, at all: ‘Rihht all swa summ,’ O. i.
39/1188, means, precisely as.

93. #o godess hallfe#, on God’s behalf.

97. #borenn . . . to manne#: see 113/30 note.

98-102: ‘notandum quod Angelus qui in noctis utique vigiliis pastores
affatur non ait, hac nocte, sed _hodie natus est vobis salvator_. Non
aliam scilicet ob causam, nisi quia gaudium magnum evangelizare
veniebat. Nam ubi tristia quaeque nocturnis temporibus gesta vel gerenda
significantur, ibi saepe nox vel adiungitur, vel etiam sola nominatur,’
Bede, v. 235.

100. #all#: see 112/3.

104-7: ‘Neque enim frustra Angelus tanto lumine cinctus apparuit, ut
claritas Dei pastores circumfulsisse . . . dicatur . . . sed mystice
praemonuit, quod aperte postea monuit apostolus dicens, _Nox praecessit,
dies autem appropinquavit_,’ Bede, v. 235.

107. #follc#, _dative_.

108-12: ‘Hoc est non tantum humilitatis eum et mortalitatis, sed et
paupertatis habitum suscepisse pro nobis. Quia _cum dives esset, pauper
factus est pro nobis, ut nos illius inopia ditaremur_,’ Bede, v. 235.

109. #wrecche#, poor, of lowly condition. #doþ uss#, causes, gives us to
understand: comp. 209/405; ‘us gedyde nu to witanne Alexander,’ Orosius
126/31 (= ‘nobis prodidit Alexander’).

111. #Off . . . wollde#, because of the fact that he was willing; #off#
governs the clause, #þatt he wollde#: so, ‘writen uppo boc . . . off
þatt he wisslike ras,’ O. Dedication, 161, 167, written in book
concerning the fact that &c.

114-20: ‘mox multitudo militiae coelestis advolans, consono in laudem
creatoris ore prorumpit, ut sui sicut semper obsequii devotionem Christo
impendat, et nos suo pariter instituat exemplo . . . Deo statim laudes
ore, corde et opere reddendas,’ Bede, v. 235.

116. Thereby it was given us to see and understand full well in that

119. #herrtess tunge#: see 56/51: apparently, with sincere and heartfelt

120. #god# is _acc._ of the thing for which thanks are to be given.
Comp. 132/11; ‘þonkien hit ure drihten,’ OEH. i. 5/29.

121-6. ‘Et bene chorus adveniens Angelorum militiae coelestis vocabulum
accipit, qui et duci illo potenti in praelio, qui ad debellandas aëreas
potestates apparuit, humiliter obsecundat. Deus . . . ad tutelam nostram
constituit exercitus Angelorum,’ Bede, v. 235, 6.

123. #Alls# is shortened alse, as. #ȝæn . . . gast#: see 114/66, 73.

127-9: ‘Glorificant Angeli Deum pro nostro redemptione incarnatum, quia
dum nos conspiciunt recipi, suum gaudent numerum impleri,’ Bede, v. 236.

132-5: ‘Gloria in altissimis Deo, et in terra pax hominibus bonae
voluntatis,’ S. Luke ii. 14.

133. #griþþ ⁊ friþþ#: a frequent combination in O.; the words are
synonyms, one Scandinavian, the other English: see 19/57 note.

136-8: that the angelic host was to be made up to its full number by the
addition of holy souls, by which addition honour and glory in God’s
presence should be as though it were increased, if indeed it were
capable of increase. The explanation of this passage is helped by the
parallel place, ll. 143-5: ‘Ȝiff--mihhte’ corresponds to l. 145. ‘quos
infirmos prius abiectosque despexerant [Angeli], nascente in carne
Domino iam socios venerantur,’ Bede, v. 236.

140. #soþ sahhtnesse#: see 84/50.

146-51: ‘qui cum pacem hominibus poscunt, exponunt et quibus, videlicet
bonae voluntatis, hoc est eis qui suscipiunt natum Christum, non autem
Herodi, pontificibus et Pharisaeis caeterisque antichristis, qui eius
nativitate audita turbati sunt, eumque quantum valuere gladiis insecuti.
_Non est enim pax impiis, dicit Dominus_,’ Bede, v. 236.

149. #Forrhoȝhenn# &c., despise and reject.

151. #wrihhte#, merit, lit. thing done: OE. #gewyrht#, from #wyrcan#: a
_dat. pl._: comp. ‘⁊ he wass flemmd ⁊ drifenn ut | All affterr hise
wrihhte,’ O. i. 286/8239, id. 147/4283.

154. #itt#: see 114/90.

155. #hise þannkess#, wilfully, of his own free will: see 10/167.

156. #himm lokenn#, keep watch over himself: see 4/20, 78/85.

158. #stannt . . . inn#: see 114/67 note.

165. #flocc#, company: a favourite word of the author’s: comp. 113/49,
‘þe laþe gastess flocc,’ O. i. 226/6546; ‘summ hæþene flocc,’ id.

167. #modiȝleȝȝc#, with same meaning as modiȝnesse, l. 165, but with
Scand. suffix, leikr, leiki in Icel. forming abstracts. There are a good
many instances in the MS. of -nesse corrected into -leȝȝc.
#greditleȝȝc#: so MS., but the correct form is grediȝleȝȝc, as elsewhere
in Orm.

170. #hewe#, form, appearance.

173. #hefennlike#: ‘Angeli corpora in quibus hominibus apparent, in
superno aëre sumunt solidamque speciem ex coelesti elemento inducunt,
per quam humanis obtutibus manifestius demonstrentur,’ Bede, viii. 294.
f. 95 v ends with kinde, l. 174 is added on the margin, and the two
leaves following are missing.


  19/57 (note) = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred)
  113/30, 114/67 (notes) = _present selection_
  132/9 (note) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
  p. 312 = VIII. (Poema Morale) under Metre.
  359/5 = IX. Ancrene Wisse, Phonology, under “ea”.
  p. 450 = XIV. (Layamon)


  #Literature:# ... Orrms Doppelkonsonanten  [Ormms]
  111. ... ‘writen uppo boc
    [_text unchanged; text cited has “writenn”_]


#Manuscripts:# i. Bodleian 34, Oxford (B); on vellum, 165 × 120 mm.;
written in one hand throughout about 1210 A.D. Its contents are S.
Katherine f. 1 r; S. Margaret f. 18 r; S. Juliana f. 36 v (see p. 139);
Hali Meidenhad f. 52 v; Sawles Warde f. 72 r (old foliation f. 76 r). It
has lost two leaves after f. 80, which is very faint and defective.
Entries in fourteenth-century hands connect it with Ledbury, Godstow,
and Magna Coworne (Much Cowarne) in Herefordshire. The text is printed
from this manuscript up to its end at 127/4.

The writing is sometimes difficult to decipher; the letters are often
crowded and hesitating, a, e, o are sometimes hard to distinguish.
Doubts are permissible in the following cases, hwen _or_ hwon 118/24,
ihaten _or_ ihoten 37, hondon _or_ honden 51; in sent 55, the last
letter wavers between t and d; in ȝemelese 56, ȝ appears to have been
corrected out of g; after mei 60, there is a half-formed c; under the
second o of preoouin 72, there is what looks like a casual pen mark, not
a dot of erasure; in seoueuald 287, d is corrected out of t, or the

ii. Royal 17 A 27, British Museum (R); on vellum, 160 × 117 mm.; early
thirteenth century. Has all the pieces in B except Hali Meidenhad, with
the addition of an incomplete copy of the Oreisun of Seinte Marie
(printed in OEH i., p. 305). This manuscript supplies the end here from

iii. Cotton Titus D 18, British Museum (T). See p. 355.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 244-267 (with translation); Specimens,
87-95 (part only); Kluge, F., ME. Lesebuch, 8-15; Wagner, W., Kritische
Textausgabe . . . mit Einleitung, Anmerkungen und Glossar, Bonn, 1908.

#Literature:# Bartels, L. (see p. 450/23); Einenkel, E., Ueber die
Verfasser einiger neuangelsächsischer Schriften, Leipzig, 1881,
continued in Anglia, v. 91; Konrath, M., ES xii. 459; Stodte, H., Ueber
die Sprache und Heimat der ‘Katherine-Gruppe,’ Göttingen, 1896;
Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19); Williams, Irene F., Anglia, xxix. 413.

#Sources:# SW is a free expansion of chapters xiii, xiv and xv of the
fourth book of the treatise, De Anima, ascribed to Hugh of S. Victor
(Rouen ed., 1648, vol. ii. pp. 207-9). The imaginative detail is mostly
due to the English author: contrast, ‘Et qui veniunt cum illa?’
_Memoria_: ‘Mille daemones ferentes secum libros grandes et uncos
ferreos et igneas catenas’ of the original with its equivalent
119/68-75. The gruesome picture of 119/86-121/140 is mainly derived from
the Visions literature.

#Phonology:# (1) =of B.= The following should be compared with the
account of the MS. A of the Ancrene Wisse on pp. 357-62; explanations of
abnormal forms offered there are not repeated here. Oral #a# is _a_,
habben 41, makid 39; #a# before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_,
from 25, lonc 58, fondin 224, inȝonge 32; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne are
the usual forms, but þeonne 138 by analogy of heonne: #and# is ant 9,
#man# indefinite is me 45, possibly mon 25. #æ# is mostly _e_, ed 98,
gledd 208, but _ea_ in feader 116 (4 times), forbearneð 103
(#forbærnan#), glead 201 (3), gleadschipes 306, 307, leatere 103, nease
96, 112 (#næs-#), reaðliche 21, smeale 70, wearliche 4, weattres 100,
and _a_ in blac 58, 110, war 195, 332, warliche 39, 178, warre 142,
warschipes 42 &c., and habbe 61, 112, 220. #e# is _e_, bereð 70, herien
320, spekeð 8; before lengthening groups, ende 106, engles 239, but
rikenin 86, stude 46 (3), hwuch 6 &c., swuch 93 (4). Umlaut #e# is _ea_
in beast 332 (but best 64), formealte 104 (Anglian #mæltan#), smeal 275,
spealie 303: from *#swolgian# descend forswolheð 91, forswolhe 152. #i#
is regularly _i_, blisse 136, ȝimmes 245, but wiit 200; before
lengthening groups, binden 71, bringe 113, but _u_ in wule 42 (7),
wulleð 289: in welcume 227, an early instance of this spelling, the
adverb #wel# has been substituted for the original #wil#. #o# is _o_,
bodi 323, bigotten 316; before lengthening groups, bold 129, word 73,
but _a_ in nalde 7, walde 6 (3), wrahtte 74 (descended from an older
form with #a#): dehtren 202 is an umlaut plural: greot 93 for grot RT
(#grot#, particle) is due to confusion with #grēot#, grit. #u# is
regularly _u_, cume 7, stunde 207, tungen 114, once _o_ in comme 60, and
_i_ in kimeð 69, 138. #y# is _u_, arudden 120 (*#āryddan#), brune 83,
ȝuldene 170, sunderlepes 280; #mycel# is muchel 11, muche 105.

#ā# is _a_, ban 131, ouergað 270; before two consonants, gast 323,
tadden 95, but _e_ through loss of stress in se 17 &c., (hwam) se 276,
(hwider) se 275, ase 91, beside stressed swa 120 &c., alswa 230, and _u_
in wumme 133: ohwider 25 is probably influenced by nohwider (#nō#): _ea_
in easkeð 75, 215, easkest 68 comes from a form with #ǣ#. #ǣ{1}# is _ea_
(33 times), deale 105, ear 44, ȝeað 151, leasten 108, but _e_ in flesch
99 (5), lest 54, lesten 178, sumdel 137, 284, þen 158, 212, mostly
before two consonants. #ǣnig# is ei 42 (4), but eni 113; #ǣlc# is euch
16 &c. #ǣ{2}# is _e_ (45 times), bere 23, dede 19, dreden 166 (5),
ferliche 67 (3), þer 27, 150, were 124 (9), and _eo_ in leote 40; _ea_
appears only in deadbote 75, fearlac 62, heale 242, ileanett 35, 202,
offearen 56 (4), reades 296, ?readien 81, reade 142, readeð 177, þear
246, 331. #ē# is _e_; #ī#, _i_, but _u_ in bluðeliche 80 (*#blȳþe#); #ō#
is _o_, but _eo_ in iseoð 229 (beside soð 75, 179, 293, isoðet 257); #ū#
is _u_ without exception; #ȳ# is _u_, cuðen 241, fure 71; before two
consonants, lutlin 327, but stele 114 represents the earlier #stǣli#,
similarly the derivative istelet 126.

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in igarket 339, ȝarowe 260, swarte 70,
89, and before lengthening groups, hardi 56, inwarde 72, inwardliche
247, towart 81 (4), warde 1 (3), wardi 141, warneð 34, warne 155, warni
42, warnin 63, 140, unwarnede 157, mostly after w, but _ea_ in heard 116
(7), ofearneð 135, as well as hearm 117, hearmin 290, and _e_ in þerf
171. The _i_-umlaut is _e_, derne 296, ferd 151. #ea# before #l# + cons.
is regularly _a_, al 12 &c., fallinde 178, forwalleð 104; before
lengthening groups, bald 183, bihalde 40, bihalden 57 (5), calde 104,
halden 46 &c., half 143 (4), talde 114, but _ea_ in wealdent 226, _eo_
in feole 54. #eo# before #r# + cons. is generally _eo_, feor 40, heorte
163, steorren 267, and before lengthening groups, eorðe 84, ȝeorne 201,
but _e_ in derueð 90, 103 (possibly representing #dierfan#), hercneð
218, werc 74, werkes 64, and _o_ in dorc 130 with accent shifting. To
the #wur# group belong iwurðen 26, iwurden 298, iwurðeð 93, 148; #wyr#
words are deorewurðe 203, wurse 102, 105, wursi 164, wursin 328, wurð
156, 181, 194, wurðe 40: warpe 43 is Scandinavian; istirret 245 a ME.
formation. #eo# before #l# + cons. is seen in seolf 27 &c. #ea#, the
_u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a#, is seen in eawles 126, gleadeð 310, gleadien
223, 270, gleadunge 283 (4), heatel 128, heateð 109, meaðen 99, neauele
98, and analogically in feareð 18, igleadet 214, heatieð 111, but it is
wanting in bale 93, 129, care 150, carien 162, 166, cwakie 131, cwakien
325, waker 53, 57, 142 (Vesp. Ps. #wæc(c)er#), #wakien# 7 (Angl.
#wæcian#, Bülbring, § 231). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e#, is represented in
heouene 146 (3), heouenliche 243, but wordes 251, world 169 (7),
worldlich 170 after w. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e#, is seen in abeoren 125,
breoken 8, 28, freoteð 96, speoken 61, feole 306, weole 161, weoleful
245; #eo#, the _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#, in cleopeð 38, icleopet 36,
hweonene 60, 65, neomen 317, neome 328, neomeð 311, seoðen 213, seoueðe
284, seouenfald 282, 287, þeose 97, unweotenesse 179, and by analogy,
neome 147, bineome 11, but hare 18 (3), suster 43, 207. #ea# after
palatals is _a_, schal 21 &c., schadewe 148, 231, schape 122, but _e_ in
schekeð 132 (_i_-umlaut), _eo_ before nasal, scheome 117. #ie# after #ġ#
is _e_, forȝet 25, 167, ȝef 27, ȝeueð 87, 164, ȝelden 301, ȝeldeð 213,
ȝelpeð 188. #ȝef# is ȝef 6, 14, gef 12. #ie# after #č# is _e_, chele
101; after #sć#, _i_ in schilde 233 (#scildan#), _e_ in scheld 159. #eo#
after #sć# is _u_, schulen 178, 224, 320, schulde 158 (R{1} has scylde
_subj._), schunien 177. #eom# is am 62; #heom#, ham 45, 87.

#ēa# is generally _ea_, beateð 48, deaðes 62, deaðlich 58, eauraskes 97,
but _e_ in ec 64, echen 95 (perhaps representing #īecan#), etscene 240,
eðeliche 157, 193, ȝe 77, 216 (Anglian #gǣ#), gret 70: its _i_-umlaut is
_e_, alesen 242, alesnesse 294, here 22 (5), herunge 16, (an)lepi 313,
(sunder)lepes 280. #ēo# is generally _eo_, beon 10, biheolt 262, breoste
98, deopre 296, þeosternesse 89, but þosternesse 86 and schute 160, with
shifted accent: #hēo# is ha 40; the _i_-umlaut is wanting, deore 31,
144, þeoster 246, neod 211 (see p. 288, last line). Palatalization is
wanting after #ġ# in forȝeme 54, ȝemeð 168, ȝeme 177, ȝeme 147, 311,
ȝemeles 18, 56; after #sć# in schene 233, 268, schenre 287. #gīet# is
ȝet 239.

#a# + #g# is _ah_, drahen 72, sahen 201, mahen 22: islein 116 is
#geslegen#; sei 280, seist 279, seið 6, 61 come from forms with #æ#;
dreaien 206 represents *#dreagan#. #æ# + #g# is regularly _ei_, dei 29,
feier 209, feierleac 272, iteilede 90, mei 10 &c., meiden 243, seide 66,
but mahe 290, 332. #e# + #g# is _ei_, aȝein 20, eie 23, eilin 290, wei
170, but isehen 77 (6). #i# + #g#, #h# is _ih_, nihe 251, diht 10, sihðe
16 (4), unwiht 5, but flið 158 (WS. #flihð#, Rushworth{2} has #flīð#):
freineð 65 is from a form with #æ# or #e# (R{1} has #frægnast#, Li,
#fregna#). The spirant has disappeared in monie 307, 314, murie 283:
final #ig# is _i_, buri 129 (from dat. #byrig#), dreorinesses 131, moni
29, seli 280, unseli 121. #o# + #g#, #h# is _oh_, bohte 28, 237, untohe
23, untohene 13, untoheliche 18; dehtren 35 has umlaut _e_. #u# + #h# is
_uh_, bituhhe 133; #y# + #h#, _uh_, tuht 46, tuhte 23. #ā# + #g#, #h# is
_ah_, ahen 4, ahne 184, 305, wahes 32, ah 165. #ǣ{1}# + #h# is _ah_,
bitaht 144, 149, but #ǣ{1}# + #g#, _ei_, keis 34, eiðer 102, 111. #ī# +
#g#, _ih_, wiheles 155; in sti 186 the spirant has disappeared. #ū# +
#h# is _uh_, buhsam 241. #ea# + #h# is _ah_, mahte 84 (5), but iseh 118
(6); the _i_-umlaut is seen in almihti 324, unmihti 181, 191, niht 29;
lahhinde 213 comes from an Anglian form in #æ#. #eo# + #g# is seen in
tintreohen 264 with eo, _å_-umlaut of #e#; the form is characteristic
of the group. #eo# + #ht# is _iht_, brihte 269, rihte 14 &c., rihtwise
193, but fehte 160 has Anglian #e#. #ie# + #h# is seen in bisið 332.
#ēa# + #g#, #h# is _eh_, ehnen 51, heh 225, neh 329, but tah 11 (3).
#ēo# + #g# is _eh_ in drehen 105, dreheð 167, but liht 87, lihtschipe
283, lihtliche 263. #īe# + #h#, lihteð 69, ilihtet 214, but hest 48
(Anglian #hēst#), nest 41 (Angl. #nēst#). #ā# + #w# is _aw_, cnaweð 55,
cnawen 293, cnawlechunge 292, nawt 7 &c., nawiht 183, sawles 1, 27,
snawi 100, but noht 149 (#nōht#), nowðer 171 (#nōwþer#), sehe 228, isehe
118. #ī# + #w#, elheowet 58 (Anglian #hēow#), speoweð 91 (with
_w_-umlaut). #ēa# + #w# is _aw_, schaweð 240, schawede 265, ischawed
258, schawere 233, but þeaw 30, unþeaw 32, unþeawes 334, heaued þeawes
36. #ēo# + #w# is mostly _eow_, tocheoweð 93, reowðful 120, treowe 157
(#trīewe#), treoweliche 78, 206, but fowr 36 (3), trowðe 78.

In deorewurðe 149, eðeliche 193, euenin 83, husebonde 34 (but husbonde
38), huselauerd 9, 17, husewif 20, 205, leatere 103, steuene 133,
sunegin 179, wrecchedom 85 a glide _e_ has been added, a final _e_ to
ine 337, inwarde 72, ofte 18. #e# is lost in echnesse 108, #i# in
unwerged 251, 318 (#wērigod#): _a_ occurs for #o# in anan 105; #o# is
levelled to _e_ in lauerd 4, sikere 107, sikerliche 171, sikernesse 188,
sunderliche 308, te 71 &c., lost in wordes 251 (#werod#). #u# is _e_ in
durewart 39, it is lost in world 169 &c. The prefix #æt# is _ed_,
edwiteð 123, _et_, etstont 158; #be# is _bi_, bisetten 64, bigineð 1,
bihinden 92, biwiten 5; #ēaþ# is _et_ in etscene 240; #ge# is generally
_i_, icwiddet 257, ifindeð 156, ihal 91, iwis 137, unimete 125, but it
is omitted in bere 23, schape 122, monge 102, schad 176, unrude 71 (but
unirude 125), wissunge 31. The suffix in herunge 16 is noteworthy. #þǣr#
is syncopated in þrin 79, þrinne 53, þrof 33, trof 331, þrute 41.

Metathesis of #r# is seen in wernches 5, wrahhte 74, eauraskes 97
(#forsc#). #rr# is simplified in feor 40. #ll# is simplified in feole
54, tele 79, 228, and finally in ful 82, godspel 4, wil 10. #m# is
doubled in comme 60, #mm# simplified in grimfule 122. #nn# is simplified
in bigineð 1, moncunnes 242, #n# is lost in raketehe 71; the
prepositions in, on are reduced to i, o, except before a vowel or h or
when stressed, as in 316; for #n#, _m_ appears in þrumnesse 234. #p# is
inserted in inempnet 244. #f# is usually _u_ between vowels or vowel and
liquid, biuoren 59, deouel 171, froure 35, seoluen 117, vuel 19, but
deoflen 69 (4), otherwise it is _f_, fondin 224, hefde 113, seolf 27.
#t# is doubled in bigotten 316, bitternesse 130, ileanett 35 (but
ileanet 202), wrahtte 74, lost in best 64, beast 332, added in lustnið
61, loftsong 283. For #t#, _d_ occurs in ed 98; #tt# is simplified in
wit 8 (but wittes 16). For #d#, _t_ is often written finally, ant 9,
dret 50, durewart 39, etstont 158, feont 33, heart 165, hiderwart 139,
hundret 335, lont 130, ontswereð 66, somet 21, þusent 69, towart 81,
wealdent 226, but _ð_ in iseið 280, lauerð 8, schenðlac 124; #d# is
doubled in gledd 208, #dd# is simplified in midel 174 (but middel 45,
170). Initial #þ# becomes _t_ after _t_, tah 12, te 9, tis 106, 152, tu
68, after _d_ (possibly miswritten for t), te 98, trof 331: final #þ#
becomes _t_ before _t_, limpet 154; for #þ#, _d_ appears in blideliche
248, deorewurde 301, iwurden 298, makid 39, makied 255, oder 19, sod
293, swide 208. #s# is doubled in gasstes 30 (#gāst#), but gastes 122,
rihtwissnesse 175 (#wīs#); for #ss#, _sc_ appears in iblescede 221: #sć#
is regularly _sch_, schad 176, schal 21, scheome 117, schilde 233,
schunien 177. The stop #c# is usually _k_ before _e_, _i_, biloke 204,
blake 110, keis 34, kimeð 69, þonkeð 201, _c_ in other positions, blac
58, moncunnes 242, þonc 20: ah 26 is Anglian #ah#, WS. #ac#. #č# is
_ch_, chele 101, echen 95, echnesse 108 (a new formation from eche),
euch 16, hwuch 6, ich 61, ilich 97, licomlich 173, pich 104, rechelese
13, sechen 32, smeche 88 (but North. smeke 88), stench 84, tocheoweð 93,
þulliche 162 (but þulli 326, 327). #čč# is _cch_, dreccheð 90. #cw# is
preserved, cwakie 131, cwemen 20, cwic 84, acwikieð 105, but quoð 139
&c. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, forȝeme 54, ȝarowe 260, ȝe 137, ȝe 159,
ȝef 6, 14 (but gef 12), ȝef 27, ȝelden 301, ȝelpeð 188, ȝeorne 201, ȝet
239, ȝimmes 245, but igarket (no breaking). The guttural stop is written
_g_, bigineð 1, gulteð 18, bigoten 259, 316, unwerged 251, but _ȝ_ in
aȝulteð 48, ȝeað 151, inȝonge 32, 41, 146 (comp. Northumbrian #ġeonga,
ġionga#, Bülbring, § 492, anmerkung 1, and #hiniong[a]e#, Sweet, Oldest
E. Texts, p. 149), ȝuldene 170. For the spirant after _l_, _r_, _h_
appears in folhin 12, 336, folheð 275, halhen 278, forswolhe 152,
forswolheð 91, sorhe 85: #myrigþ# is murhðe 253, 255, murðes 219. #hl#
is reduced to _l_ in leane 58, leor 58, 231, lust 261, lustnið 61,
anlepi 313, sunderlepes 280, #hn# to _n_ in nesche 162, 167, #hr# to _r_
in remunge 99. Initial #hw# is usually preserved, hwen 68, hwer 17, hwet
60. _h_ is added in unwhiht 151, doubled in bituhhen 168, bituhhe 133,

(2) =Of R.= The principal divergences from B are noted. #a# before
nasal: unþeonkes 42 (comp. ‘feondeð,’ SM 10/7). #æ#: the spelling _ea_
for _e_ is used only in smeale 70, wearliche 4, otherwise _e_ occurs,
except in latere 103, neose 96, 112 (#nosu#): similarly _ea_ for umlaut
#e# is absent in best 332, formelte 104, smel 275, spelien 303. #o#:
grot 93. #u#: com 60 (#cwōm#), cumeð 69, 138. #y# is regularly _u_, as
in B. #ā#: #swā# stressed and unstressed is so, but once swa 234; eskeð
75, 215, eskest 68. The representation of #ǣ{1}# is divided between _ea_
and _e_, each 28 times: #ǣ{2}# is _e_ 50 times (lete 40); the exceptions
are hear 132, heale 242, hileanet 202, offearen 56 (4), offeared 54,
211, reade 142, reades 296, rodien 81 (reoden T). #ī#: bliðeliche 351.
#ea# (breaking): hard 116 (7), harm 117, herdes 183, þearf 171, weldent
226. #eo#: hercni 349, darc 130. The _u_-, _å_-umlaut of #a# is _e_ in
gledeð 310, gledien 223, 270, gledunge 308, 310, 312, medeð 99 (for
meðen), neuele 98, igledet 214, and is wanting in fareð 18, hatel 128,
hateð 109, hatieð 111. _å_-umlaut of #e#: to speokene 347. _u_-,
_å_-umlaut of #i#: seððen 213, unwitnesse 179. #eo# after #ġ#: ȝuheðe
383. #ēa#: deð 171, dedlich 58, adie 269, eðsene 240, greạt 70. #īe#:
fleme 343. #ēo#: þeosternesse 86, þreohad 372. #a# + #g#: dreien 206.
#æ# + #g#: feirlec 272. #i# + #ht#: unwiht 151. #ē# + #g#: tweien 342.
#ō# + #h#: þohtes 360. #eo# + #g#: tintreon 264.

#r#: wrenches 5. #n#: in 108, 319, on 29. #f#: under fon 57. #t#: et 98.
#d# final is seldom altered to _t_, dred 50, dureward 39, hard 165,
hideward 139, lond 130, toward 81, 127, but heauet 59: other spellings
are onswereð 66, 281, schenlac 124, gled 108, middel 174. Initial #þ# is
often unaltered after final _t_, þu 79, þrof 331 (but it is lost in ant
e 372), so final #þ# in limpeð 154. Normal #þ# appears in bliðeliche
248, makieð 255, makeð 39, oðer 19, soð 293, swiðe 208; for #þ#, _d_ in
beod 15. #s#: gastes 30. #c#: ecnesse 108. #g#: ȝef 12, iȝarcket 339,
biȝeoten 316 (but bigoten 259), agulteð 48, guldene 170, strencðe 153
(5), strencðen 164, strenðe 343. #h#: unwiht 151, hearen 98, her 94,
hileanet 202, hearneð 135, hure 144, er 58, is 28, wilinde 135.

(3) =Of T.= #a# before nasals and lengthening groups is _o_, but fram 25
(5) is invariable. #æ# is _a_ (45 times including nase 96, 112),
exceptions are hefde 116, hefden 256, hweðer 101, forbearneð 103,
readliche 21, smecche 88, wrecchedom 85. #e#: rekenen 86, best 332, smal
275, spelie 303. #i#: wile 42 &c. (but ichulle 81), wilneð 289. #o#:
grot 93. #u#: cumeð 69, 138. #y# is _u_, except winne 161, 173 (but
wunne 166, 169). #ā#: ai 53 (7), a Scandinavian word, leað 153 (?
#lǣþo#, or miswritten for leið, OWScand. leiðr), askeð 75, 215, askest
68, owhwider 25 (comp. ‘ouhwuder’ AR 172/3, ?influence of #ōwer#).
#ǣ{1}# is _ea_, in close agreement with B; sumdeal 284, but lasten 108,
178. #ǣnig# is ani 42, 135, 192. #ǣ{2}#: also as in B; lete 40, rodien
81, þer 246, 331, trinne 86. #ē#: fearreden 269. #ī#: bliðeliche 80,
huinen 17 (comp. OWScand. hjûn). #ō#: isoð 229, sweote 291 (‘swoete’
Vesp. Psalt., Sweet, OET. 217/13). #ȳ# is _u_, written _ui_ in fuire 71,
fuir 83, 87 (but fur 103). #ea# (breaking): wearnið 34, wearne 155,
wearnen 63, unwearnede 157, hard 116 (5), hardes 163, 172, harm 117,
harmen 290, þurf 171; _i_-umlaut, dearne 296, ferd 151. #eo#: isterret
245, self 27 (6), seluen 5 (3), but seolf 8. The _u_- _å_-umlaut of #a#
is wanting, except in eawles 126; for heatel 128 heates is read. The
absence of this umlaut points to Northumbrian or W. Saxon. #eo#,
_u_-umlaut of #e#: heuene 220, 325, heuenliche 243, but heouene 146;
after #w#, woredes 251, world 108 (7), worldlich 170. #eo#, _å_-umlaut
of #e#: breke 28, breken 8, freten 96, speken 61. #eo#, _u_- _å_-umlaut
of #i#: nime 147, 328, binime 11, nimeð 311, siðen 213, clepeð 38,
iclepet 36, seuenfald 282, seuefald 287: for hweonene B 60, 65 T has
hweðen, hwenne; hore 122. #ea# after #sć#, schome 117. #ie#: ȝef 27,
ȝiueð 87, 164, ȝiue 371. ȝif 6, 12, 14. #ēa#: dedes 62, gledred 71; ȝa
216, ȝea 77 (possibly Scandinavian), great 70. #ēo#: biheld 262, depre
296, deulen 69, iseð 89, 94, seð 257, ned 211, þeosternesse 86, ho 40.
#æ# + #g#: dai 29 &c., mai 10 &c. are the regular forms, but mei 303, so
feir 209, 239, feirleic 272. #e# + #g#: aȝain 20 (Angl. #ongægn#),
aȝaines 34, 153, but to ȝeines 196. #ea# + #h#: mihte 113, 118, 162, but
mahte 84, 232. #eo# + #g#: tintrohen 264. #ie# + #h#: bisihð 332. #ā# +
#w#: noht 7. #ī# + #w#: speweð 91. #ēa# + #w#: scheaweð 240, scheawde
265, ischeawet 258, scheawere 233. #ēo# + #w#: treowðe 78; treweliche
78, 206.

#r#: wrenches 5. #m#: com 60. #n#: in 99, 108. #f#: biforen 59, þer fore
150, þurn 225, under fon 57. #t#: blend 87, at 98. #d#: dred 50,
dureward 59, atstond 158, feond 33, hard 165, hiderward 139, hundreð 97,
335 (OWScand. hundrað), lond 130, 256, heauet 59, onswereð 66, 281,
somen 21, þusend 69, þusand 114, 119, þusanð 138, toward 81, 127,
schendlac 124, glad 208, middel 174. #þ#: bliðeliche 248, limpeð 154,
makes 39, makieð 255, swiðe 208. #s#: gastes 30. #c#: cumeð 69, þoncheð
201, long 58, swing 289, smecche 88, euh 58, hwucse 72, stinc 84,
ecnesse 108. #ȝ#: ȝif 12, ȝarket 339, biȝoten 316, unwerched 251,
agulteð 48, guldene 170. #h#: unwiht 151.

#Accidence:# (1) =Of B.= Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns.
In the _s. n._ þinge 84 has added e. _Gen._ -es, cunnes 90, deaðes 62,
contracted weis 162, 236: _d._ -e, dome 261, flesche 270, hame 25, with
all nouns which have vowel ending in the _s. n._ as bale 93, chele 101,
in others the inflection is more frequently wanting, deað 222, flesch
99, and generally in words of two syllables, as finger 325, godspel 4,
heaued 59, lauerd 207; wa 86 is indeclinable. In the _s. a._ deale 105,
inȝonge 32, 41 (but inȝong _n._ 146), mete 45, 47 have added e; bere 23
is #gebǣre#; sune 235 represents #sunu#. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines
ends in -es, eauraskes 97, engles 239, deaðes 119, duntes 125: neuters,
with the exception of þing 178, 297, schape 122 (#gesceapu#), have taken
the masc. termination, þinges 89, werkes 64, wittes 16, wordes 251,
wordes 64, or have joined the weak declension, deoflen 89, 91, studen
240, wepnen 159: genitive is smeche 88; datives have mostly -es, eawles
126, gleadschipes 307, but bisocnen 277, colen 104, deoflen 69, 139,
wepnen 162, 184, and siðe 97, 138, 335 (without n). The _fem._ nouns of
the strong declension have -e in the _s. n._, este 173, cnawlechunge
292, and many other derivatives in #-ung#, schadewe 148, but meað 37, 43
(once _masc._ in OE.). _Gen._ -e, helle 95, nease 96, but murðes 219,
sawles 1: _dat._ -e, alesnesse 294, bisne 4, worlde 108, 136, 260, but
ferd 151, half 160, 238, luft 186, sti 186 (#stīg#), world 108, 110,
147, 169 are not inflected: _acc._ -e, blisse 221, froure 35, but
ferreden 269, fulst 225 (#fylst#), half 143. _Pl. n._ is hondon 51; _d._
blissen 267, pinen 90, 127, sunnen 70, wunden 240, dreorinesses 131;
_a._ pinen 263, sahen 201, strengðen 164, sunnen 124, cunreadnes 261,
estes 197, keis 34, runes 296. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in
all cases of the singular, -en throughout the plural. The minor
declensions are represented by uet _pl. d._ 260; mon _s. n._ 8, monnes
_s. g._ 9, 15; boc _s. d._ 72, _s. a._ 70; buri _s. n._ 129 (from dat.
#byrig#); niht _s. d._ 29; feader _s. g._ 237, _s. d._ 241, _s. a._ 116;
moder _s. a._ 116; dehtren _pl. n._ 202, _pl. d._ 35, 195; suster
_s. a._ 43, sustren _pl. n._ 202, _pl. d._ 207; feont _s. n._ 33,
_s. d._ 158; wealdent _s. n._ 226.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases.
Weak inflections are _s. n. m._ ȝuldene 170, rihtwise 193, _neut._ blake
110, willesfule 205, _s. d. f._ swarte 89, _s. d. neut._ ferliche 102,
_s. a. m._ willesfule 44, _f._ brihte 269: strong inflections are _s. d.
f._ inwarde 72, _s. a. f._ longe 254: swote _s. n. m._ 275, _neut._ 291
(#swōt#) has conformed to swete. All other adjectives are uninflected in
the singular. Those in -ig lose g, anlepi 313, eadi 243, hali 234:
#lȳtel# is lutle _s. a. f._ 235; lutle _s. a. neut._ 328, lut _pl. n._
187, few people, are used as nouns; #mycel# is mostly muche, but muchel
_s. d. neut. strong_ 166, muchele _weak_ 300, _pl. a._ 314: #āgen# gives
ahne _s. d. f._ 305, _pl. d._ 184. The plural ends in -e, ȝarowe 260,
wakere 57, 142, misliche 127, unmihtie 191; exceptions are _n._ ful 239,
hal 93, ilich 97, hardi 56, lusti 318, _d._ eadi 269, mislich 20, seli
280, snawi 100, _a._ unseli 121, wurð 194. OE. #āna# is ane 200; #ān# is
an, a, _s. g._ anes 311, _d._ ane 207, _a._ 216: #nān# is nan, na,
_s. g._ nanes 317, _pl. n._ nane 274. Adjectives used as nouns are
rarely inflected, as heardes _s. g._ 163, 172, nesches 172, uuele _pl.
n._ 224: comparatives regularly end in e, brihtre 287, deopre 296, earre
103, leatere 103, wurse 102, but grisluker 97; of superlatives earste
36, forme 195, leaste 115, 118, measte 115 have weak inflection.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, we, ure 181, us, þu, tu after t, þe,
ȝe, ow. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he _m._ 6, ha _f._ 10
&c., hit _neut._ 13; _g._ hire _f._ 11; _d._ him _m._ 35, hire _f._ 42,
_a._ hire _f._ 8 (with hus _neut._), 11, 33 (with þeaw _m._), 43, 87,
hit _neut._ 10, 85; _pl. n._ ha 89 &c., heo 93, 274, 276; _g._ hare 18;
_d._ ham 55; _a._ 13. Reflexives are me 190, him 54, hire 180, 205, ham
94, me seolf 189 (possibly definitive), me seoluen 117, us seolf 191,
193, us seoluen 5, him seolf 27, him seoluen 109, 309, hire seoluen 182;
definitive are seolf 8, 228, him seolf 277, him ane 200; possessives are
mi _s._ 80, 116, min 163, 196, mine _pl._ 164, 234, ure 4, þi _s._ 78,
þin 319, his 5, hire 12, hare 51, 122. The definite article is þe, te
after t; inflected forms are þet _s. n. neut._ 33, 214, þen _s. d. m._
158, _s. a. m._ 212, þet _s. a. neut._ 248; the instrumental is þe 11,
142. Þet is used demonstratively 35, 103, 104, þet ilke 89, 105, 256;
the article is also used pronominally, þeo þe, those who 48, 49, 56,
247, those which 178, one who 180, þeo, those 15. The compound
demonstrative is _s. n._ þes _m._ 6, tis 106, þis _neut._ 8, 53, 124,
tis 26, _s. d._ þis _m._ 318, þisse _f._ 136, þeos 146, þis 110, _neut._
9, 102, 137, 198, 199, _s. a._ þes _m._ 118, þis _neut._ 284, 285, tis
152; _pl. n._ þeos 17, 202, _d._ 24, 101, 207, 285, þeose 97, _a._ þeos
140. The relatives are þe, þet; þet . . . hire 10, = whom, þet te 154, =
what. Interrogatives are hwam 39, hwet 60 (4), hweðer 101, hwuch 6 (6),
hwucche _pl. n._ 14; its correlative is swuch 93, 135, 255, swucche _pl.
n._ 194: #ilca# is ilke 105 &c.; #þyllic#, þulliche _pl. d._ 162, þulli
_s. d._ 326, 327. Indefinites are hwam se _s. a._ 276, hwet se _s. n._
172, hwuch se _s. a._ 72; me 45, 68, 87, 165, 275, mon 25; an 252; sum
54, summes _s. g._ 162, 236, summe _pl. n._ 14; eiðer 102, 111; oðer 37,
oðres _s. g._ 109, 112, oðre _s. d._ 252, _pl. d._ 52, 285, _pl. a._
277; euch 108, euchan 49, 109, euchanes _s. g._ 252, eauereuchan 307;
eni 113, ei 42, 135, 192; nawiht 172, 183, noht 149; moni 20, 29, 166,
monie _pl. n._ 307, _pl. a._ 314, ma 167; feole 306; al _s. n._ 12,
alles _s. g._ 90, 197, 264, al _s. d._ 74, 155, _s. a._ 105, 116, 117;
alle _pl. n._ 13, 114, 214, alre _pl. g._ 181, alle _pl. d._ 30, 46,
281, _pl. a._ 33, 40, 297, mid alle 211.

Verbs in #-an# have infinitive -en, abeoren 125, bihalden 233, 236, and
thirty-five other instances, or -e, bringe 113, 173, cume 7, here 22,
munne 303, neome 328, those in #ian#, mostly of the second weak
conjugation, have -ien, carien 162, 166, gleadien 270, herien 320,
schunien 177, þolien 7 (6), wakien 7, readien 81 (ME. formation from
read = #rǣd#), or -ie, spealie 303, þolie 235, or -in, amurdrin 32,
blissin 270, eilin 290, euenin 83, folhin 12, 336, fondin 224, grapin
87, hearmin 290, lokin 232, 254, lutlin 327, openin 285, rikenin 86,
sunegin 179, warnin 152, wursin 328, and ME. wontin, or -i, wursi 164:
contract verbs are biseon 122, fleon 158, seon 305, underuon 312, unwreo
285. The _dat. inf._ is inflected in to cumene 265, to witene 50, 150,
226; other forms are forte binden 71, forte warnin 140, forte . . .
halden 57, for . . . to drahen 72, forte breoke 28, to alesen 242, to
seon ⁊ to cnawen 293 (virtual _nom._), to warnin 63, to . . . makie 325.
Presents are _s._ 1. cume 76, 220, cwakie 131, demi 185, iseo 150; 2.
cumest 76, easkest 68, seist 279; 3. cleopeð 38, limpet 154, makid 39,
and seventy-four others; contracted, about one-fourth of the total
number, bisið 332, bit 246, flið 158, forȝet 25, 167, halt 180, 195,
205, hat 45, let 26, 212, sent 55, sit 48, 225, 237, wit 52, and nine
others, _passive_ hatte 62; _pl._ 1. habbeð 191, witeð 144, drede we
155; 3. aȝulteð 48, edwiteð 123; of the second weak conjugation,
acwikieð 105, heatieð 111, herieð 317, makied 255, wunieð 272, 320, but
ofearneð 135 and liuieð 287, werieð 143; meallið 90, seoð 257, 295,
iseoð 89, 94: _subjunctive s._ 1. habbe 61, understonde 285; 3. bihalde
40, bineome 11, cume 23, 65, 144, comme 60, feole, forȝeme 54, forswolhe
152, fortruste 54, leade 65, leare 45, leote 40, reade 142, rihte 14,
141, schute 160, seche 60, slepe 25, tuhte 23, werie 141, chasti 11,
loki 39, wardi 141, warni 42; _pl._ 1. demen 191, 193, halden 198,
þonkin 200, neome we 147: _imperative s._ 2. etstont 158, let 209, sei
280, tele 79, 228, warne 155; _pl._ 2. hercnið 218, lokið 67, lustnið
61, neomeð 311, þencheð 115, understondeð 218. Past of Strong Verbs: I
a. _s._ 1. iseh 118 (5), biseh 249, 3. ȝef 27, quoð 315; _pl._ 1. speken
44; _subjunctive s._ 1. isehe 118, 2. sehe 228: I b. _s._ 1. com 139: I
c. _subj. s._ 3. bigunne 299: III. _subj. s._ 3. forbude 13: V. _s._ 1.
biheolt 262, lette (weak form) 28. Participles present: I a. sittende
278: I b. cuminde 40: IV. lahhinde _adj._ 213: V. fallinde _adj._ 178;
past: I a. isehen 77 (6), ispeken 335: I b. ibore 136, icumen 55: I c.
bigunne 112, iborhen 276, formealte 104: II. iwriten 70, untohene _adj.
pl._ 13, untohe _adj. s._ 23, fulitohe _adj. s._ 9: III. bigoten 259,
bigotten 316, biloke 204: IV. islein 116: V. bihalden 57, ihaten 10, 37,
220, underuon 57, ofdred _adj._ 145. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. hefde
113, talde 114; 3. bohte 28, luuede 241, schilde 233, sende 223, wrahtte
74; _pl._ 3. deiden, liueden 266. Participles present: libbinde 270,
sechinde 151; ME. formations are fikelinde _adj._ 147, smorðrinde _adj._
88; past: bitaht 144, 149, ibet 74, igret 256, ilihtet 214, ischawed
258, iseid 328, iseið 280, unwerged 251, icleopet 36, icwiddet 257,
offearet 54, 211, unwerget 318, and thirteen others in -t, besides
irobbet 26, istirret 245; others used as adjectives are elheowet 58,
fordemde _pl._ 133, forrotet 99, forwerede _pl._ 114, iblescede _s.
weak_ 221, _pl._ 250, isette _pl._ 252, istelet _pl._ 126, iteilede
_pl._ 90, unwarnede _noun pl._ 157, offruhte _pl._ 222. Minor Groups:
witen _inf._ 137, 305, wat _pr. s._ 176, nat 66, witen _pr. pl._ 295,
297, nuten 101, wiste _pt. s._ 6; ah _pr. s._ 165, ahen 1 _pr. pl._ 4,
_pr. pl._ 300; con 1 _pr. s._ 81, 329, _pr. s._ 64, cunnen _pr. pl._
187; þerf _pr. s._ 171, þurue we 1 _pr. pl._ 145, 225; schal _pr. s._ 21
&c., schulen _pr. pl._ 178, 224, 320, schulde we 1 _pt. pl._ 158; mei 1
_pr. s._ 81, _pr. s._ 10 &c., me[i] 327, mahen 1 _pr. pl._ 22, 2 _pr.
pl._ 137, 305, mahe _pr. pl._ 274, _pr. s. subj._ 290, 332, mahte 1 _pt.
s._ 113, 162, 232, _pt. s._ 84, 118; most 2 _pr. s._ 285, 316; beon
_inf._ 10 &c., am 1 _pr. s._ 62, is _pr. s._ 8, nis 18, bið 146, aren
_pr. pl._ 107, 256, beoð 13, 56, 159, 202, beod 306, beo _pr. s. subj._
26 (8), beon 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 142, 198, beo we 193, beon _pr. pl.
subj._ 104, wes _pt. s._ 205, weren _pt. pl._ 94, 114, were _pt. s.
subj._ 127, 136, 210, 253, nere 121, 136, were _pt. pl. subj._ 124, ibeo
_pp._ 331; ich chulle 1 _pr. s._ 81, wule _pr. s._ 145, 193, 325, wulleð
_pr. pl._ 289, wule _pr. s. subj._ 42, 210, 323, walde 1 _pt. s._ 119,
_pt. s._ 6, 12, nalde 7; to donne _dat. inf._ 142, 185, to don 288, 324,
to do 189 (virtual _nom._), do 1 _pr. s._ 190, 197, deð _pr. s._ 182,
doð _pr. pl._ 49, 267, do 2 _s. imp._ 154, idon _pp._ 300, ido 53, 117;
gan _inf._ 21, 316, ȝeað _pr. s._ 151, ga we 1 _pr. pl._ 171, ouergað
_pr. pl._ 270, ga 2 _s. imp._ 315, _pr. s. subj._ 10, 47.

Among adverbs may be noted á 105 (4), áá 53 (3), ever, distinguished by
accent from a 227, ah! hweonene 60, 65, interrogative, earþon 74,
previously, unmundlunge (#unmyndlinga#) 68, unexpectedly, in ME.
apparently only here and once in AR; among prepositions, bituhhen 168,
bituhhe 133, 169, extension of OE. #bituh#, BH 133/33, which comes also
in SK 1515, ‘bituhe’ AR MS. A, 204/20, ‘bituhhen,’ id. 358/11, fore 27,
276, on behalf of, in both places separated from the word governed and
put at the end of the sentence.

(2) =Of R.= This is substantially the same as that of MS. B: some forms
from ll. 339-373 are here noted. Nouns: _neut._ bodi _s. d._ 369, limen
_pl. n._ 364; _fem._ sawle _s. n._ 369, neod 349, sondes _s. g._ 346,
murðes 342, lefdi _s. d._ 355, sonden _pl. a._ 357. Adjective comp.
lessere 345 (#lǣssa#), an early instance of the double comparative; T
has lesre. Pronoun: incker _dual g._: indef. oðer _s. d._ 363, noðres
_s. g._ 347.

(3) =Of T.= It differs from B mainly in the verbal inflection. Forms
with i are few, euennin _inf._ 83, fondin 224, lutlin 327, openin 285,
sunegin 179, wursi 164, mellið _pr. pl._ 90; in the _pr. s._ -es and -eð
alternate, warnes 348, wilnes 286, bides 59 (hat B), fares 25, haues
144, makes 39, slepes 25, spekes 8, wites 52 (wit B), fleoð 158 (flið
B), beoð 146, beð 24, in the _pr. pl._ -en and -eð, habben 191, beon 14
(6), freten 96, ȝelden 213, hatien 111, iwurðen 93, snicken 96, sweren
21, beoð 17 &c., speweð 91: arn 256, schuln 340, þurn 225 are
syncopated. Beside ha, she, ho occurs 12, 40, 181; man 165 is
indefinite. The suffix of the verbal noun is regularly -ing,
cnawlechinge 292, gretinge 213, hechelinge 100. For aðet B, R 104, it
has til ꝥ, for mid B, mit R 28, wið.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are ai T 53 &c., aren 107, drupnin 222,
etlunge 310, far (lac) 341, 363, fear (laic) T 341, (feir) lec R 272,
feoloh(lukest) 270 (OWScand. félagi), flute 349, flutteð 100, ȝa T 216,
ȝea T 77, hird 65, hundreð T 79, keiseres 261, lahe 193, 259, 271, lane
202, meoke 198, nowcin 163 (4), tidinges 140, til T 104, trust 184,
vmben 207, wan 129, warpe 43, varpeð 341, wengen 143, 340, witer(liche)
78, witer(luker) 285, wontin 135 (OWScand. vanta), wontreaðes 129,
wondraðes R 129, wandreðes T 129, þicke 86 (OWScand. þykkr), probably
baðe T 23, iburst 151, lustnin 217, possibly froden T 95, ȝetteð 247
(Björkman 109), ȝeieð 134 (OWScand. geyja) influenced like ȝoulen by
ȝellen (Björkman 69). French are archangles 249 (possibly Latin),
apostle 157, castel 31, chasti 11, chere 213, icheret 209, cruneð 49,
cunestable 38, 200, cunfessurs 266, enbreuet 73, false 147, falsi 163,
fol 19, feh 149, 204, grace 160, iordret 252, irobbet 26, leattres 71,
liun 151, meistre 44, meistreð 33, meoster 189, 252, mesure 174, meosure
45, patriarches 255 (possibly Latin), poure 259, preoouin 72, prophetes
255, semblant 19, seruið 247, 250, tresor 27 (3), treosor 369, tresures
339, tresorers T 339, trone 244, 260, turnes 182, ?turneð 206, aturnet
209. A Latin borrowing is martyrs 262.

#Dialect:# MS. B bears a close resemblance in all dialectal criteria to
MS. A of the Ancrene Wisse; its Anglian peculiarities are somewhat more
pronounced. MS. R differs from MS. B in its representation of #ǣ{1}# and
in the narrower range of its _u_-, _å_-umlauts; it is somewhat more
Southern than MS. B. MS. T, in the same hand as the copy of the Ancrene
Wisse, is of the mixed character described on p. 373, but the Southern
element is more extensive here.

#Style:# Sawles Warde has been divided by its latest editor into one
thousand and seventy-two half-lines of ‘rhymeless Layamonic verse,’ with
three hundred and sixty-two varieties of scansion, nearly two hundred of
which are each represented by a single line. Much ME. verse, the
Proverbs of Alfred, the Brut, the Bestiary for example, is, like Sawles
Warde, written continuously, but its verse character is always
definitely indicated by its punctuation, in Layamonic verse by a half-
or full stop at the end of the half-line and a full stop at the end of
the line. But, as Luick has shown, Sawles Warde has a prose punctuation
of natural pauses in reading, of clause and sentence, a contention which
may readily be tested by the texts in the present book, which reproduce
the manuscripts in this detail. Thus the punctuation of Sawles Warde
which has been adduced as an indication of its verse character is
evidence to the contrary.

Some specimens of the verse with the editor’s scansion are: ‘téacheð us
þùrh a bísnè,’ 117/4: ‘Þis hús þe ùre láuèrd | spékeð òf, is sèolf þe
món,’ 117/8: ‘þe éarèste is Wárschìpe | icléopet, ànt te óðèr | is
gástelìch Stréncðè,’ 118/36: ‘Wárschìpe, þet àa is wáker, | ìs offéared,
lèste súm | fortrúste hìm ant fèole oslép,’ 118/53: ‘hwuch só he mèi
préouìn | þùrh his bóc, þèt is ón | euch súnnè ibréuèt,’ 119/72. Now
Bartels points out that in Layamon’s verse there is no _enjambment_ and
no beginning of a clause in the middle of a half-line. Furthermore,
there is no rhythm in these lines which remotely resembles either the
recitative of Layamon’s alliterative line or the syllabic measure of his
rhymed lines. But the fatal objection is the absence of alliteration or
rhyme, for without one of these or a combination of the two there is no
verse at all in Middle English; they are of the essence of its form. For
Orm is an eccentric and absolutely isolated; his verse would be
recognizable by his contemporaries as such only in virtue of the rigid
uniformity of its rhythm.

Sawles Warde is written in the same rhythmic prose, and by the same
author, as AR and the other pieces mentioned on p. 373, including the
Wohunge of Ure Lauerd (OEH i. 269-87) and the Ureisun of God Almihti
(id. 200-3). The evolution of this style is easily followed. The writer
began his literary career with his memory well stocked with alliterative
formulae and other phrases, derived in some small measure from the
pre-Conquest literature, but mostly from a body of popular poetry which
is represented by isolated pieces like the Worcester Fragments. His
first writings, SJ and SM, are overloaded with them, and they have
impressed their peculiar movement more or less on the stretches of prose
which link them together. Accordingly many passages in SJ for example
approach much more nearly to verse than anything in Sawles Warde. Take
at random 143/68-72:--

  sei me hwi þu forsakest[;] þi sy ant ti selhðe.
  þe weolen ant te wunnen[;] þe walden awakenen.
  ant waxen of þe wedlac[;] þet ich reade þe to.
  hit nis nan eðelich þing[;] þe refschipe of rome.
  ant tu maht ȝef þu wult[;] beon burhene leafdi.
  ant of alle þe londes[;] þe þerto liggeð.

This has the right swing, and its slightly faulty alliteration could
easily be mended, yet Saint Juliana is not verse. In SK, HM, AR, and SW
we can observe a gradual and progressive diminution of this borrowed
matter, but the verse cadences persist to the end.

#Introduction:# Einenkel, in the preface to his edition of Saint
Katherine, claims to have proved that Saint Juliana and Saint Margaret
were written by one author, Saint Katherine by another, and Hali
Meidenhad by a third. His proof rests largely on the untenable
assumption that a Middle English author, whatever the length of his
literary career, or the changes in his environment, or the nature of his
subject, by reason of his unbending ‘individuality’ did not vary in his
vocabulary, phrases, or turns of expression. So if words in sufficient
number occur often in one writing and seldom or not at all in another,
if the percentage of the foreign element is not similar, if the synonyms
for abstract notions like joy and sorrow, luck and mishap are not the
same, the compositions must be the work of different authors. Of far
other significance are the unity, not uniformity, of style which
pervades the whole group in orderly and natural development, the unity
of subject, that is, the praise of virginity and its superior virtue
over other states of life, the recurrence of a considerable number of
characteristic words, phrases, and constructions found seldom or never
outside the group, the presence throughout of a pronounced Scandinavian
element testifying at least to a common dialect of origin.

As has already (p. 376) been suggested, this literature is best
understood as a product of the Gilbertine movement. The lives of the
female saints, of whom two resist marriage and the other says of Christ
‘He haueð iweddet him to mi meiðhad,’ were suitable reading for the
Gilbertine nuns, and the anchoresses, for whom the Ancrene Wisse was
written, had a copy at least of Saint Margaret. Hali Meidenhad was
probably occasioned by the affair of the nun at Watton, one of Gilbert’s
foundations, which is related by Gilbert’s friend, Ailred of Rievaulx,
in what is one of the most extraordinary revelations of the mediaeval
clerical mind on the subject of the single life: it shows us the younger
nuns of Watton far outdoing in ferocity their exemplar Saint Juliana,
and helps to the understanding of the sentiment in Hali Meidenhad, which
is so distasteful and even revolting to modern feeling that some have
thought it impossible that the author of the mild wisdom of the Ancrene
Wisse could have any part in it. But it must be observed that much of
the abusive language about the married state in Hali Meidenhad is not
original, some of it is as old as S. Jerome, and no one is so likely to
have written the treatise as the enthusiastic founder of an order of

The writer has already used the main idea of the allegory in the Ancrene
Wisse (M 172, 271). The parallelism pointed out in the note on l. 82 of
Sawles Warde is another indication of common authorship; it is not like
a borrowing, nor can it be accounted for by independent use of the curt
Latin original. Finally, the passage 125/268-278 in glorification of the
‘feire ferreden of uirgines in heouene,’ SK 2309, which is an addition
of the author’s, strikes the dominant note of all his works.

The Latin original of Sawles Warde was again adapted by the writer of
the supplement to the Ayenbite of Inwyt, pp. 263-9, presumably Dan
Michel of Northgate; his version is much closer to the original, and he
does not seem to have been acquainted with that of his predecessor.

1. With the title comp. ‘Mid alle cunne warde (= custodia) . . . wite
wel þine heorte, uor soule lif is in hire; ȝif heo is wel iwust,’ AR
48/5; ‘þonne se weard swefeð, | sawele hyrde,’ Beowulf, 1741 (with
Holthausen’s note).

2. #Si# &c.: S. Matt. xxiv. 43: V has ‘veniret’ with S. Luke xii. 39.

3. #a bisne#: a forbisne T.

5. #to# is omitted by R: to wite{n} T: comp. ‘To wyten vs wyþ þan
vnwihte,’ OEM 72/4; ‘ihereð hu ȝe schulen witen ou wið þes deofles
wieles, þet he ou ne biwrenche,’ AR 224/20, and see 48/299 note. #þe
unwiht of helle#: so HM 41/19; ‘of þe laðe vnwiht þe hellene schucke,’
id. 41/35.

6. #þes lauerd#: þe husebonde RT.

8. #hire#: so all MSS.; the writer is thinking of the allegory rather
than of his grammar. With #breoken# comp. 62/20. #mon# &c.: R has, mon .
in wið þe monnes wit iþis is þe huselauerd . , T, mon . Jnwið . þe
mo{n}nes wit iþis h{us} is te huselau{er}d. Kluge, adopting the text of
B, punctuates þis hus, . . ., is seolf þe mon inwið; þe monnes wit i þis
hus is þe huselaverd; while W, omitting ‘i þis hus,’ which does not fit
into his metrical scheme, has þis hus, . . . , is seolf þe mon . inwið
þe monnes wit is þe huselauerd. In both cases ‘inwið’ is adverbial, as
at 130/57, and the sense yielded is intelligible. But it diverges
strangely from the original, ‘Pater iste familias animus potest
intelligi, cuius familia sint cogitationes et motus earum, sensus quoque
et actiones tam exteriores quam interiores. . . . Domus est conscientia,
in qua pater iste habitans thesauros (see 118/27) virtutum congregat,
propter quos ne domus effodiatur, summopere vigilatur,’ V 207 _e_, 208
_a_. All three writers appear to have been contending with a faulty
archetype: the original may have been:--

  þis hus þe ure lauerd spekeð of · is seolf þe mon
  nes inwit[;] wit i þis hus is þe huselauerd,

where the first line is actually that found in R: the division of
mon-nes would readily give rise to the corruptions of all three MSS. In
the Ayenbite of Inwyt the Latin is translated, ‘Hous . is inwyt|in
huychen þe uader of house woneþ . þe hord of uirtues gadereþ,’ 263/24.
For #inwit# comp. ‘wiðinnen us suluen, ure owune conscience, þet is, ure
inwit,’ AR 306/1, 206/5. When the writer afterwards speaks of the house
of the body, 127/369, he is using a familiar expression, for which there
is nothing corresponding in the Latin original. #wit# is Reason = animus
rationalis: the contest between it and Will is also in HM 15/23-36; the
embodiment of the latter as the ‘fulitohe wif’ is due to our writer.

10. #ꝥ--hire#, whose guidance if the household (hus = familia) follow:
see 46/292 note. #diht# &c.: see 66/120 note.

11. #chasti#, discipline, restrain: comp. ‘Hwil þi wit atstond ⁊
chaisteð þi wil . . . ne harmeð hit te nawiht,’ HM 15/26.

13. #hit#: see 1/10: ha RT.

16. #wittes#, senses: comp. ‘hire fif wittes . sihðe ⁊ heringe .
smecchunge ⁊ smeallunge ⁊ euch limes felunge,’ HM 13/25; AR 48/8,

17. #hwer--ȝemeles#: ‘Nam si vel parum a sua sollicitudine torpuerit,’ V
207 _e_.

18. #feareð untoheliche#, behaves in unruly fashion. #gulteð ilome#: see

19. #ifol semblant#, in foolish demeanour: comp. ‘ȝif þu makest ei
semblaunt oðer eni luue lates touward unðeauwes,’ AR 90/17. #Inwið# &c.:
following on the division made in ll. 14, 15, we might have expected
here something like, Þeo wið innen beoð þohtes.

20. #in#, busied about, intent on such a great variety of purposes to
please Will. For #in#, of aim, object, comp. ‘He only, in a general
honest thought | And common good to all, made one of them,’ Shakspere,
Julius Caesar, v. v. 71. It might also be regarded as, in the shape of.

21. #hit# might be impersonal, that things shall go on to her liking,
but comp. l. 10.

22. #iþþlen# can hardly be a mistake for ifelen (Specimens): it is
possibly for iðolien. R has felen, T fele. #nurhð#, noise: comp. 129/47
note: ‘His laðliche nurð ⁊ his untohe bere makeð þe to agrisen,’ HM
31/22; ‘nurð ne kimeð in heorte bute of sum þing ꝥ me haueð oðer isehen
oðer iherd,’ AR Corpus MS. where MS. Nero, ed. Morton, 92/3, has
‘noise’; ‘leaueð ower nurð . ant oþer ladliche bere,’ SM 21/20. The word
is not found outside this group. T has murð, as at 118/22, but R with
‘murhðe’ there has correctly nurð here.

23. #a þet#: see 72/179 note. #hit#: RT have correctly wit. #eie . . .
luue#: comp. 72/200. With #tuhte#, discipline, comp. ‘tuhten ne chasten
þi meiden uor hire gult,’ AR 268/21.

24. #for#, because of the untrustworthiness of: analogous to 104/175.
#for hwen ꝥ#, if on occasion, when: see 72/192 and comp. ‘for hwen þat
he cheas hire,’ HM 15/11. Its use appears to be restricted to this
group. slepe . oðer ohwider fare R; slepes oðer owhwider fares T.

26. #let ham iwurðen#, lets them have their own way, abandons them to
their own devices. Comp. ‘ure Louerd let us one iwurðen oðer hwules ⁊
wiðdraweð his grace,’ AR 230/27, 288/23; ‘Heo let heom alle i-wurþe .
þat beoþ so swyþe stronge,’ OEM 89/32; SK 791.

28. #forte breoke . . . abuten#: see 74/229 note. #efter#: see 7/53. #ꝥ#
is _acc._ after bohte, with lette it means, for which: comp. 44/252,
263. With #lette# &c. comp. 144/84.

29. #moni þeof#: ‘Fur autem non unus est sed multiplex, quia singulis
virtutibus singula vitia insidiantur,’ V 208 _a_.

30. #gasttes#: comp. 15/79; ‘ȝewerged gastes . ⁊ unþeawes . ⁊ unwraste
lahtres,’ OEH i. 243/7.

31. #castel#: so T, but R has chatel, property, possession. All the MSS.
have ‘castel’ at 123/203.

32. #hire#, the corresponding vice. OE. #þēaw#, #un-þēaw# are masculine.

33. #heaued#: ‘Principalis tamen fur diabolus intelligitur. Contra quem
et eius satellites pater idem (si tamen non negligens fuerit) domum suam
forti custodia muniens, prudentiam in primo aditu constituat,’ V 208
_a_. #meistreð#, acts as leader to.

34. #keis# is evidently translation of satellites, guards. ‘Item
satelles dicitur quia adheret alteri ad eius custodiam,’ Catholicon. But
W explains it of those who hold the keys of office.

35. #froure#: so T, comfort, support; comp. 18/19. But fowre R is

36. #heaued þeawes#, cardinal virtues. V mentions only three of these
here, but Temperantia (= Meað) afterwards takes part in the dialogue.
#Warschipe# is Prudentia: #gastelich strengðe# is a translation of the
Spiritus Fortitudinis of the very ancient Confirmation Prayer; VV has
more literally ‘gost of strengþe,’ 83/22: V has Fortitudo only.

38. #cunestable#, chief officer: an early instance of the word in

39. #durewart#: comp. ‘Þe ȝeteward . þet is wittes skile,’ AR 270/26: in
VV she is ȝeapnesse, ‘on of ðe holie mihtes ðe wel cunne ⁊ wel muȝe ðo
gaten ⁊ ðo duren wel bilokin of ðis holi temple,’ 99/22. #þe#: so R, but
ꝥ T: relative with subjunctive of purpose, like the Latin, ‘quae
discernat quid sit admittendum, quid vitandum, quid excludendum.’

40. #of feor#, from a distance; explained in NED under _afar_, as an
analytical form = OE. #feorran#, _adv._, from far. The latter is
sometimes treated in ME. as a noun and combined with prepositions of,
on, from: comp. 118/55, 198/31: oferrum in Minot vii. 70 is on + _dat.
s. neut._ of #feorr#, _adj._

42. #warschipes#: for the construction, see 10/167. R has warschipe,
showing confusion of gender. The subject of #warni# is warschipe
contained in the preceding genitive; see 6/18. #fore#, _adv._,
previously, comp. 121/140; ‘Ah wel ich warni þe uore,’ SJ 47/15.

44. #ꝥ . . . speken#: see 81/77.

45. #mete#: so T, but meðe R: comp. 122/174. #uueles#: so T, faults of
excess and defect, extremes: ‘muchel ⁊ lutel,’ 122/169. R has þing{e},
which perhaps points to an original uuele þinge. #for ꝥ--halden#, lit.,
for that is in every place (i.e. under all circumstances) virtue and
disciplined conduct in the observance; which is practically, for the
observance of that moderation is under all circumstances virtuous
conduct. So ‘ꝥ ich demi riht ⁊ wisdom to donne,’ 122/185, the doing of
that I judge to be proper and wise. This use of the gerundial infinitive
is frequent in AR, comp. ‘ne beo þu nout Gius fere ne Gius make uorte
birlen him so,’ 114/15, by pouring him out such a drink. With #halden#
comp. ‘Al so me tempreð an baþ . . . also deð ðis haliȝe mihte alle ðes
mannes ðeawes ðe hes luuiȝeð ⁊ healden cann,’ VV 107/18.

46. #ꝥ nan# &c., that none of them in any case should, in opposition to
her, with excess overstep moderation: #wid vnmeoð# is duplicated in
#ouer mete#.

48: ‘Iustitia sedeat in medio, ut sua cuique tribuat,’ V 208 _b_.

49. #efter his rihte#, according to his deserts.

50. #his#: RT have correctly þis, and after #is#, his. Comp. the
corresponding passage 127/356-8, where #efter ꝥ he is# is varied by
‘efter ꝥ him limpeð to,’ and #nimed . . . his warde to witene# by
‘fondeð . . . his warde te witene.’ This household, each in his own
department, undertakes the care of his charge. R omits to witene. With
#warde . . . witene# comp. 74/231; ‘þet he wite ⁊ wardie ou,’ AR 174/24:
similar combinations are ‘werieð ⁊ witeð,’ 121/143, 122/192; ‘wite ⁊
werien,’ 123/203, 136/147, 149/169; ‘wardi ⁊ werie,’ 121/141.

52. #of þe oþre#, of the other servants. #wit# is contracted 3 _sing.
pr._ for witeþ, takes care; T has the equivalent in his dialect, wites:
comp. ‘swuchne wardein, þet wit ⁊ wereð us euer wið þe unseiene gostes,’
AR 312/8. R reads ant euchan al swa as of þe oðere wið ꝥ wit onont him .
ne schal &c.; wið ꝥ wit is an evident mistake for wit ꝥ. #onont him#, so
far as he is concerned: see NED under _Anent_; the final _t_ is possibly
due to Scandinavian influence (Björkman, 20), and the second _o_ to the
analogy of such pairs as hwenne, hwonne, þenne, þonne. Comp. 70/161

53: ‘His ita dispositis, introducere debet prudentia aliquos nuntios,
qui aliqua narrent, quae ad exercitationem valeant,’ V 208 _b_.

54. #fortruste him# appears to mean, be over confident, the prefix
implying excess: the word occurs here only.

55. #in#, adverb. #of feorren#: see 118/40 note.

58. #elheowet#, of strange colour: apparently here only. T has blac ille
heowet, which looks like a popular derivation of an uncommon word.

59. #þuncheð ꝥ stont#: see 7/52 note. #biuoren#, as a preliminary, as
the first thing to be said: comp. ‘vore,’ 118/42. RT have biuoren ham,
which is rather pointless.

61-3. #lust#: ‘se respondit non aliter quicquam dicturum, nisi summum
fiat silentium. Quo impetrato sic incipit. Ego sum timor mortis et
mortem vobis venire nuncio,’ V. In AR 306, fearlac binds the sinner
condemned in Reason’s court. #munegunge#, ‘Memoria mortis,’ V.

64. #bisetten#, employ, expend (NED i. 817, comparing bestow): arrange,
dispose would better suit wordes, but not werkes.

67. #ah--hwenne#, but be always expectant of that time: comp. ‘deað þet
we beoð siker of ⁊ unsiker hwonne.’ AR 144/13.

68. #unmundlunge#, unexpectedly: vnmunidlinge T. #hwen--weneð#: comp.
‘er me lest wene,’ AR 178/12, and often; ‘þer we lest wenet,’ OEH i.
7/26; SJ 44/3.

70. #of#, with, filled with records of sins: comp. ‘Vre Louerd hefde
ifuld him of his þreatunge,’ AR 156/3; 121/130; 201/61 note. See 36/101.

72. #preoouin#, convict: a rare absolute use. preouin R, preoue{n} T.

73. #ꝥ . . . on#, on which: see 1/3 note. #enbreuet#, enrolled: comp.
‘vor nis non so lutel þing of þeos þet þe deouel naueð enbreued on his
rolle,’ AR 344/10; ‘in iames ant imembres bokes ibreuet,’ SM 16/31. OF.
embriever: _n_ for _m_ is Anglo-French: T has emb{re}uet: ibreuet in R
is pp. of *breuen, enroll.

74. #lif siðe#: see 2/27.

75. #soð schrift#: see 88/183, 80/52, and comp. ‘healen ham wið soð
schrift ⁊ wið deadbote,’ HM 15/1, 21/24. #hire#: so RT: see 13/34 note.

77. #ha seið warschipe#: comp. 119/79, 80, 215/23; ‘An oðer stede he
seið godd,’ VV 81/2; ‘he seið seint Jame,’ AR 10/14 and often; in all
cases the name of the person thus added in explanation of the pronoun
has been previously mentioned. Analogous are 192/504, 194/602.

78. #ofte ⁊ ilome#: see 32/47. #Nu . . . þenne#: see 60/8 note. #for þi
trowðe#: see 94/26, and note in l. 80, the common ‘omi trowðe.’

80. #efter#: comp. 36/119; ‘Vor efter þet me icnoweð his muchele
godnesse . . . efter þet me luueð hine more oðer lesse,’ AR 92/13: in
the next line #efter--con# means, to the best of my ability and

81. #tellen#: RT omit. #þer towart#, lit. in that direction, i. e.
concerning that matter: mostly used in local sense as ‘buhen þertoward,’
SK 1473. In l. 83 it means thereto. #readien#, discourse: rodien R,
reode{n} T: W reads reordin.

82 ff. The details in this and similar descriptions, as VV 17-19, are
ultimately derived from the Visions literature; see Introduction to
piece X. The main divisions here correspond exactly to those in AR 144;
‘þe seoruwe of helle, þer bihold þreo þinges--þe untaleliche pinen þet
no tunge ne mei tellen (comp. 119/85)--þe echenesse of euerichon, þet
lesteð wiðuten ende (comp. 120/106-8)--þe unimete bitternesse of
euerichon’ (comp. 120/108-112).

82. #[wid]#: supplied from T, not in R. ‘Infernus latus est sine
mensura, profundus sine fundo, plenus ardore incomparabili
(‘uneuenlich’), plenus foetore intolerabili (‘unþolelich’), plenus
dolore innumerabili’ (‘untalelich’), V 208 _d_. #wið ute grunde#: comp.

83. #uneuenlich#: comp. ‘al so ase heo (blisse) is unefenlich to alle
worldes blissen, al so heo is untalelich to alle worldliche tungen,’ AR
410/11. R has unwerilich.

85. #ne mei# &c.: comp. 46/285, 126/303; ‘ne mahte hit na mon rikenin ne
tellen,’ SJ 50/4.

88. #smeke#: smoke RT. #smeche forcuðest#, vilest of fumes, but RT have
smecche, of flavours (#smæcc#); comp. ‘þreaste smeorðrinde smoke ut
smecche forcuðest,’ SM 9/6. The adjective is everywhere else used of
moral worthlessness; comp. 26/253.

90. #alles cunnes pinen#: see 81/80.

91. #ase deoflen#: R has as þe deoulen, which is preferable.

94. For #bute bote# T has unbotelich, a rare word, but ‘unboteliche
lure,’ HM 17/25. The combination of bote and bale is very common; see
Minot i. 4 note. #as--weren# belongs to #hal#. #ful--grure#, and
unmistakably they see themselves terrible and awful. #grisle . . .
grure#: comp. 56/40, 120/122, 121/131; ‘þet grisliche word ⁊ grureful
ouer alle,’ AR 306/5; ‘grislich ⁊ grureful uorto biholden,’ id. 242/12.

95. #froggen#: T has frode{n}: see 46/273 note.

96. The omission of #þe# would improve the grammar of this passage by
giving a verb for helle wurmes, tadden ⁊ froggen.

97. #eauraskes#, water-frogs: eaureskes R, eafroskes T.

99. #eauerȝete#, at any time yet: comp. ‘al þe wo ꝥ nu is ⁊ euer ȝete
was,’ AR 52/12. In ‘For falshede euer ȝite heo souhten,’ Castel off
Loue, 342, it represents Fr. tut tens. #remunge# &c.: ‘Ibi est fletus et
stridor dentium (S. Matt. xxii. 13 altered), ibi transitur a frigore
nivium ad calorem ignium, et utrumque intolerabile,’ V 208 _d_. Comp.
42/231-6, 76/25.

100. #hechelunge#: apparently here only: Morris translates ‘chattering.’
If it is connected with ME. hechele, a tool for heckling flax, grating
or gnashing is a more likely meaning.

102. #monge#, mixture, alternation of extremes.

103: ‘Ibi omnes comburuntur . . . nec consumuntur,’ V.

104. #forwalleð#, ‘tortures by boiling,’ NED; apparently here only:
comp. 43/222.

106. #unhope#, absence of hope, of any prospect of release: ‘ibi nulla
spes boni,’ V 208 _d_. A rare word, differing in meaning from wanhope:
comp. ‘in desperaunce, þet is, in unhope ⁊ in unbileaue forte beon
iboruwen,’ AR 8/17. See 46/289.

108. #iwa#: i{n} wa RT.

109. #heateð#: ‘Omnis, qui est in eo, odit se et omnes alios,’ V. T has,
hateð oðer . ⁊ ter teken hi{m} selue{n}, and in addition thereto (#tō

110. #blake#: ‘bestia nigerrima sicut corvus,’ Visio Tnugdali, 36/4.

114. #tungen of stele#: Virgil’s ‘ferrea vox’; ‘isene stemne,’ Wulfstan,
215/2; ‘teþ and tunge . of stel imaked,’ OEM 154/268.

116. #hefde a mon# &c.: comp. ‘Testis mihi Deus est, quia, si viderem
quempiam hominum, qui me et omnes caros meos omnibus damnis, iniuriis et
laesionibus et extrema leti sorte affecisset: si, inquam, tam
immanissimum hostem meum illis suppliciis, quae vidi, deputatum
conspicerem prolixius cruciandum, millies, si fieri posset, pro eius
ereptione temporalem mortem appeterem,’ Visio Monachi de Eynsham, ed.
Huber, Rom. Forschungen, xvi. 663/25. The date of the Visio is 1196 A.D.

117. #al þe ende#, the whole: ende, portion, as in OE. #micel ende#,
#nan# #ende# appears to show in this solitary place the same development
of meaning as lot, portion in the colloquial use, ‘the lot,’ ‘the whole
lot.’ Morris translates ‘remnant,’ but that is a late meaning of the
word: W, starting from the meaning, region (see 127/344), explains, the
whole circle of my kin.

120. #ut þrof#, out of that place: comp. ‘arudden mi sawle ut of þine
honden,’ SM 6/21: but aredden is usually followed by of alone, as, ‘to
aredden of helle,’ OEH i. 203/16.

121. Some distinction is apparently intended between #iseon# (seon RT)
and #biseon# (all MSS.) such as that between, to be within sight of,
and, to gaze upon.

122. #grimfule ⁊ grurefule#: the first word is rare and the combination
apparently without parallel.

124. #schenðlac#, disgrace: schenlac R, schendlac T: a word found only
in AR, SK, and here.

125. #⁊ hure þolien#, and especially to bear: in a normal sentence we
should look for something like, but it is still worse to endure.
#unirude#: unrude RT: see 188/389.

126. #mealles#: melles RT, beetles, clubs: comp. ‘þer ȝe schulen iseon
bunsen ham mit tes deofles bettles,’ AR 188/4; ‘Þarfor þe devels salle
stryk þam þare | With hevy melles ay,’ Hampole, Pr. of Consc. 7047.
#dustlunges#: only here; the parallel place, 58/68, fixes its meaning as
flingings, hurlings: ME. dusten, to fling, is a word characteristic of
the group. R has reade . hare dustlunges as, T reade Hare dustlunges as,
a better division, but requiring ⁊ before hare.

128. #grure# &c.: comp. ‘greden ai ⁊ granen iþe eche grure of helle,’ HM
47/12; ‘ðær is ece gryre . . . þær is wanung and granung,’ Wulfstan
114/4, id. 209/15, 18. #heatel#, full of hate, cruel; OE. #hatol#. R has
hatel, T Heates.

129. #wontreaðes#: wondraðes R, wandreðes T: see 58/76. With #bold#,
dwelling place, comp. ‘bold of eche blisse,’ OEH i. 273/10.

132. For #schekeð# R reads sorheð. #me . . . me# are _dat._ pronouns,
like ham 120/96: comp. 80/47. #rueð#: runeð T, ruueð R; the first two
seem to be mistakes for the last, which may represent a simple form of
which ruffle is derivative, with meaning, to stiffen, stand up in
disorder. W reads riseð. #of#, at; indicating source or cause: see

133. #wumme#: see 2/13. ‘Nulla ibi vox, nisi vae, vae, vae habent, vae
sonant,’ V 208 _e_.

135. #ofearneð#: if the prefix has any force, it means, thoroughly,
fully. #hwilinde#: the OE. adj. are #hwīlen#, #hwīlendlic#, #hwīlwende#.

136. #ȝef ꝥ#: R omits ȝef: T has ȝif without þet. ‘Bonum erat ei, si non
esset natus homo ille,’ S. Mark xiv. 21.

140. #fore#: see 118/42.

141. #rihte . . . reade#: comp. 141/50, 147/158.

142. Read beo[n] we, let us be.

145. #he#: ha RT.

146. #deore#: ‘pretiosa in conspectu Domini mors Sanctorum eius,’ Ps.
cxv. 15.

147. #fikelinde#, deceiving: comp. ‘þis fikele world ⁊ frakele,’ HM
7/34; ‘eorðe ðet is fikel ⁊ fals,’ OEH i. 200/24. #false#: fahe RT.,

148. #wurðeð#: so T, wurcheð R.

151. #iburst#, bristled, and metaphorically, enraged: elsewhere said of
the boar, ‘burst bar,’ SJ 68/13, ‘iburst bar,’ id. 69/16; ‘al was heora
gristbatinge[;] al swa wilde bares eȝe. | Whil heo weoren blake[;] ⁊
ladliche iburste,’ L 1886; ‘comeþ þe maister budel brust ase a bore,’
Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 104/51. #sechinde#: R adds inȝong{e}, which is
superfluous, but not senseless; comp. 118/32.

152. #tis#, for þis after ant, cannot mean ‘thus,’ Morris: the meaning
is, this much I can do, warn you against his malice . . . but I have no
power against his force.

153. #of#, #for#, against. T has of his leað for hise wrenches ich con .
Ah i ne mai &c.

154. #ꝥ te#, what: R has only ꝥ, T reads ꝥ te li{m}peð to.

157. #eðeliche#, morally poor: usually as applied to persons, it means,
in humble circumstances. T reads eðeliche ⁊ wake · vnwearnede ⁊
unwepnede of treowe bileaue; preserving the original.

158. #Etstont#: here with _dat._; it takes wið 122/182; aȝeines 126/324.

159. #alle# &c., our weapons are all given us by his favour. Fortitudo
in the Latin quotes ‘induite vos armaturam Dei,’ Eph. vi. 11.

160. #he#, the adversary.

161. #towart#, against: comp. 126/333; ‘weorreð ⁊ warpeð eauer toward
tis tur,’ HM 5/18. #weole ⁊ wunne#: a frequent combination in this
group: comp. 143/69, 95; AR 198/30; SK 1501; HM 9/8, also ‘For al þe
weole and þe wyn . þat riche men fede,’ OEM 91/22. #este#: comp. 72/187;
‘al hore wil ⁊ flesches eise ⁊ este,’ AR 220/6.

162. #summes weis#, in some respects: comp. 140/30; HM 9/32; at 124/236
it appears to translate aliquantisper, for some time. Similar phrases
are ‘þisses weis,’ AR 186/25, ‘eueriches weis,’ id. 218/12.

163. #na þing heardes#: like Lat. nihil duri: comp. 122/183; ‘Wat dostu
godes among monne,’ ON 563. With #heardes# comp. 113/37.

165. For both things, i. e. for both the rigour of adversity and the
absence of bliss, it behoves one to feel dread. #heart#: hard RT.

167. #ma þah#, still more.

168. #forȝemeð ham#: comp. 22/137.

170. #ȝuldene#: comp. ‘Þe middel weie of mesure is euer guldene,’ AR
336/23. guldene RT.

172. #hwet se# &c., whatever be the case when hardships are concerned, I
am not at all afraid of prosperity. For this use of _of_, comp. ‘Hwen
þus is of þe riche . hwat wenes tu of the poure,’ HM 9/16. Morris
translates, ‘Whatever may be of hardships I dread’; which involves an
impossible ellipsis and the mistake of making ‘of heardes’ partitive
depending on ‘hwet.’ In this text that would require ‘heardes’ without
the preposition: comp. 122/163, 183.

173. ne of licomliche estes R.

176. #schad# is usually followed by of, as at 130/81, but Orm 6228, 9
has ‘bitwenen.’ Comp. ‘scadwisnesse,’ 92/121; ‘ȝescod,’ 14/74.

178. #fallinde#, perishing: B-T quotes ‘Ðis lif is lǽnlic and
feallende,’ Thorpe, Anc. Laws, ii. 400/16.

179. #þurh unweotenesse#, if she sins, it will not be for lack of
knowledge. Comp. ‘I þine soule, oðer two--sunne ⁊ ignorance[;] þet is,
unwisdom ⁊ unwitenesse,’ AR 278/6.

180. After #nis# T adds ha. #siker of#, free from anxiety about; as
‘sikernesse’ in l. 188 is confidence. #as þeo þe# &c., as being one who
thinks herself weak, like Lat. quippe quae: comp. 128/1.

181. #⁊#: so T, but R has correctly to, in.

182. #onont#, as regards, so far as she herself is concerned: Lat.
quoad. #etstonden wið#: see 121/158. #turnes#, cunning devices: comp.
‘aȝein þes deofles turnes ⁊ his fondunges,’ AR 78/27. #deð--wise#: comp.
‘þenne doþ we as þe wise,’ OEM 79/228.

185. #deð#: this superfluous use of do is common in AR. ‘ne seið hit
nout ꝥ heo biheold wepmen; auh deð wummen,’ 54/19; ‘Auh þe treowe ancren
þet we efneð to briddes[;] nout we þauh[;] auh deð God,’ 130/30, and
often. Comp. 85/105: different is ‘do’ used to avoid the repetition of a
verb as at 49/304, 86/141. #to donne#: see 118/45.

187. T omits halden.

189. T has the better reading, to do riht ⁊ riht for to deme{n}, which
is supported by 122/197: R to don riht ant riht fon ⁊ demen; ‘fon riht’
is a strange expression, which may mean to exact justice at the hands of
others. #ich deme# &c.: Morris translates, ‘and I deem myself so that I,
through myself, may do it (sin) not.’ The meaning is, My duty is to
behave justly and to judge justly, and, in my own case, I judge that I
do not perform that duty by my own unaided powers.

190: ‘Omne datum optimum et omne donum perfectum desursum est,
descendens a Patre luminum,’ S. Jas. i. 17.

191. #Nu . . . þenne#: see 60/8.

192. #werien . . . witen#: see 118/50. #halden#: habbe{n} T.

193. #demen# &c., to have a poor and humble opinion of ourselves. Comp.
‘leoten ham lahe ⁊ eðeliche,’ HM 43/29. #Ne beo--swucche#, even if we be
not at all such, belongs to the preceding sentence.

199. #of#, in respect to; it comes near in meaning to, in spite of these
merits. OE. #fordēman# is constructed with for, #dēman# with be, ymbe.

200. #him ane# is definitive qualifying god: comp. ‘he him ane is to
herien,’ 130/75.

201. #þonkeð . . . of#, thank on account of, for: comp. ‘Gode ðanciað
mid godum weorcum his gifa,’ Cura Past. 318/3; ‘þet þu luuie þine
drihten . . . ⁊ him þonkien alles þinges,’ OEH i. 39/25; but ‘þonkien
hit ure drihten,’ id. 5/29.

203. #on helpe#, as a help: comp. 123/226. #wite# &c.: see 118/50.

206. #dreaien#: see 74/233: dreien R, drahen T. #treowliliche# is a
scribe’s mistake for treowliche, as in R, treweliche T.

207. #Vmben#: not ‘for,’ Morris, but After. On the other hand, ‘umbe
stunde,’ AR 344/27, means, at times; ‘eauer umbe stunde,’ HM 33/30, at
all times.

209. #freolich#, goodly, charming, properly, of gentle upbringing: for
the combination with #feier#, comp. 129/23, 138/22. ‘Alius nuntius venit
pulcher et hilaris, qui videtur afferre bona,’ V 208 _c_. #aturnet#,
attired: see 68/146.

210. #ꝥ--neod#, we should have much need of that: the construction in
this expression is _dat._ of the person needing, _nom._ of the thing
needed, as in ‘Muchel is us þenne neod . . . sod scrift,’ OEH i. 11/1;
‘Þu seist þet te nis no neod medicine,’ AR 178/15; ‘Þe holie man is ned
ꝥ he [bie] festned on his holinesse,’ OEH ii. 57/31: see also 62/24.

211. #mid alle#, utterly: the phrase translates L. penitus in SK 658.

214. #ilihtet#, alleviated, freed from depression: comp. ‘þet ich beo
ilihted of hore heuinesse,’ AR 356/5. #ham þuncheð# is parenthetic.

215. #schimmeð#, shines: a form found also in SJ, SM: schimereð T.

217. #lustnin#: T has lustin ꝥ helde{n} us swa stille hwil fearlac us
agrette, which corresponds to ‘Si nos, dum timor et memoria mortis
loqueretur, tacuimus, iustum est ut te loquente multo magis taceamus,’ V
208 _c_.

219. #munegunge#: see 119/62. #liues luue#: ‘desiderium vitae aeternae’;
comp. ‘ꝥ he hire liues luue luueliche leareð,’ HM 3/11.

220. #ꝥ#, in which, where.

222. #drupnin#, to be dejected: a Scand. word; see Björkman 177, 208,
durcnin, the reading of R, is for drucnin, a variant of the other: comp.
‘⁊ dearede al adeadet, | druicninde ⁊ dreori,’ SK 2020. See Minot, i. 9

224. #fondin ⁊ ifinden#, experience and discover.

229. #ȝe iseoð#: ȝoi isoð T.

230. #alswa#: R omits. #aȝein#, in comparison with: comp. 124/246, 264;
‘euerich worldes sauur is bitter þer aȝeines,’ AR 102/26, id. 112/10. In
l. 232 it means toward, in the direction of (from the place opposite):
comp. ‘Ben ðese hangen ðe sunne agen,’ GE 4075.

231. #sunne--schadewe#: comp. ‘te sunne were dosk ȝif hit to þi blisfule
bleo mihte beo euenet,’ OEH i. 269/26 (Wohunge); ‘Iesu al feir . aȝein
hwam þe sunne nis buten ase a scheadewe,’ id. 200/9; HM 39/32; AR 100/4.

233. #schawere#, mirror; OE. #scēawere#. T has scheawere, R schadewe.
The idea was possibly suggested by ‘per speculum in aenigmate,’ 1 Cor.
xiii. 12. Comp. ‘Ȝe schulen, ase ine scheauware, iseon ure Lefdi mid
hire meidenes,’ AR 92/26.

235. #an#, one; not ‘and,’ Morris: the expression translates individua

236. #summes weis#: see 121/162.

237. #blisful#: wunderful R.

238. #rixleð#: the absence of a connecting word is perhaps due to the
original Latin: ‘Aliquantisper tamen intuitus sum Dominum Iesum Christum
in dextera patris sedentem, in aeterna vita regnantem, quamvis super
omnem creaturam adeo speciosum, ut in eum desiderent Angeli prospicere,
ad haec (? adhuc) tamen vulnera passionis, quibus nos redemit, in
corpore suo habentem, patri pro nobis assistentem,’ V 208 _d_.

239. #ful . . . to bihalden#, sated with gazing: a peculiar use of the,
historically, dative infinitive as a genitive: comp. ‘sead . . . to
iseonne,’ 133/30; ‘upo hwas nebschaft þe engles ne beoð neauer fulle to
bihalden,’ HM 39/32: NED quotes under date 1607, ‘full to provide,’
fully occupied in providing. Sometimes ‘of’ is added, as 52/388; ‘Hit
bieð sume þat non imeðe ne cunnen of hem seluen to feden,’ VV 139/23. In
OE. the dat. inf. is often used to translate the Latin gerundive in the
genitive, as ‘swa mycel getydnes ⁊ gelærednes to sprecanne’ = ‘tanta
dicendi peritia,’ Bede, ed. Miller, 362/27. For #ich iseh# R has is, T

240. #etscene#: eðsene R, edscene T.

243. #heouenliche#, heavenly ones: T adds weoredes: comp. l. 251. ‘super
omnes ordines beatorum Angelorum . . . exaltatam,’ V.

244. #in#, on.

245. #istirret#: isterret T. #weoleful#: meinful R, powerful.

246. #þear ich iseh as#, I saw where: usually the words are not
separated: comp. 127/342; ‘he is ase buruh wiðuten wal, þer ase uerd mei
in oueral,’ AR 74/6: so ‘þider as,’ whither, 126/334. For ase, where,
comp. 125/272, ‘ine Jerusalem, ase he wunede,’ AR 172/2.

248. #þa#, when. R has after mahte, na mare of hire iþolien; T reads,
mihte of hire na le{n}gre þolie{n}.

249. #biseh to#, looked upon, beheld: comp. 3/45; ‘Ða biseh ure drihte
mildeliche to hire penitence,’ OEH ii. 145/9, and the similar ‘belocest
to,’ 13/36; ‘hwa bihalt to þeo þet beoð of lowe liue,’ AR 276/26; ‘iseh
towart’ = intuitus sum 124/254; ‘on to biseonne,’ 136/137. But ‘to . . .
bisihð’ 134/81 means, looks up to, like ‘hwon ȝe habbeð touward me eien
oðer honden,’ AR 76/16: ‘biseon to’ 136/134, look after, provide for, as
in ‘Bisih to me lauedi briȝt, | Hwenne ich schal wende heonne,’ OEM
160/18. T omits ⁊--archangles, probably taking ‘þe oðre þe beoð buuen
ham’ to mean the archangels. The Latin is, ‘Sed hanc admirabilem
claritatem matris et filii diu ferre non sustinens, converti aspectum
meum ad illos beatorum spirituum ordines, qui ante Deum assistunt.’
Probably the author meant by ‘þe oðre’ the four and twenty elders and
the four beasts in perpetual adoration about the throne (Rev. iv. 4-11).

251. #unwergeð#: unwerched T. #Nihe wordes#: see 16/138: T has woredes,
R ord`r´es, corrected out of wordes.

253. #onsihðe#: see 64/55.

255-8: ‘miro exultantes gaudio, qui eam quam olim a longe salutaverant
patriam obtinent, qui ea quae in spiritu praeviderant completa
conspiciunt,’ V 209 _a_. See Heb. xi. 13. #ꝥ#, because.

256. For #igret#, greeted, OE. #gegrētan#, R has igreiðet, prepared.

259. #poure#: ‘de pauperibus et de infirmis tam gloriosos tamque
sublimes factos,’ V. T of poure, R `ꝥ´ poure `weren´; omitting on eorðe.
#bigoten#, drenched, perfused: comp. ‘Eall ic wæs mid blode bestemed |
begoten of þæs Guman sidan,’ Dream of the Rood, 48; ‘ꝥ ha al were
bigoten of þe blode,’ SJ 27/6.

261. #alle cunnes ledenes#: RT have the usual alles: the MS. has alleṣ,
where the dot may be only a casual resting of the pen: see 81/80, and
comp. l. 264.

264. #talden to#, esteemed: for ‘to’ T has of, which is the usual
construction, comp. 164/256, ‘telleð lutel þerof,’ AR 200/12, but ‘to’
at 129/30; ‘tellest herto lutel,’ AR 100/20. #aȝeines#: see 123/230.

266. #haliche#: read haliliche with RT.

267: ‘fulgent quasi stellae in perpetuas aeternitates,’ V 209 _b_, from
Daniel xii. 3. #wlite#: ‘Regem in decore suo vident,’ V from Isa.
xxxiii. 17. The writer omits any reference to monks, to whom the last
clause of this sentence, ‘ꝥ--ehnen’ (Rev. vii. 17), is applied in the
Latin. It is significant that he greatly expands the passage which
describes the maidens; which should be compared with AS. Hom., ed.
Assmann, 42/460-72 (Ælfric, de Virginitate), HM 19/9-15.

269. #ferreden#: comp. ‘i þe feire ferreden | of uirgines in heouene,’
SK 2309. #ilikest towart engles#: so, ‘þu ofearnest meiden to beo engle
euening iþe heȝe blisse of heuene,’ HM 13/5; ‘to singen wið engles hwas
felahes ha beoð,’ id. 19/8, 21/31.

270. #feolohlukest#, best fitted as associates and equals to rejoice and
be glad with them. An isolated superlative of felaȝlich: comp.
‘wunderlukest,’ 34/88; ‘wurðlukest,’ L 25496. The comparative adv. is
more common: ‘dimluker,’ 56/43, ‘creftluker,’ 131/88, ‘greatluker,’
70/157, ‘monluker,’ 66/110, ‘oðerluker,’ 38/149, 86/135, ‘witerluker,’
125/285: in AR ‘ȝeorneluker,’ ‘gledluker,’ ‘wisluker,’ ‘uestluker,’
234/5, 7, 8, 9; ‘wunderluker,’ OEH i. 93/28. For #u# in these forms see
Bülbring, §§ 420, 421. #ouergað#: see 22/143.

271. #flesches lahe#, desires of the flesh: #lahe# is custom, habit; its
use was perhaps suggested by ‘Video autem aliam legem in membris meis
. . . captivantem me in lege peccati,’ Rom. vii. 23. #cunde#, natural
propensities: comp. 160/209; ‘heald þin cunde,’ follow nature, OEH ii.

272. #as#, where: comp. 124/246. There should be a full stop at wunieð,
as in RT.

274. R omits þe--singen. The arrangement in T shows how the mistake
arose from the similar endings of two lines:

  na tu{n}ge telle{n}. Alle ha singeð
  ꝥ ter beoð. Ah hare song ne
  mahe nane bute{n} heo singen
  Se swote smal ham folheð hwi.

#hare song#: ‘Nam cantabant canticum, quod nemo alius poterat dicere,’ V
209 _c_, from Rev. xiv. 3 (altered).

275. #smeal#: smel R, smal T. ‘Sed odor in regione earum tam suavis
erat, ut omnia aromatum genera exuperet,’ V.

277. #aȝein# &c., to receive their petitions. #ꝥ alle# &c.: ꝥ alle þe
oðer `he´ walden sitti{n}de ihereð R, ꝥ alle þoðre halhen sittinde hi{m}
hereð T.

279. #Ah nu# &c.: ‘De singulis beatorum Ordinibus mira disseris,
quaesumus ut quae sit eorum in communi actio edicas,’ V 209 _d_. The
stop should come not after setnesse, but after sunderlepes, as in T; R
puts it after sumhwet, which is tolerable. #setnesse#, OE. #setness#,
properly ordinance, arrangement, is here by extension, order, class: R
has the isolated tosetnesse, corresponding to an OE. *#tō-setness#,
division into classes, which is probably the original word. The sense
is, Well, thou hast now spoken so admirably about each class of the
blessed severally, tell us somewhat as to what bliss is common to all
alike. W explains #setnesse# as = swetnesse.

282. #lengðe#: ‘Vivunt, sapiunt, amant, gaudent, laudant, veloces sunt,
securi sunt,’ V 209 _d_.

283. In T #murie# by punctuation goes with ‘loft song,’ which is OE.
#lof-song#, Lauds, hymns of praise; see 126/318.

287-330. The messenger proceeds to explain the nature of the seven
blisses. The scribe marks off each section with a special capital, but
has omitted one at ‘her,’ 126/317.

287. #brihtre#: comp. ‘seouesiðe schenre þen þe sunne,’ HM 41/2; AR
100/4; SK 1665; SM 23/13; a phrase of this group. See Ælf. Lives, i.

288. #buten--swinc#: ‘current et non laborabunt,’ Isa. xl. 31.

289. #in a steal#, in one station, condition: contrasted with man’s
state on earth, ‘numquam in eodem statu permanet,’ Job xiv. 2, ‘never
continueth in one stay.’ R has stel.

290. #wið ute wonunge#: ‘sine diminutione.’

291. #hare lif# &c.: ‘Vita eorum visio et cognitio beatae Trinitatis,’
V, quoting further S. John xvii. 3. R adds ‘in’ after #is#.

295. #nebbe to nebbe#: ‘tunc autem facie ad faciem,’ 1 Cor. xiii. 12.
Comp. ‘secheð earst upon hire nebbe to nebbe,’ HM 17/7; ‘cristes wille
bo us bitwon. | neb wið neb for him to son,’ OEH i. 61/109. #wise# &c.:
‘Sapiunt consilia atque iudicia Dei, quae sunt abyssus multa,’ V 209
_e_; partly from Ps. xxxv. 7.

296. R has godes runes ant his reades ꝥ. Comp. 1/5; ‘Godes derne runes ⁊
his derne domes,’ AR 96/3; ‘his derne runes ⁊ his heouenliche priuitez,’
id. 154/2; ‘þe deopschipe ⁊ te derne run,’ SK 1333.

297. #sea dingle# answers to ‘abyssus’: #dingle# is not otherwise known
till the seventeenth century: see NED _s.v._ #ha seoð# &c.: so, ‘Alle
þeo ine heouene iseoð ine God alle þing,’ AR 96/1.

298. #hwi ⁊ hwerto#: ‘Sapiunt causas et naturas et origines omnium
rerum,’ V. R omits.

300. #bi ham idon#, acted towards them, dealt with them: comp. 80/58. R
omits ham.

301. #deorewurðe#: muchele R. #milce# is _dat._, #hwet# _acc._ after
ȝelden. R omits ase muchel.

302. R omits al, se muchel is not in RT and is not original: the
correlatives are ‘Se gleade’ . . . ‘ꝥ ne mei.’

303. #munne#: comp. ‘⁊ monie ma murhðen | þen alle men mahten | wið hare
muð munnen | ⁊ tellen wið tungen,’ SK 1697-1700, and 119/85.

304. #Euchan--ahne#: comp. ‘ylc blissæþ on oðres gode ⁊ on oðres murhðe,
swá on his aȝene,’ Twelfth Cent. Hom. 120/11; AR 282/14-17.

306. #ase--alle#, as many gladnesses as all the saints in heaven are
many: ‘tot gaudia habent quot socios,’ V. R omits alle.

308. #hwen#, since.

310. #of#: see 110/272. #wið uten ei etlunge#, beyond all estimate:
comp. ‘wiðuten eni etlunge,’ HM 39/35. eilung{e} R, a scribe’s error.

311. #Neomeð# &c. The Latin of this passage is clear enough: ‘Si ergo
cor uniuscuiusque vix capit suum gaudium, quomodo capit tot et tanta
gaudia? Ideo dicitur, _Intra in gaudium Domini tui_: non intret gaudium
Domini tui in te, quia capi non posset,’ V 209 _b_. If _hu_ be read for
#ꝥ# in l. 313, it gives a similar turn of expression and sense. As the
text stands, it means, Now then note that, even if the heart of any one
man can never find room for its own joy taken separately (so great
beyond measure is the bliss of the individual) yet it does receive into
itself so many and great joys [of others]. That is the meaning of our
Lord’s saying, ‘Enter into the joy of thy Lord’ (S. Matt. xxv. 21). You
must enter into the joy, it does not enter into you, for you cannot take
it in. Such verbal ingenuity is common in scriptural interpretation at
this period. #nu þenne#, now, that being so; see 60/8 note.

312. #iseide#, meant, taken: for this use of seggen, see 56/46. T omits,
B is defective here.

313. #þe#: #þen# R, te T. ꝥ would in a modern sentence come after
‘ȝeme,’ l. 311.

316. #blisse#: hus R. #bigotten#: see 124/259: biȝeoten R, biȝoten T.

317. #neomen#: in the absolute use of betake itself, proceed: see
213/539: #in# is a mere repetition of the preceding ‘in’: comp. 143/67
note. #her of# begins the expansion of ‘laudant’: it does not refer to
what precedes, but means, for the reason given in the following verse,
‘Beati qui habitant in domo tua, Domine; in saecula saeculorum laudabunt
te,’ Ps. lxxxiii. 5.

318. #lusti#, finding pleasure: ‘sine fastidio.’ #songes#: read song{e},
as in R.

321. Comp. ‘Alle þeo ine heouene schulen beon ase swifte ase is nu
monnes þouht, ⁊ ase is þe sunne gleam, þet smit from east into þe west,
ant ase þe eie openeð ⁊ tuneð[;] . . . tet bodi schal beon hwar so euer
þe gost wule in one hondhwule,’ AR 94/21.

322. #tuneð# &c.: ‘In momento, in ictu oculi,’ 1 Cor. xv. 52: ‘as tu
turnest þin hond,’ HM 25/12.

324. #etstonden#: see 121/158.

325. #ȝe#: Ȝea T. #makie to cwakien#: for the dat. inf. of purpose,
comp. 128/370; ‘he wæs . . . geneded to onfonne þa ðegnunge
biscophades,’ Bede, 368/17. The construction has its equivalent in an
object clause, as ‘makeð ham ꝥ ha beoð,’ 131/101.

327. The writer has neglected the translation of ‘de tali velocitate’
after blisse. #ꝥ hit# &c.: ‘quod nullum finem, nullam diminutionem,
nullum detrimentum habebunt,’ V 209 _b_. #me# is miswritten for mei;
mai T.

329. #nower neh#, nowhere near, falling far short of the reality; a
phrase of this group, comp. ‘Nis hit nower neh gold al ꝥ ter schineð,’
HM 9/15; ‘ne schaltu nower neh | se lihtliche etsterten,’ SK 2094. R
reads, Ah nower neh ne neh al[;] ne ꝥ ich iseh . ne ne con ich al
tellen: T, Ah nower neh ne seh ich al . ne þat ȝet ꝥ ich seh ne con ich
half tellen. Both are quite intelligible, R is nearest the original. W
emends, ah nowðer ne seh ich al, | ne þ{et} ȝet þ{et} ich iseh | ne con
ich half tellen. The Latin is, ‘Neque enim ut vidi dicere, neque ut sunt
videre potui.’ #ȝet#, even.

331. #efter þi sihðe#, in accordance with what you saw: ‘vera vidisse,
vera narrasse te intelligimus,’ V 209 _c_.

332. #bisið him#, takes heed to himself.

333. #towart#: see 121/161.

334. #þider as#, to the place where: see 124/246. þider þer T.

335. #an#, for ant: ⁊ RT. #blisse . . . bale#; comp. ‘in blisse buten
euch bale,’ SK 1755; ‘my blysse, my bale ȝe han ben boþe,’ E. E. Allit.
Poems, 12/373. R has wið uten balesið.

336. #folhin#, to follow after, or to practise, does not suit the
context; but fonden T, to experience, gives a good sense and a
characteristic combination: see 123/224. R has folhen an finden. #hwet#
&c.: ‘Quis ergo nos separabit a charitate Christi? . . . Certus sum enim
quia neque mors neque vita . . . poterit nos separare a charitate Dei,’
Rom. viii. 35, 38, 39.

337. #halden us þeonne#, keep us away from him: comp. ‘halde we us from
uniwil,’ OEH i. 69/264. #þeonne#, not ‘then,’ but thence, therefrom:
contracted from þeonene, OE. #þanone#: usually meaning from that place
and seldom applied to a person as here.

339. #haueð#: the subject is _he_ contained in the preceding ‘his.’
#tresures#: a mistake for tresurers: tresorers T: possibly the earliest
instance of its use.

340. #under his wengen#, i. e. if we have his protection: from ‘protegar
in velamento alarum tuarum,’ Ps. lx. 5: similar expressions in Pss. lvi.
2, lxii. 8, xc. 4.

341. #warschipe#: T has rihtwisnesse, with the Latin, where Justitia
pronounces judgement (comp. l. 350) and Fortitudo executes it (l. 343),
while Temperantia says what is translated in ll. 349-52.

342. #þer as#, where: see 124/246. #murðes#: murhðes T.

343. #nu ut quod strenðe# is omitted by T.

344. #ende#: see 96/34. Nu nu q{uoð} fearlaic . T.

345. #lessere# &c., inferior in importance to that of mirth’s messenger;
so Morris, taking sondes as _s. gen._ balancing ‘mi’ after þen. T has

346. #unbihefre#: see 91/108. #licwurðe ne icweme#: comp. ‘Hesteres bone
þe cwene was þe kinge Assuer licwurðe ⁊ icweme,’ AR 146/7, 120/25,

347. #ow#: T adds q{uo}ð meað.

349. #þah# with #nu#, nevertheless at this time, on this occasion. T
has, flutte nu þah fearlac.

351. ‘Forsitan tu admitteris si Desiderium vitae aeternae aliquando
loqui cessaverit,’ V 209 _d_.

352. #stutteð#, ceases: a word characteristic of the group: comp. ‘þa ne
cuðen ha neauer stutten hare cleappe,’ AR 72/14 (Corpus MS.); ‘Stute nu
þenne ⁊ stew þe, | ⁊ stille þine wordes,’ SK 1529; ‘Wið þis ꝥ ha stutte
stoden þe cwelleres,’ SJ 64/12; ‘stute nu ant stew þine unwittie
wordes,’ SM 6/2: it is mostly used of cutting short a discourse: cognate
with Du. stuiten (Franck), G. stutzen.

353. #ituht efter#, disciplined in conformity with: similarly #don
efter#, l. 355, to behave in subservience to: comp. 106/197.

355. T has, se ful itohen ⁊ don al as ha{m} luste ase wil hare lafdi ⁊
nawt ase wit ham tuhte[;] lustneð &c.

356. #fondeð# &c., each one, owing to those two messages which they have
heard, and (owing to) that which the four sisters have taught in
addition, ever strives, in discharge of his office, to keep his watch
and to guard faithfully against the entrance of each vice.

357. #þurh#: R has the contraction þ with oblique stroke through the
lower part of the staff here and at 128/371, not ꝥ. #ꝥ fowr#: to fowr R.

358. #for#, against, with ‘witene’ and ‘warden.’ #warde# &c.: comp.

359. #ant--treowliche#: T omits.

360. #ofte# &c.: see 32/47.

361. #þe islep#: ꝥ iþe slep of ȝemles T. For #ȝemeles# comp. 54/10, 17.
#hire#: his T. ‘Sic debet quisque torporem suum excutere,’ V 209 _d_.

362. #efter þeos#: aft{er} þe tidings of þe T. #biseon to#, gaze up to:
comp. 124/249: with _on_, 120/122. Here V ends.

364. T reads his hinen. #efter#, in accordance with that which: after
þat his wil T.

365. #ꝥ is#: þe wise T. #tuhten ⁊ teachen#: comp. 47/272: in Specimens
connected with ‘wule,’ ‘as Wit . . . will discipline and instruct’; by
Morris made to depend on ‘husebonde,’ both wrongly. They depend on #ah#,
l. 360, which governs the whole series of infinitives ‘te þenchen,’
‘awecchen,’ ‘biseon,’ ‘To habben,’ ‘leaden,’ ‘tuhten ⁊ teachen,’
‘witen,’ l. 368: one ought to train and teach (himself and his servants,
l. 363) that Wit should always go before.

366. #teache#: T has the correct reading, drahe. #dihteð ⁊ demeð#,
arranges and decrees to be done. The combination is uncommon, but comp.
‘al ich wule dihten | þe domen of mi kinedom,’ SK 1460 (MS. Titus); ‘he
dihte feole domes,’ L 7221.

367. #þer fore#: not in T; it is a blundering anticipation of the two
words following.

370. #te fleon#: see 126/325. #ontent#, inflames: comp. 70/168; ‘þe hali
gast | þe, in furene tungen, | ontende þe apostles,’ SK 1402; ‘Ontend me
wiþ þe blase of þi leitinde loue,’ OEH i. 185/6. T has ontende{n}.

372. #feder# &c.: fader ⁊ te hali gast an godd i þrehad rixleð ai bute
ende T. #ant e sune# is a strange mistake: comp. 88/190.

374 ff. are not in T. #iohan# is the copyist: comp. 74/237, 75/209; ‘Ant
he ꝥ her least on wrat swa as he cuðe,’ SJ 79/18. He may have been the
author of the doggerel which follows.

377. #swa#, accordingly, i.e. by reading it.

381. #ꝥ lif#, such a life.

384. #Þet# means that, in conjunction with 381, so that, with 382. Johan
was a good scribe, and a poor poet.


  1/3 (note) = I. A (Worcester Fragments)
  7/52 (note) = III. (The Peterborough Chronicle)
  13/34 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  46/273, 46/292, 48/299 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  60/8 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  66/120, 72/179, 74/229 (notes) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  118/40 (note) = XVI. (Sawles Warde)
  p. 269 = V. (A Parable)
  p. 288 = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) Phonology, under “ea”.
  p. 355, 357-62 = IX. (Ancrene Wisse) under Manuscripts.
  “described on p. 373” = same, under Dialect
  “mentioned on p. 373” = same, under Style
  p. 450 = XIV. (Layamon)


  #Sources:# ... ‘Et qui veniunt cum illa?’  [illa.]
  #Phonology:# (1) =of B.=
    [_=of B.= misprinted as plain (not spaced)_]
  greot 93 for grot RT (#grot#, particle)  [R. T.]
  #ea# before #r# ... schulde 158 (R{1} has scylde _subj._),
    [_comma missing_]
  #a# + #g# ... (R{1} has #frægnast#, Li, #fregna#)
    [_reference “Li” unexplained: Lindisfarne glosses?_]
  tintreohen 264 with eo, _å_-umlaut of #e#
    [_#e# misprinted as plain (non-bold)_]
  ... The stop #c# is usually _k_ before _e_, _i_,
    [_“e” and “i” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
  Sweet, Oldest E. Texts, p. 149  [OE. Texts]
  #Dialect:# ... its _u_-, _å_-umlauts;
    [_“u” and “å” misprinted as plain (non-italic)_]
  8. #hire# ...
    [_all punctuation in this paragraph printed as shown_]
  ... the embodiment of the latter  [later]
  28. #forte breoke . . . abuten#:  [#... abuten#;]
  73. ... ibreuet in R is pp. of *breuen,  [* breuen,]
  116. ... tam immanissimum hostem  [immannissimum]
  157. ... T reads eðeliche ⁊ wake · vnwearnede
    [_anomalous mid-dot unchanged_]
  331. ... vera vidisse, vera narrasse  [narasse]


#Manuscripts:# As for Sawles Warde. The text of this extract is from the
Royal MS.

#Editions:# Morton, James, The Legend of St. Katherine of Alexandria,
Abbotsford Club, London, 1841 (text from MS. Titus D 18, with variants
from the Royal MS.). Hardwick, Charles, An Historical Inquiry touching
Saint Catharine of Alexandria: to which is added a Semi-Saxon Legend,
Cambridge, 1849 (text from MS. Titus). Einenkel, Eugen, The Life of
Saint Katherine, London 1884 (text based on the Royal MS. with readings
of all the manuscripts, the Latin original and an English translation):
also as Appendix to The Life and Martyrdom of Saint Katherine of
Alexandria, Roxburghe Club, 1884.

#Literature:# (1) =Of the present version.= Einenkel, E. (see p. 493/7);
*Stodte, H. (see p. 493/9); Victor, Otto, Zur Textkritik und Metrik der
frühmittelenglischen Katharinenlegende, Bonn, 1912; Luick, Karl, Anglia,
Beiblatt, xxiii. 226-35 (review of Victor’s dissertation); Bartels, L.
(see p. 450/23). (2) =Of the Legend in general.= Knust, H., Geschichte
der Legenden der h. Katharina von Alexandrien und der h. Maria
Aegyptiaca, Halle, 1890; Varnhagen, H., Zur Geschichte der Legende der
Katharina von Alexandrien, Erlangen, 1891; id., Zur Geschichte der
Legende der Katharina von Alexandrien, Erlangen, 1901.

#Source:# The most widely spread of the Latin lives of the Saint, called
by Varnhagen the Vulgata, and printed opposite the English text by
Einenkel. Varnhagen’s tract dated 1891 gives a good account of all the
Latin versions and their sources.

#Phonology:# This is of the same type as that of MS. A of the Ancrene
Wisse and of MSS. B, R of Sawles Warde. Noteworthy are cang 88 with _a_
for #a# before a lengthening group, and therefore a loan-word; wastum 24
with _a_ for #æ# after #w#; icuret 25 participle of ME. curen,
derivative of #cyre#; dale 33 from #dāl#, not #dǣl#; medschipe 79
(#gemǣdd# pp.); teeð 64 with doubled vowel for length; roðeren 21
(reoderen B) from #hrȳðer# through ruðeren L 8106 (roþere O); awariede
48, 82, wariet 67 without _i_-umlaut of #ea#; horte 38 French writing
for heorte; steðeluest 24 _u_-umlaut of #a#; woorld 97 probably
miswritten for weorld (weorlde B); hersumin 49 representing
*#hēarsumian# without umlaut; storede 4 French writing for steorede from
#stēoran# without umlaut; scheop 73, 80, 103 (#scēop#). Dreien 12 is
#dragan# with _å_-umlaut of #a#; for plohen 36 see 360/19; slaht 67 is
Anglian #slæht#; seheliche represents *#gesegenlic#, Li has geseen;
rewfule 55 has _ew_ from #ēow#. A glide _e_ is added in halewunde 78,
ludere 69; _e_ is lost in ȝeinde 54, wettres 93; #e# is _u_ in halewunde
78 (#hālwende#) through an intermediate _i_; #o# is _u_ in þrittuðe 15.
In ȝurinde 54 #r# has been lost, #d# is _t_ in wurðmunt 73 (wurðmund T);
_ð_ in cweðen 45 is from the singular; _ð_ is lost in wurgin 19, wurgið
93 (wurðgin B, ME. derivative of #wierðig#); _ȝ_ is written for #g# in
ȝeinen 60 (OWScand. gegna); initial #h# is lost in lowinge, ludinge 48,
remes 55.

#Accidence:# This has been sufficiently described in the texts mentioned
above. Noteworthy is heoren 85, perhaps the earliest instance of the
form with _n_ added from min, þin.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are bule 21, crokes 43 with its derivative
crokinde 87, euene 20, ȝeinen 60 (keinen T), (god)lec 98, 101, hap 62,
keisere 60, lates 35, menske 45, witer(liche) 96: possibly hird 53,
ȝeinde 54. French are lay 55, mawmez 21, mawmetes 48: possibly cang 88,
crauant 45.

#Dialect:# As for Sawles Warde.

#Style:# What has been said about the arrangement of Sawles Warde in
Layamonic verse applies to Einenkel’s distribution of SK in Otfridic
verse, which Trautmann, the discoverer of Otfrid’s verse in England,
afterwards recognized as Layamon’s. It produces such strange divisions
as, ‘þet an engel ne com | lihtinde, with swuch | leome, from heouene,’
666-8; ‘He haueð iweddet him to | mi meiðhad mit te ring,’ 1507, 8; ‘to
habben ant to halden þe | cwic, þen to acwellen þe,’ 1867, 8; ‘ant heo
duden; drohen hire | wið uten þe burhȝetes,’ 2173, 4, and such rhythms
as, ‘hwet he warpe a word aȝein ow,’ 643; ‘for hwas nome ich
underneome,’ 765; ‘ant kénest of ow álle óf þe créft,’ 814; ‘ant cweðe
ham al sker up,’ 867, with many others. There is a parallel to SK in the
OHG. Himmel und Hölle printed as verse in MSD i. 67. It is described by
Einenkel (p. xxi) as ‘a poem which, curiously enough, is in its unrhymed
form unique in O.H.G., and forms the only perfect analogy to our three
legends and to numerous other Old and Middle English poems of the same
class,’ while Steinmeyer (MSD ii. 162) is of opinion that to treat it as
verse and so create an unique rhymeless poem in the earliest German
literature is a very doubtful proceeding.

#Introduction:# This is the first version of the Legend extant in
English. It was followed by six other redactions in Middle English, all
in verse: they are enumerated and traced to their originals in
Varnhagen’s tract of 1901.

1. #Maxence#: a mistake of the Latin original and of its source, Simeon
Metaphrastes, for Maximinus, as correctly given in the Menologium
Basilianum (Hardwick, p. 11). Galerius Valerius Maximinus was raised to
the rank of Caesar by his uncle, the Emperor Galerius, and made governor
of Syria and Egypt in 303 A.D. He died in 313. See 138/16. #as#, as
being: comp. 122/180, 131/103, 139/15, 141/49, 142/57, 145/105, 108.

2. #hehest i rome#: comp. 140/32.

3. #þurh#: the usual prep. is _bi_, as ‘ðe ferden al bi fendes red,’ GE
2921: ‘be his witena ræde,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 106/591. #hwiles#: hwile BT,
which is grammatically correct; but comp. ‘umbehwiles,’ l. 5 (where BT
have again hwile); ‘sumehwiles,’ AR 272/28; ‘oðer hwiles,’ HM 33/31.

4. #refschipe#: comp. 143/71.

5. #comen#: subject _hi_, contained in preceding ‘him’: see 6/18.
Similarly #warð#, l. 10.

7. #walde#: for omission of gan, see 2/2.

9. #of him siker#, secure so far as he was concerned, fearing no danger
from him. #of his cume#: comp. 94/24.

10. #lei into#, appertained to, was subject to; comp. 143/72: a charter
expression: B-T quotes ‘ælc ðara landa ðe on mines fæder dæge læg into
Cristes cyrcean,’ Kemble, iv. 232/8: in modern dialect it means, to
border on.

11. #wedwulf#: ‘repentina rabie incitatus’: comp. ‘þe þurs Maxence, | þe
wed wulf, þe heaðene hund,’ SK 1858.

14. #Oleast#, at last, as a final resort: the prefix is _on_: comp. ‘a
last,’ Castel off Loue, 457, AR 18/15.

15. #tintreo#: comp. 144/98, 145/119. tintreohen B, tintrohen T. The
first form which occurs five times in R corresponds to OE. #tintrego#,
pl. of #tintreg#: the others to #tintregan#, pl. of #tintrega#.

16. #okine seotle#: comp. ‘set in kineseotle,’ SK 722.

18. #iþe tun# does not mean ‘in the town,’ Morton, but, in the court,
the enclosure in which the temple was built. The Latin is ‘ad templum
deorum suorum.’

20. #bi his euene#, according to his ability, means: ‘iuxta
possibilitatem suam’; comp. ‘efter hire efne,’ AR 126/31; ‘mys motinde
men alle by here euene,’ Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 110/38. OWScand. efni:
Einenkel points out that it has taken the place of OE. #hæfen#, as in
‘Be his agene hæfene,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 582/28. #to wurgen#:
wur`d´gede B.

21. #mahte#: so B; mihte T.

22. Add full stop after briddes.

23. #ȝung of ȝeres#: comp. 139/23; ‘ȝung of ȝeres ase he was,’ AR
158/17; ‘ȝunglich of ȝeres,’ SK 545. #twa wone of twenti#: ‘duo de
viginti’: see 52/368 and comp. ‘Abraham on wane of an hundred told,’ GE
1028. #feier ⁊ freolich#: comp. 123/209, 138/22. #o wlite# &c.: comp.
‘schan al of wlite ant of wastum,’ SM 2/34: similarly, ‘O schene
nebschaft | ⁊ schape se swiðe semlich,’ SK 1446.

24. #steðeluest# goes closely with ‘of treowe bileaue’; not ‘steadfast
within, of true faith,’ Morton: comp. ‘stalewarde ⁊ kene ine treowe
bileaue,’ AR 272/6. OE. #staþol-fæst# usually takes _on_, like ‘a þanke
unstedefeste,’ 44/241. ‘speciosa valde, sed quod pluris est religiosa

25. #icuret clergesse#, a choice female scholar: comp. ‘Sum is
clergesse, ⁊ sum nis nout,’ AR 6/12.

26. #of#, from: comp. ‘Þah ich beo in alle | of se earliche ilearet,’ SK

27. #wisliche#: see 18/16.

28. #herd#: OE. #heord#, flock: not ‘custodia,’ Einenkel, which is OE.
#heorde#. It does not fit the context, and eard B points to an original
erde, dwelling-place, ancestral home. Morton took herd to mean hearth,
hall. #com of# &c.: com hire of burde B, com hire of burðe T, came to
her by birth: Victor quotes ‘⁊ tat com þe of burðe,’ OEH i. 273/27.

30. #telleð wel to#: see 124/264.

32. #kepte . . . of#: like ‘let of,’ 44/260; ‘tellen of,’ 164/256; ‘Hold
it of wel litel pris,’ Floriz, 350: ‘nichil cum mundo habere commune

34. #in#, upon.

35. #lasteles lates#, blameless gestures, bearing.

36. #lihte plohen# apparently answers to ‘puellares iocos,’ and Morton’s
‘trifling amusements’ seems preferable to ‘frivolous plays,’ Einenkel.
#luue--songes#: sotte songes Nalde he nane ronnes BT.

37. #leornin# refers to ‘songes,’ #lustnin# to ‘runes,’ talk; see

39. #to leaf ⁊ to lare#, to belief and to learning: comp. ‘ꝥ tu were
iset ȝung | to leaf ⁊ to lare,’ SK 384. #underueng#: undernom B,
undernam T.

41. #underneomen#, ‘entrap,’ Morton, a translation which suits also ‘me
to underneomene,’ SK 652, but is hard to parallel elsewhere, the usual
senses being to receive (in one’s mind), to reprehend. Perhaps the
writer had in mind OF. susprendre, to catch in one’s words; ‘ut eum
caperent in verbo,’ S. Mark xii. 13. The Latin has attemptassent.

42. #wrenchen . . . ut of þe weie#: a phrase characteristic of this
group: Einenkel quotes ‘mahen wrenchen sum rihtwis of þe weie,’ SJ 43/5;
‘tu ne maht . . . me . . . wrenchen ut of þe weie,’ SM 4/25. #crefti
crokes#, crafty devices; a figurative use of croke, hook: comp. 131/87,
148/141; SJ 35/5; ‘Mast he cuth o crafte and crok,’ CM 700, 740.

43. #ȝeincleppes#, blows in return, counter strokes; apparently only
here: ȝeincleappes B, ȝainclappes T.

45. #crauant#, vanquished: comp. ‘he is crauant ꝥ me wende to
ouercumen,’ SM 11/19. #cweðen . . . up#, yield, resign: comp. ‘al ich
forsake her | ⁊ cweðe ham al sker up,’ SK 866: possibly an imitation of
L. abdicare.

47. #burde boldes#: burðe boldes T: it corresponds to ‘in palatio
patris,’ and may mean, ancestral mansion; it occurs only here: at l. 439
is ‘buriboldes,’ = palatium. #murhðe#: murð T, nurð B, which is
doubtless correct: see 118/22.

48. #towart#, in the direction of.

49. Comp. ‘gleowinde of euch gleo,’ SK 1667; ‘ꝥ euch mon ah to hersumin
| ⁊ herien in eorðe,’ id. 352; 131/84.

51. #were# is subjunctive in a dependent question: contrast with ‘wes’
in preceding line. #sone so#, as soon as: comp. 94/18: ‘Þe child him
answerde | Sone so he hit herde,’ KH 199, where MS. L has the
alternative ‘so sone.’

52. #of#: comp. ‘þat he of þe holy gost · so vre heorte a-tende,’ OEM
52/548, but ‘wið’ is usual, as at 70/168. #wod--walde#: similar
expressions are frequent in this group: comp. 130/81; 146/121; ‘þet wod
he walde iwurðen,’ SJ 66/7; ‘for neh wod he walde iwurðen,’ SM 7/34.

53. #hwuch as#, those whom: less common than the equivalent ‘hwich þat.’
For a similar use of _as_, comp. 72/192.

54. #ȝeinde ⁊ ȝurinde#: comp. ‘⁊ he to rarin reowliche · to ȝuren ant to
ȝein,’ SJ 49/4; ‘þe heaðene hundes ȝellen | ⁊ ȝeien ⁊ ȝuren on euch
half,’ SK 2013. #wið rewfule remes#: comp. 141/39.

57. #hire#: heo BT; both are necessary and _in_ besides: read, þen heo
in hire heorte iwundet inwið: comp. 139/28; ‘Nes þis meiden nawiht |
herfore imenget | in hire mod inwið,’ SK 607; ‘Constu bulden a burh |
inwið i þin heorte,’ id. 1642. Einenkel reads heo and says that ‘heorte’
is instrumental.

58. #wraðe#: the usual meaning, angry, is unsuitable: the word is
connected with OE. #wrīþan#, to twist, OHG. reid, ‘curled’, and crooked,
perverse, would give a good sense here and in such places as ‘iboren
owraðe time,’ SJ 57/3; ‘to wraðer heale,’ 141/64.

60. #þah#: so all three MSS. Einenkel reads þa, and translates, ‘as she
was alone (to strive) against’; rather, when she singly should be
against, &c. If any alteration is to be made, ꝥ for þat would be
preferable, but þah, even if, as in ‘ꝥ we ne cunnen | ⁊ tah we cuðen, |
ne nullen ne ne duren,’ SK 1322, gives a quite sufficient sense.

61. #hef#, lifted: comp. ‘tu schuldest þin herte heouen þiderward as tin
heritage is,’ HM 25/34; AR 86/5.

62. #hap#, good fortune, success. #wisliche#, truly.

63. #wepnede#: ‘sumentes scutum fidei,’ Eph. vi. 16; ‘induti loricam
fidei,’ 1 Thess. v. 8.

65. #rode taken#: see 17/145.

66. #itend of lei#: comp. 130/52; ‘al þe cwarterne, of his cume |
leitede o leie,’ SK 671; but, ‘leitinde al on leie,’ id. 1651; ‘þe
halwende lei | of þe hali gast,’ id. 1401. #bimong#: see 66/97 note.

67. #deoulen#, _dat. pl._, deouele BT, _dat. sing._ #to lake#, for a

69. #ludere stefne#, _dat._, as in ‘þa cleopode he hludre stefne,’ BH
181/18; but ‘⁊ ȝeide lude steuene,’ SK 2033; ‘ȝeiden lude stefne,’ SJ

71. #ȝeld#, tribute, resumed in ‘hit,’ l. 72.

72. #driueð#: comp. 60/11.

73. #⁊ al walt#: omit al and ⁊ after wisdom, with BT.

75. #he him ane#, he and only he: see 123/200 note.

76. #þah--þolie#, though he be long-suffering; ‘longanimiter ferens,’
Heb. vi. 15.

78. #halde#, keep: comp. ‘haldeð his heastes,’ SK 1788; ‘heaste halden,’
HM 5/28.

80. #wið# is adverbial and repeats ‘þurh’: see 62/24 note, and add, ‘vor
vuel ꝥ ter kumeð of hit,’ AR 52/2; ‘þu ꝥ dest eni þing hwarof þer mon is
fleschliche ivonded of þe,’ id. 58/22. The repetition of conjunctions is
also found as in, ‘nis he fol chepmon þet, hwon he wule buggen hors oðer
oxe, ȝif he nule biholden bute þet heaued one?’ AR 208/6; of pronouns,
as ‘ꝥ þe muð ne mei uor scheome, þe liht eie spekeð hit,’ id. 60/6. B
omits wið. #þen# = þen ꝥ.

81. #schad#: see 122/176. #wit ⁊ . . . wisdom#: see 22/142. #wurðen#
&c.: see 130/52.

82. #forð#: se uorð B, se forð T: se being wanting in this text, the
following #ꝥ# must mean, so that.

83. #unwitlese#: so B unwitelese, but T witlese, senseless, the meaning
required. #wuneð in#: the idea that idols are inhabited by demons is as
old as Porphyry: it is frequently expressed in the legends: comp.
145/118; SJ 22/14; CM 2303; SK 553; ‘praecipio tibi, daemon, qui in eo
[ydolo] latitas, ut simulacrum istud comminuas,’ Legenda Aurea, ed.
Graesse, 39/2; ‘In hoc ydolo quidam daemon habitabat,’ id. 540/30.

84. #hereð# &c.: see 130/49.

87. #fint#: ‘malorum omnium inventor diabolus.’ #crokinde creftes#,
comp. 129/42: not ‘crooked crafts,’ but either, perverting devices, or
more probably, devices by which he hooks his victims; the idea of both
words being pursued in ‘keccheð’ and ‘creftluker’: for the termination
of the latter, see 125/270.

88. #cang#: see 58/82.

89. #ꝥ he makeð#, by his making.

92. #sunne# &c.: the Latin has only ‘elementis mundi’; perhaps the
author had in mind, ‘Nam solis lunaeque simulacra humanum in modum
formant, item ignis et terrae et maris: quae illi Vulcanum, Vestam,
Neptunum vocant,’ Lactantius, de Origine Erroris, ch. vi (ed. Spark,

95. #bute ꝥ ow þuncheð#, but by your thinking, lit. but that it seems to
you; the explanation of ‘þing.’ #schulen#: so B, but T has correctly

97. B reads, ant of nawt ant i.

98. #of#: comp. 83/5.

99. #ha ꝥ walden#, must mean, they desired that. But BT have correctly
he ꝥ walde.

100. #þurh cunde#, by reason of their nature.

101. #makeð# &c.: see 126/325. #in eche#, eternal: T omits in, but the
phrase occurs again 149/182, SJ 79/14.

103. #as in sum time#, as conditioned by time: comp. 128/1. BT have ham
for as.

104. #ꝥ . . . in#, in which. #ne# does not negative the clause: it
continues and emphasizes the negatives of the principal sentence: see
the quotations in note on 25/241.


  62/24, 66/97 (notes) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  123/200 (note) = XVI. (Sawles Warde)
  360/19 = IX. Ancrene Wisse, Phonology, under “a + g”.
  p. 450 = XIV. (Layamon)
  p. 493 = XVI. (Sawles Warde) under Literature.


  #Style:# ... unique in O.H.G.  [O. H. G.]
  while Steinmeyer (MSD ii. 162)  [MSD.]
  47. ... ‘in palatio patris,’  [_close quote invisible_]


#Manuscript:# Cotton Nero A 14, British Museum. See p. 355.

#Editions:# Morris, R., OEH i. 191-9 (with translation), and Specimens,
129-32 (part only); Zupitza-Schipper, AE. Lesebuch, ed. viii. 106-10.

#Literature:# Kölbing, E., ES i. 169; Lauchert, F., ES xiii. 83; xvi.
124. Marufke, W., Der älteste englische Marienhymnus, Leipzig, 1907;
Vollhardt, W. (see p. 269/19).

#Phonology:# This section should be compared with the account of MS. N
of the Ancrene Wisse, pp. 363-5, the copy of which is by the same scribe
as the Orison.

Oral #a# is _a_, hauest 9, uare 119; #a# before nasals is _o_, mon 74,
nome 126, hwon 112, 119, but me 45; #a# before lengthening groups is
_o_, londe 16, ilong 96, but and 4: þeonne 118 is influenced by heonne.
#æ# is regularly _e_, et 90, gled 54, hedde 144, nes 68, once _ea_, sead
30, and _a_ in habbe 82 (4 times), hwat 106, was 88 (4). #e# is _e_,
aleggen 133, seggen 158; before lengthening groups, engles 27, schende
92, but _i_ in siggen 134, siggeð 72, 73: in seoruwe 60, 89, 120 _eo_
represents #œ#, _i_-umlaut of #o#. #i# is _i_. #o# is _o_, uorst 38,
hopie 110, note 88; before lengthening groups, gold 34, nolde 143: þene
93, 127, 169 is LWS. #þæne#: #on# without stress is _a_ 9. #u# is _u_,
kume 117, unne 164; before lengthening groups, bunden 123, murnen 44.
#y# is _u_, agult 82, muchele 14 (7), sunne r. w. wiðinnen 92; before
lengthening groups, guldene 45, 52, welsprung 72 r. w. þing, but chelle
45: king 57, kinestol 25 have the usual _i_. #ā# is _o_, holie 126, loðe
93, one 21, but a _adv._ 129, a _art._ 150; before two consonants, wost
145: nenne 131 represents #nǣnne#. #ǣ{1}# is divided between _e_ (15),
clenenesse 163, er 66, techen 48; before two consonants, euer 54, lefdi
2 (5), neuer 30 (3), and _ea_ (10) in cleane 42 (3), todealen 95, deale
154, heale 6 (3), healen 124, leafdi 170: ilch 81 is OE. #ylc#. #ǣ{2}#
is regularly _e_, uorbere 106, greden 155, misdeden 156, were 105, but
_a_ in hwar 106. #ē# is _e_, greten 152, swete 17, but _eo_ in steoren
45, weopen 44 represents umlaut #œ̄#, and idreaued 58, 82, from
#drœ̄fan#, descends in form from #drǣfan#. #ī# is _i_, arine 127, bliðe
116, hird 51, but _u_ in hwule 12, 153, swuðe 14 (6), wummon 23, wummen
19. #ō# is _o_: #ū#, _u_: #ȳ#, _u_, kuðe 118 r. w. siðe, fulðe 94 r. w.
dweoluhðe, luðere 123, luðernesse 107, schrude 139 r. w. wide, ischrud

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_, der 158, erme 64, ert 158, 160, herm 36,
ȝeruh 132, but ȝeirkest 49. #ea# before #l# + cons. is _a_, al 4 &c.,
uallen 111, ualuwen 39, schalt 149: the _i_-umlaut is seen in wille 46
(#wiell#). #eo# before #r# + cons. is _eo_, eorðe 159 r. w. wurðe, ueor
94, ȝeorne 80, 103, heorte 4 (5); to the #wur# group belong wurðie 7,
wurðeð 21, wurð 122, wurschipe 13: beornen 104, wurðe 138, 160 are
without umlaut. #eo# before #l# + cons. is _u_ in suluen 64, 66, 100.
The _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in kare 120, iðauien 142; it
may possibly account for _e_ in were 71, comp. #helwearum# VP 29/4,
#Sodomwearena# VH 7/62. #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# is _eo_, dweolðe 148,
dweoluhðe 93, heouene 77 (3), heoueriche 24, 150. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of
#e# is _eo_, ueole 9. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #i# is _o_, hore 22, 42. #ea#
after palatals is _a_, schal 45, and _e_, ȝef 100. #ie# after #ġ# is
_i_, ȝiue 162, ȝif 102, 126, ȝiuest 34 (3), uorȝiuenesse 110, 132, but
_e_ in forȝelden 135. EWS. #gief# is ȝif 42, 84. #eo# after #sć# is _u_,
schulen 41, 43; #ie# after #sć#, _i_, ischild 120. #eom# is am 112, 113,
ham 98; #heom#, ham 56.

#ēa# is _ea_, deað 36, leasung 75, read 53, but _e_ in ek 87, ec 159,
edmodnesse 79, isched 88; its _i_-umlaut is _e_, aulem 94, alesed 15,
ȝeme 163, ȝemeð 42, ȝeme 121, ihere 84, but dreameð 27, without umlaut.
#ēo# is regularly _eo_, beon 113 &c., biseon 134, deoflene 15, leoue 2
(10), but looue 100, 170, apparently for lōue; the _i_-umlaut is _e_,
onsene 27. #ēo# after #g# is _eo_, ȝeomer 40: #gīet# is ȝet 109.

#a# + #g# is _aw_, drawe 128, 141. #æ# + #g# is _ei_, dei 50, feier 137,
mei 31, but daie 8, dai 166, fawe 142 (#fagen#). #e# + #g# is also _ei_,
awei 94, pleie 62, reine 58 r. w. kwene. #i# + #g# final is _i_, holi
70, i 97, 106, moniuold 61, murie 27. #i# + #ht# is _iht_, wiht 31, 47.
#u# + #g# is _uw_, muwen 65. #ā# + #g# gives _ow_, owen 13, owune 112;
#ā# + #h#, ouh 7. #ō# + #h# is _ouh_, auouh 119, brouhte 86, inouh 62.
#ū# + #g# is _uw_, buwe 3. #ie#, _i_-umlaut of #ea#, + #ht# is _iht_,
miht 133, nihte 8. #eo# + #ht# is also _iht_, briht 19, uihte 60; the
_i_-umlaut is seen in bisihð 81. #ēa# + #g# gives _ei_, beie 3, beien
18. #ēo# + #ht# is _iht_, liht 5, lihtliche 133, 135. #ēa# + #h# is seen
in þauh 82, 105. #ā# + #w#, bloweð 37, soule 5, snou 38, but iseie (?
#gesǣge#). #ēo# + #w#, kneon 3, kneouwunge 136, reoweð 101, þeoudome 98.

#Swā# is so 53. For #e#, _u_ is written in owune 112; for #o#, _e_ in
heouene 77, sumer 39: _e_ is added in clenenesse 163, heuede 108,
heuedest 107, neuere 143, but neure 111; #e# is lost in hird 51; the
suffix #ing# is _ung_ in gretunge 135. #on# is weakened to a 9. _u_ is
added in dweoluhðe 93, muruhðe 61, seoruwe 60 (3), þuruh 122 (3); comp.
‘seluðe,’ AR 354/4.

Metathesis of #r# is seen in spert 140; #rr# is simplified in der 158;
#ll# in wil 62; #mm# in ȝimstones 55. #n# is lost in i 50, o 96, 114 and
medially in heoueriche 24, 150. #bb# is simplified in sib 60. #f# is
generally preserved in combination with other consonants, deoflene 15,
efter 76, lefdi 2; before _u_, ful 35, fulðe 94; finally, ȝif 126, lif
6; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, fawe 142, feier
137, fif 102, forboren 109, forȝelden 135. Otherwise it is _u_, _v_,
uorst 38, aulem 94, auouh 119, iureden 38; exceptions are hefedest 143
and the contract hedde 144. _t_ is added by inadvertence in þuruhtut 70;
#tt# is simplified in biset 55: #þ# is omitted in wurschipe 13, wurchipe
130. After þet, þu becomes tu 72, 84, 91, but vort þu 64, þet þe 73, 74,
bit þe 132, et ðe 90. #ts# is represented by _c_ in milce 79 (3):
#bletsung# is blescinge 162. #ss# is simplified in blisful 19. Initial
#sć# is _sch_, gledschipe 14, schende 92, but wurðscipe 141, wurchipe
130; medially it is _ssc_, englissce 167, _ssch_, wassche 139. #c# [k]
is _k_ before e, i, u, ȝeirkest 49, sike 97, kinescrud 34, kunne 9, _c_
before o, com 36, icoren 67, in other positions it is indiscriminately
_c_ or _k_, Cristes 1, krune 55, kneon 3, licame 163, kare 120, woc 40,
ek 87, ec 159. #č# is _ch_, eche 35, techen 48, stenches 44; #čč# is
_cch_, drecche 148, wrecche 130, but arechen 47: #cw# is _kw_, kwene 57,
but once queadschipe 42: #cg# is _gg_, aleggen 133, seggen 158. Palatal
#g# is written _ȝ_, ȝef 100, forȝelden 135, ȝimstones 55: the prefix
#ge-# is preserved as _i_, ilong 96. The stop #g# is doubled in singges
8. For #h#, _ch_ is written in ðurchut 142; _h_ is added in ham 98,
dweoluhðe 93, ȝeruh 132 (as at AR 394/12), lost in is 126, licame 163,
arine 127 (#ahrīnan#), lefdi 2, ringes 34, but #hw# is kept in hwar 106.

#Accidence:# Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns. In the
_s. n._ sune 57 represents #sunu#, gome 62 has lost final #n#. _Gen._
-es, deaðes 120, kunnes 92, but heoueriche 150 is not inflected: _dat._
-e, daie 8, deaðe 90, reine 58, siðe 101, wille 46; no exceptions. In
the _a._ schrifte 152 has added e. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in
-es, engles 27, beies 34, but were 21: neuters are þing 71, kneon 3.
Genitives are kunne 9, meidene 21, þinge 76; weak forms are deoflene 15,
englene 16 (4); there are no datives. The _fem._ nouns of the strong
declension have -e in the _s. n. a._, kwene 57, ore 73, sorinesse 36,
bene 84, except sib 60, help 116 (often _m._ in OE.). _Gen._ -e, helle
44, 104, soule 5: _dat._ -e, blisse 16 (5), fulðe 94, honde 15, mihte 7.
_Pl. dat._ are honden 32, misdeden 156, wunden 102; _a._ heorte 18,
wunden 124. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the
singular, except lefdi 2 (6): plurals are _n._ blostmen 37, _d._
wrecchen 63, uote 155. The minor declensions are represented by mon
_s. n._ 74, wummon 23, men _pl. n._ 13, ureondmen 166, wepmen _pl. a._
20, wummen 19; nihte _s. d._ 8, 59, niht _s. a._ 50; moder _s. n._ 1,
67; ureondes _pl. a._ 33.

Adjectives which in OE. end in a vowel have -e throughout, eche 35, 39,
62, 120, swete 17. Of the weak declension are _s. n._ leoue 2 (5), looue
100, 170, _d._ erme 64, fule 94, heie 66, 165, holie 126, leoue 125,
_a._ englissce 167, leoue 26, 76, loðe 93. Strong inflections are _s. d.
m._ guldene 45, _s. d. f._ hwite 51, _s. a. m._ fulle 65, _s. a. f._
fulle 110, gode 121: iliche 23, 68 is #gelīca#. The plurals of all
adjectives end in -e, holie 71, hwite 37, luðere 123, reade 37;
exceptions are gled 54, sead 30, hwit, read 53; gold-ring 34 is an OE.
combination. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 79, _s. d._ muchele _m._ 14, _f._
89, 140, _neut._ 49. #āgen# gives owune 112. #ān# occurs once as a 150;
#āna# is one _s. d. m._ 125, _f._ 21: #nān# is _s. n._ no 23 (9), non
24, 39 (pronominal), 47 (before heorte), 40, _s. g. neut._ none 92,
_a. m._ nenne 131. Adjectives used as nouns are god _s. a. neut._ 49,
muchel 151: superlatives are best 129, leouest 76.

The personal pronouns are ich, i 97, 106, me, we, us, þu, tu 72 (4),
after þet, þe. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ hit _neut._
63, _a._ 11; _pl. n._ heo 30 &c., _d._ ham 29, _a._ 15. Reflexives are
mi suluen 100, ðe suluen 64, 66: possessives, _s. n._ mi 6 &c., min 6,
96, 158 (pronominal), _g._ mire _f._ 5, mine 5, 157, mines _neut._ 2,
_d._ mine _m._ 117, mire _f._ 75, mine 7, 107, mine _neut._ 126, _a._
mine _m._ 152, _f._ 135, mi _neut._ 133, min 4; _pl._ mine _n._ 166,
_d._ 156, _a._ 3: _s. n._ þi 25 (3), þin 24 (7) before vowel or h, 157
(predicative), _d._ ðine _m._ 26 (4), ðire _f._ 149 (5), þine 18 (8),
þin 27, ðine _neut._ 89, _a._ þine _m._ 116, _f._ 31 (3), þi _neut._ 30;
_pl._ þine _d._ 32, 155, _a._ 33: is 126: ure 18, 86: hore 22, 42. The
definite article is _s. n._ þe 53 &c., _g._ þes 100 (pronominal), _d._
ðe _m._ 90, þere _f._ 85, 88, _a._ þene _m._ 93, 127, 169; _pl. g._ þer
24 (for þere). The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes _m._ 78, _d._
þisse _neut._ 64, 119, _a._ ðesne _m._ 167, 170. The relative is þet 23
&c., once þe 41; ðet 12, during which; interrogative is hwat 106;
indefinites are me 45; ilch _s. d. m._ 81; sume _s. d. m._ 101; ueole
_pl. g._ 9; _s. n._ al 5, _g._ alle _neut._ 93, _d. m._ 42, _f._ 7, _a._
al _m._ 100, _neut._ 48 &c.; _pl. n._ alle 13 (6), _g._ alre 76, _a._
alle 19.

The infinitives of the second weak conjugation end in -ien, iðauien 142,
karien 43, luuien 17, except ualuwen 39; others, 32 in number, end in
-en, but without n are deale 154, singge 8, þonkie 12, wurðie 7, iseo
165: to biseonne 137, to iseonne 30 are _dat._ infinitives. Presents are
_s._ 1. beie 3, hopie 110, liuie 12, offrie 4, þonkie 11, wene 111,
wurðie 146; 2. ȝiuest 34, ȝeirkest 49; 3. hateð 145, likeð 29, wurðeð
144, contracted bisihð 81, bit 80, 132, let 56, spert 140, wurð 68, 122;
_pl._ 3. bloweð 37, wurðeð 21: _subjunctive s._ 1. habbe 116, 156, iðeo
121, 130; 2. bringe 169, ȝiue 162, kume 117, kuðe 118, makie 91,
schrude, wassche 139, werie, wite 147; 3. arine 127, derie 148, drawe
128, drecche 148, habbe 82, ihere 84, schende 92, to-drawe 141, unne
164; _pl._ 1. kumen 66: _imperative s._ 2. auouh 119, aulem 94, ȝeme
163, haue 159, ȝif 102, 126, ischild 120, iþench 100, nim 121, þole 127.
Past of Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 1. ȝef 100; 2. iseie 105: I b. 3. com
36; _subj. s._ 2. uorbere 106: I c. _s._ 3. funde 170 (weak form): IV.
_s._ 1. uorsoc 99; 2. stode 90. Participles past: I b. forboren 109,
iboren 23, 68, ibroken 151, ikumen 112, inumen 107: I c. bunden 123,
iholpen 9, isungen 167: III. icoren 67, uorloren 74, 108: V. isched 88.
Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. heuede 108, wreðede 101; 2. heuedest 107,
143: _subjunctive s._ 3. brouhte 86, hedde 144. Participles present:
liuiinde 40 _adj._; past: agult 82, alesed 15, biset 55, ibrouht 10, 98,
idreaued 58, 82, ischrud 51, isend 16. Minor Groups: wot 1 _pr. s._ 103,
wost 2 _pr. s._ 145; ouh 1 _pr. s._ 7, owen 1 _pr. pl._ 18, owe we 17,
owen _pr. pl._ 13; kunne 1 _pr. s. subj._ 134; der 1 _pr. s._ 158; schal
1 _pr. s._ 104, schalt 2 _pr. s._ 149, schal _pr. s._ 45, 95, schulen
_pr. pl._ 41, 43; miht 2 _pr. s._ 133, mei _pr. s._ 31, 74, muwen 1 _pr.
pl._ 65; mote 1 _pr. s. subj._ 165; beon _inf._ 74, 113, to beonne _dat.
inf._ 29, 138, am 1 _pr. s._ 112, 113, ham 98, ert 2 _pr. s._ 5, 158,
160, is _pr. s._ 25, nis 23 (4), beoð _pr. pl._ 52, beo 1 _pr. s. subj._
23, 116, _pr. s. subj._ 122, 129, 138, _pr. pl. subj._ 166, was 1 _pt.
s._ 106, _pt. s._ 88, nes 68, were 2 _pt. s. subj._ 105; wulle 1 _pr.
s._ 12 (3), wule 113, wult 2 _pr. s._ 121, 133, 142, wule _pr. s._ 142;
don _inf._ 13, do 152, dest 2 _pr. s._ 149, doð _pr. pl._ 41, 56, dude 1
_pt. s._ 106.

Noteworthy are the adverb þereuore 63, 83, an early example of the
meaning, that being so, and the prepositions anunder 32, OE. #anunder#
(Morsbachs Studien, l. 171), ine 104 (4), onuppe 25 (comp. ‘anuppon’

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are laste 69, lasten 123, lune 126, wonteð
73, possibly trust 125. French are cherite 161, ciclatune 51, krune 52,
ikruned 52, lai 167, paradise 10, 49, 108, seruise 50, seinte 17, seynte
1, trone 22. Latin are cherubine 25, lilie 53, munuch 169, rose 53,
seraphine 26, all OE. borrowings, except the last. The inflectional -e
of cherubine, seraphine appears to be quite isolated.

#Dialect:# The Orison in its present form agrees substantially with the
copy of the Ancren Riwle in the same manuscript; both are in the dialect
of the scribe, that of the Middle South. But the Midland i for #y#, #ȳ#
is attested by the spoilt rhymes þing : welsprung 71; wiþinnen : sunne
91; kuðe : siðe 118; schrude : wide 139, which also point to an original
filðe : dwilðe 94 (the forms dweoleð, dweoluhðe, dweolðe are found only
in this manuscript), and chille : wille 45. There is nothing else in the
rhymes to help to a nearer localization of the author: it can only be
said that his dialect was Midland.

#Metre:# This is in dispute. Schipper sees in it a mixture of
septenaries, alexandrines, and alliterative verse. He regards l. 28,
pléieð and swéieð and síngeð bitwéonen as the only indubitable example
of the last, but first half-lines have two accents only in, to þé ich
búwe 2; and þónkie wúlle 12; ne wéopen ne múrnen 44, 72, 77, and second
half-lines in, þi uéir to iséonne 30; mid gúldene chélle 45; mid énglene
wílle 46, 52, 70. The alexandrine is a French verse of six stresses
equally divided into two half-verses by a caesura; the ending of each
half-line may be masculine or feminine; each half-line may also take a
prelude. The scheme of the verse is accordingly (x)x́xx́xx́ (x) ||
(x)x́xx́xx́(x). Such is held to be the rhythm of nís no | wúmmon i|bóren
|| þét ðe | béo i|líche 23; þíne | blísse ne | méi || nó wiht |
únder|stónden 31, where the stress on ‘þet’ and ‘no’ is forced. It is
found necessary to employ all the licences of English prosody in
scanning this foreign metre, which moreover in its native form is never
mixed with other metres, and rhymes, not in couplets, but only in
‘laisses’ or fours. Scanned as septenaries are, biuór|en ðín|e léo|ue
súne || wiðín|nen sér|aphíne 26; þú ham | ȝíuest | kíne | scrúd || beíes
| and góld|ringes 34. But a line like vor heo neúer ne beoð séad . þi
ueír to iséonne 30 may be scanned as an alliterative long line as
marked, or as a septenary, vór heo | néuer | né beoð | séad || þi uéir |
tó i|séonne, or as an alexandrine, vor heo neú|er ne béoð | séad || þi
uéir | tó i|séonne. On the other hand, Kaluza refuses to admit such an
admixture of metres: he regards the poem as written throughout in
septenaries. So the first line is to be scanned, Crístes | mílde |
mód|èr || séynte | Már|íè. The unstressed syllable in a foot is often
wanting; sometimes all the syllables of a word are stressed, as in the
first half of l. 55, Mid bríht|e ȝím | stòn|ès. It is very artificial
and unconvincing.

The matter is complicated by the fact that the Orison is only a copy,
probably a copy of a copy, perhaps one of a succession of copies. A
scribe dealing with an older text was generally little concerned about
the form and much about the matter and the transcription of its language
into his own dialect and idiom. That the text of the Orison has suffered
from this preoccupation is evident from the rhymes; it is fairly certain
that the author wrote lefdie 2, 11, 17, 170, sorinisse 36,
mildheortnisse 78, 149, 164, edmodnisse 79, luðernisse 107, rene 58,
leste 69, leasinge 75, gretinge 85, þas 100, seggen 134, and it may be
inferred that alterations, including substitution of words, have been
made within the verse. But even taking this into account, it is very
doubtful whether the poet meant to write syllabic verse at all. Rather
his metre exhibits the alliterative long line in the last stage of its
dissolution, in which systematic rhyme has largely displaced the older
and once essential elements of the verse. If rhythms occur, which can
with some violence be forced into the moulds of purely syllabic verse,
they are not of the author’s express purpose; precisely the same
phenomenon is seen in Layamon (464/5). Moreover the alliterative element
is considerable; the poet starts with two perfect lines, and ll. 60, 94,
101, 115, 153, 157, 171 have each three alliterating words; l. 3 is up
to the Layamonic norm, and there are twenty-seven others equally good.
But the development of the verse towards rhyme is complete and no
longer, as in Layamon, occasional and for the most part imperfect

#Introduction:# The author speaks of himself as a monk and of his
composition as an English lay, as though it were an original production.
He shows acquaintance with the earlier English literature, his manner is
English, and the French element in his vocabulary is remarkably small.
The highly conventional character of his language makes it difficult to
speak with any confidence of his reading, but he would find much of it
in his service books, and he was probably acquainted with Adgar’s Mary
Legends and the long series of Orationes ad Sanctam Mariam Virginem with
the Psalterium S. Virginis of S. Anselm (ed. Gerberon, pp. 276-87,
303-8), the enthusiastic promoter of the cult of the Virgin Mary in
England. For the same reason it is impossible to give much weight to the
series of parallels from the writings of S. Edmund of Pontigny (Edmund
Rich, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1234-40), by which Marufke has sought to
prove his authorship of the Orison.

In #ureisun# of the title, both pretonic and tonic _u_ are
characteristic of early Anglo-French: _ei_ is historic spelling, and at
this time alternates in AF. with phonetic _e_.

1. Comp. 134/67; ‘O mater alma Christi charissima,’ York Brev. ii. 182;
‘virgo singularis: inter omnes mitis,’ id. ii. 477; ‘La duce mere al
Salueur,’ Adgar 131/39.

2. #mi leoue lefdi#: comp. ll. 11, 17, 63, 115, 170; ‘ma douce dame,’
Wright, Lyric Poetry, 55/1.

3. #buwe . . . beie#: see 143/84.

6. Comp. 134/96, 136/153; ‘te spem meam singularem, te salutem computo,’
Guibert of Nogent, De Laude S. Mariae, 6; ‘Vita, dulcedo et spes nostra,
salve!’ l. 2 of Salve Regina; ‘Ki est salu, ueire esperance | A tuz
Crestiens, sanz dutance,’ Adgar 107/845; ‘Þu art hele and lif and liht,’
OEM 160/11. #mid iwisse#: see 32/40.

8. #bi daie# &c.: comp. 133/50.

9. #aueole kunne wise#, lit. in fashion of many kinds, i.e. in very many
ways: comp. 62/30, 114/64, 151/20; ‘a vele kunne wise,’ OEM 39/53,
44/241; ‘Aþre cunne wise,’ id. 38/33; L 1717. OE. #fela#, much, many, is
an indeclinable noun followed by a genitive case, and this construction
is occasionally found in EME., as at 27/300, 34/70 (76/19 is ambiguous),
but generally in ME. fele, many, is pl. adj. or pronoun of all cases, as
_nom._ 15/83, 16/115, 18/2; _gen._ 85/105; _acc._ 30/9. For the
expression with #wise#, comp. ‘on ælches cunnes wise,’ L 8072; ‘on aiȝes
cunnes wisen,’ id. 25778; ‘an almes monnes wise{n},’ id. 19641: the
genitive is, of course, equivalent to an adjective, as in ‘a seolcuðe
wise{n},’ id. 27835; ‘on moni are wisen,’ id. 555.

11. #hit#: see 115/120.

13. Comp. ‘Ceste Dame deit hoem loer | E mult seruir e honurer, | Ki
rent as soens si bon luier, | Ke cors e alme lur uelt saluer,’ Adgar

15. #of#: see 52/394.

19. Comp. ‘Marie, ki fu si bele, | Vnke si bele ne uit pucele,’ Adgar,
22/75; ‘gaude gloriosa: super omnes speciosa,’ York Brev. ii. 493.

21. #were# Björkman (Archiv cxxii. 398) takes as a scribe’s mistake for
wered; comp. ‘He gesceop tyn engla werod,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 10/12. But
comparing 134/71, it is more probable that it represents OE. #wara#,
#waru#, as in Lundenwaru, in an extended sense of, host, company:
possibly influenced in form by OWScand. -veri, -verjar.

22. #blostme#: comp. ‘Leuedi, flour of alle þing,’ OEM 195/28.

23. Comp. 134/68; ‘nis non maiden under sunne | þe mei beo þin
eueni[n]g,’ OEH ii. 256/43: ‘Sancta maria, non est tibi similis orta in
mundo in mulieribus,’ York Brev. ii. 491.

25. Comp. 124/243; ‘Exaltata est sancta dei genetrix: Super choros
angelorum ad celestia regna,’ York Brev. ii. 477; ‘atque in regni solio
sublimata post Christum gloriosa resedit,’ id. ii. 492; ‘Tibi thronus
regius ab angelis collocatur in aula aeterni regis,’ Sermon of Fulbert
of Chartres, in S. Augustini Opera V^2, 246.

26. #wid innen#, surrounded by.

28. #sweieð#, make melody. #bitweonen#: see 148/6.

29. Comp. ‘Kar li angele funt nuit e ior | Son plaisir, par grant amur,’
Adgar 165/287.

30. See 124/239. #sead . . . to iseonne#: see 76/17. For #ueir# as a
noun, beauty, comp. 139/27; ‘þe mone ⁊ þe sunne wundrieð of faire · swo
fair is ure louerd ihesu crist,’ OEH ii. 19/29.

32. Comp. ‘Tuit est en sa main atachie | Li ciels e li munz ensement,’
Adgar 165/282.

33. #riche#: see 19/34.

34. Suggested by such places as, ‘Tulitque annulum de manu sua, et dedit
eum in manu eius: vestivitque eum stola byssina, et collo torquem auream
circumposuit,’ Gen. xli. 42; Esther vi. 8. #beies#, crowns; comp. 133/55
note, or less probably, collars, armlets; comp. 202/194.

35. Comp. 50/360.

36-40, 59-62. These passages describing the joys of Paradise have many
analogues in the earlier literature. Kölbing, ES i. 169, thought they
were borrowed directly from the OE. Phoenix: he compares with l. 38, ‘Ne
mæg þær ren ne snaw, | ne forstes fnæst . . . | wihte gewyrdan,’ Ph. 14,
15, 19; with l. 37, ‘is þæt æþele lond | blostmum geblowen,’ Ph. 20;
with l. 39, ‘Wintres ⁊ sumeres wudu bið gelice | bledum gehongen,’ Ph.
37, 38; with l. 36, ‘Nis þær on þam londe laðgeniðla | . . . ne se enga
deað,’ Ph. 50, 52, and he might have added, ‘ne feallað þær on foldan
fealwe blostman,’ Ph. 74. For similar descriptions comp. Grau, G.
(Morsbachs Studien, xxxi), p. 130; Pseudo-Cyprian, De Resurrectione
Mortuorum, ed. Hartel, iii. 316/193-268; De Die Iudicii (attributed to
Bede), 128-47; Christ, 1650-65; BH 65/16-22, but the parallels between
the text and the Phoenix are remarkable.

36. #þer ðe#, where: comp. ‘ȝet doð þer þe heo beoð,’ OEH i. 9/9.

37. #hwite ⁊ reade#: lilies and roses; symbols of virgins and martyrs:
comp. Be Domes Dæge, 18/286-9.

39. #ualuwen#: see 29/6.

43. #swinken#, be distressed: comp. 134/97, and see 40/194 note.

44. #stinken#, smell, perceive: comp. ‘wrieð hore fulðe so ꝥ heo hit ne
muwen stinken,’ AR 86/17.

45. #steoren# &c., cense with golden censer: probably suggested by Rev.
viii. 3. #chelle#: OE. #cylle#, vessel; only here in ME.

46. #mid englene wille#, ‘with angels’ joy,’ Specimens; comparing
OWScand. vili. But this use of ME. wille for state of felicity is at
least rare, and besides something more concrete is needed to balance
‘mid guldene chelle’; wille represents OE. #wiell#, #wiella#, fountain,
with allusion to the ‘fluvium aquae vitae’ of Rev. xxii. 1, and to such
places as ‘Haurietis aquas in gaudio de fontibus salvatoris,’ Isa. xii.
3; ‘torrente voluptatis tuae potabis eos,’ Ps. xxxv. 9. The sense then
would be, and pour out for them eternal life by means of the water of
Paradise. The writer uses #englene# vaguely for, of Heaven; comp. ll.
16, 70.

47-50. An application of 1 Cor. ii. 9 already in Adgar, ‘Certes, nul ne
poet escrire, | De cuer penser, de buche dire | Les biens de la Dame
uaillante, | Ki de tuz biens est puissante, | Ke as soens fait chascun
ior, | Vers cels, ke el’ ad puint d’amur,’ 224/7. See 46/285, 119/85.
With l. 50 comp. ‘Nostre Dame serui nuit e ior, | El soen seruise out
grant amur,’ Adgar 117/27.

51. #ciclatune#, originally a fine silken stuff of Persian origin,
usually red. Almeria, in Spain, was the seat of a flourishing
manufacture of this stuff in the twelfth century. Comp. 140/37.

53. Comp. ‘eall heora neb-wlite wæron swilce rose and lilie,’ Ælf.,
Lives i. 536/780.

55. Comp. ‘þær se beorhta beag brogden wundrum | eorcnanstanum eadigra
gehwam | hlifað ofer heafde,’ Phoenix 602.

58. Comp. ‘Þær ne hægl ne hrim hreosað to foldan | ne windig wolcen, ne
þær wæter fealleþ | lyfte gebysgad,’ Phoenix 60.

60. #uihte#, variance: ‘gewindagas,’ days of strife, Phoenix 612. Comp.
also, ‘sib butan niþe,’ Christ 1660; 70/158 note.

61. #teone ⁊ treie#: see 24/208.

62. For #Gleobeames#, harps, gleodreames is suggested in Specimens, with
a reference to Beowulf, 3021, ‘gamen ⁊ gleo-dream,’ sport and social
joys. #inouh# goes with gome. #liues wil#, joy of life.

63. #long hit þuncheð#: comp. ‘ne biþ him wynne hyht, | þæt hy þis læne
lif long gewunien,’ Phoenix 480.

64. For #vort#, see 72/179 note.

67. #Swete#: comp. ‘Bidde we ure lauedi | swetest alre þinge,’ OEM
166/81. #icoren#: comp. ‘Mildest quene ant best icorn,’ E. E. Lyrics,
ed. Chambers and Sidgwick, 90/41; ‘Of þe he makede his moder · vor he þe
hedde ycore,’ OEM 38/22, 88/37. The expression comes from the service
books, ‘praeelecta ut sol,’ York Missal ii. 20; ‘Ista est speciosa
electa a domino,’ York Brev. ii. 540.

69. Comp. ‘moder unwemmed ⁊ maiden clene | swich in world non oþer nis,’
OEH ii. 255/3; ‘Virgene en l’emfantement, | Deuant e apres ensement,’
Adgar 225/53.

70. #reste#, abode.

71. #were#: see 132/21.

72. #liues welsprung#: apparently suggested by ‘quoniam apud te est fons
vitae,’ Psalm xxxv. 10. In the York Breviary she is called ‘puteus
aquarum viventium,’ ii. 480.

74. Comp. ‘Ki fu refuse u cumfus, | Ki unkes out fiance en uus?’ Adgar

75. A word has dropped out after soule. In Specimens, leome is supplied,
in Zupitza-Schipper, liht, as in l. 5.

79-81. Comp. ‘Duze Dame tresimple e coie, | Plein de misericorde e de
uertu, | E de grant grace, mere Jhesu; | Mult tost mustrez uostre duzur
| A checun dolent pecheur. | Mult se poent en uus fier, | Ki uus uolent
merci crier,’ Adgar 26/243, 38/17, 65/64.

80. #of helpe . . . missen#, fail to obtain help: comp. ‘Þu hauest ymyst
of fayrhede,’ ON 581, 825; ‘Hi wenden to wisse | of here lif to misse,’
KH 121 note.

81. #to#: see 124/249. #milce ⁊ ore#: comp. 135/102; ON 1083, 1404.

82. #agult#, offended; a transitive use; the word is usually followed by
to, wið, toward, of the person; comp. ‘ne ne warien hwon me agulteð to
ou,’ AR 186/2.

84. #ȝif þi wille is#: a common tag: comp. 77/60; ‘ȝef hit were þin
wille,’ L, MS. O 20815; ‘ȝef þi deore wil is,’ SJ 37/9; ‘mi swete
leuedi, her mi bene | ⁊ reu of me, ȝif þi wille is,’ OEH ii. 255/7.

85. #gretunge#: the first of the five joys of the Virgin; see OEM
87/1-8, as l. 87 refers to the greatest of her sorrows: comp. ‘Bidde we
seinte Marie | for hire milde mode. | For þe teres þat heo wep | for
hire sone blode,’ OEM 190/93.

93. #loðe#: comp. 46/283. #kunnes#: see 81/80. #dweoluhðe#: also at
136/148 in a similar context, for delusions, deceptions practised by the
devil: see AR 224/12, and comp. ‘et ideo prae ceteris | volo te precari,
| ne sinas me daemonis | dolo defraudari,’ Mone, Lat. Hymnen ii. 108/85.

94. #fule fulðe#: comp. 29/33.

95. #to dealen#: comp. Rom. vii. 39.

96. #ilong#, dependent: comp. 135/114; ‘Þæt wæs swiþost on ðæm gelong
þæt Hasterbal swa late fleah,’ Orosius 198/26: ‘is seo bot gelong | eal
æt þe anum,’ Christ 153: ‘On hire is al mi lif ilong,’ OEM 158/1; ‘ꝥ is
long on felefelde iuele lastes,’ OEH ii. 71/31: in mod. English, along
of. See also ‘bilong,’ 200/112.

97. #wel ilome#: see 32/47.

98. #þeoudome#, bondage: comp. ‘ic em in þine loue bende,’ OEH ii.

101. #sume siðe#, at one time, in former days: comp. ‘giet sume siþe,’
Christ 318, yet one day.

102. #fif wunden#: comp. ‘Þat we moten to him cume · for his wundes
fyue,’ OEM 57/696; ‘He make vs clene and bryhte | for his wundes fyue,’
id. 87/23; Minot i. 91.

103. #þet# is explained by the noun-clause, l. 104. #wel ȝeorne# and
‘ful ȝeorne,’ l. 145, appear to mean, very accurately, very well.
Mätzner quotes in support, ‘Me awaiteð ou, þet wute ȝe ful ȝeorne,
wiðuten,’ AR 174/15, which might be punctuated otherwise.

105. #stille#, silent: comp. 36/112.

106. #þauh#, and yet.

107. #wreche inumen#, taken vengeance: different is the sentiment in
‘Sunful ich am an wrecche. | Awrec þe nu on me leuedi. | Er deþ me honne
fecche. | Do nim þe wreche ich am redi,’ OEM 162/42.

109. #ȝet#, further, longer.

111. #uallen# &c.: comp. 80/47.

112. #hwon#, since, seeing that. #hine#, household servant: comp. ‘Eyez
merci, quar en mon vivant | Serroi vostre lige serjaunt,’ Lyric Poetry,
ed. Wright, 56/13; ‘E sa duce mere e chere | Pitusement fist sa preiere,
| K’il eussent de sun serf merci,’ Adgar 5/44; ‘Vne nuit, par auisiun, |
Vint la Dame a cel son barun,’ id. 56/7; ‘swete leuedi of me þu reowe[;]
⁊ haue merci of þin knicht,’ OEH ii. 255/15; ‘ic crie þe merci, ic am þi
mon,’ id. 256/23.

115. #longeð#: impersonal construction, with acc. of person: comp. ‘Loð
is me þis eorðliche lif . ⁊ me longeð to criste,’ OEH ii. 149/29.

117. Comp. ‘Bi-sih to me lauedi briȝt. | Hwenne ich schal wende heonne,’
OEM 160/18; Anglia i. 391/45; and elsewhere.

120. #kare#, anxiety about; practically, fear: comp. 121/150.

123. #þuruh#, tightly. #bunden#: see 81/67.

125. Comp. ‘Dame! En uus sule ai ma fiance,’ Adgar 101/649; ‘Apres Deu
ne ai autre refui,’ id. 106/818.

126. #lune#, rest, occurs only here in ME.; for the word in modern
dialects see EDD _s.v._ lown, quiet, shelter, which is Northern and
North Midland: the solitary instance recorded for Hampshire is probably
a stray. Dan. luun; OWScand. logn: see Björkman, 250.

127. #þet he me arine#: a clause instead of an infinitive; comp.
126/325; analogous is 151/21.

129. #so# &c., so that whatever happens may ever be the best for me:
comp. ‘And he þat haueþ þis rym iwryten . beo hwat he beo | God in þisse
lyue . hyne lete wel iþeo,’ OEM 57/697.

132. #to bote ȝeruh#, ready to make amends: comp. ‘sunbote,’ 80/58;
‘deadbote,’ 119/75.

134. #biseon to me#: see 124/249.

136. #swinc . . . sor#: comp. 40/194.

140. #spert#: comp. 89/44.

141. #to drawe#: tear in pieces, destroy: comp. ‘ichot þe cherl is def,
þe del hym to drawe,’ Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 177/34. Morris explains
‘entice me (to sin),’ referring to the glossary to Hampole, Prick of
Conscience, where the word so explained is ‘drawe.’

142. #wule#: supply, to-drawen me.

144. Nor that any man that honoureth thee should have gladness: #he#
resumes #no mon ꝥ þe wurðeð#; comp. 77/39, 138/12: similar are, ‘Þe
wreche peoddare more noise he makeð to ȝeien his sope,’ AR 66/17: ‘ꝥ þe
muð ne mei uor scheome þe liht eie spekeð hit,’ id. 60/6.

147. #wite# &c.: see 118/50.

148. #dweolðe#: see 134/93.

149. #dest#: supply witen ⁊ werien.

150. #schalt# can hardly mean, ‘shalt give,’ as Morris translates: some
word such as _delen_ has dropped out after me: comp. ‘to pore men dalt
his dale,’ Sir Amadas 43. #aueir dol#, a fair, handsome, portion.

151. Comp. ‘De cest e d’el uus frai dreit, | Selunc ceo que uus sui
forfait,’ Adgar 163/221.

153. #lif . . . heale#: comp. 132/6.

156. #vort#: see 72/179 note.

157, 8. Adgar has similar uses of lovers’ language: ‘Ne ia, Dame, uus ne
larrai; | Kar espuse prise uus ai. | Ja ne larrai uostre amistie, | Ne
uostre amur,’ Adgar 163/213, 162/178-85.

160. #al so#, even as; not ‘as much as,’ Morris.

163. The line lost after this may have been something like, and ek mine
soule vor þine eadmodnesse.

164, 5. Comp. ‘Pur amur de la Dame chere, | Ki nus duinst la seinte Deu
grace, | E Deu nus duinst ueer sa face,’ Adgar 40/98.

166. #ureondmen#, friends: a rare word, which occurs again in OEH ii.
183/23; CM 20242.

170. #bi#, concerning.


  40/194 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  72/179 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  p. 269 = V. (A Parable)
  p. 355 = IX. (Ancrene Wisse) under Manuscripts.


  #Metre:# ... nó wiht | únder|stónden 31  [wiht|únder]
  and góld|ringes 34  [_text unchanged: error for “rínges”?_]
  But a line like vor heo neúer ne beoð séad . þi ueír to iséonne 30
    [_text unchanged: errors for “néuer” and “uéir”?_]
  or as an alexandrine, vor heo neú|er ne béoð
    [_text unchanged: error for “néuer”?_]
  6. ... Adgar 107/845; ‘Þu art  [107/845; | ‘Þu]
  9. ... i.e. in very many ways  [_“i” in “i.e.” invisible_]


#Manuscripts:# i. Bodleian 34, Oxford (B). ii. Royal 17 A 27, British
Museum (R): for descriptions see p. 492. In this life R is abbreviated,
as Einenkel shows; the joints are often visible.

#Edition:# Cockayne, O., Þe Liflade of St. Juliana (parallel texts with
translations). E. E. T. S., O. S. 51.

#Literature:# Backhaus, O., Über die Quelle der mittelenglischen Legende
von der heiligen Juliane und ihr Verhältnis zu Cynewulfs Juliana, Halle,
1899; Einenkel, E., see p. 493; Stodte, H., see p. 493; Stratmann,
F. H., ES iv. 94 (emendations).

#Phonology:# This has been sufficiently described at pp. 493-9: a few
forms call for comment. (1) =in R=. #a#: þeauien 102 has _å_-umlaut.
#æ#: awakenin 55 (#āwacenian#), pal 36, hauene 135, if descended from
#hæfen#, have _a_ for #æ#; _ea_ appears in breas 118, feader 3. #e#:
heolen 43, speoken 59, toteoren 63, weolen 54, seotel 114 have _å_- or
_u_-umlaut of #e#; sutelin 98 descends from #swutol# with _u_-umlaut of
#i# and loss of #w# as in suster; hatterliche 91 is elsewhere in SJ
heatterliche, probably representing _u_-umlaut of *#hator#; comp.
#hatol#, #hetol#; unweommet 28, 120, 133 shows rounding of #e# to [ö]
between labials; bitild 36, OE. #beteldan#, comp. ‘tilden’ 82/110,
‘bitillen,’ L 27852, perhaps owes _i_ for #e# to #tilian#; sulliche 48
comes from #syllic#. #i#: neomen 45 has _å_-umlaut of #i#. #y#: unduhti
18 represents #dyhtig#. #ā#: lechnunge 23 follows #lǣcnian#, the OE.
noun is #lācnung#. #ǣ{1}# is _e_ in lefdi 7, erndunge 8, unmeð 17,
wreððen 78, wreððede 46, and _a_ in wraðði 42 instead of the normal
_ea_; the adverb eisweis 68 (also in SM 13/26, MS. R, but eanies weis,
MS. B) corresponds to #ǣniges weges#. #ǣ{2}# is exceptionally _ea_ in
forreadeð 96, reade 55; leoten 63 is imitative of words with umlaut like
beoren, eoten (Bonner Beiträge, xv. 128). #ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_
in harmen 107; the _i_-umlaut is _e_ in merrið 104, sumchere 21
(#cierr#): the _i_-umlaut of #ea# before #l# + cons. is absent in afal
137, which is in form #āfeallan#, fall, in meaning #āfiellan#, fell; for
healden 118 see 359/7. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _a_ in darc 122,
perhaps the earliest instance of this spelling; the _i_-umlaut is seen
in iȝirnd 34, firsin 86 (but see Bülbring, § 187 anm. on Anglian
#firr#). For ȝeouen see 359/34; #geond# is ȝont 35. #ēa# is _e_ in les
75, but lease 135, _e_ in ȝet 93 descends from #gēt# beside the normal
#gēat#; the adverb #gēara# is ȝare 83. The _i_-umlaut of #ēo# is seen in
derure 90; strupen 91 descends from *#strȳpan#; hei[e]nde 17, as if from
*#hegan#; the Anglian form is #hēan#. #a# + #g#: for dreihen 122, see
360/13. #æ# + #g#: in fehere 104 (#fægerra#) the spirant is retained;
comp. ‘feȝerest,’ L 29485, but feire 53. #e# + #g# final: #tintreg# is
tintreow 98. sy 54, with _y_ written for _i_, represents #sige#; ‘syge’
in L 17409. #ȳ# + #g#: druifot 137, with _ui_ for long u. #ea# + #h#:
waxen 55, iseh 22. #eo# + #h#: mix 96 (Anglian). #ēo# + #g#: lihinde 7.

duheðe 18 represents #duguð#: _e_ is added in fuheles 63, liðeri 92: #m#
is lost in limel 67 (#lim mǣlum#), #f# in leowinde 95 (#lēofwende#); _t_
occurs often for final #d#, after mit for mid or miþ, þin becomes tin
52. For the stop #c#, _ch_ appears to be written in senchtest 137. The
loss of #g# in list 43 is OE. (#līst# for #ligst#). _h_ is added in
selhðe 54; nest 129 is Anglian #nēst#, WS. #nīehst#: es 100 has lost
initial #h#, so im in ichim 85.

(2) =in B=. Many of those noticed in R occur in B also; other forms in B
only are, chearre 166 (#cierran#), see 359/4: neolechin 43 represents a
by-form #nēolǣcan#, while nehlechen R 31 comes from the normal
#nēahlǣcan#: lattow 170 is OE. #lāttēow#. _ch_ in wlech 151 (#wlæc#) is
due to the influence of #wlæce# (Björkman, 148).

#Accidence:# (1) =of R=. were 79 has added e in the nom. cun _s. d._ 11
is exceptionally without inflection, comp. cunne 19. fetles 97 is a
contracted plural; OE. #fǣtels#, _pl._ #fǣtelsas#, occasionally
#fǣtels#. aldrene 14, dahene 117 are weak _pl. gen._ The dual pronoun
occurs in inc _pl. d._ 107. urne 119 is _pt. s. subj._ from #irnan#. The
contracted þrof 59, the prepositions ine 16, bimong 132, for which see
398/97, are characteristic of the group.

(2) =Of B.= burhene 72, folkene 57 are possibly weak _pl._ genitives,
like aldrene, dahene above, but they are more probably adjectives formed
on the analogy of words in -en, like cristen, from nouns. For leoflukest
82, see 125/270.

#Vocabulary:# Scandinavian are bistaðet bisteaðet, crokes, derf,
feolahes, lahe, lufte, liðin, menske; probably ihondsald, lustnin,
truste; possibly ȝeien, hauene, keiser: in R only, baðen, derfliche;
possibly trukeneð: in B only, feolahscipe, ilated, menskin, witere.
French are ciclatun, furneise, leuns liuns, maumez mawmez, misspelt
mawmex 144/97, purpre, rente, seinte: in R only, cumseð (commencer),
serui, tur (MS. reading 140/36), uie: in B only, cendals, eoli.

#Dialect:# See p. 503.

#Introduction:# For style and authorship see pp. 504-6. The author
states, 139/7, that he translated from a Latin source. The Life of S.
Juliana, printed in Acta Sanctorum under Feb. 16th, is pronounced by
Backhaus not to be the immediate source of SJ, because when compared
with it the English shows considerable omissions, additions, and
divergences. Yet SJ stands in about the same relationship to that Latin
text as SK does to what is generally regarded as its original and as
Sawles Warde does to the treatise of Hugh of S. Victor (p. 493). The
author of these pieces is no mere translator, but an adapter who weaves
other matter into his free imitation of his originals. He was apparently
unacquainted with Cynewulf’s Juliana. Grau (Morsbachs Studien, xxxi.
157) shows that the earlier writer also introduces ideas into his poem
which had been used by him in other works.

S. Juliana never attained in England to the popularity of her
associates, S. Katherine and S. Margaret, but there is another life in
rhymed septenaries printed as an appendix to Cockayne’s edition of SJ
from MS. Ashmole, no. 43 (_c._ 1310), and a third in the Scottish
Legendary, ascribed by the editor to Barbour, the source of which is the
Aurea Legenda; it is printed in Barbour’s Legendensammlung, ed.
Horstmann, ii. 190.

The references are to B, unless R is prefixed.

3. #feader . . . of frumscheft#: OE. ‘#fæder frumsceafta#,’ Christ, 472.

5. #glideð#, proceeds: comp. ‘þe hali gast · ꝥ glit of inc baðen,’ SM
21/33; ‘⁊ te hali gast, hare beire luue, | þe lihteð of ham baðe,’ SK
1772. #unagin#: found here only; it appears to mean, without beginning:
OE. #unāgunnen# with that meaning occurs in ‘on unagunnenre Godcundnysse
and on ongunnenre menniscnysse,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. ii. 292/16: perhaps the
ME. form has been influenced by angin, beginning. #euch godes ful#, full
of every good: contrast ‘euches cunnes gode,’ 141/58.

6. #lideð ⁊ lusteð#: comp. ‘Lusteð me . . . ⁊ liðeð ane hwile,’ SJ
73/14; ‘God make alle soon blithe, | Who so wil lystne and lithe,’ K.
Alisaunder 5750.

8. #wið þon þat#, in order that.

R 7. #lif hali#, holy of lif: comp. ‘to summe oðre lif-holie monne,’ AR
346/4; OEH ii. 51/10, 133/10.

9. #lihnide# is probably a miswriting of lihinde as in R, lying,
deceptive: ME. lihen, OE. #lēogan#, but it is possibly a _pp._ of ME.
lihnen, OE. #līgnian#, to deny. #eche#: supply lif.

11. #of munne#, commemorate: usually transitive in this sense as, ‘þis
meiden þe we munnid wes marherete ihaten,’ SM 2/13, but comp. ‘His deope
wounden bledeth fast, | Of hem we ohte munne,’ Lyric Poetry, ed. Wright,

12. #i Nichomedese burh#: ‘in civitate Nicomedia’: the adjectival
termination is Anglo-French -eis as in Hispaneis, L. Hispanensis: the
scribe has ‘Nichomedesse,’ 77/9: ‘iþe Nomecuðe burh Nicomede inempnet,’
79/9. In Sammlung AE. Legenden, ed. Horstmann, 51/628, Ianuesse means
Genoa; Arimminence 20/784, Rimini; Iponence, 79/1046, Hippo.

13. #heascede#, insulted: comp. OE. #hyscan#.

R 12. #of--deaðe#, more than any other heathen he drew cruelly to death
those that were Christians: #ham# represents the real object, ‘þeo ꝥ
cristene weren’: see 136/144: the Latin has, ‘qui et ipse erat
persecutor Christianorum.’

15. #as þeo ꝥ#, as being one to whom: for #as#, see 128/1; for #ꝥ# = to
whom, 46/292. #ilenet#: the ME. texts often confuse lǣnen and lēven, to

17. #schupte#: see 2/2. #wealdeð#: comp. 34/84; ‘weldinde ⁊ wissinde |
alle worldliche þing,’ SK 933, 1780; L 5279.

R 16. #redegunge# (= redeȝunge) appears to be pres. part. of ME. rǣdien,
to discourse (119/81); for ȝ, comp. ‘heriȝinge,’ OEH i. 5/1. But it is
possibly a miswriting of ‘redunge’ as in B, which corresponds to L.

19. #Maximien#: see 128/1 note.

20. #heriende ⁊ heiende#: a favourite phrase with this writer: comp.
149/180; SJ 41/5, 55/10; SK 459, 1041.

R 18. #unduhti duheðe#, ill-spent splendour; because used for the
glorification of idols: probably the original reading. In Specimens
translated ‘unworthy body of retainers.’

23. #riche of rente#, with a large income. #ȝunge mon of ȝeres#: see

24. #wel#, on good terms: comp. 138/21.

25. #iunne#, bestowed; generally said of conferring a favour, but ‘þe þe
ufel unnen,’ L 28117, means, who inflicted harm on thee.

27. #utnumne feire#, exceptional beauty: see 133/30; but R 22 means
exceptionally beautiful and charming: comp. 123/209; ‘se unimete feier,’

28. #in wið in#: see 130/57.

30. #lechnunge#, healing, medicine: a rare word, found in the Ureisun of
God Almihti, OEH i. 202/16.

31. #wið ute longe steuene#, ‘without a long tale,’ Brock. But it seems
preferable to connect the noun with OE. #stefn#, time, giving the sense,
without long delay, much the same as ‘efter lutle stounde’: the
repetition is quite in the manner of the writer; comp. ‘doð hire biliue
to deað buten abade,’ SJ 73/3; ‘Anan þrefter sone com a seli wummon,’
id. 77/9.

R 25. For omission of the subject #ha#, see 6/18. #hire unwilles#, to
her sorrow, an adverbial genitive: #unwil# is the opposite of ‘wil,’
joy, pleasure, 133/62. A similar adv. phrase is #hire unwil# in 141/36;
comp. ‘min unwil hit is[;] to don al ꝥ ti wil is,’ SM 13/3. For the
construction see 10/167, and 165/263.

37. #truked# = trukeð from trukien is the usual form; see 72/183: the
derivative trukeneð R 26 appears to be quite isolated.

38. #daheðes# is apparently genitive of *daheð, daȝeð, noun derivative
of ME. daȝien, to dawn, used adverbially, at dawn. In R 27 euch deis dei
means at daylight (dawn) of each day: it is apparently without parallel.
The Latin has ‘per singulos dies.’

39. #reowfule reames#: see 130/55. #wissede#, would direct: _pt.

R 30. #summes weis#, some while, as at 124/236, corresponding to summe
hwile in B.

42. #lihten se lahe#, descend so far: comp. 176/20, 199/79, 206/306;
‘loke þenne her bi hwa se of hire maidenhad lihteð in to wedlac; bi hu
moni degrez ha falleð duneward,’ HM 23/24; ‘liht to ure lare,’ SK 1011.

44. #hehest i Rome#: comp. 128/2. #heh reue#: ‘praefectus.’

46. #lette#: supply as subject, Keiser.

R 35. #⁊ te riche riden in#, and to ride in his domain: an addition
necessitated by the mistake in ‘tur.’ #tuhen#: the subject heo is to be

47. #ouertild#, canopied.

48. #purpres ⁊ pelles#, purple cloths and rich stuffs: a frequent
combination for gorgeous clothing: comp. ‘ischrud ⁊ iprud ba wið pel ⁊
wið purpre,’ SK 1449; here used of a canopy. #ciclatuns#: see 133/51.
#cendals#: sendal is a thin silken stuff, mostly red.

49. #As þe ꝥ#: comp. 128/1.

50. #rihten ⁊ to readen#: comp. 121/141; 147/158.

54. #iswechte# is explained in Specimens as _pp._ wearied, descending
from OE. #geswenct, geswenced#, _pp._ of #geswencan#: the disappearance
of _n_ would be difficult to account for; it might be due to the analogy
of þencan: in any case the word is for iswecht + te, thyself. #wreaðe#
&c.: see 34/86.

56. #leauen þe lahen#: comp. ‘ant leaue alle þe lahen ꝥ tu list inne,’
SJ 24/3.

57. #folkene froure#: comp. OE. #frōfor-gāst#; ‘folkes froure’ (of the
B. V. M.), OEH ii. 255/2; ‘Vroure ⁊ hele folkes fader heouenliche
drichte,’ id. 258/5; ‘þe hali gast moncunne froure,’ SM 18/18; ‘folkes
feader,’ 149/173, 19/33; ‘froure moncunnes,’ L 9075. #folkene# as _gen.
pl._ appears to be quite isolated; the usual ME. form is folce, OE.

58. #igret#, magnified: OE. #grēatian#: ‘greaten’ is in AR 128/1.

59. #windi of#, turned away from, done with: comp. ‘windi (wundi R) of
wisdom,’ devoid of wisdom, SK 376. Comp. MHG. wendic, wendec.

R 47. #droh him#, put him off, like L. trahere: apparently without
parallel in this meaning.

61. #Efter ꝥ#, notwithstanding the fact that. In R, it means
practically, when.

63. #him#: see 13/34 note.

64. #to wraðer heale#, to perverse fortune: see 130/58, and comp.
145/109; L 29556; ‘to ufele hele wes ic iboren,’ OEH i. 33/24; ‘Godere
hele þu hit scalt iseon,’ id. 57/44; ‘to goderheale þin he hit þoleð,’
HM 29/10.

67. For ‘fon on,’ to handle a matter, to proceed, comp. 143/85, 97;
157/135; ‘⁊ he bigon to fon on | þisses weis towart hire,’ SK 1863. If
the punctuation of the MS. goes for anything, the second #on# is an
otiose repetition of the first, and the meaning is, proceeded gently at
first to try if &c., as at l. 85. Such repetitions are not uncommon in
this group: comp. 126/317; ‘Hef up forði, mid treowe bileaue ⁊ mid
herdie, up þine þreo uingres,’ AR 290/29; ‘sitteð al stille, ꝥ hwon he
parted urom ou, ꝥ he ne cunne ower god,’ id. 64/20. But in Specimens on
to lokin are connected, proceeded at first ‘fairly (= kindly) to look
upon her.’

69. #sy . . . selhðe#: comp. 147/157; SJ 24/13; ‘isi ant iselhðe,’ SM
23/13. #sy#: OE. #sige#, victory; in this phrase it must mean something
like, prosperity. #weolen# &c.: comp. 121/161.

70. #awakenen#: see 54/24.

R 55. #inoh#, fully, quite: see 62/41.

71. #refschipe#: ‘praefectura’: at 128/4, the imperial dignity.

72. #liggeð#: see 128/10.

73. #luuien ⁊ leuen#: a stock phrase of this group: comp. 142/66,
145/104; ‘ileueð ⁊ luuieð,’ AR 410/11; also 180/135, 194/590.

R 57. #as þeo þat#: see 128/1.

75. #ich--is#: comp. 90/73.

76. #for#, before: I call to witness Apollo; comp. 145/101: somewhat
different is ‘for mi lif,’ 145/106, upon my life, staking my life on the
fulfilment of my promise.

78. #haldest her on#, perseverest in this determination; comp. ‘hald
hardiliche | on ꝥ tu hauest bigunnen,’ SK 677; ‘ȝif me hit halt eure
forþ in on,’ ON 356.

79. #toluken# &c.: comp. ‘⁊ leoten toluken þi flesch | þe fuheles of þe
lufte,’ SK 2092; ‘þer ase wilde deor limmel to luken ham,’ SJ 79/5;

81. #aȝein þe#, in reply to thee, answering thy oath by Apollo and
Diana: the stop after #aȝein# is to be disregarded. #ich swerie# &c., I
call Christ to witness: the _acc._ after swerien is perhaps without a
parallel, but it gives a sense somewhat different from that which would
be gained by the insertion of bi or to.

83. #i leitinde leie#, in flashing flame: comp. ‘for al þe cwarterne, of
his cume | leitede o leie,’ SK 671; ‘⁊ i þe reade leie, | ⁊ i þe
leitinde fur,’ id. 1360; ‘⁊ leitinde al on leie,’ id. 1651. The full
stop after #leie# and the following capital obscure the structure of the
sentence--though I be burnt alive, I will not &c.

84. #þe#, _dat._: comp. ‘buhð him ase he bit,’ AR 288/24; ‘all we sal
him bu,’ CM 16712; ‘þe lauerdes leofmon ꝥ (= to whom) alle kinges
buheð,’ HM 5/24. #her onont#, as regards this matter. #Þreate# &c.: see
34/86. #buhe ne beien#: comp. 132/3; SJ 27/10, 43/9; ‘buhsume ⁊
beisume,’ SK 1787.

86. #leoftede# is translated in Specimens, ‘flattered,’ and derived from
OE. #lyfettan#, which is hardly possible: leotede luueliche, made
affectionate gestures, behaved affectionately, would give a known
combination: comp. ‘wið luueliche lates,’ SM 14/4; ‘ȝif þu makest ei
semblaunt, oðer eni luue lates touward unðeauwes,’ AR 90/17; ‘mid
leofliche læten,’ L 19396; 110/273, but the weak forms of læten are not
elsewhere found before the fifteenth century.

88. #wið þerean ꝥ# is explained in Specimens as for wið ꝥ þerean, the
last word being taken with wenden as, in respect of that matter; but
that seems very improbable, though the order of words is often strange
enough in this piece. Stratmann suggested that #þerean# is a mistake for
þen, which does not account for the corrupt form. Possibly the scribe
had before him, wið þē (= þen) ane ꝥ, on the sole condition that: see
72/192 note. #wið ꝥ# in R 70 means, on condition that.

89. #do#, join.

91. #To soðe#: see 90/73.

92. #Vnwurð#, despicable: see 26/258.

R 75. #ꝥ . . . to#, to whom: see 1/3.

95. #him#: _dat._ with lihen; _acc._ with leauen: comp. for the former,
29/2, 191/474; ‘Iff iosephus ne legeð me,’ GE 1281: the combination is
uncommon. #weole# &c.: see 121/161.

96. #wa . . . wontreaðe#: comp. ‘wurðe him wurst of wa ⁊ of wontreaðe,’
SJ 27/12; ‘hauest ifunden weane þrin ⁊ wondraðe riue,’ HM 9/4; AR 156/4.
See also 58/76.

R 77. #wa . . . wunne#: the repetition of the latter word is probably a
scribe’s mistake for weane: comp. ‘ah al þe weane | ⁊ te wa wente,’ SK
1166, 2104.

R 79. #Me#: a word characteristic of the Katherine-group and frequent in
AR, where it has been misunderstood by Morton: it wavers between
conjunction and interjection, ‘well! but,’ and often introduces a
question which offers an objection, or applies what has been said, like,
‘well then’: comp. AR 310/17; SK 325, 589; SM 6/19, 7/22. Its origin is
obscure; if another guess may be hazarded, it is perhaps Anglo-French
mes (F. mais, L. magis), which was used in contemporary French in much
the same way.

98. #ꝥ . . . to#, to whom.

99. #se forð#, so far: comp. ‘ert ibrouht so uorð ouer,’ AR 294/7; ‘to
uorð,’ too far, id. 294/14: see also 64/85. #letest lutel of#: see

100. #ꝥ ich wite#, so far as I know.

103. #lette lif#: see 118/28.

104. #ꝥ me of þuncheð#: see 30/10. #luuie . . . leue#: see 143/73.

105. #as#: see 121/1; similarly 145/108.

106. #laðin# &c., his love shall be hateful to thee: so, ‘ꝥ te schal
laði þi lif,’ HM 9/2.

108. #as on ernesse#, as a foretaste: probably the first occurrence of
ernes. #besmen#: so, ‘beateð hire bare bodi wið bittre besmen,’ SM 5/19;
‘mid besman swingan,’ Orosius 68/11. Before #ꝥ# something like, ꝥ þe
wule of þunchen, has dropped out. As the reading of R, which means, that
it shall turn to misfortune that you were woman, is plainly an attempt
to mend a faulty original, it may be concluded that the omission belongs
to an earlier stage of the transmission. For #to wraðerheale# see

111. Here the scribe became confused: his original had probably, ꝥ ti
wil is wurch þu, but he began with _wur_, and erasing it forgot to add
it at the end. Then he omitted het before #swiðe#, and tried to mend
matters by changing leggen into #leggeð#, but forgot #strupen#.
#bliðeliche#, gladly, is strange.

113. #liðeri#, should be in a lather: comp. ‘ꝥ hire leofliche lich |
liðerede al o blode,’ SK 1542; ‘leiden swa luðerliche on hire leofliche
lich[;] ꝥ hit . . . liðerede o blode,’ SM 5/20.

115. #beaten# &c.: see 34/86.

118. #fetles#, vessels, i.e. dwellings; comp. 131/83.

119. #heien ne herien#: see 139/20. #teone ne tintreohe#: comp. ‘ne
schal þe na teone | ne tintreohe trukien,’ SK 402, 623, 1503, 1795. With
#timbrin# comp. ‘to timber trey and tene,’ Minot vi. 2 note.

R 101. #allescunnes#: see 81/80 note.

120. #sutelin#, be made plain: comp. ‘isuteleð ⁊ ischeawed,’ AR 154/2;
‘sutel ⁊ eðcene,’ id. 154/22; ‘for sutel is ⁊ eðsene,’ SK 381.

125. #þeauien ⁊ þolien#, permit and suffer: comp. ‘þauieð ant þolieð,’
SM 15/19; ‘þatt Godd ne þole nohht | Ne þafe,’ Orm i. 188/5456. #mucli#:
comp. ‘þi lauerd godd it þoleð him to muccli þi mede,’ HM 47/16.
#muchelin#, R 102, is a form characteristic of the group. #mede . . .
murhðe#: comp. 147/157; ‘mi murhðe ⁊ mi mede,’ SK 2350.

126. #eauer se# goes with #mare#.

128. #drehen . . . derf#: for the combination, characteristic of the
group, comp. ‘ꝥ hit ne sem . . . ꝥ ich derf drehe,’ SM 5/31; ‘abeore
bliðeliche þe derf ꝥ tu drehest,’ HM 17/31; ‘hwen ha schulen | þe derf
of deað drehen,’ SK 2392; ‘to deaðe | deruest þing to drehen,’ id. 2100.

R 106. #willes#, spontaneously: so, ‘willes ⁊ woldes,’ AR 6/26; ‘willes
wiðuten neode,’ id. 242/19; ‘willes ⁊ waldes,’ HM 27/2.

131. #Þet#, because.

134. #bicumen#, arrive, come: comp. 175/434.

135-7. #wei--forð# is a parenthesis (alas for your fates that ye were
born in the world and brought forth), and so is #awei--weren# in R 111;
comp. ‘Wa me þære wyrde, pæt min wynn alæg,’ Psalter (Thorpe) 373/5. For
#se#, which can only mean so, to must be substituted, and if #ȝe schule#
is retained, it must be regarded as a mere repetition of the preceding
‘ȝe schulen,’ due to the parenthesis. #to wraðer heale# in R 111 goes
with #sinken#; in B its position is ambiguous: probably in the original
it belonged to the parenthesis, and the right order in R is, to wraðer
heale, sinken ow: for the reflexive, see 13/34 note. For #sar . . .
sorhe# see 52/374.

141. #ehsihðe#: a word characteristic of the group: comp. SM 17/27; SK
2315; ‘eihsihðe,’ OEH i. 209/28. In the passage here omitted, Eleusius
tries to win her over, but neither suasion nor scourging shake her

142. #festnin# &c.: comp. ‘to festnin ham | in treowe bileaue,’ SK 1985;

143. #isoðe bileaue#: see 89/28: R 116 without it gives a poor sense.
#don . . . ut of dahene#, put out of life: the expression is common:
comp. ‘þat we haue done him of daghe,’ CM 4168.

144. As #brune# is everywhere else a noun (see 119/83), of must have
fallen out after it here. #wallinde bres#: comp. 60/103.

145. #healden#, pour, as at 72/197. Brock translates, ‘hold.’

148. #þer . . . in#, in which. The writer had in mind the second lection
in the Breviary for the feast of S. John ante Portam Latinam (May 6th),
‘in olei ferventis dolium missus: ex quo tamen divina se protegente
gratia tantum liber exiit a dolore corporis: quantum alienus erat a
corruptione carnis,’ York Breviary, ii. 277.

149. #liues lauerd#: OE. #līf-frēa#; ‘auctorem vitae,’ Acts iii. 15.
#him#, for himself.

151. #wod þa#, then mad; the text seems defective. With R 121, comp. ‘to
weden ⁊ to wurðen | ut of his ahne witte,’ SK 1257; 130/52.

157. #murhðe . . . mede#: comp. 145/125. #sy . . . selhðe#: comp.
143/69. #ꝥ . . . efter#, after whom.

158. #al#, completely, qualifies #bisteaðet ⁊ bistonden#, circumstanced
and beset; a combination characteristic of the group: comp. ‘ich iseo me
. . . bistaðed ant bistonden as lomb mit wed wulues,’ SM 3/24; AR
264/24. #Riht . . . read#: comp. 121/141.

161. #nestfalde#, nearest: apparently here only. NED compares OE.

162. #mine--hearmen#: ‘et inimici hominis domestici eius,’ Mic. vii. 6,
S. Matt. x. 36. #inhine# does not occur elsewhere, but its meaning,
‘household servant,’ is assured by the Latin imitated. In R 130 #heanen#
makes no sense, perhaps heanende is to be read.

163. #anes#: see 74/207 note.

164. #wil cweme# apparently answers to OE. #wel-gecwēme#, which is
quoted in B-T. as a gloss on beneplacitus in Spelman’s Psalter cxviii.
108, cxlvi. 12.

165. #ilated se luðere#, so wickedly mannered, behaved. #ilated# is a
new formation from lat, usually _pl._ lates, looks, manners: see 129/35.
In Specimens translated, ‘visaged so horribly.’

167. #Al#, if not a mistake for Als, goes with #ham#.

168. #wid#, against: see 48/299 note.

169. #wite . . . were#: comp. 118/50 note. #witere#, make wise, teach.
In R 134, #ant witen# is to be altered into ant were.

170. #liues lattow#, life’s guide: OE. #lātþēow#, #lāttēow#.

171. #hauene of heale#: ‘salutis portum,’ see 5/12 note. In R 135 with
#lestinde#, understand lif.

173. #⁊ tu#, thou too, even so do thou &c. #folkes feader#: see 141/57.

174. #to drif#, drive away; usually means, drive asunder, dispel.

176. #ȝet# goes with #iseon#.

177. #schrenchen ⁊ schunchen#, deceive and terrify: an uncommon
combination. #of#, out of, from: comp. ‘wrenchen sum rihtwis of þe
weie,’ SJ 43/5.

178. #wið#, see 82/118, 117/5.

179. #crefti crokes#: see 129/42. #crechen#, scratch; if it be a form of
cracchen: in NED said to be for crochen, catch with hooks or claws, from
F. crocher: comp. ‘crefti crokes,’ 129/42; ‘crokinde creftes,’ 131/87.

180. #iheiet ⁊ iheret#: comp. 138/17.


  5/12 (note) = II. (Saint Godric’s Hymns)
  13/34 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  48/299 (note) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  72/192, 74/207 (notes) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  81/80 (note) = XI. (Hic Dicendum est de Propheta)
  128/1 (note) = XVII. (Saint Katherine)
  359 = IX. Ancrene Wisse, Phonology, under “ea”.
  360 = the same, under “a + g”.
  398/97 = _note to line_ 97 of IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  pp. 492, 493-99, 503, 504-506 = XVI. (Sawles Warde) under the
    corresponding headings (Manuscripts, Literature etc.).


  #Edition:# ... E. E. T. S., O. S. 51.  [E.E.T.S., O.S.]
  #Phonology:# ... _u_-umlaut of #i#
    [_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  neomen 45 has _å_-umlaut of #i#  [_a_-umlaut]
  #ǣ{1}# is _e_ in lefdi 7  [#æ{1}#]
  Anglian #nēst#, WS. #nīehst#  [W.S.]


#Manuscripts:# i. Jesus College, Oxford, E 29 (J); see p. 285. ii.
Cotton Caligula A 9, British Museum (C); see p. 450. They are copies of
a common exemplar X, which was probably taken directly from the poet’s
original. X was written by two scribes; the work of the first is
represented in ll. 1-353 of the present selection; that of the second in
ll. 354-437; the former was accustomed to French scribal methods. The
writer of C was a mechanical copyist and not at home in English,
consequently he reproduces X with tolerable accuracy. The scribe of J
was more independent (see p. 293).

#Facsimile:# Of J. The Owl and the Nightingale, ed. J. E. Wells.

#Editions:# Stevenson, J., Roxburghe Club, London, 1838; Wright, T.,
Percy Society, no. xxxix, London, 1843 (text of C); Stratmann, F. H.,
Krefeld, 1868 (critical edition); *Wells, J. E., Boston, 1907 (parallel
texts with notes); Gadow, W., Palaestra, no. lxv, Berlin, 1909 (text of
C with variants of J).

#Literature:# Borsch, J., Ueber Metrik und Poetik der altenglischen
Dichtung The Owl and the Nightingale, Münster, 1883; *Breier, W., Eule
und Nachtigall, Halle, 1910, completed in Morsbachs Studien, no. xxxix,
Halle, 1910; ES xlii. 306, 408; Ebisch, W., Zur Syntax des Verbs im
altengl. Gedicht Eule und Nachtigall, Leipzig, 1905; Gadow, W., Eule und
Nachtigall, Berlin, 1907 (completed in edition as above); Kenyon, J. S.,
Journal of English and Germanic Philology, xii. 572-92; Koch, J.,
Anglia, Beiblatt, xxi. 227-40; Noelle, H., Die Sprache des altengl.
Gedichts von der Eule und Nachtigall, Göttingen, 1870; Sherman, L. A., A
Grammatical Analysis of the OE. Poem The Owl and the Nightingale,
Transactions of the American Philological Association, vi. 1875. Wells,
J., Anglia, xxxiii. 252-69; Modern Language Notes, xxv. 108, xxvi.

#Phonology:# (1) =of C=. The spellings of (a) ll. 1-353 and (b) ll.
354-437 are distinguished, when they show a characteristic difference.
Significant rhymes are recorded. Oral #a# is _a_, fare 422, tale 3; #a#
before nasals wavers between _a_ (10 times) and _o_ (14), can 126, vram
119, man 334, mani 399, þan 22, 24, þane 39, wanne 308, bigon 13, con
199, from 154, monnes 254, moni 355, nome 405, þonkes 70, won 240, wone
243, wonne 38, exceptionally þenne (#þænne#); #a# before lengthening
groups is _o_, honde 400, onde 297, longe 45, tonge 112, but andsuare
105, answare 55, 277; #and# is and 4, an 7 &c.; #man#, indefinite, me
32; ferden 432 r. w. uerde, descends from #fēran#. #æ# is regularly _a_,
bare 56, 106 r. w. answare, glad 312, hadde 275 r. w. iladde, smal 73
r. w. al. #e# is _e_, bet 21, hen 291; before lengthening groups, ende
386, felde 357: (a) suich 283, suiche 134 is from a form in #i#, (b)
swucche 354, swuch 374 from one in #y#: a diphthong has developed in
imeind 18, 306 (#gemenged#, comp. 451/25). #i# is _i_, bile 79, chirche
339, is 388 r. w. wis, (a) wile 141 r. w. sckile; before lengthening
groups, bringe 311, linde 393, but wsome (= ysome) 136, (b) wulle 373,
nulleþ 407, wuste 10 r. w. custe, neltu 106 (#nelt#), wolcumeð 318, with
_o_ written in this text for _u_ from _e_ by labial influence, comp.
wulcume L 8528 &c., grulde 98 (*#gryllan#). #o# is _o_, bodi 73, horne
234, word 45, wolde 128, nolde 115, but walde 370 r. w. scholde; þane
414 is LWS. #þane#, wan 334, #hwan#: on _prep._ is reduced to an 239 and
often to a 20 &c. #œ#, _i_-umlaut of #o#, still lingers in seorhe ON
1599. #u# is _u_, cumeþ 298, luueþ 188, wunest 254, but _o_ in lo`u´ue,
where `u´ was possibly meant as a correction of _o_, ouerkome 386, wode
322 r. w. rude, woning 403, in which _o_ is associated with _m_, _n_,
_w_; #u# before lengthening groups is _u_, dumb 294, tunge 194, but
tonge r. w. iþrunge. #y# is _u_, kume 314 (perhaps with [u] from cuman),
murie 261, vuele 63, stude 410 (#styde#) r. w. mide, muchel 404, muche
413 (#mycel#); before lengthening groups, cunde 88, hurne 14; but
unrounded in þincþ 430, þincþe 46, þinche 262, wirche 340; wrchen 286 is
probably French writing for wurchen.

#ā# is regularly _o_, bore 286, hoten 192, swo 76, 381, so 52, 289, 415,
o 249, 331, þos 95, but a 45, 104, 112, an 4, 80, Portesham 434, swa ON
1577, wa 425, þeos 413 (#þās#); before two consonants _o_, wostu 334,
but axest 325, 329, hattest 191. #ǣ{1}# is regularly _e_, brede 130,
ledeþ 216, sprede 315 r. w. mede, þen 386, but þare 28 &c., þan 156 (3);
before two consonants _e_, fleshe 83, ileste 257, meshe 84 (*#mǣscan#),
neuer 60, but iladde 276, wranne 360. #ǣ{1}# is elsewhere sometimes
_ea_, eauer ON 922, deale ON 954, bileaue ON 1688. #ǣ{2}# is also _e_,
forlete 36, rede 425; before two consonants, oferd 277, but _a_ in lat
194 (4), lateþ 372 (3), ofdrad 387, þar 16 &c., þareafter 271, þareuore
210, whar 64, war 392, uareuore 203, 333, these pronominal forms
probably come from shortened #ǣ#: before two consonants, fnast 44,
raddest 115, misraddest 116. #ē# is _e_, breme 158, kene 212; before two
consonants, dest 49, 237 r. w. preost, spedde 435, but dost 307, dostu
174, 289, doþ 112, 238 with _o_ from the plural. #ī# is _i_, wile 155,
pipe 22, suiþe ON 376; before two consonants, þriste 127 r. w. liste,
wisdom 399, but (a) suþe 2, 12, 111 from #swȳþe# with absorption of _w_,
comp. such from swuch. #ō# is _o_, brode 93, ilome 49, noþeles 105, but
neoþeles 357 (15 times in Layamon, see 452/8); before two consonants,
blostme 315, softe 6. #ū# is _u_, kuþe 332, tukest 63, hule 4 &c., but
houle 428, a French writing. #ȳ# is _u_, hud 120, lutle 356, þuuele 214
r. w. foȝle, but litle 419, þe 19, 34, 401, forþe 69, vorþi 65, hwi 407,
whi 106, wi 174 (#hwī#).

#ea# before #r# + cons. is _a_, areȝ 285, ȝare 171 r. w. aiware,
hardeliche 280, þaref 146, but eardingstowe 28; the _i_-umlaut before a
lengthening group is _e_ in uerde 433 r. w. ferden: #cierm# is chirme
221 (see Bülb. 187 anm.) but bichermet 215. #ea# before #l# + cons. is
_a_, al 8 and the numerous forms of #eall#, hale 2 r. w. dale, schaltu
165; before lengthening groups _o_, which descends from Anglian unbroken
lengthened #a#, as in Layamon 452/15, bold 233 (3), boldeliche 279,
biholde 71, holde 3 (4), wolde 367, but once belde 358: without umlaut
are falt 37, halt 32. #eo# before #r# + cons. is _o_, for 328, vorre
243, horte 37, 43, rorde 227; before a lengthening group, ilorned 172;
but daisterre 244 r. w. vorre: forbernest 297 is from #bærnan#; #wyr#
words are worse 219 r. w. mershe, worste 10, worþ 283, wrs 34, elsewhere
wurs ON 793, wrþ 256, unwrþ 255, elsewhere wurþ ON 769. #eo# before #l#
+ cons. is seen in sulue 69. The _u_-umlaut of #a# is wanting in hauekes
207 (3). #eo#, _u_-umlaut of #e# gives houene 335, 346 r. w. steuene,
350. #eo#, _å_-umlaut of #e# is seen in feole 415, but uele 20, and fale
365, auale 410 (#feala#). #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i# is _o_ (for
_eo_) in honne 66 r. w. kunne, hore 216 &c., noþerward 100, soþþe 240,
but (b) heore 418. #ea# after palatals is _a_, schal 143, ȝaf 55, 105,
aȝaf 95, before nasal, schame 50 (3), but schome 123. #ie# after #g# is
_e_, biȝete 344, uorȝete 343, underȝete 124, ȝeueþ 419, but ȝiueþ 416,
ȝiue 410. #ie# after #sc# is _i_ in schille 98, 364, _e_ in schelde 356
r. w. felde. #gef#, EWS. #gief# is ȝif 51 &c., ȝef 429. #eo# after #sc#
is _o_, scholde 371 r. w. walde, sholdest 54, short 73, but Anglian
schulde 390 r. w. wule. #eom# is Angl. am 126, 212, nam 387, #heom#, hom
62, 94.

#ēa# is regularly _e_, blete 57, dreme 230; before two consonants,
cheste 133 r. w. unwerste, but earen 254, unneaþe ON 1605, dreim 21 (a
scribal error). The _i_-umlaut is _e_, grettre 74, ȝeme 345, ihere 180
r. w. fere, iherde 2, ihert 406, but ihire 228. #ēo# is (a) _o_, a
French writing, blo 108, 319, bon 198, 342, bo 107 (9), boþ 75 (4), flo
33 (4), flon 106, floþ 214, ho 19 (13), hom 353, iso 243, isoþ 302, lof
159 (3), oftoned 190, so 34, swore 73, tone 50, prostes 351, þo 26, 155,
þos 41 (4), holde 12, hold 100, athold 270, bihold 30, but the corrector
has added e in preost 238 r. w. dest, weode 236; (b) _eo_, beo, beoþ
378, 418, heo 360 (9), heom 407, 408, but ho 368. The _i_-umlaut is seen
in atfliþ 37 (Angl. #flīþ#), þuster 154 (3). #gesīene# is isene 122, 211
r. w. kene; #gīet#, ȝet 225. #ēo# from #ō# after #g# is _o_ in ȝomere
293 r. w. sumere, #ēa# from #ā# after #sc#, _e_ in schede 153.

#a# + #g# is _aȝ_, draȝe 209. #æ# + #g# is _ai_, dai 89 &c., vaire 15
&c., mai 141 (4), fawre 138, miswritten for fayre, but _ei_ in seide 9,
289, 424, 265 r. w. rede, 325 r. w. dede, rhymes which indicate sede 33,
173 representing #sǣde# as the original form, so ised 273 r. w. red is
#gesǣd#. #e# + #g# is _ei_, aȝein 431, pleie 169, wei 224, under this
head come seist 50 (4) from #segst#, seiþ 132 from #segð#, seie 173 from
#sege#: aȝen 7, 314 is #agēn#, snailes 87, #snægl#. #i# + #h# is _iȝ_,
adiȝte 242, wiȝt 312, or _ih_, diht 399; for #iht#, _ist_ is written in
mist 78: final #ig# is _i_, bodi 73. #o# + #g# is _oȝ_, itoȝen 368. #u#
+ #g# is _uȝ_, fuȝele 64 r. w. vuele, but the spirant has been absorbed
in fuelkunne 65; foȝle 213 r. w. þuuele, is a French spelling. #y# + #h#
is unrounded in hiȝte 208, hiȝteþ 314. #ā# + #g# is _oȝ_, oȝe 195, þroȝe
196. #ǣ{1}# + #g# is _ei_ in eiþer 9, 141, but aiþer 7, aiware 172.
#ǣ{2}# + #g# is seen in iseȝe 303. #ō# + #g# is _oȝ_, boȝe 15, woȝe 120.
#ō# + #h# is _oȝ_, broȝte 150, noȝt 58 (#nōht#), roȝte 305, þoȝte 269,
but _oh_ in brohte 369. #u# + #h# is _uȝ_, þuȝte 21, ofþuȝte 275. #ea# +
#h# is _eȝ_, iseȝ 29, ouerseȝ 30; the _i_-umlaut is _iȝ_, miȝt 64, 177,
miȝte 42, 411, miȝtest 192, niȝt 89, but mihte 392. #eo# + #ht#, ariȝt
278, briȝter 108, viȝte 128, riȝt 76, riȝte 120 r. w. liȝte 398, but
riht 379, unrihtfulnesse 385; bituxen 390 represents WS. #betux#: the
_i_-umlaut gives isiþ 285, but isoþ 302 without umlaut. #ēa# + #g#, #h#
is (a) eȝe 304 r. w. iseȝe, neȝ 44, þeȝ 48, but þoȝ 220, (b) þeg 367,
þah 422. #ēo# + #h# is (a) _iȝ_, liȝte 119 r. w. riȝte, (b) ih, lihtlich
402, 417; the _i_-umlaut is seen in fliȝst 89, 183, fliȝt 132, 224,
atfliþ 37: #dīegel# is diȝele 2. #ā# + #w# is _ow_, crowe 220, croweþ
251, snov 308, asnowe 291, owel 80 (*#āwul#), but nawt 383; clawe 109,
110 is probably #clawe#. #ī# + #w#, howe 108 (Anglian #hēow#). #ō# +
#w#, bigrowe 27, -stowe 28, but nouþer 375 (#nōwþer#). #ēa# + #w#, gleu
149, unþeu 150, but sewi 107. #ēo# + #w#, eu 436, ower 379, tro _d._
316, representing occasional _dat._ #trēo#.

In bisemar 104 _a_ appears for #e#, in svikel- 118, 119 _e_ for #o#, in
munekes 347 _e_ for #u#, in gladur 19, uairur 108, _u_ for #e#, but
gladdere ON 737. #ā# is _o_ in oferd 277, elsewhere aferd 288. _e_ has
been added in areȝ 285 (#earg#), areȝþe 282, arehþe 359, bareȝ 286,
bisemar 104, hardeliche 280, narewe 68, steuene 345, 363, þaref 146,
lost in warni 246, as already in OE. #warnian#; houẹneriche 335,
houẹneliȝte 350, represent #heofon-rīce#, #heofon-lēoht#, similarly
þornewode 322, þarẹuore 210, warẹuore 203, 333. The prefix in atschet 44
is #oþ#; #be-# is regularly _bi-_, bigrede 220, bitelle 199; _a_ in adun
164 is #of#; the prefix #ge-# is fully preserved as _i-_; the suffix
-hede, 118 &c. is *#hǣd#.

#w# is written _u_ in suiche 134, 283, tuengst 112, but more frequently
_v_, sval 7, tosvolle 101; it stands for _wu_ in wrchen 286, wrs 34, wrþ
256, unwrþ 255, for _wi_ in wle 284, for _uu_ in wl 31, wle 35 (#fūle#);
in wole 8, as Breier explains, the original had uuele (#yfele#), the
copyist took uu as w and read wole (#fūle#). Metathesis of #r# is seen
in unwerste 134; #rr# is simplified in for 328. #n# is lost in þane 39
&c., wane 298, 352, ope 124, #on# is often reduced to _a_, adwole 420
&c.; #nn# is simplified in hen 291, kun 332. For #f# initial, _f_, _u_,
_v_ are used indiscriminately, faire 114, vaire 15, fiȝt 132, viȝte 128,
for 328, vorre 243, foruorþ 276, for 32, uor 19, vor 43, vram 119, from
62; it is once _w_ in waste (#fæst#), and _w_ = _uu_ in wl 31, wle 35;
between vowels #f# is regularly _u_, buue 164, auale 410 beside fale
365, touore 371, similarly eure 251, cliure 78 (3), sulue 67, but _v_ in
eve 41, over 64, _f_ in afere 177, aferd 288, ifare 278, oferd 277; in
other positions it is commonly _f_, efne 229, stefne 230. #t# is lost in
blosme 16 as already in OE. #blōsma#, nel tu 106, doubled in sittest 89;
for #t#, _d_ is written in ad 241; #tt# is simplified in wit 420. For
#d#, _t_ is written in ihert 406; #d# is mostly omitted in an 7 &c.,
beside occasional and 4, 294, also in answare 55, 277, as rarely in OE.,
but andsuare 105; spene 121 is a new back formation from the _pt._ tense
and _pp._ of spend (NED); #dd# is simplified in bed- 240, midel- 349.
For #þ#, _d_ appears in haued 123, lodlich 32 (3), _t_ in witute 139,
200, bigredet 67, biledet 68, hatiet 186, schuniet 185, singet 152, wit
56, 222; dostu 174, 289 is a compendium for dost þu, similarly axestu
329, wenestu 219. #sć# is _sch_, schal 143, schende 210, bischopen 404,
schuniet 185, but occasionally _sh_, shal 258, ishote 23, mershe 220,
and once _s_, sewi 107. The stop #c# is regularly _k_ before _e_ and
_i_, unker 107, loki 56, also in kon 326, kume 314, kun 332, kunne 144,
kuþe 332, and _ck_ in eck 130, haueck 219, otherwise _c_, cunne 47, 48,
cuþe 360, hauec 223, spac 274: #cc# is _ck_, flockes 216, þicke 17, 308;
it is simplified in stoc 25: (b) ah 357 (6) is Anglian #ah#, but (a) ac
83 (6). #cw# is (a) _qu_, quaþ 143, but (b) cwaþ 372 (5). #č# is
expressed by _ch_, chirche 339, ich 1, swuche 354, unwrenche 125, ilich
232, 234, but ilike 113 r. w. biswike. #čč# is _cch_, recche 60, wrecche
251, but reche 58; #čǧ# is _gg_, alegge 272, hegge 17, 59 (*#hecg#),
legge 164, segge 18. Palatal #g# is written _ȝ_, ȝare 171, ȝaf 105,
areȝþe 285, murȝþe 257 (3), areȝ 285, bareȝ 286, folȝeþ 223, isuolȝe
102, unwroȝen 118, but arehþe 359, ibolwe 101. #ng# appears in lengþe
130, strengþe 129, but strencþe 356 (Horn, Beiträge, 60). #h# has been
added initially in his 404, hunke 376, hure 141, and dropped in abbe
130, is 281. #hr# is _r_ in rise 19; #hl#, _l_ in lud 6, luste 99; #hw#
is _hw_ in hwile ON 1591, _wh_ in what 60, but otherwise _w_, aiware
172, wat 141 &c., wan 334, wile 6 (3), wa 425, wo 152, wonne 38, wone
243, won 240, wider 342.

(2) =Of J.= Mainly a record of divergences from C. #a# is more
frequently _o_ before nasals, grome 49, lome 375, mon 334, 355, and
before lengthening groups, ondsware 105, onsware 55. Beside hwanne 121,
308, hwenne occurs 38 (4). ewel 80 takes its initial vowel from #æl#.
#æ# is _e_ in hedde 102 (3), queþ 372 (3), wes 1 (7). #e#, sweche 354,
but such 374, suche 134 (#swylc#). #i# is often written in French
fashion _y_, especially in conjunction with _m_, _n_, _u_, _h_, myne 51,
ynne 208, clyures 111, fyht 132; #willaþ# is wille 373; welcometh 318
has _wel_ substituted for #wil#; with cleures 84, 206 comp. ‘cleafres,’
AR 102/5, ‘claures,’ Corpus MS. #o#, wolde 370. #u#, tunge 37, vnne 382,
but schonyeþ 185, vowele 213, a French use. #ā#, hwo 425, no 202,
meaning nor, but naþeles 105, 357. #ǣ{1}# dayrewe 244, wrenne 360 (3);
eoch 231, euche 151, euych 187 descend from #ylc#, comp. 288/8; meysse
84 (*#mǣscan#), vleysse 83, with #ǣ# before #sć#, may, in this text, be
French spellings, but comp. 428/6. #ǣ{2}# is with fewer exceptions _e_,
efne 239, let 194 (4), leteþ 372 (3), ofdred 387. #ē#, dome 426 is
misspelt for deme. #ī#, swiþe 2, 12, swyþe 149. #ȳ#, hwy, with y written
for i. #ea# before #r# + cons. is _e_ in erdingstowe 28. #eo# before #r#
+ cons. is _eo_, veor 328, veorre 243, heorte 37, reorde 227, steorre
244, ileorned 172. #ie#, bichirmeþ 215. No umlaut in heuene 346 r. w.
stefne, heueryche 335, fele 415, but veole 20. #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut
of #i#, heonne 66, heore 216 &c. neþerward 100, seþþe 240. #ea# after
palatal and before nasal, schome 50, 374, schomye 117. #ie# after #g# is
regularly _e_, yeue 410, yeueþ 416, 419. #gief# is if 283 &c.: #heom#,
heom 62 &c. #ēa#, eren 254, drem 21; the _i_-umlaut, ihere 228. #ēo# is
mostly preserved, fleo 33, heo 33, heolde 51, leof 159, preostes 351,
teone 50, but he 19, holde 12, lesen 267, prest 238, swere 73.

The new diphthongs have reached a more advanced stage in which w
displaces ȝ; y is used extensively for i. #a# + #g#, drawe 209, mawe
138. #æ# + #g#, day 89, vayre 15, but seyde 9, iseyd 273. #e# + #g#,
ayeyn 7 (3), pleye 169, seyþ 132, snayles 87, seist 50. #i# + #h#,
adihte 242, bitwihen 390 (#betwih#), myht 78. #i# + #g#, unwryen 118.
#o# + #g#, itowen 368. #u# + #g#, vowele 64, fowel 65, muwe 62. #ā# +
#g#, owe 195, þrowe 196. #ǣ{1}# + #g#, eyþer 9; ihware 172 is OE.
#gehwǣr#. #ō# + #g#, bowe 15, wowe 120. #ō# + #h# is _ouh_, brouhte 156,
369, þouhte 269, roughte 305, but þoutest 113. #ū# + #h#, þuhte 21, of
þuhte 275. #ea# + #h#, iseyh 29, ouerseyh 30; the _i_-umlaut, myhte 42,
nyht 252. #eo# + #h#, ariht 278, brihter 108, vyhte 128, ryht 76; the
_i_-umlaut, isihþ 285. #ēa# + #g#, eyen 75, 100, eye 304, neyh 44;
#þēah# appears as þeih 367, þeyh 137 &c., þey 287, þah 422 (stressed),
þe 48, 220. #ēo# + #h#, lyhte 119, ryhte 120; the _i_-umlaut, flyhst 89,
flyhþ 132; #dīegel# is dyele 2. #ā# + #w#, snouh 308, nouht 58, nowiht
256, noht 183. #ī# + #w#, hewe 108. #ēo# + #w#, eure 379, treo 316.

#i# is levelled to _e_ in chireche 339, clerekes 340, 347, mureþe 257,
murehþe 336, 343; in gretture 74, _u_ appears for _e_; _e_ is inserted
in bolewe 101, swikedom 119.

_w_ stands for _u_ in hw 46, 435; it is written for _wu_ in wrche 340,
wrse 219, wrste 10, wrþe 278, and for _we_ in wre 159; it is _u_ in
suych 283. Final #n# is omitted in a 241 &c. #f# is _v_ in ivi 27. _d_
is written for #t# in bid 319; it is doubled in gladdre 19. For #þ#, _t_
is written in wit 57, _h_ in bihouhte 155. #sć# is _s_, sarp 79, atset
44, sende 210, _sc_, biscrycheþ 67, scrichest 179, scort 73, _sch_,
schewi 107, scholdest 54, schulle 320, mersche 220. Beside sweche 354
are such 374, suche 134. Final #c# is written _k_ in spak 279, 288; #cc#
is _kk_ in þikke 308; #cw# is _qu_ in iqueme 427. nyk 202 (OE. #nič#) is
a Midland form, and probably due to Scandinavian influence; ic is ic 245
(7) beside ich 1 &c.; ilyche 113 r. w. biswike. Palatal #g# is very
regularly written _y_, yaf 55, 105, ayaf 95, yomere 293, voryete 343.
After _l_, _r_, #g# passes into the spirant _w_, bolewe 101, foleweþ
223, iswolwe 102, amorewe 310, moreweninge 361, sorewe 309, but arehþe
282 (areh + þe). #g# is lost initially in if 260 &c. #h# is lost in
þoutest 113. #hw# is generally preserved, hwan 334, hwar 64, hwi 204,
hwile 158, ihware 172.

#Accidence:# (1) =of C=. Strong declension of _masc._ and _neut._ nouns.
In the _s. n. a._ bile 79, 205, griþbruche 377, kume 314 (possibly
_d._), hete 123 have their OE. vocalic ending; songe 259 is a scribe’s
mistake for song; bodi 73 has lost final g, eve 41, final n. _Gen._ -es,
fuȝeles 259, speres 355: _d._ -e, boȝe 15, bore 286, daie 352, houene
346, sumere 1, 294, wintere 293, but adai 89 (3), aniȝt 89, 175, awinter
290; with loss of final consonant, amorȝe 310, eue 239 (3), iui 27; OE.
are blo 108, 319, (Portes)hom 395, tro 316; king 371 is miswritten for
kinge. The _pl. n. a._ of masculines ends in -es, snailes 87, tunes 348,
but cliuers 111, 206, fuȝele 64 (see note): neuters are ibere 178, þinge
225, wiȝte 87, 160, and with _masc._ termination, wiȝtes 309, wordes
134, unwiȝtis 174. Genitive is cunne 20; datives have mostly -e, foȝle
213, rise 19 (3), songe 82, stude 410, þinge 312, 415, þuuele 214,
vnwrenche 125, volde 72, worde 114 (7), but craftes 329, cliures 84,
toppes 306, bischopen 404. The _fem._ nouns of the strong declension
have -e in _s. n. a._, answare 55, 277, blisse 298, 346, eardingstowe
28, godhede 267, skentinge 324, stefne 233, unrihtfulnesse 385, cheste
133, sorȝe 309, but hen 291, insiȝt 151, woning 227, 403, so ME.
grucching, luring 301: þuster 154, 186, 188 is neuter. _Gen._ -e, worlde
ON 476: _dat._ -e without exception, blisse 335, brede 130, ME. pipinge
232, 253, see 397. _Pl. d._ is dede 188, 406; _a._ blisse 311, clawe
109, tale 193, tide 26. Nouns of the weak declension have -e throughout,
_s. n._ swore 73, mose 69, _d._ deme 426, frogge 85, eȝe 304, wise 20,
but uo 281, _a._ daisterre 244, grame 49, ȝeme 345, but dairim 244, iuo
359: _pl. n._ blosme 16, eȝene 75, _d._ fere 179, but earen 254. Minor
declensions: uote _pl. d._ 51; man _s. n._ 210 (3), monnes _s. g._ 254,
304, men _pl. n._ 302, manne _pl. d._ 365, menne 368, men _pl. a._ 246;
boke _s. d._ 266; mus _pl. n._ 87; niȝt _s. n._ 250, middelniȝte _s. d._
241, but aniȝt 89, 175, niȝt _s. a._ 247, 252, niȝtes _pl. n._ ON 523;
childre _pl. d._ 419.

Adjectives which in OE. end in #-e# have e in all cases, breme 158,
grene 18, isene 122, 211, murie 261, þicke 17, riche 413, similarly
those in #-a#, lame 375, unwille 300, but hoked 79 has lost #e#, while
ope 124 has vocalic ending by loss of #n#, and fastrede _s. n. m. st._,
r. w. unrede, has added e. Those in #-ig# lose g, holi 339. Otherwise
the _nom._ is unchanged. Datives have -e in all genders, _str._, gode
223, riȝte 170, 200, 212, _wk._ faire 317, 319, fule 93, 295, olde 163,
so _acc. m. f. str._ stronge 205, vaire 15, bolde 288, schille 98, 364,
but stif 205, lodlich 32 before vowels, unwrþ 255, _wk._ gode 414, longe
247, but ful 94: wrecche _s. a. m. wk._ 251 has taken the form of
#wrecca# sb. (Breier). The _acc. neut._ is uninflected, god 131; wole 8
is corrupt. #mycel# is _s. n._ muchel 404, _s. d._ muchele ON 1217:
#āgen# has lost n in oȝe 195. The _pl._ of all adjectives ends in -e,
_n._ brode 75, isome 378, _d._ belde 358, smale 213, _a._ gode 206,
scharpe 109, but scharp 206 before a vowel. OE. #ān# is _s. n. m._ on
25, 238 before vowel, 82, 330 (pronominal), o 331 (num. adj.), _f._ a
112, an 80 before vowel, _s. d. m._ one 2, 15, &c., _f._ ore 17, 393,
397, one 14, 235, _neut._ one 1, 236, _s. a. m._ one 102, a 94, o 249
(num. adj.), _f._ one 4, 155, 324, an 4, one 403 (num. adj.), _neut._ a
45, 104. #nān# is _s. n. m._ no 210, _f._ 146, _s. d. m._ none 168, 387;
as adv. na more 169 (3). Adjectives used as nouns are wise _s. n. m._
132, _pl. d._ 181, bare _s. d._ 106, _s. a._ 56, gode _s. d._ 338, ille
299, longe 45, vuele, wroþe 63 (see note), blete _s. a._ 57, woȝe 120,
154, worste 10, but god 245. Comparatives have -e, betere 330 (3),
grettere 74, mildre 418, worse 219, but briȝter 108, gladur 19, icundur
85, uairur 108.

The personal pronouns are ich, i 353, me, unker _dual g._, of us two
107, we, hure _pl. g._, of us 141, us, þu, (speddes) tu 125, þe, hunke
376 (see note), ȝe, eu. The pronoun of the third person is _s. n._ he
_m._ 21 &c., ho _f._ 19, 368, heo 360, 372 &c., he 97, 274, 279, hi 141,
hit _neut._ 28, _d._ him _m._ 167, hire _f._ 104, him _neut._ ON 682,
_a._ hine _m._ 392, hi _f._ 29, 30, 32, hit _neut._ 92, _pl. n._ hi 10
&c., ho 66, 76, heo 418, 434, 435, _d._ hom 94, heom 408, _a._ hi 420,
hom 62 (possibly _d._), heom ON 930: reflexive are hi 155, heom 407;
definitive, sulue 69. Possessives are _s. n._ mi, before vowel or
pronom. h, min, _d._ mine _m._ 46, mire _f._ 384, mine 59, 245, _neut._
83, 218, _a. m._ 36, 242, _f._ 196; _pl._ mine; _s. n._ þi, before vowel
or h, þin, _d._ þine _m._ 58, þin 117, þire _f._ 307, 383, þine 40 (6),
_neut._ 88, _a. m._ 119 &c., þin 249, þine _f._ 194, þin _neut._ 121
(before vowel), þi ON 104; _pl._ þine, but þin _pl. n._ 75, 113 before
vowel; his 188, is 281, his _neut._ 267; hire 26; ure 298; ower 379;
hore 216, heore 418; unker 423, 425, 426. The definite article is
_s. n._ þe _m._ 132, þo _f._ 26, 155, þe 13, 29 &c., þat _neut._ 10 &c.,
þe 352, _g._ þas _m._ 254, þare _f._ 28, _d._ þan _m._ ON 125, þen 386,
þe 322, 371, þare _f._ 31, 397, þe ON 96, þan _neut._ ON 133, þe 56,
_a._ þane _m._ 414, þe _f._ 13, þat _neut._ 8, 10; _pl. n._ þe 315. The
article is also used demonstratively as _adj._ þat 5, 8 &c., þare 96, as
pronoun, þat 82, þan 156, 405. The compound demonstrative is _s. n._ þes
_m._ 195, þos _f._ 41 (3), þeos ON 1667, 1707, _d._ þis _neut._ 437 (the
metre requires þisse), _a._ þos _f._ 133, þis _neut._ 156 (4); _pl. n._
þos 348, þeos 413, _d._ þisse 432, _a._ þos 95, þeos ON 1653. The
relatives are þe ON 1346, þat 10, 144; meaning to which 187, that which
78, 115, 174. Interrogatives are wa 425, wo 152, wat 141, 271, 353, what
60, (to) wan 334, wuch ON 1378 and the correlative suich _n. s. m._ 283,
swuch _s. a. f._ 374, suiche _pl. n._ 134, swucche _pl. d._ 354. #gelīc#
is ilich _s. n. m._ 232, 234; #gelīca#, ilike _pl. n._ 113. Indefinites
are me 32 &c., man 341; sum _s. a. f._ 6, summe _pl. n._ ON 1648; eiþer
9, 141, aiþer 7; oþer _s. d. f._ 54, _s. a._ 7, _s. a. f._ 326, oþeres
_s. g._ 9, oþer _pl. n._ 160, _pl. a._ 225; ech _s. n. m._ 231, _neut._
312, eche _s. d. m._ 151; eurich _s. n. m._ 150, _f._ 257, _neut._ 185,
_g. m._ 304; eni _s. a. f._ 326, _neut._ 338; moni _s. n. m._ 355, mani
_s. a. m._ 399, manie 398, monie _pl. d._ 72, _a._ 193; uale _s. d. m._
410, uele _pl. g._ 20, fale _pl. d._ 365, feole 415; al _s._ throughout,
except all _s. d. f._ 129, alle _s. a. f._ 247; alle _pl._, except alre
_g._ 10.

The infinitive ends in -e, singe 39 (5), wirche 340 and 40 other
instances; exceptions in -en are losen 267, singen 327 before vowel or
h, abiten 77, smiten 78 at end of line, hoten 192, speten 39, wrchen
286; the second weak conjugation has -i, liki 258, sewi 107; contract
verbs are flo 284, 319, flon 106 before vowel. The _dat. inf._ is not
inflected, to biholde 71, for teche 408, [for] ȝiue 410, to seche 402
(virtual nominative): no examples in -en. Presents are _s._ 1. abbe 130,
adiȝte 242, kep (ich) 110; of second wk. conj. warni 246, wndri 184; of
contract verbs, iso 243, so 34; 2. axest 325, singest 247 (3), passive,
hattest 191, axestu 329, wenestu 219, ME. clackes 81; with -ist, singist
175, wenist 231; seist 50 (4) represents #segst#; syncopated forms are
telst 226, tuengst 112, wenst 47, the metre requires woldẹst 84, hauẹst
109; a contract verb is fliȝst 89, 183, fliȝst(e) 283; 3. blisseþ 313,
croweþ 251 and 17 others, singet 152, schuniet 185; syncopated forms are
numerous, abid 421, berþ 281, bit 319, 323, demþ 420, diht 399, falt 37,
fiȝt 132, halt 32, helpþ 127, lat 224, liþ 308, lust 168, 169, singþ
339, telþ 256, þincþ 430, worþ 283, writ 399, þincþe 46 (= þincþ þe);
seiþ 132 represents #segð#; contract verbs are atfliþ 37, fliȝt 132,
224, isiþ 285, isoþ 302; _pl._ 3. bigredeþ 215, habbeþ 309, 406,
bigredet 67, biledet 68, haued 123, floþ 214: _subjunctive s._ 1. holde
59, schilde 57; second wk. conj., loki 56; 2. clawe 110, wepe 182; 3.
bitide 52, uorȝete 343; _pl._ 1. lete 133, ute 422, fo 135; 3. bigrede
220; _imperative s._ 2. hud 120, stond 431, loke 122, schamie 117, seie
173, flo 33; _pl._ 2. fareþ 379, lateþ 372 (3), lusteþ 372. Past of
Strong Verbs: I a. _s._ 3. aȝaf 95, ȝaf 55, 105, iseȝ 29, ouerseȝ 30,
quaþ 143, 145, sat 15, 101, spac 274, 288; _pl._ 3. seten ON 1102;
_subj. s._ 3. iseȝe 303: I b. _s._ 3. com 361; _pl._ 3. bicome 434: I c.
_s._ 3. bigon 13, song 20 (4), sval 7, warp 45; _subj. s._ 3. wrþe 278:
II. _s._ 3. abod 41: III. _s._ 3. atschet 44: IV. _s._ 3. stod 25: V.
_s._ 3. athold 270, bihold 30, hold 100, let 8; _pl._ 3. holde 12;
_subj. s._ 1. holde 51. Participles past: I a. awreke 198, bispeke 381,
underȝete 124: I b. ibore 334: I c. ibolwe 101, ibred 367 (#breden#),
isuolȝe 102, iþrunge 38, tosvolle 101: II. itoȝen 368: II, III. vnwroȝen
118: III. ishote 23: IV. ifare 278: V. bigrowe 27, bihote 388, iholde
366, ofdrad 387. Past of Weak Verbs: _s._ 1. iherde 3; 2. raddest 115
(weak form), þoȝtest 113, speddestu 125; 3. broȝte 156, hadde 102, sede
33, seide 9; _pl._ 3. spedde 435, ferden 432: _subj. s._ 3. roȝte 305.
Participles past: acoled 161, aferd 288, ihert 406, iladde 276
(#lǣded#), ilorned 172, imeind 18, 306, ised 273, oferd 277, oftoned
190. Minor Groups: an 1 _pr. s._ 382; can 1 _pr. s._ 126, 436, con 199,
kon 326, con _pr. s._ 415, cunne 1 _pr. s. subj._ 47, kunne _pr. s.
subj._ 144, kuþe _pt. s._ 332, cuþe 360; þaref _pr. s._ 146; wot 1 _pr.
s._ 61, wostu 2 _pr. s._ 334, wot _pr. s._ 151, ?wte 2 _pr. s. subj._
318, wiste _pt. s._ 103, wuste _pt. pl._ 10, nuȝte ȝe 2 _pt. pl._ 394;
schaltu 2 _pr. s._ 165, schal _pr. s._ 143, shal 258, shulle 1 _pr. s.
subj._ 320, 323, sholdest 2 _pt. s._ 54, scholde _pt. s._ 371, schulde
390; mai 1 _pr. s._ 184, miȝt 2 _pr. s._ 64 (3), mist 78, mai _pr. s._
141, muȝe 1 _pr. pl._ 138, _pr. pl. subj._ 62, miȝtest 2 _pt. s._ 192,
miȝte _pt. s._ 42, mihte we 1 _pt. pl._ 392, miȝte _pt. s. subj._ 411;
mote 1 _pr. s. subj._ 52; bon _inf._ 198, bo 146, beo 378, ?be 296, am 1
_pr. s._ 212, icham 126, nam 387, art 2 _pr. s._ 38, nart 285, is _pr.
s._ 34, his 404, nis 162, boþ _pr. pl._ 75 (5), beoþ 418, bo 2 _pr. s.
subj._ 127, _pr. s. subj._ 107 (4), bo 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 137, 2 _s.
imp._ 197, beoþ 2 _pl. imp._ 378; was 1 _pt. s._ 1, were _pt. pl._ 16,
_pt. s. subj._ 21, nere 22, weren _pt. pl. subj._ 76, were 305; wille 1
_pr. s._ 198, wilt 2 _pr. s._ 121, nel tu 106, wile _pr. s._ 170, wle
284, wulle ȝe 2 _pr. pl._ 373, nulleþ _pr. pl._ 407, wille 2 _pr. s.
subj._ 77, _pr. s. subj._ 144, wile 141, wille _pr. pl. subj._ 222,
wolde 1 _pt. s._ 128, nolde 115, woldest 2 _pt. s._ 84, wolde _pt. s._
70, walde 370; don _inf._ 115, do 374, 1 _pr. s._ 245, dest 2 _pr. s._
49, 237, dost 307, dostu 174, 289, deþ _pr. s._ 359, doþ 112, 2 _pr.
pl._ 377, _pr. pl._ 113, misdoð 413, do we 1 _pr. pl. subj._ 424, do 2
_s. imp._ 431; gon _inf._ 170, goþ _pr. pl._ 221.

The adverb aiware 172, widely, OE. #ǣghwǣr# has added e; B-T. quotes
#ǣghwāre# from Lye. Adverbs and prepositions in #-an# have -e, abute 16,
bute 403, buue 164, honne 66 (#heonane#), soþþe 240, vorre 243, ine
(#innan#) 266 (3), upe (#uppan#) 351, touore 426, witute 139, but
bituxen 390: mid 18 (4) and mide 411, oft 36 and ofte 81 occur.

(2) =Of J.= The few divergences are briefly indicated. Nouns: eyen _pl.
n._ 75, song _s. n._ 259; adjectives: vuele _s. a. neut. wk._ 8, iliche
_s. n. f. str._ 235, o _a. s. f._ 403, non _s. d. m._ 168, icundere
_s. n. neut._ 85 (unmetrical), beter _s. n. m. str._ 330, 331. The
pronoun of the first person is often ic 245, 385; vr _pl. g._ 141; heo
_s. n. m._ 23, 280, 375, 394, he _s. n. f._ 19, hi _pl. n._ 76, my
_s. a. m._ 36, þi _s. a. m._ 264, þin _s. d. m._ 125, þine _s. d. f._
383, eure _s. d. m._ 379; þe _s. n. f._ 26, þon _s. d. neut._ 350; þisse
_s. d. neut._ 437, þeos _s. a. f._ 133; oþres _s. g._ 9, 11. Tellest
226, biholdeð 30, helpeð 127 are not syncopated; wenest 231, hateþ,
luuyeþ 186, abit 421; wite 2 _pr. s. subj._ 318, unwryen _pp._ 118
(#wrigen#), vnne 1 _pr. s._ 382, beo _inf._ 198; beon _pr. pl. subj._
137. Noteworthy are muchele _adv._ 413, ne conjunction 74, than.

#Vocabulary:# French are acorde 137, afoled 162, castel 131, certes 412,
clerkes clerekes 340, 347, fals 166, gente 160, granti graunti 157 (the
latter Anglo-French), grucching 301, ipeint 76, kanunes 347, maister
maistre 147, 421, pes pays 373 (the former phonetic, the latter
traditional spelling), plait plaid 5, 380, plaidi 140, plaiding 12,
rente 410, schirme 222, possibly crei 251. Scandinavian are ilete lete
281, 358, 35, ille 299, lah(fulnesse) 384, nai 202, skentinge 324,
sckile 142, þoȝ 220, wronge 152, possibly wailawai 176 and wise 54, if
it means song. Noteworthy is the large number of expressive words
bearing a popular stamp, such as clackes, clechest, crempe, galegale,
misrempe, snepe, spale, totose, ȝollest, ȝoȝelinge.

#Dialect:# The poem was presumably written in Dorsetshire and so in the
dialect of the Middle South; the evidence of the rhymes confirms this.
But in its present form there are considerable traces of Anglian
influence, and these, as appearing equally in both manuscripts, may be
set down to the transcriber of their common exemplar or to one of his

#Metre:# The short rhymed couplet, in its original French form, has
regularly eight syllables, with masculine ending or nine with feminine
ending. But the Anglo-French poets, like Chardry, whose Petit Plet,
‘estrif mut delitus’ is in both our manuscripts, allow themselves more
freedom, and the form of the verse in ON is varied by all the licences
of native English prosody. The types are i. masculine ending, eight
syllables, four stresses, iambic rhythm, as, þat plaít | was stíf | and
stárc | and stróng 5; so 7, 8, 29, 30, 43, 44, 174, 176, 183-185, 248,
250, 252, 256, 260, 338, 353, 394: i a. the same, but with trochaic
beginning, as, Mé is | þe wúrs | þat ích | þe só 34, 149, 319: i b.
seven syllables with light syllable wanting in first foot, as, þíd|er
fúnd|eþ eúr|ich mán 337: ii. feminine ending, nine syllables, four
stresses, iambic rhythm, as, þat ál|re wórst|e þát | hi wúste 10, 12,
15, 17, 19, 20, 27, 35, 36, 40, 45, 46, 55, 56, 67, 69, 72, 82, 93, 95,
96, 99, 105 and 104 other lines: ii a. the same with trochaic beginning,
as, wénst þu | þat ích | ne cún|ne sínge 47, 38, 52, 78, 80, 98, 121,
122, 215, 222, 225, 244, 295, 302, 304, 318, 325, 334, 342, 349, 352,
406, 417, 424: ii b. eight syllables with light syllable wanting in
first foot, as, ánd | me schíld|e wít | þe bléte 57, 70, 71, 87, 91,
110, 117, 131, 147, 148, 217, 378. The unstressed element in a foot is
doubled in i. þi bód|i is shórt | þi swór|ẹ is smál 73, þu chát|ẹrest so
dóþ | on ír|ish préost 238, Hit lúu|eþ þúst|er and hát|iet líȝt 186, þat
þín|e píp|inge nís | ilích 232: i a. Grétter|ẹ is þin héu|ed þán | þu ál
74, Cértes | cwaþ þe húl|e þát | is sóð 412: i b. þát | ho sóng | hirẹ a
bís|emár 104: ii. Eurich þíng | mai lós|en hís | godhéde 267, Me lúst|e
bet spét|en þán|e sínge 39, 62, 317, and þúȝ|te wel uúl | of þár|e húle
31, 425, þoȝ crów|e bigréd|ẹ him bí | þe mérshe 220, þe níȝt|ingál|e
bigón | þe spéche 13, 116, 154, 187, 253, 262, 266, 354, þe wér|ẹ
icúnd|ur to ón|e frógge 85, alsó | ho hád|dẹ one frógg|ẹ isuólȝe 102, Þo
quáþ | þe húl|e wo schál | us séme 143: ii a. wénes | tu þat háu|eck
bó|þe wórse 219, álle | þat ihér|eþ þín|ẹ ibére 178, Schíld þin|e
svík|eldom vrám | þe líȝte 119, 234, 359; ii b. Hó | ne míȝt|e no léng |
biléue 42, 264, 347, þár | þo v́l|e sóng | hire tíde 26. The light
syllable is missing in i. and mák|ẹst þine sóng | só | unwúrþ 255, He
wún|eþ át | pórt|es hóm 395, Ich síng|e bét | þan þú | dést 237, vor
suích | worþ bóld | ȝif þú | flíȝst 283, 284: ii. On mé | hít | is wél |
iséne 211, Ich wót | þat þú | árt | unmílde 61, 303, 390, wel fíȝt | þat
wel flíȝt | seíþ | þe wíse 132, werẹ aférd | ho spác | bóld|e tále 288,
Bet þúȝt|e þe dreím | þat hé | wére 21: ii a. Nís he | vor þé | nóȝt |
afóled 162, Bít me | þat ích | shúll|e sínge 323. Inversion of the
accent is fairly frequent, as i. Þat ích | shúlle | to hír|e fló 320, An
díht | and wrít | máni | wisdóm 399, He náu|eþ bút|ẹ óne | woníng 403:
ii. Ne hélpþ | nóȝt þat | þu bó | to þríste 127, 392, 408, 425, Þo stód
| on óld | stóc þar | bisíde 25, 32, 199, 372, 381, 422, vor hír|e lú|uẹ
óne | skentínge 324, 396. Synizesis takes place in monie 72, 193, 398
(pronounce monye), schamie 117, schuniet 185, hatiet 186, murie 261,
unmurie 262, lilie 317. The e of a middle syllable after the stress in a
trisyllabic word suffers syncope; certain instances are, sumẹre 1, 327,
diȝẹle 2, oþẹres 9, 11, vuẹle 63, fuȝẹle 64, hauẹkes 207, chatẹrest 238,
wintẹre, ȝomẹre 293, sumẹre 294, betẹrẹ 330, 331, 401, steuẹne 345, 363,
houẹne 346, 350, also warẹuore 333, morẹȝeninge 361, probable are narẹwe
68, eȝẹne 75, svikẹdom 123, as avoiding a three syllable foot. With
regard to -est, -eþ of the _sing. present_, the only certain examples of
syncope are woldẹst 84, cumẹþ 298, in all other possible cases there is
the alternative of a three syllable foot. But taking into account the
preponderance of forms syncopated by spelling, and the dissyllabic norm
of the foot in the French verse which served as model, it seems more
likely that the poet scanned þretẹst 83, hauẹst 109, speddẹstu 125,
schirchẹst, ȝollẹst 179, miȝtẹst 192, wenẹst 195, bicumẹþ 207, wenịst
231, singẹst 247, 310, 175, crowẹþ 251, singẹþ 292, forbernẹst 297,
cumẹþ 298, hauẹþ 356, nullẹþ 407: similarly werẹn 76, ovẹr 64, euẹr 421
are probable. What has been said about syncope applies also to the
relative spheres of elision and hiatus. The letter which suffers elision
is weak, mostly inflectional, final e before an initial vowel or
pronominal h, presumably also before an inorganic h as in hule; there is
no elision in the case of such words as me 38, 164, we 133, he 303, ope
124. It certainly takes place in Bet þúȝt|e þát | he wér|ẹ ishóte 23,
and in the same position in 50, 63, 75, 77, 81, 123, 125, 137, 160, 161,
168, 177, 178, 181, 236, 257, 277, 281, 308, 315, 336, 346, 364, 397,
428, alsó | ho hád|dẹ one frógg|ẹ isuólȝe 102, þát | ho sóng | hirẹ a bí
| semár 104, Þo húl|ẹ one wíl|e hí | biþóȝte 155. Hiatus, which is the
maintenance of e under the same conditions, is certain in ll. 28, 31,
92, 140, 163, 168, 173, 227, 268, þat þẹ húl|e hád|de hír|ẹ iséd 273,
289, 305, 344, 386, 409, 418, 425. In all other cases the choice lies
between a three syllable foot with hiatus and a two syllable foot with
elision; the latter is probably to be preferred.

The few lines which are metrically faulty are easily amended, Ilóm|e þu
dést | me múch|ẹle gráme 49, þu cúþ|est þát | þu árt | unwíȝt 90, þu
féd|ẹst on hóm | a fúl|ne fóde 94, 107 MS. J is correct, þan þú | mid
áll|e þín|e stréngþe 129, 164 MS. J is correct, þat hé | for þé | fálse
| dom déme 166, Ne maí | no mán | þarẹuór|ẹ me schénde 210, vor þí | ich
lóþ | am smál|e fóȝle 213, 235 MS. J is correct, Ích | do gód|e mid
mín|e þróte 245, and éu|re seíst | þin ón|e sóng 249, Ac nó|þẹles spác |
he bold|elíche 279, þu fár|est ál|so dóþ|þe ílle 299, To uór|e þe kíng|e
þáh | heo schólde 371, An dó | þan kíng|e swúch|e scháme 374, þeos
rích|e mén | múchel | misdóð 413, 437 MS. J is correct. Peculiar in
rhythm are, and mák|ẹst þine sóng | só | unwúrþ 255, þat he míȝt|ẹ héom
il|óme | be míde 411. The rhymes are generally correct, but kunne :
honne 65, cunde : schende 209, foȝle : þuuele 213, ȝomere : sumere 293,
stude : mide 410 are inexact. The poet was all the same a very skilful

#Introduction:# There has been a wide difference of opinion as to the
time when ON was written, but the weight of recent authority is in
favour of a date somewhere about A.D. 1220. The references in the poem
to passing events are mostly vague or obscure; only the passage ‘þe king
Henri | Jesus his soule do merci’, ON 1091, 2, which can refer to no
other than Henry the Second, fixes a superior limit of A.D. 1189. It
would equally appear to exclude the reign of Henry the Third, for, as
ten Brink concedes, such an indefinite expression would hardly be used
when another Henry was on the throne. It is further arguable that its
use points to a time when the death of the king was recent. Again such a
reference as that to the minstrel go-between saved by the intervention
of King Henry the Second from the vengeance of a wronged husband would
be to a recent event. Furthermore, it would give point to the
expression, ‘ȝet nis he (i. e. the king) nouþer ded ne lame’, 171/375,
if it were referred to the good peace kept by the Justiciar Hubert
Walter, during Richard the First’s absence from England in A.D. 1194-8.
These external considerations, slight though they be, are in favour of
the end of that reign as the date of the composition of the poem. The
stage of development reached by the language may be held to support this
view. Our manuscripts are copies of a copy, probably not far removed
from the original poem. That copy is primitive in the fullness of the
inflections, the extensive preservation of grammatical gender and the
form of the new diphthongs.

Of the author nothing is known. A certain Johan of Guldeuorde is
recorded in a copied note in MS. J as declining to sing more, but any
connexion of his with ON cannot be determined. If the author were the
Nicholas de Guldeuorde mentioned in the poem, it would lend a
characteristic spice of humour to the excellent testimonial which he
gives himself (157/147-170, 173/389-401). His name indicates that he was
a native either of Guildford in Surrey or of Guldeford near Rye in
Sussex. What sort of court he presided over cannot be determined; he may
have been bailiff of the hundred court, or steward of a manor, or
commissary for the neighbouring Abbotsbury. The attempt made by Gadow to
identify him with a certain Nicholaus Capellanus, who appears in the
diocese of Salisbury in A.D. 1209, 1220, is not convincing.

The poem is in the favourite _débat_ form of the contemporary French
literature. The Owl is the Cleric, living a secluded life under a strict
rule, the Nightingale is the Minstrel, amateur of the open air and
vagabond freedom, the Wren is a poet, like Philippe de Thaün, who has
gained a secure place at Court. Though he tries to hold the balance
even, the author’s secret sympathies are with the Nightingale; he had
been himself sometime a wandering scholar.

Read 150/16 þat, 152/57 wit, 154/104 bysemar, 160/183 nyht, 160/185
vych, 160/191 quaþ, 166/289, 167/289 Þule, 167/310 eue, 168/336 Murehþe
ilyche, 168/339 holy.

The references are to C, unless J is prefixed.

1. #sumere#, summer, _adj. s. d._ agreeing with dale; a summer valley.
Gadow compares OE. #sumer-lida# and similar compounds. But Stratmann
explains it as _s. d. f._ of sum, certain.

2. #diȝele#: comp. ‘on ænne swiðe faire stude. | in ane dale deope[;]
diȝelen bihælues,’ L 26933. ‘North of Portisham is a valley now called
Mystecomb, formed by Hampton and Ridge Hills, and on the east side of
the former are some pits, where the hundred courts were formerly held
and hundred silver paid,’ Hutchins, Dorsetshire, i. 556. Was this the
scene of the ‘plait’?

5. #starc#: comp. ‘þat fiht was swiþe strong[;] swiþe starc and swiþe
lang,’ L 4170, MS. O.

6. #among#, at intervals, at times: comp. 152/81; ‘þar was weping
strong[;] þar was gredinge among,’ L 23563, MS. O, and see KH 1527 note.
Similarly ‘bitweonen’, 132/28; ‘And also cussed his feet amyd’, CM
14015, MS. T.

7. #sval#, was puffed out with anger, like L. tumeo. Rare in this
absolute use; for a common expression comp. ‘þin heorte in wið þe
swelleð of sar grome,’ HM 31/27: see also 155/101.

11. #hure and hure#: see 15/91 note.

J 13. #þo speke#, then to speak: the scribe had before him þo speche,
the speech, þo representing OE. #þā#, _s. acc. f._ of #se#, usually þe
in these texts. Mistaking þo for the adverb, meaning then, he altered
speche into speke, spoiling the rhyme. (Breier, 125.)

14. #breche# probably represents OE. #bræc#, #brec#, which occurs in the
boundaries of charters and appears to mean land left untilled among
cultivated fields, such as would be covered with underwood; it would go
well with #hurne# in its dialectal meaning of ‘a nook of land projecting
into another parish, district or field.’ The phrase would then mean, in
a corner of a spinney, just the position where the nightingale would
feel safe; see 153/59, 60. Mätzner takes the word to mean fallowland;
there is a dialectic breck, mostly northern and not recorded for the
south and a literary word break, given in NED under date 1674, with that
meaning. #beche# in J is generally identified with Layamon’s bach, bæch,
valley, but Kenyon holds that it represents OE. #bēce#, beech, if so,
hurne must have its secondary sense of hiding place.

J 16. #þat#: a scribe’s mistake for þar.

17. #ore#: OE. #ānre#, _s. d. f._: #hegge# is descended from a strong
fem. *#hecg#, but it is treated as masc. at l. 59, perhaps by confusion
with OE. #hege#. #waste#: written for vaste, that is, faste (comp. ON, J
796), which Breier takes for an adverb qualifying þicke, very thick. But
there is no evidence in ME. for the adverb, except with verbs and
participles. It is an adjective, secure, safe, as in ‘wel he makede his
castles[;] treowe ⁊ swiðe uæste,’ L 11897; comp. 153/53, 56-60, 157/130,
131, or possibly, dense.

18. Tall grasses and green flag plants grew up through the hedge.

19. #rise#, boughs; comp. ‘blisse was among þe rise,’ ON 1664.

20. #auele#: see 132/9 note.

21. #he#: see 135/127 note.

22. #þan#, than that.

26. #hire tide#, her hours; see 163/230 note, and comp. ‘Gif preost on
gesetne timan tída ne ringe oððe tida ne singe, gebete þæt,’ Liebermann,
Gesetze, i. 382/36.

27. #⁊#: comp. 81/82 note. #bigrowe#, overgrown: comp. ‘mid iui grene al
bi-growe,’ ON 617.

30. #ouerseȝ#, looked down at from her higher position: comp. 34/75.

31. #þuȝte#: impersonal; supply hire from the subject of the preceding
sentence: #wl# is predicative adjective.

35. #lete#, behaviour, i.e. hooting: comp. 165/281, 171/358.

37. #atfliþ#, takes flight, deserts me: comp. ‘expavit cor meum et
emotum est de loco suo,’ Job xxxvii. 1. Mostly with _acc._, but comp.
‘leste þe heorte etfleo ⁊ wende ut,’ AR 50/19. #falt#, folds, collapses:
comp. ‘and þi tunge foldet,’ PRL 250/3, 249/2; OEM 101/4 and see 2/19

38. when you thrust yourself on me. Comp. ‘Bruttes him þrungen to[;]
þræfliche swiðe,’ L 27796.

39. #Me luste bet#, it would please me better.

40. #of#, by reason of, as the result of.

41. #fort#: comp. 163/248 and see 72/179 note. #for# in J is due to the
scribe who avoids the unusual word; comp. 162/248, 166/310.

42. #bileue#, hold in, keep still; a somewhat forced sense.

44. #atschet#, shot out, drove out of her body; its subject and that of
warp in the next line is heo, contained in the preceding hire: comp.
98/71. The editors, however, treat fnast as the subject, but in the only
other place where the verb occurs, ‘Ah þah mi lif me beo at-schote,’ ON
1623 it is transitive.

45. #warp#, sent forth; see 13/45.

48. #writelinge#, ‘trilling, singing in shakes and flourishes,’
Specimens; a meaning apparently deduced from the context here and ON
914, the only places where the word occurs. It may be a miswriting of
wrixelinge or wriselinge; OE. #wrixlian#, to modulate, vary the voice,
as in ‘Ic þurh muþ sprece monȝum reordum. | wrencum singe, wrixle
ȝeneahhe | heafodwoþe, hlude cirme,’ Riddle ix (by some interpreted of
the nightingale), Grein, iii. 189/1, to which Toller parallels ‘Vox mea
diversis variatur pulcra figuris,’ Aldhelm, 252/27; ‘wrixleð woðcræfte
. . . | beorhtan reorde,’ Phoenix 127.

49, 50. #grame . . . tone . . . schame#: comp. 40/165 note.

51. #on#, within the compass of, under.

52. May it so happen that I have the opportunity, a parenthesis; #⁊# in
the next line is equivalent to and if.

54. #wise# may mean, song.

56. #loki--bare#, guard myself against the open, i.e. keep in my
thicket, as at l. 59, 155/106. Other adjectives used as nouns are blete,
l. 57, unsheltered place; woȝe ll. 120, 154, crooked conduct; harde, ON
459, 527, bitter weather, 703, difficulty; toȝte 703, puzzling
situation. #loki wit# appears to be without parallel, but wiþ is common
in conjunction with similar verbs, see 48/299 note; from is usual,
149/77 as with schilde, 153/62, 157/119.

63. #tukest#: the usual construction of this verb in OE. and ME. is seen
in, ‘þa halgan . . . to ealre yrmðe tucode,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 494/106
(afflicted the Saints with every kind of misery); ‘ha tukeð ure godes to
balewe ⁊ to bismere,’ SK 551. Whether to is to be inserted, or wroþe
(which is a noun, ON 944) and vuele are to be regarded as adverbs, in
any case the verb must have a direct object; #over# is probably a
misreading of the common original MS. for oþer; comp. ON 1524 where J
has correctly oþer and C over. The mistake would lead to the omission of
to before wroþe. The sense then is, thou dost harass with evil and harm
other small birds wherever thou canst. #fugele# as _pl. acc._ in rhyme
can be supported by bridde : amidde, ON 123; wrenche : atprenche, id.

67. #bischricheþ#, screech at; apparently only here. Comp. 160/215.

68. #narewe#, strictly, harshly; comp. 74/203 note. #biledet#, treat,
like L. afficere; comp. ‘He iseyh hw ihesu crist. wes vuele biled,’ OEM
45/278; ‘And luþre heom biledeþ | Mid pykes and myd eaule,’ id. 83/329.
The word appears to descend as to form from OE. #belǣdan#, to lead
(astray), and as to meaning from OE. #belecgan#, to treat (ill),
afflict, through the intermediary of their common _pp._ #belēd#. The
expression is somewhat like ‘mettre à l’estroict, to put vnto the
pinch,’ Cotgrave.

70. #Hire þonkes#, gladly; see 10/167 note.

72. #in monie volde#, lit., in many folds, that is, in many respects.
The phrase seems to be a mistaken resolution of some such adverbial
expression as *#on manigfealdum#; in ME. on manyfolde, bi manifold are
found, as well as many a folde. A natural extension is seen in, ‘ne uint
he red in one (none J) uolde,’ ON 696.

76. #Riȝt swo#, just as if; comp. 155/98, 163/222.

78. #cliure#, claw: six times in ON, only once again in ME., see ES
xxxi. 7, 17. ‘#clifra#, _ungularum_,’ OE. Glosses, ed. Napier, 135/5341,

80. #owel#: see 58/67 note.

J 81. #euer among#: see 148/6 note.

83. #to#: the construction appears to be quite isolated, for #þrēatian#,
þreatien take the _acc._ of the person or thing threatened. The simple
_dat._ is seen in, ‘swiþe hii gonne þretie[;] Arthur þan kinge,’ L
20341, MS. O. Comp. ‘escade to,’ 77/44 note.

85. Lit. It would be more natural to thee in respect of a frog, i.e. A
frog would suit you better. #to one frogge# is the virtual subject of
#were#. The same construction is implied in ‘Ov nas neuer icunde þarto,’
ON 114. Different is ‘Ne lust him nu to none unrede,’ 159/168, for
lusten has a prepositional construction (see 52/383 note), while icunde
has not. For the usual construction of icunde, see 3/32 note.

86. #cogge#: probably for cog-stone, a stone propped up at the edge.

88. #cunde . . . riȝte#: datives singular.

90. #on# should be omitted, it is unmetrical and, no doubt, due to un-
in the following word. #unwiȝt#, hideous.

92. #Bi#, with reference to; see 4/30, 13/18, and comp. the similar use
of ‘on’ in l. 94.

94. In them (i.e. in their case) thou rearest a very foul brood. For #on
hom# comp. 161/211 note.

100. #noþerward#, downward: comp. 56/51.

101. #to svolle# &c.: comp. 149/7; ‘heorte to-bollen ⁊ to-swollen,’ AR

104. #a bisemar#, a mockery, but ‘a bisemere,’ ON 1311 means in mockery.

106. #bare#: see 152/56.

107. #þare#: so the MS.; Wells thinks it a scribe’s mistake for ware
representing #hwæþer#, but C has elsewhere only hwaþer, wather, hweþer,
weþer, and the interrogative pronoun is apparently not contracted.
Probably the scribe has left out the first syllable and has been
influenced in writing the second by bare in the preceding line.

109. The nightingale answers.

110. #Ne kepich noȝt# &c., Nor do I care for your clawing me, i.e. I
would rather that you did not claw me.

112. #tonge#, pair of tongs.

113. #so--ilike#, as those like you do, after the manner of your kind.

118. #svikelhede#, attempt at deception: apparently only here and at ON

120. And conceal your wickedness beneath an appearance of righteousness.
For the combination comp. ‘myd wowe ne myd ryhte,’ OEM 49/412; ‘þat is
woh ⁊ na wiht riht,’ L 4333, 5043, 6373; ‘Man mai þer of et inoȝ | Al
wiþ riȝt and noȝt wiþ woȝ,’ Heuser, Kildare-Gedichte, 146/62.

J 121. The second #þu# is a scribe’s mistake for þin.

125. #unwrenche#, evil tricks; comp. ‘For þine fule sunnen | ⁊ for þin
uniwrenche,’ OEM 174/93, and for the rhyme 29/2.

127. #to þriste#: see 30/17.

128. #liste . . . strengþe# are often contrasted, ‘Betere is liste þen
luðer strencðe’, AR 268/27; ‘hit wes ȝare iqueðen | þat betere is
liste[;] þene ufel strenðe. | for mid liste me mai ihalden[;] þat
strengðe ne mai iwalden,’ L 17209.

130. #on brede . . . lengþe# goes with #god#, good in all dimensions, in
every respect: comp. ‘A fairer child neuer i ne siȝ, | Neiþer a lingþe
ne on brade,’ Sir Beues 536, with Kölbing’s note.

132. ‘Wel fyht þat wel flyþ,’ Hendyng, Böddeker, AE. Dicht. 291/77;
‘Mieuz vaut bone fuie que mauvaise atente,’ Li Proverbe au Vilain, no.
64; ‘þu most turne þe rug ȝif þu wult ouercumen ⁊ wið fluht fehten,’ HM

133. #lete awei#, give up, drop; comp. 50/348 note.

135. #fo we on#, let us proceed; comp. 143/67.

136. #wsome#: miswritten for ysome, concordant, peaceable, which is
_adj._ as at 171/378: Kenyon points out that the word-order is
idiomatic. In J, #some#, concord, is a noun; comp. 70/158 note.

137. #at one acorde#: the phrases at accord, in accord and with one
accord are all found, but this combination is at any rate rare: a
similar tautology is seen in ‘Two dogges and one bone | Maye never
accorde in one,’ Rel. Ant. i. 233.

140. #foȝe#, fitness, decency: OE. #fōg#, a joint. Kock (Anglia, xxv.
323) translates, ‘reason, reasonableness, justice and moderation.’ Wells
compares G. mit Fug und Recht. The word does not occur elsewhere in ME.;
soþe in J is a substitute for a word not known to the scribe.

143. #us seme#, reconcile us, settle our dispute. OE. #sēman#.

148, 149. Comp. 18/16, 30. In J 149, #worde# is faultily repeated from
l. 148.

151. #wot insiȝt in#, has skill in: the usual verb is seen in ‘insiht he
cuðe[;] a winde and a mone,’ L 30497.

153, 154. Comp. 157/120 and 161/186.

J 155. #bihouhte# appears to be a scribal error for biþouhte, which
occurs in the same text in a similar line, ‘Ful wel myd rede hire
biþouhte,’ l. 704. It can hardly represent OE. *#behogode# or
*#behogde#, pasts of #behogian#, #behycgan#.

158. #wile#, at one time.

161. #suþe acoled#, made cold or grown cold. In J, #nu þe# may mean now
for thee; Skeat takes it for nuþe, now: but the scribe had probably suþe
in his original.

164. Should condemn me and give you the upper hand: legge goes better
with adun than with buue. Comp. ‘That brynges me vnder ⁊ not above,’
Ipomedon 43/1428, 106/3681; ‘who so . . . may not come to his above,’
id. 1/5 with Kölbing’s note; ‘Leve thy resoun and bileve in the wondir |
For feith is aboven, and reson is undir,’ Rel. Ant. i. 127.

167. #him#: see 13/34 and add ‘Þe ston hym hys of swiche grace,’ KH MS.
O. 585; ‘For horn hym was so longe,’ id. 977. #fastrede#, steadfast of

168. #to#: comp. 52/383.

170. #a#, on.

171. #ȝare#, J #ware#: the same variation occurs ON 488, 860. #ȝare# is
the better reading.

181. #þinchest#: a scribe’s mistake for þincheþ. #snepe#, foolish;
apparently only here: now a Lincolnshire dialect word.

184. #þar of#: comp. ‘Þes meiden wes awundret swiðe of þes wordes,’ SJ
37/1; ‘þe sunne wundrieð of faire,’ OEH ii. 19/29. For #of# = at, see

186. Comp. 159/154.

187. #þat#, to which: see 44/250, 257 note, 46/292 note.

188. #to his dede#, as accompaniment of his actions.

194. Let thy tongue have a holiday. #spale#: OE. #spala#, a substitute,
#spelian#, to take the place of another, ME. spelien mostly means to use
sparingly. A related word is spell, a neutral word with meaning like
þroȝe l. 196, a stretch of time; so a spell of work, a spell of rest: in
Somerset dialect it means relaxation, in Australia, cessation from

200. #riȝte soþe#: comp. 156/140. #spelle#, long story; comp. 175/437.

202. #nich ne nay#, not I nor nay.

203. #lust#: imperative, as at l. 199; but Skeat, ‘I am pleased to
tell,’ which would require me lust.

208. #wune#: miswritten for wunne as the rhyme shows. The original
probably had ƿ̇unne, which the scribe of J copied as ynne.

209. #me draȝe to#, incline towards, act in accordance with. The
physical sense, betake oneself, is seen in ‘þes duc mid his drihte[;] to
þare sæ him droh,’ L 92, and intransitively at 32/47. Comp. also ‘heald
þin cunde,’ follow thy nature, OEH ii. 31/6.

210. #me#, as in J, seems necessary as the object of schende,
immediately before which it should be inserted.

211 is formal; comp. ‘on me hit is isene,’ ON 367; ‘On þe hit is wel eþ
sene,’ OEH ii. 255/5; Minot viii. 79 note. #on me#, in my case; for this
use of on, comp. 155/94; similar is bi, 4/30. #hit# represents l. 212.

212. #vor riȝte cunde#, it is purely because of my nature that I am so

215, 216. Comp. 153/67, 68. #to me ledeþ#, lead against me, bring to
attack me; comp. ‘Me þinkþ þu ledest ferde to me,’ ON 1672.

220. #bi#, near.

221. #goþ#: go might have been expected, as bigrede is subjunctive.

222. #Riȝt so#: comp. 153/76.

223. #rede#: dative.

225. #me . . . of#, about me; comp. 1/3. #Þet# in J is a mistake for

227. #woning#: comp. 159/176, 182.

228. #to ihire#, to be heard, to listen to; comp. 159/180.

229. #efne#, uniformly, without trillings; comp. 153/48.

230. #Mid fulle dreme#, with good round volume of sound, in contrast
with the nightingale’s thin shrill pipe, ll. 235, 236.

236. #weode unripe#, half-grown weed, like Milton’s ‘scrannel pipes of
wretched straw.’

239-246. #a riȝte time#. The owl takes credit for singing, not all night
like the nightingale, l. 247, but only to call the religious to their
hours, #an eue#, Vespers (#æfen-sang#); #bedtime#, Compline
(#niht-sang#); #ad middelniȝte#, Mattins with Lauds (#ūht-sang#);
#dairim#, Prime (#prīm-sang#), ‘þærrihte upasprungenum dægriman
dægredsang sy begunnen,’ Benedictine Rule, ed. Schröer, 32/22. S.
Brendan in his wanderings came to the bird’s paradise where ‘þe foweles
sunge ek here matyns: wel riȝt, þo hit was tyme, | ⁊ of þe sauter seide
þe uers: ⁊ siþþe also prime, | ⁊ vnderne siþþe ⁊ middai: ⁊ afterwardes
non, | ⁊ eche tyde songen of þe dai: as cristene men scholde don,’
Legendary, ed. Horstman, 225/223. #note#, employment, here divine
service; comp. 74/210. The nightingale claims her share in this at ll.

248. #fort#: see 72/179 note.

251. #crei#: found here only; it has been explained as crowing, or
crying, it can hardly be connected with F. cri, but it may possibly be,
as Breier suggests, connected with OE. #crāwan#. More likely it is an
imitative word invented by the writer.

252. #þat#, so that.

256. A mixed construction combining (i) that one esteems nothing of thy
song, values thy song at nothing, and (ii) thy song is worth nothing;
with the latter comp. ‘nis noht wurð þratte[;] buten þer beo dede æt,’ L
26555, with the former 124/265 note; ‘Thei tolde right nauȝt of thyn
awe,’ Laud Troy Book, 2178. #of þar#, thereof, of thy song.

258. #wel unwreste#, right feebly.

261. Be the song pleasing beyond all measure, ever so pleasing. #ne#
does not negative the verb, but goes with and strengthens neuer; comp.
‘Ne beo he nefre swa riche, forð he scal þenne is dei cumeð,’ OEH 35/21;
similarly 23/168, 43/225; ‘treouðe nefde he nane[;] to nauer nane
monne,’ L 25471.

262. #þat# is not the correlative of so in the preceding line, which is
a conditional clause; it is an illogical repetition of ‘þat’ in ll. 256,
258: the sense is, though the song be ever so pleasing, it must appear
unpleasing, if it continues &c. For #ne#, see 25/240.

263. #ouer unwille#, ‘beyond what is desirable,’ Specimens, but in the
glossary unwille is translated, displeasure. Wells takes unwille as an
adverb qualified by ouer, ‘too unpleasantly.’ Probably #ouer# is written
for ower which with #unwille# would form an adverbial phrase, against
your will, or pleasure, representing OE. #ūrum unwillum#, the latter
element being _pl. d._ of #unwilla#; comp. ‘ure gast biþ swiþe wide
farende urum unwillum,’ Boethius 152/4. Similar combinations descending
from OE. #unwill# are seen in ‘þe man . . . here wuneð on wanrede ⁊
þoleð his unwille hwile druie, ⁊ hwile wete,’ OEH ii. 123/5; ‘hire
unwilles,’ 140/25; ‘hire unwil,’ 141/136, HM 31/32; ‘min unwil,’ SM
13/3: see 140/25 note.

264. #aspille#, waste.

268. #unmeþe#: comp. 118/47.

276. #so foruorþ iladde#, carried so far, i.e. she had said so much.
#foruorþ#, lit. far onwards; but forþ comes to mean simply, far; comp.
‘uorþ ase ȝe muwen,’ AR 46/10; ‘ouer al ase forð as imei,’ SJ 47/6. With
#iladde# comp. ‘Of ðis kinge wil we leden song,’ GE 699; ‘talewise men
þe speches driuen,’ OEH ii. 193/27.

278. #ifare#, ‘conveyed,’ Specimens, as if a strong _pp._ from the weak
verb #ferian#. But the writer has elsewhere (l. 1709) ifare as _pp._ of
#faran#, and the sense yielded, ‘should not be presented, conveyed,
aright,’ does not suit the context. #Weorðan#, wurðen are sometimes used
with past participles of intransitive verbs, ‘Denum eallum wearð | æfter
þam wælræse willa gelumpen,’ Beowulf 823; ‘swa hit agangen wearð | eorla
manegum,’ id. 1234; ‘þa þat forme ȝer[;] wharð forð igan,’ L 4942; and
similarly ‘þe arcebiscop ongan to tellende . . . hu hit gefaran wes,’
AS. Chron. ed. Plummer, i. 130/30: the natural meaning of #ariht faran#
is, to fare well, to prosper, and the present phrase may well mean, that
her answer might not turn out prospered, well.

281. #berþ grete ilete#, assumes a haughty bearing; comp. 151/35,
171/358, and for _pl._ 110/273, 129/35.

282. So that he do not, through cowardice, give up his case, give way.
#hit# is a vague object; comp. 42/214 note.

284. #svicst#: see footnote: Wells adopts the correction of the MS. and
reads vicst, fightest, and Breier thinks the original had fihst; in
Specimens niswicst is read without reference, and explained, ‘ceasest
not.’ The readings of the MSS. may be accounted for thus. The author
probably wrote biswicst (comp. 155/114, ON 930), deludest by a show of
fight; the copyist of the exemplar common to CJ, with iswiken
(#geswīcan#), cease, in his mind, altered to iswicst; C copied that, but
noting its unfitness emended it to vicst, spoiling the rhythm, while J
rejected i and adopted swykst, deceivest.

286. He will make a barrow-pig of a boar, i.e. he will climb down, from
a fierce animal he will become quite tame. The boar is typically fierce,
‘brem as a bare,’ Sir Degrevant, 1240.

298. #cumeþ to londe#, comes to dwell with us, like ‘Þa æstre wes
aȝeonge[;] and sumer com to londe,’ L 24241 (‘to toune,’ MS. O). See KH
153 note.

299. #þe ille#, the evil one, the devil; in modern dialect, the ill man,
the ill thief: comp. ‘wurse’ 98/81. Wells says ‘the evil man.’

305, 306. Nor would he mind though flocks (coarse felted stuff made of
refuse of wool and cotton) were muddled up with fine carded wool and
hair, that is, he would take a perverse delight in a confusion which
would be troublesome to sort out. #roȝte#: _pt. s. subj._ appears to owe
its time to #wolde#. With #flokkes# comp. ‘xv capella nigra . . . falsi
operis et mixti de lana et flokkes,’ Munim. Gildh. Lond. iii. 433
(quoted in NED, _s.v._ flock^2). #Imeind bi#: #mengan#, mengen mostly
take wiþ, ON 131 or mid, 151/18, 38/142, ON 870; #bi# appears to be
quite isolated.

310. #fort#: see 72/179.

312. #for mine þinge#, on my account: comp. ‘Ða ic þas stemne gehyrde
and for minum þingum ongeat beon geclypode,’ Ælf. Lives ii. 32/485; ‘þat
ich for þine þinge[;] mid sæxe me of-stinge,’ L 5033.

313. #blisseþ hit# can mean only, causes it to rejoice, comp. 14/50, 52.
Alteration to hine would give a common reflexive use, rejoices; comp.
‘Ne mei nan mon . . . blissien him mid þisse wordle,’ OEH i. 33/29: hine
would go with #hiȝteþ# also, as in ‘hyhte me myd my skentinge,’ ON 532;
‘ic . . . | ellen wylle | habban ⁊ hlyhhan | ⁊ me hyhtan to,’ Cod. Exon.
ed. Thorpe, 456/19. J means, blesses my coming.

318. #þat--wte# may mean, that thou mayest know, but the reading of J
gives a better sense, though you find fault with her action, and #þat#
is probably a scribe’s mistake for þah.

320, 323. #shulle#: the ordinary construction of #biddan# where its
object is expressed by a clause is þat with the subjunctive of the verb,
as at 77/60, 141/39; ‘þa bæd he eaðmodlice þæt he hiene ne sende,’ Cura
Past., 48/6; the insertion of #shulle#, which apparently does not alter
the sense, is new; comp. ‘Ðeo apostles hine beden ꝥ he scalde suggen
hwet þeo saȝe bicweðe,’ OEH 133/23.

327. #sume#: a mistake of the common exemplar for sumere, as Mätzner
pointed out: comp. ‘vor sumeres tide is al to wlonc,’ ON 489.

328. Comp. ‘eorlum bringe | blisse in burgum,’ Grein, Poesie, iii. 189.

333. Comp. 161/203.

334. #to wan#, to what end, for what purpose: OE. #tō hwan# (#hwon#).

340. #ginneþ . . . wurche#, do compose, or, sing: for the periphrasis
see KH 1277 note, Anglia xxix. 129. But Sweet translates ‘anginnað ðonne
oftrædlice mare secggean,’ Cura Past. 66/3 ‘often try to speak more.’

341. #bi#, through the agency of.

342. Comp. 42/210, 48/326, 327. #shal#, must go: comp. 2/2 note. bon:
_inf._ depending on shal.

345. And note from the church song.

348. #wicke tunes#, monasteries and other religious houses: OE.
#wīctūn#, which translates L. atria, ‘introite in atria ejus,’ ‘ingangað
on his wic-tunas,’ Ps. xcv. 8, xcix. 3: in form the ME. word is possibly
influenced by #wīce#, office; wike occurs three times in ON.

349. #to#, at; see 163/241.

351. #prostes#: that is, seculars, #upe londe#, in their parishes, as
distinguished from the clerks (l. 347), who are either monks or canons.

353. Repeated from ON 484. #wat# (hwat), as far as; an adverbial _acc._
of extent: comp. ‘wet we on þisse middelerd liuien,’ OEH 11/2, as long
as; ‘also wat se we sinegen,’ OEH ii. 101/29, as soon as; ‘also wat swo
þe þridde dageð,’ id. 103/26: see ‘alwat,’ 15/84, 215/26.

354 begins a paragraph with large initial in both MSS., but it goes with
the preceding line ‘heo walde neoþeles ȝefe answere.’ The owl’s language
was threatening. Comp. ‘Þe niȝtingale at þisse worde, | mid sworde an
mid speres orde, | ȝif ho mon were, wolde fiȝte,’ ON 1067; ‘men weorreð
mid þreo kunne wepnen, mid scheotunge, mid speres ord ⁊ mid sweordes
egge,’ AR 60/14.

356. #⁊--schelde# goes with orde.

358. #ilete#: see 165/281.

363. #þah#, not in J, is necessary to the sense.

365. #awille#, to their pleasure.

367. Added at bottom of leaf. #awolde#, in the woodland; for though by
her place of birth she was weak in woodcraft, she had learnt wisdom from
the men among whom she had been brought up.

369. #þenne#, thence.

371. Even if she had to speak in the king’s presence. #Touore# takes a
dative: see 102/144 and read kinge with J.

373. #Hwat#: an exclamation, What!

374. #þan kinge#: correction by Stratmann: perhaps his is to be read for
#þis# in the preceding line: comp. l. 377.

375. #lame#, crippled, unable to act: comp. ‘_Debilis uel eneruatus_
lame,’ Wright-Wülcker, Vocab. 162/1.

376. #Hunke#: strange in form, as in meaning: we should expect inc, as
Wells points out: we, J 377 is more consistent.

378. #Lateþ beo#, cease from your strife.

384. #do# obviates the repetition of an: comp. 122/185. #lahfulnesse#,
loyal holding to her offer, ll. 145-147, contrasted with
#unrihtfulnesse#, l. 385.

J 390. #eu# is, of course, a mistake for us.

391. #An ȝef# is clearly wrong, while #ȝet# in J, meaning moreover,
gives a poor sense. The original may have been, ȝif, als ich wene, þat
he wolde, if, as I think, he would be willing to act as umpire. Ȝif þat,
if, occurs in ‘ac ȝif þat he forlost his wit,’ ON 693, where J rejects
þat and spoils the metre: perhaps the avoidance of the construction has
caused the corruption of the text.

394. #nuȝte#: in all probability the original had nuste. The scribes,
being acquainted with the graph st for ȝt, ht (see KH 249 note),
mechanically substituted the latter here. C, starting correctly from
nuste, wrote nuȝte; J read the original as miste, which for him meant
myhte. There is a similar trouble in the text of ON 1300, where for
nustest C has miȝtest or mistest and J nustest, ‘very like mistest,’

397. #utlete#: the passage to the sea, now represented by the Fleet
between the Chesil Bank and the mainland. Portisham is now about three
miles inland, near Abbotsbury, to the monastery in which place it
formerly belonged (Dugdale, Monast. iii. 52).

400. #þurh# &c.: by his delivered judgements and by his writings; that
they righted matters as far as Scotland is a playful exaggeration.

407. Why will they not betake themselves to counsel, that is, take
counsel: comp. ‘þe traytours of Scotlond token hem to rede, | þe barouns
of engelond to brynge to dede,’ Bödd. AE. Dicht. 133/225; ‘Þe Irise oft
tok hem to red, | To ston þat douhti kniȝt to ded,’ Horn Childe, 214;
‘Cnihtes eoden to ræde,’ L 19238; Minot vi. 68 note.

409. #for teche#: see 40/180.

410. #rente#, income of any sort, here probably from church preferments.
#a uale stude#, in many a place; another playful touch.

413. #riche men#, men in high place.

414. #leteþ#, neglect.

415. #of . . . con#: comp. ‘He couþe of wode ⁊ of ryuere,’ R. of Brunne,
Chron. 4006, and contrast ‘Brennes cuðe on hundes[;] Brennes cuðe an
hauekes,’ L 4895.

417. See 44/260 note.

418. #litle childre#: the appointment of well-connected boys to valuable
preferments was an abuse of that time. Comp. ‘Si nepotibus suis paruulis
[prelati] mille animas strangulandas tradiderint et dixerint adulatores
quod bene faciunt, tales in curiis laudantur,’ Eudes de Cheriton, p.
262. It is frequently referred to in Grosseteste’s letters, as no. 17,
19, 26, 30 &c.

420. In this way their wit adjudges them in error, namely, inasmuch as
Master Nicholas continues to endure such neglect. #swo# is explained by
the clause which begins with #þat#. Wells translates, ‘So they condemn
their intelligence [as] in error (foolish),’ but that is against the
order of the words and syncopated _pres. plurals_ are rare.

423. In J, #þat# is a mistake for þar.

425. #rede#, present, report.

428. #al#: _acc._ after telle. #ende of orde#, end from beginning, that
is, from beginning to end; a strange expression, but not more so than
‘ord fram þan ende,’ L 15770, 22983. In OE. as now, ‘from ord oð ende
forð,’ Elene, 590; ‘ord and ende,’ Ælf. Hom. ii. 220/34.

430. #misrempe#: only here and in ‘misrempe ⁊ misdo,’ ON 1353, where J
substitutes ‘misnyme,’ and the scribe of C adds in the margin ‘steppe’
as a gloss on rempe. The simple verb occurs twice, ‘Oft mon biþ suiðe
rempende,’ Cura Past. 149/12, corresponding to ‘praecipitata actio’ of
the Latin original, and ‘þe Bretons sawe þer syde ȝede lowe | þey
rempede þem to reste a þrowe,’ R. of Brunne, 3491, where Wace has ‘a une
part se sont retret,’ 3160. The root of the word, as of OHG. rimpfan, G.
rümpfen, F. rampe, a slope, OE. *hrimpan, Gk. κράμβος, Eng. rimple,
rumple, appears to mean, crooked, out of straight, hence ‘rempende’ said
of headlong action, ‘rempede,’ drew aside, ‘misrempe,’ to go crooked,
out of the straight path, in this place, to act on the cross, be

431. #crempe#, restrain, check; only here and in the compound
forcrempeþ, ON 510: related to cramp, and ultimately to the word with
which it here rhymes.

433. Absolutely without army or following; comp. ‘Ne scalt þu neuere
þider faren[;] bute mochelere ferde,’ L 3678.

434. #ꝥ#: þat, until; comp. 72/179 note; ‘æuere heo uerden alle niht[;]
þat hit wes dæi-liht,’ L 19200; KH 123 note. #þer# in J may mean where,
but it is more probably a mistaken expansion of the original. For
#bicome# see 147/134.


  κράμβος  [krambos]


  2/19, 3/32 (notes) = I. B (Worcester Fragments)
  10/167 (note) = III. (The Peterborough Chronicle)
  15/91 (note) = V. (A Parable)
  48/299, 52/383 (notes) = VIII. (Poema Morale)
  58/67 (note) = IX. A (Ancrene Wisse: Seven Deadly Sins)
  72/179 (note) = IX. B (Ancrene Wisse: Outer Rule)
  132/9, 135/127 (notes) = XVIII. (The Orison of our Lady)
  140/25 (note) = XIX. (Saint Juliana)
  148/6, 163/230 (notes) = _present selection_
  p. 285 = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) under Manuscripts.
  p. 293 = VI. (The Proverbs of Alfred) under Metre.
  p. 450 = XIV. (Layamon)
  452 = XIV. Layamon, Phonology, near end of “ā” section


  #Phonology:# ... þane 414 is LWS. #þane#  [L.W.S.]
  #ea# before #r# ... #gef#, EWS. #gief#  [E. W. S.]
  #a# + #g# ... liȝte 119 r. w. riȝte  [liȝte]
  In bisemar 104 ... _u_ for #e#
    [_#e# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  (2) =Of J.= ... #eo#, _u_- and _å_-umlaut of #i#
    [_#i# misprinted as italic instead of bold_]
  #ēo# is mostly preserved  [#eo#]
  The new diphthongs ... of þuhte 275  [ofþuhte]
  #Accidence:# ... OE. are blo 108, 319, (Portes)hom 395
    [319 (Portes)hom]
  Adjectives ... #āgen# has lost n  [agen]
  #Metre:# ... þíd|er fúnd|eþ eúr|ich mán 337
    [_text unchanged: error for “éur|ich”?_]
  þe níȝt|ingál|e bigón | þe spéche  [níȝt | ingál|e]
  He wún|eþ át | pórt|es hóm  [pórt | es hóm]
  Þo húl|ẹ one wíl|e hí | biþóȝte  [húl | ẹ]
  Read ... 160/185 vych  [_corrected by author from “160/186”_]
  5. ... L 4170, MS. O.  [L.]
  132. ... Hendyng, Böddeker, AE. Dicht.  [Æ. Dicht.]
  167. ... KH MS. O. 585  [KH.]
  239-246. ... the bird’s paradise
    [_text unchanged: expected word “birds’”_]
  298. ... (‘to toune,’ MS. O)  [Ms. O]


#Manuscript:# Arundel 292, British Museum: on vellum, 200 × 130 mm.:
late thirteenth century. Its miscellaneous contents, English,
Anglo-French, and Latin, are described in Altdeutsche Blätter, ii.
141-148. The Bestiary is written continuously, but the initials of the
lines and, in the long metres, of the half lines are mostly rubricated.
In most cases the long lines are divided into half lines by a space and
a stop, sometimes one or both are missing. At ll. 439, 493, two words
are carried below the last full line of the folio. Final g of ll. 42,
43, 316, 317, 332, 333, 338, 339, 358, 359, 463, 464, 475, 476, 477,
478, 542, 543, 662 has a stroke or hook added, which appears to be
merely ornamental: similarly the g of wrengðe 69, among 147, ðing 392,
strong 509; h and b are much alike; ƿ is open at the top as in Genesis
and Exodus. Latin headings are in red, some are on the margin, the
others at the head of their sections. As will be seen from the
footnotes, the manuscript was much corrected or altered over erasures,
and that after it was finished, for the substituted words do not always
fill the gaps left by the scraper. The first leaves of the exemplar were
probably damaged at the lower margin, since defective or difficult
passages occur at regular intervals, so l. 32, ll. 89-92, 120, 121, 143,
144, 173, 200, 201.

#Editions:# Wright, T., Altdeutsche Blätter, Leipzig, 1836, 1840, ii.
99-120; Reliquiae Antiquae, London, 1841, i. 208-27. Mätzner, E.,
Altenglische Sprachproben, Berlin, 1867, i. 55-75. Morris, R., An Old
English Miscellany, 1872, 1-25.

#Literature:# (1) =of the English Bestiary=. Hallbeck, E., The Language
of the M. E. Bestiary, Lund, 1905. Holthausen, F., Archiv, lxxxviii.
365-9 (emendations). (2) =of the Bestiaries in general=. A detailed
bibliography will be found in Anglia, Beiblatt, x. 274-87, xii. 13-23,
xiii. 18, 19, 236-9. The following will provide an introduction to the
subject: Ahrens, K., Zur Geschichte des sogennanten Physiologus, Ploen,
1885; Carus, J. V., Geschichte der Zoologie, München, 1872; Land, J. N.
P., Encyclopaedia Britannica, _s.v._ Physiologus; Lauchert, F.,
Geschichte des Physiologus, Strassburg, 1889; Mann, M. F., Französische
Studien, vi. Heft 2, Heilbronn, 1888; Peters, E., Der Griechische
Physiologus und seine orientalischen Uebersetzungen, Berlin, 1898.

#Source:# With the exception of the last section, the English poem is
generally an adaptation of the Latin Physiologus, written in a variety
of verse forms as the concluding line informs us, by one Tebaldus or
Thetbaldus, who is variously described in the headings as Italicus,
Senensis, Placentinus episcopus, and is identified by some with the
Abbot Theobald who presided over Monte Cassino from 1022 to 1035. The
poem is extant in a large number of manuscripts and early printed
editions, the first of which latter with place and date is that of
Antwerp, 1487. It will be found printed in Hildeberti Turonensis
Archiepiscopi Opera, ed. D. A. Beaugendre, Paris, 1708, p. 1174, from
which it is repeated in Mi