The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume II (of 3) - To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana - Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7.

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Title: The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume II (of 3) - To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana - Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7.
Author: Coues, Elliott, 1842-1899
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume II (of 3) - To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana - Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7." ***

Transcriber's Note:

Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. Superscripts are prefixed
with a ^caret. Symbols in the text are noted by [Symbol: ]. Blanks in
the text are represented by ----.

Footnote numbering, which in the original restarted at "1" with every
chapter, has been prepended with the Roman chapter number (e. g. VI-7
for the 7th note of chapter 6). Footnotes to Part III are indicated
with a prime (e. g. I'-7).

Footnote III-37 was missing its anchor. Its location in the text was
approximated.

This book is the second of three volumes. Page numbering continues
Index and Maps.

Pike's Expeditions
VOLUME II.

THE EXPEDITIONS
OF
ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE,

To Headwaters of the Mississippi River,
Through Louisiana Territory, and in New Spain,
During the Years 1805-6-7.

A NEW EDITION,
NOW FIRST REPRINTED IN FULL FROM THE ORIGINAL OF 1810,
WITH COPIOUS CRITICAL COMMENTARY,
MEMOIR OF PIKE, NEW MAP AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS,
AND COMPLETE INDEX,

BY
ELLIOTT COUES,
Late Captain and Assistant Surgeon, United States Army,
Late Secretary and Naturalist, United States Geological Survey,
Member of the National Academy of Sciences,
Editor of Lewis and Clark,
etc., etc., etc.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
Arkansaw Journey--Mexican Tour.

NEW YORK:
FRANCIS P. HARPER.
1895.

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

PART II.

THE ARKANSAW JOURNEY.

CHAPTER I. PAGES

ITINERARY: UP THE MISSOURI AND OSAGE RIVERS, AND
THROUGH KANSAS TO THE PAWNEE VILLAGE ON
THE REPUBLICAN RIVER, JULY 15TH-SEPTEMBER
30TH, 1806, 357-416

CHAPTER II.

ITINERARY, CONTINUED: FROM THE PAWNEE VILLAGE
THROUGH KANSAS AND COLORADO TO PIKE'S PEAK,
OCTOBER 1ST-NOVEMBER 30TH, 1806, 417-459

CHAPTER III.

ITINERARY, CONCLUDED: IN THE MOUNTAINS OF COLORADO
ON HEADWATERS OF THE ARKANSAW AND
RIO GRANDE, DECEMBER 1ST, 1806-FEBRUARY 26TH,
1807, 460-510

CHAPTER IV.

PIKE'S DISSERTATION ON LOUISIANA, 511-538

CHAPTER V.

WILKINSON'S REPORT ON THE ARKANSAW, 539-561

CHAPTER VI.

CORRESPONDENCE, 562-594

PART III.

THE MEXICAN TOUR.

CHAPTER I. PAGES

ITINERARY: THROUGH NEW MEXICO ON THE RIO
GRANDE TO EL PASO, FEBRUARY 27TH-MARCH
21ST, 1807, 595-647

CHAPTER II.

ITINERARY, CONTINUED: THROUGH OLD MEXICO, IN
CHIHUAHUA, DURANGO, AND COAHUILA, TO THE
PRESIDIO GRANDE, MARCH 22D-MAY 31ST, 1807, 648-689

CHAPTER III.

ITINERARY, CONCLUDED: THROUGH TEXAS TO NATCHITOCHES
ON THE RED RIVER OF LOUISIANA, JUNE
1ST-JULY 1ST, 1807, 690-717

CHAPTER IV.

OBSERVATIONS ON NEW SPAIN, 718-806

CHAPTER V.

CORRESPONDENCE, 807-839

CHAPTER VI.

CONGRESSIONAL REPORT AND ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS, 840-856

PIKE'S EXPEDITIONS.

Part II.

_THE ARKANSAW JOURNEY._

CHAPTER I.

ITINERARY: UP THE MISSOURI AND OSAGE RIVERS, AND THROUGH KANSAS TO THE
PAWNEE VILLAGE ON THE REPUBLICAN RIVER, JULY 15TH-SEPT. 30TH, 1806.

Tuesday, July 15th, 1806. We sailed from the landing at Belle
Fontaine[I-1] about 3 o'clock p. m., in two boats. Our party consisted
of two lieutenants, one surgeon, one sergeant, two corporals, 16
privates and one interpreter.[I-2] We had also under our charge chiefs
of the Osage and Pawnees, who, with a number of women and children,
had been to Washington. These Indians had been redeemed from captivity
among the Potowatomies, and were now to be returned to their friends
at the Osage towns. The whole number of Indians amounted to 51.

We ascended the river about six miles, and encamped on the south side
behind an island. This day my boat swung around twice; once when we
had a tow-rope on shore, which it snapped off in an instant. The
Indians did not encamp with us at night. Distance six miles.[I-3]

_July 16th._ We rejoined our red brethren at breakfast, after which we
again separated, and with very severe labor arrived late in the
evening opposite the village of St. Charles,[I-4] where the Indians
joined us. Distance 15 miles.

_July 17th._ We crossed the river to learn if any communications had
arrived from St. Louis, and if there was any news of other Indian
enemies of the Osages. Called at Mr. James Morrison's, and was
introduced to Mr. [George] Henry, of New Jersey, about 28 years of
age; he spoke a little Spanish and French tolerably well; he wished to
go with me as a volunteer. From this place I wrote letters back to
Belle Fontaine, whilst the Indians were crossing the river. A man by
the name of Ramsay reported to the Indians that 500 Sacs, Ioways, and
Reynards were at the mouth of Big Manitou [_i. e._, the band under
Pashepaho (Stabber) and Quashquame (Lance)]. This gave them
considerable uneasiness, and it took me some time to do away the
impression it made upon them, for I by no means believed it. We were
about sailing when my interpreter [Vasquez] was arrested by the
sheriff at the suit of Manuel De Liza [or Lisa[I-5]], for a debt
between $300 and $400, and was obliged to return to St. Louis. This
made it necessary for me to write another letter to the general.[I-6]
We encamped about three-fourths of a mile above the village.

_July 18th._ Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson went with [one
soldier and] the Indians across the country to the village of La
Charette.[I-7] Mr. George Henry engaged, under oath, to accompany me
on my tour. Wrote to the general, and inclosed him one of Henry's
engagements.[I-8] After we had made our little arrangements we
marched by land and joined the boats, which had sailed early [in
charge of Sergeant Ballenger], at twelve o'clock. Two of the men being
sick, I steered one boat and Mr. Henry the other, by which means we
were enabled to keep employed our full complement of oars, although we
put the sick men on shore. Encamped on the north side. About eleven at
night a tremendous thunderstorm arose, and it continued to blow and
rain, with thunder and lightning, until day. Distance 15 miles.[I-9]

_July 19th._ In consequence of the rain we did not put off until past
nine o'clock; my sick men marched. I had some reason to suspect that
one of them [Kennerman[I-10]] intended never joining us again. At
dinner time the sick man of my own boat came on board; I then went on
board the other, and we continued to run races all day. Although this
boat had hitherto kept behind, yet I arrived at the encamping ground
with her nearly half an hour before the other. The current not
generally so strong as below. Distance 14 miles.[I-11]

_Sunday, July 20th._ Embarked about sunrise. Wishing to ascertain the
temperature of the water, I discovered my large thermometer to be
missing, which probably had fallen into the river. Passed one
settlement on the north side, and, after turning the point to the
south, saw two more houses on the south side. We encamped [on the
south] in a long reach which bore north and west. The absentees had
not yet joined us. Distance 15 miles.[I-12]

_July 21st._ It commenced raining near day, and continued until four
o'clock in the afternoon; the rain was immensely heavy, with thunder
and lightning remarkably severe. This obliged me to lie by; for, if we
proceeded with our boats, it necessarily exposed our baggage much more
than when at rest, as the tarpaulin could then cover all. We set sail
at a quarter past four o'clock, and arrived at the village of La
Charette at a little after the dusk of the evening. Here we found
Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson with the Indians; also, Baroney
[Vasquez[I-13]], our interpreter, with letters from the general and
our friends. The weather still continued cloudy, with rain. We were
received in the house of Mr. Chartron, and every accommodation in his
power was offered us. Distance six miles.[I-14]

_July 22d._ We arranged our boats, dried our lading, and wrote
letters for Belle Fontaine.

_July 23d._ I dispatched an express to the general, with
advertisements relative to Kennerman, the soldier who had
deserted.[I-15] We embarked after breakfast, and made good progress.
Lieutenant Wilkinson steered one boat and I the other, in order to
detach all the men on shore, with the Indians, that we could spare. We
crossed to the south side, a little below Shepherd river. Dr. Robinson
killed a deer, which was the first killed by the party. Distance 13
miles.[I-16]

_July 24th._ We embarked at half past six o'clock. Very foggy. The
Indians accompanied by only three of my people. Lieutenant Wilkinson
being a little indisposed, I was obliged to let Baroney steer his
boat. We made an excellent day's journey, and encamped [on the south]
five miles from [below] the Gasconade river. Killed three deer, one
bear, and three turkeys. But three or four of the Indians arrived; the
others encamped a small distance below. Distance 18 miles.[I-17]

_July 25th._ We embarked at half past six o'clock, and arrived at the
entrance of the Gasconade river at half past eight o'clock, at which
place I determined to remain the day, as my Indians and foot people
were yet in the rear, and they had complained to me of being without
shoes, leggings, etc. Distance five miles.[I-18]

One of our Pawnees did not arrive until late; the other had
communicated his suspicions to me that the Oto, who was in company,
had killed him: he acknowledged that he proposed to him to take out
their baggage and return to St. Louis. The real occasion of his
absence, however, was his having followed a large fresh trace up the
Gasconade a considerable distance; but finding it led from the
Missouri, he examined it and discovered horses to have been on it; he
then left it, joined ours, and came in. This being generally the route
taken by the Potowatamies, when they go to war against the Osage, it
occasioned some alarm. Every morning we were awakened by the mourning
of the savages, who commenced crying about daylight, and continued
for the space of an hour. I made inquiry of my interpreter with
respect to this, who informed me that this was a custom not only with
those who had recently lost their relatives, but also with others who
recalled to mind the loss of some friend, dead long since, and joined
the other mourners purely from sympathy. They appeared extremely
affected; tears ran down their cheeks, and they sobbed bitterly; but
in a moment they dry their cheeks and cease their cries. Their songs
of grief generally run thus: "My dear father exists no longer; have
pity on me, O Great Spirit! you see I cry forever; dry my tears and
give me comfort." The warriors' songs are thus: "Our enemies have
slain my father (or mother); he is lost to me and his family; I pray
to you, O Master of Life! to preserve me until I avenge his death, and
then do with me as thou pleaseth."

_July 26th._ We commenced at five o'clock to ferry the Indians over
the Gasconade, and left the entrance of this river at half past six
o'clock in the afternoon. Met five Frenchmen, who informed us that
they had just left the Osage river, and that it was so low they could
not ascend it with their canoe. We wrote letters and sent them back by
them.[I-19] Dr. Robinson, Baroney, Sparks, and all the Indians
encamped about one league above us. Killed one bear, two deer, one
otter, three turkeys, and one raccoon. Distance 15 miles.[I-20]

_Sunday, July 27th._ We embarked at half past five o'clock, and
arrived at the Indians' camp at seven o'clock. They had been alarmed
the day before, and in the evening sent men back in the trace, and
some of the chiefs sat up all night. Breakfasted with them. About half
past three o'clock encamped in sight of the Osage river. There being
every appearance of rain, we halted thus early in order to give the
Indians time to prepare temporary camps, and to secure our baggage. I
went out to hunt, and firing at a deer, near two of the Indians who
were in the woods, they knew the difference of the report of my rifle
from their guns, were alarmed, and immediately retired to camp.
Distance 13 miles.[I-21]

_July 28th._ Embarked at half past five o'clock, and at half past ten
arrived at the Osage[I-22] river, where we stopped, discharged our
guns, bathed, etc. We then proceeded on about six miles, where we
waited for and crossed the Indians to the west shore; we then
proceeded on to the first island, and encamped on the west side, Sans
Oreille and only four or five young men coming up, the rest encamping
some distance behind. Killed one deer and one turkey. Distance 19
miles.

_July 29th._ All the [rest of the] Indians arrived very early. Big
Soldier, whom I had appointed the officer to regulate the march, was
much displeased that Sans Oreille and the others had left him, and
said for that reason he would not suffer any woman to go in the boat
and by that means separate the party; but in truth it was from
jealousy of the men whose women went in the boats. He began by
flogging one of the young men and was about to strike Sans Oreille's
wife, but was stopped by him and told that he knew he had done wrong,
but that the women were innocent. We then crossed them and embarked at
half past eight o'clock. About twelve o'clock we found the Indians
rafting the river, when the first chief of the Little Osage, called
Tuttasuggy, or Wind, told me that the man whom Big Soldier struck had
not yet arrived with his wife, "but that he would throw them away." As
I knew he was extremely mortified at the dissensions which appeared to
reign amongst them, I told him by no means [to do so]; that one of my
boats should wait for the woman and her child, but that the man might
go to the devil, as a punishment for his insubordination.

I then left Baroney with one boat, and proceeded with the other. We
were called ashore by three young Indians, who had killed some deer;
and, on putting them on board, gave them about one or two gills of
whisky, which intoxicated all of them. It commenced raining about one
o'clock, and continued incessantly for three hours, which obliged us
to stop and encamp. One of our men, Miller, lost himself, and did not
arrive until after dark. Killed five deer, one turkey, and one
raccoon. Distance 14 miles.[I-23]

_July 30th._ After the fog dispersed I left Lieutenant Wilkinson with
the party to dry the baggage, and went with Dr. Robinson and Bradley.
About two o'clock we returned, set sail, and having passed the first
rapid about three miles, encamped on the eastern shore. Killed three
deer. Distance five miles.[I-24]

_July 31st._ We embarked early, and passed several rapids pretty well.
Dined with the Indians. Two of them left us in the morning for the
village, and they all had an idea of doing the same, but finally
concluded otherwise. One of the Osages, who had left the party for the
village, returned and reported that he had seen and heard strange
Indians in the woods. This we considered as merely a pretext to come
back. I this day lost my dog, and the misfortune was the greater, as
we had no other dog which would bring anything out of the water. This
was the dog Fisher had presented to me at Prairie des Chiens. Killed
three deer and one turkey. Distance 18 miles.[I-25]

_Aug. 1st._ It having rained all night, the river appeared to have
risen about six inches. We spread out our baggage to dry, but it
continuing to rain at intervals all day, the things were wetter at
sundown than in the morning. We rolled them up and left them on the
beach. We sent out two hunters in the morning, one of whom killed
three deer; all the Indians killed three more.

_Aug. 2d._ The weather cleared up. The lading being spread out to dry,
Dr. Robinson, myself, Bradley, Sparks, and Brown went out to hunt. We
killed four deer, the Indians two. Having reloaded the boats, we
embarked at five o'clock, and came about two miles. The river rose, in
the last 24 hours, four inches.

_Sunday, Aug. 3d._ Embarked early, and wishing to save the fresh [take
advantage of the rise in the river], I pushed hard all day. Sparks was
lost, and did not arrive until night. We encamped about 25 paces from
the river, on a sand-bar. Near day I heard the sentry observe that the
boats had better be brought in; I got up and found the water within a
rod of our tent, and before we could get all our things out it had
reached the tent. Killed nine deer, one wildcat, one goose, and one
turkey. Distance 18 miles.[I-26]

_Aug. 4th._ We embarked early and continued on for some time, not
being able to find a suitable place to dry our things, but at length
stopped on the east shore. Here we had to ferry the Indians over a
small channel which we did not before observe; all of them, however,
not arriving, we put off and continued our route. Finding our progress
much impeded by our mast, I unshipped it and stripped it of its iron,
and, after Lieutenant Wilkinson had carved our names on it, set it
adrift, followed by the yards. This mast had been cut and made at [our
wintering post on] Pine creek, Upper Mississippi. After proceeding
some miles, we found the Indians on the west shore, they having rafted
the river. We stopped for them to cook, after which we proceeded. The
navigation had become very difficult from the rapidity of the current,
occasioned by the rise of the water, which rose one foot in an hour.
Killed two deer. Rainy. Distance 10 miles.[I-27]

_Aug. 5th._ We lay by this day, in order to give the Indians an
opportunity to dry their baggage. Dr. Robinson and myself, accompanied
by Mr. Henry, went out to hunt; we lost the latter about two miles
from camp. After hunting some time on the west shore, we concluded to
raft the river, which we effected with difficulty and danger, and
hunted for some time, but without success. We then returned to the
party and found that Mr. Henry, who had been lost, had arrived one
hour before us; he had met one of the soldiers, who brought him in.

To-day in our tour I passed over a remarkably large rattlesnake, as he
lay curled up, and trod so near him as to touch him with my foot, he
drawing himself up to make room for my heel. Dr. Robinson, who
followed me, was on the point of treading on him, but by a spring
avoided it. I then turned round and touched him with my ramrod, but he
showed no disposition to bite, and appeared quite peaceable. The
gratitude which I felt toward him for not having bitten me induced me
to save his life. Killed four deer. River rises 13 inches. Rain
continues.

_Aug. 6th._ We embarked at half past eight o'clock, it having cleared
off and had the appearance of a fine day. Passed [Little] Gravel river
[of Pike, now Big Gravois creek] on the west.[I-28] About three miles
above this river the Indians left us and informed me that, by keeping
a little to the south and west, they would make in 15 miles what would
be at least 35 miles for us. Dr. Robinson, Mr. Henry, and Sergeant
Ballenger accompanied them. Killed two deer. Distance 13 miles.

_Aug. 7th._ Not being detained by the Indians, we are for once enabled
to embark at a quarter past five o'clock. The river having fallen
since yesterday morning about four feet, we wish to improve every
moment of time previous to its entire fall. We proceeded extremely
well, passed the Saline [read Great Gravel[I-29]] river [of Pike, now
Grand Auglaise creek] on the east, and encamped opposite La Belle
Roche on the west shore. This day we passed many beautiful cliffs on
both sides of the river; saw a bear and wolf swimming the river. I
employed myself part of the day in translating into French a talk of
General Wilkinson's to Cheveux Blanche.[I-30] Distance 21 miles.

_Aug. 8th._ We embarked at 20 minutes past five o'clock. Found the
river had fallen about two feet during the night. At the confluence of
the Youngar[I-31] with the Osage river we breakfasted. Encamped at
night on a bar. Distance 21 miles.

_Aug. 9th._ We embarked at five o'clock, and at half past six met the
Indians and our gentlemen. They had met with nothing extraordinary.
They had killed in their excursion seven deer and three bear. We
proceeded to an old wintering ground, where there were eight houses,
occupied last winter by [Blank], who had not been able to proceed any
higher for want of water. Passed the Old Man's Rapids, below which, on
the west shore, are some beautiful cliffs. Dined with the Indians,
after which we passed Upper Gravel river on the west, and Pottoe [qu.
Poteau?] river on the east. Sparks went out to hunt, and did not
arrive at our encampment, nor did the Indians. Distance 25
miles.[I-32]

_Sunday, Aug. 10th._ Embarked a quarter past five o'clock, when the
sun shone out very clearly; but in 15 minutes it began to rain, and
continued to rain very hard until one o'clock. Passed the Indians, who
were encamped on the west shore, about half a mile, and halted for
them. They all forded the river but Sans Oreille, who brought his wife
up to the boats, and informed me that Sparks had encamped with them,
but left them early to return in search of us. We proceeded after
breakfast. Sparks arrived just at the moment we were embarking. The
Indians traversing the country on the east had sent Sparks with Sans
Oreille. About two o'clock split a plank in the bottom of the batteau.
Unloaded and turned her up, repaired the breach, and continued on the
route. By four o'clock found the Indians behind a large island; we
made no stop, and they followed us. We encamped together on a bar,
where we proposed halting to dry our corn, etc., on Monday. Killed
four deer. Distance 18½ miles.[I-33]

_Aug. 11th._ We continued here to dry our corn and baggage. This
morning we had a match at shooting. The prize offered to the
successful person was a jacket and a twist of tobacco, which I myself
was so fortunate as to win; I made the articles, however, a present to
the young fellow who waited on me. After this, taking Huddleston with
me, I went out to hunt; after traveling about 12 miles we arrived at
the river, almost exhausted with thirst. I here indulged myself by
drinking plentifully of the water, and was rendered so extremely
unwell by it that I was scarcely capable of pursuing my route to the
camp. On arriving opposite it, I swam the river, from which I
experienced considerable relief. The party informed me they had found
the heat very oppressive, and the mercury, at sundown, was at 25°
Reaumer [Réaumur]. This day, for the first time, I saw trout west of
the Allegheny mountains. Reloaded our boats and finished two new oars,
which were requisite.

_Aug. 12th._ Previously to our embarkation, which took place at half
past five o'clock, I was obliged to convince my red brethren that, if
I protected them, I would not suffer them to plunder my men with
impunity; for the chief had got one of my lads' tin cups attached to
his baggage, and, notwithstanding it was marked with the initials of
the soldier's name, he refused to give it up. On which I requested the
interpreter to tell him, "that I had no idea that he had purloined the
cup, but supposed some other person had attached it to his baggage;
but that, knowing it to be my soldier's, I requested him to deliver it
up, or I should be obliged to take other measures to obtain it." This
had the desired effect; for I certainly should have put my threats
into execution, from this principle, formed from my experience during
my intercourse with Indians, that if you have justice on your side,
and do not enforce it, they universally despise you. When we stopped
for dinner, one of my men took his gun and went out; not having
returned when we were ready to re-embark, I left him. Passed the
Indians twice when they were crossing the river. Passed some very
beautiful cliffs on the W. [N. or right] shore; also Vermillion
[Little Tabeau] and Grand rivers, the latter of which is a large
stream, and encamped at the [first bend above it, on the E. or
left-hand bank of the Osage[I-34]]. Distance 24 miles.

Immediately after our encampment a thunder-storm came on, which blew
overboard my flag-staff and a number of articles of my clothing, which
were on top of the cabin, and sunk them immediately. Being much
fatigued and the bank difficult of ascent, lay down in the cabin
without supper and slept all night. It continued to rain. The man
[Sparks] I left on shore arrived on the opposite bank in the night,
having killed two deer, but was obliged to leave the largest behind.
Finding he was not to be sent for, he concealed his gun and deer, and
swam the river.

_Aug. 13th._ It continued to rain. In the morning sent a boat over for
Sparks' gun and deer. Embarked at half past nine o'clock. Stopped to
dine at two o'clock. During the time we halted, the river rose over
the flat bar on which we were; this, if we had no other proof, would
convince us we were near the head of the river, as the rain must have
reached it. We made almost a perfect circle, so that I do not believe
we were to-night three miles from where we encamped last night. This
day, for the first time, we have prairie hills. Distance 13
miles.[I-35]

_Aug. 14th._ Embarked at half past five o'clock. Passed the Park,
which is 10 miles around, and not more than three-quarters of a mile
across, bearing from S. 5° E. to due N. At its head we breakfasted,
and just as we were about to put off we saw and brought-to a canoe
manned with three engagees of Mr. [Chouteau], who informed us that
the Little Osage had marched a war-party against the Kans, and the
Grand Osage a party against our citizens on the Arkansaw river. Wrote
by them to the general[I-36] and all friends. Gave the poor fellows
some whisky and eight quarts of corn, they having had only two turkeys
for four days. We left them and proceeded, passing on our east some of
the largest cedars I ever saw. Came on very well in the afternoon, and
encamped[I-37] on an island above Turkey island. Distance 28 miles.

_Aug. 15th._ We embarked at five o'clock, and at eight o'clock met the
Indians and the gentlemen[I-38] who accompanied them. Found all well.
They had been joined by their friends and relatives from the village,
with horses to transport their baggage. Lieutenant Wilkinson informed
me that their meeting was very tender and affectionate--"wives
throwing themselves into the arms of their husbands, parents embracing
their children, and children their parents, brothers and sisters
meeting, one from captivity, the other from the towns; they at the
same time returning thanks to the Good God for having brought them
once more together"--in short, the _tout ensemble_ was such as to make
polished society blush, when compared with those savages, in whom the
passions of the mind, whether joy, grief, fear, anger, or revenge,
have their full scope. Why can we not correct the baneful passions,
without weakening the good? Sans Oreille made them a speech, in which
he remarked: "Osage, you now see your wives, your brothers, your
daughters, your sons, redeemed from captivity. Who did this? Was it
the Spaniards? No. The French? No. Had either of those people been
governors of the country, your relatives might have rotted in
captivity, and you never would have seen them; but the Americans
stretched forth their hands, and they are returned to you! What can
you do in return for all this goodness? Nothing; all your lives would
not suffice to repay their goodness." This man had children in
captivity, not one of whom we were able to obtain for him.

The chief then requested that Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson
might be permitted to accompany them by land, to which I consented.
Wrote a letter to Cheveux Blanche, by Lieutenant Wilkinson. When we
parted, after delivering the Indians their baggage, Sans Oreille put
an Indian on board to hunt, or obey any other commands I might have
for him. We stopped at eleven o'clock to dry our baggage. Found our
biscuit and crackers almost all ruined. Put off at half past four
o'clock, and encamped at three-quarters past five o'clock. Distance
15½ miles.[I-39]

_Aug. 16th._ We embarked at five o'clock and came on extremely well
in the barge to an evacuated French hunting-camp 12 miles to
breakfast, the batteaux coming up late. We exchanged hands. About
twelve o'clock passed the Grand Fork [confluence of Sac river with the
Osage, above Osceola], which is equal in size to the one on which we
pursued our route. Waited to dine at the rocks called the Swallow's
Nest, on the W. shore, above the forks. The batteaux having gained
nearly half an hour, the crews are convinced that it is not the boat,
but men who make the difference; each take their own boat, after which
we proceeded very well, the water being good and men in spirits. Saw
an elk on the shore; also met an old man alone hunting, from whom we
obtained no information of consequence. Encamped on the W. shore of
Mine [or Mire] river. Distance 37 miles.[I-40]

We to-day passed the place where the chief called Belle Oiseau, and
others, were killed. The Belle Oiseau was killed by the Sacs in the
year 1804, in a boat of Manuel de Liza, when on his way down to St.
Louis, in order to join the first deputation of his nation who were
forwarded to the seat of government by Governor Lewis. A particular
relation of the event, no doubt, has been given by that gentleman.
This chief had a son who accompanied me to the Pawnee nation, and
whose honorable deportment, attachment to our government, amiableness
of disposition, and the respect and esteem in which he was held by his
compeers, entitle him to the attention of our agents to his nation.

_Sunday, Aug. 17th._ We embarked at five o'clock and came 12 miles to
breakfast. At four o'clock arrived at 10 French houses on the E.
shore, where was then residing a Sac, who was married to an Osage
femme and spoke French only. We afterward passed the position where
Mr. [Pierre] Chouteau formerly had his fort [Fort Carondelet[I-41]],
not a vestige of which was remaining, the spot being only marked by
the superior growth of vegetation. Here the river-bank is one solid
bed of stone-coal, just below which is a very shoal and rapid ripple
[Kaw rapids, where was Collen or Colly ford]; whence to the village of
the Grand Osage is nine miles across a large prairie. We came about
two miles above [Chouteau's], and encamped on the W. [right-hand]
shore. This day the river has been generally bounded by prairies on
both sides. Distance 41½ miles.

_Aug. 18th._ We put off at half past five o'clock. Stopped at nine
o'clock to breakfast. Passed the second fork[I-42] of the river at
twelve o'clock, the right-hand fork bearing N., about 30 yards wide;
the left, the one which we pursued, N. 60° W., and not more than 50 or
60 feet in width, very full of old trees, etc., but with plenty of
water. Observed the road where the chiefs and Lieutenant Wilkinson
crossed. We proceeded until one o'clock, when we were halted by a
large drift quite across the river. Dispatched Baroney to the village
of the Grand Osage, to procure horses to take our baggage nearer to
the towns, and unloaded our boats. In about two hours Lieutenant
Wilkinson, with Tuttasuggy, arrived at our camp, the former of whom
presented me an express from the general[I-43] and letters from my
friends. The chiefs remained at our camp all night. I was attacked by
a violent headache. It commenced raining, and continued with great
force until day. Distance 19¼ miles.

_Aug. 19th._ We commenced very early to arrange our baggage, but had
not finished at one o'clock, when the chief of the Grand Osage, and 40
or 50 men of his village, arrived with horses. We loaded and took our
departure for the place where Manuel de Liza had his establishment,
[near Fort Carondelet], at which we arrived about four o'clock, and
commenced pitching our encampment near the edge of the prairie, when I
was informed that three men had arrived from St. Louis sent by Manuel
de Liza. I dispatched Lieutenant Wilkinson to the village with
Baroney, who brought to camp the man [Jean Baptiste Duchouquette] who
had charge of the others from St. Louis; he having no passport, I
detained him until further consideration. Our reception by the Osage
was flattering, and particularly by White Hair and our fellow-travelers.
This evening there arrived in the village of the Grand Osage an
express from the Arkansaw, who brought the news that a boat, ascending
that river, had been fired on, had two white men killed and two
wounded, and that the brother-in-law of Cheveux Blanche, who happened
to be on board, was also killed. This put the whole village in
mourning.

_Aug. 20th._ About twelve o'clock I dispatched Baroney for the chiefs
of the Grand [Osage] village, in order to give the general's parole to
Cheveux Blanche; also, a young man to the village of the Little Osage.
Cheveux Blanche and his people arrived about three o'clock, and after
waiting some time for Wind and his people, I just informed the chiefs
that I had merely assembled them to deliver the parole of the general
and present the marks of distinction intended for Cheveux Blanche and
his son--hanging a grand medal round the neck of the latter. The
packets committed to my charge for the relations of the deceased
Osages were then delivered to them, the widow making the distribution.
It must be remarked that I had merely requested Cheveux Blanche to
come with his son, and receive the general's message; but instead of
coming with a few chiefs, he was accompanied by 186 men, to all of
whom we were obliged to give something to drink. When the council was
over we mounted our horses, rode to the village, and halted at the
quarters of the chief, where we were regaled with boiled pumpkins;
then we went to two different houses, and were invited to many others,
but declined, promising that I would pay them a visit previous to my
departure, and spend the whole day. We then returned to camp. After
inquiring of White Hair if the men of Manuel de Liza had any
ostensible object in view, he informed me that they had only said to
him that they expected Manuel would be up to trade in the autumn. I
concluded to take the deposition of Babtiste Larme as to the manner in
which he was employed by Manuel de Liza, forward the same to Dr.
Brown[I-44] and the attorney-general of Louisiana, and permit the men
to return to St. Louis, as it was impossible for me to detach a party
with them as prisoners.

_Aug. 21st._ In the morning White Hair paid us a visit, and brought us
a present of corn, meat, and grease; we invited him, his son, and
son-in-law to breakfast with us, and gave his companions something to
eat. I then wrote a number of letters to send by express, and inclosed
the deposition of Larme. In the afternoon we rode to the village of
the Little Osage, and were received by our fellow-travelers with true
hospitality. Returned in the evening, when a tremendous storm of rain,
thunder, and lightning commenced, and continued with extraordinary
violence until half past nine o'clock. It was with great difficulty we
were enabled to keep our tents from blowing down. The place prepared
for an observatory was carried away.

_Aug. 22d._ Preparing in the morning for the council, and committing
to paper the heads of the subject on which I intended to speak. The
chiefs of the Little Osage arrived about one o'clock, also the
interpreter of the Grand Osage, who pretended to say that the Grand
Osage had expected us at their village with the Little Osage. Cheveux
Blanche arrived with his chiefs. The ceremony of the council being
arranged, I delivered them the general's parole, forwarded by express.
My reason for not delivering it until this time was in order to have
the two villages together, as it was equally interesting to both.
After this I explained at large the will, wishes, and advice of their
Great Father, and the mode which I conceived most applicable to carry
them into effect. Cheveux Blanche replied in a few words, and promised
to give me a full reply to-morrow. Wind replied to the same amount;
after which Cheveux Blanche addressed himself to Wind as follows: "I
am shocked at your conduct, Tuttasuggy--you who have lately come from
the States, and should have been wise; but you led the redeemed
captives, with an officer of the United States, to your village,
instead of bringing them through my town in the first instance." To
this Wind made no reply, but left his seat shortly after, under
pretense of giving some orders to his young men. I conceived this
reprimand intended barely to show us the superiority of the one and
inferiority of the other; it originated, in my opinion, from an
altercation of Lieutenant Wilkinson and Cheveux Blanche, in which
allusions were made by the former to the friendly conduct of the
Little Chief, alias Wind, when compared to that of the latter. I must
here observe that when the chiefs and prisoners left me, accompanied
by Lieutenant Wilkinson, I did not know the geographical situation of
the two villages,[I-45] but conceived that, in going to the Little
Village, they would pass by the Grand Village, and of course that
Lieutenant Wilkinson and the chief would arrange the affair properly.

_Aug. 23d._ I expected to have received from the chiefs their answers
to my demands; but received an express from both villages, informing
me that they wished to put them off until to-morrow. I then adjusted
my instruments. Took equal altitudes and a meridional altitude of the
sun; but, owing to flying clouds, missed the immersions of Jupiter's
satellites.

_Sunday, Aug. 24th._ Was nearly half the day in adjusting the line of
collimation in the telescopic sights of my theodolite. It began to
cloud before evening, and although the sky was not entirely covered, I
was so unfortunate as to miss the time of an immersion, and, although
clear in the intermediate period, an emersion also. I was informed by
Baroney that the Little Village had made up 11 horses for us. In the
evening, however, the interpreter, accompanied by the son-in-law and
son of Cheveux Blanche, came to camp, and informed me that there were
no horses to be got in the village of the Big Osage.

The son-in-law spoke as follows: "I am come to give you the news of
our village, which is unfortunate for us, our chief having assembled
his young men and warriors and proposed to them to furnish horses,
etc. They have generally refused him; but I, who am the principal man
after Cheveux Blanche, will accompany you." The son: "Our young men
and warriors will not take pity on my father, nor on me, nor on you,
and have refused to comply with your request; but I will accompany you
with two horses to carry provision for your voyage." The interpreter:
"The Cheveux Blanche was ashamed to bring you this answer, but will
again assemble his village and to-morrow come and give you the
answer." I replied: "That I had made the demand without explanation,
merely to let the Osage act agreeably to their inclination, in order
that we might see what disposition they would exhibit toward us; but
why do I ask of their chiefs to follow me to the Pawnees? Is it for
our good, or their own? Is it not to make peace with the Kans? To put
their wives and children out of danger? As to their horses which they
may furnish us with, I will pay them for their hire; but it is
uncertain whether I can pay them here, or give them an order on the
Superintendent of Indian Affairs at St. Louis; but this I do not now
wish them to be made acquainted with."

_Aug. 25th._ In the morning we were visited by Cheveux Blanche and
three or four of his chiefs, who were pleased to accord to my demands.
He found much difficulty in informing me that in all his village he
could only raise four horses, but that we should be accompanied by his
son and son-in-law. I then expressed to him the difference of our
expectations from the reality. He remained until after twelve o'clock,
when I went to the Little Osage village, and was received with great
friendship by the chief. Remained all night at the house of
Tuttasuggy. Took the census.[I-46]

_Aug. 26th._ Rose early and found my friends in council, which was
merely relative to our horses. The chief then declared their
determination to me, and that he himself gave me one horse, and lent
me eight more to carry our baggage to the Pawnees. Sold the old
batteau for $100 in merchandise, which I conceived infinitely
preferable to leaving her to the uncertain safeguard of the Indians.
About this time we received the news that the party of Potowatomies
were discovered to be near the towns. I gave them the best advice I
was capable of giving, and then returned to our camp.

_Aug. 27th._ Spent in arranging our baggage for the horses. Received
four horses from the Little Village and two from the Big Village. In
the evening Lieutenant Wilkinson rode to the Grand Village. I observed
two immersions of Jupiter's satellites.

_Aug. 28th._ Writing to the secretary at war and the general, and
making arrangements for our departure. Visited by Wind and Sans
Oreille.

_Aug. 29th._ Forenoon writing letters. In the afternoon Dr. Robinson
and myself went to the Grand Village, at which we saw the great
medicine dance. Remained at the village all night.

_Aug. 30th._ Returned to the camp after settling all my affairs at the
town. Sealed up our dispatches and sent off the general's
express.[I-47] In the afternoon we were visited by the principal men
of the Little Village and the chief, to whom I presented a flag, and
made the donations which I conceived requisite to the different
Indians, on account of horses, etc.

_Sunday, Aug. 31st._ Arranging our packs and loading our horses, in
order to fit our loads, as we expected to march on the morrow. Up late
writing letters.

_Sept. 1st._ Struck our tents early in the morning, and commenced
loading our horses. We now discovered that an Indian had stolen a
large black horse which Cheveux Blanche had presented to Lieutenant
Wilkinson. I mounted a horse to pursue him; but the interpreter sent
to town, and the chief's wife sent another in its place. We left the
place about twelve o'clock with 15 loaded horses,[I-48] our party
consisting of two lieutenants, one doctor, two sergeants, one
corporal, 15 privates, two interpreters, three Pawnees, and four
chiefs of the Grand Osage, amounting in all to 30 warriors and one
woman. We crossed the Grand Osage fork and a prairie N. 80° W. five
miles to the fork of the Little Osage.[I-49] Joined by Sans Oreille
and seven Little Osage, all of whom I equipped for the march. Distance
eight miles.

_Sept. 2d._ Marched at six o'clock. Halted at ten o'clock and two
o'clock on the side of the creek [Little Osage river], our route
having been all the time on its borders. Whilst there I was informed
by a young Indian that Mr. C. Chouteau had arrived at the towns. I
conceived it proper for me to return, which I did, accompanied by
Baroney, first to the Little Village; whence we were accompanied by
Wind to the Big Village, where we remained all night at the lodge of
Cheveux Blanche. Mr. Chouteau gave us all the news, after which I
scrawled a letter to the general and my friends.

_Sept. 3d._ Rose early, and went to the Little Village to breakfast.
After giving my letters to Mr. Henry, and arranging my affairs, we
proceeded, and overtook our party at two o'clock. They had left their
first camp about four miles. Our horses being much fatigued, we
concluded to remain all night. Sent out our red and white hunters, all
of whom only killed two turkeys. Distance four miles.[I-50]

_Sept. 4th._ When about to march in the morning one of our horses was
missing; we left Sans Oreille, with the two Pawnees, to search for
him, and proceeded till about nine o'clock; stopped until twelve
o'clock, and then marched. In about half an hour I was overtaken and
informed that Sans Oreille had not been able to find our horse; on
which we encamped, and sent two horses back for the load. One of the
Indians, being jealous of his wife, sent her back to the village.
After making the necessary notes, Dr. Robinson and myself took our
horses and followed the course of a little stream until we arrived at
the Grand[I-51] river, which was distant about six miles. We here
found a most delightful basin of water, of 25 paces' diameter and
about 100 in circumference, in which we bathed; found it deep and
delightfully pleasant. Nature scarcely ever formed a more beautiful
place for a farm. We returned to camp about dusk, when I was informed
that some of the Indians had been dreaming and wished to return.
Killed one deer, one turkey, one raccoon. Distance [made by the main
party] 13 miles.

_Sept. 5th._ In the morning our Little Osage all came to a
determination to return, and, much to my surprise, Sans Oreille among
the rest. I had given an order on the chiefs for the lost horse to be
delivered to Sans Oreille's wife, previously to my knowing that he was
going back; but took from him his gun, and the guns from all the
others also.

In about five miles we struck a beautiful hill, which bears south on
the prairie; its elevation I suppose to be 100 feet. From its summit
the view is sublime to the east and southeast. We waited on this hill
to breakfast, and had to send two miles for water. Killed a deer on
the rise, which was soon roasting before the fire. Here another Indian
wished to return and take his horse with him; which, as we had so few,
I could not allow, for he had already received a gun for the use of
his horse. I told him he might return, but his horse would go to the
Pawnees.

We marched, leaving the Osage trace, which we had hitherto followed,
and crossed the hills to a creek that was almost dry. Descended it to
the main [Little Osage] river, where we dined [vicinity of Harding].
The discontented Indian came up, and put on an air of satisfaction and
content.

We again marched about six miles further, and encamped at the head of
a small creek, about half a mile from the water. Distance 19 miles
[approaching Xenia, Bourbon Co., Kas.[I-52]].

_Sept. 6th._ We marched at half past six o'clock, and arrived at a
large fork of the Little Osage river, where we breakfasted [vicinity
of Xenia]. In the holes of the creek we discovered many fish, which,
from the stripes on their bellies and their spots, I supposed to be
trout and bass; they were 12 inches long. This brought to mind the
necessity of a net, which would have frequently afforded subsistence
to the whole party. We halted at one o'clock and remained until four
o'clock. Being told that we could not arrive at any water, we here
filled our vessels. At five o'clock arrived at the dividing ridge,
between the waters of the Osage and the Arkansaw, alias White
river,[I-53] the dry branches of which interlock within 20 yards of
each other. The prospect from the dividing ridge to the east and
southeast is sublime. The prairie rising and falling in regular
swells, as far as the sight can extend, produces a very beautiful
appearance. We left our course, and struck down to the southwest on a
small [tributary of Elm] creek, or rather a puddle of water. Killed
one deer. Distance 20 miles.

_Sunday, Sept. 7th._ We left this at half past six o'clock, before
which we had a difficulty with the son of the chief, which was
accommodated. At nine o'clock we came on a large fork [of Elm creek]
and stopped for breakfast. Proceeded on and encamped on a fine stream
[Deer creek?], where we swam our horses and bathed ourselves. Killed
four deer. Distance 15 miles.[I-54]

_Sept. 8th._ Marched early, and arrived at a grand fork of the White
river.[I-55] The Indians were all discontented; we had taken the wrong
ford; but, as they were dispersed through the woods, we could not be
governed by their movements. Previously to our leaving the camp, the
son of Cheveux Blanche proposed returning, and offered no other reason
than that he felt too lazy to perform the route. The reason I offered
to prevent his going was ineffectual, and he departed with his hunter,
who deprived us of one horse. His return left us without any chief or
man of consideration, except the son of Belle Oiseau, who was but a
lad. The former appeared to be a discontented young fellow, filled
with self-pride; he certainly should have considered it as an honor to
be sent on so respectable an embassy as he was. Another Indian, who
owned one of our horses, wished to return with him, which was
positively refused him; but fearing he might steal him, I contented
him with a present. We marched, and made the second branch [North Big
creek], crossing one prairie 12 miles, in which we suffered much with
drought. Distance 22 miles.[I-56]

_Sept. 9th._ Marched at seven o'clock, and struck a large [Eagle]
creek at 11 miles' distance. On holding a council, it was determined
to ascend this creek to the highest point of water, and strike across
to a large river of the Arkansaw [watershed]. We ascended 4½ miles,
and encamped. Killed one cabrie [antelope, _Antilocapra americana_],
two deer, and two turkeys. Distance 12 miles.[I-57]

_Sept. 10th._ Marched early. Struck and passed the divide between the
Grand [Neosho] river and the Verdegris [or Vermilion] river. Stopped
to breakfast on a small stream of the latter; after which we marched
and encamped on the fourth small stream [tributary of Vermilion
river]. Killed one elk, one deer. Distance 21 miles.[I-58]

_Sept. 11th._ Passed four branches and over high hilly prairies.
Encamped at night on a large branch of Grand river. Killed one cabrie,
one deer. Distance 17 miles.[I-59]

_Sept. 12th._ Commenced our march at seven o'clock. Passed very ruff
[rough] flint hills. My feet blistered and very sore. I stood on a
hill, and in one view below me saw buffalo, elk, deer, cabrie, and
panthers. Encamped on the main [Cottonwood] branch of Grand [Neosho]
river, which had very steep banks and was deep. Dr. Robinson, Bradley,
and Baroney arrived after dusk, having killed three buffalo, which,
with one I killed, and two by the Indians, made six; the Indians
alleging it was the Kans' hunting ground, therefore they would destroy
all the game they possibly could. Distance 18 miles.[I-60]

_Sept. 13th._ Late in marching, it having every appearance of rain.
Halted to dine on a branch of Grand river. Marched again at half past
two o'clock, and halted at five, intending to dispatch Dr. Robinson
and one of our Pawnees to the village to-morrow. Killed six buffalo,
one elk, and three deer. Distance nine miles.[I-61]

_Sunday, Sept. 14th._ The doctor and Frank, a young Pawnee, marched
for the village at daylight; we at half past six o'clock. Halted at
one o'clock. On the march we were continually passing through large
herds of buffalo, elk, and cabrie; and I have no doubt that one hunter
could support 200 men. I prevented the men shooting at the game, not
merely because of the scarcity of ammunition, but, as I conceived, the
laws of morality forbid it also. Encamped at sunset on the main branch
[Cottonwood] of White river, hitherto called Grand river. Killed one
buffalo and one cabrie. Distance 21 miles.[I-62]

_Sept. 15th._ Marched at seven o'clock; passed a very large Kans
encampment, evacuated, which had been occupied last summer. Proceeded
on to the dividing ridge between the waters of White river and the
Kans [more exactly, from basin of the Cottonwood to that of the Smoky
Hill]. This ridge was covered with a layer of stone, which was
strongly impregnated with iron ore, and on the W. side of said ridge
we found spa springs. Halted at one o'clock, very much against the
inclination of the Osage, who, from the running of the buffalo,
conceived a party of Kans to be near. Killed two buffalo. Distance 18
miles.[I-63]

_Sept. 16th._ Marched late, and in about 4½ miles' distance came to a
very handsome branch of water [Hobbs branch of Gypsum creek], at which
we stopped and remained until after two o'clock, when we marched and
crossed two branches [main Gypsum and Stag creeks]. Encamped on a
third. At the second [Gypsum] creek, a horse was discovered on the
prairie, when Baroney went in pursuit of him on a horse of Lieutenant
Wilkinson, but arrived at our camp without success. Distance 13
miles.[I-64]

_Sept. 17th._ Marched early and struck the main S. E. [Smoky Hill]
branch of the Kans river at nine o'clock; it appeared to be 25 or 30
yards wide, and is navigable in the flood seasons. We passed it six
miles to a small branch to breakfast. Game getting scarce, our
provision began to run low. Marched about two o'clock, and encamped at
sundown on a large branch [Mulberry creek]. Killed one buffalo.
Distance 21 miles.[I-65]

_Sept. 18th._ Marched at our usual hour, and at twelve o'clock halted
at a large branch [Saline river] of the Kans [Smoky Hill], which was
strongly impregnated with salt. This day we expected the people of the
[Pawnee] village to meet us. We marched again at four o'clock. Our
route being over a continued series of hills and hollows, we were
until eight at night before we arrived at a small dry branch [of
Covert creek]. It was nearly ten o'clock before we found any water.
Commenced raining a little before day. Distance 25 miles.[I-66]

_Sept. 19th._ It having commenced raining early, we secured our
baggage and pitched our tents. The rain continued without any
intermission the whole day, during which we employed ourselves in
reading the Bible and Pope's Essays, and in pricking on our arms with
India ink some characters, which will frequently bring to mind our
forlorn and dreary situation, as well as the happiest days of our
life. In the rear of our encampment was a hill, on which there was a
large rock, where the Indians kept a continual sentinel, as I imagine
to apprise them of the approach of any party, friends or foes, as well
as to see if they could discover any game on the prairies.

_Sept. 20th._ It appearing as if we possibly might have a clear day, I
ordered our baggage spread abroad to dry; but it shortly after clouded
up and commenced raining. The Osage sentinel discovered a buffalo on
the prairies; upon which we dispatched a hunter on horseback in
pursuit of him, also some hunters on foot; before night they killed
three buffalo, some of the best of which we brought in and jerked or
dried by the fire. It continued showery until afternoon, when we put
our baggage again in a position to dry, and remained encamped. The
detention of the doctor and our Pawnee ambassador began to be a
serious matter of consideration.

_Sunday, Sept. 21st._ We marched at eight o'clock, although there was
every appearance of rain, and at eleven o'clock passed a large [Little
Saline river of Pike, now Covert] creek, remarkably salt. Stopped at
one o'clock on a fresh branch of the salt creek. Our interpreter
having killed an elk, we sent out for some meat, which detained us so
late that I concluded it best to encamp where we were, in preference
to running the risk of finding no water. Distance 10 miles.

Lieutenant Wilkinson was attacked with a severe headache and slight
fever. One of my men had been attacked with a touch of the pleurisy on
the 18th, and was still ill. We were informed by an Osage woman that
two of the Indians were conspiring to desert us in the night and
steal some of our horses, one of whom was her husband. We engaged her
as our spy. Thus were we obliged to keep ourselves on our guard
against our own companions and fellow-travelers--men of a nation
highly favored by the United States, but whom I believe to be a
faithless set of poltrons, incapable of a great and generous action.
Among them, indeed, there may be some exceptions.

In the evening, finding that the two Indians above mentioned had made
all preparations to depart, I sent for one of them, who owned a horse
and had received a gun and other property for his hire, and told him
"I knew his plans, and that if he was disposed to desert, I should
take care to retain his horse; that as for himself, he might leave me
if he pleased, as I only wanted men with us." He replied "that he was
a man, that he always performed his promises, that he had never said
he would return; but that he would follow me to the Pawnee village,
which he intended to do." He then brought his baggage and put it under
charge of the sentinel, and slept by my fire; but notwithstanding I
had him well watched.

_Sept. 22d._ We did not march until eight o'clock, owing to the
indisposition of Lieutenant Wilkinson. At eleven waited to dine. Light
mists of rain, with flying clouds. We marched again at three o'clock,
and continued our route 12 miles to the first branch of the Republican
Fork. [?] Met a Pawnee hunter, who informed us that the chief had left
the village the day after the doctor arrived, with 50 or 60 horses and
many people, and had taken his course to the north of our route;
consequently we had missed each other. He likewise informed us that
the Tetaus [misprint for Tetans, and that a mistake for Ietans, _i. e._,
Comanches] had recently killed six Pawnees, the Kans had stolen some
horses, and a party of 300 Spaniards had lately been as far as the
Sabine; but for what purpose was unknown. Distance 11 miles.[I-67]

_Sept. 23d._ Marched early and passed a large fork of the Kans [_i. e._,
Smoky Hill] river, which I [correctly] suppose to be the one generally
called Solomon's. One of our horses fell into the water and wet his
load. Halted at ten o'clock on a branch of this fork. We marched
at half past one o'clock, and encamped at sundown on a stream [Buffalo
creek] where we had a great difficulty to find water. We were overtaken
by a Pawnee, who encamped with us. He offered his horse for our use.
Distance 21 miles.[I-68]

_Sept. 24th._ We could not find our horses until late, when we
marched. Before noon met Frank, who had accompanied Dr. Robinson to
the village, and three other Pawnees, who informed us that the chief
and his party had only arrived at the village yesterday, and had
dispatched them out in search of us. Before three o'clock we were
joined by several Pawnees; one of them wore a scarlet coat, with a
small medal of General Washington, and a Spanish medal also. We
encamped at sunset on a middle-sized branch [White Rock creek], and
were joined by several Pawnees in the evening, who brought us some
buffalo meat. Here we saw some mules, horses, bridles, and blankets,
which they obtained of the Spaniards. Few only had breech cloths, most
being wrapped in buffalo robes, otherwise quite naked. Distance 18
miles.[I-69]

_Sept. 25th._ We marched at a good hour, and in about eight miles
struck a very large road on which the Spanish troops had returned, and
on which we could yet discover the grass beaten down in the direction
which they went.

When we arrived within about three miles of the village, we were
requested to remain, as the ceremony of receiving the Osage into the
towns was to be performed here. There was a small circular spot, clear
of grass, before which the Osage sat down. We were a small distance in
advance of the Indians. The Pawnees then advanced within a mile of us,
halted, divided into two troops, and came on each flank at full
charge, making all the gestures and performing the maneuvers of a real
war charge. They then encircled us around, and the chief advanced in
the center and gave us his hand; his name was Caracterish. He was
accompanied by his two sons and a chief by the name of Iskatappe. The
Osage were still seated; but Belle Oiseau then rose, came forward with
a pipe, and presented it to the chief, who took a whiff or two from
it. We then proceeded; the chief, Lieutenant Wilkinson, and myself in
front; my sergeant, on a white horse, next with the colors; then our
horses and baggage, escorted by our men, with the Pawnees on each
side, running races, etc. When we arrived on the hill over the town we
were again halted, and the Osage seated in a row; when each Pawnee who
intended so to do presented them with a horse and gave a pipe to smoke
to the Osage to whom he had made the present. In this manner were
eight horses given. Lieutenant Wilkinson then proceeded with the party
to the [Republican] river above the town, and encamped. I went up to
our camp in the evening, having a young Pawnee with me loaded with
corn for my men. Distance 12 miles.[I-70] As the chief had invited us
to his lodge to eat, we thought it proper for one to go. At the lodge
he gave me many particulars which were interesting to us, relative to
the late visit of the Spaniards.

I will attempt to give some memoranda of this expedition, which was
the most important ever carried on from the province of New Mexico,
and in fact the only one directed N. E. (except that mentioned by the
Abbe Raynal[I-71] in his History of the Indies) to the Pawnees--of
which see a more particular account hereafter. In the year 1806 our
affairs with Spain began to wear a very serious aspect, and the troops
of the two governments almost came to actual hostilities on the
frontiers of Texas and the Orleans territory. At this time, when
matters bore every appearance of coming to a crisis, I was fitting out
for my expedition from St. Louis, where some of the Spanish emissaries
in that country transmitted the information to Majar. Merior [_sic_]
and the Spanish council at that place, who immediately forwarded the
information to the then commandant of Nacogdoches, Captain Sebastian
Rodreriques [_sic_] who forwarded it to Colonel [Don Antonio] Cordero,
by whom it was transmitted to [General Don Nimesio Salcedo, at
Chihuahua,] the seat of government. This information was personally
communicated to me, as an instance of the rapid means they possessed
of transmitting information relative to the occurrences transacting on
our frontiers. The expedition was then determined on, and had three
objects in view:

1st. To descend the Red river, in order, if he met our expedition, to
intercept and turn us back; or, should Major Sparks[I-72] and Mr.
[Thomas] Freeman have missed the party from Nacogdoches, under the
command of Captain Viana, to oblige them to return and not penetrate
further into the country, or make them prisoners of war.

2d. To explore and examine all the internal parts of the country from
the frontiers of the province of New Mexico to the Missouri between
the La Platte [sentence unfinished].

3d. To visit the Tetaus, Pawnees republic, Grand Pawnees, Pawnee
Mahaws, and Kans.[I-73] To the head chief of each of those nations the
commanding officer bore flags, a commission, grand medal, and four
mules; and with all of them he had to renew the chains of ancient
amity which was said to have existed between their father, his most
Catholic majesty, and his children the red people.

The commanding officers also bore positive orders to oblige all
parties or persons, in the above-specified countries, either to
retire from them into the acknowledged territories of the United
States, or to make prisoners of them and conduct them into the
province of N. Mexico. Lieutenant Don Facundo Malgares, the officer
selected from the five internal provinces to command this expedition,
was a European (his uncle was one of the royal judges in the kingdom
of New Spain), and had distinguished himself in several long
expeditions against the Apaches and other Indian nations with whom the
Spaniards were at war; added to these circumstances, he was a man of
immense fortune, and generous in its disposal, almost to profusion;
possessed a liberal education, high sense of honor, and a disposition
formed for military enterprise. This officer marched from the province
of Biscay with 100 dragoons of the regular service, and at Santa Fe,
the place where the expedition was fitted out, he was joined by 500 of
the mounted militia of that province, armed after the manner described
by my notes on that subject, and completely equipped with ammunition,
etc., for six months; each man leading with them (by order) two horses
and one mule, the whole number of their beasts was 2,075. They
descended the Red river 233 leagues; met the grand bands of the
Tetaus, and held councils with them; then struck off N. E., and
crossed the country to the Arkansaw, where Lieutenant Malgares left
240 of his men with the lame and tired horses, while he proceeded on
with the rest to the Pawnee republic. Here he was met by the chiefs
and warriors of the Grand Pawnees; held councils with the two nations
and presented them the flags, medals, etc., which were destined for
them. He did not proceed to the execution of his mission with the
Pawnee Mahaws and Kans, as he represented to me, from the poverty of
their horses and the discontent of his own men; but, as I conceive,
from the suspicion and discontent which began to arise between the
Spaniards and the Indians; the former wished to revenge the death of
Villineuve and party, while the latter possessed all the suspicions of
conscious villainy deserving punishment. Malgares took with him all
the traders he found there from our country, some of whom, having
been sent to Natchitoches, were in abject poverty at that place on my
arrival, and applied to me for means to return to St. Louis.
Lieutenant Malgares returned to Santa Fe the ---- of October, when his
militia was disbanded; but he remained in the vicinity of that place
until we were brought in, when he, with dragoons, became our escort to
the seat of government [in Chihuahua].

_Sept. 26th._ Finding our encampment not eligible as to situation, we
moved down on to the prairie hill, about three-fourths of a mile
nearer the village. We sent our interpreter to town to trade for
provisions. About three o'clock in the afternoon 12 Kans arrived at
the village, and informed Baroney that they had come to meet us,
hearing that we were to be at the Pawnees' village. We pitched our
camp upon a beautiful eminence, whence we had a view of the town and
all that was transacting. In the evening Baroney, with the chief, came
to camp to give us the news, and returned together.

_Sept. 27th._ Baroney arrived from the village about one o'clock, with
Characterish, whose commission from the Governor of New Mexico was
dated Santa Fe, June 15th, 1806, and three other chiefs, to all of
whom we gave a dinner. I then made an appropriate present to each,
after which Lieutenant Wilkinson and myself accompanied them to town,
where we remained a few hours, and returned. Appointed to-morrow for
the interview with the Kans and Osage.

_Sunday, Sept. 28th._ Held a council of the Kans and Osage, and made
them smoke of the pipe of peace. Two of the Kans agreed to accompany
us. We received a visit from the chief of the village. Made an
observation on an emersion of one of Jupiter's satellites.

_Sept. 29th._ Held our grand council with the Pawnees, at which were
present not less than 400 warriors, the circumstances of which were
extremely interesting. The notes I took on my grand council held with
the Pawnee nation were seized by the Spanish government, together
with all my speeches to the different nations. But it may be
interesting to observe here, in case they should never be returned,
that the Spaniards had left several of their flags in this village,
one of which was unfurled at the chief's door the day of the grand
council; and that among various demands and charges I gave them was,
that the said flag should be delivered to me, and one of the United
States' flags be received and hoisted in its place. This probably was
carrying the pride of nations a little too far, as there had so lately
been a large force of Spanish cavalry at the village, which had made a
great impression on the minds of the young men, as to their power,
consequence, etc., which my appearance with 20 infantry was by no
means calculated to remove.

After the chiefs had replied to various parts of my discourse, but
were silent as to the flag, I again reiterated the demand for the
flag, adding "that it was impossible for the nation to have two
fathers; that they must either be the children of the Spaniards, or
acknowledge their American father." After a silence of some time an
old man rose, went to the door, took down the Spanish flag, brought it
and laid it at my feet; he then received the American flag, and
elevated it on the staff which had lately borne the standard of his
Catholic Majesty. This gave great satisfaction to the Osage and Kans,
both of whom decidedly avow themselves to be under American
protection. Perceiving that every face in the council was clouded with
sorrow, as if some great national calamity were about to befall them,
I took up the contested colors, and told them "that as they had shown
themselves dutiful children in acknowledging their great American
father, I did not wish to embarrass them with the Spaniards, for it
was the wish of the Americans that their red brethren should remain
peaceably around their own fires, and not embroil themselves in any
disputes between the white people; and that for fear the Spaniards
might return there in force again, I returned them their flag, but
with an injunction that it should never be hoisted again during our
stay." At this there was a general shout of applause, and the charge
was particularly attended to.

_Sept. 30th._ Remained all day at the camp, but sent Baroney to town,
who informed me on his return that the chief appeared to wish to throw
great obstacles in our way. A great disturbance had taken place in the
village, owing to one of the young Pawnees, Frank, who lately came
from the United States, having taken the wife of an Osage and run away
with her. The chief, in whose lodge the Osage put up, was extremely
enraged, considering it a breach of hospitality to a person under his
roof, and threatened to kill Frank if he caught him.

FOOTNOTES:

[I-1] Belle Fontaine or Bellefontaine is the name of the large
cemetery in the environs of St. Louis, where William Clark lies
buried; and probably few persons now living know its proper
geographical connotation. The cemetery is four miles from the Court
House, and ten miles further is the place whose name was given to the
burying-ground on the road thither, after its original designation as
the Rural Cemetery. Belle Fontaine was a place on the south bank of
the river, 14 m. north of St. Louis, in what is now St. Ferdinand
township of St. Louis Co. (Sect. 10, T. 47 N., R. 7 E. of this
county). Before there was any such "place," or locality, Belle
Fontaine was the French name of the creek which falls in there, which
had been called Ferdinand by the Spanish, and which became known to
the English as Cold Water creek, there being a fine large spring under
the bluffs, close to the Missouri. This, however, was washed away by
the encroachment of the river. We find the latter name in Lewis and
Clark, who made the first camp of their expedition on Green isl.,
opposite the mouth of the creek, May 14th, 1804. There was nothing
then at the place that was soon to become forever notable as the spot
where was built the first military post ever established in the newly
acquired territory of Louisiana. Much early history attaches to the
locality, some of which may be here epitomized, mainly on the basis of
Billon's Annals. In 1768, when St. Louis was but begun, Captain Rios
arrived with 25 soldiers under orders from Count Ulloa to establish
Spanish authority in the region where things were at a standstill, if
not in distraction. Rios was persona non grata in the infant St.
Louis; he withdrew, and selected Belle Fontaine as a suitable location
for a post. Late in 1768 he there built a fort which he called Fort
Prince Charles in honor of the son of his king and heir apparent to
the Spanish throne. In 1769 Rios left with his men; in 1770 Piernas
came. The Spanish presidio was soon turned into a commercial factory
or trading-post. On Sept. 10th, 1797, Governor Zenon Trudeau granted
to Hezekiah Lord a concession of 1,000 arpents of land on Belle
Fontaine or Cold Water cr.; and on the site of the former Spanish fort
Lord built a house and mill. He died in 1799; his estate was sold in
partition in 1803, when 600 arpents were bought by William Massey. In
1805, General James Wilkinson selected the place for a military
establishment, and United States troops were first cantoned in
temporary quarters during the winter of 1805-6. This was the original
Cantonment Belle Fontaine. On April 20th, 1806, General Wilkinson
purchased from Massey, on behalf of the United States, five acres of
ground with the improvements, called Belle Fontaine, with the use for
five years of the ground on which had been located the cantonment, and
upon these five acres established a permanent post. In July, 1806, he
purchased the rest of the tract of 500 arpents, which was conveyed to
the United States in Mar., 1809. Belle Fontaine was really the parent
of Jefferson Barracks; for, after the establishment of Forts Atkinson,
Snelling, and others on the Missouri and Mississippi frontiers, it
lost its importance from a military point of view, and was abandoned
for the site of the present Jefferson Barracks. This in 1825; on July
4th of which year Colonel Talbot Chambers, with four companies of the
1st United States Infantry, evacuated Belle Fontaine and proceeded to
the new site which had been selected, though the place remained for
some ten years in charge of a military storekeeper, Major John
Whistler. General Lewis Cass, Secretary of War under Van Buren,
ordered it to be sold at public auction in 1836. It was bought by
Jamison Samuel, Dunham Spalding, H. N. Davis, and E. L. Langham, who
laid out a paper town that never came to anything. Agriculture finally
reclaimed Belle Fontaine after the military occupancy; it was bought
for a farm by the late Dr. David C. Tandy of St. Louis, whose son,
Robert E. Tandy, now or lately did live there. The old road can still
be traced in part over ground where it ran more than a century ago.

[I-2] The roster of the party, with some of the most notable
particulars, is as follows:

COMMISSIONED OFFICERS (2).

1. Captain Zebulon M. Pike. Escorted to Mexico from his post on the
Rio Conejos, with six privates, by Spanish dragoons, Feb. 26th, 1807.
His men, excepting one left with Jackson, were Brown, Carter, Gorden,
Menaugh, Mountjoy, Roy, and Stoute.

2. Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson. Detached to descend the Arkansaw
with five men, from camp near Great Bend, Aug. 28th, 1806.

NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS (3).

1. Sergeant Joseph Ballenger. Went with Wilkinson.

2. Sergeant William E. Meek. Sent from Rio Conejos to relief of
abandoned men, Feb. 19th, 1807.

3. Corporal Jeremiah R. Jackson. Left in charge of post on Rio
Conejos, with Carter, Feb. 26th, 1807, to await return of Meek and
Miller with Vasquez, Smith, Sparks, and Dougherty.

PRIVATES (16).

1. John Boley. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

2. Samuel Bradley. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

3. John Brown. Left with Jackson on Rio Conejos, Feb. 26th, 1807.

4. Jacob Carter. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

5. Thomas Dougherty. Abandoned in Sangre de Cristo mountains with
frozen feet, Jan. 22d, 1807.

6. William Gorden. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

7. Solomon Huddleston. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

8. Henry Kennerman. Deserted July 19th, 1806.

9. Hugh Menaugh. Abandoned in Sangre de Cristo mountains, Jan. 27th,
1807; recovered on Rio Conejos, Feb. 18th, 1807; went with Pike, Feb.
26th, 1807.

10. Theodore Miller. Went with Meek to relief of abandoned men, Feb.
19th, 1807.

11. John Mountjoy. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

12. Alexander Roy. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

13. Patrick Smith. Left with Vasquez on the Arkansaw at site of
present Cañon City, Jan. 14th, 1807.

14. John Sparks. Abandoned in Sangre de Cristo mountains with frozen
feet, Jan. 22d, 1807.

15. Freegift Stoute. Went with Pike, Feb. 26th, 1807.

16. John Wilson. Went with Wilkinson, Aug. 28th, 1806.

CIVILIANS (2).

1. Dr. John H. Robinson, volunteer surgeon. Left Pike on the Rio
Conejos to proceed to Santa Fé alone, Feb. 7th, 1807.

2. Interpreter A. F. Baronet Vasquez. Left with Smith on the Arkansaw,
at site of present Cañon City, Jan. 14th, 1807.

Of these persons--

(1) Lieutenant Wilkinson, Sergeant Ballenger, and Privates Boley,
Bradley, Huddleston, and Wilson descended the Arkansaw and reached New
Orleans in February, 1807.

(2) Private Kennerman deserted.

(3) Dr. Robinson left Captain Pike at the post on Conejos r., and went
to Mexico on his own account.

(4) Captain Pike, Sergeant Meek, Corporal Jackson, Privates Brown,
Carter, Dougherty, Gorden, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Smith,
Sparks, Stoute, and Interpreter Vasquez were escorted in separated
parties to Mexico by Spanish dragoons. Of whom--

(5) Captain Pike, Privates Brown, Gorden, Menaugh, Roy, and Stoute
were escorted back to the United States, and reached Nachitoches on or
about July 1st, 1807; while--

(6) Sergeant Meek, Corporal Jackson, Privates Carter, Dougherty,
Miller, Mountjoy, Smith, and Sparks, and Interpreter Vasquez, were
still detained in Mexico at the time of Pike's return, and are not
accounted for in his narrative.

(7) The 51 Indians, which raised to 74 the total of persons who left
Belle Fontaine, were all dropped at their respective destinations, and
no others were permanently attached to the party which reached the
Rocky mts.

[I-3] Past present Jamestown ldg. to Carbunker's pt., off which the
large Pelican isl. now separates Car of Commerce bend from Pelican
bend.

[I-4] See L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 6, and Pike's Dissertation, etc.,
beyond. The village was then the seat of justice of the District of
St. Charles, Louisiana Territory, as it is now of St. Charles Co., Mo.
The Wabash, St. L. and Pac. R. R. bridged the Mo. r. here; opposite is
Bon Fils station; also Brotherton. St. Charles was not so called till
1784; the place had been known as Les Petites Côtes, where the hunter
Blanchette settled about 1770: note 41, p. 214. In to-day's journey
Pike passed the place known as Piper's (or Fifer's) ldg.: see the mark
"Ferry" on his map. The principal point was the coal hill on the
south, then known as La Charbonnière, now Charbonnier pt. A present or
recent place of ferriage is Music's or Hall's; some of the landings
are Heagler's, Kemp's, and Orick's or Orrick's; some of the present
islands above the Pelicans are Charbonnier or Mullanphy, Holmes, and
Vingt-une. There was a marsh or lake on the N. side, 5 or 6 m. below
St. Charles, which the French called Marais Croche, Crooked marsh;
some maps now make it Marie Croche l.

[I-5] M. de Lisa was one of the most noted Missourian Indian traders
in those days. This is certainly not the last, and probably not the
first, time he played exactly that trick. Pike has a good deal to say
of him further on: see also L. and C., pp. lxxix, 62, 242, 256, 443,
1153, 1154, 1232, where my notes refer to further information in
Brackenridge's Travels and Irving's Astoria. Lisa was at one time
associated with Captain Clark in the fur-trade.

[I-6] One of the two letters Pike wrote to Wilkinson formed No. 3 of
the App. to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed. See beyond, where it is given.

[I-7] See L. and C., ed. 1893, pp. 2, 8, 1182, 1211; also, p. 1257,
where Charette's cr. and village are given, showing this to be a
personal name. We come to the place presently.

[I-8] This letter formed No. 4 of the App. to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed.
It is given beyond.

[I-9] This mileage would set Pike about Cottleville ldg., on the N.,
though I hardly think he got quite so far. He passed Fee Fee and
Crèvecoeur creeks on the S., latter discharging from Crèvecoeur
l.; Little Duckett and Big Duckett creeks, near together, on the N.;
Catfish isl., behind which is Howard bend, into which Bon Homme or
Good Man's r. falls, about opposite the middle of Green's bottom, N.,
3½ m. long, separated by Green's chute from Bon Homme isl., next above
which comes Bacon's or Post's isl., and then Cottleville ldg. If Pike
reached this place, he was 44 m. from the mouth of the Missouri,
according to recent charts.

[I-10] Late Sergeant Henry Kennerman, reduced to the ranks for cause
at Pike's stockade on the Upper Mississippi r., Mar. 9th, 1806: see p.
181 and note 10, p. 245. He was posted as a deserter in various
places, but we are not told he was retaken. He drops out of the story
at this point. With Kennerman deserted, Vasquez arrested, and Geo.
Henry engaged, the whites of the party are now 23 - 2 + 1 = 22; Vasquez
rejoins on the 21st, when the roster is again 23.

[I-11] Position uncertain, especially as the text of the 18th-20th
cannot be squared with the camp-marks on Pike's map. Going by the
text, which agrees with the actual geography better than the map does,
we may set Pike in the vicinity of St. Albans. To reach this point
from his last camp he passes places on the N. now known as Cottleville
ldg., Hamburg, and Dozier's ldg. At the last named Femme Osage r.
falls into the lower end of Dozier's bend. The Missouri is here 1½-2
m. broad, and mostly filled with Howell's isl., 2½ m. long, some small
islands, and various sand-bars. Thence on the N. or rather N. W. is a
bottom 8 m. long and a mile or more deep; while on the S. E. is a
nearly unbroken line of bluffs which the river washes from Port Royal
(in Franklin Co., just over the border of St. Louis Co.) to St.
Albans. At one place in these rocks is the cave formerly, and perhaps
still, known as the Tavern: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 8, and Pike's
map, place lettered "Cave." The small stream which makes in on the S.
W. at St. Albans is still called Tavern cr.; and directly opposite is
Murdoch's ldg. The Mo. R. Comm. charts of 1879 mark a place
Missouriton on the N. W., 2 m. below Murdoch's ldg. Nicollet's map,
pub. 1843, marks Missouriton on the N., slightly _below_ mouth of
Femme Osage r., about position of present Hamburg.

[I-12] The "point to the south" which Pike passes I take to be that
opp. Cottlebaum's ldg., at the mouth of Ridenour or Fiddle cr., at the
head of the difficult place called Devil's Race-ground by Lewis and
Clark: see ed. of 1893, p. 8. This is a couple of miles above St.
Albans, at the 55th river-mile point of recent surveys. The bluffs
continue a mile or so, and then, at the mouth of Labadie's cr. or
slough, begins the extensive Labadie's bottom on the S., for the
Missouri crosses over to the bluffs on the N., and continues on that
side to the town of Augusta, St. Charles Co. Thence the channel runs
obliquely by the Augusta and Hinkley bends, between Labadie's and
Hancock's bottoms, to the S. side again. Here, at Mung's or South
Point isl., is the lower end of the "long reach," N. W., in which Pike
says he camped. We set him on the S., at the mouth of Dubois or Wood
cr., where there is now a place called South Point. This is directly
opposite the line between St. Charles and Warren cos. on the N.; it is
about 2 m. below Washington, Franklin Co., and at the 67th mile-point
from the mouth of the Missouri. Pike maps the stream in the right
place, but by the wrong name of "Ash R."

[I-13] The proper name of the interpreter, whom Pike usually calls
"Baroney," was A. F. Baronet Vasquez. He was b. St. Louis, 1783; his
wife was Emily Faustine Parent. He was the son of Benito Vasquez (b.
1750) and Julia Papin (married Nov. 27th, 1774), and was the fifth
child of 12 they had. He appears in army registers as Barony Vasquez,
appointed to be an ensign in the 2nd Infantry Dec. 12th, 1808;
transferred to 1st Infantry Oct. 31st, 1810; commissioned as second
lieutenant Mar. 4th, 1811; promoted to a first lieutenancy July 30th,
1813; and resigned Oct. 1st, 1814. See also a letter about him in my
Memoir of Pike, _anteà_.

[I-14] See note 7, p. 361. La Charette is still the name of the
stream, and of the extensive bottom on the N. side through which the
river seeks the Missouri. But the settlement once so called is not to
be found by this name on modern maps. Instead of this we have
Marthasville (3 m. N. of which stands still the house in which Daniel
Boone died), a village about a mile from the Missouri, and nearly
midway between the points where La Charette cr. and Tuque cr.
respectively enter the bottom. Marthasville appears on maps of 50
years ago, as for example, on Nicollet's, 1843. Gass calls the place
St. Johns where he camped May 25th, 1804; it then had seven houses:
see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 8. St. Johns is now the name of the
largest one of a cluster of islands and sand-bars in an expanded part
of the Missouri, between the mouth of La Charette cr. on the N. and of
St. Johns or Bourbeuse cr. on the S., 2 m. and more above the town of
Washington, Franklin Co. Pike maps "S^t. Johns R." correctly between
his "Ash R." (error for Wood or Dubois cr.) and his "Bay R." (error
for Boeuf r.). Washington is the most notable place Pike passes
to-day; it is now quite a town, large enough to have started a place
opposite itself, called North Washington, on Lac's pt. in Warren Co.
Here is where, at the 69th river-mile point, a creek falls in on the
N.; it is commonly called Tuque cr., though Sheet III. of the Mo. R.
Comm. charts has "Duke" as the name. It looks like a French word, but
whether it be a personal name, or derived from _Toque_ or _Turque_,
does not appear. It is one of two creeks which L. and C. speak of
passing on the N., May 25th; the other one of these has never been
identified. But there is an old lake bed, or something of the sort, a
couple of miles back of North Washington, in Hancock's bottom, under
the bluffs, and I imagine this once discharged about opp. Dubois or
Wood cr.--say at Rieskamp's place, on the boundary between St. Charles
and Warren cos. Tuque cr. itself seems to have had more than one
outlet, in the course of the several miles it meanders the low land
and separates Hancock's bottom from La Charette.

[I-15] Originally Docs. Nos. 5 and 6, p. 33 and p. 36 of the App. to
Pt. 2. They are given beyond.

[I-16] To camp at New Haven, Franklin Co., a considerable town which
has grown up of late years at the place formerly known as Miller's
ldg., on the S., a little below Pinckney pt. Passing through Charette
bend, beyond Patton's pt. and ldg., Pike comes to the mouth of the
Rivière au Boeuf of the French, now Boeuf or Buffalo r., which
falls in on the S. behind Boeuf, Buffalo, or Shelton's isl., about a
mile below Dundee station of the Mo. Pac. R. R. This is the stream by
error lettered "Bay R." on Pike's map. On rounding Emily and Miller
bends, Pike comes to his camp, say at the 85th river-mile point of
late surveys. Here he is 1½ m. below a place which was charted by
Nicollet in 1843 as Griswold, and which may be found on maps of but
few years ago, but has since disappeared. On the N., opp. Griswold,
was a place called Pinckney or Pinckneyville, seat of Warren Co. about
1825, and there is still a hamlet of the same name in the vicinity.
The Shepherd r. which the above text mentions falls in about a mile
above Griswold and the same below the present R. R. station Etlah.
This is Shepherd's cr. of L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 9, but is oftener
now called Berger r. or cr. I am told by R. J. Holcombe that the word
is not the common F. noun _berger_, a shepherd, but a personal name,
probably of the old German pioneer Caspar Burger, a founder of the
colony there; if so, it should not have been translated into English.
The word is mangled into "Boeger" on the beautiful chart of the Mo. R.
Comm. It is a pity that so many cases as bad as this one mar the
lettering of such fine draughtsman's work as Mr. D. W. Wellman's.
Berger's or Burger's cr. comes into the bottom 2 m. above its mouth,
and is there joined by Little Berger's or Burger's cr., which runs
about 4½ m. in the bottom before its confluence; the two thus make
what is known as Berger's (_i. e._, Burger's) bottom nearly an island,
6 or 7 m. long.

[I-17] On rounding Pinckney pt. through the bend of that name, Pike
passes the mouth of Berger's cr., opp. Yeager's ldg., crosses to the
N. side of the Missouri, and sails along with Berger's bottom on his
left for several miles; he goes by Whitehouse's isl., near which L.
and C. were camped May 26th, 1804, and on finishing with Berger's
bottom, reaches a place on the N. called Bridgeport. This is pretty
old for a Missouri River town; we find it located more than 50 years
ago, and it still exists in name, but has never amounted to much. Opp.
Bridgeport is Bates' isl., 2 m. long, the largest one of several at
the head of Berger's bottom. In the vicinity of Bridgeport several
small creeks fall in on the N. Three of these are called Lost cr.,
Massas (qu. Massey's?) cr., and Malhern (qu. Malheur?) cr. Excepting
Lost cr., these fall into Chenal à Loutre or Otter slough; and this
snicarty cuts off a very large piece of bottom known as Île à Loutre
or Otter isl. L. and C. speak of this as nearly 10 m. long, and say
that it was one of the most fertile in the whole river. The details of
the river bottom along here seem to have altered a good deal since
1804, and even since Long's time; the upper end of the slough is now a
little above Hermann, near McGirk's isl. and ldg., cutting the island
down to a total length of not over 7 m. The slough itself is very
narrow, and hardly more than a sluggish creek, like a good many others
that meander bottoms before they discharge. L. and C. speak of three
creeks which fall in behind Otter isl., and one of these as having the
same name. This is Rivière à la Loutre of early F. settlers, now
Loutre, Louter, or Luter r., and Otter r., very curiously lettered on
the Mo. R. Comm. map, as "L'Outre"--a form which only needs an accent
to be decidedly _outré_. Pike maps the stream as "Otter Riv." He
proceeds by Otter or Loutre Island bend to a mile or so above Hermann,
and camps on the S. In finishing the bend just named he passes on the
S. the county line between Franklin and Gasconade, which cuts through
Bates' isl., and then on the N. the line between Warren and Montgomery
cos., which cuts the upper part of Otter isl. at the lower point of
Hermann isl., opp. the town of this name. This is now quite a place,
and more than 50 years old. It is situated across the mouth of Rivière
aux Frênes of the F., commonly called Frene cr. and Ash cr., but
uncommonly appearing as "Frame" cr. on the Mo. R. Comm. map. Pike does
not map Ash cr., though it is given under this name by L. and C.: for
the stream he marks "Ash R." by mistake, see note 12, p. 363.

Loutre isl. is quite historic. A number of Americans and some French
families settled there in 1805; first child born was Jacob Grosjean
(name corrupted to Groshong); one b. 1806 became the local celebrity
known as "old man Patton," living in 1884. Fort Clemson was built by
Capt. Clemson about 1808, and maintained till after the war of
1812-15. From 1808 to 1816 there was quite a colony, whence were drawn
the settlers for Boone's Lick, Howard Co. On the N. mainland the
colonists, when the war broke out, were killed in part, and the rest
driven to the island to be "forted up" till the peace. Fort Clemson
was a Rangers' hdqrs. in the war, and from this post Capt. James
Callaway, grandson of Daniel Boone, set out in March, 1815, on the
expedition up Loutre r., during which he and others were killed.
Daniel Boone's Spanish grant from Gov. Delassus was about 15 m. up the
Loutre, and included a salt spring--the original and only genuine
"Boone's Lick"; Boone's adopted son Van Bibber kept a tavern there,
where Washington Irving stopped some time in the '30's; it is now
reputed a medicinal spring in the little village Mineola, near
Danville, seat of Montgomery Co.

[I-18] Passing McGirk's ldg. and isl. N., Cole's or Coles' cr., S.,
Rineland and Kallmeyer's ldgs., S., to the mouth of the Gasconade,
which falls in on the S., opp. Cuyler's pt., 107⅓ m. up the
Missouri: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 9. This is much the largest
tributary of the Missouri thus far reached; Pike elsewhere allows it
200 yards' width at the mouth, and navigability at times of 100 m. He
also notes that the Sac boundary started opp. its mouth: see note 14,
p. 11. Gasconade City is a place on the tongue of land that makes into
the Missouri on the upper side of the Gasconade; being a mere village
or hamlet, is as appropriately named as the river itself, which got
its name from the way some persons bragged about their exploits when
they returned to St. Louis. Beck's Gaz. speaks of pine which was cut
and rafted down, but there has been none for 60 years within 150
miles.

[I-19] One of these letters, given beyond, formed No. 7, p. 36, of the
App. to Pt. 2. of the orig. ed.

[I-20] Pike's map marks no camp for the 26th. The distance between
Gasconade and Osage rivers is exactly 30 m. by the channel. Pike says
he goes 15 m. to-day; I doubt that he went so far if he did not leave
the Gasconade till 6.30 p. m. But to take the record on its face would
be to set him a mile above Fisher's ldg., on the S., in the vicinity
of the hamlet called Chamois, in Osage Co. On decamping and ferrying
over the Gasconade, Pike first passed the mouth of Bailey's cr. (Deer
cr. of L. and C.), on the S., whence the channel took him obliquely to
Bluffton on the N., 5 m. above the Gasconade. The bluffs border the
river for about 4 m. along here, and at one place in them is the cave
which used to be known as Montbrun's Tavern: see L. and C., _l. c._ At
1 or 1½ m. above Bluffton the line between Montgomery and Callaway
cos. comes to the Missouri just about opp. the line between Gasconade
and Osage cos. on the S.; this last strikes the river-bottom just
where Bailey's cr. also does. At 5 m. above Bluffton is Portland,
Callaway Co., before reaching which Pike passes Little Tavern and Big
Tavern creeks, which are a mile apart, on the N., and both opp.
Portland isl., 2 m. long; while a mile above Portland is the mouth of
Logan cr. On the S. along here is a creek whose mysteries I have never
been able to fathom. This is Rush cr. of L. and C., _l. c._, given by
them as 4 m. above Montbrun's Tavern, on the S. It is called Greassy
cr. by the Mo. R. Comm., and Greasy cr. by the U. S. G. S.; the latter
name is probably correct. It comes into the bottom in the vicinity of
Chamois, about the 121st river-mile point, meanders down for several
miles, and finally discharges behind Portland isl., somewhere between
the 117th and 115th m. of the Mo. R. Comm.

[I-21] To an interesting locality--that of the old French village,
Côte sans Dessein, so called from the celebrated long narrow ledge of
rocks of the same name immediately above, isolated on the N. bank of
the river opposite Dodd's isl. In approaching the Osage, Pike maps two
streams from the N., respectively lettered "Gr. R. au vase" and "L. R.
au vase." The first of these is Grande Rivière au Vase or Grande
Rivière Vaseuse of the F., which appears on the best modern maps as Au
Vasse and Auxvasse r.--better talk English than such Missouri French
as this, and say Big Muddy r., as L. and C. did! This considerable
stream falls in a mile above Harrison's ldg., about 123½ m. by the
channel from the mouth of the Missouri. The other is Little Muddy r.
of L. and C., who translated Petite Rivière au Vase (or Petite Rivière
Vaseuse) better than those do who now style it Au Vasse cr. or
Auxvasse cr. This creek joins in the bottom-land another now called
Middle r. or cr., and the two fall in together a mile above the
village of St. Aubert, Callaway Co. Moreover: between the Big and the
Little Muddy there is a third creek, distinct from both the others,
falling in 1½ m. _below_ St. Aubert. This is simply called Muddy cr.
on the Mo. R. Comm. map; on that of the U. S. G. S. it is lettered
Ewing's cr. A branch of this is lettered by the U. S. G. S. East Wing
cr.--a name which I suspect originated in mistaking "Ewing" for "E.
Wing." On the S. side of the Missouri Pike passes two small streams,
both historically notable. The first of these is the one which L. and
C. called Grindstone cr., when they camped at its mouth May 30th,
1804; but it is now known as Deer cr. It falls in behind St. Aubert's
isl., a mile below St. Aubert station on the Mo. Pac. R. R., or the
village now called Medora, 126⅔ m. up the Mo. r. One Carr has or
had his home at the mouth of this creek. The other creek is 4¾ m.
above Grindstone or Deer cr., and 1¼ m. above Shipley's ldg.; it is
the one L. and C. called Bear cr., May 31st, 1804; Pike charted it
"Bear R.," and it is now called Bear or Loose cr. I suppose "Loose"
cr. to be a loose translation of F. R. à l'Ours or à l'Ourse,
according to whether it was a he-bear or a she-bear which the
Frenchman who first named the creek killed there. In any event this
stream has given name to the village of Loose Creek and to Bear Creek
isl., opposite its mouth. Four miles higher on the S., opposite the
foot of Dodd's isl., is the village of Dauphine at the place where one
Benêt, Bénite, Benoit, Bennet, Bonnet, Bonnot, or Bennight built his
mill, 15-20 years ago. Dauphine is almost exactly opposite the site of
the old French village above named, which started about 1808 and had a
dozen or more families in 1811. There is a sort of settlement in this
vicinity immediately at the lower end of the Côte sans Dessein, at one
time known as Bennet's ldg.; people named Gray, Crews, and Maddox live
or lived there. Behind the Côte are some small lakes or ponds
discharging by R. aux Riveaux or Riveaux cr. (as it is called) around
the upper end of the Côte, near Dearing's ldg. Hence it is only 1½ m.
diagonally across the Missouri to Glenn's ldg. at the mouth of the
Osage r. See L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 11.

[I-22] Arising in the Ozark mts. of Kansas, the Osage r. leaves that
State and enters Missouri in Vernon Co., which it delimits in part
from Bates Co.; traverses St. Clair and continues past the corner
where this, Henry, and Benton cos. adjoin; traverses Benton, enters
Morgan, forms a part of the boundary between this and Camden, makes a
loop through the latter and again separates it for a short space from
Morgan, then for a little distance separates Camden from Miller,
traverses the latter, enters Cole, and finally runs to the Mo. r.
between this last and Osage cos. We shall learn much more of this
stream as we follow it up in Pike's wake. There is a village called
Osage City at its mouth on the west bank; Pike's camp is also on this
side, in Cole Co., past two small tributaries known as Caddy and
Sandford's creeks, and not far above Maries r., which comes from
Pulaski through Maries (named for two French girls) and Osage cos. to
fall in on the E. or right (left hand) bank. A Spanish fort
(trading-house) was built about 1795 near the mouth of the Osage.

[I-23] No further indication of camp of 29th, which is also omitted by
the draughtsman or engraver from Pike's map; nor is there any notable
modern locality along here. But it must be short of where the Osage,
after coursing in Cole Co., begins to separate the latter from Osage
Co. Nearest present settlements, Babbtown, Osage Co., and St. Thomas,
Cole Co.

[I-24] In Cole Co., and a mile or two above Proft's cr.; about 2 m. N.
E. of St. Thomas, and 4 m. S. E. of Osage Bluff.

[I-25] Camp a little above Big Tavern cr., from the E., in Miller Co.,
on whichever side of the river it was pitched. There is no mark on
Pike's map for this camp, nor those of Aug. 2d and 3d. The nearest
named places to the camp of July 31st and Aug. 1st, and that of Aug.
2d (only 2 m. further), are St. Elizabeth, on Big Tavern cr., and
Mary's Home, west of the Osage--both in Miller Co., but both some
miles away from the river. On breaking camp this morning, Pike passed
on his right the bluffs from which the hamlet of Osage Bluff takes its
name; this is about a mile north of the river. He later passed Babruly
cr., from the W., whose name is obviously a corruption of Bois Brûlé;
then Sugar cr., from the E., and next Little Tavern cr., falling in
from the W. a mile or two below Big Tavern cr. There was more than one
cave or "tavern" in the bluff near the creek: see figure of one, where
the early Osage boatmen used to put up, in the Mo. Geol. Reports.

[I-26] Passing Cub cr., right; Humphrey's and Panther creeks, left;
then the present Saline cr., on the right. This is laid down and
lettered "Saline R." on Pike's map; but observe that it is _not_ the
Saline r. of Aug. 7th: see that date. Above Saline cr. Pike passes Dog
cr., left, and then present site of Tuscumbia, seat of Miller Co., on
the right; and camps at or near present site of Brockman, on the
right, a mile above Bear cr., in the same county.

[I-27] Taking Pike past a place called Bagnell, on the right, just
below present Little Gravois cr., in Miller Co., and setting him
somewhere about the point on the river where Miller, Morgan, and
Camden cos. come together--the latter on the S., the two former on the
N. side, as the river is here running E. His camp of Aug. 4th and 5th
is marked on his map, on the left, just below the mouth of his Little
Gravel r., which he passes on the 6th: see next note.

[I-28] On the right hand as Pike ascends, left bank of the Osage, and
rather on the N. than W., as the general course of the river is to the
E. The "Gravel" rivers of Pike require attention in identifying them
with ours. The Osage is here making an ox-bow bend, which reverses
points of the compass so far as a traveler's right and left are
concerned. The stream now in question, Gravel r. of the above text,
lettered "L. Gravel R." on the map, is that now known as Big Gravois,
Gravis, or Gravel cr., running in Morgan Co., with a place called
Gladstone near its mouth, one known as Gravois Mills higher up, and
some of whose branches are called Indian, Soap, and Mill creeks. Cape
Galena is 2½ m. above the mouth of this river. Present Little Gravois
cr. is that one with Bagnell just below its mouth; it is laid down by
an unlettered trace on Pike's map. The correct form of the word is
Gravois, being F. _gravois_, rubbish, rubble, whence "Gravel."

[I-29] _Not_ the Saline r. of Pike's map, which was passed on the 3d.
"Saline river" of the present text is a slip of the pen or memory;
Pike meant to say Great Gravel r., as correctly laid down by this name
on his map on the left or south, being lettered "G. Gravel R." This is
not the Great Gravel or Big Gravois cr. of present maps, but the
considerable stream now known as Grand Auglaise cr.--a name also
perverted from the F. word _glaise_, clay, into Glaize or Wet Glaize
cr. It heads in Laclede and Pulaski cos., in close relation with
sources of the Gasconade, and runs about N. N. W. through Camden Co.
to fall into the Osage from the S., on the right bank of the river, on
Pike's left, at or near a place called Blackman's Mills. The Osage is
here turning from its E. course to N., whence it soon bends W., then
loops N. and again E., where it receives present Big or Pike's Little
Gravel r., and completes another ox-bow bend. Camp of the 7th,
opposite the notable bluff called "La Belle Roche," is marked on
Pike's map, not far above a place now called Damsel, on the other side
of the Osage; whence the Yungar is reached for breakfast on the 8th.

[I-30] _Sic_, usually in Pike, and I make no change. But "Cheveux
Blanche" is a phrase joining a masculine plural noun to a feminine
singular adjective. The English ed. alters to Cheveu Blanc; but as
doubtless the savage had more than one hair of that color, probably
Cheveux Blancs would be better in form and fact for the F. name of the
person also known as White Hair.

[I-31] Before the Youngar is reached Pike passes on his left Linn cr.;
county seat called Linn Creek, a mile above its mouth. The name of the
river has fluctuated widely. Pike has Yungar, Youngar, and also
Nehemgar; the latest G. L. O. and U. S. G. S. maps letter Niangua. The
word, whatever may be its preferable form, is the Osage name of the
bear, though by some it is said to refer to the numerous springs at
the sources of the stream. It is by far the largest tributary of the
Osage thus far reached; Pike credits it with a canoe navigation of 100
m. The main stream heads in Webster Co., in relation with sources of
the Osage fork of the Gasconade, and runs through Dallas Co., also
touching the W. border of Laclede, into Camden; its tributaries are
numerous and widespread. One called Little Niangua falls in on the W.,
6 or 8 m. above the mouth of the main river. To-day's voyage takes the
Expedition past Purvis, and finishes about 4 m. above Bolinger or
Bollinger cr., from the S., on which are the Osage Iron Works.

[I-32] Pike's map marks none of the places passed to-day by the names
given in his text. We have therefore a triple adjustment to make--of
map with text, and of these with modern geography. This I can do,
bearing in mind that Pike does not necessarily mention places in the
order in which they are passed en route, and that all his mileages are
guessed at by the hours spent in making them. His map marks camp of
Aug. 8th a good ways above the Niangua, and I set it 4 m. above
Bolinger cr., as already said. For the 9th the map has: (1) Big Rock
cr., right; (2) Rapids; (3) Slave r., right; (4) camp, right. The
facts in the case are: Pearson's branch, left; Wells' branch, right;
Proctor cr., right, on which is Proctor; Raney, Rainey, or Rainy cr.,
left, with Crittenden at its mouth--none of the foregoing noted by
Pike in any way; then (1) Little Buffalo cr., right, on or near which
is a place called Search; (2) rapids along a long curved bluff, right,
with three little creeks on the left; (3) Big Buffalo cr., right, with
a place called Riverview at its mouth; (4) camp, right. This makes
about 25 m., barely over the border of Morgan into Benton Co., Big
Buffalo cr. falling in just short of the same boundary; whence it is
evident that (1) Big Rock cr. of the map is (1) Little Buffalo cr., on
which is Search; (3) Slave r. of the map is (3) Big Buffalo cr., on
which is Riverview; and this last is the Upper Gravel cr. of the text.
This ends the day, for by no stretch can we get Pike past Pottoe r. of
the text: see next note for this.

[I-33] Text gives no geography to-day, but the map shows three large
streams between the camp-marks of 9th and 10th. These are: (1) a
river, left, lettered "P. R."--that is, "Pottoe" r.; (2) Francis r.,
right; (3) Cardinal r., left. The facts in the case are: Knobby cr.,
left, small, at lower point of Williams isl., large; (1) a large
creek, left, falling in at head of Williams isl., called Beaver cr. on
the G. L. O. map, Deer cr. on the U. S. G. S. map, and on which is a
place named Hastain; 2 m. above its mouth is another place called
Duroc, on the S. bank of the Osage; (2) a very large creek, right,
variously called Vermilion, Coal Camp or Cole Camp cr.; (3) a very
large creek, left, called Turkey cr. These three are of the relative
sizes and in the relative positions of the three that Pike charts; so
that unquestionably "P. R." or "Pottoe" r. of Pike's map is (1) the
Beaver or Deer cr.; (2) Francis r. is the Vermilion or Cole or Coal
Camp cr.; and (3) Cardinal r. is the Turkey cr. It is true Pike says
his Pottoe cr. was passed on the 9th; but his map shows otherwise; and
if it had been, that is a question of the location of camp for the
9th, not affecting the identification of the streams here made. The
queer name "Pottoe" I suppose to be intended for Poteau, and not a
misprint for Potatoe: see the name Pomme de Terre or Potatoe for a
river further on. Where Pike got his name Francis r. I have no idea.
His Cardinal r. I imagine was so called by some confusion with
Vermilion r.; for cardinal and vermilion are two names of a red
color--in the one case worn by certain church dignitaries on their
heads, in the other by cochineal insects on their bodies. Camp of the
10th (and 11th) is 3 or 4 m. above Turkey cr.

[I-34] The lacuna of the orig. text can be supplied from the map,
which marks camp of the 12th as above said. On decamping this morning
Pike passed what he charts as Cave cr. This is the middle one of three
insignificant runs which make in on the right. "Vermillion" r. of
to-day is a mistake. This is the stream Pike charts as Deep cr., on
the right, immediately below Grand r., and is that now called Little
Tebo, Teabo, Tabo, Tebeau, etc. These are commonly supposed to be
forms of a personal name; but I am informed by R. I. Holcombe they are
perversions of Terre Beau, old name of the prairie in Lafayette Co.
where the "Tebo" r. that flows into the Missouri rises. The Osage
tributary called Tebo, etc., falls in a mile below Grand r.; its E.
fork is meandered for some miles by the Sedalia, Warsaw and Southern
branch of the Mo. Pac. R. R., which then leaves the creek and strikes
the Osage 2½ m. below Warsaw. This is the county seat of Benton, on
the N. bank of the Osage, 2 m. below Little Tabeau cr. and three below
Grand r., opposite the very large island also called Warsaw. Grand r.
of the text and present maps is the largest branch of the Osage passed
since the Niangua was left. It falls in on the N., a mile below
Wright's isl. Some of its affluents head not far from Independence (on
the Mo. r.), and others in Kansas. Its largest branch is Big cr.;
others are Deep Water and Big Tabeau. Camp is in the bight of the bend
that receives Grand r., between Wright's and Holloway isls.

Pike has mapped the river unmistakably along here, rendering
identifications easy; but the text is not so correct, and requires the
interpretation I have given. The mileages of the 10th-12th seem
excessive. Here, as in various other places, he seems to have supplied
the loss of orig. notes from memory.

[I-35] In making the circuit Pike passed two rivers which he charts by
name as "Hallico R." and "Potatoe R.," both from the S., or on his
left as he ascends. Potatoe is clearly the same name as Pomme de
Terre, by which latter title is now mapped the large stream which
heads in Webster Co., cuts the N. E. corner of Green, perhaps also the
S. W. corner of Dallas, then traverses Polk and Hickory, and in Benton
falls into the bight of the bend of the Osage herein mentioned. The
natives call this river "Pumly Tar." Two miles above its mouth it
receives the Little Pomme de Terre, from the W., in the vicinity of
Fairfield. A much smaller stream, next above on the same hand, which
is received in the same bend of the Osage, is Hogle's cr. The relative
situations of these would make Pike's Hallico correspond to Pomme de
Terre, and his Potato to Hogle's. But I have no doubt he _meant_ by
Potato the river now called Pomme de Terre, and we need not insist
upon the reversal of names, especially as there may be some small
stream below to answer to Hallico, and it would be nothing for Pike to
pass over so small a creek as Hogle's, both in the text and on the
map.

[I-36] This letter formed Doc. No. 8 of the App. to Pt. 2. The name,
omission of which causes the hiatus in the text, is Chouteau. The
letter was sent by one Baptiste La Tulipe, who is no doubt the man of
whom we read in Frémont, Rep. 1845, p. 18: "I had found an old
companion on the northern prairie, a hardened and hardly-served
veteran of the mountains, who had been as much hacked and scarred as
an old moustache of Napoleon's 'old guard.' He flourished in the
soubriquet of La Tulipe, and his real name I never knew."

[I-37] Near the N. E. corner of St. Clair Co. and the S. E. corner of
Henry Co. The Park is a narrow, somewhat rectangular loop of the
Osage, including some bold bluffs in its bight. The distance was much
under "28" m., unless the river were then even crookeder than it is
now. We have to foreshorten the mileages along here, in order to bring
Pike into anything like the proper position above the mouth of Sac r.
on the 16th. He passes five or six small creeks to-day, the last and
largest being charted by Pike as Buckeye cr. This is Wright's, from
the S., in St. Clair Co. A mile above this is a large island, which
seems to be Pike's Turkey isl.; and a mile above this is another,
probably that on which he camped.

[I-38] That is to say, Lieut. Wilkinson, Dr. Robinson, the
interpreter, and one soldier, who left the boats to march across
country with some of the Indians, thus avoiding the periplus of
several bends in the river.

[I-39] Pike is still considerably below the present site of Osceola,
at the neck of the last remarkable bend the river makes some 6 or 7 m.
(direct distance) from that town. At present this loop is 4 or 5 m.
around and about a quarter of a mile across at the narrowest part. It
receives several creeks from the N. E., E., and S., the highest and
largest now called Bear cr. In this day's course, which does not
include the circuit of the bend, Pike charts a certain "East River,"
which he runs in directly from the W. This corresponds in position
with the stream now called Muddy cr., but if meant for that it is
drawn much too large--half as large as Grand r. itself.

[I-40] Several points require attention in this long course, whatever
its actual length may have been. 1. Passing Osceola in the forenoon,
Pike reaches his "Grand Fork," _i. e._, the confluence of Sac r. with
the Osage, at noon. This is clear, and the distance seems about right
from the place where I set his camp of the 15th. But the streams he
charts on this course, below the forks, are not more easily disposed
of than was the "East" r. 2. Thus, on the same side as "East" r.,
about halfway from this to the forks, he lays down two small streams
from the W., the lower of which he names Light cr. There are in fact
several such; and it may be reasonable to assume that by Light cr.
Pike means the largest of them. This is the one now called Gallinipper
cr., which falls in a mile below Osceola, and which is now meandered
for a few miles by both the Kansas City, Clinton, and Springfield R.
R., and the Kas. Cy. and Southern R. R. 3. After rounding the bend
above described, and passing the Bear cr. there said, Pike passes two
creeks on his left, from the S., one of which he charts by the name of
Lime r. This probably answers to the stream now called Wablo, or
Weablo, or Weaubleau cr. The other one of the two is Brushy cr. But
the identification of Lime r. with Weaubleau cr., and of Light with
Gallinipper, throws both out of relative position, and introduces a
difficulty which can only be done away with by supposing an error of
the map. 4. Osceola is the seat of St. Clair Co., on the left hand
going up river, 3 or 4 m. below the mouth of Sac r. This village is
notable as a point up to which steamboats used to come, especially
during our Civil War; it was burned in Sept., 1861, by "Jim" Lane
(James Henry Lane, b. Lawrenceburg, Ind., June 22d, 1814, committed
suicide at Leavenworth, Kas., July, 1866); pop. lately 331. 5. Two of
the little crosses which usually mark Pike's camps are superfluous for
the 14th-16th. One I cannot account for; the other evidently marks the
spot where Bel Oiseau was killed, as there is the legend "Beloiseau
Kill'd." Pike usually calls him Belle Oiseau; but the French noun is
of the same gender as the Indian himself. He was also known as
Beautiful Bird. 6. The Sac is about as large as the Osage at their
confluence; it runs on an average due N. course from Lawrence, through
Dade and Cedar, into St. Clair Co. We are told by the old pioneer
"Jack" Beard that the river was so called because a party of Sacs
(probably of the Missouri River band) camped on it about 1820; in the
fall of 1861 Sterling Price's rebel army were on this river for
several weeks. 7. Camp is set on the left bank or right hand of the
Osage, above Salt cr., right, and just below the mouth of the stream
from the N. called Mine r. in the text, but lettered "Mire Cr." on the
map. This is the Little Monegan, Monegau, or Monegaw cr.; the place
called Monegaw Springs is in the vicinity. (The name may be preferably
_Monega_, Osage word for "wolf.")

[I-41] Legended "Chouteau's" on the map, where the cross ×
also does duty for to-night's camp, two miles higher up. The spot can
be identified by the coal bank and shoal mentioned, though the "41½"
m. assigned for the day's journey take us beyond the confluence of the
Little Osage, and we see by tomorrow's itinerary that we are still
half a day's sail short of that point. Pierre Chouteau's place was
known in Spanish records as Fort Carondelet, and was built about 1790
at what is now called Halley's Bluff named for Col. Anselm Halley. It
was an actual fortification with mounted swivels, which Lieut.
Wilkinson speaks of in his Report (given beyond); but it was only
maintained for a few years. The post is twice noticed in the Hist. of
Vernon Co., 1887, by R. I. Holcombe, who informs me that he went over
the ground, including Blue Mound, Timbered Hill, and other places in
the vicinity, and that some old caches in the sandstone may still be
seen. 1. In the course of to-day's voyage the map shows a large
stream, unnamed, falling in from the N., on the right-hand or left
bank. This is evidently intended for Big Monegan or Monegaw cr.; place
called Dollie at its mouth. 2. Higher up, on the other side, another
nameless cr. is charted, from the S. This is Beshaw, better called
Clear, cr.; quite large, coming from Barton, through Vernon, past the
N. W. corner of Cedar, into St. Clair Co. 3. Above this, Pike has two
traces, both from the N., unnamed. One of these doubtless represents
Panther or Painter cr., in Bates Co. Here the Mo., Kan. and Tex. R.
R., a branch of the Mo. Pac. R. R., crosses the Osage between
Rockville on the N. and Schell City on the S. of that river. These
places are 4 m. apart. A mile or two below this crossing the Osage now
forms a circle circumscribing a large round island, nearly a mile in
diameter, which may have been a bend in Pike's time. Several smaller
streams than those just named fall into the Osage on either side, in
the course of a few miles, as Miller, McKenzie, Shaw, Willow, and
Lady's. The "10 French houses" Pike speaks of were opp. the mouth of
Lady's cr. (named for one Wm. Lady). Camp was on the N. W. side of the
Osage, near Lady's cr., and thus in the vicinity of Papinsville (old
Harmony Mission).

[I-42] A most important point in this itinerary, for here is the
junction of the Little Osage with the main stream, which latter Pike
now leaves to proceed up the former to the villages, and so on into
Kansas, etc. He elsewhere says: "The three branches of the [Osage]
river, viz.: the large east fork [_i. e._, Sac r., lying E. of where
he now is], the middle one up which we ascended [_i. e._, Little
Osage], and the northern one [_i. e._, main Osage]." The present
confluence is at the point where Bates and Vernon cos. begin or cease
to be separated by the meanders of the Osage; for the Little Osage
runs in Vernon Co., and the main Osage, above the confluence, runs in
Bates. There is a conspicuous mound in the prairie, a short distance
S. of this "second fork," giving name to Blue Mound township. Both
forks head beyond (W. of) the Missouri State line, in Kansas, in which
State the main Osage r. bears the name of Marais des Cygnes. The
"large drift" in the Little Osage which stopped the boats is marked
and so legended on the map, a short distance above the forks. It seems
to have been above the mouth of Muddy cr., which falls in from the N.
within 2 m. of the forks, and was probably about the place where there
is now some marshy ground on the W. side, opposite Horseshoe l. The
latter is a mile long around the curve, and discharges by a short
stream into the Little Osage, from the S., between the forks and the
mouth of Muddy cr. Doubtless it was once the bed of the river. Close
by this lake, an eastward bend of the Little Osage receives a creek
from the S.; and beyond this was the Grand Osage village, close to
which Pike established what he calls Camp Independence, on the E. side
of the river, near the confluence of Marmiton or Marmaton r. This
stream falls in from the S., and is rather larger than the Little
Osage; in fact, it forms with the latter the main forks. The Marmiton
receives Drywood cr. a few miles above its confluence with the little
Osage. The name of this river is apparently the F. word _marmiton_,
scullion, from _marmite_, pot or kettle; the settlers pronounce it
"Mommytaw." For other features of the locality we may note that the
river bottoms are here below the 75-foot contour line, which
represents the general level of the surrounding prairie; and that
there is an isolated mound or butte of 850 feet or more on the E. side
of the Marmiton and close to this river, at the first bend it makes
eastward. The Marmiton is otherwise notable in the present connection,
as Pike's further route goes between it and the Little Osage.

[I-43] A letter received from General Wilkinson by this express formed
Doc. No. 9 of the App. to Part 2.

[I-44] Joseph Browne, who in 1806 was first Justice of the Court of
Common Pleas in and for the District of St. Louis, appointed by
Governor and General Wilkinson Tuesday, Mar. 18th, 1806; in 1807 he
was Territorial secretary, and sometimes acting governor. He was
succeeded by Frederick Bates, appointed secretary by Jefferson, May
7th, 1807: see L. and C., p. 1236. The "Babtiste Larme" of the above
paragraph is elsewhere called by Pike "Mr. Baptist Duchouquette alias
Larme." Billon's Annals of St. Louis for 1764-1804, pub. 1886, p. 437,
has "Jno. B. Duchouquette, usually called Batiste Lami." Among the
signers of a paper relating to the erection of a Roman Catholic church
in St. Louis, Oct. 30th, 1819, is found "Batiste [Symbol: X]
Duchouquete" (his mark). The alias occurs in various forms, as Lamie,
Lamy, Lamme, etc. J. B. D. was son of François Lafleur Duchouquette
and Céleste Barrois; b. about 1760, d. May, 1834; married Marie
Brazeau, St. Louis, 1798.

[I-45] The village of the Little Osage Indians was about 6 m. higher
up and on the other (west) side of the river of the same name.
Marmiton r. falls in between where the two villages were. These were
so well-known to the traders and others in Pike's time that he does
not take the trouble to say exactly where they were; nor are we
favored with the precise location of Camp Independence, "near the edge
of the prairie." But there is of course no question of the exact site
of a village which stood for more than a century: see for example
Holcombe's Hist. Vernon Co. Hundreds of Osages were buried on the
mound, to which their descendents used to come from Kansas to cry over
them, as late at least as 1874. Among the remains rested those of old
White Hair himself, until his bones were dug up and carried off by
Judge C. H. Allen of Missouri. In the vicinity of the upper village is
now a place called Arthur, where the Lexington and Southern Div. of
the Mo. Pac. R. R. comes south from Rich Hill, Bates Co., and
continues across both Little Osage and Marmiton rivers; a mile W. of
its crossing of the former, on the S. of that river, is the present
hamlet called Little Osage. All Pike's positions of Aug. 18th-Sept.
1st are in the present Osage township.

[I-46] This census of the Grand Osage village was contained in a
letter which in the orig. ed. formed Doc. No. 12 of the App. to Pt. 2,
being a folded table opp. p. 52, with a tabular "recapitulation" on p.
53. The matter is given beyond.

[I-47] Three letters from Pike to Wilkinson which went by this express
formed Docs. Nos. 10, 11, 12 of App. to Pt. 2. One of them is dated
from "Camp Independence," by which we learn the name Pike gave his
station: see beyond.

[I-48] So far as the white men are concerned, the party is identical
with that which left Belle Fontaine (see the roster, pp. 358-360),
excepting Kennerman, deserted, which reduced the privates from 16 to
15, and further excepting the additional interpreter, one Noel alias
Maugraine. (Mr. George Henry, who is left here, was engaged after the
start, and therefore does not affect this count.)

[I-49] By "Grand Osage fork" Pike means the stream on which was the
Grand Osage village, _i. e._, Little Osage r. By "fork of the Little
Osage" his actual implication is Marmiton r., near which was the
Little Osage village--though the phrase happens to be verbally
applicable, as the Marmiton is the fork of the Little Osage r. Pike's
course "N. 80° W." at the start would seem to conflict with the
dot-line on his map; but this is simply due to faulty projection of
the streams: see next note. Observe also that the course of Sept. 1st
is simply a swing-around to the mouth of the Marmiton, whence Pike
revisits the Grand Osage village. There is no camp-mark for this day;
the first [Symbol: +] set is camp of the expedition of Sept. 2d,
before Pike had rejoined his party.

[I-50] Which the party had made on the 3d before Pike joined them.
Their camp of the 2d is the first one marked on the map, and this of
the 3d is the second one so marked. This we know from the position
marked for the 6th, just over the divide, and three camps ahead of
this of the 3d. Pike is now first fairly en route. The faulty
projection of his map makes him seem to go E. of S. till the 6th, and
then turn W. abruptly. The course of the Little Osage is practically
from W. to E., and Pike ascends it the whole way, having it at a
considerable distance to his right. His trail is over the prairie
between the Little Osage and Marmiton rivers. This is to be
particularly noted, as some have vaguely supposed Pike "followed up
the Osage river," _i. e._, the main Osage (Pike's "North fork"), and
then wondered how he came where we presently find him. In fact, he
goes almost due W. from Missouri over into Kansas. Camp of the 3d was
in the vicinity of the present town of Little Osage. Gregg's map, on
which Pike's trail is traced for the most part with all the accuracy
that the small scale allows, starts him into Kansas too far S.--a good
way S. of Fort Scott, which is correctly located on the Marmiton.

[I-51] Misleading, at first sight; but "Grand river" here means that
stream on which was the Grand Osage village. Pike and Robinson simply
took an excursion of 6 m. to the Little Osage and back to camp,
supposed to be 13 m. from that of the 3d. It was considerably past
Rinehart, and probably in the vicinity of Hoover, a place 2 m. E. of
the inter-State line; or perhaps just over this boundary, which here
runs on a meridian of longitude (about 94° 37´). This vicinity is
notable as the scene of the raid of old John Brown in Dec., 1859, when
this extraordinary compound of saint and sinner, whose prophetic
visions of the coming struggle had startling distinctness, killed a
man and stole some negroes and horses. Pike has entered or will
immediately enter the N. E. portion of Bourbon Co., Kas., in the
vicinity of places called Hammond, Fulton, and Barnesville. The two
former of these are on the Kansas City, Fort Scott, and Gulf R. R. I
suppose Pike to be about 10 m. N. N. E. of Fort Scott, the county seat
of Bourbon. This is a well-known city, on Marmiton r., at the point
where Mill cr. falls in. Its military name is a legacy from former
days, the fort having been built in 1842; pop. now about 12,000.

From the present station we have to trail Pike clear across Kansas to
a point on the Republican Fork of the Kansas r., just over the middle
of the northern boundary of the State. This is not easy. It would be
impossible to do so with precision, had we only the slender thread of
text to guide us. His Indians took him a roundabout way by the Smoky
Hill r. The whole country is flat, with a complicated river-system;
Pike cuts through it, incessantly _crossing_ creeks and rivers, not
one of which does he follow for any considerable distance after he
leaves the Osage basin. The names of the many small towns and
stations, as well as of the small streams, will be recognized by few
non-residents. Fortunately we have the trace dotted on his map, and
though this is far out of drawing for absolute geography, its relative
positions are recognizable for the most part. I am satisfied that the
course I lay down for Pike is true to his route in all its main
features. The whole of this Kansan route would be in the Missourian
watershed, were it not for the northward extension of the Arkansan
basin in the drainage of the Neosho and Vermilion rivers. This Pike
enters as soon as he leaves the Osage basin, crosses, and quits before
reaching the Smoky Hill: see the two places legended "Dividing Ridge,"
etc., on his map. If we suppose, what I see no reason to question,
that his camp-marks are all right, his marches of Sept. 5th to 17th
may be summarized as follows: Sept. 5th, further up Little Osage r.;
6th, over divide to Arkansan waters of the Neosho r.; 7th, approaching
the Neosho; 8th, across this river; 9th, further along S. of it; 10th,
across subdivide of Vermilion river basin; 11th, heading this river,
and across subdivide into Neosho basin again; 12th, across Cottonwood
fork of the Neosho; 14th, further along this fork; 15th, across divide
from these Arkansan to Missourian waters again; 16th, nearing Smoky
Hill r.; 17th, across this river. (Total distance from the Osage
villages about 210 m., by Pike's mileages of Sept. 1st-17th about 250
m.) The counties crossed are Bourbon, Allen, Woodson, Coffey, Lyon,
Chase, Marion, Dickinson, and Saline. Further details in following
notes.

[I-52] The whole of this way is W. up along the S. side of the Little
Osage, for the most part at a considerable distance from the river,
which here has a northward convexity. But for some miles after leaving
Camp Independence, Pike must have kept pretty close to the south side
of the Little Osage, to avoid the unnumbered mounds into which the
country further to his left is broken. The hill to which Pike came in
the forenoon represents a rise from the general 750-foot level
hitherto traveled to about 1,100 feet. From its southern slopes, Mill
and Wolverine creeks gather to flow into the Marmiton at and near Fort
Scott; while from the other side some small runs seek the Little
Osage. Camp is in Bourbon Co., somewhere in the vicinity of Xenia,
Zenia, or Hay, a small place near a branch of the Little Osage.

[I-53] Pike does not mean that the Arkansaw r. itself is otherwise
called White r., but the waters of the Arkansaw River basin he has
reached are those of a river called the White, which is perfectly
true. He elsewhere calls this Grand r. He also discusses whether this
White r. be a tributary of the Arkansaw or of the Mississippi, and
comes to the latter erroneous conclusion. This White or Grand r. of
Pike is the Neosho; a large stream which waters much of southeastern
Kansas, leaves the State in Cherokee Co., enters Indian Territory, and
falls into the Arkansaw on the boundary between the Cherokees' and the
Creeks' country. Its general course is S. E., then S. Pike lays it
down pretty well on his map, by the name of Grand r., and I find it so
charted on various modern maps. Pike runs it into the Arkansaw all
right, and makes its Cottonwood fork the main stream, out of all
proportion to the little creek he traces for the other fork; but there
is not much difference in the two streams, which unite in Lyon Co.
some 8 m. below Emporia. From the vicinity of Xenia, in Bourbon Co.,
Pike has to-day continued about W., by or near the station Bayard of
the Mo., Kas., and Tex. R. R., in Allen Co. Having thus headed all
Osage (Missourian) waters, he strikes and crosses the divide, and
camps on the head of a small tributary of Elm cr., a branch of the
Neosho (Arkansan waters). I suppose his camp to be at a point about
equidistant from Bayard and two other places called respectively La
Harpe and Wise--perhaps rather Bayard, La Harpe, and Morantown.

[I-54] The two streams concerned in Pike's approach to the Neosho are
Elm and Deer creeks. Elm is the large forked one which falls in close
below Iola, county seat of Allen. Deer cr. is the next above, falling
in about 4 m. above Elm cr. Pike's map indicates that, after passing
some insignificant heads of Elm cr., he got into its forks, then
crossed its north branch near Iola, and camped on Deer cr., very near
the junction of this with the Neosho. I do not know whether horses can
swim in Deer cr.; if not, the only alternative stream would be the
Neosho itself. But the map sets Pike on the east branch of Deer cr.,
and there I leave him.

[I-55] The Neosho, Neozho, or Neocho r. "A grand fork of the White
river" is ambiguous; but becomes intelligible if we remember that he
has just spoken of the "Arkansaw, alias White river." Pike's ideas of
what he calls "White" and "Grand" r. were not clear. There is no
stream in his present vicinity large enough to be dignified as the
"grand fork" of the Neosho itself; we must understand him to mean the
Neosho, as being itself a grand fork of whatever he meant by "White"
r. The Neosho was long and often called Grand r.; "Neosho or Grand R."
is lettered on Gregg's map. Pike never says where he crossed the
Neosho, nor in fact does he inform us that he ever crossed it--unless
it was when he swam his horses. But that was on the 7th. However these
uncertainties be regarded, two facts are certain: Pike was across the
Neosho on the 8th, and he crossed it between Iola and the town of
Neosho Falls, Woodson Co. I think the crossing was a little above the
mouth of Deer cr.

[I-56] West for a few miles, then about northwest, up along the
Neosho, but at several miles' distance from that river, on the dry
prairie, and passing from Woodson into Coffey Co. As to the "second
branch" on which is camp: Pike charts three streams passed to-day,
running to his right into the Neosho, and marks his camp on the third
one of these. I take these to be Turkey, South Big, and North Big
creeks; and suppose that Pike camped on the last of these. It is true
that these all three unite in one before falling into the Neosho; but
Pike passed them too high up to observe their connections. Turkey cr.
is practically a separate one, as it falls into Big cr. only about
one-quarter of a mile above the mouth of it; and the connection of
North and South creeks, much higher up, may be implied in his speaking
of the "second branch" on which was camp (Turkey cr. then answering to
a first branch). The single mouth of the three streams here in mention
falls into the Neosho about 2 m. west of Leroy. If it seems rather a
stretch to get Pike some distance up North Big cr. to-day, it may be
remembered that the place he crossed the Neosho was not determined
with precision; and that we have to find him to-morrow, at 11 miles'
distance, on a large creek up which he can go over the divide to the
heads of Verdigris r. There seems to be no alternative.

[I-57] The total of 12 m. does not agree with the text, which calls
for 11 + 4½ = 15½. Eagle cr. seems to have been struck about on the
boundary between Coffey and Lyon cos., where Four Mile cr. falls into
it. It is a considerable stream, which heads in the divide about Olpe
(a place on the A. T. and S. Fé R. R.), is increased by Harper,
Hoosier, and other tributaries, and runs E. into the Neosho a mile and
a half above Strawn (a place on the Mo. Pac. R. R.). To reach Eagle
cr. from North Big cr. Pike passed opposite Burlington, seat of Coffey
Co., several miles to his right, and headed the small Otter cr., on or
near which is a place called Patmos.

[I-58] It may not be possible to decide which of the several branches
of Eagle cr. Pike went up to the divide. To send him up the main
branch, past Olpe, agrees best with his 21 m. to-day; but in that case
he must have breakfasted late. There is a sharp elbow in his dotted
trail, which would seem to indicate that he made a turn from his
former course over the divide. Aside from any questions of detail,
which perhaps could not be decided even by a resident of the region
traversed, we have Pike safe on the headwaters of Vermilion or
Verdigris r. (it has these alternative names on recent maps). It heads
in the divide which Pike has crossed, by numerous small tributaries,
several of which Pike charts. Among them are Haldemand and Tate,
heading opposite branches of Eagle cr., and further on Moon, Rock,
Fawn, and Camp creeks. The Verdigris is of a size smaller than the
Neosho, W. of which it runs in an approximately parallel course; it
leaves Kansas through Montgomery Co., enters Indian Territory, and in
the country of the Creek Indians falls into the Arkansaw 8 m. above
the mouth of the Neosho. Pike lays it down well, especially the
fan-shaped leash of branches in which it heads, but runs it into the
Arkansaw in common with the Neosho. The Verdigris has of course its
proper basin or drainage within the more general watershed of the
Neosho and other Arkansan as distinguished from Missourian waters. The
rim of this basin is the divide Pike crosses over to-day. He camps on
one of the small headwaters, probably Fawn or Camp cr., in the close
vicinity of the places called Elco and Verdigris.

[I-59] Pike has headed Verdigris r., and recrossed the brim of its
basin into the Neosho basin again. In cutting off this small segment
of the Verdigris basin he passed from Lyon into Chase Co., "over high
hilly prairies," _i. e._, the divide, and continued westward till he
struck "a large branch of Grand r." We discover later that Pike takes
Cottonwood r. to be the main Grand, _i. e._, Neosho r., which I do not
see that it is not, though the other one retains the name of Neosho
above their confluence. The stream he strikes is the S. fork of
Cottonwood r. This heads in the same hilly country, by tributaries
known as Little Cedar, Thurman, and Mercer creeks, in relation or
opposition to the uttermost sources of Verdigris r., and flows N. to
fall into the main Cottonwood 4 m. below Cottonwood Falls, county seat
of Chase. Pike probably came on this stream somewhere in the vicinity
of Baker or Crocker cr., between places called Matfield Green and
Bazar.

Cottonwood "creek" was originally so named at the point where it was
struck on the old Santa Fé caravan road, and because it showed the
first trees of that kind to be found in traveling westward on that
route. The crossing was at or near present town of Durham, Marion Co.
It was some time before the true connection of the Cottonwood with the
Neosho was made out. At Council Grove the traders knew they were on a
head of the Neosho or Grand r., though they called it Council Grove
cr. They kept on W. to "Diamond springs" (on a head of Six Mile or
present Diamond cr.), and thence to "Lost spring" on their "Willow"
cr. (a head of present Clear cr., which falls into the Cottonwood at
Marion); the next stream they struck being this Cottonwood cr., at or
near Durham: see a note beyond, where I undertake, perhaps rashly, to
recover the old caravan road in terms of modern geography.

[I-60] If Pike bore as much N. of W. as his dotted trail seems to
indicate, the mileage would fetch him on Cottonwood r. about the
situation of Cedar Grove and Cedar Point, which are within a mile or
two of each other and of the boundary between Chase and Marion cos.,
and about 6 m. down river from Florence, Marion Co. He is evidently in
the loop which the Cottonwood makes S. E. from Marion to Florence, and
then gradually N. E. to the vicinity of Cottonwood Falls. If the old
Kansas Indian trail the map lays down could be recovered or
identified, it would serve to locate him still more precisely. He
crosses the Cottonwood and camps on its left bank. If we attentively
regard the camp-marks of the 12th and 13th, we find them close
together, N. of the Cottonwood, S. of a creek flowing E., and W. of a
pair of creeks flowing S. These requirements are fulfilled, if we take
the one running E. to be Middle creek, which falls in by Elmdale, 10
m. below Cedar Grove; and the other two, those that fall in together
at Marion, 12 m. (direct) above Cedar Grove. It is true there are
several creeks nearer, on the same side, as Silver, Bruno, and Martin,
but these are all smaller than such as Pike usually charts, and,
moreover, he could not go his 9 m. to-morrow in any direction without
getting beyond them.

[I-61] Camp in the close vicinity of Marion, seat of the county of
that name. The Indian trail seems to have run past or through Marion.
We can confidently locate Pike within 3 m. of the town on the night of
the 13th; and Marion thus furnishes an excellent fixed point whence to
trace him on to Smoky Hill r. The two streams which unite at Marion,
and run through the place as one, are called Brook Luta and Clear cr.

[I-62] Continuing past Marion, up the Cottonwood, which he has to his
left, Pike camps near Durham, Marion Co. This town is on the river,
and through it runs the Chic., Kas. and Neb. R. R. The route seems to
have sheered off from the river a little to the right, more in line
with Brook Luta than with the Cottonwood itself: see next note.

[I-63] Passing north between Cottonwood r. on his left and Brook Luta
on his right, Pike makes the divide in the vicinity of Tampa, Marion
Co. This is a village on the head of Brook Luta; the railroad last
named goes through it, and Pike crosses the line of this railroad
between Durham and Tampa. He is flanking the higher hills (1,500 feet
or more) in which the main Cottonwood heads, by leaving them to the
left or W. This is a somewhat roundabout way from the vicinity of
Durham to that of Bridgeport on the Smoky Hill, where Pike strikes
this river early on the 17th; but it is evident that he did not go
straight between these points, for they are only about 25 m. (direct)
apart, and we have to account for 18 + 13 + 6 = 37 m. on the 15th,
16th, and morning of the 17th. These mileages adjust themselves to a
nicety by the way I make out. I suppose he crossed the divide between
Tampa and Kuhnbrook, Marion Co., thus passing from Arkansan to
Missourian waters, as he says. Kuhnbrook is a little place on one of
the heads of the large Turkey cr., which runs N. into the Smoky Hill
r. opp. Abilene. Rhoades is the next place on this branch of Turkey
cr., and in passing to its vicinity Pike crosses from Marion into
Dickinson Co. He continues on, bearing to the vicinity of Elmo and
Banner. These are places near another head of Turkey cr., and both on
the Mo. Pac. R. R.; they are within a mile of each other. Pike keeps
on a piece, westerly, and sets camp in the vicinity of Carlton,
Dickinson Co. Carlton is between the two forks of Holland cr., next W.
of Turkey cr., with which Holland runs parallel to fall into the Smoky
Hill r. opp. Abilene. Carleton is 7 m. due E. of Gypsum City, which
latter is on a creek of that name Pike next strikes.

[I-64] Pike camps on a branch of Gypsum creek. This is a large stream
which heads in close relation with the uttermost sources of Cottonwood
r., in the vicinity of Canton, McPherson Co., and flows due N. into
the Smoky Hill, between the mouths of Solomon and Saline rivers. It is
larger than either Turkey or Holland cr., and much branched. It runs
about halfway between Holland cr. and the Smoky Hill, parallel with
both; for the latter, having made a bold sweep from the W., curves N.
past Lindsburg and Bridgeport to Salina, and thence E. to receive
first the Saline, next Gypsum, and then Solomon r. On Gypsum cr. are
Chico and Gypsum City, 10 and 12 m. above its mouth; and Pike strikes
it a few miles further up or S. of these towns. Pike charts its
headwaters elaborately, and sets his camps of the 15th and 16th among
the five branches he lays down. Probably one of these should be taken
for Holland cr.; the other four are less easily identified. From his
position in the vicinity of Carlton Pike passes W. from Dickinson into
Saline Co., comes first to Hobbs cr., next upon Gypsum itself and Stag
cr., in quick succession; crossing these three he continues W. to
another branch of Gypsum cr., namely, that one now meandered by the
Mo. Pac. R. R. between Gypsum City and Bridgeport. He camps on the
latter, 6 m. E. of the Smoky Hill.

[I-65] "We passed it six miles to a small branch to breakfast" is a
dubious phrase which I understand to mean that Pike went 6 m. to a
small branch to breakfast, and then crossed the Smoky Hill r. at
once--at nine o'clock. This crossing was in the immediate vicinity of
Bridgeport, and perhaps at the very place the Council Grove, Smoky
Valley and Western branch of the Mo. Pac. R. R. crosses to run into
Bridgeport. Two insignificant runs fall into the river from the east
within 3 m. below Bridgeport; the first of them is named Pawnee cr.
Crossing the river, Pike proceeds up it, but a little W. of N., and
bearing somewhat away from it; he passes Dry cr., which lower down
runs through the county seat Salina, and camps on Mulberry cr., 2 or 3
m. due W. of that city, and about the same distance below the point
where Spring cr. falls into Mulberry. This stream skirts north of the
city, receives Dry cr., and falls into Saline r. a mile or two
further. Salina is a large place, one of the best known in the State,
where four great railroad lines meet--the U. P., Mo. P., A., T. and S.
F., and C., R. I. and P. Six or 8 m. due W. of the place where Pike
crossed the river are the Smoky hills, or Smoky Hill Buttes,
celebrated in story if not in song. The great river named from these
conspicuous landmarks is the main southern fork of Kansas r., as the
Republican is the northern. Its uttermost sources are in Colorado.
Receiving uncounted tributaries in its long course, it runs E. in
Kansas through Wallace, Logan, Gove, Trego, Ellis, Russell, and
Ellsworth, loops S. into McPherson and out again N. into Saline Co.,
makes an elbow at Salina and continues E. through Dickinson into Geary
Co., where it joins its mate between Junction City and Fort Riley,
thus composing the Kansas. Two of its largest branches are the Saline
and Solomon.

This finishes the first section of Pike's Kansas route from the Little
Osage to Salina. The rest of the way to the Pawnee Republic is
northward, crossing in succession Saline r., Salt cr., Solomon r.,
Buffalo cr., and White Rock cr., striking the Republican r. in Webster
Co., Neb., near the S. border of that State. The distance is less than
the 97 m. Pike makes of it. His map is extremely faulty; he seems to
have gone about N. W., though his actual route was very little W. of
N. It also runs Saline and Solomon rivers far apart into the
Republican, instead of the Smoky Hill, magnifies Salt cr. out of all
proportion, and minimizes both Buffalo and White Rock cr.

As a bit of authentic history which may interest those in Salina who
have reason to be proud of the growth of their city during one
generation, I will transcribe a passage from my own field notebook,
made when I was staging from Leavenworth to Santa Fe, in 1864:
"Sunday, May 29th. Left Junction City and came to a place called
Salina--three houses and a pig stye."

Fort Riley, as above mentioned, was begun by Major Edmund Augustus
Ogden, who had selected the site and was occupied with the work when
he died there Aug. 3d, 1855, in the epidemic of cholera then raging.
He was born at Catskill, N. Y., Feb. 20th, 1810; removed to Unadilla,
N. Y., and from there entered West Point July 1st, 1827; he became
second lieutenant of the 1st Inf., July 1st, 1831; first lieutenant,
Dec. 17th, 1836; was transferred to the 8th Inf., July 7th, 1838;
promoted to be captain, Dec. 1st, 1839; and was breveted major for
meritorious conduct. His first duty was at Prairie du Chien; his
marriage with Captain Gustavus Loomis' daughter Eliza, at Fort
Snelling, is said to have been the first ceremony of the kind between
white persons in Minnesota; he served faithfully and with distinction
in the Black Hawk, Florida, and Mexican wars, and for many years
discharged arduous and responsible duties in the quartermaster
department. For several years immediately preceding his death he was
stationed at Fort Leavenworth.

[I-66] Saline r., distinctively called Great or Grand Saline, has been
already noted. Pike crosses this, and proceeds to "a small dry branch"
of the next river, to camp for three days. This river is the one he
calls Little Saline, and is now known as Covert or Salt cr., a branch
of Solomon r. which falls into the Solomon 4 m. below Minneapolis,
Ottawa Co. Pike's map connects it correctly, but magnifies its size;
for the stream which he passed on returning from the Pawnee village,
and which he lays down as a head of his Little Saline, is a branch of
the Great Saline. Pike probably crossed Saline r. in the vicinity of
Culver, where the railroad now does, then soon passing from Saline
into Ottawa. The small branch of Salt cr. on which he camped was one
of several such in the vicinity of Ada.

[I-67] An error is here evident, and I suspect some confusion of the
diary of the 21st and 22d. 1. "Distance 11 miles," for the whole 22d,
is necessarily wrong, if m. were made in the afternoon, and this, too,
after marching from eight to eleven in the forenoon. 2. Aside from the
fact that there is no branch of the Republican fork in this vicinity,
the map shows that Pike did not reach Solomon r. till the 23d, and the
text of that day confirms this. Camps of the 21st and 22d were both in
the space traversed between Salt cr. and Solomon r., less than 20 m.
at the furthest. 3. The difficulty disappears if for "12 miles," etc.,
of the above questionable clause, we read "2 miles to the first branch
of Solomon river on our route." This would set Pike on one of the
small creeks that fall into the right bank of Solomon r. in the
vicinity of Glasco, Simpson, and Asherville. A former name of Solomon
r. was Nepeholla, used, _e. g._, by Gunnison, P. R. R. Rep. II. 1855,
p. 17. Capt. J. W. Gunnison came to the mouth of Solomon's fork July
6th, 1853, from Westport, Mo., by the Wakarusa River route, striking
the Kansas r. at Fort Riley, crossing there, and continuing through
Abilene; he was en route to the great bend of the Arkansaw by the
usual Smoky Hill route.

[I-68] Taking Pike northward across Buffalo cr. I suppose this was
crossed somewhere in the vicinity of Jamestown, Republic Co. In this
position the Republican r. itself is only 5 or 6 m. to his right, and
the rest of the journey is simply following up this river obliquely on
about a N. W. course, at a somewhat increasing distance from it, until
he nears it to approach the village.

[I-69] To White Rock cr., west of White Rock, a town on the creek and
on the boundary between Republic and Jewell cos. This stream runs east
through these, and falls into the Republican r. opposite Republic
City. In getting here, Pike seems by his map to have crossed several
small streams _running to his left_, and into a stream he runs into
Solomon r. I suppose these to be some branches of Marsh cr., a
sluggish tributary of Buffalo cr. from the N. W.

[I-70] Finishing the journey to the Pawnee Republic village, whence
the great river on which it was situated took its name. Its ultimate
sources are in Colorado, like those of the Smoky Hill r. Its main
course then cuts off the extreme N. W. corner of Kansas, by running
through Cheyenne Co.; whereupon the stream enters Nebraska, and skirts
the southern border of this until it dips into Kansas across the N.
border of Jewell Co., whence it continues E. into Republic Co., turns
S. in this to Cloud Co., E. through this to Clay Co., and S. E.
through this to Geary Co., where it is joined by the Smoky Hill, as
already noted. The whole journey thus made from the Osages to the
Pawnees foots up, by Pike's distances, about 350 m. In a letter to the
Secretary of War he calls it "375"; but this is simply offhand. He
also claims that his Osages led him roundabout 100 m. through their
fear of the "Kans." Pike's land mileages seem to me more correct than
those excessive ones he assigns to his navigation. I suppose this
journey to have been between 300 and 325 m.

I must emphasize here the fact that I have failed in every attempt to
locate the precise site of the Pawnee village. One would suppose it
well known; I find that it is not, and have yet to discover the
ethnographer or geographer who can point it out. Correspondence
addressed to persons now living in the vicinity was as fruitless as my
exploration of the sources of official knowledge in Washington, where
several friends interested themselves in my behalf to no purpose. I
know of no closer indication than that afforded by Gregg's map of
1844. This letters "Old Pawnee Village" on the S. bank of the
Republican, halfway between long. 98° and 99° W., and thus, as I
judge, about opposite the present town of Red Cloud, Webster Co., Neb.
Gregg runs the Republican entirely S. of lat. 40° N., _i. e._, in
Kansas; but the place where Pike struck it was certainly in that
portion of its course which runs in Nebraska, just over the Kansas
line. Gregg in fact gives his river a recognizable northward convexity
along here, and if it does not overreach 40°, that is a fault of
absolute, not relative, position. We are here much less concerned with
latitude than with longitude. The river is running approximately from
W. to E., in Webster Co., and the main point is how far W. the village
was, as that would affect details of the route from the last point at
which I have been able to locate Pike. It will be necessary to
discover the exact situation of the Pawnee village before the cloud
over the end of this journey can be dispelled, and the beginning of
the journey from the village to Great Bend on the Arkansaw can be set
in a clear light. For the present I can only tentatively assume
longitude 98° 30´ W. (See Scandia, in the Index.)

[I-71] Guillaume Thomas François Raynal, commonly called Abbé Raynal,
b. Aveyron, France, Apr. 12th, 1713, d. Paris, Mar. 6th, 1796--a
philosophical free-thinker and historian, who wrote too much sense and
truth to suit his official superiors, and was consequently unfrocked.
It is a curious fact in the history of the most Tammany-like machine
for the propagation of painful superstitions ever known in the Western
world--excepting perhaps Brigham Young's similarly organized
scheme--that whenever one of its members begins to think for himself
they make him take off his gown and wear trousers openly. The irony in
the case seems to escape the professional nurserymen in that
hot-house. The abbé wrote various works; his most celebrated one, to
which Pike refers, is: Histoire Philosophique et Politique des
Établissements et du Commerce des Européens dans les Deux Indes, 1770,
repub. 1780-85--a book whose strength and other merits may be inferred
from the fact that it had the honor of being burned by Parliamentary
order; though its author was simply exiled, the times being already a
little out of joint for roasting heretics along with their heresies.

[I-72] Richard Sparks of Pennsylvania had been a captain in the levies
of 1791, when he was appointed a captain of infantry, March 7th, 1792;
he was arranged to the 3d Sub-legion, Sept. 4th, 1792, to the 3d
Infantry, Nov. 1st, 1796, and transferred to the 2d Infantry Apr. 1st,
1802; he became major July 29th, 1806, lieutenant-colonel Dec. 9th,
1807, and colonel July 6th, 1812; he was honorably discharged June
15th, 1815, and died July 1st, 1815.

[I-73] 1. As already indicated, "Tetaus" and "Tetans" are Pike's names
for Comanches, also variously known as Ietans, Jetans, Hietans,
Aiatans, etc., and also by the Sioux name Padoucas, adopted by the
French; they called themselves Num, meaning simply "people." Some of
their other names are Kaumains, Choumans and Comandes; we now write
Comanches or Camanches indifferently, thus adopting a form of the
Spanish name, whose meaning is unknown. These Indians are of the
Shoshonean family; they number about 150, on the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Wichita Reservation in Oklahoma; there were some 2,500 when they were
placed in a reservation in 1868; they had been noted, time out of
mind, as wide-ranging, lawless, and warlike freebooters. 2. Pike above
mentions three of the four principal tribes of the Pawnee
confederation, _i. e._, of the middle group of Caddoan stock, who are:
(1) Pawnee proper, Grand Pawnee, or Tcawi; (2) Pawnee Republicans or
Republican Pawnees (giving name to the great branch of the Kansas r.);
(3) Pawnee Loups, Pawnee Mahas, Pawnee Wolves, or Skidis; (4) Tapage
or Pitahauerat: see further, L. and C., ed. 1893, pp. 55-57. (3)
Pike's Kans are entirely different Indians, of Siouan stock, Dhegiha
group: for these see _l. c._, pp. 33, 34.

CHAPTER II.

ITINERARY, CONTINUED: FROM THE PAWNEE VILLAGE THROUGH KANSAS AND
COLORADO TO PIKE'S PEAK, OCT. 1ST-NOV. 30TH, 1806.

Wednesday, Oct. 1st. Paid a visit to town and had a very long
conversation with the chief, who urged everything in his power to
induce us to turn back. Finally, he very candidly told us that the
Spaniards wished to have gone further into our country, but he induced
them to give up the idea; that they had listened to him and he wished
us to do the same; that he had promised the Spaniards to act as he now
did, and that we must proceed no further, or he must stop us by force
of arms. My reply was, "that I had been sent out by our great father
to explore the western country, to visit all his red children, to make
peace between them, and turn them from shedding blood; that he might
see how I had caused the Osage and Kans to meet to smoke the pipe of
peace together, and take each other by the hand like brothers; that as
yet my road had been smooth, with a blue sky over our heads. I had not
seen any blood in our path; but he must know that the young warriors
of his great American father were not women, to be turned back by
words; that I should therefore proceed, and if he thought proper to
stop me, he could attempt it; but we were men, well armed, and would
sell our lives at a dear rate to his nation; that we knew our great
father would send his young warriors there to gather our bones and
revenge our deaths on his people, when our spirits would rejoice in
hearing our exploits sung in the war-songs of our chiefs." I then left
his lodge and returned to camp, in considerable perturbation of mind.

_Oct. 2d._ We received advice from our Kans that the chief had given
publicity to his idea of stopping us by force of arms, which gave
serious reflections to me, and was productive of many singular
expressions from my brave lads, which called for my esteem at the same
time that they excited my laughter. Attempted to trade for horses, but
could not succeed. In the night we were alarmed by some savages coming
near our camp at full speed; but they retreated equally rapidly, on
being hailed with fierceness by our sentinels. This created some
degree of indignation in my little band, as we had noticed that all
the day had passed without any traders presenting themselves, which
appeared as if all intercourse was interdicted. I wrote to the
secretary at war, the general, etc.

_Oct. 3d._ The intercourse again commenced. Traded for some horses,
and wrote for my express.

_Oct. 4th._ Two French traders arrived at the village in order to
procure horses to transport their goods from the Missouri to the
village. They gave us information that Captains Lewis and Clark,[II-1]
with all their people, had descended the river to St. Louis; this
diffused general joy through our party. Our trade for horses advanced
none this day.

_Sunday, Oct. 5th._ Buying horses. Preparing to march, and finishing
my letters.

_Oct. 6th._ Marched my express.[II-2] Purchasing horses and preparing
to march on the morrow.

_Oct. 7th._ In the morning we found two of our newly purchased horses
missing. Sent in search of them; the Indians brought in one pretty
early. Struck our tents and commenced loading our horses. Finding
there was no probability of our obtaining the other lost one, we
marched at 2 p. m.; and as the chief had threatened to stop us by
force of arms, we made every arrangement to make him pay as dearly for
the attempt as possible. The party was kept compact, and marched by a
road round the village, in order that, if attacked, the savages would
not have their houses to fly to for cover. I had given orders not to
fire until within five or six paces, and then to charge with the
bayonet and saber, when I believe it would have cost them at least 100
men to have exterminated us, which would have been necessary. The
village appeared all to be in motion. I galloped up to the lodge of
the chief, attended by my interpreter and one soldier, but soon saw
there was no serious attempt to be made, although many young men were
walking about with their bows, arrows, guns, and lances. After
speaking to the chief with apparent indifference, I told him that I
calculated on his justice in obtaining the horse, and that I should
leave a man until the next day at twelve o'clock to bring him out. We
then joined the party and pursued our route.

When I was once on the summit of the hill which overlooks the village,
I felt my mind relieved from a heavy burden; yet all the evil I wished
the Pawnees was that I might be the instrument, in the hands of our
government, to open their ears and eyes with a strong hand, to
convince them of our power.

Our party now consisted of two officers, one doctor, 18 soldiers, one
interpreter, three Osage men, and one woman, making 25 warriors. We
marched out and encamped on a small branch [of Rock creek], distant
seven miles, on the same route we came in.[II-3] Rain in the night.

_Oct. 8th._ I conceived it best to send Baroney back to the village
with a present, to be offered for our horse, the chief having
suggested the propriety of this measure; he met his son and the horse
with Sparks. Marched at ten o'clock, and at four o'clock came to the
place where the Spanish troops encamped the first night they left the
Pawnee village. Their encampment was circular, having only small fires
round the circle to cook by. We counted 59 fires; now if we allow six
men to each fire, they must have been 354 in number.[II-4] We encamped
on a large branch of the second [Solomon's] fork of the Kans river.
Distance 18 miles.[II-5]

_Oct. 9th._ Marched at eight o'clock, being detained until that time
by our horses being at a great distance. At eleven o'clock we found
the forks of the Spanish and Pawnee roads, and when we halted at
twelve o'clock, we were overtaken by the second chief, Iskatappe, and
the American chief with one-third of the village. They presented us
with a piece of bear-meat.

When we were about to march, we discovered that the dirk of the doctor
had been stolen from behind the saddle. After marching the men, the
doctor and myself, with the interpreter, went to the chief and
demanded that he should cause a search to be made; it was done, but
when the dirk was found, the possessor asserted that he had found it
on the road. I told him that he did not speak the truth, and informed
the chief that we never suffered a thing of ever so little value to be
taken without liberty. At this time the prairie was covered with his
men, who began to encircle us around, and Lieutenant Wilkinson with
the troops had gained half a mile on the road. The Indian demanded a
knife before he would give it up; but as we refused to give any, the
chief took one from his belt and gave him, took the dirk and presented
it to the doctor, who immediately returned it to the chief as a
present, desired Baroney to inform him he now saw it was not the value
of the article but the act we despised, and then galloped off.

In about a mile we discovered a herd of elk, which we pursued; they
took back in sight of the Pawnees, who immediately mounted 50 or 60
young men and joined in the pursuit. Then, for the first time in my
life, I saw animals slaughtered by the true savages with their
original weapons, bows and arrows; they buried the arrow up to the
plume in the animal. We took a piece of meat and pursued our party; we
overtook them and encamped within the Grand or Solomon Fork, which we
had crossed lower down on the 23d of September, on our route to the
Pawnees. This was the Spanish encamping ground. Distance 18
miles.[II-6]

In the evening two Pawnees came to our camp, who had not eaten for
three days, two of which they had carried a sick companion whom they
had left this day; we gave them for supper some meat and corn, and
they immediately departed in order to carry their sick companion this
seasonable supply. When they were coming into camp, the sentinel
challenged, it being dark; they immediately, on seeing him bring his
piece to the charge, supposing he was about to fire on them, advanced
to give him their hands; he, however, not well discerning their
motions, was on the point of firing; but being a cool, collected
little fellow, called out that there were two Indians advancing on
him, and asked if he should fire. This brought out the guard, when the
poor affrighted savages were brought into camp, very much alarmed, for
they had not heard of a white man's being in their country, and
thought they were entering one of the camps of their own people.

_Oct. 10th._ Marched at seven o'clock and halted at twelve o'clock to
dine. Were overtaken by the Pawnee chief whose party we left the day
before, who informed us the hunting-party had taken another road, and
that he had come to bid us good-by. We left a large ridge on our left,
and at sundown crossed it.... [?[II-7]] From this place we had an
extensive view of the southwest; we observed a creek at a distance, to
which I meant to proceed. The doctor, interpreter, and myself arrived
at eight o'clock at night; found water and wood, but had nothing to
eat. Kindled a fire in order to guide the party; but they, not being
able to find the route and not knowing the distance, encamped on the
prairie without wood or water.

_Oct. 11th._ Ordered Baroney to return to find the party and conduct
them to our camp. The doctor and myself went out to hunt, and on our
return found all our people had arrived, except the rear-guard, which
was in sight. Whilst we halted five Pawnees came to our camp and
brought some bones of a horse which the Spanish troops had been
obliged to eat at their encampment on this creek. We took up our line
of march at twelve o'clock, and at sundown the party halted on the
Saline. I was in pursuit of buffalo, and did not make the camp until
near ten o'clock at night. Killed one buffalo. Distance 12
miles.[II-8]

_Sunday, Oct. 12th._ Here Belle Oiseau and one Osage left us, and
there remained only one man and woman of that nation. Their reason for
leaving us was that our course bore too much west, and they desired to
bear more for the hunting-ground of the Osage. In the morning we sent
out to obtain the buffalo meat, and laid by until after breakfast.
Proceeded at eleven o'clock; and crossing the [Grand Saline] river two
or three times, we passed two camps where the Spanish troops had
halted. Here they appeared to have remained some days, their roads
being so much blended with the traces of the buffalo that we lost them
entirely. This was a mortifying stroke, as we had reason to calculate
that they had good guides, and were on the best route for wood and
water. We took a southwest direction, and before night were fortunate
enough to strike their roads on the left; and at dusk, much to our
surprise, struck the east [Smoky Hill] fork of the Kans, or La Touche
de la Cote Bucanieus. Killed one buffalo. Distance 18 miles.[II-9]

_Oct. 13th._ The day being rainy, we did not march until two o'clock;
when, it having an appearance of clearing off, we raised our camp [and
crossed the Smoky Hill river]; after which we marched seven miles and
encamped on the head of a branch of the river we had left. Had to go
two miles for water. Killed one cabrie.

_Oct. 14th._ It having drizzled rain all night, and the atmosphere
being entirely obscured, we did not march until a quarter past nine
o'clock, and commenced crossing the dividing ridge between the Kans
and Arkansaw rivers.[II-10] Arrived on a branch of the latter at one
o'clock; continued down it in search of water until after dusk, when
we found a pond on the prairie, which induced us to halt. Sparks did
not come up, being scarcely able to walk with rheumatic pains. Wounded
several buffalo, but could not get one of them. Distance 24 miles.

_Oct. 15th._ In the morning rode out in search of the south trace, and
crossed the low prairie [Cheyenne Bottoms], which was nearly all
covered with ponds, but could not discover it. Finding Sparks did not
arrive, sent two men in search of him, who arrived with him about
eleven o'clock. At twelve o'clock we commenced our line of march, and
at five o'clock Dr. Robinson and myself left the party at a large
[Walnut[II-11]] creek, having pointed out a distant wood to
Lieutenant Wilkinson for our encampment, in order to search some
distance up it for the Spanish trace. Killed two buffalo and left part
of our clothing with them to scare away the wolves. Went in pursuit of
the party. On our arrival at the [Little Walnut] creek appointed for
the encampment, did not find them. Proceeded down it for some miles,
and not finding them, encamped, struck fire, and then supped on one of
our buffalo tongues.

_Oct. 16th._ Early on horseback; proceeded up the [Little Walnut]
creek some distance in search of our party, but at twelve o'clock
crossed to our two buffaloes; found a great many wolves at them,
notwithstanding the precautions taken to keep them off. Cooked some
marrow-bones and again mounted our horses, and proceeded down the
creek to their junction. Finding nothing of the party, I began to be
seriously alarmed for their safety. Killed two more buffalo, made our
encampment, and feasted sumptuously on the marrow-bones. Rain in the
night.

_Oct. 17th._ Rose early, determining to search the [Little Walnut]
creek to its source. Very hard rain, accompanied by a cold northwester
all day. Encamped near night without being able to discover any signs
of the party. Our sensations now became excruciating, not only for
their personal safety, but for fear of the failure of the national
objects intended to be accomplished by the expedition. Our own
situation was not the most agreeable, not having more than four rounds
of ammunition each, and being 400 miles in the nearest direction from
the first civilized inhabitants. We, however, concluded to search for
the party on the morrow, and if we did not succeed in finding them, to
strike the Arkansaw, where we were in hopes to discover some traces,
if not cut off by the savages.

_Oct. 18th._ Commenced our route at a good time, and about ten o'clock
discovered two men on horseback in search of us--one my waiter. They
informed us the party was encamped on the Arkansaw, about three miles
south of where we then were; this surprised us very much, as we had no
conception of that river being so near. On our arrival we were met by
Lieutenant Wilkinson, who, with all the party, was greatly concerned
for our safety. The Arkansaw, on the party's arrival, had not water in
it six inches deep, and the stream was not more than 20 feet wide;
but the rain of the two days covered all the bottom of the river,
which in this place is 450 yards from bank to bank. These are not more
than four feet in height, bordered by a few cottonwood trees; on the
north side is a low swampy prairie; on the south, a sandy sterile
desert at a small distance. In the afternoon the doctor and myself
took our horses and crossed the Arkansaw, in order to search for some
trees which might answer the purpose to make canoes; found but one,
and returned at dusk. It commenced raining at twelve o'clock.

_Sunday, Oct. 19th._ Finding the river rising rapidly, I thought it
best to secure our passage over [from the N. to the S. bank]; we
consequently made it good by ten o'clock. Rain all day. Preparing our
tools and arms for labor and the chase on the morrow.

_Oct. 20th._ Commenced our labor at two trees for canoes, but one
proved too much doated.[II-12] Killed two buffalo and one cabrie.
Discharged our guns at a mark, the best shot a prize of one tent and a
pair of shoes. Our only dog was standing at the root of the tree, in
the grass; one of the balls struck him on the head and killed him.
Ceased raining about twelve o'clock.

_Oct. 21st._ Dr. Robinson and myself mounted our horses, in order to
go down the river to the entrance of the three last creeks we had
crossed on our route; but meeting with buffalo, we killed four; also,
one cabrie. Returned to the camp and sent for the meat.

_Oct. 22d._ Having sat up very late last evening, expecting the
sergeant and party, who did not arrive, we were very anxious for them;
but about ten o'clock Bradley arrived and informed us that they could
not find the buffalo which we had killed on the prairie. They all
arrived before noon. In the afternoon we scaffolded some meat, and
nearly completed the frame of a skin canoe, which we concluded to
build. Overhauled my instruments and made some rectifications
preparatory to taking an observation, etc.

_Oct. 23d._ Dr. Robinson and myself, accompanied by one man, ascended
the river with an intention of searching for the Spanish trace; at the
same time we dispatched Baroney and our two hunters to kill some
buffalo, to obtain the skins for canoes. We ascended the river about
20 miles to a large branch [Pawnee fork[II-13]] on the right. Just at
dusk gave chase to a buffalo and were obliged to shoot 19 balls into
him before we killed him. Encamped on the fork [at Larned, Pawnee
Co.].

_Oct. 24th._ We ascended the right branch [Pawnee fork] about five
miles [old Fort Larned], but could not see any sign of the Spanish
trace; this is not surprising, as the river bears southwest, and they
no doubt kept more to the west from the head of one branch to another.
We returned and on our way killed some prairie-squirrels [_Cynomys
ludovicianus_], or wishtonwishes, and nine large rattlesnakes
[_Crotalus confluentus_], which frequent their villages. On our
arrival, found the hunters had come in a boat, one hour before, with
two buffalo and one elk skin.

The wishtonwish of the Indians, prairie-dogs of some travelers, or
squirrels, as I should be inclined to denominate them, reside on the
prairies of Louisiana in towns or villages, having an evident police
established in their communities. The sites of their towns are
generally on the brow of a hill, near some creek or pond, in order to
be convenient to water, and that the high ground which they inhabit
may not be subject to inundation. Their residence, being under ground,
is burrowed out, and the earth, which answers the double purpose of
keeping out the water and affording an elevated place in wet seasons
to repose on, and to give them a further and more distinct view of the
country. Their holes descend in a spiral form; therefore I could never
ascertain their depth; but I once had 140 kettles of water poured into
one of them in order to drive out the occupant, without effect. In the
circuit of the villages they clear off all the grass, and leave the
earth bare of vegetation; but whether it is from an instinct they
possess inducing them to keep the ground thus cleared, or whether they
make use of the herbage as food, I cannot pretend to determine. The
latter opinion I think entitled to a preference, as their teeth
designate them to be of the graminivorous species, and I know of no
other substance which is produced in the vicinity of their positions
on which they could subsist; and they never extend their excursions
more than half a mile from the burrows. They are of a dark brown
color, except their bellies, which are white. Their tails are not so
long as those of our gray squirrels, but are shaped precisely like
theirs; their teeth, head, nails, and body are the perfect squirrel,
except that they are generally fatter than that animal. Their villages
sometimes extend over two and three miles square, in which there must
be innumerable hosts of them, as there is generally a burrow every ten
steps in which there are two or more, and you see new ones partly
excavated on all the borders of the town. We killed great numbers of
them with our rifles and found them excellent meat, after they were
exposed a night or two to the frost, by which means the rankness
acquired by their subterraneous dwelling is corrected. As you approach
their towns, you are saluted on all sides by the cry of "wishtonwish,"
from which they derive their name with the Indians, uttered in a
shrill and piercing manner. You then observe them all retreating to
the entrance of their burrows, where they post themselves, and regard
every, even the slightest, movement that you make. It requires a very
nice shot with a rifle to kill them, as they must be killed dead, for
as long as life exists they continue to work into their cells. It is
extremely dangerous to pass through their towns, as they abound with
rattlesnakes, both of the yellow and black species; and strange as it
may appear, I have seen the wishtonwish, the rattlesnake, the horn
frog [_Phrynosoma douglasi_], with which the prairie abounds (termed
by the Spaniards the cammellion [camaleon, _i. e._, chameleon], from
their taking no visible sustenance), and a land-tortoise, all take
refuge in the same hole. I do not pretend to assert that it was their
common place of resort; but I have witnessed the above facts more than
in one instance.[II-14]

_Oct. 25th._ Took an observation; passed the day in writing, and
preparing for the departure of Lieutenant Wilkinson.

_Sunday, Oct. 26th._ Delivered out a ration of corn by way of
distinction of the Sabbath. Preparing for our departure.

_Oct. 27th._ Delivered to Lieutenant Wilkinson letters for the
general[II-15] and our friends, with other papers, consisting of his
instructions, traverse tables of our voyage, and a draught of our
route to that place complete, in order that if we were lost, and he
arrived in safety, we might not have made the tour without some
benefit to our country. He took with him, in corn and meat, 21 days'
provisions, and all the necessary tools to build canoes or cabins.
Launched his canoes. We concluded we would separate in the morning, he
to descend [the river], and we to ascend to the mountains.

_Oct. 28th._ As soon as possible all was in motion, my party crossing
the river to the north side, and Lieutenant Wilkinson launching his
canoes of skins and wood. We breakfasted together, and then filed off;
but I suffered my party to march, while I remained to see Lieutenant
Wilkinson sail. This he did at ten o'clock, having one skin canoe,
made of four buffalo skins and two elk skins, which held three men
besides himself and one Osage. In his wooden canoe were one soldier,
one Osage, and their baggage; one other soldier marched on
shore.[II-16] We parted with "God bless you" from both parties; they
appeared to sail very well. In the pursuit of our party, Dr. Robinson,
Baroney, one soldier, and myself, killed a brelau [blaireau, badger,
_Taxidea americana_] and a buffalo; of the latter we took only his
marrow-bones and liver. Arrived where our men had encamped, about
dusk. Distance 14 miles.[II-17]

_Oct. 29th._ Marched after breakfast and in the first hour's march
passed two fires, where 21 Indians had recently encamped, in which
party, by their paintings on the rocks, there were seven guns. Killed
a buffalo, halted, made fire, and feasted on the choice pieces of
meat. About noon discovered two horses feeding with a herd of buffalo;
we attempted to surround them, but they soon cleared our fleetest
coursers. One appeared to be an elegant horse. These were the first
wild horses we had seen. Two or three hours before night struck the
Spanish road; and, as it was snowing, halted and encamped the party at
the first woods on the bank of the river. The doctor and myself then
forded it, the ice running very thick, in order to discover the course
the Spaniards took; but owing to the many buffalo roads, could not
ascertain it. It evidently appeared that they had halted here some
time, as the ground was covered with horse-dung for miles around.
Returned to camp. The snow fell about two inches deep, and then it
cleared up. Distance 12 miles.[II-18]

_Oct. 30th._ In the morning sent out to kill a buffalo, to have his
marrow-bones for breakfast, which was accomplished. After breakfast
the party marched up on the north side; the doctor and myself crossed
with considerable difficulty, on account of the ice, to the Spanish
camp, where we took a large circuit in order to discover the Spanish
trace, and came in at a point of woods south of the river, where we
found our party encamped. We discovered also that the Spanish troops
had marked the river up [_i. e._, left an up-river trail], and that a
party of savages had been there not more than three days before.
Killed two buffalo. Distance 4 miles. [Opposite Garfield, Pawnee Co.,
where Big Coon creek falls in.[II-19]]

_Oct. 31st._ Fine day; marched at three quarters past nine o'clock, on
the Spanish road. Encamped, sun an hour high, after having made 16
miles [opposite Kinsley, Edwards Co.[II-20]].

We observed this day a species of crystallization on the road, when
the sun was high, in low places where there had been water settled; on
tasting it found it to be salt; this gave in my mind some authenticity
to the report of the prairie being covered for leagues. Discovered the
trace of about 20 savages who had followed our road; and of horses
going down the river. Killed one buffalo, one elk, one deer.

_Nov. 1st._ Marched early; just after commencing our line, heard a gun
on our left. The doctor, Baroney, and myself being in advance, and
lying on the ground waiting for the party, a band of cabrie came up
among our horses, to satisfy their curiosity; we could not resist the
temptation of killing two, although we had plenty of meat. At the
report of the gun they appeared astonished, and stood still until we
hallowed [hallooed] at them to drive them away. Encamped in the
evening on an island.[II-21]

Upon using my glass to observe the adjacent country, I observed on the
prairie a herd of horses. Dr. Robinson and Baroney accompanied me to
go and view them; when within a quarter of a mile they discovered us,
and came immediately up near us, making the earth tremble under them;
this brought to my recollection a charge of cavalry. They stopped and
gave us an opportunity to view them; among them there were some very
beautiful bays, blacks, and grays, and indeed of all colors. We fired
at a black horse, with an idea of creasing[II-22] him, but did not
succeed; they flourished round and returned again to see us, when we
returned to camp.

_Sunday, Nov. 2d._ In the morning, for the purpose of trying the
experiment, we equipped six of our fleetest coursers with riders and
ropes, to noose the wild horses, if in our power to come among the
band. They stood until we came within forty yards of them, neighing
and whinneying, when the chase began, which we continued about two
miles, without success. Two of our horses ran up with them; but we
could not take them. Returned to camp. I have since laughed at our
folly; for taking wild horses in that manner is scarcely ever
attempted, even with the fleetest horses and most expert ropers. See
my account of wild horses and the manner of taking them, in my
dissertation on the province of Texas. Marched late. Killed one
buffalo. River turned to north by west. Hills changed to the north
side. Distance 13½ miles.[II-23]

_Nov. 3d._ Marched at ten o'clock. Passed numerous herds of buffalo,
elk, some horses, etc., all traveling south. The river bottoms full of
salt ponds; grass similar to our salt meadows. Killed one buffalo.
Distance 25½ miles.[II-24]

_Nov. 4th._ This day brought to our recollection the fate of our
countrymen at Recovery,[II-25] when defeated by the Indians, in the
year 1791. In the afternoon discovered the north side of the river to
be covered with animals; which, when we came to them, proved to be
buffalo cows and calves. I do not think it an exaggeration to say
there were 3,000 in one view. It is worthy of remark that in all the
extent of country yet crossed, we never saw one cow, and that now the
face of the earth appeared to be covered with them. Killed one
buffalo. Distance 24½ miles.[II-26]

_Nov. 5th._ Marched at our usual hour; at the end of two miles shot a
buffalo and two deer, and halted, which detained us so long that we
foolishly concluded to halt this day and kill some cows and calves,
which lay on the opposite side of the river. I took post on a hill,
and sent some horsemen over, when a scene took place which gave a
lively representation of an engagement. The herd of buffalo being
divided into separate bands covered the prairie with dust, and first
charged on the one side, then to the other, as the pursuit of the
horsemen impelled them; the report and smoke from the guns added to
the pleasure of the scene, which in part compensated for our
detention.

_Nov. 6th._ Marched early, but was detained two or three hours by the
cows which we killed. The cow buffalo was equal to any meat I ever
saw, and we feasted sumptuously on the choice morsels. I will not
attempt to describe the droves of animals we now saw on our route;
suffice it to say that the face of the prairie was covered with them,
on each side of the river; their numbers exceeded imagination.
Distance 16 miles.[II-27]

_Nov. 7th._ Marched early. The herbage being very poor, concluded to
lay by on the morrow, in order to recruit our horses. Killed three cow
buffalo, one calf, two wolves, one brelaw. Distance 18 miles.[II-28]

_Nov. 8th._ Our horses being very much jaded and our situation very
eligible, we halted all day; jerked meat, mended mockinsons, etc.

_Sunday, Nov. 9th._ Marched early. At twelve o'clock struck the
Spanish road, which had been on the outside of us, and which appeared
to be considerably augmented. On our arrival at the camp, found it to
consist of 96 fires, from which a reasonable conclusion might be drawn
that there were from 600 to 700 men. We this day found the face of the
country considerably changed, being hilly, with springs; passed
numerous herds of buffalo and some horses. Distance 27 miles.[II-29]

_Nov. 10th._ The hills increased; the banks of the river covered with
groves of young cottonwood; the river itself much narrower and
crooked. Our horses growing weak; two gave out; bring them along
empty; cut down trees at night for them to browse on. Killed one
buffalo. Distance 20 miles.[II-30]

_Nov. 11th._ Marched at the usual hour. Passed two old camps, and one
of last summer, which had belonged to the savages, and we supposed
Tetaus. Passed a Spanish camp where it appeared they remained some
days, as we conjectured, to lay up meat, previously to entering the
Tetau country, as the buffalo evidently began to grow much less
numerous. Finding the impossibility of performing the voyage in the
time proposed, I determined to spare no pains to accomplish every
object, even should it oblige me to spend another winter in the
desert. Killed one buffalo, one brelaw. Distance 24 miles.[II-31]

_Nov. 12th._ Was obliged to leave the two horses, which entirely gave
out. Missed the Spanish road. Killed one buffalo. Distance 20
miles.[II-32]

_Nov. 13th._ We marched at the usual hour. The river-banks began to be
entirely covered with woods on both sides, but no other species than
cotton-wood. Discovered very fresh signs of Indians, and one of our
hunters informed me he saw a man on horseback, ascending a ravine on
our left. Discovered signs of war-parties ascending the river. Wounded
several buffalo. Killed one turkey, the first we have seen since we
left the Pawnees. [Supposed distance 12 miles.[II-33]]

_Nov. 14th._ In the morning, Dr. Robinson, one man and myself, went
up the ravine in which the man was supposed to have been seen, but
could make no important discovery. Marched at two o'clock; passed a
point of red rocks and one large creek.[II-34] Distance 10 miles.

_Nov. 15th._ Marched early. Passed two deep creeks[II-35] and many
high points of rocks; also, large herds of buffalo.

At two o'clock in the afternoon I thought I could distinguish a
mountain to our right, which appeared like a small blue cloud; viewed
it with the spy glass, and was still more confirmed in my conjecture,
yet only communicated it to Dr. Robinson, who was in front with me;
but in half an hour they appeared in full view before us. When our
small party arrived on the hill they with one accord gave three cheers
to the Mexican mountains.[II-36] Their appearance can easily be
imagined by those who have crossed the Alleghenies; but their sides
were whiter, as if covered with snow, or a white stone. Those were a
spur of the grand western chain of mountains which divide the waters
of the Pacific from those of the Atlantic ocean; and it [the spur]
divides the waters which empty into the Bay of the Holy Spirit from
those of the Mississippi, as the Alleghenies do those which discharge
themselves into the latter river and the Atlantic. They appear to
present a natural boundary between the province of Louisiana and New
Mexico, and would be a defined and natural boundary.

Before evening we discovered a fork [Purgatory river] on the south
side bearing S. 25° W.; and as the Spanish troops appeared to have
borne up it, we encamped on its banks, about one mile from its
confluence, that we might make further discoveries on the morrow,
Killed three buffalo. Distance 24 miles.[II-37]

_Sunday, Nov. 16th._ After ascertaining that the Spanish troops had
ascended the right branch or main river, we marched at two o'clock.
The Arkansaw appeared at this place to be much more navigable than
below, where we first struck it; and for any impediment I have yet
discovered in the river, I would not hesitate to embark in February at
its mouth and ascend to the Mexican mountains, with crafts properly
constructed. Distance 11½ miles.[II-38]

_Nov. 17th._ Marched at our usual hour; pushed on with an idea of
arriving at the mountains, but found at night no visible difference in
their appearance from what we did yesterday. One of our horses gave
out and was left in a ravine, not being able to ascend the hill; but I
sent back for him and had him brought to the camp. Distance 23½
miles.[II-39]

_Nov. 18th._ As we discovered fresh signs of the savages, we concluded
it best to stop and kill some meat, for fear we should get into a
country where we could not kill game. Sent out the hunters; walked
myself to an eminence whence I took the courses to the different
mountains, and a small sketch of their appearance. In the evening,
found the hunters had killed without mercy, having slain 17 buffalo
and wounded at least 20 more.

_Nov. 19th._ Having several buffalo brought in, gave out sufficient to
last this month. I found it expedient to remain and dry the meat, as
our horses were getting very weak, and the one died which was brought
up on the 17th. Had a general feast of marrow-bones, 136 of them
furnishing the repast.

_Nov. 20th._ Marched at our usual hour; but as our horses' loads were
considerably augmented by the death of one horse and the addition of
900 lbs. of meat, we moved slowly and made only 18 miles.[II-40]
Killed two buffalo and took some choice pieces.

_Nov. 21st._ Marched at our usual hour; passed two Spanish camps,
within three miles of each other. We again discovered the tracks of
two men, who had ascended the river yesterday. This caused us to move
with caution; but at the same time increased our anxiety to discover
them. The river was certainly as navigable here, and I think much more
so, than some hundred miles below; which I suppose arises from its
flowing through a long course of sandy soil, which must absorb much of
the water, and render it shoaler below than above, near the mountains.
Distance 21 miles.[II-41]

_Nov. 22d._ Marched at our usual hour, and with rather more caution
than usual. After having marched about five miles on the prairie, we
descended into the bottom--the front only[II-42]; when Baroney cried
out "_Voila un Savage!_" We observed a number running from the woods
toward us; we advanced to them, and on turning my head to the left I
observed several running on the hill, as it were to surround us; one
with a stand of colors. This caused a momentary halt; but perceiving
those in front reaching out their hands, and without arms, we again
advanced; they met us with open arms, crowding round to touch and
embrace us. They appeared so anxious that I dismounted from my horse;
in a moment a fellow had mounted him and was off. I then observed that
the doctor and Baroney were in the same predicament. The Indians were
embracing the soldiers. After some time tranquillity was so far
restored, they having returned our horses all safe, as to enable us to
learn they were a war-party from the Grand Pawnees, who had been in
search of the Tetaus; but not finding them, were now on their return.
An unsuccessful war-party, on their return home, are always ready to
embrace an opportunity of gratifying their disappointed vengeance on
the first persons whom they meet.

Made for the woods and unloaded our horses, when the two partisans
endeavored to arrange the party; it was with great difficulty that
they got them tranquil, and not until there had been a bow or two bent
on the occasion. When in some order, we found them to be 60 warriors,
half with fire-arms, and half with bows, arrows, and lances. Our party
was 16 total. In a short time they were arranged in a ring, and I took
my seat between the two partisans; our colors were placed opposite
each other; the utensils for smoking were paraded on a small seat
before us; thus far all was well. I then ordered half a carrot of
tobacco, one dozen knives, 60 fire steels, and 60 flints to be
presented them. They demanded ammunition, corn, blankets, kettles,
etc., all of which they were refused, notwithstanding the pressing
instances of my interpreter to accord to some points. The pipes yet
lay unmoved, as if they were undetermined whether to treat us as
friends or enemies; but after some time we were presented with a
kettle of water, drank, smoked, and ate together. During this time Dr.
Robinson was standing up to observe their actions, in order that we
might be ready to commence hostilities as soon as they. They now took
their presents and commenced distributing them, but some malcontents
threw them away, by way of contempt.

We began to load our horses, when they encircled us and commenced
stealing everything they could. Finding it was difficult to preserve
my pistols, I mounted my horse, when I found myself frequently
surrounded; during which some were endeavoring to steal the pistols.
The doctor was equally engaged in another quarter, and all the
soldiers in their positions, in taking things from them. One having
stolen my tomahawk, I informed the chief; but he paid no respect,
except to reply that "they were pitiful." Finding this, I determined
to protect ourselves, as far as was in my power, and the affair began
to take a serious aspect. I ordered my men to take their arms and
separate themselves from the savages; at the same time declaring to
them that I would kill the first man who touched our baggage. On which
they commenced filing off immediately; we marched about the same time,
and found they had made out to steal one sword, tomahawk, broad-ax,
five canteens, and sundry other small articles. After leaving them,
when I reflected on the subject, I felt myself sincerely mortified,
that the smallness of my number obliged me thus to submit to the
insults of lawless banditti, it being the first time a savage ever
took anything from me with the least appearance of force.

After encamping at night the doctor and myself went about one mile
back, and waylaid the road, determined in case we discovered any of
the rascals pursuing us to steal our horses, to kill two at least; but
after waiting behind some logs until some time in the night, and
discovering no person, we returned to camp. Killed two buffalo and one
deer. Distance 17 miles.[II-43]

_Sunday, Nov. 23d._ Marched at ten o'clock; at one o'clock came to the
third fork [St. Charles river], on the south side, and encamped at
night in the point of the grand forks [confluence of Fountain river].
As the river appeared to be dividing itself into many small branches,
and of course must be near its extreme source, I concluded to put the
party in a defensible situation, and ascend the north fork [Fountain
river] to the high point [Pike's Peak] of the blue mountain [Front
range], which we conceived would be one day's march, in order to be
enabled, from its pinical [pinnacle], to lay down the various branches
and positions of the country. Killed five buffalo. Distance 19
miles.[II-44]

_Nov. 24th._ Early in the morning we cut down 14 logs, and put up a
breast work,[II-45] five feet high on three sides and the other
thrown on the river. After giving the necessary orders for their
government during my absence, in case of our not returning, we marched
at one o'clock, with an idea of arriving at the foot of the mountain;
but found ourselves obliged to take up our night's lodging under a
single cedar which we found in the prairie, without water and
extremely cold. Our party besides myself consisted of Dr. Robinson,
and Privates Miller and Brown. Distance 12 miles.[II-46]

_Nov. 25th._ Marched early, with an expectation of ascending the
mountain, but was only able to encamp at its base, after passing over
many small hills covered with cedars and pitch-pines. Our encampment
was on a [Turkey] creek, where we found no water for several miles
from the mountain; but near its base, found springs sufficient. Took a
meridional observation, and the altitude of the mountain. Killed two
buffalo. Distance 22 miles.[II-47]

_Nov. 26th._ Expecting to return to our camp the same evening, we left
all our blankets and provisions at the foot of the [Cheyenne]
mountain. Killed a deer of a new species [_Cariacus macrotis_], and
hung his skin on a tree with some meat. We commenced ascending; found
it very difficult, being obliged to climb up rocks, sometimes almost
perpendicular; and after marching all day we encamped in a cave,
without blankets, victuals, or water.[II-48] We had a fine clear sky,
while it was snowing at the bottom. On the side of the mountain we
found only yellow and pitch-pine. Some distance up we found buffalo;
higher still the new species of deer, and pheasants [dusky grouse,
_Dendragapus obscurus_].

_Nov. 27th._ Arose hungry, dry, and extremely sore, from the
inequality of the rocks on which we had lain all night, but were amply
compensated for toil by the sublimity of the prospect below. The
unbounded prairie was overhung with clouds, which appeared like the
ocean in a storm, wave piled on wave and foaming, while the sky was
perfectly clear where we were. Commenced our march up the mountain,
and in about one hour arrived at the summit of this chain. Here we
found the snow middle-deep; no sign of beast or bird inhabiting this
region. The thermometer, which stood at 9° above zero at the foot of
the mountain, here fell to 4° below zero. The summit of the Grand
Peak, which was entirely bare of vegetation and covered with snow, now
appeared at the distance of 15 or 16 miles from us. It was as high
again as what we had ascended, and it would have taken a whole day's
march to arrive at its base, when I believe no human being could have
ascended to its pinical. This, with the condition of my soldiers, who
had only light overalls on, no stockings, and were in every way ill
provided to endure the inclemency of the region; the bad prospect of
killing anything to subsist on, with the further detention of two or
three days which it must occasion, determined us to return. The clouds
from below had now ascended the mountain and entirely enveloped the
summit, on which rest eternal snows. We descended by a long, deep
ravine, with much less difficulty than contemplated. Found all our
baggage safe, but the provisions all destroyed. It began to snow, and
we sought shelter under the side of a projecting rock, where we all
four made a meal on one partridge and a piece of deer's ribs the
ravens had left us, being the first we had eaten in that 48 hours.

_Nov. 28th._ Marched at nine o'clock. Kept straight on down the
[Turkey] creek to avoid the hills.[II-49] At half past one o'clock
shot two buffalo, when we made the first full meal we had made in
three days. Encamped in a valley under a shelving rock. The land here
very rich, and covered with old Tetau [Comanche] camps.

_Nov. 29th._ Marched after a short repast, and arrived at our camp
before night; found all well.

_Sunday, Nov. 30th._ Marched at eleven o'clock; it snowed very fast,
but my impatience to be moving would not permit my lying still at that
camp. The doctor, Baroney, and myself went to view a Tetau encampment,
which appeared to be about two years old; and from their having cut
down so large a quantity of trees to support their horses, we
concluded there must have been at least 1,000 souls. Passed several
more in the course of the day; also one Spanish camp. This day came to
the first cedar and pine. Killed two deer. Distance 15 miles.[II-50]

FOOTNOTES:

[II-1] On the other hand, Lewis and Clark first heard of Pike's
expedition on Sept. 10th, 1806, when they were nearing the Big Nemaha
on their way down the Missouri, and met a boat with a trader bound for
the Pawnee Loups: see L. and C., p. 1206.

[II-2] Letters to Generals Dearborn and Wilkinson, sent by this
express, formed Docs. Nos. 13 and 14 in the App. to Pt. 2. of the
orig. ed. They are given beyond.

[II-3] Camp is on one of the tributaries of Rock cr., close to that of
Sept. 24th, if not on the same spot.

The route now taken by the expedition is very little W. of S., to
strike the Arkansaw r. at the most convenient point. Thus it diverges
westerly from the route by which the Pawnee Republic was approached,
which was W. of N. The two make a [Symbol: Inverted V] whose legs rest
on the Smoky Hill fork at the two points where this was crossed in
going and returning, with the apex at the village. The main streams
crossed between the Republican and Smoky Hill forks are Solomon and
Great Saline rivers. Pike is also on the trail of the Spaniards who
have just raided United States territory to the Pawnees; he marks
their camps, as far as he can find them out, with a [Symbol: O], to
distinguish them from his own, marked [Symbol: X].

The party which leaves the Pawnees, so far as the white men are
concerned, only differs from that which left Belle Fontaine by the
absence of the deserter, Kennerman: see note 2, p. 358. The express
which Pike dispatched therefore consisted of some of his Indians.

[II-4] This close calculation was doubtless based in part on
information Pike already possessed. We have been told that Malgares
started on his raid with 100 dragoons and 500 militia, of which 600
men 240 had been detached, leaving 360. The "large branch" on which
was camp was probably one of the heads of Livingston cr.

[II-5] "Distance 18 miles" would never bring Pike to any branch of the
Solomon. His error here is a puzzling one until it is detected by
reference to the map. That sets his camp-mark high up on the same
creek, several branches of which he had on his left when he went up E.
of it, Sept. 24th. It is _Buffalo cr._, which Pike erroneously runs
into Solomon r., and so seems never to have passed before. See back,
note 68. I suppose he struck Buffalo cr. below Mankato, somewhere in
the vicinity of Jewell and very likely between these places. He seems
to be holding about S. S. W., and to-morrow strikes Solomon r. But, as
already explained, note 70, p. 410, precision in this matter is
impossible, without knowing exactly where the Pawnee village stood, so
as to have a fixed initial point of the journey. I understand that
there was a certain "Pawnee trail" once well known from this village
to Great Bend on the Arkansaw. If this be now determinable, it will
represent Pike's route with a closer approximation to accuracy than I
have been able to follow it out.

[II-6] To the Solomon r., in the vicinity of Beloit, Mitchell Co. The
stream which Pike lays down across his trail of to-day is perhaps Plum
cr., which falls in below Beloit.

[II-7] Hiatus in the text, probably from missing or illegible MS.; no
course or distance for to-day. But the map shows a march, and sets
camp among the heads of a small stream. This is perhaps Salt cr., high
up, somewhere in the vicinity of Saltville, Paris, or Victor.

[II-8] Perhaps to vicinity of Lincoln, seat of the county so called.
The map has an extra camp-mark, on the head of what Pike calls "Little
Saline river."

[II-9] In saying that he crossed the (Grand Saline) river "two or
three times," Pike does not mean that he meandered that stream on his
march, but that he or some of his party were hunting about for the
Spanish trail which he was so eager to follow, and which here became
blind. His map marks [Symbol: O] [Symbol: O], the two Spanish camps he
found. His was on the north bank of Smoky Hill r., whose other name in
the text, "La Touche de la Cote Bucanieus," possibly stands for La
Fourche de la Côte du Kansas, _i. e._, that fork of the Kansas which
runs along the dividing ridge or coteau--which is perfectly true of
the Smoky Hill fork. Pike struck the Smoky Hill in Russell or
Ellsworth Co. Camp of the 13th is about on the border of Russell and
Barton cos., in the vicinity of Forest Hill and Dubuque.

[II-10] The approximation of Missourian and Arkansan waters is here
very close. The Arkansaw makes its great bend northward into Barton
Co., whose county seat is named Great Bend accordingly. The courses of
the Smoky Hill and Arkansaw are for many miles approximately parallel,
and only some 30 m. apart in air-line distance; the numerous
tributaries of each arise all along the ridge which forms the divide
between these waters. Pike has crossed the divide, and is now on one
of the headwaters of Cow cr., a large affluent of the Arkansaw, which
traverses Barton and Rice cos. in a southeasterly course, and falls in
at Hutchinson, Reno Co. His camp appears to have been somewhere in the
vicinity of Claflin, Barton Co., on the Kas. and Col. R. R. The stream
is laid down on his map. It is by far the largest tributary of the
Arkansaw between the Little Arkansaw and Walnut creeks. It was the
last stream to be crossed on the old Santa Fé caravan road before the
Arkansaw was reached. This road also crossed the several tributaries
of Cow cr. in the vicinity of Lyons, Rice Co. One of these, between
Lyons and Chase, was called Little Cow cr. We find another, E. of
Lyons, marked on modern maps as "Jarvis" cr., and given as Charez or
Owl cr. in Beckwith's Report of 1853, P. R. R. Rep. II. 1855, p. 22.
Two of these names refer to Don Antonio José Chavez, who left Santa Fé
in February, 1843, en route for Independence, Mo., but was brutally
murdered and robbed in this vicinity, on or about April 12th, by a
party of 15 men who represented themselves to be Texan troops under
the command of one John McDaniel. Particulars of this outrage are
given by Gregg, Comm. Pra. II. 1844, pp. 166-169.

[II-11] Walnut (Big or Wet Walnut) cr. is that large northern affluent
of the Arkansaw which runs E. from Lane through Ness and Rush into
Barton Co., and falls into the river 4 m. below Great Bend, county
seat of Barton. A branch of this, called Little or Dry Walnut cr.,
runs E. from Rush into Barton, and falls into Walnut cr. about 4 m.
from the mouth of the latter. Great Bend is on the N. bank of the
Arkansaw, and thus between that river and Little Walnut cr. The way in
which, and the precise point at which, the Expedition struck the
Arkansaw could hardly be discovered from the text of the 15th-18th; we
are not even told till the 18th that we are on the Arkansaw, as the
15th mostly, and the 16th and 17th entirely, are taken up with the
wanderings of the lieutenant and doctor, who got lost. The key to the
situation is not found till the 23d, when it is luckily recited that a
trip was made from the camp on the Arkansaw "about 20 miles to a large
branch [or fork] on the right." This is the well-known Pawnee fork of
the Arkansaw, where was old Fort Larned, a noted place, and where is
now Larned, seat of Pawnee Co. So the Expedition struck the Arkansaw
20 m. below Larned, in the very suburbs of the present city of Great
Bend. This locality about the mouth of Walnut cr. became early noted,
not only as the place of northernmost deflection of the Arkansaw, but
also as the first objective point on that river, where the old Santa
Fé caravan road struck that river. It also became the site of Fort
Zara, or Zarah--to be found on some maps as Fort Sarah--which was
built in 1853 on the high ground between Walnut and Cow creeks, about
5 m. N. of the road. On July 12th of that year, Capt. Gunnison reached
the great bend by the Smoky Hill route from Fort Riley, having been
preceded in arriving there three days by his companion, who came over
the regular Santa Fé route; Lieut.-Col. E. V. Sumner, 1st Dragoons,
and other officers, arrived from Mexico the same night; and on the
spot was camped Captain and Bvt.-Major Edward Johnson, 6th Infantry,
about to build the fort, as that 100 m. further up the Arkansaw (Fort
Atkinson) was to be abandoned. Col. John Garland of the 8th Infantry
passed by in July of that year. Pike's approach was: Being in camp of
the 14th on some head of Cow cr., the Expedition started on the 15th
at noon, and marched five hours, about 15 m., on a W. S. W. course,
thus crossing the Cheyenne Bottoms above said, and coming to Walnut
cr. just above the mouth of the Little Walnut above described. Pike
pointed out a wood and told Wilkinson to go there to camp, while he
and the doctor would go up Walnut cr. a piece to hunt for the Spanish
trail. Either mistaking the wood intended, or finding himself so near
the Arkansaw, Wilkinson went on to that river and camped the party on
its north bank, a mile or two above where Great Bend now stands. Pike
and the doctor went shooting buffalo, and it got pretty late; they
returned to where Pike had told Wilkinson to camp, and found nobody
there; so they bivouacked on the spot. In the morning they went up
Little Walnut cr. to search, but did not go far from those two buffalo
they had killed; in fact they got rattled at finding no camp, turned
about and went _down_ Little Walnut cr. to its mouth (which is what
text of the 16th means by "their junction"--confluence of the two
creeks). On the morning of the 17th, being thoroughly alarmed, and
imagining that the party must be higher up the Little Walnut, they
started up again, but probably went a very little way in the rain; for
they were overtaken early on the 18th by two men whom Wilkinson had
sent in search of them, and then they were only "about three" miles
from the camp on the Arkansaw. It is not likely they were at any
moment 10 m. from the spot where they had left the party.

Pike's map shows nothing but the trail of the party, no camp being
marked after that of the 12th, on the other side of the Smoky Hill r.
The trail makes a sharp elbow at the point where, having come down Cow
cr. on the 14th, they turned from that stream on the 15th. Besides Cow
cr., three others appear in succession to the W. The first is Walnut
cr.; the second is Little Walnut, a branch of the first, run
separately into the Arkansaw; while the third is Ash cr., which falls
in above camp. Cow cr. is brought in too near the next one. On the
south side of the Arkansaw is marked the station of the 19th-27th,
with the legend: "Here we struck the Arkansaw from whence L^t.
Wilkinson descended the river in skin canoes and Capt. Pike went up by
land with his party." This ends map I. of the Arkansaw, etc., and map
II. of the same connects at this point, the first stream laid down
being Pawnee fork, and the first camp that of the 29th. Camp of the
28th falls between the two maps, and is not shown. The Spanish trail,
which Pike lost on Smoky Hill r., was all the while a little to the W.
or right of the party, and is recovered on the S. side of the
Arkansaw, on the 30th.

Pike elsewhere says of his journey from the Pawnees to the Arkansaw
that it was on a general course S. 10° W. 150 m., but might have been
made in 120. His deviation from the most direct route was in bearing a
little too far W. to cross the Saline and Smoky Hill, and then some
needless meandering across the divide to the Arkansaw. But he struck
the latter exactly at the right point; for Great Bend is where the old
Smoky Hill and Cimarron route from Leavenworth to Santa Fé reached the
Arkansaw. There was of course nothing on the spot in Pike's time--nor
was there even in 1864, when I first passed the place, excepting a
miserable shack the stage company had built. The nearest settlement at
that time was Fort Larned. My journal of May 31st, 1864, refreshes my
memory: "At 2 p. m. we brought up at Fort Larned--mean place, built of
adobe and logs, with a drunken officer in command; everybody half
drunk already; and all were whole drunk by bed-time."

[II-12] Doted or unsound: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 951.

[II-13] Pawnee fork is larger than Walnut cr. It runs through several
counties on a general E. course, and falls in at Larned, seat of
Pawnee Co. When I was in the country, 30 years ago, the three
principal branches were called Heth's, Buckner's, and Shaff's. A
branch now rejoices in the name of Guzzler's Gulch. Saw-mill cr. is a
long but slight tributary which falls in close to the mouth of the
main stream. Pike crosses the mouth of Pawnee fork on the 29th; the
Spaniards had crossed it higher up. He lays it down as a short, forked
stream. Larned is now a city of some importance, and a rival of Great
Bend; it is the natural development of which old Fort Larned was the
germ; it is built mainly on the N. or left bank of Pawnee fork, but
has lately crossed that stream, and also extended in the adjoining
Arkansaw bottom. The locality became noted with the establishment of
the Santa Fé trade in the '20's, and later on was a point of strategic
importance in our relations with hostile or unruly Indians. The main
road passed here en route for Santa Fé, in continuation both of the
earliest caravan road and of the later Smoky Hill stage route; it
offered a good camping place, which traders, troops, and other
travelers generally occupied. Another reason for stopping was that the
river was not easy to cross when full. Thus, when Emory and Abert were
here, July 13th, 1846, one of Kearny's expressmen, A. E. Hughes, was
drowned in it (J. T. Hughes, Doniphan's Exp., 1887, p. 21). But it
varied much; July 13th, 1853, Gunnison and Beckwith found it 20 feet
wide, with a fair current, and a depth of only a foot or two.

[II-14] This is an early but not the first account of the animals, and
has been much cited, particularly as authority for the name
wishtonwish (which J. Fenimore Cooper misapplied to the whippoorwill
in one of his novels). The date of Pike's observation is subsequent to
that of Lewis and Clark, but its publication was prior by four years;
both these notices are antedated by Gass, 1807: see L. and C., ed.
1893, p. 111.

[II-15] A letter which Lieutenant Williamson bore to his father from
Pike formed Doc. No. 15 of the App. to Pt. 2. of the orig. ed., and is
given beyond in its proper place.

[II-16] The five soldiers who descended the Arkansaw with Lieutenant
Wilkinson were: Sergeant Ballenger; Privates Boley, Bradley,
Huddleston, Wilson. Lieutenant Wilkinson's separate report of his
journey hence to the Arkansaw Post formed one of the Documents of the
App. to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed., and will be found beyond, where it is
annotated in due course.

Those who proceeded to the horrors of the mountains in midwinter and
subsequent capture by the Spaniards were: Captain Pike; Dr. Robinson;
Interpreter Vasquez; Sergeant Meek; Corporal Jackson; Privates Brown,
Carter, Dougherty, Gorden, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Smith,
Sparks, Stoute--16 all told: compare date of Oct. 7th, p. 419 and note
2, p. 360.

Pike now starts up the Arkansaw, to which he holds till he reaches the
site of Pueblo, Col.

[II-17] Taking the party past Pawnee rock and the mouth of Ash cr., to
a point about midway between the latter and the mouth of Pawnee fork.
They traveled on the left or N. side of the river, approximately along
the track of the A., T. and S. F. R. R., passing Dundee station and
the small town of Pawnee Rock; Hubbard cr., on the other side of the
river, is also passed, and camp is set a little beyond it, over the
border of Barton Co., in Pawnee Co. The town of Pawnee Rock takes its
name from the remarkable natural object of the same designation, also
sometimes called Painted rock, which was a great landmark in old
times. This is the most prominent point of a sandstone ridge of
notably reddish color and in part scoriaceous; it is about 20 feet
high, and stands off to the right of the road as you go up--about 2 m.
from the Arkansaw r., before you come to the crossing of Ash cr. It
was a convenient place for the Indians to exercise their pictographic
art, and when the road came to be traveled by the whites the rock was
soon covered with inscriptions of names, dates, and the like. It is
about 9 m. by the road from the town of Pawnee Rock to the crossing of
Pawnee fork.

[II-18] Passing Pawnee fork and Larned, Pawnee Co., to camp on the
left or N. W. bank of the Arkansaw, about 5 m. beyond. Here is the
place where the old Santa Fé road forked, in the days of the caravans
and stages. The main road followed up the Arkansaw; but the right-hand
road sheered off from the river to take up what was known as the "dry
route"--a sort of cut-off which looked promising and became a regular
stage-road, but was no great advantage when you had to go slowly and
camp out, as the lesser distance was offset by lack of wood at all
times, and of water at most seasons. Having been over this road, I can
certify to the remarks of Gunnison and Beckwith, P. R. R. Rep. II.,
1855, p. 24: "Five miles from camp [on Pawnee Fork] the road forks ...
and one branch follows near by the windings of the Arkansas, to secure
grass and water, while the other appears to push off for a 'short cut'
and 'dry route' to Fort Atkinson, near which they again unite on the
Arkansas river; but this appearance is deceptive; for after going a
few miles it turns abruptly southward, and follows but a few miles
from, and parallel with, the other road, keeping it generally in
sight, as it does also the trees and sand-hills upon the banks of the
Arkansas river, and is, except in the rainy season, without good grass
and badly watered." The air-line distance of the "dry route," from the
point where Pike is now to Dodge City, is about 54 m.; the actual
travel is nearer 60. The ground passed over is that sometimes watered
by the Coon creeks, and the road coincides to some extent with that
now traversed by the A., T. and S. F. R. R. Of late the face of the
country has been modified by the Eureka Irrigating Canal, which starts
from the Arkansaw at Ingalls, hugs the river more or less closely to
the bluffs below Dodge City, and then starts off across country in the
direction of Spearville and Kinsley.

[II-19] Pike camps to-night about opposite Garfield, a railroad
station and small village on the left or N. W. bank of the river. He
started up on that side (having the river to his left), but crossed
over on the 30th, and will continue the whole way to Pueblo up the
right bank, having the river on his right. The general course of the
river being from W. to E., its right bank is on the S., and thus N. of
Pike.

[II-20] Kinsley, county seat of Edwards, is something of a town in
these parts, situated a mile or two W. of the river on that one of the
Coon creeks which runs oftener than the other one does, and which,
when it has any water to discharge, falls into the Arkansaw at
Garfield, after skirting the river for many miles. The nomenclature of
Big and Little Coon creeks is reversed on some maps. I find that I was
camped on one of them, 24 m. from Fort Larned, June 1st, 1864, under
which date my old journal calls it "a puddlesome slough on the
prairie." Thirty years ago it was good buffalo country, and
consequently bad Indian country. A note I penciled June 3d, 1864, runs
thus: "Our route since leaving Larned has been mostly along the north
bank of the Arkansaw. Queer river that--a great ditch, chock full of
grassy islets, stretching through the treeless prairie like a spotted
snake, some seasons so dry you can't wet your foot in it for miles,
and have to dig for a drink, sometimes a raging flood 200 yards wide.
Traveling without military escort is risky. The Cheyennes are on the
rampage; Comanches and Kiowas too." On the 6th, nearing Fort Lyon, we
passed an Indian camp; "it was a band of Arapahoes, at war with the
Cheyennes."

[II-21] No mileage for to-day. By Pike's map, camp is at an elbow of
the river, which denotes that curve the Arkansaw makes in passing from
Ford into Kiowa Co. There is no place to name in this vicinity, and
the best maps, on a scale of 2 m. to the inch, do not give any island
hereabouts. We will allow Pike 16 m., and set camp in Ford Co., just
over the border of Kiowa.

[II-22] To "crease" a horse is to hit him with a bullet somewhere
along the nape of the neck, close enough to the cervical vertebræ to
stun him by the shock to the spinal cord, or to the ligamentum nuchæ,
yet not to inflict permanent injury. When this is nicely done the
horse falls as if killed, and is roped before he recovers. But it
takes a very good shot, like "driving the nail," "snuffing the
candle," "barking the squirrel," and other feats of skill which our
backwoodsmen used to practice.

[II-23] Since he left Great Bend, Pike has had hilly country
continuously on his left, with only a very narrow river-bottom on that
side, in comparison with the breadth of the low-lying land on the W.
or N. In fact, it is this series of countless thousands of hills and
hillocks which causes the deflection of the river northward, thus
making the "great bend." The place where the change occurs, and where
Pike camps, is at Ford, a town in the county of that name, on the S.
bank of the Arkansaw, or rather on the E. and S. bank of Mulberry cr.,
a stream from the S. W., which winds around the town on the W. and N.,
and falls into the Arkansaw a mile or so lower down. A branch of the
Chic., Kas., and Neb. R. R. runs through Ford from Bucklin to Dodge
City, Ensign, and Montezuma.

[II-24] Taking Pike past the site of old Fort Dodge and of present
Dodge City, nearly to the boundary between Ford and Gray cos.--say
halfway from Dodge to Cimarron, and thus about opp. Howell station of
the A., T., and S. F. R. R. Dodge started on the N. bank, but has
overgrown the river, and is now built up on both sides, with two
bridges across. Dodge is 17 m. by rail above Ford, and almost exactly
on the 100th meridian--probably some of the houses are built on each
side of this line of longitude. At or near Dodge were the long-noted
"Caches," of which most of the early travelers speak, but which seem
to have been latterly lost sight of. I cannot locate the exact spot,
but it ought to be easily recoverable by those who have the data I
happen to lack. The place used to be spoken of as near the meridian
just said--though that does not help us at all, as the maps of those
days were mostly 30´ out of the way in longitudes. Thus, even Gunnison
and Beckwith's route-map of 1853 runs the line E. of the mouth of
Mulberry cr. where Ford now stands, and thus about 99° 40´. Gregg's is
much closer than this, though it is on a much smaller scale; his 100th
line runs midway betwixt the mouth of Mulberry cr. and the "Caches."
Wislizenus' route-map, accompanying his report to Congress (Senate
Misc. Doc. No. 26, 30th Congr., 1st Sess., pub. 1848) is closer still;
for the "Caches" are marked scarcely W. of 100°. Wislizenus gives us
another clew, as he marks "Fort Mann" at the "Caches." The "Caches"
were also about the place where the dry cut-off, described in note 18
above, reached the Arkansaw--in short, everything points to the
immediate vicinity of Fort Dodge as the place where these caches were
located. "The history of the origin of these 'Caches' may be of
sufficient interest to merit a brief recital," as Gregg says, Comm.
Pra. I. 1844, p. 67, where, and on p. 19, we have the account. In 1812
was fitted out the first expedition which attempted to reach Santa Fé
by following the account of Pike's journey now before us. This
consisted of about a dozen men, among them two named Beard and
Chambers, who had succeeded in reaching Santa Fé with the others, and
had returned to the United States in 1822 (Chambers had done so by way
of the Canadian r.). These two interested some St. Louis capitalists
to join an enterprise in the Santa Fé trade, and then undertook to
return to Santa Fé in the fall of 1822 with a small party and an
assortment of merchandise. "Reaching the Arkansas late in the season,
they were overtaken by a heavy snowstorm, and driven to take shelter
on a large island. A rigorous winter ensued, which forced them to
remain pent up in that place for three long months. During this time
the greater part of their animals perished; so that, when the spring
began to open, they were unable to continue their journey with their
goods. In this emergency they made a _cache_ some distance above, on
the north side of the river, where they stowed away most of their
merchandize. From thence they proceeded to Taos, where they procured
mules, and returned to get their hidden property. Few travelers pass
this way without visiting these mossy pits, many of which remain
partly unfilled to the present day."

[II-25] Alluding to the terrible defeat of General Arthur St. Clair's
army by Indians on a branch of the Wabash r., in present Darke Co.,
Ohio, Nov. 4th, 1791. This was the most disastrous battle ever lost by
the whites to the Indians, surpassing Braddock's defeat on the
Monongahela in 1755. On Dec. 25th, 1793, General Anthony Wayne, who
had become commander-in-chief in 1792, and taken command of the Army
of the West, sent a detachment of soldiers to take possession of the
field where General St. Clair had been defeated, built a fort there,
and named the place Recovery, because it was then first recovered from
the Indians, who had retained possession after the disaster above
named. June 29th, 1794, General Wayne sent troops with supplies to
Fort Recovery from Greenville, where he was then stationed. The
detachment reached the fort and deposited its supplies in safety, but
was immediately attacked, and the fort itself was invested by Indians,
assisted by whites from Canada. The battle raged June 30th and July
1st, when the assailants were repulsed, not without great loss on our
side. Among those who fell was the gallant McMahon, who had commanded
the expedition to Fort Recovery. For further information see: Howe's
Hist. Coll. Ohio, under head of Darke Co.; Burnet's Notes of the N. W.
Terr., chap. vii; Albach's Annals of the West, p. 642. Present Fort
Recovery is a village in Mercer Co. O., on a branch of the Wabash r.,
close to the Indiana State line.

[II-26] Camp past Cimarron and Ingalls, but not far W. of the
latter--5 m., perhaps. These are two towns on the N. bank,
respectively 18 and 26 m. above Dodge City. Ingalls is the seat of
Gray Co. The Amer. Sp. word _cimarron_ means something wild, runaway,
or unreclaimed, like _maroon_, and is applicable to an animal, a
person, a place, etc. It designated the wild sheep of the Rocky
Mountains (_Ovis montana_), gave name to one of the largest branches
of the Arkansaw, and was early associated with a certain route from
the Arkansaw to Santa Fé. The name of J. J. Ingalls was long prominent
in Kansas politics and in national statesmanship, and at one time
associated with the too-true statement that "purity in politics is an
iridescent dream." Notwithstanding the injunction against
truth-telling which the consequences of the scholarly senator's remark
imply, I wish to speak as accurately as possible regarding the points
at which the Cimarron route left the Arkansaw. There were two of these
places, both of which Pike passes to-day, where the river was forded,
and the road thus crossed from the N. to the S. bank. These became
known as the Lower and Upper Crossings of the Arkansaw; they were 8 m.
apart; the lower one was 18 m. and the upper one 26 m. above Fort
Atkinson; they thus correspond to the positions of Cimarron and
Ingalls, respectively. The river is now bridged at each town. The
Lower Crossing was the earlier one, most used by the traders from 1834
till the closing of the Mexican ports in 1843; after the war the Upper
Crossing seems to have been generally chosen. Thus, we find Gunnison
and Beckwith saying in 1853, P. R. R. Rep. II. 1855, p. 26: "Seventeen
miles from the fort [Atkinson] there is a ford, sometimes used by the
trains and parties going to and from New Mexico by the Cimmaron
[_sic_] route; but the principal ford for that route is 8 m. above
this." Writing of 1846, Dr. Wislizenus speaks of moving "about 20
miles" up the Arkansaw from the Caches, and arriving "at the usual
fording place," _i. e._, the lower one. "This track," says Gregg,
Comm. Pra. I. 1844, p. 311, "which has since remained permanent, was
made in the year 1834. Owing to continuous rains during the passage of
the caravan of that year a plain trail was then cut in the softened
turf, on the most direct route across this arid desert, leaving the
Arkansas about 20 miles above the 'Caches.' This has ever since been
the regular route of the caravans; and thus a recurrence of those
distressing sufferings from thirst, so frequently experienced by early
travellers in that unhospitable region, has been prevented." The first
camp S. of the Arkansaw was usually made in the vicinity of the Sand
Hills, at a place called the Battleground after 1843, in which year
the defeat of the Mexicans by the Texans under Colonel Snively
occurred on that spot; it was some 12-15 m. from the river. The roads
from the two fords came together at no great distance from the
Arkansaw (perhaps in the vicinity of Ulysses, seat of Grant Co.);
having thus headed the Crooked Creek branch of Cimarron, the road
crossed Sandy cr. not far above its confluence with the Cimarron, and
so reached that river.

[II-27] Past Pierceville, a village and station on the A., T., and S.
F. R. R., just over the line between Gray and Finney cos.; camp 3 or 4
m. short of Garden City, seat of the latter county.

[II-28] Past Garden City and Sherlock; camp on or near the boundary
between Finney and Kearney cos., in the vicinity of Deerfield, a place
on the railroad. Most of the older maps mark hereabout the large
island in the Arkansaw called Chouteau's, somewhat W. of the 101st
meridian, and apparently near Deerfield.

[II-29] Vicinity of Harland, seat of Kearney Co. In saying that the
Spanish road had been "on the outside" of the party, Pike gives us to
understand that it had run along to his left, a little further from
the river, though since the 30th of Oct. he had been also traveling on
the S. side of the Arkansaw, having that river on his right.
Nevertheless, the map marks the two trails as identical, the Spanish
camps alternating with the American all along. There has been little
to note along this stretch of the river, where no stream of any
consequence falls in on either side. Pike here remarks a change, in
the beginning of hilly country; extensive sand-hills are skirting the
river on the S., in Kearney Co., and thence into Hamilton.

[II-30] Vicinity of Syracuse, seat of Hamilton Co.

[II-31] Last day's journey in Kansas, passing from Hamilton Co., over
the inter-State line, into Prowers Co., Colorado. Pike's mileages
along the whole course from Great Bend are remarkably close. I
designedly ran them off day by day, without any checking by known
positions, to see when he would strike the inter-State line, about 5
m. beyond which is the first identifiable named stream; expecting then
to hark back, much as usual, and make the requisite adjustments of
camps by proportionate lengths of each. But I find no occasion for
this; his own mileages fix his camp of the 11th as nearly as possible
on the line, and we have three identifiable streams in the course of
his march on the 12th. To-day's camp is between Coolidge, Hamilton
Co., Kas., and Hollys, Prowers Co., Col., 2 m. W. of the former, 4 m.
E. of the latter, in lat. 38° 02´ N., long. 102° 02´ W.

[II-32] In Colorado Pike first comes opp. Hollys, a village on the N.
bank and station of the A., T., and S. F. R. R. Below this are some
small runs on the N., among them one called Cheyenne cr.; and Wild
Horse cr. falls in on that side a mile above Hollys. He then crosses
Two Butte cr., a much larger stream, from the S., arising in Las
Animas Co. about the elevations from which it takes name, running
through the N. W. corner of Baca and traversing Prowers to fall in a
mile above the mouth of Wild Horse cr., opposite the large island
there. Continuing, Pike crosses Granada cr., from the S., which falls
in where the railroad crosses the Arkansaw and runs into the station
named Adana. If he held straight on the best road, keeping to the left
of the extensive bottoms along here, he went through the present sites
of Granada, a village 4 m. W. of Adana, on Wolf cr., and of Manville,
a station 2 m. further along. Camp was set about halfway between
Manville and Carlton, a place 4 m. beyond. Several runs or washes make
in along here on each side, but seldom carry as much water as the
ditches which have been brought from the Arkansaw through and by
Granada. Pike charts Two Butte cr., and one that answers either to
Granada or Wolf cr.: notice the pair he lays down, S., with the legend
"Cotton Wood becomes frequent" lettered across Two Butte cr.

The Wild Horse cr. above mentioned appears on Gregg's map by the name
of "Lit. Sand Cr."

[II-33] No mileage to-day; and the omission is not easily supplied. On
the 15th Pike camps at the mouth of Purgatory r., and it took him 34
m. by his reckoning to get there from his camp of the 13th. Therefore,
camp of the 13th was about 12 m. from that of the 12th, and thus
within a mile or two of Lamar. I shall so suppose it to have been.
This sets Pike past the "point of red rocks and one large [Big Sandy]
creek," which he speaks of as having passed on the 14th, but it agrees
with the map, which sets a camp-mark for the 13th past Big Sandy cr.
There is evidently a confusion of the record of the 13th and 14th,
perhaps in the flurry of the Indian sign; all things considered, I
shall set camp of the 13th, hypothetically, 2 m. short of Lamar: and
that of the 14th at the station Prowers, 10 m. further; whence it is
about 24 m. for the 15th to Purgatory r. The points passed on the 13th
and 14th are most conveniently discussed together: see next note. The
site of Fort Aubrey (named for or by F. X. Aubrey?), on the N. bank,
was probably passed on the 13th.

[II-34] From his camp of the 12th Pike passes the village and station
Carlton, opposite which the small Cottonwood cr. falls in from the N.,
and proceeds to his own "large creek" and "point of rocks." This
stream is Big Sandy cr., from the N.; Pike lays it down very well. It
is quite a river or river-bed, which when it runs drains from the high
country known as the Arkansaw Divide, _sc._ between Arkansan and
Missourian waters, in El Paso, Elbert, and Lincoln cos. The stream
further traverses Cheyenne and Kiowa cos., and seeks the Arkansaw in
Prowers Co., 2 or 3 m. below the point of rocks Pike notices. This is
a place where a bold headland abuts against the river on the south,
rising rapidly from 3,575 to more than 3,800--that is, some 300 feet
above the general level of the river bottom. A run known as Clay cr.
comes around the bluff on the W. The next above is Willow cr., S., on
which Lamar stands between irrigating ditches derived from the
Arkansaw, and the next above is Dry cr., S., halfway between Lamar and
Prowers station. Here is camp of the 14th, just over the border of
Prowers, in Bent Co. Pike's map legends "Broken with small Ravines &
Creeks" on the country passed over.

[II-35] This statement conflicts with Pike's map, which lays down only
one stream between the two camp-marks that stand for the 14th and
15th. But the text is right, and _both_ these camp-marks are
misplaced. One belongs just below Mud cr., and the other at Purgatory
r., where there is no sign of one, though this is the most exactly
locatable station since we left Great Bend. Pike's "two deep creeks"
are Mud and Caddoa; his "many points of rocks" appear on any good
topographical map. There is a series of such between Prowers and Mud
cr., on the S., opposite which Graveyard cr. falls in, N. Two very
notable points of rocks, a mile apart, are separated by Caddoa cr.;
and Limestone cr. falls in from the N., 2 or 3 m. below these. These
bluffs extend to the village of Caddoa, 2 m. up, in a bottom left by
their recession from the river, before they again close in on the
river in two bold headlands, 1 or 2 m. above Caddoa. The country on
the N., across the river, is also bluffy for several miles along here.
The elevations close to the river are 3,800 to 3,900 feet, and higher
further back on both sides. Above the Caddoan bluffs a creek which
Pike charts falls on the S. This is lettered Blue cr. on late G. L. O.
maps, and Rule cr. on those of Hayden and Powell. Caddoa cr. heads
about the N. W. corner of Baca Co., and takes a northerly course to
the Arkansaw; Blue or Rule cr. is the larger one of the two; some of
its affluents are near those of Caddoa and upper reaches of Two Butte
cr., about Shell Rock cañon in Baca Co., but its real source is
further south in Las Animas Co., where Johnny cr. and others head. Its
course is northerly, but with an eastward trend, about parallel with
Purgatory r. About an hour before Pike reached this large river he
passed opposite the place where Fort Lyon was later built, on the
bluff around which the Arkansaw there sweeps closely. In 1864 Lyon was
the first inhabited place on the Arkansaw west of Larned, though there
had been trading-posts or certain other temporary dwellings at various
points, especially at the upper end of the Big Timbers, say 12 m. E.
of Fort Lyon. These were a large body of cottonwoods extending thence
several miles down the river on its N. side, and formed a noted resort
of various Indian tribes. Hence the woods became well known to
travelers along the Arkansaw, whose itineraries almost always speak of
the "Big Timbers" as they approach the Purgatory on their way to
Bent's fort. Pike's text of the 13th is no doubt the earliest
indication of these woods.

Gregg's map lays down three large creeks from the S. between his Big
Sand cr. and Purgatory r. The first of these is called Mulberry; the
other two are nameless. The three appear to correspond to the Mud,
Caddoa, and Blue creeks just described.

[II-36] The main chain of the Rocky mts., with Pike's Peak towering to
the right: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. 328. Pike has before him the
Front range of the Rockies, northward, or to the right; and southward,
or to the left, the Sangre de Cristo range. The sources of Arkansan
waters are between these; while on the other side of the last named
range are those of the Rio Grande. The "cheers to the Mexican
mountains" were given at an alt. of 3,900 feet.

[II-37] Purgatory r., also called in English Picket-wire, in French
Rivière Purgatoire, and in Spanish Rio Purgatorio and Rio de Las
Animas, is charted by Pike as the "1st Fork," with the legend "Here
the Mountains are first seen." This very large branch or fork of the
Arkansaw heads in that southward continuation of the Sangre de Cristo
range which is known as the Culebra range, about Trinchera, Culebra,
and other peaks, where it connects with sources of the Rio Culebra, a
tributary of the upper Rio Grande. Its own tributaries are very
numerous and extensive. The main river runs N. E. from Las Animas Co.,
through the S. E. corner of Otero Co., and joins the Arkansaw in Bent
Co., between the site of Fort Lyon and that of Las Animas, present
county seat of Bent. Pike camped where the railroad now crosses; and
his journey since the 12th has been practically along the present
railroad line.

[II-38] It is certain that Pike was on Purgatory r. on the 15th, and
certain that he did not reach his "Grand Forks" (present site of
Pueblo, at junction of Fountain r.) till evening of the 23d. The
distance between these points, along the river, is between 90 and 100
m. Pike's ostensible mileages are: for the 16th, 11½; 17th, 23½; 18th
and 19th, none; 20th, 18; 21st, 21; 22d, 17; and 23d, 19; total, 110
m. We have, therefore, to reduce these mileages by about one day's
journey. Observe, also, that only _four_ camps are marked for the
16th-22d; there should be _five_, and with that for the 23d, _six_.
Thus the text and map do not agree, and some error is evident, though
what it is we have no means of deciding with confidence. I am inclined
to think that the difficulty lies at the start from the "1st Fork"
(Purgatory r.), when so much of the day was occupied in searching for
the Spanish trail, and the "11½" m. assigned may have been little if
any actual advance. If we proceed upon this supposition, there will be
no trouble in adjusting mileages to bring in the missing camp by the
20th; after which all possible error is removed by the identifiable
points. I shall, therefore, set camp of the 16th scarcely above the
mouths of Adobe and Horse (formerly Dry) creeks, which fall in close
together on the north, 7 and 8 m. above Purgatory r. Neither of these
is noticed by Pike, though each is larger than some of the streams he
charts. But they were across the river, and Pike had a bad case of
Spanish trail on the brain, aggravated by anxiety about Indian sign.

[II-39] The mileage hardly requires any adjustment, from the position
I have assigned for the 16th, to set camp of the 17th in the close
vicinity of Rocky Ford, a village and station on the railroad, where
Pike remains on the 18th and 19th. Rocky Ford is 5 m. above Timpas cr.
(which he charts as the first stream from the left above his "1st
Fork"). Timpas or Timpa is a large creek which heads in Las Animas Co.
and runs N. N. E. into the Arkansaw at the upper point of that very
large island above La Junta.

The most notable point passed to-day is the historic site of Bent's
old fort, on the N. bank of the Arkansaw, 7 or 8 m. E. of the Timpas.
It was a position of great consequence in the days of staging from
Fort Leavenworth and other points on the Missouri to Taos, Santa Fé,
and other New Mexican places. Most of the early itineraries, both
commercial and military, speak of Bent's fort, and the advantages of
this location for a post were more than once urged upon the attention
of the War Department. It was on an emigrant road, in the heart of an
Indian country overrun with various tribes; was a sort of focus for
several widely divergent termini; was in the vicinity of good building
material, and had plenty of fuel, grass, and water. Mr. Bent himself
destroyed it in 1849, when he abandoned it for sufficient reasons; but
some of the chimneys and adobe walls long stood to mark the spot. Thus
it was Bent's "old" fort when I passed by, about 30 years ago.
Gregg's, Wislizenus', and in fact most maps of the period mark the
fort, some of them giving also a certain Fort William alongside it.
The structure is described as "quite complete" by Lieut. J. W. Abert,
who was here in August, 1846, at which time he met such noted
plainsmen as Capt. Walker of California renown, Marcellus St. Vrain,
and "Bill" Garey. Col. Price's regiment was here about the same time.
The several columns of Gen. S. W. Kearny's Army of the West, which
invaded and subjugated New Mexico and California, coming from Fort
Leavenworth by the Arkansaw route, concentrated in camp a few miles
below the fort, Aug. 1st, 1846. Kit Carson knew the place well, and
Frémont found him not far away from here in July, 1843. A view of
Bent's fort as it appeared in 1846 is given by John T. Hughes, in his
admirable Doniphan's Expedition, 8vo, Cincinnati, 1847, p. 35. The old
route into Santa Fé left the Arkansaw close by Bent's fort, went S. W.
between Purgatory r. and Timpas cr., struck the latter at a place then
as now called Iron Springs, and so on through the Raton mts., not very
different from the way the A., T., and S. F. R. R. now takes. A
glimpse at the kind of a road this used to be is had from the
following extract from my diary: "_Tuesday, June 7th, 1864._ Bent's
old fort. Cold ride in the rain from 3 a. m. to 5 p. m., when we
brought up at the fort. Here was our crossing of the Arkansaw. Recent
hard rains made the river unfordable; so we had to ferry ourselves
over the surging tide in a frail skiff--ticklish business. However, we
got safe across, with all our worldly goods--the latter nothing to
speak of, and stood shivering while the ramshackled hack that met us
on the other side was loaded and hitched up. This storm and the
ferriage began a series of mishaps that reached to Fort Stanton in New
Mexico, and made the driver swear that 'the grace of God had petered
out on the other side of the Arkansaw.' Kept on to Iron Springs; road
miry, pace snaily."

The name of Bent's Fort is preserved as that of a place nearly
opposite (a little above) the present station Robinson, which latter
is exactly on the boundary between Bent and Otero cos. Above this is
La Junta, on the S., seat of the county. Several creeks fall in on the
S. along here, the largest one of them named Crooked cr.

[II-40] Taking the Expedition just beyond the mouth of the Apishapa,
Apishipa, or Apishpa r., to the present station Rockdale. This stream
is charted by Pike; _a camp-mark is set just above it_, assuring us
that the difficulty we had is already adjusted. It is a large river,
or rather a long-bedded water-course (like many others which start
well, but run out in the thirsty soil), heading about the Spanish
Peaks, and reaching the Arkansaw at the foot of Apishapa bluffs (4,675
feet), between Rockdale and Catlin. Three miles off, across the
Arkansaw, is the station Olney of the Mo. Pac. R. R., which here comes
to the river. In old days a point opposite the mouth of the Apishapa
was a good camp on the Cherokee trail to the gold-diggings on Cherry
cr., with the Huerfano mountains and Spanish Peaks in sight.

[II-41] To a point on the river, in Pueblo Co., between Nepesta and
the Huerfano, short of which river Pike's camp-mark is set. Pike
charts the Huerfano as his "2nd Fork." We also notice that he marks
_two_ Spanish camps, [Symbol: O] [Symbol: O], for the day's march, as
called for by the text, though they are by no means set down "within
three miles of each other." Nepesta is only a hamlet and station, but
serves to mark a well-known crossing of the Arkansaw. The A., T., and
S. F. R. R. now crosses here, meeting the Mo. Pac. R. R., and the two
tracks run together into Pueblo. The Huerfano is a great river, which
heads in the Sangre de Cristo range, among the mountains of the Sierra
Blanca range, and by various other affluents, as Muddy cr. and others,
heading in the very passes of the Sangre range which we shall have to
discuss when Pike's forlorn and frostbitten party reaches them. Some
other tributaries drain from the W. side of the Wet mts. The union of
these in Huerfano Park starts the river out of the mountains by
Huerfano pass; in the plains it receives Cucharas r., a tributary of
nearly equal size, from further S., and their united stream seeks the
Arkansaw on a N. E. course. A place called Jackson is on the river
near its mouth; opposite, across the Arkansaw, is Booneville.

The place above mentioned by the name Nepesta reminds me to say that
Rio Napeste was a Spanish name of the Arkansaw r. itself, at least in
its upper or Colorado reaches. One of Pike's own maps letters "Rio de
Napesi," a phrase reappearing as "Rio de Nanesi" on Lewis and Clark's
map of 1814; and yet other forms of the name occur. The phrase is
obviously Spanish, but the word itself I do not recognize as
such--very likely it is derived from the Ute Indian language.
Humboldt's map letters "Rio de Napestle."

[II-42] The "front only," a phrase italicized in the original, means
that only the vanguard of the army met the insolent Pawnees. This
probably consisted of Pike, Robinson, and Vasquez; the rest of the
invading forces, being 13 rank and file, main column and rearguard
combined, having not yet come up to engage the enemy.

[II-43] The Huerfano (Orphan) r., marked "2nd Fork" on Pike's map, is
passed to-day without remark--no doubt Pike was thinking more of
Pawnees than of geography. In consequence of the fracas, little
progress was made; probably less than 17 m., as we see by the mileage
assigned to the 23d. Camp can be set little if any beyond the site of
old Fort Reynolds, which stood on the S. bank of the river, about
opposite the mouth of Black Squirrel or Chico cr. This falls in from
the N., on a course parallel with that of Fountain r.; it arises by
several heads in the Arkansaw divide, N. E. of Colorado Springs,
opposite heads of Kiowa and Bijou creeks (branches of the South
Platte); at its mouth is Chico sta. (Nyburg), on the N. side of the
Arkansaw, 12 m. E. of Pueblo. Nearly opposite the mouth of the
Huerfano is Booneville; this locality used to be a regular
camping-ground on the old Cherokee trail, and here was a ford across
the Arkansaw, opposite Charles Audebee's (or Autobee's) house.

[II-44] Pike's Third Fork, charted "3d Fork," is the San Carlos or St.
Charles r. His Grand Forks is the confluence of Fountain r. with the
Arkansaw, at present city of Pueblo--perhaps the best known place
where we have found him since the Expedition started. The Charles
arises in the Wet mts., where also heads its main branch, called
Greenhorn r., as in fact the Charles itself often used to be. Their
streams unite in the prairie 8 m. S. of Pueblo, and fall into the
Arkansaw 7 m. E. of that city, or about halfway to Fort Reynolds. It
was in this vicinity that the old Cherokee trail forked, the
right-hand road taking up toward the gold diggings, while the other
kept on to Pueblo. The Greenhorn mt., about which the San Carlos
heads, has an ascertained altitude of 12,230 feet. Fountain r. is
still called Fontaine r. by those who prefer French to English, and
used to be more elaborately styled La Rivière de la Fontaine qui
Bouille, River of the Boiling Spring--not that the water is hot, but
that it bubbles as it wells out of the rocks, as if it were boiling.
"This spring," says Marcy, Pra. Trav. 1859, p. 300, "or, rather,
springs, as there are two, both of which boil up out of solid rock,
are among the greatest natural curiosities that I have ever seen. The
water is strongly impregnated with salts, but is delightful to the
taste, and somewhat similar to the Congress water." But before General
Marcy's time the springs had become noted. On the 17th of July, 1843,
they were visited by Frémont, who describes them at length in his
Rep., orig. ed. 1845, p. 117; Mr. Charles Preuss, of his party,
thought the water resembled that of the Seltzer Springs in the Grand
Duchy of Nassau. About nine-tenths of the solid matters in solution is
chalk. When I was at Manitou Springs, a few years ago, it was a common
sight to see people in the electric cars with bottles of the water,
which had already become an extensively advertised commercial article.
Fountain r. has also its Spanish name of Rio Almagre or Almagra,
meaning red ocher or other reddish earth. It is formed of two main
courses which head about Pike's Peak and other elevations of the same
outlying (Front) range of the Rockies, called respectively Fountain
and Monument cr.; these unite at Colorado Springs. Monument cr.,
coming southward in the foothills, is composed of various others,
called Beaver, Dead Man's, West Monument, Crystal, etc. Fountain cr.,
which comes eastward from Pike's Peak itself and that vicinity, seeks
the plains by the villages of Manitou Springs and Colorado City, and
the city of Colorado Springs (seat of El Paso Co.)--for such are the
respective designations of these places, now well known to tourists
and especially valetudinarians. At Manitou Springs it receives Ruxton
cr., through Ingleman cañon, now traversed by the cogwheel Manitou and
Pike's Peak R. R.; item, it receives Glen "Erie" (Eyrie) cr., which
runs through the little mountain park called Garden of the Gods--a
spot not favorable to agriculture and one whose alleged proprietors
maintain their wonted alibi. Visitors who now inspect the natural
curiosities hereabouts, including a cave of very respectable
dimensions and disagreeable atmosphere, go up a carriage road which
follows for some distance what was an old Indian trail between South
Park and the plains. Fountain r., thus composed, runs S. along the E.
base of the R. mts., receiving small affluents all along on either
hand, as Bear, N. Cheyenne, S. Cheyenne, Sand, Jimmy's Camp, and
Little Fountain creeks, and falls into the Arkansaw at Pueblo, as
already said. It is Pike's "North Fork" of the Arkansaw, and this is
the stream nearly parallel with which he proceeds via Turkey cr.
toward the "high point of the blue mountain," _i. e._, Pike's Peak.
His breastwork was built on the S. side of the Arkansaw, slightly
above the confluence of Fountain r., and thus within present city
limits of Pueblo--though the built-up portions of South Pueblo are
mostly a mile or so from the confluence. A suburb of South Pueblo is
called Bessemer, where stand the great smelters and other evidences of
that commercial energy which has caused Pueblo to be sometimes styled
"the Pittsburg of the West," though the pure air is not to be compared
with the smutty gas one breathes at the old site of Fort Duquesne. A
mile from Bessemer is Lake Minnequa, a resort of the Pueblonians for
boating, beer, and music. Pueblo has retained for more than half a
century a name that was originally not a proper but a common noun.
Thus we read in Frémont, Rep. 1845, p. 116: "Continuing down the
[Fountain] river, we encamped at noon on the 14th [of July, 1843] at
its mouth, on the Arkansas river. A short distance above our
encampment, on the left bank of the Arkansas, is a _pueblo_, (as the
Mexicans call their civilized Indian villages,) where a number of
mountaineers, who had married Spanish women in the vicinity of Taos,
had collected together, and occupied themselves in farming, carrying
on at the same time a desultory Indian trade. They were principally
Americans, and treated us with all the rude hospitality their
situation admitted." Frémont calls the river "Fontaine-qui-bouit" (not
_Bouille_). I understand that Pueblo was known at one time, during the
'40's, as Hardscrabble--a name now given to another place, for which
see a note beyond. I am told by Mr. Maguire that "Jimmy's Camp"--now
the name of a creek above said--was a traditionally well-known place
where one "Jimmy" had a small trading outfit, mainly for the Utes; he
was killed by the Plains Indians. Present Jimmy Camp is a hamlet about
Corral Bluffs, 9 m. due E. of Colorado Springs.

[II-45] This was a slight structure, occupied only for a few days, and
soon disappeared. But it is notable as the first wooden building of an
American in present Colorado, and very probably our flag first flew in
that State over these logs. There was no trace of it to be found in
1819, according to Long. It was built on the S. side of the Arkansaw,
a little above the then confluence of Fountain r., within the present
city of Pueblo (South Pueblo). The precise spot has never been
recovered, and probably never will be. Changes in the river may have
soon washed it away, or left it at some unrecognizable point on the
prairie. The Arkansaw here has suffered great changes in details of
its course, and is liable to inundation: witness the disastrous flood
this year (1894), which almost drowned the city itself. In this
connection I may cite part of an interesting letter with which I am
favored by Mr. C. H. Small of the Board of Trade of Pueblo, whose
knowledge of real estate in that city is probably unsurpassed. It
refers to the discovery by excavation of an old fort which cannot by
any possibility be Pike's, yet in the course of human nature is liable
to become so considered by some, and in due time to enter history as
such. Mr. Small says: "A fort was once built on the south side of the
Arkansas just north of the Farris Hotel--between this hotel and the
Santa Fé R. R. tracks at Union Avenue. The channel of the river
changed in the seventies to a more southerly and straighter course.
The occupants of the fort were all massacred by Indians on one
occasion. In laying a pipe on Union Avenue two years ago [1892], one
or more skeletons were exhumed, doubtless the remains of those
massacred. This was at the depth of ten feet below the present level
of the street, and directly in front of the Farris Hotel; the logs of
the old fort were come upon at the same time. The grade of the street
had been raised five feet, about 1885." Mr. Small's letter is dated
Feb. 23d, 1894. In further correspondence on this subject I am given
to understand that this fort was an adobe structure built by the
American Fur Co., on what is now Union Avenue. On Christmas Day, 1854,
a drunken spree ended in a free fight, in which all the whites were
killed by the Indians but one, who fled to a smaller post on the
Arkansaw at the mouth of the St. Charles, 7 or 8 m. off, whence a
burying-party came next day. For a long time there was also an adobe
tower or lookout on top of the hill, about present intersection of
Second and Summit streets; but it has entirely disappeared.

[II-46] Pike starts up the W. bank of Fountain r., but soon bears N.
W., directly through the present city, in the direction of Turkey cr.
This is a stream which runs (when it runs anywhere) parallel with
Fountain r., 10 to 15 m. further W.; it heads about Cheyenne Peak, the
foremost though not the highest of the Front range in the vicinity of
Pike's Peak. The air-line distance of Pike's Peak from Pueblo is about
50 m.; the distance over any ground by which the summit could be
reached would be as far again. In making this side-trip our hero
proceeds with the determination expressed in the modern slang phrase,
"Pike's Peak or bust!" We must remember that he knew nothing of
mountains, so to speak, from personal experience, and had never in his
life been higher than some pass in the Alleghanies, perhaps about the
elevation of the ground on which he built his breastwork (say 4,700
feet). In the prairie close by Colorado Springs there stands a little
knob, up which a man could run in a few minutes, and which has been
dubbed in derision, "Mt. Washington," because it is exactly as high as
that celebrated peak in the White mts. of New Hampshire--6,288 feet.
Though Pike never surmounted his eternal monument, he overcame all
those dangers, difficulties, and hardships which did "bust" many a
later, less hardy, and less resolute adventurer who "bucked against
the Rockies." Tourists and invalids have now the option of ascending
to the summit of his peak from Colorado Springs by stage, or from
Manitou Springs by the cogwheel railroad, which has been in operation
since July, 1891. By the latter mode of conveyance I have ascended the
Rigi in Switzerland, as well as Mt. Washington in my native State; but
neither of these afforded the sensation I experienced upon the summit
of Pike's Peak, looking far down upon the greatest elevation he
attained on the present excursion. His 12 m. N. W. to-day sets him on
the prairie between Fountain r. and Turkey cr., nearer the latter. The
present road from Pueblo to Turkey cr. strikes the usually dry bed of
the latter at about 17 miles' distance, follows up the E. bank to the
foot of the mountain, crosses there, keeps on past East Turkey cr.
through Dead Man's cañon, crosses the heads of Little Fountain cr.,
and continues to skirt the E. base of the range, past Cheyenne Peak to
Colorado Springs. Up to the cañon, at least, this is exactly the route
Pike took to reach Mt. Cheyenne.

[II-47] In the hilly country along the E. side of Turkey cr., and then
on that creek, heading straight for Cheyenne Peak; camp on the creek
when he came to water, probably about where West Turkey cr. falls in;
altitude perhaps 6,000 feet. The situation is now in the ravine of the
creek, with elevations of 6,500 feet on the right, and others 7,000 to
8,000 feet on the left and ahead. The creek receives small tributaries
from the left all along, each gulch having its little stream, or bed
of one. One of the largest of these is West Turkey cr., running S. E.
from altitudes of about 9,500 feet. Further along comes down the
parallel stream of East Turkey cr., heading S. from Mt. Rosa from
altitudes of about 10,500 feet, and falling in by Dead Man's cañon.
The summit of the Cheyenne mt. is due N. of Pike's present position,
at an air-line distance of 10 or 12 m.; Mt. Rosa bears N. by W.,
somewhat further off. The situation is such that, if Pike should keep
straight ahead, through Dead Man's cañon, he would run across Little
Fountain cr., and proceed to climb Cheyenne mt. from the S.; but if he
should bear to the left, up some one of the Turkey Creek affluents I
have mentioned or alluded to, he would much sooner reach what he would
be likely to call "the summit of the chain" (see text of the
27th)--that is, an altitude of about 9,000 feet, with Mt. Rosa bearing
N. and the summit of Cheyenne mt. N. N. E., each at an air-line
distance of 6 or 8 m. I think this was most probably his route; but do
not see that we have the data to establish the fact.

[II-48] Pike's expectation of climbing his peak and getting back to
his camp on Turkey cr. in one day may serve to console some who have
thought they would like to take a stroll before breakfast to the same
peak from the Antlers Hotel in Colorado Springs. Though Pike's actual
footsteps in these mountains be not recoverable with exactitude, there
is no uncertainty as to _about_ where he was on the 26th and 27th,
when he climbed S. of Mts. Cheyenne and Rosa to an altitude of about
9,000 feet, and then returned. Mt. Cheyenne is the foremost of the
group of peaks in this part of the Front range; it stands out in such
bold relief that uninformed visitors to Colorado Springs often mistake
it for Pike's Peak. But its altitude is only 9,407 or 9,948 feet, as
estimated by different authorities, and thus considerably less than
that of various other peaks in the vicinity. Some of these are:
Cameron Cone, 10,685 or 11,560 feet; Mt. Rosa, 11,427 or 11,572 feet;
Mt. Pisgah, given as 10,487 feet; Pilate Peak, given as 12,420 feet.
The two last named are further W. and S.; Cheyenne, Cameron, and Rosa
form angles of a triangle, E. of Pike's Peak, that "grim sentinel of
the Rockies," as it is styled by some, or the "Grand Peak," as Pike
calls it, which towers over all the rest to the generally accepted
altitude of 14,147 feet. These figures can easily be recalled to mind
if one remembers that twice seven is 14. This peak is due W. of
Colorado Springs, at an air-line distance of 12 m. Visitors are driven
to the summit by way of the Cascade carriage road, running up Cascade
cañon from a point in the Ute Pass 11 m. from Colorado Springs. This
stage route is a trifle over 17 m. from Cascade, or a total of about
28 m. from the Antlers Hotel, Colorado Springs. During the season when
the crop of pink-toed tender-foots is harvested, wagons make the round
trip in one day, 9 a. m.-6 p. m., spending an hour at the Halfway House
and another at the Peak. This is said to be the highest stage-line in
the United States. There is also a road up Bear Creek cañon to the
Seven Lakes, but not to the Peak, and no line of stages is regularly
run on it. The Cheyenne Mountain road also goes to these lakes, and
has been run through to the mining camp on Cripple cr., which lately
made such a noise in Colorado. This is S. W. of the peak, about 18
air-line miles from Colorado Springs. The Pike's Peak Cog Railway
takes a much shorter, steeper, and straighter course than the stage
road, by way of Ingleman cañon and Ruxton cr. The cog line starts from
Manitou, 6¼ m. from Colorado Springs, and is 8¾ m. long. The round
trip is made in about five hours, two hours each way, with one hour
between, on the summit. This is ample time; for tourists find Pike's
Peak a convenient place to leave as soon as they have paid twenty-five
cents for a cup of the worst coffee in the world, and tried in vain to
stand up against a wind of 50 or 60 m. an hour. Those who may be more
interested in Pike's Peak at a distance are referred to a dainty
booklet entitled Legends of the Pike's Peak Region, 8vo, Denver, 1892;
it is full of quaint local lore, especially of the traditions of the
only mountain Pike climbed part way up. Among all the myths that cling
to the Peak, obscuring the facts in the case like the clouds that
mantle the mountain, the very basic one--that one on which the
mountain rests, so to speak--is the universal tradition that the brave
young officer discovered and ascended the Peak which upholds his name.
One wishes that such laurels as he earned and well deserved had been
plucked from an eminence unknown and unattained before. But Pike's
Peak had been long and well known to the Spaniards; it was the Ultima
Thule of their possessions; and for that matter, was not Pike at the
very time in pursuit of the Spanish troops under Malgares, who had
gone along just before him? It is true that Pike, Robinson, Brown, and
Miller--the four whose names are thus linked should be upheld
together--are the first white men known to have come within "the
distance of 15 or 16 miles" of the peak, as it seemed to them, when
the "Grand Peak" appeared "as high again as what we ascended and would
have taken a whole day's march to arrive at its base." This is the
testimony of the hero of the occasion; his evidence is alike incisive
and decisive. So far as we are informed by authentic history, Pike's
Peak was first surmounted by Dr. Edwin James, Mr. Wilson, and two
other men, July 13th and 14th, 1820, during Major S. H. Long's
expedition to the Rocky mts., when it was named James' Peak. When,
where, and by whom the mountain was first called Pike's Peak is
unknown, to me at least; but its earliest appearance in print should
be discoverable. The date is probably somewhere in the '40's, or still
earlier. The name was certainly in verbal use in the '30's. Mr. Oliver
P. Wiggins, now of Denver, who was on the plains in 1838, heard only
"Pike's Peak," as a phrase already in common speech. Gregg's map of
1844 legends "Pikes Peak (or James')." Beckwith's Report of 1853, pub.
1855, p. 30, has only "James'." The alternative names ran parallel for
some years. G. K. Warren states, Pac. R. R. Rep. XI., 1855, p. 24:
"Captain Frémont, in his report and map of explorations in 1843 and
1844, calls it Pike's Peak, probably because it was so called by the
white people in the country at the time": see also George Frederick
Ruxton's Adventures, etc., London, Murray, 1861, but written much
earlier. Governor Alva Adams, in the address already cited, p. 13,
discusses the point as "one of the historical mysteries," and adds:
"The name of Pike's Peak begins to appear in the literature of the
prairies and mountains about the middle of the century, but it was not
irrevocably christened until the Pike's Peak gold excitement, when the
name was fixed to remain as long as men love to listen to stories of
valor." Whether it originated spontaneously or was formally
introduced, it will probably never die; the alliteration of the words
would be enough to keep the phrase in the mouths of the people, let
alone its justice and propriety. As for any Spanish claim which may
hereafter be established respecting prior discovery or ascent of the
peak, the following extract from the Legends already cited is
pertinent: "From Pike's Peak to Popocatepetl the land is a palimpsest,
dotted with ruins of remotest antiquity, the relics of a people whose
records are replete with poetry and strange romance. Their manuscripts
enrich the archives of Mexico and Madrid, and yet we learn but little
of them. They moulder in the missions of the suspicious Spanish
priests, or among the mystic treasures of the Pueblos, and are
decaying unread."

[II-49] The trail of this excursus, as dotted on Pike's map, would be
enough to show how far he was from reaching the summit of the "Highest
Peak" there delineated, in the absence of any other data. Such an
affair as this would never have been understated or underdrawn
intentionally. Yet the dot-line leaves him further from the peak than
I am inclined to think he actually was; but it is obviously incorrect
in detail, and thus no offset to the explicit text. The wide looping
of the trail merely indicates a "round trip" from Pueblo and return.
The only considerable difference in Pike's going and coming was, that
in the latter case he "kept straight down the creek to avoid the
hills," over which he had before trudged. The map exaggerates the size
of Turkey cr., as well as of Fountain r. It is possible that someone
thoroughly familiar with the topography of the mountains at the heads
of Turkey and Little Fountain creeks may yet work out Pike's trail in
exact detail.

[II-50] Up S. bank of the Arkansaw, past places called Goodnight, Rock
Cañon, Vegas, and Meadows; also past Rock and Peck's or Willow Springs
creeks, both S., to a point near but short of the mouth of Turkey cr.,
N.

CHAPTER III.

ITINERARY, CONCLUDED: IN THE MOUNTAINS OF COLORADO ON HEADWATERS OF
THE ARKANSAW AND RIO GRANDE, DECEMBER 1ST, 1806-FEBRUARY 26TH, 1807.

_Monday, Dec. 1st._ The storm still continuing with violence, we
remained encamped; the snow by night was one foot deep. Our horses
were obliged to scrape it away to obtain their miserable pittance, and
to increase their misfortunes the poor animals were attacked by the
magpies, which, attracted by the scent of their sore backs, alighted
on them, and in defiance of their wincing and kicking, picked many
places quite raw. The difficulty of procuring food rendered those
birds so bold as to alight on our men's arms and eat meat out of their
hands. One of our hunters went out, but killed nothing.

_Dec. 2d._ It cleared off in the night, and in the morning the
thermometer stood at 17° below zero (Reaumer [Réaumur]), being three
times as cold as any morning we had yet experienced. We killed an old
buffalo on the opposite [north] side of the river, which here was so
deep as to swim horses. Marched and found it necessary to cross to the
north side, about two miles up, as the ridge joined the river.[III-1]
The ford was a good one, but the ice ran very bad, and two of the men
got their feet frozen before we could get accommodated with fire, etc.
Secured some of our old buffalo and continued our march. The country
being very rugged and hilly, one of our horses took a freak in his
head and turned back, which occasioned three of our rear-guard to lie
out all night; I was very apprehensive they might perish on the
prairie. Distance 13 miles.

_Dec. 3d._ The weather moderating to 3° below zero, our absentees
joined, one with his feet frozen, but were not able to bring up the
horse. I sent two men back on horseback. The hardships of last voyage
[_i. e._, that up the Mississippi, winter of 1805-6] had now begun;
and had the climate only been as severe as the climate then was, some
of the men must have perished, for they had no winter clothing. I wore
myself cotton overalls, for I had not calculated on being out in that
inclement season of the year.

Dr. Robinson and myself, with assistants, went out and took the
altitude of the north mountain [Pike's Peak], on the base of a mile.
The perpendicular height of this mountain, from the level of the
prairie, was 10,581 feet, and admitting that the prairie was 8,000
feet from the level of the sea, it would make the elevation of this
peak 18,581 feet; equal to some and surpassing the calculated height
of others for the peak of Teneriffe, and falling short of that of
Chimborazo only 1,701 feet. Indeed, it was so remarkable as to be
known to all the savage nations for hundreds of miles around, to be
spoken of with admiration by the Spaniards of New Mexico, and to be
the bounds of their travels N. W. In our wandering in the mountains it
was never out of sight, except when in a valley, from the 14th of
November to the 27th of January.[III-2]

After this, together with Sparks, we endeavored to kill a cow, but
without effect. Killed two bulls, that the men might use pieces of
their hides for mockinsons. Left Sparks out. On our return to camp
found the men had got back with the strayed horse, but too late to
march.

_Dec. 4th._ Marched about five o'clock; took up Sparks, who had
succeeded in killing a cow. Killed two buffaloes and six turkeys.
Distance 20 miles.[III-3]

_Dec. 5th._ Marched at our usual hour. Passed one very bad place of
falling rocks; had to carry our loads. Encamped on the main branch of
the river [as distinguished from Grape creek], near the entrance of
the South [Wet] mountain. In the evening walked up to the mountain.
Heard 14 guns at camp during my absence, which alarmed me
considerably; returned as quickly as possible, and found that the
cause of my alarm was their shooting turkeys. Killed two buffaloes and
nine turkeys. Distance 18 miles.[III-4]

_Dec. 6th._ Sent out three different parties to hunt the Spanish
trace, but without success. The doctor and myself followed the river
into the mountain, where it was bounded on each side by the rocks of
the mountain, 200 feet high, leaving a small valley of 50 or 60 feet
[in the "Royal Gorge"]. Killed two buffaloes, two deer, one turkey.

_Sunday, Dec. 7th._ We again dispatched parties in search of the
trace. One party discovered it, on the other side of the river, and
followed it into the valley of the river at the entrance of the
mountain, where they met two parties who were returning from exploring
the two branches[III-5] of the river, in the mountains; of which they
reported that they had ascended until the river was merely a brook,
bounded on both sides with perpendicular rocks, impracticable for
horses ever to pass them; they had then recrossed the river to the
north side, and discovered, as they supposed, that the Spanish troops
had ascended a dry valley to the right. On their return they found
some rock-salt, samples of which were brought me. We determined to
march the morrow to the entrance of the valley, there to examine the
salt and the road. Killed one wildcat.

_Dec. 8th._ On examining the trace found yesterday, conceived it to
have been only a reconnoitering party, dispatched from the main body;
and on analyzing the rock-salt, found it to be strongly impregnated
with sulphur. There were some very strong sulphurated springs at its
foot. Returned to camp; took with me Dr. Robinson and Miller, and
descended the river, in order to discover certainly if the whole
[Spanish] party had come by this route. Descended about seven miles on
the south side [of the Arkansaw]. Saw great quantities of turkeys and
deer. Killed one deer.

_Dec. 9th._ Before we marched, killed a fine buck at our camp as he
was passing. Found the Spanish camp about four miles below; and, from
every observation we could make, conceived they had all ascended the
river. Returned to camp, where we arrived about two o'clock. Found all
well; would have moved immediately, but four men were out
reconnoitering. Killed three deer.

_Dec. 10th._ Marched and found the road over the mountain to be
excellent. Encamped in a dry ravine.[III-6] Obliged to melt snow for
ourselves and horses; and as there was nothing else for the latter to
eat, gave them one pint of corn each. Killed one buffalo.

_Dec. 11th._ Marched at ten o'clock, and in one mile struck a branch
[Oil creek] of the Arkansaw on which the supposed Spaniards had
encamped, where there was both water and grass. Kept up this branch,
but was frequently embarrassed as to the trace; at three o'clock,
having no sign of it, halted and encamped, and went out to search it;
found it about one mile to the right. Distance 15 miles.

_Dec. 12th._ Marched at nine o'clock. Continued up the same branch
[Oil creek] as yesterday. The ridges on our right and left appeared to
grow lower, but mountains appeared on our flanks, through the
intervals, covered with snow. Owing to the weakness of our horses, we
made only 12 miles.[III-7]

_Dec. 13th._ Marched at the usual hour; passed large springs, and the
supposed Spanish camp; crossed at twelve o'clock a dividing
ridge,[III-8] and immediately fell on a small branch running N. 20°
W. There being no appearance of wood, we left it and the Spanish trace
to our right, and made for the hills to encamp. After the halt I took
my gun and went out to see what discovery I could make. After marching
about two miles north, fell on a river 40 yards wide, frozen over;
which, after some investigation, I found ran northeast. This was the
occasion of much surprise, as we had been taught to expect to meet
with the branches of Red river, which should run southeast. Query:
Must it not be the headwaters of the river Platte? [Answer: You are on
the South Platte, at the head of Eleven Mile cañon.] If so, the
Missouri must run much more west than is generally represented; for
the Platte is a small river, by no means presenting an expectation of
so extensive a course. One horse gave out and was left. Distance 18
miles.

_Sunday, Dec. 14th._ Marched; struck the river, ascended it four
miles, and encamped on the north side.[III-9] The prairie, being
about two miles wide, was covered for at least six miles along the
banks of the river with horse-dung and the marks of Indian camps,
which had been made since cold weather, as was evident by the fires
which were in the center of the lodges. The sign made by their horses
was astonishing, and would have taken a thousand horses some months.
As it was impossible to say which course the Spaniards had pursued,
amongst this multiplicity of signs, we halted early, and discovered
that they or the savages had ascended the river. We determined to
pursue them, as the geography of the country had turned out to be so
different from our expectations. We were somewhat at a loss which
course to pursue, unless we attempted to cross the snow-capped
mountains to the southeast of us, which was almost impossible. Burst
one of our rifles, which was a great loss, as it made three guns which
had burst; five had been broken on the march, and one of my men was
now armed with my sword and pistols. Killed two buffaloes.

_Dec. 15th._ After repairing our guns we marched, but were obliged to
leave another horse. Ascended the river, both sides of which were
covered with old Indian camps, at which we found corn-cobs. This
induced us to believe that those savages, although erratic, must
remain long enough in one position to cultivate this grain, or obtain
it of the Spaniards. From their sign they must have been extremely
numerous, and possessed vast numbers of horses. My poor fellows
suffered extremely with cold, being almost naked. Distance 10
miles.[III-10]

_Dec. 16th._ Marched up the river about two miles and killed a
buffalo; when, finding no road up the stream, we halted and dispatched
parties in different courses, the doctor and myself ascending high
enough to enable me to lay down the course of the river into the
mountains. From a high ridge we reconnoitered the adjacent country,
and concluded, putting the Spanish trace out of the question, to bear
our course southwest, for the head of Red river.[III-11] One of our
party found a large camp, which had been occupied by at least 3,000
Indians, with a large cross in the middle. Query: Are those people
Catholics? [Answer: No--party of Comanches and Kiowas, among whom was
James Pursley.]

_Dec. 17th._ Marched; and on striking a left-hand fork of the river we
had left, found it to be the main branch [of the South Platte];
ascended it to some distance, but finding it to bear too much to the
north, we encamped about two miles from it, for the purpose of
benefiting by its water. Distance 15 miles.[III-12]

_Dec. 18th._ Marched, and crossed the mountain [one of the Trout
Creek Pass hills] which lay southwest of us; in a distance of seven
miles arrived at a small spring. Some of our lads observed that they
supposed it to be Red river, to which I then gave very little credit.
On entering a gap in the next mountain [of the Park range], came past
an excellent spring, which formed a fine [Trout] creek. This we
followed through narrows in the mountains for about six miles. Found
many evacuated camps of Indians, the latest yet seen. After pointing
out the ground for the encampment, the doctor and myself went on to
make discoveries, as was our usual custom, and in about four miles'
march we struck what we supposed to be Red river [but was the
Arkansaw], which here was about 25 yards wide, ran with great
rapidity, and was full of rocks. We returned to the party with the
news, which gave general pleasure. Determined to remain a day or two
in order to examine the source. Snowing. Distance 18 miles.[III-13]

_Dec. 19th._ Marched down the creek near the opening of the prairie,
and encamped;[III-14] sent out parties hunting, etc., but had no
success. Still snowing and stormy; making preparations to take an
observation.

_Dec. 20th._ Having found a fine place for pasture on the river, sent
our horses down to it with a guard; also, three parties out hunting,
all of whom returned without success. Took an observation. As there
was no prospect of killing any game, it was necessary that the party
should leave that place. I therefore determined that the doctor and
Baroney should descend the river in the morning; that myself and two
men would ascend; and that the rest of the party should descend after
the doctor, until they obtained provisions and could wait for me.

_Sunday, Dec. 21st._ The doctor and Baroney marched; the party
remained for me to take a meridional observation; after which we
separated. Myself and the two men who accompanied me, Mountjoy and
Miller, ascended 12 miles[III-15] and encamped on the north side. The
river continued close to the north mountain [Park range], running
through a narrow rocky channel in some places not more than 20 feet
wide and at least 10 feet deep. Its banks were bordered by yellow
pine, cedar, etc.

_Dec. 22d._ Marched up [the Arkansaw] 13 miles,[III-16] to a large
point of the mountain, whence we had a view at least 35 miles, to
where the river entered the mountains; it being at that place not more
than 10 or 15 feet wide, and properly speaking, only a brook. From
this place, after taking the course and estimating the distance, we
returned to our camp of last evening. Killed one turkey and a hare.

_Dec. 23d._ Marched early, and at two o'clock discovered the trace of
our party on the opposite side of the river; forded it, although
extremely cold, and marched until some time in the night, when we
arrived at the second night's encampment[III-17] of our party. Our
clothing was frozen stiff, and we ourselves were considerably
benumbed.

_Dec. 24th._ The party's provisions extended only to the 23d, and
their orders were not to halt until they killed some game, and then
wait for us; consequently they might have been considerably advanced.
About eleven o'clock met Dr. Robinson on a prairie, who informed me
that he and Baroney had been absent from the party two days without
killing anything, also without eating; but that overnight they had
killed four buffaloes, and that he was in search of the men. I
suffered the two lads [Miller, Mountjoy] with me to go to the camp
where the meat was, as we had also been nearly two days without
eating. The doctor and myself pursued the trace and found them
encamped on the river-bottom. Sent out horses for the meat. Shortly
afterward Sparks arrived and informed us he had killed four cows.
Thus, from being in a starving condition, we had eight beeves in our
camp.[III-18]

We now again found ourselves all assembled together on Christmas Eve,
and appeared generally to be content, although all the refreshment we
had to celebrate that day with was buffalo meat, without salt, or any
other thing whatever. My little excursion up the river had been in
order to establish the geography of the sources of the supposed Red
river. As I well knew that the indefatigable researches of Dr. Hunter,
[William] Dunbar, and [Thomas] Freeman had left nothing unnoticed in
the extent of their voyage up said river, I determined that its upper
branches should be equally well explored. In this voyage I had already
ascertained the sources of the [Little] Osage and White [Neosho]
rivers, been round the head of the Kans river [_i. e._, above the
confluence of its Smoky Hill and Republican forks], and on the
headwaters of the [South] Platte.

_Dec. 25th._ It being stormy weather and having meat to dry, I
concluded to lie by this day. Here I must take the liberty of
observing that, in this situation, the hardships and privations we
underwent were on this day brought more fully to our mind, having been
accustomed to some degree of relaxation, and extra enjoyments. But
here, 800 miles from the frontiers of our country, in the most
inclement season of the year--not one person clothed for the
winter--many without blankets, having been obliged to cut them up for
socks, etc., and now lying down at night on the snow or wet ground,
one side burning whilst the other was pierced with the cold wind--such
was in part the situation of the party, whilst some were endeavoring
to make a miserable substitute of raw buffalo hide for shoes, etc. I
will not speak of diet, as I conceive that to be beneath the serious
consideration of a man on a voyage of such a nature. We spent the day
as agreeably as could be expected from men in our situation.

Caught a bird of a new species [_Conurus carolinensis_] having made a
trap for him. This bird was of a green color, almost the size of a
quail, had a small tuft on its head like a pheasant, and was of the
carnivorous species; it differed from any bird we ever saw in the
United States. We kept him with us in a small wicker cage, feeding him
on meat, until I left the interpreter on the Arkansaw, with whom I
left it. We at one time took a companion of the same species and put
them in the same cage, when the first resident never ceased attacking
the stranger until he killed him.

_Dec. 26th._ Marched at two o'clock and made 7½ miles to the entrance
of the mountains.[III-19] On this piece of prairie the river spreads
considerably, and forms several small islands; a large stream [South
Arkansaw] enters from the south. As my boy and some others were sick,
I omitted pitching our tent in order that they might have it; in
consequence of which we were completely covered with snow on top, as
well as that part on which we lay.

_Dec. 27th._ Marched over an extremely rough road; our horses received
frequent falls, and cut themselves considerably on the rocks. From
there being no roads of buffalo, or signs of horses, I am convinced
that neither those animals, nor the aborigines of the country, ever
take this route, to go from the source of the river out of the
mountains; but that they must cross one of the chains to the right or
left, and find a smoother tract to the lower country. Were obliged to
unload our horses and carry the baggage at several places. Distance
12½ miles.[III-20]

_Sunday, Dec. 28th._ Marched over an open space [Pleasant Valley];
and, from the appearance before us, concluded we were going out of the
mountains; but at night encamped at the entrance of the most
perpendicular precipices on both sides, through which the river ran
and our course lay. Distance 16 miles.[III-21]

_Dec. 29th._ Marched; but owing to the extreme ruggedness of the road,
made but five miles.[III-22] Saw one of a new species of animal on the
mountains; ascended to kill him, but did not succeed. Finding the
impossibility of getting along with the horses, made one sled, which
with the men of three horses, carries their load [_i. e._, on which
the men dragged the loads of three horses].

_Dec. 30th._ Marched; but at half past one o'clock were obliged to
halt and send back for the sled loads, as the men had broken it and
could not proceed, owing to the waters running over the ice. Crossed
our horses twice on the ice. Distance eight miles.[III-23]

_Dec. 31st._ Marched; had frequently to cross the river on the ice;
horses falling down, we were obliged to pull them over on the ice.
The river turned so much to the north as almost induced us to believe
it was the Arkansaw. Distance 10¾ miles.[III-24]

_Jan. 1st, 1807._ The doctor and one man marched early, in order to
precede the party until they should kill a supply of provision. We had
great difficulty in getting our horses along, some of the poor animals
having nearly killed themselves in falling on the ice. Found on the
way one of the mountain rams [bighorn, _Ovis montana_], which the
doctor and Brown had killed and left in the road. Skinned it with
horns, etc. At night ascended a mountain, and discovered a prairie
ahead about eight miles, the news of which gave great joy to the
party.

_Jan. 2d._ Labored all day, but made only one mile; many of our horses
were much wounded in falling on the rocks. Provision growing short,
left Stoute and Miller with two loads, to come on with a sled on the
ice, which was on the water in some of the coves. Finding it almost
impossible to proceed any further with the horses by the bed of the
river, ascended the mountain and immediately after were again obliged
to descend an almost perpendicular side of the mountain; in effecting
which, one horse fell down the precipice, and bruised himself so
miserably that I conceived it mercy to cause the poor animal to be
shot. Many others were nearly killed with falls received. Left two
more men with loads, and tools to make sleds. The two men we had left
in the morning had passed us.

_Jan. 3d._ Left two more men to make sleds and come on. We pursued the
river, and with great difficulty made six miles by frequently cutting
roads on the ice, and covering it with earth, in order to go round
precipices, etc. The men left in the morning encamped with us at
night; but those of the day before we saw nothing of. This day two of
the horses became senseless from the bruises received on the rocks,
and were obliged to be left.[III-25]

_Sunday, Jan. 4th._ We made the prairie about three o'clock, when I
detached Baroney and two soldiers with the horses, in order to find
some practicable way for them to get out of the mountains light. I
then divided the others into two parties of two men each, to make
sleds and bring on the baggage. I determined to continue down the
river alone, until I could kill some sustenance, and find the two men
who left us on the 2d inst., or the doctor and his companion; for we
had no provision, and everyone had then to depend on his own exertion
for safety and subsistence. Thus we were divided into eight different
parties, viz.: 1st. The doctor and his companion; 2d. The two men with
the first sled; 3d. The interpreter and the two men with the horses;
4th. Myself; 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, two men each, with sleds at different
distances; all of whom, except the last, had orders, if they killed
any game, to secure some part in a conspicuous place, for their
companions in the rear. I marched about five miles on the river, which
was one continued fall through a narrow channel, with immense cliffs
on both sides.[III-26] Near night I came to a place where the rocks
were perpendicular on both sides, and there was no ice, except a
narrow border on the water. I began to look about, in order to
discover which way the doctor and his companion had managed, and to
find what had become of the two lads with the first sled, when I
discovered one of the latter climbing up the side of the rocks. I
called to him; he and his companion immediately joined me. They said
they had not known whether we were before or in the rear; that they
had eaten nothing for the last two days, and that this night they had
intended to have boiled a deer-skin to subsist on. We at length
discovered a narrow ravine, where was the trace of the doctor and his
companion; as the water had run down it and frozen hard, it was one
continuous sheet of ice. We ascended it with the utmost difficulty and
danger, loaded with the baggage. On the summit of the first ridge we
found an encampment of the doctor, and where they had killed a deer;
but they had now no meat. He afterward informed me that they had left
the greatest part of it hanging on a tree, but supposed the birds had
destroyed it. I left the boys to bring up the remainder of the
baggage, and went out in order to kill some subsistence; wounded a
deer, but the darkness of the night approaching, could not find him. I
returned hungry, weary, and dry, and had only snow to supply the calls
of nature. Distance 8 miles.

_Jan. 5th._ I went out in the morning to hunt, while the two lads were
bringing up some of their loads still left at the foot of the
mountain. Wounded several deer, but was surprised to find I killed
none. On examining my gun discovered her bent, owing, as I suppose, to
some fall on the ice or rocks; shortly afterward received a fall on
the side of a hill, which broke her off by the breach. This put me
into _désepoir_, as I calculated on it as my grandest resource for the
great part of my party; returned to my companions sorely fatigued and
hungry. I then took a double-barreled gun and left them, with
assurances that the first animal I killed, I would return with part
for their relief. About ten o'clock rose [that is, I surmounted] the
highest summit of the [Noonan] mountain, when the unbounded spaces of
the prairie again presented themselves to my view; and from some
distant peaks I immediately recognized it to be the outlet of the
Arkansaw, which we had left nearly one month since. This was a great
mortification; but at the same time I consoled myself with the
knowledge I had acquired of the sources of La Platte and Arkansaw
rivers, with the river to the northwest, supposed to be the Pierre
Jaun [Roche Jaune, Yellowstone[III-27]], which scarcely any person but
a madman would ever purposely attempt to trace further than the
entrance of those mountains which had hitherto secured their sources
from the scrutinizing eye of civilized man.

I arrived at the foot of the mountain and bank of the river, in the
afternoon, and at the same time discovered, on the other shore,
Baroney with the horses; they had found quite an eligible pass
[through Webster Park], and had killed one buffalo and some deer. We
proceeded to our old camp [Cañon City], which we had left the 10th of
December, and reoccupied it. Saw the traces of the doctor and his
companion, but could not discover their retreat. This was my
birth-day, and most fervently did I hope never to pass another so
miserably. Fired a gun off as a signal for the doctor. Distance seven
miles.

_Jan. 6th._ Dispatched the two soldiers back with some provision to
meet the first lads and assist them on, and sent the interpreter
hunting. About eight o'clock the doctor came in, having seen some of
the men. He had been confined to the camp for one or two days, by a
vertigo which proceeded from some berries he had eaten on the
mountains. His companion brought down six deer, which they had at
their camp; thus we again began to be out of danger of starving. In
the afternoon some of the men arrived, and part were immediately
returned with provisions, etc. Killed three deer.

_Jan. 7th._ Sent more men back to assist in the rear, and to carry the
poor fellows provisions; at the same time kept Baroney and one man
hunting. Killed three deer.

_Jan. 8th._ Some of the different parties arrived. Put one man to
stocking my rifle; others were sent back to assist up the rear. Killed
two deer.

_Jan. 9th._ The whole party were once more joined together, when we
felt comparatively happy, notwithstanding the great mortification I
experienced at having been so egregiously deceived as to the Red
river. I now felt at considerable loss how to proceed, as any idea of
services at that time from my horses was entirely preposterous. After
various plans formed and rejected, and the most mature deliberation,
I determined to build a small place for defense and deposit;[III-28]
leave part of the baggage, horses, my interpreter, and one man
[Smith]; and with the balance, our packs of Indian presents,
ammunition, tools, etc., on our backs, cross the mountains on foot,
find the Red river, and then send back a party to conduct the horses
and baggage by the most eligible route we could discover; by which
time the horses would be so recovered as to be able to endure the
fatigues of the march. In consequence of this determination, some were
put to constructing the blockhouse, some to hunting, some to taking
care of horses, etc. I myself made preparations to pursue a course of
observations which would enable me to ascertain the latitude and
longitude of this situation, which I conceived to be an important one.
Killed three deer.

_Jan. 10th._ Killed five deer. Took equal altitudes and angular
distances of two stars, etc., but do not now recollect which. Killed
three deer.

_Sunday, Jan. 11th._ Ascertained the latitude and took the angular
distances of some stars. Killed four deer.

_Jan. 12th._ Prepared the baggage for a march by separating it, etc.
Observations continued.

_Jan. 13th._ Weighed out each man's pack. This day I obtained the
angle between sun and moon, which I conceived the most correct way I
possessed of ascertaining the longitude, as an immersion and emersion
of Jupiter's satellites could not be obtained. Killed four deer.

_Jan. 14th._ We marched our party, consisting of 18 [read 12][III-29]
soldiers, the doctor, and myself, each of us carrying 45 pounds and as
much provision as he thought proper, which, with arms, etc., made on
an average 70 pounds. Left Baroney and one man, Patrick Smith [in the
blockhouse at Cañon City].

We crossed the first ridge, leaving the main branch of the river to
the north of us, and struck on the south fork [Grape creek], on which
we encamped, intending to pursue it through the mountains, as its
course was more southerly. Distance 13 miles.[III-30]

_Jan. 15th._ Followed up this branch and passed the main ridge of what
I term the Blue [now Wet] mountains. Halted early. The doctor, myself,
and one hunter went out with our guns; each killed a deer, and brought
them into camp. Distance 19 miles.[III-31]

_Jan. 16th._ Marched up the [Grape] creek all day. Encamped early, as
it was snowing. I went out to hunt, but killed nothing. Deer on the
hill; the [Wet] mountains lessening. Distance 18 miles.[III-32]

_Jan. 17th._ Marched about four miles, when the great White
mountain[III-33] presented itself before us, in sight of which we had
been for more than one month, and through which we supposed lay the
long-sought Red river. We now left the [Grape] creek on the north of
us, and bore away more east, to a low place in the [Wet] mountains.
About sunset we came to the edge of a prairie which bounded the foot
of the [Wet] mountains. As there was no wood or water where we were,
and the woods from the skirts of the [Sangre de Cristo] mountains
appeared to be at no great distance, I thought proper to march for it;
in the middle of said prairie crossed the creek [recrossed Grape creek
from N. E. to S. W.], which now bore east. Here we all got our feet
wet. The night commenced extremely cold, when we halted at the woods
at eight o'clock, for encampment. After getting fires made, we
discovered that the feet of nine of our men were frozen; and, to add
to this misfortune, both of those whom we called hunters were among
the number. This night we had no provision. Reaumer's [Réaumur's]
thermometer stood at 18½° below zero. Distance 28 miles.[III-34]

_Sunday, Jan. 18th._ We started two of the men least injured; the
doctor and myself, who fortunately were untouched by the frost, also
went out to hunt something to preserve existence. Near evening we
wounded a buffalo with three balls, but had the mortification to see
him run off notwithstanding. We concluded it was useless to go home to
add to the general gloom, and went amongst some rocks, where we
encamped and sat up all night; from the intense cold it was impossible
to sleep. Hungry and without cover.

_Jan. 19th._ We again took the field, and after crawling about one
mile in the snow, got to shoot eight times among a gang of buffalo; we
could plainly perceive two or three to be badly wounded, but by
accident they took the wind of us, and to our great mortification all
were able to run off. By this time I had become extremely weak and
faint, it being the fourth day since we had received sustenance, all
of which we were marching hard, and the last night had scarcely closed
our eyes to sleep. We were inclining our course to a point of woods,
determined to remain absent and die by ourselves rather than return to
our camp and behold the misery of our poor lads, when we discovered a
gang of buffalo coming along at some distance. With great exertions I
made out to run and place myself behind some cedars. By the greatest
of good luck, the first shot stopped one, which we killed in three
more shots; and by the dusk had cut each of us a heavy load, with
which we determined immediately to proceed to the camp, in order to
relieve the anxiety of our men and carry the poor fellows some food.

We arrived there about twelve o'clock, and when I threw my load down,
it was with difficulty I prevented myself from falling; I was attacked
with a giddiness of the head, which lasted for some minutes. On the
countenances of the men was not a frown, nor a desponding eye; all
seemed happy to hail their officer and companions, yet not a mouthful
had they eaten for four days. On demanding what were their thoughts,
the sergeant replied that on the morrow the most robust had determined
to set out in search of us and not return unless they found us, or
killed something to preserve the lives of their starving companions.

_Jan. 20th._ The doctor and all the men able to march; returned to the
buffalo to bring in the balance of the meat. On examining the feet of
those who were frozen we found it impossible for two of them [Sparks
and Dougherty] to proceed, and two others only without loads, by the
help of a stick. One of the former was my waiter, a promising young
lad of twenty, whose feet were so badly frozen as to present every
probability of losing them. The doctor and party returned toward
evening, loaded with the buffalo meat.

_Jan. 21st._ This day we separated the four loads which we intended to
leave, and took them some distance from camp, where we secured them. I
went up to the foot of the mountain to see what prospect there was of
being able to cross it, but had not more than fairly arrived at its
base when I found the snow four or five feet deep; this obliged me to
determine to proceed and _côtoyer_ the mountain [keep alongside the
base of the Sangre de Cristo range] to the south, where it appeared
lower, until we found a place where we could cross.

_Jan. 22d._ I furnished the two poor lads who were to remain with
ammunition, made use of every argument in my power to encourage them
to have fortitude to resist their fate, and gave them assurance of my
sending relief as soon as possible. We parted, but not without tears.

We pursued our march, taking merely sufficient provisions for one
meal, in order to leave as much as possible for the two poor fellows
who remained. They were John Sparks and Thomas Dougherty. We went on
eight miles and encamped on a little creek,[III-35] which came down
from the mountains. At three o'clock went out to hunt, but killed
nothing. Little snow.

_Jan. 23d._ After showing the sergeant a point to steer for, the
doctor and myself proceeded on ahead in hopes to kill something, as we
were again without victuals. About one o'clock it commenced snowing
very hard; we retreated to a small copse of pine, where we constructed
a camp to shelter us; and, as it was time the party should arrive, we
sallied forth to search for them. We separated, and had not marched
more than one or two miles, when I found it impossible to keep any
course without the compass continually in my hand, and then was not
able to see more than 10 yards. I began to perceive the difficulty
even of finding the way back to our camp; and I can scarcely conceive
a more dreadful idea than remaining on the wild, where inevitable
death must have ensued. It was with great pleasure I again reached the
camp, where I found the doctor had arrived before me. We lay down and
strove to dissipate the ideas of hunger and misery by thoughts of our
far distant homes and relatives. Distance eight miles.[III-36]

_Jan. 24th._ We sallied out in the morning, and shortly after
perceived our little band marching through the snow about two and a
half feet deep, silent and with downcast countenances. We joined them
and learned that, finding the snow to fall so thickly that it was
impossible to proceed, they had encamped about one o'clock the
preceding day. As I found all the buffalo had quit the plains, I
determined to attempt the traverse of the mountain, in which we
persevered until the snow became so deep that it was impossible to
proceed; when I again turned my face to the plain, and for the first
time in the voyage found myself discouraged.

This was also the first time I heard a man express himself in a
seditious manner; he [John Brown] exclaimed that "it was more than
human nature could bear, to march three days without sustenance,
through snows three feet deep, and carry burdens only fit for horses,"
etc. As I knew very well the fidelity and attachment of the majority
of the men, and even of this poor fellow (only he could not endure
fasting), and that it was in my power to chastise him when I thought
proper, I passed it unnoticed for the moment, determined to notice it
at a more auspicious time.

We dragged our weary and emaciated limbs along until about ten
o'clock. The doctor and myself, who were in advance, discovered some
buffalo on the plain, when we left our loads on the snow, and gave
orders to proceed to the nearest woods to encamp. We went in pursuit
of the buffalo, which were on the move. The doctor, who was then less
reduced than myself, ran and got behind a hill and shot one down,
which stopped the remainder. We crawled up to the dead one and shot
from him as many as 12 or 14 times among the gang, when they removed
out of sight. We then proceeded to butcher the one we had shot; and
after procuring each of us a load of the meat, we marched for the
camp, the smoke of which was in view. We arrived at the camp, to the
great joy of our brave lads, who immediately feasted sumptuously.

After our repast I sent for the lad who had presumed to speak
discontentedly in the course of the day, and addressed him to the
following effect: "Brown, you this day presumed to make use of
language which was seditious, and mutinous. I then passed it over,
pitying your situation, and attributing it to your distress rather
than your inclination to sow discontent among the party. Had I
reserved provisions for ourselves, while you were starving; had we
been marching along light and at our ease, while you were weighed down
with your burden; then you would have had some pretext for your
observations. But when we were equally hungry, weary, emaciated, and
charged with burdens which I believe my natural strength is less able
to bear than any man's in the party; when we were always foremost in
breaking the road, in reconnoitering, and in the fatigues of the
chase, it was the height of ingratitude in you to let an expression
escape which was indicative of discontent. Your ready compliance and
firm perseverance I had reason to expect, as the leader of men and my
companions in miseries and dangers. But your duty as a soldier called
on your obedience to your officer, and a prohibition of such language,
which for this time I will pardon; but assure you, should it ever be
repeated, by instant death will I avenge your ingratitude and punish
your disobedience. I take this opportunity likewise to assure you,
soldiers generally, of my thanks for the obedience, perseverance, and
ready contempt of every danger which you have generally evinced. I
assure you nothing shall be wanting, on my part, to procure you the
rewards of our government and the gratitude of your countrymen." They
all appeared very much affected, and retired with assurances of
perseverance in duty, etc. Distance nine miles.[III-37]

_Sunday, Jan. 25th._ I determined never again to march with so little
provision on hand; as, had the storm continued one day longer, the
animals would have continued in the mountains; we should have become
so weak as not to be able to hunt, and of course have perished. The
doctor went out with the boys, and they secured three of the buffalo;
we commenced bringing in the meat, at which we continued all day.

_Jan. 26th._ Got in all the meat and dried it on a scaffold, intending
to take as much as possible along and leave one of my frozen lads with
the balance, as a deposit for the parties who might return for their
baggage, etc., on their way back to Baroney's camp.

_Jan. 27th._ We marched, determined to cross the [Sangre de Cristo]
mountains, leaving Menaugh[III-38] encamped with our deposit. After a
bad day's march through snows, in some places three feet deep, we
struck on a brook which led west. This I followed down, and shortly
came to a small stream [Sand creek], running west, which we hailed
with fervency as the waters of Red river. Saw some sign of elk.
Distance 14 miles.[III-39]

_Jan. 28th._ Followed down the ravine and discovered after some time
that there had been a road cut out; on many trees were various
hieroglyphics painted. After marching some miles, we discovered
through the lengthy vista, at a distance, another [the San Juan]
chain of mountains; and nearer by, at the foot of the White mountains
which we were then descending, sandy hills [the Dunes]. We marched on
the outlet of the mountains, left the sandy desert to our right, and
kept down between it and the mountain. When we encamped, I ascended
one of the largest hills of sand, and with my glass could discover a
large river [the Rio Grande], flowing nearly N. by W. and S. by E.,
through the plain [San Luis valley]. This river came out of the third
chain of mountains, about N. 75° W.; the prairie between the two
mountains bore nearly N. and S. I returned to camp with the news of my
discovery. The sand-hills extended up and down the foot of the White
mountains about 15 miles, and appeared to be about five miles in
width. Their appearance was exactly that of the sea in a storm, except
as to color, not the least sign of vegetation existing thereon.
Distance 15 miles.[III-40]

_Jan. 29th._ Finding the distance too great to attempt crossing
immediately to the river, in a direct line, we marched obliquely to a
copse of woods, which made down a considerable distance from the
mountains. Saw sign of horses. Distance 17 miles.[III-41]

_Jan. 30th._ We marched hard, and arrived in the evening on the banks
of the Rio del Norte, then supposed to be Red river. Distance 24
miles.[III-42]

_Jan. 31st._ As there was no timber here we determined on descending
until we found timber, in order to make transports to descend the
river with, where we might establish a position that four or five
might defend against the insolence, cupidity, and barbarity of the
savages, while the others returned to assist the poor fellows who had
been left behind at different points. We descended 18 [13] miles, when
we met a large west branch [Rio Conejos], emptying into the main
stream, about five miles up which branch we took our station. Killed
one deer. Distance 18 miles.[III-43]

_Sunday, Feb. 1st._ Laid out the place for our works, and went out
hunting.

_Feb. 2d._ The doctor and myself went out to hunt, and with great
difficulty, by night, at the distance of seven or eight miles from
camp, killed one deer, which we carried in.

_Feb. 3d._ Spent in reading, etc.

_Feb. 4th._ Went out hunting, but could not kill anything. One of my
men killed a deer.

_Feb. 5th._ The doctor and myself went out to hunt. After chasing
some deer for several hours, without success, we ascended a high hill
which lay south of our camp, whence we had a view of all the prairies
and rivers to the north of us. It was at the same time one of the most
sublime and beautiful inland prospects ever presented to the eyes of
man. The prairie, lying nearly north and south, was probably 60 miles
by 45. The main river, bursting out of the western mountain, and
meeting from the northeast a large branch [San Luis creek] which
divides the chain of mountains, proceeds down the prairie, making
many large and beautiful islands, one of which I judge contains
100,000 acres of land, all meadow ground, covered with innumerable
herds of deer. About six miles from the mountains [San Luis hills]
which cross the prairie at the south end, a branch [Alamosa or La Jara
creek] of 12 steps wide pays its tribute to the main stream from the
west course. Due W. 12°. N. 75°. W. 6° [_sic_]. Four miles below is a
stream [Trinchera creek] of the same size, which enters on the east
and up which was a large road; its general course is N. 65° E. From
the entrance of this was about three miles, down to the junction of
the west fork [Rio Conejos], which waters the foot of the hill on the
north, while the main river wound along its meanders on the east. In
short, this view combined the sublime and the beautiful. The great and
lofty mountains, covered with eternal snows, seemed to surround the
luxuriant vale, crowned with perennial flowers, like a terrestrial
paradise shut out from the view of man.

_Feb. 6th._ The doctor, having some pecuniary demands in the province
of New Mexico, conceived this to be the most eligible point for him to
go in, and return previous to all my party having joined me from the
Arkansaw, and that I was prepared to descend to Nachitoches. He
therefore this day made his preparations for marching to-morrow. I
went out hunting, and killed at three miles' distance a deer which,
with great difficulty, I brought in whole. We continued to go on with
the works of our stockade or breastwork, which was situated on the
north bank of the west branch, about five miles from its junction with
the main river, and was on a strong plan.

The stockade was situated in a small prairie on the west fork [Conejos
river] of the Rio [Grande] del Norte. The south flank joined the edge
of the river, which at that place was not fordable; the east and west
curtains were flanked by bastions in the northeast and northwest
angles, which likewise flanked the curtain of the north side of the
work. The stockade from the center of the angle of the bastions was
36 feet square. Heavy cottonwood logs, about two feet in diameter,
were laid up all round about six feet, after which lighter ones, until
we made it 12 feet in height; these logs were joined together by a lap
of about two feet at each end. We then dug a small ditch on the inside
all round, making it perpendicular on the internal side and sloping
next the work. In this ditch we planted small stakes, about six inches
in diameter, sharpened at the upper end to a nice point, and slanted
them over the top of the work, giving them about 2½ feet projection.
We then secured them above and below in that position, which formed a
small pointed frise, which must have been removed before the works
could have been scaled. Lastly, we had dug a ditch round the whole,
four feet wide, and let the water in all round. The earth taken out,
being thrown against the work, formed an excellent rampart against
small-arms, three or four feet high. Our mode of getting in was to
crawl over the ditch on a plank, and into a small hole sunk below the
level of the work near the river for that purpose. Our port-holes were
pierced about eight feet from the ground, and a platform was prepared
to shoot from. Thus fortified, I should not have had the least
hesitation of putting the 100 Spanish horse at defiance until the
first or second night, and then to have made our escape under cover of
the darkness; or made a sally and dispersed them, when resting under a
full confidence of our being panic-struck by their numbers and force.

_Feb. 7th._ The doctor marched alone for Santa Fe; and as it was
uncertain whether this gentleman would ever join me again, I at that
time committed to paper the following testimonial of respect for his
good qualities, which I do not, at this time, feel any disposition to
efface. He has had the benefit of a liberal education, without having
spent his time, as too many of our gentlemen do in colleges, in
skimming on the surfaces of sciences, without ever endeavoring to make
themselves masters of the solid foundations. Robinson studied and
reasoned; with these qualifications he possessed a liberality of mind
too great ever to reject an hypothesis because it was not agreeable to
the dogmas of the schools; or adopt it because it had all the eclat of
novelty. His soul could conceive great actions, and his hand was ready
to achieve them; in short, it may truly be said that nothing was above
his genius, nor anything so minute that he conceived it entirely
unworthy of consideration. As a gentleman and companion in dangers,
difficulties, and hardships, I in particular, and the expedition
generally, owe much to his exertions.

The demands which Dr. Robinson had on persons in New Mexico, although
legitimate, were in some degree spurious _in his hands_.[III-44] The
circumstances were as follows: In the year 1804, William Morrison,
Esq., an enterprising merchant of Kaskaskias, sent a man by the name
of Babtiste La Lande, a Creole of the country, up the Missouri and La
Platte, directing him if possible to push into Santa Fe. He sent in
Indians, and the Spaniards came out with horses and carried him and
his goods into the province. Finding that he sold the goods high, had
land offered him, and the women kind, he concluded to expatriate
himself and convert the property of Morrison to his own benefit. When
I was about to sail, Morrison, conceiving that it was possible that I
might meet some Spanish factors on the Red river, intrusted me with
the claim, in order, if they were acquainted with La Lande, I might
negotiate the thing with some of them. When on the frontiers, the idea
suggested itself to us of making this claim a pretext for Robinson to
visit Santa Fe. We therefore gave it the proper appearance, and he
marched for that place. Our views were to gain a knowledge of the
country, the prospect of trade, force, etc.; while, at the same time,
our treaties with Spain guaranteed to him, as a citizen of the United
States, the right of seeking the recovery of all just debts or demands
before the legal and authorized tribunals of the country, as a
franchised inhabitant of the same, as specified in the 22d article of
said treaty.

In the evening I dispatched Corporal Jackson with four men, to recross
the mountains, in order to bring in the baggage left with the frozen
lads, and to see if they were yet able to come on. This detachment
left me with four men only, two of whom had their feet frozen; they
were employed in finishing the stockade, and myself to support them by
the chase.

_Sunday, Feb. 8th._ Refreshing my memory as to the French grammar, and
overseeing the works.

_Feb. 9th._ Hunting, etc.

_Feb. 10th._ Read and labored at our works.

_Feb. 11th._ Hunting. Killed three deer.

_Feb. 12th._ Studying.

_Feb. 13th._ Hunting. Killed two deer.

_Feb. 14th._ Crossed the [Conejos] river and examined the numerous
springs which issued from the foot of the hill, opposite our camp.
These were so strongly impregnated with mineral qualities, as not only
to keep clear of ice previous to their joining the main branch, but to
keep open the west fork until its junction with the main river and for
a few miles afterward, while all the other branches in the
neighborhood were bound in the adamantine chains of winter.

_Sunday, Feb. 15th._ Reading, etc. Works going on.

_Feb. 16th._ I took one man and went out hunting; about six miles from
the post, shot and wounded a deer.

Immediately afterward I discovered two horsemen rising the summit of a
hill, about half a mile to our right. As my orders were to avoid
giving alarm or offense to the Spanish government of New Mexico, I
endeavored to avoid them at first; but when we attempted to retreat,
they pursued us at full charge, flourishing their lances; and when we
advanced, they would retire as fast as their horses could carry them.
Seeing this, we got in a small ravine, in hopes to decoy them near
enough to oblige them to come to a parley; which happened agreeably to
our desires, as they came on, hunting us with great caution. We
suffered them to get within 40 yards--where we had allured them; but
they were about running off again, when I ordered the soldier to lay
down his arms and walk toward them, at the same time standing ready
with my rifle to kill either who should lift an arm in an hostile
manner. I then hollowed to them that we were "Americans," and
"friends," which were almost the only two words I knew in the Spanish
language; when, with great signs of fear, they came up, and proved to
be a Spanish dragoon and a civilized Indian, armed after their manner,
of which we see a description in the Essai Militaire.[III-45] We were
jealous of our arms on both sides, and acted with great precaution.

They informed me that this was the fourth day since they had left
Santa Fe; that Robinson had arrived there, and been received with
great kindness by the governor. As I knew them to be spies, I thought
proper to inform them merely that I was about to descend the river to
Nachitoches. We sat on the ground a long time, till, finding they were
determined not to leave us, we rose and bade them adieu. But they
demanded where our camp was; and, finding they were not about to leave
us, I thought it most proper to take them with me, thinking we were on
Red river, and of course in the territory claimed by the United
States.[III-46]

We took the road to my fort, and as they were on horseback, they
traveled rather faster than myself; they were halted by the sentinel,
and immediately retreated much surprised. When I came up, I took them
in, and then explained to them, as well as possible, my intention of
descending the river to Nachitoches; but at the same time told them
that if Governor Allencaster would send out an officer with an
interpreter who spoke French or English, I would do myself the
pleasure to give his Excellency every reasonable satisfaction as to my
intentions in coming on his frontiers. They informed me that on the
second day they would be in Santa Fe, but were careful never to
suggest an idea of my being on the Rio del Norte. As they concluded, I
did not think as I spoke. They were very anxious to ascertain our
numbers, etc.; seeing only five men here, they could not believe we
came without horses. To this I did not think proper to give them any
satisfaction, giving them to understand we were in many parties, etc.

_Feb. 17th._ In the morning, our two Spanish visitors departed, after
I had made them some trifling presents, with which they seemed highly
delighted. After their departure, we commenced working at our little
stockade, as I thought it probable the governor might dispute my right
to descend the Red river, and send out Indians, or some light party,
to attack us; I therefore determined to be as much prepared to receive
them as possible.

This evening the corporal and three of the [four] men arrived, who had
been sent back to the camp of the frozen lads. They informed me that
two men would arrive the next day, one of whom was Menaugh, who had
been left alone on the 27th of January [and the other of whom was the
fourth one of the soldiers who had gone as a relief-party under
Corporal Jackson]; but that the other two, Dougherty and Sparks, were
unable to come in. They said that they [Dougherty and Sparks] had
hailed them [the relief-party] with tears of joy, and were in despair
when they again left them, with the chance of never seeing them more.
They sent on to me some of the bones taken out of their feet, and
conjured me, by all that was sacred, not to leave them to perish far
from the civilized world. Ah! little did they know my heart, if they
could suspect me of conduct so ungenerous. No! before they should be
left, I would for months have carried the end of a litter, in order to
secure them the happiness of once more seeing their native homes, and
being received in the bosom of a grateful country. Thus those poor
lads are to be invalids for life, made infirm at the commencement of
manhood and in the prime of their course, doomed to pass the
remainder of their days in misery and want. For what is the pension?
Not sufficient to buy a man his victuals. What man would even lose the
smallest of his joints for such a trifling pittance?

_Feb. 18th._ The other two boys [Menaugh and the fourth member of the
relief-party] arrived. In the evening I ordered the sergeant [Meek]
and one man [Miller] to prepare to march to-morrow for the [stockade
on the] Arkansaw, where we had left our interpreter [Vasquez, with
Patrick Smith], horses, etc., to conduct them on, and on his return to
bring the two lads [Dougherty and Sparks] who were still in the
mountains.

_Feb. 19th._ Sergeant William E. Meek marched with one man, whose name
was Theodore Miller, and I took three other men to accompany him some
distance, in order to point out to him a pass[III-47] in the mountain
which I conceived more eligible for horses than the one by which we
came. I must here remark the effect of habit, discipline, and example,
in two soldiers soliciting a command of more than 180 miles, over two
great ridges of mountains covered with snow, inhabited by bands of
unknown savages, in the interest of a nation with which we were not on
the best understanding. To perform this journey, each had about ten
pounds of venison. Only let me ask, What would our soldiers generally
think, on being ordered on such a tour, thus equipped? Yet those men
volunteered it with others, and were chosen; for which they thought
themselves highly honored. We accompanied them about six miles, and
pointed out the pass alluded to, in a particular manner. But the
corporal afterward reported that the new one which I obliged him to
take was impassable, he having been three days in snows nearly middle
deep.

We then separated and, having killed a deer, sent one of the men back
to the fort with it. With the other two, I kept on my exploring trip
down the river on the east side, at some leagues from its banks,
intending to return up it. At nine o'clock at night we encamped on a
small creek[III-48] which emptied into the river from a nearly due
east course.

_Feb. 20th._ We marched down the river for a few hours; but, seeing no
fresh sign of persons, or any other object to attract our attention,
took up our route for the fort. Discovered the sign of horses and men
on the shore. We arrived after night and found all well.

_Feb. 21st._ As I was suspicious that possibly some party of Indians
might be harboring round, I gave particular orders to my men, if they
discovered any people, to endeavor to retreat undiscovered; but if
not, never to run, and not to suffer themselves to be disarmed or
taken prisoners, but conduct whatever party discovered them, if they
could not escape, to the fort.

_Sunday, Feb. 22d._ As I began to think it was time we received a
visit from the Spaniards or their emissaries, I established a lookout
guard on the top of a hill all day, and at night a sentinel in a
bastion on the land side. Studying, reading, and working at our ditch
to bring the river round the works.

_Feb. 23d._ Reading, writing, etc.; the men at their usual work.

_Feb. 24th._ Took one man with me and went out on the Spanish road
hunting; killed one deer and wounded several others. As we were a
great distance from the fort, we encamped near the road all night. Saw
several signs of horses.

_Feb. 25th._ Killed two more deer, when we marched for our post. Took
all three of the deer with us, and arrived about nine o'clock at
night, as much fatigued as ever I was in my life. Our arrival
dissipated the anxiety of the men, who began to be apprehensive we
were taken or killed by some of the savages.

_Feb. 26th._ In the morning was apprized of the approach of strangers
by the report of a gun from my lookout guard. Immediately afterward
two Frenchmen arrived. My sentinel halted them, and ordered them to be
admitted, after some questions. They informed me that his Excellency,
Governor [Joachin R.] Allencaster, had heard it was the intention of
the Utah Indians to attack me; had detached an officer with 50
dragoons to come out and protect me; and that they would be here in
two days. To this I made no reply: but shortly after the party came in
sight, to the number, as I afterward learned, of 50 dragoons and 50
mounted militia of the province, armed in the same manner with lances,
escopates,[III-49] and pistols. My sentinel halted them at the
distance of about 50 yards. I had the works manned. I thought it most
proper to send out the two Frenchmen to inform the commanding officer
that it was my request he should leave his party in the small copse of
woods where he was halted, and that I would meet him myself in the
prairie in which our work was situated. This I did, with my sword on
me only. I was then introduced to Don Ignatio Saltelo and Don
Bartholemew Fernandez, two lieutenants, the former the commandant of
the party. I gave them an invitation to enter the works, but requested
the troops might remain where they were. This was complied with. When
they came round and discovered that to enter they were obliged to
crawl on their bellies over a small draw-bridge, they appeared
astonished, but entered without further hesitation.

We first breakfasted on deer, meal, goose, and some biscuit which the
civilized Indian who came out as a spy had brought me. After breakfast
the commanding officer addressed me as follows:

"Sir, the governor of New Mexico, being informed you had missed your
route, ordered me to offer you, in his name, mules, horses, money, or
whatever you might stand in need of to conduct you to the head of Red
river; as from Santa Fe to where it is sometimes navigable is eight
days' journey, and we have guides and the routes of the traders to
conduct us."

"What," said I, interrupting him, "is not this the Red river?"

"No, Sir! The Rio del Norte."

I immediately ordered my flag to be taken down and rolled up, feeling
how sensibly I had committed myself in entering their territory, and
conscious that they must have positive orders to take me in.

He now added that he "had provided 100 mules and horses to take in my
party and baggage, and how anxious his Excellency was to see me at
Santa Fe." I stated to him the absence of my sergeant [Meek, with
Miller], the situation of the balance of the party [Vasquez and Smith
in the stockade on the Arkansaw; Dougherty and Sparks in the mountains
with frozen feet], and that my orders would not justify my entering
into the Spanish territory. He urged still further, until I began to
feel myself a little heated in the argument; and told him, in a
peremptory style, that I would not go until the arrival of my sergeant
with the balance of the party. He replied, "that there was not the
least restraint to be used; that it was only necessary his Excellency
should receive an explanation of my business on his frontier; that I
could go now, or on the arrival of my party; that, if none went in at
present, he should be obliged to send in for provisions; but that, if
I would now march, he would leave an Indian interpreter and an escort
of dragoons to conduct the sergeant [Meek, and the five other
absentees--Miller of the relief-party, Vasquez, Smith, Sparks,
Dougherty] into Santa Fe." His mildness induced me to tell him that I
would march, but must leave two men [Jackson and Carter] to meet the
sergeant and party, to instruct him as to coming in, as he never would
come without a fight, if not ordered.

I was induced to consent to this measure by the conviction that the
officer had positive orders to bring me in; and as I had no orders to
commit hostilities, and indeed had committed myself, although
innocently, by violating their territory, I conceived it would appear
better to show a will to come to an explanation than to be in any way
constrained; yet my situation was so eligible, and I could so easily
have put them at defiance, that it was with great reluctance I
suffered all our labor to be lost without once trying the efficacy of
it. My compliance seemed to spread general joy through their party, as
soon as it was communicated; but it appeared to be different with my
men, who wished to have "a little dust," as they expressed themselves,
and were likewise fearful of treachery.

My determination being once taken, I gave permission for the Spanish
lieutenant's men to come to the outside of the works, and some of mine
to go out and see them. The hospitality and goodness of the Creoles
and Metifs began to manifest itself by their producing their provision
and giving it to my men, covering them with their blankets, etc.

After writing orders to my sergeant [Meek], and leaving them with my
corporal [Jackson] and one private [not named (Carter)], who were to
remain, we[III-50] sallied forth, mounted our horses, and went up the
river about 12 miles, to a place where the Spanish officers had made a
camp deposit, whence we sent down mules for our baggage, etc.

WASHINGTON CITY, January, 1808.

FOOTNOTES:

[III-1] Crossing the river from S. to N. above the mouth of Turkey
cr., somewhere about the place now called Swallows, below the mouth of
Rush cr., and where the bluffs come down to the Arkansaw. The D. and
R. G. R. R. now makes a crossing a little higher up. Passing up the N.
bank, opp. Red cr., S., the party continued to Carlisle Springs and
camped in that vicinity, just over the border of Frémont Co. Red cr.
is lettered "Bed" on the G. L. O. map of 1892.

[III-2] The excessive estimate of the height of Pike's Peak, 18,581
instead of 14,147, was in part due to a misapprehension of the
elevation of the prairie whence the observation was taken. This was
assumed to be 8,000, but is really little, if any, over 5,000. The
altitude of Pico de Teyde, the volcanic Peak of Teneriffe, in the
Canary isls., is given on good authority as 12,200; and that of Mt.
Chimborazo, one of the highest peaks in the Ecuadorean Andes, is
placed at 20,498 feet by Whymper, who ascended it in 1880.

[III-3] Passing Beaver cr., N., with places called Beaver Depot and
Beaver at and near its mouth; passing opp. Hardscrabble cr., S., with
a place called Adobe at its mouth, where one of the two railroads now
makes a crossing; continuing up N. bank, past Ute or Brush Hollow cr.,
N., and Eight Mile cr., N., to camp below Six Mile cr., N., about
opposite the mouth of Coal cr., S., where is now the town of Florence.

[III-4] Passing opposite mouth of Oak cr., S., Six Mile cr., N., and
Chandler cr., S., then coming to the "bad place of falling rocks,"
which is where a bluff point comes down to the river--all these places
within 2 or 3 m. of camp; and continuing past Oil cr., N., to camp
within the present limits of Cañon City, Frémont Co. This is already a
considerable village, and is growing. It nestles directly at the foot
of the mountains, under the shadow of Noonan's and Frémont's Peaks,
and derives its name from the remarkable formation which the text
presently describes. This is the Grand Cañon of the Arkansaw, a part
of which is well known to tourists as the "Royal Gorge," because it
has been exploited so much on the folders of the D. and R. G. R. R.
But it is worthy of exploitation, and does not disappoint the
expectations raised by the advertisements of the "scenic line of the
world." Cañon City is almost in the very jaws of this vast chasm,
through which the Arkansaw has forced its way to issuance on the
plains. It was practically impassable, even afoot, until a way was
hewn and blasted for the railroad which now traverses its whole
length. Both trails which lead west from Cañon City get around the
terrible place; one on the north starts up Sand cr., past Noonan's and
Frémont's Peaks, and swings around to Parkdale at the head of the
cañon; and the other, on the south, crosses Grape cr., traverses
Webster Park, and comes down Copper cr. to Parkdale. Next after
Pueblo, the basis of the Pike's Peak trip, as we have seen, Cañon City
is the most notable place on Pike's Arkansaw route. The party stops
here awhile to scout about, before starting for South Park; and to
this place they return afterward, build a blockhouse, leave two men,
and start on their perilous adventures by way of Grape cr. to the
Sangre de Cristo range and so to the Rio Grande.

[III-5] One of these is, of course, the main Arkansaw, in the Royal
Gorge; the other, on the left, or S., is Grape cr., which runs through
the Wet mts. to its confluence with the Arkansaw a mile or so above
Cañon City, under Noonan's Peak. Grape cr. used to be called Pike's
fork of the Arkansaw, as by Gregg, 1844; but this name lapsed.
Bringing it in for a moment, we find the "forks" of the Arkansaw to
be: 1st fork of Pike, Purgatory r.; 2d fork of Pike, Huerfano r.; 3d
fork of Pike, St. Charles r.; Grand forks of Pike, confluence of
Fountain r. with the Arkansaw; Pike's fork of some books, Grape cr.
From his present position at Cañon City, Pike explores the Royal Gorge
and Grape cr. to some little extent, and abandons them both; he scouts
about for the Spanish trail, and having found it, as he supposes,
starts N., up Oil cr., very likely by the present road from the town
to that stream.

[III-6] A mountain trail with no course or distance given is not
encouraging to follow. In earlier studies of Pike, I had supposed he
reached South Park by way of Currant cr., as he might have done. But
no doubt remains in my mind that he took the Oil Creek route. If we
regard his map attentively, we see that he went up along a large creek
which he fetches into the Arkansaw _below_ the blockhouse he built on
his return to Cañon City, and which is certainly Oil cr. Camp of Dec.
10th is therefore in a "dry ravine" within "one mile" of Oil
cr.--perhaps at the first ravine above where Wilson cr. falls in from
the left, or on Wilson cr. itself. Oil cr. is a very well known
stream, on the banks of which oil works have been established, and at
whose mouth is a place called Reno, about 4 m. below Cañon City. It
heads by two main branches and many small tributaries in the mountains
S. of Ute Pass, W. of Pike's Peak, and about Saddle and Thirty-nine
Mile mt., and runs S. about 50 m. into the Arkansaw. Pike goes up Oil
cr. and takes the western one of its two main branches, crosses a
divide, and strikes the South Platte r. in South Park.

[III-7] Pike has gone N. from Cañon City some 30 or 35 m., having Oil
cr. on his right, and having crossed certain of its tributaries from
the west known as Wilson, South Oil, and High creeks. He is now camped
on West Oil cr. (the western one of the two main branches), at or near
a place called Truro. This is a sufficiently well known locality, in a
nest of mountains whence Oil cr. gathers several affluents from
various directions. On another branch of the creek is the place called
Alnwick, near where Riggs used to have his ranch, or in the same
place. West Oil cr. is also called Ten Mile cr.; another small stream
is Martin's or Slate cr. Some of the surrounding points are: Mt.
Pisgah, 10,322 or 10,487 feet high; Rhyolite Peak, 10,860; Dome Rock
or the Needle, 9,463 feet--these on Pike's right as he faces N., and
S. W. to W. of his peak; while on his left are in succession: Iron
Knoll or Trachyte Knob (lettered "Trackite" on G. L. O. map, 1892);
Saddle mt.; Thirty-nine Mile mt., 11,000 feet; Chalcedony Buttes,
10,400 and 10,200 feet. Now the usual way out of this place is N. by
Alnwick or Rigg's ranch, between Dome Rock and Saddle mt., over a
divide about 9,200 feet high, known as Two Creek or Twin Creek Pass,
which fetches out on S. Platte waters at Florissant, on the W. border
of El Paso Co.; but Pike takes a route to the left, up West Oil or Ten
Mile cr.

[III-8] Between Arkansan and Missourian waters, in a broad sense;
between the Oil Creek branch of the Arkansaw and the South Platte r.,
in a stricter sense; more exactly still, between West Oil or Ten Mile
cr. and one of several small spring runs that make into the S. Platte.
Pike makes the pass between Ten Mile mt. (right) and Thirty-nine Mile
mt. (left), at an elevation of something over 9,000 feet. The
difference between this Oil Creek way into South Park and the way by
Currant cr. is that, had he come up the latter, he would have made
Currant Creek Pass, 9,550 feet, between Thirty-Nine Mile mt. (right)
and Chalcedony Buttes (left); it is simply a matter of "cotoying"
(flanking) Thirty-nine Mile mt. E. or W. By the way he came, he
strikes the South Platte r., in South Park, Park Co., at the very
nearest approach it makes to the point he left on the Arkansaw--that
is to say, at the elbow it makes where, after flowing S. E. through
South Park, it turns sharp N. E. and enters what is called the Upper
or Eleven Mile cañon. These particulars are assured: for Pike finds
that the river "ran northeast." Camp of Dec. 13th is set in the hills
2 m. south of the river, near the head of the cañon just said.

Pike's route from Cañon City and back to that place has been a subject
of much doubt and discussion, in which some very wild notions have
been indulged by those who had any opinion whatever as to where he
went on this round trip. It has even been mooted whether he was ever
on the South Platte, or even in South Park at all. A cautious and
tentative statement is ventured in the 1889 Denver reprint of the
London ed. of the Travels, where my friend Mr. Maguire says in his new
Preface: "The exact line of march of the party from the time it
reached the foot of the Grand Cañon ["Royal Gorge"] of the Arkansas is
not easy to trace. It is likely that it reached the Platte in the
South Park, and quite possible that it penetrated to the headwaters of
the Gunnison." I do not profess to be able to trail a mosquito over a
granite bowlder, but I think we shall be able to discover precisely
where Pike went on this trip, where he entered South Park, his course
through it, the place where he left it, and how, after ascending the
Arkansaw for two days, he descended this river to Cañon City. Every
one of Pike's camps can be fixed within 2 or 3 m., and some of them
with absolute precision. He was never on the Gunnison, or any other
Pacific waters. One who wishes to satisfy himself on all these points
needs only to study Pike's text with Sheet vii. of Hayden's Atlas of
Colorado.

[III-9] At or near the place now called Howbert, on the N. bank of the
S. Platte. This great river has its uttermost source in that section
of the Continental Divide which bounds South Park on the N. W., above
the sources of the Arkansaw, and in the southward continuation of the
same mountains. The latter, bounding South Park on the W., and known
as the Park range, are not the Continental Divide, because the
Arkansaw r. here intervenes, and the Divide separates the Arkansan
water-shed from that of Gunnison r. Having gathered its numerous
tributaries from these mountains, the South Platte sweeps
southeastward across South Park, and then turns abruptly northeastward
to leave the Park by the Eleven Mile Cañon already mentioned, finds
its way through the Front range south of Denver, and runs in the
prairie till it joins the North Platte in Lincoln Co., Nebraska. The
Col. Mid. R. R. now runs from Colorado Springs, past Florissant,
through Eleven Mile cañon, and skirts the South Platte across South
Park, on its way to the already notable mining camp Leadville, which
no doubt has a future as well as a past; the Denv., S. P., and Pac. R.
R. traverses South Park from N. to S.; and each of these roads leaves
the park on the S. through Trout Creek Pass, where Pike did also when
he struck over for the Arkansaw. These points will appear more clearly
as we proceed to trail the Expedition through South Park.

[III-10] Further up the N. bank of the S. Platte, to vicinity of the
C. M. R. R. station, Sulphur Springs.

[III-11] Which could never be struck on any such course as this. To go
hence S. W. would take the Expedition over the Park range to the
Arkansaw, thence over the Continental Divide to the headwaters of the
Gunnison, and so on.

[III-12] Hartsell's or Hartzell's ranch was located in the crotch of
the forks Pike passed, and the town or railroad station by this name
is now 2 m. above, on the N. bank of the S. fork, or Little Platte r.
The two forks are of approximately equal size; but the N. or
right-hand fork is the main one. The other, left-hand one, which Pike
goes up a very short distance, and finds it does not suit him, is
formed by the confluence of various creeks, among which may be named
High, Herring's (Agate cr. of Hayden), Buffalo, and Long Gulch. Camp
is set about 2 m. west of Hartsell's, near where High cr. falls into
this branch of the S. Platte.

[III-13] Pike has actually got on the old San Juan road, which he
follows more or less nearly out of South Park, as does also a branch
of the Col. Midl. R. R. He enters those outliers of the Park range
called the Trout Creek Pass hills, gets over the range itself by this
pass, supposed to be 9,800 feet high, and goes down Trout cr. Some
named places near or on his route are Salt Works, Mill Top, Higgins',
and McGee's. Camp on Trout cr., in the vicinity of the last named
place.

[III-14] Merely shifting camp a little distance down Trout cr. from
the gorge to the open country, about the mouth of the creek, through
which the Arkansaw here flows. It is a very well known place. The D.
and R. G., the Col. Midl., and the D., S. P., and P. R. R. come
together here; in the immediate vicinity are places called Charcoal
(about where, I suppose, camp was set), Midway, and Schwanders; a
little below is Nathrop, where the D., S. P. and P. R. R. starts over
the Continental Divide for Gunnison; and a little above is Buena
Vista, seat of Chaffee Co., which Pike entered when he made the Trout
Creek Pass. The Arkansaw is here flowing about S. S. E. The
Continental Divide is directly W., 15 to 20 m.; the mountains that
make it are the Sawatch range, some of whose peaks along here are: Mt.
Princeton, 14,190 feet, nearest Pike's camp; Mt. Antero, 14,245; Mt.
Shavano, 14,230; Mt. Keyes, 13,700. Arnold's cr. falls in a little
below Trout cr., on the same side; while from the Sawatch mts. come
Chalk and Cottonwood creeks, respectively below and above camp. Pike
is going to descend the Arkansaw from this station to Cañon City; but
he first starts his people in that direction, while with two men he
makes a little reconnaissance up river, in the narrow valley between
the Sawatch and Park ranges.

[III-15] Pike stepped off the ties of the Col. Midl. R. R., if he went
up the N. side of the river, and those of the Denver and Rio Grande,
if he passed on the other side. His camp was between the station
Fisher of the former railroad, and Riverside of the latter, below the
mouth of Pine cr., which comes down from Mt. Harvard. To reach this
point, he passed Buena Vista and the stations Dornick and Americus;
also, the place where one Leonard had his ranch, and there used to be
a toll-gate--for an old mail route passed by here. Two streams he
passed were Cottonwood cr., on the left, coming down from between Mts.
Princeton and Yale, latter 14,187 feet; and next Seven Mile or
Sweetwater cr., on the right, down a branch of which came the old
California road. He is under the shadow of Mt. Harvard, of the Sawatch
range, 14,375 feet high, and Marmot Peak in the Park range.

[III-16] The highest point on the Arkansaw ever reached by the
Expedition, and that only by three of its members. This is the nearest
Pike ever came to Pacific waters; and it is close enough to have
easily started the erroneous tradition. This has been given currency
in General A. W. Greely's sketch, and very lately also supported by
Governor Alva Adams, in his address, July 12th, 1894, p. 13, where we
read: "He wandered west over routes we cannot identify until he must
have found the Tomichi, a tributary of the Gunnison, and the only time
Pike touched Pacific waters." But let us see about this. Assuming the
substantial accuracy of Pike's mileages for the 21st and 22d, or at
any rate, that they were not _understated_, and taking the Trout Creek
camp to have been 6 m. below Buena Vista, his uttermost point may be
fixed within a mile or two of Twin Lakes station on the D. and R. G.
R. R. This place takes name from the two beautiful lakes which lie
from 2 to 5 m. westward. This determination would be more particularly
acceptable, as the point indicated falls almost exactly on the
boundary between Chaffee and Lake cos. I think, very probably, that
the "large point of the mountain," on turning which Pike viewed the
further course of the Arkansaw, was that sharp spur which projects to
the river on the left, 3 m. above Granite station and Cache cr., and
at the foot of which falls in the discharge stream from the lakes.
Pike could have seen up river a good way from any elevation in this
vicinity, though by no means "at least 35 miles." I doubt that the
course of any river in these parts is continuously visible for this
distance; besides, there is no 35 m. of the Arkansaw above Twin Lakes.
The Arkansaw is composed from three branches which unite west of
Leadville--the middle, Tennessee fork, heading in the Continental
Divide, in and near Tennessee Pass, in relation with heads of Eagle
r., a tributary of the Grand; the east fork, heading about Frémont
Pass with Ten Mile cr., a tributary of Blue r. and so of the Grand;
which two, having joined, are joined by the west or Lake fork. There
is little to choose between the middle and east forks, as to which is
the ultimate "source" of the Arkansaw. Both are now meandered by the
D. and R. G. R. R., the east one also by the Denver, Leadville and
Gunnison division of the U. P.; while the Col. Midl. goes along the
west fork. Below the junction of this fork the Arkansaw receives
various small tributaries, chiefly from the Park range on the east, as
those from the gulches known as Iowa, Thompson, Empire, Union, Weston,
and Granite; the corresponding streams on the other side, from the
Sawatch range, mostly fall into the west fork, as Half Moon cr. and
others; but one which gathers from Mt. Elbert falls into the main
river 2 m. above the discharge of Twin Lakes. The lesser of these two
is fed by Lake and other small streams, and discharges into the
greater one, which in turn discharges into the Arkansaw. The lakes are
about 1½ and 2½ m. in their respective diameters. Between the two is a
place called Interlaken, reminding one of the fact that Colorado is
often styled the Switzerland of America.

[III-17] We must guess as well as we can where this was. Pike, Miller,
and Mountjoy started early from their camp below Pine cr., about
Riverside station, and made a forced march well into the night. We may
credit them with 25 m., and suppose them to be below Nathrop (which is
on Chalk cr.), and somewhere in the vicinity of Brown's cr., which
falls in from the left.

[III-18] It is specially desirable to fix this Christmas camp, if not
for the sentiment of the thing, then because it is our initial point
for the whole journey hence down the Arkansaw to Cañon City. From
anything that has preceded we do not know where it was, within 10 m.
But on the 26th Pike notes a "large stream" from the south, at 7½ m.
This is the South Arkansaw, which falls in very near the well-known
town of Salida. Salida is 7 m. by rail below a station called Brown
Cañon, which latter is a little above Squaw cr. Between Salida and
Brown Cañon the country is open and park-like among the
mountains--just the sort of a place where buffalo would herd in the
winter. The seasonable supply of eight beeves was got in consequence,
and I have no doubt that Christmas was spent in the immediate vicinity
of Brown Cañon. The mountain fastnesses about the headwaters of the
Arkansaw long continued to be wintering-grounds for the buffalo. Thus
we find one of the most experienced officers of our army making the
following remark: "Although generally regarded as migratory in their
habits, yet the buffalo often winter in the snows of a high northern
latitude. Early in the spring of 1858 I found them in the Rocky
mountains, _at the head of the Arkansas and South Platte rivers_, and
there was every indication that this was a permanent abiding place for
them," says Marcy, Pra. Trav. 1859, p. 234, half a century after
Pike's fortunate find. The herd now preserved in Yellowstone Park has
no trouble with the deepest snows and coldest weather of that region.

[III-19] Down the Arkansaw, past Squaw cr., right, and some runs in
the park he traversed, also past the stations Bellevue and Salida, to
the mouth of the South Arkansaw r., where the so-called Arkansaw hills
on the north close in against the Sangre de Cristo range on the south,
thus straitening the valley. The S. Arkansaw heads about Mts. Shavano
and Keyes; its principal branch is Poncho or Puncho cr. There was a
good road up both these streams, which are now meandered by railroads.
Had Pike known it, he could have struck up the S. Arkansaw to Poncho
cr., and up this by Poncho Pass into Homan's Park. This is _west_ of
the great Sangre de Cristo range, and is in fact the upper part of the
San Luis valley or basin of the Upper Rio Grande, which Pike only
reaches by a roundabout way, after subjecting himself and his men to
almost incredible sufferings. But it is easy to be wise after the
event.

[III-20] To a point on the Arkansaw about the mouth of Badger cr.,
from the N.; vicinity of station Wellsville or Badger.

[III-21] Camp in vicinity of that elbow which the river makes, nearly
from S. E. to E. N. E., and near where there is a way up a creek from
the S. over the S. de C. range by Hayden's Pass. The position is short
of Bernard and even of Oak Grove cr.

[III-22] Only to the vicinity of Bernard cr. (past Cotopaxi). Pike's
mileages appear excessive for the actual advance made, in comparison
with modern schedules; but he has to step over much ground for
comparatively little progress. All his distances to Jan. 5th require
adjustment, or we should fetch him out a long way below Cañon City.

[III-23] Camp about the mouth of Texas cr., a considerable stream from
the S., which falls in three or four miles below the mouth of Corral
or Carroll cr., another large one from the N.; Texas Creek station and
a place called Ford in the vicinity.

[III-24] Camp in the vicinity of the station Spikebuck. The river here
bears noticeably to the N. E. A little further along there is a sharp
turn to the S. E., at Parkdale. This place is at the head of the Grand
Cañon proper, or Royal Gorge, by rail 10 m. above Cañon City, 22 below
Cotopaxi, and 46 below Salida; total, 56 m. from what is practically
the same as Pike's camp of Dec. 26th to that of Jan. 5th, when he
reaches Cañon City. These figures may be here compared with his
mileages, which are: 12½ + 16 + 5 + 8 + 10¾ + 1 + 6 + 8 + 7 = 74¼.
Details aside, the routes are identical; and a discrepancy of 17 or 18
m. is not more than would be expected under the circumstances.

[III-25] For the past three days the party has been struggling with
cumulative difficulties that threaten to become insurmountable, and
are already strung along miles apart in the mountains. Yet Pike is
only at the head of the Royal Gorge--that Grand Cañon of the Arkansaw
which he had before noted from its lower end and regarded as
impassable for horses. Parkdale is the place where Currant cr. falls
in on the N. or left. This is the large creek which heads in the
mountains about South Park, and which we have heard of before, when
the Oil Creek route to that park was in question: see back, note 6, p.
464. Now we see more clearly than before that Pike never went up
Currant cr. This has two principal branches, both from the W., one
called Cottonwood and the other Tallahassee (Hayden), Tallahassa
(Wheeler), or Talahsee (G. L. O., 1892, brought into the Arkansaw as a
separate tributary).

[III-26] It should be noted here that not one of the eight straggling
parties managed to get through the cañon itself. Some came over the
mountains on the N., and the rest over those on the S. Pike alone
essayed the gorge, but only got halfway through. Next morning he
escaped by scrambling up a small side cañon which occurs on the N.
side, and came down on the N. of Noonan's Peak. This is the mountain
that overhangs Cañon City, standing guard at the throat of the gorge.
Dr. Robinson and his man came that way too. Vasquez and his men
brought the horses the other way, across Webster Park, and had an
easier time of it. It was three days before all the party got in.

[III-27] Pike's map shows "Yellow Stone River Branch of the Missouri,"
with his trail looped up to it. This of course is an egregious error,
as the Yellowstone is much further off, beyond anything that Pike
sighted when he was highest on the Arkansaw, Dec. 22d. Next N. of him
there, and on the W. of the Continental Divide, was Grand r., which
unites with the Green to form the Colorado of the West. This arises in
Middle Park. North of this again, in North Park, are the headwaters of
the North Platte; and the southernmost heads of the Yellowstone are
still beyond these. The mountains which Pike legends "White Snow" are
the Sawatch range, continued southward by the Sangre de Cristo range.
All this part of Pike's map is too defective to be of any use in
tracing the trip just ended, and I have not had occasion to adduce it
in support of the text since we started up Oil cr. The dotted trail
loops up the Arkansaw far beyond the point Pike reached, and a number
of the camps he made are omitted. The best delineation of Pike's route
in South Park and about the headwaters of the Arkansaw is that traced
on Josiah Gregg's map of the Indian Territory, etc., in his Commerce
of the Prairie, 1844. This loops Pike around the Park, thence almost
to the source of the Arkansaw, and back down this river--which is
quite right. This case must be more accentuated, because tradition
_will_ have it that Pike got over on Pacific waters--not a drop of
which he ever saw.

[III-28] Marked "[Symbol: Square] Block house" on Pike's map. Lewis
and Clark's map of 1814 letters "[Symbol: Square] Block House U. S.
Factory in 1806" on the same spot on the "Rio de Nanesi," _i. e._, the
Arkansaw. The building stood on the N. bank of the Arkansaw, doubtless
within present limits of Cañon City. All trace of the structure seems
to be gone, and I doubt that the precise spot will ever be recovered.
My correspondence with several persons in Cañon City and vicinity has
availed nothing. But the location at Cañon City is unquestionable.

The terrible trip Pike now ventures to make should not have been
attempted in the dead of winter, with his miserable outfit. Pike was
brave to excess, as we know; that and the mysterious _crux_ of the
orders he had from Wilkinson about the Spanish business must excuse
this particular piece of foolhardihood. A more experienced
mountaineer, with any concern for his own life, to say nothing of the
lives of his men, would not have bucked up against those mountains
under such circumstances. If he had had to hunt for the unknown
sources of a river which came eastward from there, he would have
backed out of the mountains, gone down the Arkansaw a piece, struck
south at his convenience till he found his river, and then considered
the chances of being able to follow it up to its source. That Red r.
of which Pike is supposed to have gone in search was never found, for
the simple reason that there is no such river in that part of the
world--as probably Pike himself knew. He had a chip on each shoulder
for some Spaniard to please knock off; his coat-tails were dragging
all over the R. mts. for some Spaniard to please step on; and he would
rather have broken some Spanish heads than have discovered the head of
any river.

[III-29] This "18" is a misprint for 12. There were but 16 persons all
told, of whom 2 are left when Pike, Robinson, and 12 soldiers proceed
to tempt fate. The 12 were: Sergeant Meek, Corporal Jackson, Privates
Brown, Carter, Dougherty, Gorden, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy,
Sparks, Stoute.

[III-30] The "South fork" of the Arkansaw, afterward sometimes called
Pike's fork, as for example on Gregg's map, 1844, and which he now
proceeds to ascend, is Grape cr. This considerable stream arises on
the eastern slopes of the Sangre de Cristo range, waters the Wet
Mountain valley, receives various tributaries from the western slope
of the Wet mts., and traverses a gorge in the latter to fall into the
Arkansaw from the S. W., about a mile above Cañon City. The general
course is about N. from its uttermost head in the S. de C. range, in
the vicinity of Music Pass. Here its watershed is separated, on the E.
side of the range, by a divide, on the other side of which are certain
sources of the Huerfano r.; while on the west of the S. de C. range
the connection is with "Meadow" (qu. Medano?) cr., a tributary of San
Luis cr., in the valley of the latter name, and consequently in the
basin of the Rio Grande--that "Red river" which Pike seeks in vain.
To-day he strikes Grape cr. at or near present site of Williamsburg, a
station on the railroad which once meandered Grape cr. to Silver
Cliff, but was washed out and abandoned. This is a good way below the
entrance of Pine cr., a branch which falls into Grape cr. from the W.
This may seem short for the "13" m. of the text; but if anyone should
think so, he has only to start from Cañon City to change his mind by
the time he finds himself on Grape cr. by the present best trail.
Besides, we shall soon see that we have to shorten up all of Pike's
mileages in this rough country.

[III-31] Past Pine cr., to some point on Grape cr. short of the
boundary between Frémont and Custer cos., probably in the vicinity of
Soda Springs or the station Grape. Pike is flanking a mountain as well
as meandering a crooked creek; and, aside from any question of
typographical error, we have to adjust his whole set of ostensible
mileages by the topography of the country. If we should apply the
figures he gives to the flat face of the map, we should run him clear
over into New Mexico before he reaches his camp on the Conejos in
Colorado.

[III-32] Over the line from Frémont into Custer Co., past Grape and
Blackburn, to camp about the mouth of Silver cr. This heads about Mt.
Tyndall and Mt. Herring, and by another branch N. of these; it runs N.
W. and then N. to fall into Grape cr., between Blackburn and Gove.
Camp is 6 or 8 m. (air-line) due N. of Round mt. and town of Silver
Cliff; but much further by the meanders of the creek or either of the
roads through the mountains.

[III-33] "White" and "Snow" are Pike's names for what he regarded as a
continuous chain from as far N. as he knew anything about it, to the
Sierra Blanca of New Mexico. That is to say, the names cover the whole
Sawatch range, along the Continental Divide, and the Sangre de Cristo
range; which latter separates the Arkansaw from the Rio Grande basin,
and ends on the S. with the bold elevations of the Sierra Blanca, or
White mts. of modern geography. In saying that the "great White
mountain presented itself," Pike means that he has reached a point in
the Wet Mountain valley where he has the Sangre de Cristo range
immediately before him, on the W. In this direction are the heads of
the Texas cr., already mentioned (p. 475), and of Swift or Dutch cr.,
draining eastern slopes of the mountains, two of the nearest points of
which are Electric Peak and Monte Rito Alto, the latter 12,863 or
12,989 feet high, according to whether Lieut. Wheeler or Dr. Hayden
made the most accurate determination.

[III-34] This is the most difficult itinerary of the whole trip, and
much depends upon its correct recovery. It is out of the question to
take "28 miles" at its face value; the difficulty must be adjusted.
Pike's trail shows with substantial accuracy his three camps of the
14th, 15th, and 16th, along Grape cr.; then a long loop S. E. and back
S. W. to a point on Grape cr. again, above two creeks coming down from
the Sangre range. I think these creeks can be identified; this would
fix to-day's camp with sufficient precision. I base my conclusions on
Pike's whole set of mileages for this trip, as applied to the
topography of the route. Thus we have, going up Grape cr., 13 + 19 +
18 = 50 m.; with 4 more miles on the 17th, making 54 to the point
where this creek is left. Further on come (28 - 4 =) 24 + 0 + 0 + 0 +
0 + 8 + 8 + 9 + 0 + 0 + 14 = 63 m., which puts Pike over the Sand Hill
Pass on the 27th. Finally, we have 15 + 17 + 24 + 18 = 74 m., in the
San Luis valley to the stockade on the Rio Conejos; total, 191 m. The
three sections of this route--the Grape Creek course, the Wet Mountain
Valley course, the San Luis Valley course--are practically, therefore,
in the ratio of 5 : 6 : 7; and such figures must be made to fit the
known geography of the route. I make the journey of the 17th as
follows: Pike proceeds up Grape cr. a short distance, leaves it,
flanks Round mt., and passes by or near the present site of Silver
Cliff, seat of Custer Co.; continues S. E. across the valley or
prairie to the base of the Wet mts., in the vicinity, not immediate,
of Mt. Robinson, Mt. Brinley, and Rosita, where the mines of the
latter name were or are; where, not liking the place, as there was no
fuel, he turns about S. W. and repasses the valley at a right angle to
his other course through it, recrosses Grape cr. a little below the
confluence of Rosita cr., and camps under the Sangre de Cristo range,
somewhere about Spring cr. or Horse cr. This day was disastrous, as a
culmination of misery already endured by the handful of half-naked and
more than half-starved adventurers, for whom still more acute
suffering was in store. The wonder is not at any error in distances,
but that any intelligible itinerary of such a journey has reached us
from the splendidly brave young fellow, who so rashly led his
companions into a death-trap. But for the buffalo which were wintering
in the Wet Mountain valley, not a man would have escaped with his
life. Whatever the exact spot, this is the place where poor Sparks and
Dougherty were abandoned with frozen feet. What they endured may be
imagined from the mute messages Pike afterward received from them--a
present of some of the bones which came away from their gangrenous
feet after sphacelus had set in.

[III-35] By Pike's map, this should be the next to the last creek
before Grape cr. is headed--the first one above Horse cr. If so, the
party are in the vicinity of the place now called Blumenau.

[III-36] About to the ultimate forks of Grape cr. The S. end of the
Wet Mountain valley is a sort of pocket where the Wet mts. connect
with the Sangre range by intermediate elevations (as Promontory
Bluffs, etc.). Creeks come into the valley from the E., S., and W.,
converging to compose Grape cr., the ultimate tributary of which is
now known as Cottonwood cr. The border of this pocket, on the S., is
the boundary between Custer and Huerfano cos.--an irregular line
continuing on the W. along the main ridge of the Sangre range, and on
the E. along that ridge of the Wet mts. which divides sources of
Hardscrabble cr. and St. Charles and Greenhorn rivers from those of
the Huerfano.

[III-37] Taking the party over the low divide mentioned in the last
note, from Custer into Huerfano Co., and from the Grape Creek
watershed to that of the Huerfano. The exact spot is perhaps not
determinable, but it was not far from Bradford, a place on Muddy cr.,
one of the first two forks of the Huerfano. The map shows that Pike
has headed Grape cr. and got into another basin, from which he starts
a river running out on the prairie to the Arkansaw. This is by mistake
made out to be his "3d Fork," _i. e._, the St. Charles and Greenhorn;
it is really his "2d Fork," _i. e._, the Huerfano.

[III-38] If we call the roll to-day we find: Vasquez and Smith left at
Cañon City on the 14th; Sparks and Dougherty left at camp of the 22d;
Menaugh left at camp of the 26th; present on the 27th, Pike, Robinson,
Meek, Jackson, Brown, Carter, Gorden, Miller, Mountjoy, Roy, Stoute =
11.

[III-39] The Expedition crosses the Sangre de Cristo range to the
basin of the Rio Grande, and is about to enter the San Luis valley.
The matter of the pass by which they came has been much mooted and
left in doubt. Thus we find Maguire saying in the preface to the
Denver ed. of Pike, p. xi: "Whether this pass was the Mosca or the
Medano (known also as 'Sandhill') or whether it was one still farther
to the north as thought by some, cannot be definitely established."
Governor Adams in his Address, p. 17, says "Medano or Music Pass." I
think it is certain that the Expedition made the Sand Hill Pass, and I
hope to be able to settle the question. The three passes to which
Maguire refers, and the only ones to be considered for a moment, are
the following, in order from N. to S.

1. A pass from Antelope cr., one of the heads of Grape cr., in Custer
Co., over to a tributary of San Luis r. in Saguache Co., not
traversing any portion of Huerfano Co., or barely touching the extreme
N. W. corner of this county--in fact, Custer, Huerfano, and Saguache
cos. meet in this pass, and Muddy as well as Antelope cr. heads there.
This is the "one still farther to the north" to which Maguire alludes.
It is the one marked "Music Pass" on the G. L. O. and U. S. G. S. maps
of 1892 (but not the Music Pass of Hayden's map). This seems to me so
far N. as to be out of the question, if any reliance is to be placed
on either Pike's mileages or his map. Even after the utmost reduction
of his distances that can be made with any regard to the topography of
the region, we fetch him out of the Grape Creek basin, into that of
the Huerfano, and thus well along in Huerfano Co. His map bears this
out completely. Observe that on the 24th he has _crossed_ the head of
Grape cr., left it a good way behind him, and marked his camp near the
head of the other stream--the Huerfano. Notice also that from this
camp of the 24th-26th the trail makes a sharp elbow _west_, and goes
through the Sangre range in a gap next _below_ that one in which he
makes Grape cr. head. Again, if he had made this northernmost pass he
would have come out N. of the Sand Dunes, and had these on his left as
he went S. in the San Luis valley; whereas, we find them on his right
as he comes down from the mountains to the S. of them. Finally, the
mileages of the San Luis Valley route do not fit so well from this
pass as from the next one. These facts seem to me to prove that Pike
made no pass N. of the sand-hills.

2. The Sand Hill Pass, also rightly Medano and wrongly Modenos Pass,
called Music Pass by Hayden, and Williams' Pass by Gunnison and
Beckwith, is that which connects Navajo or Greaser cr. (br. of Muddy
cr.) with a certain tributary (Medano or Sand cr.) of the San Luis r.
This is on the boundary between Huerfano and Saguache cos., about 5 m.
(air-line) S. of Music Pass. The Huerfano gathers its waters in the
valley called Huerfano Park. The three principal tributaries, from the
N. to N. W., are Turkey, Wilson's, and Muddy creeks. The place
Bradford, already named as that to the vicinity of which we traced the
Expedition, without reference to any question of a pass, is on Muddy
cr., and a road goes direct from this place through this pass. That
branch of Muddy cr. by some called Navajo cr. drains from this pass,
and Greaser cr. also heads in its immediate vicinity. Across the
divide, which sinks to an altitude of about 9,800 feet at the pass,
Medano or Sand cr. drains S. W. and then S. between the Sand Dunes and
the mountains, in the San Luis basin (Saguache Co.). That Pike took
this route I have no question. There seems also to have been no doubt
in the minds of Captain Gunnison and Lieutenant Beckwith, who quote
Pike on their approach to this pass, Aug. 25th, 1853, and add: "The
course of Williams' Pass as we entered it [from the sand-hills] is N.
58° E., but it soon bends to the left to N. 27° E. We passed up it
only about three-fourths of a mile. Its width is about 250 yards,
rising gradually as far as we could see. Its walls of rock rise on
either side to a height of some hundreds of feet, and are nearly
vertical. Our guides represent it as continuing for 14 miles, both in
character and direction as here described; beyond that it is more
abrupt, terminating at its summit less favorably for a road than
Roubideau's Pass. It is followed by a large Indian trail." (P. R. R.
Rep. II., 1855, p. 43.)

3. Mosca or Musca Pass, also called Fly Pass by some, translating the
Spanish, and by others Robideau's Pass, 6 or 8 m. in an air-line S. of
the Sand Hill Pass, is a lower and better one. It connects the Bear
Creek branch of May cr. (the latter a tributary to the Huerfano) with
the branch of Mosca cr. on the other side of the divide. There is a
place called Sharpsdale on Bear or May cr., whence a road goes W. up
to the pass, and others N. to Bradford, E. through Poison cañon to
Gardner on the Huerfano at the mouth of Muddy cr., and also E. down
May cr. and along the Huerfano to Point of Rocks and Malachite, and so
on to Gardner. On the subject of Mosca Pass Maguire's remarks seem to
me judicious, and I transcribe them to express my concurrence in his
decision: "In the early days of the settlement of the country the
Mosca was well travelled by the Southern Utes on their journeys to the
Plains, and their 'hieroglyphics,' of which Pike speaks, were to be
seen cut in the bark of the aspen trees; but from the fact that on
reaching San Luis valley on January 28th, 1807, the party marched some
considerable distance on a course lying between the sand dunes and the
mountains, the evidence would seem to warrant the belief that the pass
used was north of the Mosca."

There are other passes of this range, as the one called Sangre de
Cristo, and the Veta Pass (which latter is now utilized by the D. and
R. G. R. R.). But these are altogether too far S., and have never been
brought in question. There seems to be no named or used pass from the
head of the Huerfano itself. The ultimate heads of this river drain N.
from Cerro Blanco and Baldy Peak, with collateral sources thence along
the line between Huerfano and Costello cos. to Grayback and Iron mts.,
etc., besides those from the W. on the line between Huerfano and
Saguache cos. in the direction of Mosca Pass.

In view of the above considerations, we will proceed with Pike through
Medano or Sand Hill Pass into San Luis valley (or Park). This is a
plain between the Sangre de Cristo range on the E. and N. E., and on
the W. and N. W. the San Juan and Sawatch ranges. It has a total
length of about 110 m. from Poncho Pass on the N. to Taos valley on
the S., with a maximum breadth of about 45 m., and an area of upward
of 3,000 square miles. The general elevation is between 7,500 and
8,000 feet. The Rio Grande enters this valley at about the middle of
its W. side, running E. and then sweeping in a long curve S.

[III-40] The billows of sand which Pike has on his right as he comes
down Sand cr. from Sand Hill (Music, Medano) Pass are very remarkable
formations, which alone would fix his position in the lack of any
other data. West of these Dunes are several streams of the San Luis
system, flowing southward to form sinks called the San Luis lakes,
though Pike's map runs them into the Rio Grande. His camp is on or
near Sand cr., at about the point where this and Mosca cr. join, or
perhaps a little further along. Mosca cr. is the one that comes down
from Mosca Pass, and if Pike had made this pass he would have fetched
out in the valley at about the same spot--at or near Montville.

[III-41] About S., along the W. base of the Sierra Blanca, which is
simply the continuation of the Sangre de Cristo range. Some of the
summits Pike has on his left are: Grayback Peak, 12,387 feet; Bald,
Baldy, or Old Baldy mt., 14,125 feet; and Cerro Blanco itself, 14,431
feet, giving name to the group. Pike goes from the vicinity of
Montville past Zapato cr., probably on the present road through the
town of the latter name on the creek, and camps in the valley at the
place where timber reaches furthest from the mountains. A present road
curves S. E. from this point, around to the S. of the range, where was
built Fort Garland, probably 12 or 15 m. S. E. of to-night's camp.
This was a sort of focal point to which roads converged from various
points, and especially was it on the most direct route from any place
in the lower part of the San Luis valley through Sangre de Cristo Pass
to the Huerfano, and so on. Garland was on Ute cr., a branch of
Trinchera cr., which latter falls into the Rio Grande about 3 m. above
the Rio Conejos.

[III-42] Pike reaches the Rio Grande on a S. W. course, about the
present position of the town of Alamosa, whence railroads now radiate
in or converge from four directions. These branches of the Denver and
Rio Grande system come from the E. through the Veta Pass, from the N.
directly down the San Luis valley, from the N. W. down the Rio Grande,
and from the S. up the same river. A few miles S. of Alamosa, Alamosa
and La Jara creeks fall in close together, from the W. These are both
indicated by a single unlettered trace on Pike's map. Next below
Trinchera cr. falls in on the E. This is the one called Rio de la
Culebra on Pike's map, which correctly brings it in above the one from
the W. (Rio Conejos) on which he established himself. The Rio Culebra
is the next one, from the E., below Trinchera and Conejos, and above
Rio Costilla. Pike lays down the Costilla by its proper name, omits
the Culebra, and calls the Trinchera by the name of the latter. In
English, Rio Conejos would be Rabbit r.; Culebra, Snake r.; Costilla,
Rib r.; and Trinchera, Cut-bank r. Alamosa should imply that the river
so called were shaded with elms, though cottonwood (_Populus
angustifolia_) is the actual growth. La Jara is properly the rock-rose
(_Cistus creticus_), but as a name of this creek it refers to
willow-brush.

[III-43] Of which about 13 (misprinted "18") was down the Rio Grande,
the rest up the Rio Conejos; Trinchera cr. (the one from the E., which
Pike's map letters "Rio de la Culebra") was passed a short distance
above the Conejos. The latter is a large stream from the W. which
arises in the San Juan range, in the vicinity of Conejos Peak (13,183
feet), leaves the mountains by the foot of Prospect Peak (6,837 feet),
is joined in the San Luis hills by San Antonio cr. (its principal
branch), and then seeks the Rio Grande by winding about the northern
ends of the hills just named. The data already given, with those
details which the text presently offers, serve to fix the present
station with precision--about 5 m. up the Conejos, on its N. bank, at
a point where it was not fordable, and directly S. of which was a high
hill. A sufficiently large map, such as Sheet X of the Hayden survey,
shows exactly these topographical details, and also marks two ranches
in the immediate vicinity: see also Pike's own map. Under these
circumstances it seems to me wasted ingenuity to find Pike's
blockhouse in some other place; yet its locality has been disputed.
Maguire puts the case well: "The exact locality of the site (a notable
spot in Western history) is in dispute, owing to the discovery many
years ago of the remains of an ancient log structure further W. on the
Conejos, which some suppose to have been Pike's fortress; but
everything in the narrative, as well as in the Spanish records,
indicates the prairie opposite the mineral springs and high hill on
the S. bank of the Conejos as the spot where the flag of the United
States is first recorded as floating above the soil of Colorado."
Gregg's map locates the place approximately, with the legend "[Symbol:
Square] Pike's Stockade Whence taken to Santa Fé. Feb. 1807".

Concerning the exact location of Pike's post on the Conejos, I am
favored with the following letter (cited in substance) from Mr.
Maguire, an old resident of the San Luis valley:

"DENVER, COLO., _April 18th, 1894_.

"MY DEAR SIR:

"... As to the disputed stockade on the Conejos: I am
entirely familiar with that country, and had fixed it as
having been situated in the prairie on the N. bank of the
stream due across from what is known as the Ojo Caliente.
Before writing the preface to the Denver reprint of Pike, I
had made up my mind to that, although it was contended in
the neighborhood that the stockade had been situated some
14 or 15 m. from the mouth of the stream. This supposition
was due to the fact that Lafayette Head, the oldest
American settler on the Conejos, who came there early in
the fifties, was lieutenant-governor of this state, and a
man of high standing and much authority, had asserted that
the fort had been built much further up the stream than the
site I had accepted. In 1890 I saw Mr. Head upon the
subject, and he told me that when he first came to the
country there still existed on the Conejos the remains of a
structure of cottonwood logs laid horizontally, which he
had seen, and which was so old that the logs would scarcely
bear the weight of one's foot. Upon this evidence, with or
without suggestion from some source, he concluded it was
Pike's fort, and so gave out; whence the prevalent
impression. That Mr. Head saw this structure there is no
question. I have no idea what it was, or when or by whom
built; but it would be useless to pursue this matter,
because Mr. Head is positive that the location was on the
_south_ side, and therefore the structure cannot have been
Pike's. The Ojo Caliente above mentioned is on the property
of Mr. A. W. McIntire, as is also the prairie opposite, on
the north bank of the river. Mr. McIntire is a Pike
enthusiast, very much interested in the case. When in
Denver recently he startled me by stating that we had been
in error as to the exact location, as he had become
convinced it was about half a mile below the Ojo Caliente.
This half-mile bears a remarkable relation to the statement
in your letter to me: 'I have it probably within half a
mile.' Mr. McIntire says that the depression caused by
digging the moat is still visible. The place is on the
north bank of the Conejos, opposite some warm or mineral
springs flowing out of the hill on the south side; and Mr.
McIntire informs me that the spot is a little north of the
center of Sect. 7, T. 35, R. 11.

"Very truly yours,
"W. M. MAGUIRE."

Later correspondence on this subject with Mr. Maguire includes a
letter and sketches from Gov. McIntire, who is satisfied that he has
the exact site. He marks it on a township map which he transmits, as
on the middle of the W. line of the N. W. ¼ of the N. E. ¼ of Sect. 7,
T. 35, R. 11, just across the Conejos, under a hill from out of which
flows a mineral or thermal spring which never freezes, at a point so
chosen that the current in the river would not cut the ditch around
the work. Gov. McIntire's sketch represents the ditch as 2½--3 feet
deep, 68 steps long (including an unbroken place of 13 steps), and of
semi-circular figure; the two ends of this figure against the river,
in a small deep bend, so that the river and the ditch inclose an oval
space 37 steps in the longest diameter. This seems large for such a
temporary work as Pike started, but he tells us that it was never
finished, and Gov. McIntire is persuaded that the ditch is not a
natural formation. I am therefore led to believe that he has found the
right spot.

[III-44] That our friend Robinson was, in plain English, a spy, is
incontestible. If he had any other object in joining the Expedition,
it is certain that he had no other in leaving it than to find out what
he could about New Spain for the benefit of his own country. Had it
been in actual war times he could have been hanged or shot by the
Spaniards without violation of the customs of nations. As it was, Pike
felt so apprehensive for Robinson's personal safety that when the two
met in New Mexico Pike at first affected not to know Robinson, for
fear of putting him in jeopardy, and he denied point-blank to the
Spanish authorities that Robinson was one of the party. They had
parted on the Conejos with a perfect understanding on such points;
indeed, General Whiting calls it "in pursuance of a previous scheme"
that Robinson set out alone for Santa Fé; meanwhile, Pike sat down on
the Conejos to wait for the Spaniards to come and catch him. The
ostensible object of Robinson's visit to Mexico was fictitious; Pike
says himself that the commercial claim Robinson pretended to have was
worthless "in his hands." Whiting observes that "it was transferred to
Dr. Robinson, who was to make it a pretext for a visit to the place,
and a cover for observing its trade and resources, for the benefit of
his countrymen. He regarded the excursion as a romantic adventure, and
in that mood detached himself from the protection of his friend and
commanding officer." (Life of Pike, p. 272.)

The _ultima ratio_ of Pike's presence on the Rio Grande in Spanish
territory will probably always remain in question, unless some
documentary evidence, not yet forthcoming, should turn up to show
whether he came there by accident or design. Perhaps the safest ground
to take would be to suppose it the particular accident of a general
design. His open and official instructions required him to
"approximate" to the Spanish possessions; he was to spy out all the
land and see how it lay, politically as well as geographically; hunt
up the Comanches; and make a counter-demonstration to Malgares'
spirited raid, involving a reconnoissance in force as a military
operation. This may all be true of the general design of his
expedition, but it may as easily be true that he lost his way in
searching for the Red river, and only found his way to the Rio Grande
by accident. This seems to be the view of his biographer, General
Whiting, who was a very competent critic of Pike's military career,
and who wrote in comparatively short historical perspective, though he
does not seem to have possessed, or at any rate to have utilized, any
private sources of information. Whiting fully acquits Pike of
intentional errancy, and gives no hint that he is keeping anything
back that would support any other view of the case than that which he
presents, without apparent reserve or arrière-pensée. Some of his
expressions may be here cited. Speaking of Pike's seeing a Mexican
newspaper with an account of Burr's conspiracy, he remarks, p. 277:
"This afforded a clew to the suspicions with which his movements on
the Mexican frontier had most naturally been regarded. It was not
surprising that he should have been looked upon as forming one of the
ramifications of the revolutionary scheme which that distinguished
individual had projected.... It was true, that he had been found, with
a belligerent aspect, in the Mexican country; but his apology was
ready, and, no doubt, acceptable; while he knew that the Mexican
authorities had lately violated, in a similar way, the soil of the
United States, for which no apology could be rendered.... His
misapprehensions of the geography of the country, which led him to
establish himself in such a suspicious manner, on a foreign river,
were excusable, bewildered as he was among mountains and streams that
were likely to confuse all calculations. Still, it was natural for the
Mexican authorities to regard his conduct, at first, as the result of
a design, rather than a mistake, particularly when taken in connection
with Colonel Burr's contemporaneous movements; and their treatment of
him must be considered under the circumstances, as having been marked
by much consideration." General Wilkinson also alludes to the
assertion that had been made, that the expedition which resulted in
the orders he had given Pike "was a premeditated coöperation with
Burr." The Mexicans, it seems, were not alone in their suspicions and
expressions to that effect.

However the bottom facts of Pike's coming on the Rio Grande may turn
out to be, it is certain that after he had been captured and taken to
Mexico under the diplomatic disguise of a polite invitation to visit
the governor, who had heard of his having lost his way, hastened to
send to his rescue, etc., Pike turned spy and informer with great
agility and signal success. He kept his temper well in hand, except on
one or two occasions; and in several instances showed that art which
diplomacy has been defined to be. He bore himself with courage,
dignity, and much fertility of resources; while that duplicity and
prevarication which he confesses his conscience condoned, if it did
not justify, were never indulged from personal considerations, but
from his intense patriotism. His love of his country was the crucible
in which he assayed his own motives; that was fervid enough to relax
the rigidity of morals he professed and practiced on all ordinary
occasions, and induce a certain ethical elasticity, so to speak, if
not actually to melt all scruples. Patriotism must sometimes shake
hands with Jesuitism in this wicked world; and the majesty of the
flag, like the glory of God, must be maintained by human means.
Abstract questions of the adaptation of means to ends are best left
with casuistry. Pike's methods, while he was the distinguished guest
of a half-hostile foreign power, may be questioned by some, but his
motives by none; and as for his ends, we know that nothing succeeds
like success. The results are well summed by his biographer, p. 282,
in words which I will cite:

"At the time Captain Pike explored those regions of our wide-spread
interior, almost nothing authentic was known of them. More
satisfactory information of the headwaters of the Mississippi than was
in the possession of the public was highly desirable, and his
narratives relating to them were read with interest. But his accounts
of the Mexican territories were looked for with much more interest,
and when they came out were received with avidity. The jealous policy
of Spain had surrounded her provinces with guards and restraints, that
rendered them almost inaccessible. Their condition and prospects were
veiled from all foreign observation; and at the time Captain Pike
obtained, through an unintentional aberration from his prescribed
route, access to them, unusual attention was turned upon the Mexican
country by the events of Burr's conspiracy. This extraordinary
transaction had awakened an intense curiosity respecting a region
which was known to abound with gold, and which precious metal was
supposed to have been its ultimate object. The trial of Colonel Burr
was beginning, or in progress, when Captain Pike returned, and was
known to have visited the El Dorado, on which this individual was said
to have fixed an eye of cupidity and ambition. Scarcely anything had
been heard of Mexico since the conquest of Cortes, excepting vague
reports of the unbounded wealth that flowed from its mines into the
public and private coffers of Spain. It is not strange, then, that
Captain Pike's tour through some of its provinces should have been
regarded as a rare and most opportune work. His statements were of
course founded on hasty and imperfect observations, it being obvious
from his journal, that, from the time he left Santa Fe, until he
reached the United States, he was under a surveillance, and could only
take notes by stealth. He could neither survey attentively what passed
beneath his eye, nor inquire about that which he did not see, without
exciting suspicion and provoking a rebuke. Still, with an acute eye,
and a retentive memory, he appears to have gathered up many new and
interesting facts, that were well received at the time."

[III-45] It is uncertain to what work we are here referred. There may
be some old military treatise, well known in Pike's time, to which he
thus alludes; but I think it most likely that he means his own
Observations on New Spain, which formed a part of the App. to Pt. 3 of
the orig. ed. of this work, and which included a considerable account
of the military establishment of that country. If so, the "Essai
Militaire" in question will be found beyond.

[III-46] My editorial function becomes extremely distasteful, with
Pike's reiterated insistence upon affecting to believe himself upon
the Red r., and expecting us to believe him. See note 44, and imagine
Dr. Robinson starting off alone to walk from the Red r. into Santa Fé!
I have blinked the business thus far, but I cannot keep my eyes shut
to the end of this chapter, as there is worse to come in the miserable
straits to which Captain Pike reduces himself through his awkwardness
and inexperience in telling lies. He bluffs the thing through, to be
sure; but at the present juncture he catches himself in the meshes of
his own falsification. For, supposing he had really been on the Red
r., as he declared he believed; he had _crossed that river_, and gone
5 m. up a stream on the other side of it; so he was absolutely in
Spanish territory, and this he must have known perfectly well. On the
22d he says, p. 507, that he "began to think it was time we received a
visit from the Spaniards or their emissaries," which shows that he was
expecting to be caught. When they come, he makes a show of resistance
by blustering a little, then hauls down his flag and goes with them
peaceably enough--probably not only a willing captive, but one who had
all along intended and desired to be taken into the enemy's country
for purposes of his own. And back of this sorry scene there looms the
sinister shadow of General James Wilkinson, the traitor and
conspirator with Aaron Burr--let the curtain fall.

[III-47] Doubtless the more eligible Mosca Pass instead of the Sand
Hill Pass: see note 39, p. 492. A clause in Pike's next sentence is so
singularly constructed as to leave the sense obscure; he simply means
to call attention to the fact that Meek and Miller had asked him to
order them on that trip.

[III-48] Rio Culebra of present maps--next below Trinchera cr.

[III-49] Escopets or escopettes: the carbine or short rifle used by
Spanish-Americans.

[III-50] The roll-call now is:

1. Interpreter Vasquez and Private Smith on the Arkansaw. (2.)

2. Privates Dougherty and Sparks in the mountains, with frozen feet.
(2.)

3. Sergeant Meek and Private Miller gone to the relief of the
foregoing. (2.)

4. Corporal Jackson and one man (Private Carter) left on the Rio
Conejos to await the coming of the foregoing six. (2.)

5. Dr. Robinson gone ahead to Santa Fé. (1.)

6. Pike therefore sallies forth under escort of the Spanish dragoons
with the following: Privates Brown, Gorden, Menaugh, Mountjoy, Roy,
Stoute. (7.)

Total 16, present or accounted for.

CHAPTER IV.

PIKE'S DISSERTATION ON LOUISIANA.[IV-1]

From the entrance of the Missouri, on the south bank the land is low
until you arrive at Belle Fontaine, four miles from its entrance. In
this distance are several strata of soil, one rising above the other.
As the river is cutting off the north point, and making land on the
south, this is well timbered with oak, walnut, ash, etc.

From Belle Fontaine to St. Charles the north side of the Missouri is
low, bounded on its banks by timbered land extending from half a mile
to one mile from the river. Six miles below St. Charles, on the south
side, in front of a village called Florissant, is a coal hill, or, as
it is termed by the French, La Charbonniere. This is one solid stone
hill, which probably affords sufficient fuel for all the population of
Louisiana. St. Charles is situated on the west side of the Missouri,
where the hill first joins the river, and is laid out parallel to the
stream.

The main street is on the first bank, the second on the top of the
hill. On this street is situated a round wooden tower, formerly
occupied by the Spaniards as a fort or guard-house, now converted into
a prison. From this tower you have an extensive view of the river
below. St. Charles consists of about 80 houses, principally occupied
by Indian traders or their engagees. It is the seat of justice for the
district of St. Charles.

From St. Charles to the village of La Charrette, the west side is
generally low, but with hills running parallel at a great distance
back from the river; the south side is more hilly, with springs.
Scattering settlements are on both sides.

La Charrette is the last settlement we saw on the Missouri, although
there is one above, at a saline on the west side. From La Charrette to
the Gasconade river, you find on the north low land heavily timbered;
on the south, hills, rivulets, and a small number of small creeks,
with very high cane. The Gasconade is 200 yards wide at its entrance;
it is navigable at certain seasons 100 miles. At the time we were at
it, it was backed by the Mississippi,[IV-2] but was clear and
transparent above their confluence. On the side opposite their
confluence commences the line between the Sac Indians and the United
States. [See p. 339, and note 14, p. 11.]

From the Gasconade to the entrance of the Osage river, the south side
of the river is hilly but well timbered. On the north are low bottoms
and heavy timber. In this space of the Missouri, from its [the
Gasconade's] entrance to the Osage river, we find it well timbered,
rich in soil, and very proper for the cultivation of all the
productions of our Middle and Western States. It is timbered generally
with cottonwood, ash, oak, pecan, hickory, and some elm; but the
cottonwood predominates on all the made bottoms. From the entrance of
the Osage river to the Gravel river, a distance of 118 miles, the
banks of the Osage are covered with timber and possess a very rich
soil. Small hills, with rocks, alternately border the eastern and
western shores; the bottoms being very excellent soil, and the country
abounding in game. From thence to the Yungar, the river continues the
same in appearance; the shoals and islands being designated on the
chart. The Yungar, or Ne-hem-gar, as termed by the Indians, derives
its name from the vast number of springs at its source; it is supposed
to be nearly as extensive as the Osage river, navigable for canoes 100
miles, and is celebrated for the abundance of bear which are found on
its branches. On it hunt the Chasseurs du Bois of Louisiana, Osage,
and Creeks or Muskogees, a wandering party of whom have established
themselves in Louisiana; and between whom and the French hunters
frequent skirmishes have passed on the head of the Yungar.

A few miles above this river the Osage river becomes narrower, and
evidently shows the loss experienced by the deficiency of [gain not as
yet acquired from] the waters of the Yungar. On the east shore is a
pond of water, about 20 paces from the bank of the river, and half a
mile in circumference; it was elevated at least 20 feet above the
surface of the river. This appeared the more singular, as the soil
appeared to be sandy, whence it would be concluded that the waters of
the pond would speedily discharge through the soil into the river; but
there appeared to be no reason for any such deduction.

Thence to a few miles below the Park (see chart [and diary of Aug.
14th]), the banks of the river continue as usual. We now, for the
first time, were entertained with the sight of prairie land; but it
still was interspersed with clumps of woodland, which diversified the
prospect.

In this district the cliffs, which generally bordered one of the sides
of the river, were covered with the largest and most beautiful cedars
I ever saw. Thence to the Grand Forks [confluence of Little with main
Osage], the banks of the river continue the same; but thence up to the
Osage town, there is a larger proportion of prairie. At the place
where Mr. Chouteau formerly had his trading-establishment, the east
bank of the river is an entire bed of stone-coal; whence by land by
the villages is but nine miles, but by water at least 50. The country
round the Osage villages is one of the most beautiful the eye ever
beheld. The three branches of the river, viz.: the large east fork
[Sac river], the middle one [Little Osage], up which we ascended, and
the northern one [main Osage], all winding round and past the
villages, giving the advantages of wood and water, and at the same
time the extensive prairies crowned with rich and luxuriant grass and
flowers, gently diversified by the rising swells and sloping lawns,
present to the warm imagination the future seats of husbandry, the
numerous herds of domestic animals, which are no doubt destined to
crown with joy those happy plains. The best comment I can make on the
navigation of the Osage river is a reference to my chart and journal
on that subject. From the last village on the Missouri to the prairies
on the Osage river we found plenty of deer, bear, and some turkeys.
Thence to the towns there are some elk and deer, but near the villages
they become scarce.

From the Osage towns to the source of the [Little] Osage river there
is no difference in the appearance of the country, except that on the
south and east the view on the prairies becomes unbounded, and is only
limited by the imbecility of our sight. The waters of the White
[Neosho] river and the [Little] Osage are divided merely by a small
ridge in the prairie, and the dry branches appear to interlock at
their head. From thence to the main branch of the said [Neosho] river
the country appeared high, with gravelly ridges of prairie land. On
the main White river is large timber and fine ground for cultivation.
Hence a doubt arises as to the disemboguing of this stream. Lieutenant
Wilkinson, from some authority, has drawn the conclusion that it
discharges itself into the Arkansaw a short distance below the
Vermilion river; but from the voyages of Captain Maney [Many] on White
river, the information of hunters, Indians, etc., I am rather induced
to believe it to be the White river of the Mississippi, as at their
mouths there is not so great a difference between their magnitude; and
all persons agree in ascertaining [asserting] that the White river
heads between the Osage, Arkansaw, and Kansas rivers, which would
still leave the Arkansaw near 800 miles more lengthy than the White
river. From the proofs, I am perfectly confident in asserting that
this was the White river of the Mississippi which we crossed.[IV-3] At
the place where we traversed it, the stream was amply navigable for
canoes, even at this dry season (August) of the year.

Up this river to the dividing ridges between it and the Verdigrise
river, the bottom is of some magnitude and importance; but the latter
river is bounded here in a narrow bed of prairie hills, affording not
more than sufficient timber for firewood for a limited number of
inhabitants for a few years. From the Verdigrise our course again lay
over gravelly hills and a prairie country, but well watered by the
branches of the Verdigrise and White (alias Grand) rivers. From this
point to the source of White river there is very little timber, the
grass short, prairies high and dry. From the head of White river over
the dividing ridge between that and the eastern [Smoky Hill] branch of
the Kans river, the ridge is high, dry, and has many appearances of
iron ore, and on the west side are some spaw springs [spas]. Here the
country is very deficient of water. From the east branch of the Kans
river (by our route) to the Pawnee Republic on the Republican fork
(see chart), the prairies are low, with high grass; the country
abounds with salines, and the earth appears to be impregnated with
nitrous and common salts. The immediate border of the Republican fork
near the village is high ridges, but this is an exception to the
general face of the country. All the country between the forks of the
Kans river, a distance of 160 miles, may be called prairie,
notwithstanding the borders of woodland which ornament the banks of
those streams, but are no more than a line traced on a sheet of paper,
when compared to the immense tract of meadow country.

For some distance from the Osage villages you only find deer, then
elk, then cabrie, and finally buffalo. But it is worthy of remark that
although the male buffaloes were in great abundance, yet in all our
route from the Osage to the Pawnees we never saw one female. I
acknowledge myself at a loss to determine whether this is to be
attributed to the decided preference the savages give to the meat of
the females, so that consequently they are almost exterminated in the
hunting-grounds of the nations, or to some physical causes; for I
afterward discovered the females with young in such immense herds as
gave me no reason to believe they yielded to the males in numbers.

From the Pawnee town on the Kansas river to the Arkansaw, the country
may almost be termed mountainous; but want of timber gives the hills
less claim to the appellation of mountains. They are watered and
created, as it were, by the various branches of the Kans river. One of
those branches, a stream of considerable magnitude (say 20 yards),
which I have designated on the chart by the name of Saline, was so
salt, where we crossed it on our route to the Arkansaw, that it salted
sufficiently the soup of the meat which my men boiled in it. We were
here very eligibly situated; had a fresh spring, issuing from a bank
near us; plenty of the necessaries of life all around, viz.: buffalo;
a beautiful little sugar-loaf hill, for a lookout post; fine grass for
our horses; and a saline in front of us.

As you approach the Arkansaw on this route within 15 or 20 miles, the
country appears to be low and swampy; or the land is covered with
ponds extending out from the river some distance. The river at the
place where I struck it is nearly 500 yards wide, from bank to bank,
those banks not more than four feet high, thinly covered with
cottonwood. The north side is a swampy low prairie [Cheyenne Bottoms],
and the south a sandy sterile desert. Thence, about halfway to the
mountains, the country continued with low prairie hills, and scarcely
any streams putting into the river; and on the bottom are many bare
spots on which, when the sun is in the meridian, is congealed a
species of salt sufficiently thick to be accumulated, but so strongly
impregnated with nitric qualities as to render it unfit for use until
purified. The grass in this district, on the river bottoms, has a
great appearance of the grass on our salt marshes. From the first
south fork ([Purgatory river] see chart) the borders of the river have
more wood, and the hills are higher, until you arrive at its entrance
into the mountains. The whole of the timber is cottonwood, from the
entrance of the Arkansaw into the mountains to its source, a distance
of about 170 miles by the meanders; it is alternately bounded by
perpendicular precipices and small, narrow prairies, on which the
buffalo and elk have found the means to arrive, and are almost secure
from danger from their destroyer--man. In many places the river
precipitates itself over rocks, so as at one moment to be visible only
in the foaming and boiling of its waters--at the next moment it
disappears in the chasms of the overhanging precipices.

The Arkansaw[IV-4] river, taking its meanders agreeably to Lieutenant
Wilkinson's survey of the lower part, is 1,981 miles from its entrance
into the Mississippi to the mountains, and from thence to its source
192 miles, making its total length 2,173 miles: all of which may be
navigated with proper boats, constructed for the purpose, except the
192 miles in the mountains. It has emptying into it several small
rivers navigable for 100 miles and upward. Boats bound up the whole
length of the navigation should embark at its entrance on the 1st of
February, when they would have the fresh [high water] quite to the
mountains, and meet with no detention. But if they should start
later, they would find the river 1,500 miles up nearly dry. It has one
singularity which struck me very forcibly at first view, but which, on
reflection, I am induced to believe is the same case with all the
rivers which run through a low, dry, sandy soil in warm climates, as
I observed it to be the case with the Rio del Norte, viz.: for the
extent of 400 or 500 miles before you arrive near the mountains, the
bed of the river is extensive and a perfect sand-bar, which at certain
seasons is dry, or at least the water is standing in ponds not
affording sufficient to procure a running course; but when you come
nearer the mountains you find the river contracted, a gravelly bottom,
and a deep, navigable stream. From these circumstances it is evident
that the sandy soil imbibes all the [not evaporated] waters which the
sources project from the mountains, and renders the river in dry
seasons less navigable 500 than 200 miles from its source.

The borders of the Arkansaw river may be termed the terrestrial
paradise of our territories for the wandering savages. Of all
countries ever visited by the footsteps of civilized man, there never
was one probably that produced game in greater abundance. We know that
the manners and morals of the erratic nations are such (the reasons I
leave to be given by the ontologists) as never to give them a numerous
population; and I believe that there are buffalo, elk, and deer
sufficient on the banks of the Arkansaw alone, if used without waste,
to feed all the savages in the United States territory one century. By
the route of the Arkansaw and the Rio Colorado of California, I am
confident in asserting, if my information from Spanish gentlemen of
information is correct, there can be established the best
communication, on this side of the Isthmus of Darien, between the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans; as, admitting the utmost, the land
carriage would not be more than 200 miles, and the route may be made
quite as eligible as our public highways over the Alleghany mountains.
The Rio Colorado is to the great Gulph of California what the
Mississippi is to the Gulph of Mexico, and is navigable for ships of
considerable burden, to opposite the upper parts of the province of
Senora.

From the Arkansaw to the Rio del Norte, by the route I passed, the
country was covered with mountains and small prairies, as per chart;
but the game became much more scarce, owing to the vicinity of the
Spanish Indians and the Spaniards themselves.

In this western traverse of Louisiana, the following general
observations may be made, viz.: that from the Missouri to the head of
the [Little] Osage river, a distance in a straight line of probably
300 miles, the country will admit of a numerous, extensive, and
compact population; thence, on the rivers Kanses, La Platte, Arkansaw,
and their various branches, it appears to me to be only possible to
introduce a limited population on their banks. The inhabitants would
find it most to their advantage to pay attention to the multiplication
of cattle, horses, sheep, and goats, all of which they can raise in
abundance, the earth producing spontaneously sufficient for their
support, both winter and summer, by which means their herds might
become immensely numerous; but the wood now in the country would not
be sufficient for a moderate share of population more than 15 years,
and it would be out of the question to think of using any of it in
manufactures; consequently, the houses would be built entirely of
mud-brick [adobe], like those in New Spain, or of the brick
manufactured with fire. But possibly time may make the discovery of
coal-mines, which would render the country habitable.

The source of La Platte is situated in the same chain of mountains
with the Arkansaw (see chart), and comes from that grand reservoir of
snows and fountains which gives birth on its northeastern side to the
Red river of the Missouri (the yellow stone river of Lewis [and
Clark], its great southwestern branch), and La Platte; on its
southwestern side it produces the Rio Colorado of California; on its
east the Arkansaw; and on its south the Rio del Norte of North Mexico.
I have no hesitation in asserting that I can take a position in the
mountains, whence I can visit the source of any of those rivers in one
day.[IV-5]

Numerous have been the hypotheses formed by various naturalists to
account for the vast tract of untimbered country which lies between
the waters of the Missouri, Mississippi, and the Western Ocean, from
the mouth of the latter river to 48° north latitude. Although not
flattering myself to be able to elucidate that which numbers of highly
scientific characters have acknowledged to be beyond their depth of
research, still I would not think I had done my country justice did I
not give birth to what few lights my examination of those internal
deserts has enabled me to acquire. In that vast country of which I
speak, we find the soil generally dry and sandy, with gravel, and
discover that the moment we approach a stream the land becomes more
humid, with small timber. I therefore conclude that this country never
was timbered; as, from the earliest age the aridity of the soil,
having so few water-courses running through it, and they being
principally dry in summer, has never afforded moisture sufficient to
support the growth of timber. In all timbered land the annual
discharge of the leaves, with the continual decay of old trees and
branches, creates a manure and moisture, which is preserved from the
heat of the sun not being permitted to direct his rays perpendicularly,
but only to shed them obliquely through the foliage. But here a barren
soil, parched and dried up for eight months in the year, presents
neither moisture nor nutrition sufficient to nourish the timber. These
vast plains of the western hemisphere may become in time as celebrated
as the sandy deserts of Africa; for I saw in my route, in various
places, tracts of many leagues where the wind had thrown up the sand
in all the fanciful form of the ocean's rolling wave, and on which not
a speck of vegetable matter existed.

But from these immense prairies may arise one great advantage to the
United States, viz.: The restriction of our population to some certain
limits, and thereby a continuation of the Union. Our citizens being so
prone to rambling and extending themselves on the frontiers will,
through necessity, be constrained to limit their extent on the west to
the borders of the Missouri and Mississippi, while they leave the
prairies incapable of cultivation to the wandering and uncivilized
aborigines of the country.

The Osage appear to have emigrated from the north and west; from their
speaking the same language with the Kans, Otos, Missouries, and
Mahaws, together with their great similarity of manners, morals, and
customs, there is left no room to doubt that they were originally the
same nation, but separated by that great law of nature,
self-preservation, the love of freedom, and the ambition of various
characters, so inherent in the breast of man. As nations purely
erratic must depend solely on the chase for subsistence, unless
pastoral, which is not the case with our savages, it requires large
tracts of country to afford subsistence for a very limited number of
souls; consequently, self-preservation obliges them to expand
themselves over a large and extensive district. The power of certain
chiefs becoming unlimited, and their rule severe, added to the
passionate love of liberty and the ambition of young, bold, and daring
characters who step forward to head the malcontents, and like the
tribes of Israel, to lead them through the wilderness to a new
land--the land of promise which flowed with milk and honey, alias
abounded with deer and buffalo--these characters soon succeed in
leading forth a new colony, and in process of time establishing a new
nation. The Mahaws, Missouries, and Otos remained on the banks of the
Missouri river, such a distance up as to be in the reach of that
powerful enemy, the Sioux, who, with the aid of the smallpox, which
the former nations unfortunately contracted by their connection with
the whites, have reduced the Mahaws, formerly a brave and powerful
nation, to a mere cipher, and obliged the Otos and Missouries to join
their forces, so that these now form but one nation. The Kanses and
Osage came further to the east, and thereby avoided the Sioux, but
fell into the hands of the Iowas, Sacs, Kickapous, Potowatomies,
Delawares, Shawanese, Cherokees, Chickasaws, Chactaws, Arkansaws,
Caddoes, and Tetaus; and what astonished me extremely is that they
have not been entirely destroyed by those nations. But it must only be
attributed to their ignorance of the enemies' force, their want of
concert, wars between themselves, and the great renown the invaders
always acquire, by the boldness of their enterprise, in the minds of
the invaded.

Their government is oligarchical, but still partakes of the nature of
a republic; for, although the power nominally is vested in a small
number of chiefs, yet they never undertake any matter of importance
without first assembling the warriors and proposing the subject in
council, there to be discussed and decided on by a majority. Their
chiefs are hereditary, in most instances, yet there are many men who
have risen to more influence than those of illustrious ancestry, by
their activity and boldness in war. Although there is no regular code
of laws, yet there is a tacit acknowledgment of the right which some
have to command on certain occasions, whilst others are bound to obey,
and even to submit to corporeal punishment; as is instanced in the
affair related in my diary of July 29th, when Has-ha-ke-da-tungar or
Big Soldier, whom I had made a partisan to regulate the movements of
the Indians, flogged a young Indian with arms in his hands. On the
whole, their government may be termed an oligarchical republic, where
the chiefs propose and the people decide on all public acts.

The manners of the Osage are different from those of any nation I ever
saw except those before mentioned of the same origin, having their
people divided into classes. All the bulk of the nation being warriors
and hunters--with them these terms being almost synonymous--the
remainder is divided into two classes, cooks and doctors; the latter
of whom likewise exercise the functions of priests or magicians, and
have great influence in the councils of the nation by their pretended
divinations, interpretations of dreams, and magical performances. An
illustration of this will be better given by the following anecdote of
what took place during my stay at the nation, in August, 1806: Having
had all the doctors or magicians assembled in the lodge of
Ca-ha-ga-tonga, alias Cheveux Blancs, and about 500 spectators, they
had two rows of fires prepared, around which the sacred band was
stationed. They commenced the tragicomedy by putting a large
butcher-knife down their throats, the blood appearing to run during
the operation very naturally; the scene was continued by putting
sticks through the nose, swallowing bones and taking them out of the
nostrils, etc. At length one fellow demanded of me what I would give
if he would run a stick through his tongue, and let another person cut
off the piece. I replied, "a shirt." He then apparently performed his
promise, with great pain, forcing a stick through his tongue, and then
giving a knife to a bystander, who appeared to cut off the piece,
which he held to the light for the satisfaction of the audience, and
then joined it to his tongue, and by a magical charm healed the wound
immediately. On demanding of me what I thought of the performance, I
replied I would give him 20 shirts if he would let me cut off the
piece from his tongue; this disconcerted him a great deal, and I was
sorry I had made the observation.

The cooks are either for the general use, or attached particularly to
the family of some great man; and what is the more singular, men who
have been great warriors and brave men, having lost all their families
by disease, in the war, and themselves becoming old and infirm,
frequently take up the profession of cook, in which they do not carry
arms, and are supported by the public or their particular patron.

They likewise exercise the functions of town criers, calling the
chiefs to council and to feasts; or if any particular person is
wanted, you employ a crier, who goes through the village crying his
name and informing him he is wanted at such a lodge. When received
into the Osage village you immediately present yourself at the lodge
of the chief, who receives you as his guest, where you generally eat
first, after the old patriarchal style. You are then invited to a
feast by all the great men of the village, and it would be a great
insult if you did not comply, at least as far as to taste of their
victuals. In one instance, I was obliged to taste of 15 different
entertainments the same afternoon. You will hear the cooks crying,
"come and eat"--such an one "gives a feast, come and eat of his
bounty." Their dishes were generally sweet corn boiled in buffalo
grease, or boiled meat and pumpkins; but San Oriel [Sans Oreille],
alias Tetobasi, treated me to a dish of tea in a wooden dish, with new
horn spoons, boiled meat, and crullers; he had been in the United
States. Their towns hold more people in the same space of ground than
any places I ever saw. Their lodges are posted with scarcely any
regularity, each one building in the manner, directions, and
dimensions which suit him best, by which means they frequently leave
only room for a single man to squeeze between them; added to this,
they have pens for their horses, all within the village, into which
they always drive them at night, in case they think there is any
reason to believe there is an enemy lurking in the vicinity.

The Osage lodges are generally constructed with upright posts, put
firmly in the ground, of about 20 feet in height, with a crotch at the
top; they are about 12 feet distant from each other; in the crotch of
those posts are put the ridge-poles, over which are bent small poles,
the ends of which are brought down and fastened to a row of stakes
about five feet in height; these stakes are fastened together with
three horizontal bars, and form the flank walls of the lodge. The
gable ends are generally broad slabs, rounded off to the ridge-pole.
The whole of the building and sides are covered with matting made of
rushes, two or three feet in length and four feet in width, which are
joined together, and entirely exclude the rain. The doors are on the
sides of the building, and generally are one on each side. The fires
are made in holes in the center of the lodge, the smoke ascending
through apertures left in the roof for the purpose. At one end of the
dwelling is a raised platform, about three feet from the ground, which
is covered with bear-skins, generally holds all the little choice
furniture of the master, and on which repose his honorable guests. In
fact, with neatness and a pleasing companion, these dwellings would
compose a very comfortable and pleasant summer habitation, but are
left in the winter for the woods. They vary in length from 36 to 100
feet.

The Osage nation is divided into three villages, and in a few years
you may say nations, viz.: the Grand Osage, the Little Osage, and
those of the Arkansaw.

The Little Osage separated from the Big Osage about 100 years since,
when their chiefs, on obtaining permission to lead forth a colony from
the great council of the nation, moved on to the Missouri; but after
some years, finding themselves too hard pressed by their enemies, they
again obtained permission to return, put themselves under the
protection of the Grand village, and settled down about six miles off.
(See chart.)

The Arkansaw schism was effected by Mr. Pierre Choteau, 10 or 12 years
ago, as a revenge on Mr. Manuel De Sezei [Liza or Lisa], who had
obtained from the Spanish government the exclusive trade of the Osage
nation, by the way of the Osage river, after it had been in the hands
of Mr. Choteau for nearly 20 years. The latter, having the trade of
the Arkansaw, thereby nearly rendered abortive the exclusive privilege
of his rival. He has been vainly promising to the government that he
would bring them back to join the Grand village. But his reception at
the Arkansaw village, in the autumn of 1806, must have nearly cured
him of that idea. And in fact, every reason induces a belief that the
other villages are much more likely to join the Arkansaw band, which
is daily becoming more powerful, than the latter is to return to its
ancient residence. For the Grand and Little Osage are both obliged to
proceed to the Arkansaw every winter, to kill the summer's provision;
also, all the nations with whom they are now at war are situated to
the westward of that river, whence they get all their horses. These
inducements are such that the young, the bold, and the enterprising
are daily emigrating from the Osage village to the Arkansaw village.
In fact, it would become the interest of our government to encourage
that emigration, if we intend to encourage the extension of the
settlement of Upper Louisiana; but if the contrary (our true policy),
every method should be taken to prevent their elongation from the
Missouri.

They are considered by the nations to the south and west of them as a
brave and warlike nation; but are by no means a match for the northern
nations, who make use of the rifle, and can combat them two for one;
whilst they again may fight those armed with bows, arrows, and lances,
at the same disproportion.

The humane policy which the United States have held forth to the
Indian nations, of accommodating their differences and acting as
mediators between them, has succeeded to a miracle with the Osage of
the Grand village and the Little Osage. In short, they have become a
nation of Quakers, as respects the nations to the north and east of
them, at the same time that they continue to make war on the naked and
defenseless savages of the west. An instance of their forbearance was
exhibited in an attack made on a hunting-party of the Little Osage,
in the autumn of 1808, on the grand river of the Osage, by a party of
the Potowatomies, who crossed the Missouri river by the Saline, and
found the women and children alone and defenseless. The men, 50 or 60,
having found plenty of deer the day before, had encamped out all
night. The enemy struck the camp about ten o'clock in the morning,
killed all the women and boys who made resistance, also some infants,
the whole number amounting to 34; and led into captivity near 60, 46
of whom were afterward recovered by the United States and sent under
my protection to the village. When the men returned to camp, they
found their families all destroyed or taken prisoners. My narrator had
his wife and four children killed on the spot; yet, in obedience to
the injunctions of their great father, they forebore to revenge the
blow.

As an instance of the great influence the French formerly had over
this nation, the following anecdote may be interesting: Chtoka, alias
Wet Stone, a Little Osage, said he "was at Braddock's defeat, with all
the warriors who could be spared from both villages; that they were
engaged by Mr. M'Cartie, who commanded at Fort Chartres,[IV-6] and who
supplied them with powder and ball; that the place of rendezvous was
near a lake and large fall (supposed to be Niagara); the Kans did not
arrive until after the battle; but the Otos were present. They were
absent from their villages seven months, and were obliged to eat their
horses on their return."

The Osage raise large quantities of corn, beans, and pumpkins, which
they manage with the greatest economy, in order to make them last from
year to year. All the agricultural labor is done by women.

If the government think it expedient to establish factories for the
Grand and Little villages, equidistant from both, which would answer
for the Grand and Little villages, the other establishment should be
on the Arkansaw, near the entrance of the Verdigrise river, for the
Arkansaw Osage, as stated by Lieutenant Wilkinson.

The Pawnees are a numerous nation of Indians, who reside on the rivers
Platte and Kans. They are divided into three distinct nations, two of
them being now at war; but their manners, language, customs, and
improvements are in the same degree of advancement. On La Platte
reside the Grand Pawnees, and on one of its branches the Pawnee Loups,
with whom the Pawnee Republicans are at war. [See note 73, p. 412.]

Their language is guttural, and approaches nearer to the language of
the Sioux than the Osage; and their figure, tall, slim, with high
cheek-bones, clearly indicates their Asiatic origin. But their
emigration south, and the ease with which they live on the buffalo
plains, have probably been the cause of a degeneracy of manners, for
they are neither so brave nor so honest as their more northern
neighbors. Their government is the same as the Osages', an hereditary
aristocracy, the father handing his dignity of chieftain down to his
son; but their power is extremely limited, notwithstanding the long
life they have to establish their authority and influence. They merely
recommend and give council in the great assemblage of the nation.

They are not so cleanly, neither do they carry their internal policy
so far as, the Osage; but out of the bounds of the village it appeared
to me that they exceeded them; as I have frequently seen two young
soldiers come out to my camp and instantly disperse a hundred persons,
by the strokes of long whips, who were assembled there to trade with
my men. In point of cultivation [agriculture], they are about equal to
the Osage, raising a sufficiency of corn and pumpkins to afford a
little thickening to their soup during the year. The pumpkin they cut
into thin slices and dry in the sun, which reduces it to a small size,
and not more than a tenth of its original weight.

With respect to raising horses, the Pawnees are far superior to the
Osage, having vast quantities of excellent horses which they are daily
increasing, by their attention to their breeding mares, which they
never make use of; and in addition they frequently purchase from the
Spaniards.

Their houses are a perfect circle, except where the door enters,
whence there is a projection of about 15 feet; the whole being
constructed after the following manner: First, there is an excavation
of a circular form made in the ground, about 4 feet deep and 60 in
diameter, where there is a row of posts about 5 feet high, with
crotches at the top, set firmly in all round, and horizontal poles
from one to the other. There is then a row of posts, forming a circle
about 10 feet wide in the diameter of the others, and 10 feet in
height; the crotches of these are so directed that horizontal poles
are also laid from one to the other; long poles are then laid slanting
upward from the lower poles over the higher ones, and meeting nearly
at the top, leaving only a small aperture for the smoke of the fire to
pass out, which is made on the ground in the middle of the lodge.
There is then a number of small poles put up around the circle, so as
to form the wall, and wicker-work is run through the whole. The roof
is then thatched with grass, and earth is thrown up against the wall
until a bank is made to the eaves of the thatch; that is also filled
with earth one or two feet thick, and rendered so tight as entirely to
exclude any storm, and make the houses extremely warm. The entrance is
about six feet wide, with walls on each side, and roofed like our
houses in shape, but of the same materials as the main building.
Inside there are numerous little apartments constructed of wicker-work
against the wall, with small doors; they have a great appearance of
neatness, and in them the members of the family sleep and have their
little deposits. Their towns are by no means so much crowded as the
Osage, giving much more space; but they have the same mode of
introducing their horses into the village at night, which makes it
extremely crowded. They keep guards with the horses during the day.

They are extremely addicted to gaming, and have for that purpose a
smooth piece of ground cleared out on each side of the village for
about 150 yards in length, on which they play the three following
games: One is played by two players at a time, and in the following
manner: They have a large hoop about four feet in diameter, in the
center of which is a small leather ring; this is attached to leather
thongs which are extended to the hoop, and by that means kept in its
central position; they also have a pole about six feet in length,
which the player holds in one hand; he then rolls the hoop from him,
and immediately slides the pole after it; and the nearer the head of
the pole lies to the small ring within the hoop, when they both fall,
the greater is the cast. But I could not ascertain their mode of
counting sufficiently to decide when the game was won. Another game is
played with a small stick, with several hooks, and a hoop about four
inches in diameter, which is rolled along the ground, and the forked
stick darted after it, the value of the cast being estimated by the
hook on which the ring is caught. This game is gained at 100. The
third game alluded to is that of la platte, described by various
travelers [as the platter or dish game]; this is played by the women,
children, and old men, who, like grasshoppers, crawl out to the circus
to bask in the sun, probably covered only with an old buffalo robe.

The Pawnees, like the Osage, quit their villages in the winter, making
concealments under ground of their corn, in which [caches] it keeps
perfectly sound until spring. The only nations with whom the Pawnees
are now at war are the Tetaus, Utahs, and Kyaways. The two latter of
these reside in the mountains of North Mexico, and shall be treated
when I speak of the Spanish Indians. The former generally inhabit the
borders of the Upper Red river, Arkansaw, and Rio del Norte. The war
has been carried on by those nations for years, without any decisive
action being fought, although they frequently march with 200 or 300
men.

The Pawnees have much the advantage of their enemies in point of arms,
at least one-half having firearms, whilst their opponents have only
bows, arrows, lances, shields, and slings. The Pawnees always march to
war on foot; their enemies are all cavalry. This nation may be
considered as the one equidistant between the Spanish population and
that of our settlements in Louisiana, but are at present decidedly
under Spanish influence, and, should a war commence to-morrow, would
all be in their interest. This circumstance does not arise from their
local situation, because they are all situated on navigable waters of
the Missouri; nor from their interest, because from the Spaniards they
obtain nothing except horses and a few coarse blankets of W. Mexico;
whilst from us they receive all their supplies of arms, ammunition,
and clothing--but all those articles in very small quantities, not
more than half having blankets, and many being without breech-cloths
to cover their nakedness. But the grand principle by which the
Spaniards keep them in their influence is fear, frequently chastising
their small parties on the frontiers. Their sending out the detachment
of 600 horsemen, in 1806, has made such an impression that the
Spaniards may safely calculate on the Pawnees in case of war. This
detachment took with them some of the Pawnees to Chihuahua, at the
same time that I entered the Spanish provinces. But, by our
withholding their supplies of arms, ammunition, and clothing for one
or two years, bringing on their backs the Osage and Kans, the Pawnees
would be in great distress, and feel the necessity of a good
understanding with the United States.

If there should ever be factories established for their accommodation,
these should be at the entrances of La Platte and Kans rivers, as
those waters are of so uncertain navigation (only in freshets) that it
would be folly to attempt any permanent establishments high up them;
and to make those establishments useful to the Pawnees, we must
presuppose our influence sufficient to guarantee them peace and a safe
passage through the nations of the Kans, Otos, and Missouries--the
former on the Kans river, the two latter on the river Platte. My
journal will give various other striking traits of the national
character of the Pawnees, and my dissertation on the subject of the
Spanish claims will further elucidate the political and relative
situation of that nation.

The Kans are a small nation, situated on a river of that name (see the
chart), and are in language, manners, customs, and agricultural
pursuits, precisely similar to the Osage; with whom I believe them, as
before observed, to have had one common origin. It may be said,
however, that their language differs in some degree, but not more than
the dialect of our Eastern States differs from that of the Southern.
But in war they are yet more brave than their Osage brethren; being,
although not more than one-third of their number, their most dreaded
enemies, and frequently making the Pawnees tremble.

The Tetaus, or Camanches as the Spaniards term them, [called] Padoucas
by the Pawnees, are a powerful nation who are entirely erratic,
without the least species of cultivation, and subsist solely by the
chase. But their wanderings are confined to the frontiers of New
Mexico on the W., to the nations on the Lower Red river on the S., to
the Pawnees and Osage on the E., and to the Utahs, Kyaways, and
various unknown nations on the N. This nation, although entirely in
our territories, is claimed exclusively by the Spaniards, and may be
said to be decidedly in their interest, notwithstanding the few who
lately paid a visit to Natchitoches.

They are the only nation bordering on the Spanish settlements whom
that nation treats as an independent people. They are by the Spaniards
reputed brave--indeed, they have given some very strong evidences of
this; for when I first entered the province of New Mexico, I was shown
various deserted villages and towns beaten down, which had been
destroyed by the Tetaus in an invasion of that province, when they
were at war with the Spaniards about ten years since.

From the village of Agua Caliente (see chart) they carried off at one
time 2,000 head of horses; but they now have an excellent
understanding with the Spaniards, which Don Facundo Malagare's
[Malgares'] late expedition has served very much to increase. He
personally related his rencounter with the Tetaus in the following
manner: Having been personally apprised of each other's approximation,
and appointed a time for the Indians to receive him on an extensive
prairie, he sallied forth from his camp with 500 men, all on white
horses, excepting himself and his two principal officers, who rode jet
black ones, and was received on the plain by 1,500 of the savages,
dressed in their gay robes, and displaying their various feats of
chivalry. I leave this subject to the judicious, whether the
circumstance would not be handed down to the latest posterity as an
instance of the good will and respect which the Spaniards paid their
nation, as no doubt Malgares had policy sufficient to induce them to
believe that the expedition was principally fitted out with a view to
pay them a visit. As I was not in their country, and did not meet with
any of the wandering parties, I shall not attempt to describe their
manners and customs; but in my statistical tables I shall include
them, agreeably to the best information obtained of their nation.

I shall here conclude my account of the nations with whom I became
acquainted in our boundaries; as I conceive the Spanish Indians
require a different discussion and attention from a different point of
view, as their missionaries have succeeded with them beyond what we
can form an idea of. My diary will present numerous additional
circumstances, to form an idea of those savages, their manners,
customs, principles, and biases, political and local.

WASHINGTON CITY, January, 1808.

FOOTNOTES:

[IV-1] Chapter IV consists of an article which came first in the App.
to Pt. 2 of the orig. ed., pp. 1-18. This had no number among the
various pieces of which that Appendix was made up; but as it came
first, and the next piece was No. 2, the lack of numeration was a mere
inadvertence, and it is to be taken _pro formâ_ as No. 1. It was
lengthily entitled: "A Dissertation On the Soil, Rivers, Productions,
Animal and Vegetable, with General Notes on the Internal Parts of
Louisiana, compiled from observations made by Capt. Z. M. Pike, in a
late tour from the mouth of the Missouri, to the Head Waters of the
Arkansaw and Rio del Norte, in the years 1806 and 1807; including
Observations on the Aborigines of the Country." Such notes as I should
otherwise have to offer on the substance of this Dissertation are for
the most part already made in the foregoing three chapters of the
Itinerary. The present chapter may therefore be passed without remark,
excepting in so far as concerns some new points that come up for
notice.

[IV-2] Read Missouri--"Mississippi" being the slip of a pen which had
so often written the latter word. The clause means that muddy
backwater from the Missouri ran some way into the Gasconade.

[IV-3] The river which the Expedition crossed was of course the
Neosho, which Wilkinson was correct in stating to fall into the
Arkansaw a short distance below the Vermilion or Verdigris--"a quarter
of a mile," his Report says. Pike's wrong conclusion is not here
animadverted upon, as it has been set right before; but I wish to note
that the "White river of the Mississippi" has given rise to much
confusion, from the very simple circumstance that it is a branch both
of the Mississippi and of the Arkansaw. It runs into the very crotch
between these two, and has a sort of a delta of its own, as well as a
double debouchment. Various maps consulted on this point, as I have
never been on the spot, differ in that some run White r. into the
Arkansaw, some into the Mississippi, and some into both these rivers.
The latter seems to be the present arrangement; but this may have
repeatedly altered in former times.

[IV-4] The route from the Missouri, at or near the mouth of the
Kansas--that is, from old Westport (now Kansas City), Mo., and
Independence, Mo.--to the great bend of the Arkansaw, near the mouth
of Walnut cr., was established as an overland highway during the
'20's, when it began to be regularly taken by the traders' caravans en
route to Santa Fé. The trade attained such proportions that some years
merchandise of the value of $250,000 and $450,000 was hauled over this
road: see Gregg's statistics for 1822-43, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p.
160. Pack-animals or wagons were used, 1822-25, but after that wagons
only; and these soon wore a road as plain as a turnpike. It will be
interesting to go over this road, and identify the camping-grounds of
those hardy pioneers by the modern names of the places on and near
their route; especially as no railroad now follows this primitive
trace exactly. It held a pretty straight westward course, bearing all
the while southward; the distance from the usual starting place
(Independence, Mo.) was called 300 m. roundly, but is somewhat less
than this. The most noted point on the route was Council Grove, so
called since 1825, when the U. S. Commissioners Reeves, Sibley, and
Mathers, who there treated with the Osages, gave the place its present
name. In the most general terms, the road followed the divide between
Kansan waters on the N., or right hand going W., and on the other,
first those of the Osage (a branch of the Missouri), then those of the
Neosho (a branch of the Arkansaw), and finally those of the Arkansaw
itself. But the route was nearly everywhere in the latter water-shed;
after the first few miles, every stream crossed ran to the left. In
some places, the divide between the two sets of streams had little
breadth; one place was called The Narrows, the approximation was so
close. The wagon-train that started from Independence usually left
"the States" the first day out, and entered "the Indian
territory"--that is, it went from the present State of Missouri into
the present State of Kansas; and all the rest of the way to Great Bend
was through the latter. Let us look up some maps and itineraries of
half a century ago--say Gregg's, pub. 1844; Wislizenus', of 1846; and
Beckwith's, 1853--to see what sign-posts they set up. These point to
such places as the following, in regular order from E. to W.:
Independence and Westport, Mo.--Big Blue camp--Round Grove, Lone Elm,
The Glen--Bull cr., Black Jack cr. and pt., Willow springs, and The
Narrows--two Rock creeks in succession--One Hundred and Ten Mile
cr.--Bridge cr.--Dwissler's or Switzler's cr.--five creeks to which
the names First Dragoon, Second Dragoon, Soldier, Prairie Chicken,
Elm, and One Hundred and Forty-two Mile attach in some itineraries and
are to be collated with Fish and Pool, or Fish and Pleasant Valley, of
others--Bluff cr.--Big Rock cr.--Big John spring and cr.--_Council
Grove_, on its own cr.--another Elm cr.--Diamond spring and cr.--Lost
spring and Lost or Willow cr.--Cottonwood cr.--two or three Turkey
creeks in succession--Little Arkansaw r.--several Little Cow creeks,
among them one called Chavez or Charez and Owl--Big Cow cr.--approach
to the Arkansaw r. at Camp Osage--up the Arkansaw to Walnut cr. and
thus to Great Bend. From such _indicia_ as these it may not be
difficult to reopen the road in terms of modern geography. 1.
Independence maintains its independence as the seat of Jackson Co.,
Mo., 2 or 3 m. S. of the Missouri r., and about the same E. of Big
Blue cr.; but Westport is practically absorbed in the suburbs of
Kansas City, Mo. Starting from Independence, the first halt on the
prairie, after crossing Big Blue r., was likely to be "Big Blue camp."
This was about the heads of Brush cr., a small tributary of the Big
Blue from the W., and in the vicinity of present Glenn. Being nearly
on the present inter-State boundary, it was the "jumping-off place"
from "the States," where the traveler entered "the Indian territory."
The military road between Forts Towson (on Red r.) and Leavenworth
passed by. A little to the N. W. was the Shawnee agency and mission,
on a branch of Turkey cr., the first tributary of the Kansas from the
S.; Shawnee is there now, and other places on Turkey cr. are called
Merriam, South Park, and Rosedale; the Kansas City, Fort Scott, and
Gulf R. R. meanders Turkey cr. into Kansas City. The position is about
lat. 38° 59´ N. and long. 94° 35´ W. 2. About 5 m. further S. W. the
road passed by Lenexa, Johnson Co., and a camp could be made on a head
of Indian cr., which is a small stream joined by Tomahawk cr. before
it reaches the Big Blue. The road continued S. W., approximately by
the present S. Kan. R. R., and thus past Olathe, now seat of Johnson
Co., where six tracks diverge in various directions. This is in the
center of the county, near the head of Indian cr., on the head of Mill
cr., a tributary of the Kansas, and near the head of a branch of Cedar
cr., another Kansan affluent. 3. "Round Grove," "Lone Elm," or "The
Glen" was a camping-place on one of the heads of Cedar cr., between
Olathe and the village of Gardner; it was reckoned 15 m. from Big Blue
camp, and 22 m. from Westport. Thus far the Santa Fé route coincided
with the even more celebrated "Oregon trail." But at a point beyond
Gardner, in the direction of Edgerton, and 6 or 8 m. from Round Grove,
the road forked--that is, the Oregon trail struck off to the right in
the N. W. direction of the Kansas, while the Santa Fé trail kept on
the left-hand fork westward. 4. Bull cr. is still so called, or
specified as Big Bull cr. to distinguish it from Little Bull cr.
which, with other tributaries, such as Rock, Ten Mile, and Wea, it
receives before it falls into Marais des Cygnes (main Osage) r. This
is the creek on which is Paola, seat of Miami Co., near the junction
of Wea cr., and it was the first of the Osage waters which the road
crossed. The crossing was high up on its main course, between Gardner
and Edgerton, whence the road continued W. from Johnson into Douglas
Co. 5. From the crossing of Bull cr. it is 9 m. to Black Jack cr. and
pt., so called from the kind of oak (_Quercus nigra_) which grows
there. Black Jack is still the name of a place between the heads of
Captain cr. (tributary of the Kansas) and Rock cr. (a branch of Bull
cr.); it is 3 m. due E. of Baldwin City. 6. "Willow springs" was a
noted camping place W. of Baldwin City, on one of the heads of Ottawa
cr., which flows southward into the Marais des Cygnes r., a little
below Ottawa, county seat of Franklin. The distance of Willow springs
from the crossing of Black Jack cr. is 10½ m. Willow springs seems to
be the same place that was called Wakarusa pt., or was at any rate
very near it. Here the approximation of Kansan and Osage waters is
very close, and this is the place which consequently became known as
"The Narrows." The interlocking is between several heads of the Ottawa
cr. just said and some tributaries of Cole cr., a branch of the
Wakarusa. Camp could also be made at a place called Hickory pt., short
of Willow springs by 3 or 4 m. 7. Two "Rock" creeks were passed at
distances given as 9 and 12 m. from Willow springs by some writers,
and quite differently by others; some also mention but one "Rock" cr.
Eight Mile cr. was headed if not crossed by the road; and beyond this
the road crossed one or both heads of Appanoose cr. These creeks are
tributaries of the Marais des Cygnes, falling in a mile apart at
Ottawa and just beyond. Part of the uncertainty about these "Rock"
creeks arose from the fact that they often ran dry, were woodless, and
thus ineligible for camping-grounds; hence they would often be passed
without remark. The names seem to me to apply rather to the two forks
of the Appanoose than to the main fork of the latter and to Eight Mile
cr. 8. One Hundred and Ten Mile cr., which still floats its long name,
was so called because it was taken to be 110 m. from Fort Osage, our
earliest establishment of the kind on the Missouri. This was built in
Sept., 1808, at Fort Point (present Sibley: see L. and C., ed. 1893,
p. 30), and was sometimes called Fort Clark. The creek in mention was
crossed at a point taken to be 24 m. from Willow springs, and thus in
the vicinity of present Scranton, Osage Co. It is a branch of the
Dragoon cr. we have next to consider. 9. Continuing nearly due W., the
road crossed several heads of present Dragoon cr., in the vicinity of
Burlingame, Osage Co. This is a comparatively large creek, which runs
southeastward to fall into the Marais des Cygnes near Quenemo. That
one of the several heads of Dragoon cr. on which Burlingame is
situated is now called Switzler's cr.; the next beyond is the main
source of Dragoon cr., into which a branch called Soldier's cr. falls,
about 2 m. W. of Burlingame. But none of the older itineraries I have
consulted speak of either "Dragoon" or "Soldier's" cr.; instead of
which, they give a certain Bridge cr., as crossed 8 m. W. of One
Hundred and Ten Mile cr. This is precisely the distance given by
Beckwith for his "Dwissler's" cr. No doubt "Switzler" and "Dwissler"
are the same person's names; but whether this has always been applied
to the same creek may well be doubted. The "First Dragoon" cr. is now
Dragoon cr.; the "Second Dragoon" cr. is now Soldier's cr.; these were
passed near their confluence. 10. In the next few miles the road
crossed in rapid succession several heads of the Marais des Cygnes
itself, thus finishing with the Osage water-shed. Three of these are
now known as Onion, Chicken or Prairie Chicken, and Elm; the latter is
the main head, and seems to be the one which appears as "Fish" cr. in
the early narratives--the name by which it is mapped both by Gregg and
by Wislizenus. A fourth head of the Marais des Cygnes which the road
crossed is that now known as One Hundred and Forty-two Mile cr., which
joins the main stream much lower down than the other three. This is
mapped by Gregg as Pool cr. and by Wislizenus as Pleasant Valley cr.
All four of these streams are crossed in Lyon Co., the boundary
between this and Osage Co. having been passed at long. 95° 50´ 57´´ W.
nearly. 11. The road continued across Big Rock cr., having first
passed its branch, Bluff cr. This is a tributary of the Neosho. It is
probable that the Bluff cr. of early writers refers to the main Big
Rock rather than to the branch now called Bluff, as it is the last one
they give before coming to--12. Big John cr., another tributary of the
Neosho, which was crossed immediately before Council Grove was
reached; on which account, as well as for its beautiful spring and
eligible camping-ground, it early became noted under the name it still
bears. 13. Council Grove, now the seat of Morris Co. This was always
the most marked place on the route--a sort of halfway station between
the Missouri settlements and the great bend of the Arkansaw. Its area
was indefinitely extensive along the wooded bottom-land of the Neosho,
or, as it was called here, Council Grove cr.; but as the situation
became peopled, settlement was made chiefly on the W. or right bank of
the stream, at the mouth of Elm cr., a tributary from the W. This is
not far from the center of a tract about 45 m. square known as the
Kansas Trust Lands, of which the Kansas Diminished Reserve is a
southwestern portion. Council Grove is only some 8 m. from the
boundary between Lyon and Morris Co., which runs on a meridian close
by the course of Big Rock cr. 14. The road continued W. up the left or
N. bank of Elm cr. for about 8 m., crossed it at or near present
station Milton of the Topeka, Salina, and Western R. R., and went on
S. W. to Diamond spring, about 8 m. further. This was a camping place
high up on the waters of Diamond or, as it is also called, Six Mile
cr., a branch of the Cottonwood. 15. Hence W. about 16 m. to Lost
spring, on Lost or Clear cr.--that branch of the Cottonwood which
falls in at Marion. This place is a little over the border of Marion
Co., and a town or station Lost Spring perpetuates the name, at the
point where the Chicago, Kansas, and Nebraska R. R. crosses a branch
of the A., T., and S. F. R. R. 16. From Lost spring the route turned
S. W. 17 m. to the Cottonwood, approximately by the present railroad
line, and struck that river at or near Durham, Marion Co. 17.
Continuing S. W. and then bearing more nearly W., the road passed by
or near Canton and thence to McPherson, both in the county of the
latter name. Both are situated among the heads of Turkey cr., a branch
of the Little Arkansaw; two or three of these were crossed. When two
were noted, it used to be by the names of Little and Big Turkey
creeks; map names are now Running Turkey, Turkey, and West Turkey;
McPherson is on the last of these, some 25 m. from the crossing of the
Cottonwood. The Turkey creeks vary very much in character with season
and the weather. 18. The road continued about 20 m. to the crossing of
the Little Arkansaw, in the vicinity of the place now called Little
River. 19. In 10 m. the road reached one of the tributaries of Cow
cr., and it was 10 more before all of these were passed; there are
five or six of them, and some hardly ever run water. One of them is
now called "Jarvis" cr.: see note 10, p. 424. Another is known as Long
Branch; between this and Little Cow cr. is Lyons, seat of Rice Co.,
and beyond this Big Cow cr. is crossed. 20. The road now makes for the
Arkansaw on a due W. course, and comes on to that river at a place
which was known as Camp Osage, in the vicinity of present Ellinwood,
Barton Co. This town is only 3 m. from the mouth of Walnut cr., and
the city of Great Bend is a mile or two beyond that.

[IV-5] This wild notion was a pet of Pike's, which he indulged to the
extent of embodying it in the title of his book, and making his map
fit it. No man can go, afoot or on horseback, in anything like one
day, from any possible position, to the sources of all those rivers.
It can be taken as an indication of the really close approximation of
certain pairs of rivers, which drain from opposite sides of the same
range, or made elastic enough to suit the situation about Mt. Lincoln,
where some heads of the Grand, the Arkansaw, and the South Platte
approximate; but the other rivers are entirely out of the question.
Owing to Pike's ignorance of the existence of the _North_ Platte, all
that he says in various places of his hypothetical Yellowstone comes
nearer the facts in the case of the Platte. "La Platte" he only knew
from the sources of the _South_ Platte.

[IV-6] This "Mr. M'Cartie" was Le Chevalier Macarty, Makarty, etc.,
who in 1751 succeeded Le Sieur de St. Clair as major-commandant of the
Illinois. He was by birth an Irishman, became a major of engineers,
and served about nine years in the position indicated. The far-famed
Fort Chartres is called by Wallace "the only great architectural work
of the French in the entire basin of the Mississippi, over which, in
succession, had proudly floated the flags of two powerful nations."
Old Fort Chartres, or De Chartres, supposed to have been so named for
the Duc de Chartres, son of the then Regent of France, was built in
1719 and 1720, under the direction of Pierre Duqué de Boisbriant, the
king's lieutenant for France, at the expense of the Company of the
West; it at once became military headquarters and the center of
authority, and was long prominent in the French history of Illinois.
It was rebuilt in 1753-56 during Major Macarty's incumbency, upon the
plans of the French engineer Saucier, at an estimated cost of
5,000,000 livres; and this "new Chartres" is described as a "huge
structure of masonry, an object of wonder and curiosity to all who
ever beheld it"--some of these being antiquarians of the present day.
The historic fortress suffered encroachments of the Mississippi for
several years; it was finally dilapidated during a freshet in 1772,
then evacuated by the British garrison, which removed to Fort Gage,
and never reoccupied. We have many memorials of the progress of its
decay, as well as of the period of its greatness: see Wallace's
Illinois and Louisiana under French rule, 1893, pp. 270, 271, 313-318,
which include various important references, notably to Pittman, whose
description of the fort as it was in 1766 is transcribed, and to
Beck's Gazetteer, giving a plan of the fort from observations made in
1820. The name stands for a steamboat landing near Prairie du Rocher,
Randolph Co., Ill.

CHAPTER V.

WILKINSON'S REPORT ON THE ARKANSAW.[V-1]

New Orleans, April 6th, 1807.

Sir: Agreeably to your order dated in June, 1806, I took my departure
from Belle Fontaine, under the command of Lieutenant Pike, early in
July [15th]. The Missouri being well up, we found the navigation as
favorable as could have been expected. On the 28th of the same month
we reached the mouth of the Osage river, which we found a pellucid,
tranquil stream, with the exception of a few trifling ripples, and a
fall of about six feet in two-thirds of a mile, called the Old Man's
Rapid. The river abounds with various kinds of good fish, especially
the soft-shelled turtle [_Trionyx_ or _Aspidonectes ferox_], which we
took in great numbers. The banks of the river are generally formed by
craggy cliffs, and not unfrequently you perceive stupendous rocks
projecting over the water, out of which issue excellent springs. The
most remarkable natural curiosity which I observed is a pond of water,
about 300 toises[V-2] in circumference, six miles above the Yanga
[Yungar, Nehemgar, or Niangua river], on a rising piece of ground,
considerably above the level of the river, which keeps one continued
height, is perfectly pure and transparent, and has no outlet by which
to discharge.

On the 12th of August the Osages appeared dissatisfied with the
tedious movement of our barges, and expressed a wish to cross the
prairie to their villages, in case an escort were allowed them. I
immediately volunteered my services, and we parted with the boats at
the mouth of Grand river [the branch of the Osage], the spot where our
ransomed prisoners were taken the preceding winter by the
Potowatomies. We reached the village of the Little Osages after a
fatiguing and laborious march of six days across an arid prairie.

When within a mile of the town, the chief Tuttasuggy, or Wind, desired
that a regular procession might be observed; he accordingly placed me
between himself and his first warrior, and the ransomed captives
followed by files. Half a mile from the village we were met by 180
horsemen, painted and decorated in a very fanciful manner; they were
considered as a guard of honor, and on our approach opened to the
right and left, leaving a sufficient space for us to pass through. A
few yards in advance, on the right, I perceived 60 or more horsemen
painted with blue chalk; when the chief observed them, he commanded a
halt, and sent forward his younger brother Nezuma, or Rain that Walks,
with a flag and silk handkerchief as a prize for the swiftest
horseman. At a given signal they started off at full speed, the two
foremost taking the flag and handkerchief, and the rest contenting
themselves with having shown their agility and skill. As I entered the
village I was saluted by a discharge from four swivels which the
Indians had taken from an old fort [Fort Carondelet: see note 41, p.
384] erected by the Spaniards on the river, and passed through a crowd
of nearly a thousand persons, part of whom I learned were of the Grand
village. I was immediately, but with ceremony, ushered into the lodge
of Soldier of the Oak, who, after having paid me some very handsome
compliments, courteously invited me to eat of green corn,
buffalo-meat, and water-melons about the size of a 24-pound shot,
which, though small, were highly flavored.

After Lieutenant Pike's arrival with the boats, we formed our camp on
the bank of the river, equidistant from the villages of the Grand and
Little Osages, and he selected a situation for making his
observations, which he did not complete until the 28th of the month.
The 29th and 30th were devoted to packing as conveniently and
carefully as possible the mathematical instruments and a small
quantity of provisions. On the 1st of September we commenced our march
for the Pawnee Republic, and entered on that vast and extensive
prairie which lies between the Missouri and the Rio del Norte.

We coursed the [Little] Osage river to its source, and almost
immediately crossed some of the small branches of Grand [Neosho]
river, which enters the Arkansaw about 700 miles from the Mississippi.
After passing Grand river, which we found to be 60 or 80 yards wide,
we marched a whole day [week[V-3]] before we reached the waters of the
Kansas, and were agreeably surprised to find ourselves on the bank of
a bold running stream [Smoky Hill fork]. Between this and the village
of the Pawnees we crossed two strongly impregnated salines. We then
passed over a sandy country almost destitute of herbage; and after a
painful march under an oppressive sun, over an irregular and broken
surface, we arrived at the town of the Republican Pawnees on the 25th
of September.

We the day before were met by a number of warriors whom curiosity had
led thus far to see us, among whom was the third consequential
character of the Republican party; for you must know that the village
is composed of the followers of a dissatisfied warrior who first made
this establishment, and the adherents of a regular chief of the Grand
Pawnees who migrated thither some few years since with his family, and
usurped the power of the Republican warrior. To such a pitch does this
party spirit prevail that you easily perceive the hostility which
exists between the adherents of the two chiefs.

Early on the morning of the 25th we were joined by a few more savages
of distinction, headed by the brother of Characterish, or White Wolf,
chief of the nation, who was to act as master of the ceremonies to our
formal entry. Preparatory to our march, we had our men equipped as
neatly as circumstances would admit. About mid-day we reached the
summit of a lofty chain of ridges, where we were requested to halt and
await the arrival of the chief, who was half a mile from us, with 300
horsemen, who were generally naked, except buffalo robes and breech
cloths, and painted with white, yellow, blue, and black paint. At the
word of the chief the warriors divided, and, pushing on at full speed,
flanked us on the right and left, yelling in a most diabolical manner.
The chief advanced in front, accompanied by Iskatappe, or Rich Man,
the second great personage of the village and his two sons, who were
clothed in scarlet cloth. They approached slowly, and when within 100
yards the three latter halted; Characterish advanced in great state,
and when within a few paces of us stretched out his hand and cried,
"_Bon jour_." Thus ended the first ceremony. We moved on about a mile
further, and having gained the summit of a considerable hill, we
discovered the village directly at its base. We here were again
halted, and the few Osages who accompanied us were ordered in front
and seated in rank entire. The chief squatted on his hams in front of
them and filled a calumet, which several different Indians took from
him and handed the Osages to smoke. This was called the horse-smoke,
as each person who took the pipe from the chief intended to present
the Osages a horse. Mr. Pike and Dr. Robinson afterward accompanied
the chief to his lodge, and I moved on with the detachment and formed
our camp on the opposite bank of the Republican fork of the Kansas
river, on a commanding hill which had been selected as the most
favorable situation for making observations, though very inconvenient
on account of wood and water, which we had to transport nearly a
quarter of a mile.

At a council held some few days after our arrival, Lieutenant Pike
explained to them the difference of their present situation and that
of a few years past; that now they must look up to the president of
the United States as their great father; that he [Pike] had been sent
by him [Jefferson] to assure them of his good wishes, etc.; that he
perceived a Spanish flag flying at the council-lodge door, and was
anxious to exchange one of their great father's for it; and that it
was our intention to proceed further to the westward, to examine this,
our newly acquired country. To this a singular and extraordinary
response was given--in fact, an objection started in direct opposition
to our proceeding further west; however, they gave up the Spanish
flag, and we had the pleasure to see the American standard hoisted in
its stead.

At the same council Characterish observed that a large body of
Spaniards had lately been at his village, and that they promised to
return and build a town adjoining his. The Spanish chief, he said,
mentioned that he was not empowered to council with him; that he came
merely to break the road for his master, who would visit him in the
spring with a large army; that he further told him the Americans were
a little people, but were enterprising, and one of those days would
stretch themselves even to his town; that they took the lands of
Indians, and would drive off their game; "and how very truly," said
Characterish, "has the Spanish chieftain spoken!" We demanded to
purchase a few horses, which was prohibited, and the friendly
communication which had existed between the town and our camp was
stopped. The conduct of our neighbors assumed a mysterious change; our
guards were several times alarmed, and finally appearances became so
menacing as to make it necessary for us to be on our guard day and
night.

It was obvious that the body of Spaniards, who preceded us but a few
weeks in their mission to this village, were the regular cavalry and
infantry of the province of Santa Fee, as they had formed their camps
in regular order; also we were informed they kept regular guards, and
that the beats of their drum were uniform morning and evening. The
Spanish leader, further, delivered to Characterish a grand medal, two
mules, and a commission bearing the signature of the governor, civil
and military, of Santa Fee. He also had similar marks of distinction
for the Grand Pawnees, the Pawnee Mahaws, Mahaws Proper, Otos, and
Kanses.

On the 6th of October we made some few purchases of miserable horses
at the most exorbitant prices, and on the 7th, unmoved by the threats
of the chief relative to our proceeding further to the west, we
marched in a close and compact body until we passed their village, and
took the large beaten Spanish trace for the Arkansaw river. We passed
the following day [8th] an encampment of the Spaniards, where we
counted 69 fires. On the 9th, as usual, made an easy march; and about
noon, when we halted to refresh ourselves, were overtaken by 300
Pawnees, on their way to the salines of the Kanses to hunt buffalo.
Their every act showed a strong disposition to quarrel, and in fact
they seemed to court hostility; but, finding us without fear and
prepared, to a man, they offered no outrage. Having grazed our horses
an hour, we parted from this turbulent band, slung our packs,
proceeded to Solomon's Fork of the Kanses, and pitched our tents on an
old encampment of the Spaniards whose trace we were following, as we
found the next morning [10th] many tent-pins made of wood different
from any in that country. At mid-day Lieutenant Pike, Dr. Robinson,
and the interpreter Baroney pushed on to search for water, and I
remained with the troops. I pushed on as briskly as our poor
half-famished horses would permit, but at nightfall could discover
nothing of Mr. Pike, and had not a tree in view. This induced me to
quicken my pace; and, as darkness had rendered my compass useless, I
coursed by the polar star; but the horizon becoming overcast, I halted
on a naked stony prairie, without water or grass for our horses. On
the following morning [11th] I directed my course more to the
southward, and about ten o'clock came to the [which?] creek and
encampment of Lieut. Pike. Late in the evening of the same day [11th],
after passing over a mountainous tract of country, we reached the
Grand Saline, which we found so strongly impregnated as to render
unpalatable corn boiled in it. On the 12th, after a distressing day's
march, we reached the Second or Small Saline, and on the following day
[13th] encamped on the most western [Smoky Hill] branch of the Kanses
river.[V-4]

We were detained, on the morning of the 13th [14th], by a small rain;
but as time was pressing, we marched about noon, crossed the dividing
ridge of the Kanses and Arkansaw rivers, and halted on a small branch
of the latter. For several days past we had been so bewildered by
buffalo paths that we lost the Spanish trace; and this being an object
of moment, we resolved to make search for it. Accordingly, on the
following day [15th] at noon, Mr. Pike and Dr. Robinson struck off
from the party on a due west course, and I marched the detachment for
a copse of wood which we could barely discern in the southwest, and
reached it about midnight. At day-break I was awakened by my old and
faithful Osage, who informed me that we were on the banks of the
Arkansaw river. I immediately arose, and discovered my tent to have
been pitched on the margin of a water-course nearly 400 yards wide,
with banks not three feet high, and a stream of water running through
it about 20 feet in width and not more than six or eight inches deep.

I remained here four days in great anxiety and suspense, as neither
Mr. Pike nor Dr. Robinson made their appearance, nor could be found,
although I had all my hunters out in search of them. But I was
agreeably surprised on the fifth[V-5] day, early in the morning, by
their arrival. It appeared that our apprehensions were mutual, as they
expected I had been cut off, and I believed they had been murdered.

On the 17th it commenced raining and continued for several days,
during which time the river rose so much as to fill its bed from bank
to bank. Lieutenant Pike having determined that I should descend the
Arkansaw, we cut down a small green Cottonwood, and with much labor
split out a canoe, which being insufficient, we formed a second of
buffalo and elk skins.

After the rain had ceased the weather became extremely cold, and on
the 27th, in the evening, a severe snow-storm commenced and continued
nearly all night. In the morning [of the 28th[V-6]] the river was
almost choked with drifting ice; but the sun bursting out at noon, the
ice disappeared, and I took leave of Mr. Pike, who marched up the
river at the moment I embarked on board my newly constructed canoe.
Unfortunately, we had not proceeded more than 100 yards when my boats
grounded, and the men were obliged to drag them through sand and ice
five miles, to a copse of woods on the southwestern bank. I here
hauled up my canoe, formed a kind of cabin of it, and wrapped myself
up in my buffalo-robe, disheartened and dissatisfied with the
commencement of my voyage. The night was severely cold, and in the
morning [29th] the river was so full of ice as to prevent all
possibility of proceeding. The day continued stormy, with snow from
the northwest.

On the 30th the river was frozen up, and toward evening the water had
run off and left the bed of the river covered with ice. This
circumstance determined me to leave my canoes and course the river by
land. Accordingly, on the 31st of October, after having thrown away
all my clothing and provision, except half a dozen tin cups of hard
corn for each man, I slung my rifle on my shoulder, and with my
buffalo-robe at my back and circumferentor in my hand, I recommenced
my march with a light and cheerful heart. My only apprehension was
that I might meet with detached bands of the Pawnees, who, I am
confident, would have brought me and my five men [Ballenger, Boley,
Bradley, Huddleston, Wilson] to action; and what the consequence of
this would have been is very obvious.

On the 1st, 2d, and 3d of November I marched over high and barren
hills of sand; at the close of each day passed strongly impregnated
salines, and perceived the shores of the river to be completely
frosted with nitre. The face of the country, as I descended, looked
more desolate than above, the eye being scarcely able to discern a
tree; and if one was discovered, it proved to be a solitary
cottonwood, stinted in growth by the sterility of the soil. The
evening of the 3d instant I encamped on the bank of the river, without
a tree or even a shrub in view. On the 4th we experienced a heavy
rain; but hunger and cold pressed me forward. After marching 10 miles
I reached a small tree, where I remained in a continued rain for two
days [5th, 6th], at the expiration of which time, having exhausted my
fuel, I had again [7th] to push off in a severe storm, and formed my
camp at the mouth of a bold running stream [probably Cow creek[V-7]],
whose northern bank was skirted by a chain of lofty ridges.

On the 8th, in the morning, it having cleared up, I began my march
early, and it appeared as if we had just gotten into the region of
game; for the herds of buffalo, elk, goat [antelope], and deer
surpassed credibility. I do solemnly assert that, if I saw one, I saw
more than 9,000 buffaloes during the day's march.

On the 10th, in the evening, after a severe day's march, I encamped on
the bank of a large creek [probably Little Arkansaw[V-8]], and
discovered for the first time on the river a species of wood differing
from the cotton tree. I assure you the sight was more agreeable than
a person would imagine; it was like meeting with an old acquaintance
from whom I had been separated a length of time. I even began to think
myself approximating civilized settlements, although I was just
entering on the hunting-ground of the Osages.

The buffaloes and goats disappeared on the 12th, or rather we had
passed their range and entered that of the deer only. Our marches were
through rich narrow bottoms from 150 to 200 yards wide.

On the 15th, discovering timber sufficiently large to form canoes, I
felled a couple of trees, and commenced splitting out. I would have
proceeded further by land, but as my men were almost worn out with
fatigue, and as the game grew scarce, I conceived it most advisable to
rest for a short time, and kill my winter's store of meat. This I
effected by the 24th, and on the same day completed the canoes. On the
25th I again attempted the navigation of the river, but was as
unfortunate as at first; for my boat grounded, after floating a few
hundred yards, and the men were consequently compelled to ply with
their shoulders instead of their paddles.

The following day I passed the Negracka [read Ninnescah[V-9]], at
whose mouth commence the craggy cliffs which line a great part of the
shores of the Arkansaw.

On the 28th the provision canoe overset, and I lost nearly all my
stock of meat; this accident was rendered the more distressing by an
almost total loss of my ammunition, which unfortunately was in the
same canoe.

On the 30th, I fell in with a band of Grand Osages, who were in
pursuit of buffalo cows; the chief of the party insisted on my
remaining with him a day, and sent out his young men to hunt for me.
In the afternoon two Indians of the Osage nation joined us, with a
horse and mule, and brought me a message from Tuttasuggy, or Wind, who
it appeared was lying very ill, about 20 miles across the prairie, and
wished to see me. As he was a particular favorite of mine, I left my
canoes in charge of the men, and passed with a guide to the chief's
temporary village. I found him extremely unwell, with what I conceived
to be a dropsy, for his abdomen was very much swollen. He seemed
gratified at the sight of me, and observed that he was poor and
pitiful, for the reason that he was a friend to the Americans. He said
that Chouteau, upon arrival at their villages last fall, had treated
him like a child; had taken on to Washington his younger brother
Nezuma, or Rain that Walks, and intended making him [Nezuma] chief of
the nation; that Chouteau told him he [Tuttasuggy] was a "bad man,"
and an "American" [_i. e._, a friend of the Americans]; that the
Spaniards were going to war with America, and in a short time would
claim all this country again; and that he [Chouteau] prevented the
traders from allowing credit, whereby his [Tuttasuggy's] family were
much distressed--as I clearly perceived, for they were even destitute
of a whole blanket.

This Nezuma, whom Chouteau took on to Washington last fall with his
wife, I am better acquainted with than perhaps Mr. Chouteau himself.
In the first place, I marched with him from St. Louis to his town, and
he started with us to visit the Pawnees; but the mean and pitiful
wretch got alarmed and sneaked off without even advising us of his
departure. He has no more command in the village than a child, is no
warrior, and has not even the power to control the will of a single
man of his nation. Whether this youth is entitled to a grand medal,
you may judge from the foregoing statement. Indeed, Sir, our grand
medals have become so common that they do not carry with them the
respect which they should. I recollect that one of the deputation who
was at the seat of government, the year before last, came out with a
large medal and an intermediate-sized one. On our arrival at the
villages, I calculated on his acting a conspicuous part; but, to my
utter astonishment, he was not permitted to sit among the chiefs, or
even the warriors, at the council.

You well know, Sir, how particular the Spaniards, and the British
especially, have been in their distribution of medals; and if I
mistake not, an Iowa chief, who had been to the seat of government and
there received a small medal, returned it in preference to giving up a
large British medal which he valued more, because it was a certain
distinguishing mark of a chief.

You gave to Mr. Pike an intermediate-sized medal for one of the Pawnee
chiefs; this he presented to Iskatappe, who, having remarked the
medals pendent from the necks of the two Pawnee young men who had been
to Washington, demanded of what utility it would be to him. The only
Spanish medals in the Pawnee nation are those worn by Characterish, or
White Wolf, and his son.

The following sarcastic remark was made by the son of Bel Oiseau, a
chief of the first standing among the Grand Osages while living, who
unfortunately was killed by the Sacs on his way to Washington with the
first deputation. The son of White Hairs, with Shenga Wassa, or
Beautiful Bird [Bel Oiseau], was to accompany us to the Pawnee
village; but the former proved recreant, and at the crossing of Grand
[Neosho] river said he would return home. "Shame on you!" said the
latter; "what a pity it is so great and honorable a medal should be
disgraced by so mean a heart!"

You will pardon this digression, but I would wish to convince you,
from what I have seen of Indians, how very requisite it is to use the
utmost caution in the distribution of our presents and marks of
distinction.

Before I set out to visit Tuttasuggy, the ice had commenced drifting
in large sheets, and on my return I found it running from shore to
shore. However, I pushed off and drifted with it.

The night of the 2d of December was intensely cold, but hunger obliged
me to proceed, and we fortunately reached the mouth of the Neskalonska
[Salt fork of the Arkansaw[V-10]] river without accident or injury,
excepting that one of my men got frosted. This day we passed two
salines which enter on the southwestern side.

The severity of the weather increased, and the river froze over on the
morning of the 3d. This circumstance placed me in a situation truly
distressing, as my men were almost naked; the tatters which covered
them were comfortless, and my ammunition was nearly exhausted. The men
solicited me to hut, but I was resolved by perseverance and exertion
to overcome, if in my power, the obstacles opposed to my progress.

The Neskalonska is about 120 yards wide, shoal and narrow at its
mouth, but deepens and spreads after you turn the first point. On
this stream the Grand and Little Osages form their temporary fall
hunting-camps, and take their peltries. When the severity of winter
sets in, the Grand Osages retire to Grosse Isle, on the Verdigrise or
Wasetihoge;[V-11] and the Little Osages to one of its small branches
called Possitonga, where they remain during the hard weather, and
thence return to their towns on the Neska or [Little] Osage river.

On the 6th the ice began to drift, and I immediately pushed off with
it; but as my evil stars would have it, my boats again grounded. Being
in the middle of the river, my only alternative was to get out and
drag them along for several miles, when we halted to warm our benumbed
feet and hands. The next day several large cakes of ice had blocked up
the river, and we had to cut our way through them with axes; the boats
as usual grounded, and the men, bare-legged and bare-footed, were
obliged to leap into the water. This happened so frequently that two
more of them got badly frosted.

On the 8th one of my canoes was driven on a bank of ice during a
snow-storm, and did not overtake me until the evening of the 9th, in
so shattered a condition that she could hardly be kept above water,
and the poor fellows who were in her were almost frozen.

On the 10th, about noon, I passed the Grand Saline or Newsewketonga
[Cimarron river[V-12]], which is of a reddish color, though its water
is very clear. About two days' march up this river, you find the
prairie grass on the S. W. side incrusted with salt, and on the N. E.
bank, fresh-water springs, and lakes abounding with fish. This salt
the Arkansaw Osages obtain by scraping it off the prairie with a
turkey's wing into a wooden trencher. The river does not derive its
name from its saline properties, but from the quantities that may
always be found on its banks, and is at all seasons of the year
potable.

On the 20th, in the afternoon, we passed another Saline [river[V-13]]
with water equally as red as that of the Newsewketonga, and more
strongly impregnated with salt.

After encountering every hardship to which a voyage is subject in
small canoes at so inclement a season of the year, I arrived on the
23d inst., in a storm of hail and snow, at the wintering-camp of
Cashesegra or Big Track, [or Big Foot] chief of the Osages who reside
on Verdigrise river.

On the following day I gave him your talk and received his reply,
which it is unnecessary to recount fully, as it was merely a
description of his poverty and miserable situation. He however said
that he had been informed the United States intended to erect
factories on the Osage river, and that he was anxious to have one near
to his own village; and for that purpose he was willing to give the
United States the tract of country lying between the Verdigrise and
Grand [Neosho] rivers. A factory, with a garrison of troops stationed
there, would answer the double purpose of keeping in order those
Indians, who are the most desperate and profligate part of the whole
nation, more fully impressing them with an idea of our consequence,
and gaining more firmly their friendship. It also would tend to
preserve harmony among the Chactaws, Creeks, Cherokees, and Osages of
the three different villages, who are in a constant state of warfare;
further, it would prevent the Osages making excursions into the
country of the poor and peaceably disposed Caddoes, and might have
some effect in confining the Spaniards to their own territorial
limits.

On the 27th I passed the mouths of the Verdigrise and Grand
[Neosho[V-14]] rivers, the former being about 100 and the latter 130
yards wide; those streams enter within a quarter of a mile of each
other. Below the mouth of Grand river commence the rapids, which
continue for several hundred miles down the Arkansaw.

About 58 or 60 miles up the Verdigrise is situate the Osage
village.[V-15] This band, some four or five years since, were led by
the chief Cashesegra [Big Foot] to the waters of the Arkansaw, at the
request of Pierre Chouteau, for the purpose of securing their trade,
the exclusive trade of the Osage river having at that time been
purchased from the Spanish governor by Manuel Lisa of St. Louis. But
though Cashesegra be the nominal leader, Clermont, or the Builder of
Towns, is the greatest warrior and most influential man, now more
firmly attached to the interests of the Americans than any other chief
of the nation. He is the lawful sovereign of the Grand Osages; but
his hereditary right was usurped by Pahuska or White Hair [Cheveux
Blancs], while Clermont was yet an infant. White Hair, in fact, is a
chief of Chouteau's creating, as well as Cashesegra; and neither has
the power or disposition to restrain their young men from the
perpetration of an improper act, fearing lest they should render
themselves unpopular.

On the 29th I passed a fall [Webber's] of near seven feet
perpendicular. At evening I was visited by a scout from an Osage war
party, and received from them a man by the name of M'Farlane, who had
been trapping up the Pottoe [Poteau]. We passed about noon this day
the mouths of the river des Illinois,[V-16] which enters on the N. E.
side, and of the Canadian[V-17] river, which puts in from the S. W.
The latter river is the main branch of the Arkansaw, and is equally
large.

On the 31st I passed the mouth of the Pottoe,[V-18] a deep though
narrow stream which puts in on the S. W., and also the river au
Millieu [Milieu[V-19]], that enters from the N. E.

On the evening of the 6th of January I reached the plantation of a Mr.
Labomme, and was more inhospitably treated than by the savages
themselves.

On the 8th I passed the two upper Arkansaw or Quapaw[V-20] villages,
and on the 9th, after passing the lower Quapaw town, and a settlement
of Chactaws, arrived at the post of Arkansaw.[V-21]

The surface of the country between the Osage towns and the Pawnee
village is generally broken and naked; the soil sterile, and abounding
with flint and lime stones. As you approach the waters of the Kanses,
it becomes hilly and sandy. The same may be said of the country
between the Pawnee village and the Arkansaw; but after passing the
ridge which separates the waters of the Kanses and Arkansaw, the
surface becomes more regular and less stony.

Below the Verdigrise the shores of the Arkansaw are generally lined
with cane [_Arundinaria macrosperma_], and consequently rich bottoms.
I was informed by the Indians that the country to the northwest of the
Osage village abounds with valuable lead mines, but I could make no
discovery of any body of mineral.

The survey from the Arkansaw post to the Mississippi I fear is not
correct, as I was so ill when I descended that part of the river as to
be confined to my blanket.

The chart which accompanies this report, of the course of the
Arkansaw, I hope will prove satisfactory, not only to yourself, but
the president.

I have the honor to subscribe myself,
Your faithful and obliged,
Humble and obedient servant,
[Signed] JAMES B. WILKINSON,
1st Lieut. 2d U. S. Regt. of Infantry.

His Excellency
GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON,
Commander-in-Chief of the U. S. Army.

FOOTNOTES:

[V-1] The following Report was written by Lieutenant Wilkinson at a
time when it was expected I had been cut off by the savages. It
consequently alluded to transactions relative to the Expedition
previous to our separation, which I have since corrected. But the
adventures of his party, after our separation, are given in his own
words.--Z. M. P.

The above explanatory note by Pike stood alone on p. 19 of the App. to
Pt. 2 of the orig. ed. Wilkinson's Report, of which Chapter V. now
consists, formed Doc. No. 2 of that Appendix, running pp. 20-32. It
rehearses the movements of Pike's party to Oct. 28th, 1806, when the
two officers separated at Great Bend, and Wilkinson started down the
Arkansaw. It thus serves to some extent to check Pike's narrative, but
is chiefly notable in this respect for some discrepancies which I have
been unable to adjust. Lieutenant Wilkinson's health was not good
during his descent of the Arkansaw, and he endured much hardship; to
which causes is doubtless due in part the lack of anything very
notable in his Report. James Biddle Wilkinson was the son of General
James Wilkinson of Maryland. He entered the army as a second
lieutenant of the 4th Infantry, Feb. 16th, 1801; was transferred to
the 2d Infantry, Apr. 1st, 1802; became first lieutenant Sept. 30th,
1803, and captain Oct. 8th, 1808, and died Sept. 7th, 1813.

[V-2] The toise is an old French measure of length equal to six French
feet or 1.949 meter, and therefore to about 6.4 English feet.

[V-3] The party reached and crossed the Neosho Sept. 9th, and struck
the Smoky Hill fork of the Kansas r. on the morning of the 16th: see
those dates in Pike's itinerary, and notes there.

[V-4] There are material discrepancies between Wilkinson's and Pike's
accounts of the 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th, not easy to reconcile,
even supposing the two officers were separated a part of the time.
Pike comes first to what he calls "Little Saline" r., and then to
Great Saline on the 11th; Smoky Hill r., 12th; 7 m. beyond it to head
of a branch of it, 13th; over the divide, 14th, to Cow cr.; and is
lost on Walnut cr., 15th. His map puts a camp-mark on Little Saline,
date uncertain; one on Great Saline, 11th; one on Smoky Hill r., 12th;
and none for 13th, 14th, or 15th. Wilkinson comes first to Grand
Saline, 11th; "Second or Small Saline," 12th; Smoky Hill, 13th; over
divide and on to a branch of the Arkansaw, also on the 13th; reaches
Arkansaw 14th, about midnight. We have here a day miscounted; reverse
sequence of the two Saline rivers; and several camp-marks misplaced or
missing. All this adds to the trouble we found in trying to follow
Pike's itinerary, and I do not see how the difficulty can be adjusted.
What seems certain is: 1. Great Saline r. reached or crossed on the
11th; Smoky Hill r. reached or crossed on the 12th; divide crossed and
camp on Cow cr., 13th, 14th; Wilkinson on the Arkansaw at midnight of
the 15th, when Pike and Robinson were lost on Walnut cr.

[V-5] Again a discrepancy from Pike. According to his diary he left
the party at 5 p. m., 15th, with Dr. Robinson; was lost, 16th and
17th; found and brought to Wilkinson's camp on the Arkansaw, 18th; so
Wilkinson could have remained but two days in suspense, which was
relieved on the third day. As Pike himself informs us that he
"corrected" Wilkinson's Report for the time they were together, yet
evidently failed to make it fit his own, we may be excused if we do
not succeed in the attempt. On some points I suspect Wilkinson came
nearest the facts. He did not lose his notes and supplement from
memory, as Pike was forced to do; he was not hunting for the Spanish
trail, nor for buffalo; and he did not get bewildered on Walnut cr.

[V-6] Both accounts fortunately agree on this notable date--the day on
which Pike started up the Arkansaw and Wilkinson down the same river.
The distance made by the latter on the 28th sets him about the mouth
of Antelope cr., a small run that makes in on the right or south a
mile above the mouth of Walnut cr. Here he remained on the 29th and
30th. There is obviously no possibility of following him closely
through his benumbed voyage; we can only check his course at the most
notable points.

[V-7 and *] Wilkinson's, "bold running stream" and his "large creek"
are probably identifiable by the above data; but in my ignorance of
these details I can only presume, without knowing, that he means Cow
cr. and the Little Arkansaw, these being the two principal tributaries
of the Arkansaw in Kansas below Great Bend. Cow cr. is the same stream
whose headwaters Pike and Wilkinson came upon before they reached
Great Bend: see note 10, p. 424; but it falls in much lower, at
Hutchinson, Reno Co., Kas. The Little Arkansaw is that river at whose
mouth is Wichita, seat of Sedgwick Co., Kas. Both these streams course
very obliquely to the Arkansaw, from the N. W., and fall in on the
left bank.

[V-9] "Negracka" is here an error; Wilkinson means the Ninnescah,
Nenescah, or Nenesquaw r., which falls in from the W. on the right
hand; town of Whitman, Sumner Co., Kas., at its mouth. This is the
only instance I have ever known of the misapplication of the name
Negracka, which belongs absolutely to, and was long the current name
of, the Salt fork of the Arkansaw: see next note. Thus, we read in
Morse's Gazetteer, 1821, p. 499: "Negracka River ... falls into the
Arkansaw from the N. W. It is 100 yards wide." The Nenescah is a
smaller stream than this. It is lettered "Ne-ne-sesh, or Good Riv." on
a map of the Indian Terr., etc., Engineer Bureau, War Dept., Oct.,
1866. Between his Negracka or the Nenescah r., and his Neskalonska or
the Salt fork of the Arkansaw, Wilkinson passes the following streams:
1. Slate cr., from the N. W., traversing Sumner Co. obliquely; 2.
Walnut cr. (formerly Whitewater r.), from the N., with an average
course nearly due S., through Butler and Cowley cos., Kas., to fall in
at Arkansaw City; 3. Grouse cr., from the N. E., in Cowley Co., its
mouth nearly on the boundary between Kansas and Oklahoma; 4. Chilockey
or Chilocco cr., over the Oklahoma line, school reservation there; 5.
Deer cr., from the W., very small; 6. Beaver cr., from the N. E.,
whose mouth is at the Kaw or Kansas Agency; 7. South Coon cr., from
the N., but falling in on the right, very small; 8. Turkey cr., from
the N., but mouth on the right, between Cross and Ponca stations of
the Arkansaw branch of the A., T., and S. F. R. R.

[V-10] "Neskalonska" is a name I have failed to find elsewhere, but
fortunately there is no question of the river to which Wilkinson
applies it. This is Salt fork, the third largest branch of the
Arkansaw from the W.--the Cimarron being second, and the Canadian
first in size. Wilkinson's "Neskalonska" and his "Grand Saline or
Newsewtonga" are respectively Salt fork and Cimarron r. of present
nomenclature. Notwithstanding their great size and importance, and the
fact that they fall into the Arkansaw about a degree of latitude and
of longitude apart, they have been completely confused by geographers,
on whose maps almost every name of each has been misapplied to the
other. Salt fork is the upper and smaller one of the two, which falls
in through the Ponca Reservation, at or near Ponca P. O. and Ponca
Agency, in Oklahoma. Cimarron r. is the lower and larger one of the
two, which falls in through the Indian Territory at a point on the
boundary of Oklahoma. Salt fork has been called: Salt fork; Salt r.;
Salt cr.; Saline fork; Saline r.; Saline cr.; Red fork; Red r.; Little
Arkansaw r. (duplicating a name: see note 8, p. 548); Nescutango r.;
Negracka r. (its usual name for many years); Semerone, Cimarone,
Cimmaron, Cimarron r.--the last four variants of the same word, and
like Nescutango, properly belonging only to the next, viz.: Cimarron
r. This has been called: Red fork; Saline r.; Grand Saline r.;
Jefferson r.; Nesuketong, Nesuketonga, Nesuhetonga, Nescutanga,
Newsewketonga r.; Cimmaron, Cimarron r. On analyzing the comparative
applicability of these names, I find that "Salt" or "Saline" belongs
most properly to the upper and smaller stream, for which we now use
it, and when applied to the lower is usually qualified as Grand
Saline; that "Red" is misapplied to both indifferently; that "Little
Arkansas" is only applied to the upper, and "Jefferson" only to the
lower stream; that "Negracka" is absolutely the name of the upper one
alone; that "Nesuketonga" and its variants are almost entirely
confined to the lower one; and finally that "Cimarron" in its
variations is equally common to both, though in present usage it is
absolutely restricted to the lower one.

These data rest upon the examination of a large lot of old maps with
special reference to the points involved, with the assistance of Mr.
Robert F. Thompson of the Indian Bureau at Washington. These maps show
a curious reversal in the _size_ of the two rivers, the earlier and
poorer ones making the upper stream the larger of the two, and
conversely. Furthermore, the tendency has always been to call the
_larger_ one "Cimarron" and "Red," no matter which its position. Aside
from this, the most sharply contrasted pairs of names are "Salt" and
"Negracka" for the upper stream, and "Red" and "Nesuketonga" for the
lower one. Thus, to be more specific: 1. John Melish's map of the U.
S., engr. by J. Vallance and H. S. Tanner, pub. Philada., 1820, has
Negracka, upper, larger; Jefferson, lower, smaller. 2. H. S. Tanner's
map of N. Amer., in the New American Atlas, pub. Philada., 1823, map
dated 1822, has Negracka or Red r., upper, larger; and Nesuhetonga or
Gr. Saline, lower, smaller. 3. The American Atlas, pub. Philada., H.
C. Carey and I. Lea, 1823, has a map of the U. S., with Negracka or
Red Fork, upper, larger, and Grand Saline, lower, smaller; also, a map
of the Arkansaw, etc., drawn by Major S. H. Long, with Negracka or Red
Fork, upper, larger; and Nesuketonga or Grand Saline, lower, smaller;
also, a map of Mexico, etc., based on Humboldt, etc., by J. Finlayson,
with these very same names. 4. A. Finlay's map of North America, pub.
Philada., 1826, has upper larger stream Negracka or Semerone R.; lower
one, very small, Grand Saline. 5. A map of Mexico in Anthony Finlay's
Atlas, pub. Philada., 1830, has Negracka, upper and larger; the lower
smaller one unnamed. 6. A map of North America in Tanner's Atlas, pub.
Philada., Carey and Hart, 1843, has Negracka, upper and larger; Gr.
Saline, lower and smaller; the map of Mexico and Guatemala, in this
atlas, represents the two as Red Br. and Saline. 7. On Josiah Gregg's
map of the Indian Territory, etc., in Morse's N. A. Atlas, pub. N. Y.,
Harper and Brothers, 1844, also accompanying Gregg's Commerce of the
Prairies, the two rivers are represented of about the same size, the
upper one being lettered Cimarron R. and Salt Fork; the lower, Red
Fork of the Arkansas R. This is a notably good map for its date, and
in the matter now under examination may be taken as the turning-point
to a better understanding of the facts in the case. 8. On a map of
Texas, etc., pub. Philada., S. Augustus Mitchell, 1846, the upper and
still larger river appears as Cimarone or Salt Fork; the lower, as Red
Fork. 9. On a map of Mexico issued by H. S. Tanner, 3d ed., 1846, the
upper, larger stream is given as Semerone, Negracka, or Red River; the
lower, as Saline. 10. On a map of the U. S. in Harper's Statistical
Gazetteer of the World, by J. Calvin Smith, pub. N. Y., Harper and
Brothers, 1855, the upper stream is called Cimarron or Salt Fork; the
lower, Red Fork of Arkansas. 11. Emory's beautiful map of the Western
U. S., pub. 1857-58, has Salt Fork for the upper and much smaller
stream, and Red Fork of the Arkansas for the other. 12. A map of
Kansas, etc., in Mitchell's Atlas of 1861, represents the upper stream
as Cimarron River, the lower as Red Fork of the Arkansas. 13. The map
of N. A. in Johnston's Family Atlas, pub. N. Y., Johnston and Ward,
1864, shows the two in a peculiar manner, and calls the upper one
Semerone, the lower one Nesuketong. 14. The Office of Indian Affairs
has on file a very fine map of the Indian Territory, drawn by Ado
Hunnius from the reconnoissance of Lieutenant J. C. Woodruff in 1852,
and from a War Dept. map of 1866, on which the upper and now _smaller_
river appears as Salt Creek or Nescutanga, or Salt Fork of the
Arkansas, and the much larger lower one as Cimarron River or Red Fork
of the Arkansas. 15. The War Dept. map of the Indian Territory,
Engineer Bureau, Oct., 1866, letters for the smaller upper stream
Nescutango R. and Little Arkansas R.; for the other, Cimarron River
and Red Fork of Arkansas River. 16. A manuscript map by John C. McCoy,
on file in the Office of Indian Affairs, has Red Fork for the upper,
and Ne se ke tonga for the lower one. 17. On a cabinet map of the U.
S., pub. Chicago, Rufus Blanchard, 1868, the upper one is called
Little Arkansas River, the lower one being styled Red Fork of Arkansas
River. 18. A map of the U. S. in Mitchell's Atlas of 1874 shows the
upper and larger stream as Cimmaron or Salt Fork, and the smaller
lower one as Red Fork; the map of Texas in the same atlas shows only
the latter, given as Red Fork of Arkansas. 19. The General Land Office
map of the Indian Territory, 1879, letters for the upper river Salt
Fork of Arkansas R., and for the other Red Fork of the Arkansas or
Cimarron River; the same Office's map of Oklahoma, 1894, has Salt Fork
of Arkansas River for the one, and Cimarron River for the other.

The consensus of the above, aside from the eccentricities and errors
involved, is reducible to Salt fork or Negracka r. for the upper one,
and Red fork, Nesuketonga, or Cimarron r. for the other one, of these
two important streams. One of the curiosities in the matter is the
constancy of the form of the word Negracka, as well as its restriction
to a single river.

[V-11] The Verdigris, Vermilion, or Wasetihoge r. has been already
noticed, when Pike's party reached its headwaters in Kansas: see note
58, p. 400. The present nomenclature of its principal branches is: 1.
Hominy cr., in the Osage and Cherokee countries of the Indian
Territory, with a main fork, Bird cr., site of the Osage Agency; 2.
Caney r., or the Little Verdigris, falling in by the Blue Mounds in
the Cherokee country, and formed of two main forks known as Big and
Little Caney creeks, both of which head in Kansas; 3. Elk r., heading
in the Kansan county of that name, and falling in above Independence,
in Montgomery Co., Kas.; 4. Fall r., one of the terminal forks of the
Verdigris, and on which is Fredonia, Wilson Co.

[V-12] See note 10 for synonymy. The Cimarron is a very large river,
which drains from the eastern slopes of the great mountains in New
Mexico and runs thence through southwestern portions of Kansas, loops
into Oklahoma Territory from Meade Co., Kas., loops back into Kansas
in Clarke Co., and thence through the S. W. corner of Comanche Co.
into Oklahoma again, traverses this Territory, and joins the Arkansaw
between the Osage and Creek countries, at a certain point on the line
between Oklahoma and the Indian Territory.

In passing from Salt fork to the Cimarron, we have first, Red or Red
Rock cr., a sizable stream from the W. or right; places called Redrock
and Otoe on it; second, Buck cr., left, from the N., once known as
Suicide cr.; third, Gray Horse cr., small, left, from the N. E.;
fourth, Black Bear cr., large, from the W., on the right. The Pawnee
Agency is on this stream, which some maps wrongly run into the
Cimarron instead of the Arkansaw.

[V-13] This is not easily determined, as there are several small
streams of similar character between the Cimarron and the Verdigris,
among them those called Polecat, Snake, Cane, and Caney (or Pocan)
creeks.

[V-14] For these two rivers, see back, notes 53, 55, pp. 397, 398, and
following to p. 402; also, note 11, p. 555.

[V-15] This was the so-called "Arkansaw band" of Osages, the
circumstances of whose secession from the Osage village on the Little
Osage r. are mentioned by Pike elsewhere, as well as by Wilkinson in
the present instance. The faction seems to have been fomented by
Chouteau through jealousy of Lisa's exclusive right to trade on the
Osage r. The affair must have been notorious at the time, as various
authors speak of the settlement of this Osage band on the Verdigris
or, as it was also called, Vermilion r. Among them are Lewis and
Clark: see ed. 1893, p. 12.

[V-16] This Illinois r., still so called, heads in Washington and
Benton cos., Ark., crosses the W. border of the State N. of 36°, and
runs through the Cherokee country in the Indian Territory, to fall
into the Arkansaw a short distance above the mouth of the Canadian.
Between the Illinois and Canadian rivers, on the E. side of the
Arkansaw, opposite the mouth of Elk cr., is a place called Webber's
Falls, with reference to the falls of which Wilkinson speaks.

[V-17] The main fork of the Arkansaw, and scarcely a lesser stream.
This is one of the six or seven large rivers which have shared the
name "Red" or its equivalent, though less frequently than some of the
others. This is because the Mexicans called it Rio Colorado at its
headwaters, which they knew very well; and because, down to 1820,
these were supposed to be those of the true "Red river of
Natchitoches," a branch of the Mississippi. The discovery that this
Rio Colorado or Red r. was the source of the Canadian was made by
Major Long, who followed it down, thinking he was on the Red r. of
Natchitoches, and was not undeceived till he found its confluence with
the Arkansaw. This is noted in 1844 by Gregg, and in 1855 by Warren;
it was the third attempt made by the United States Government to
discover the sources of the true Red r., Captain Sparks having been
first, in 1806, and Pike second. "Canadian," as applied to the main
fork of the Arkansaw, has no more to do with the Dominion of Canada in
history or politics than it has in geography, and many have wondered
how this river came to be called the Canadian. The word is from the
Spanish Rio Cañada, or Rio Cañadiano, through such a form as Rio
Cañadian, whence directly "Canadian" r., meaning "Cañon" r., and
referring to the way in which the stream is boxed up or shut in by
precipitous walls near its headwaters. These drain from E. slopes of
the Raton and other great mountains in New Mexico E. of Taos and Santa
Fé, by such streams as the Vermijo (Bermejo), Little Cimarron, Pouñel
or Poñi, Rayado, and Ocaté, which join above the cañada, and the Moro,
which falls in further down. Leaving New Mexico the great river
courses eastward through Texas, enters Oklahoma at long. 100° W. (near
lat. 36° N., vicinity of Antelope hills), traverses this territory to
about long. 98° W., separates it from the Indian Territory to beyond
long. 97° W., and runs in the latter to join the Arkansaw near long.
95° W., in the vicinity of Webber's falls, at a point on the boundary
between the Cherokee and Chocktaw countries, about 40 m. E. of the
Arkansaw State line. Its principal branch is the North fork, which as
far as it goes is a parallel stream, skirting the Canadian for
hundreds of miles at no great distance northward of the main stream.

[V-18] Poteau or Potteau r. marks a notable point in this barren
itinerary, as it falls in on the boundary between the Indian Territory
and Arkansas, immediately above the important and well-known Fort
Smith. This is situated on the right bank of the Arkansaw, in
Sebastian Co., which the river divides from Crawford Co. Poteau is F.
for post, and the name may refer to some early landmark of that sort:
see note 33, p. 378. Small tributaries of the Arkansaw between the
Canadian and Poteau rivers are Vine cr., left; Sans Bois and Cache
creeks, right; Sallison and Skin creeks, left--in the order here
named.

[V-19] Wilkinson's "river au Millieu" is apparently that now called
Lee or Lee's cr., which makes in between Fort Smith and Van Buren,
seat of Crawford Co. It courses mostly in Arkansaw, but loops into and
out of the Indian Territory. Four of its branches are called Cove,
Brushy, Webber, and Garrison. The F. phrase Rivière au Milieu,
equivalent to "Middle" or "Half-way" r., does not seem to have been
much used anywhere in the U. S., though it is a still current
voyageurs' designation of several different streams in British
America.

[V-20] For the Quapaw or Kwapa Indians, see L. and C., ed. 1893, pp.
12 and 98, notes. Together with the Kansas, Osages, Omahas, and
Poncas, they constitute a division of the Siouan stock called
Dhegiha--a word equivalent to "autochthon." Dr. Sibley gives the names
of the three Kwapa villages as Tawanima, Oufotu, and Ocapa: London ed.
1807, p. 53. Quapaw, Kwapa, Ocapa, Oguoppa, Quappa, Kappa, Ukaqpa,
etc., are all forms of their name of themselves, meaning "those who
went down river." Our knowledge of the village is traced back to
Joliet and Marquette, July, 1673; the name Akansa, adopted in some
form by the French, is what the Kwapas were called by the Illinois
Indians, and the origin of our Arkansas or Arkansaw. The form Acanza
is found on Vaugondy's map, 1783. About 230 Kwapas still live in
Oklahoma and the Indian Territory.

[V-21] Arkansas Post perpetuates the name of the oldest establishment
of whites in the lower Mississippi valley. The present village is on
the N. bank of the Arkansaw r., in the county and State of Arkansas,
73 m. S. E. of Little Rock, the capital. Though never a locality of
much importance, its place in history is secure and permanent. Early
in the year 1685, Henri de Tonti, the famous trusty lieutenant of La
Salle, was reinstated in command of Fort St. Louis of the Illinois,
with titles of captain and governor, by order of the French king Louis
XIV. Tonti learned that La Salle was in trouble somewhere in New Spain
(Texas), and organized an expedition for his relief. On Feb. 16th,
1686, he left Fort St. Louis, with 30 Frenchmen and 5 Indians,
descended the Illinois and Miss. rivers to the Gulf, and scoured the
coast for miles, but saw no sign of his great chief. He wrote a letter
for La Salle, which he committed to the care of a chief of the
Quinipissas for delivery, should opportunity offer, and retraced his
way up the Miss. r. to the mouth of the Arkansaw, which latter river
he ascended to the village of the Arkensa Indians. There, on lands
which La Salle had already granted him, he stationed six of his men,
who volunteered to remain in hopes of hearing from the distant
commander. This was the origin of the Poste aux Arkansas. La Salle was
murdered by the traitor Duhaut, one of several ruffians among his own
men who conspired to his foul assassination, some say on one of the
tributaries of the Brazos, at a spot which has been supposed to be
perhaps 40-50 m. N. of present town of Washington, Tex.; the date is
Mar. 19th or 20th, 1687. Seven of the survivors of La Salle's
ill-starred colony at Fort St. Louis of Texas, reached Arkansas Post
after a journey computed at the time to have been 250 leagues, in the
summer of 1687, and found Couture and De Launay, two of the six whom
Tonti had stationed there the year before. (See Wallace, Hist. Ill.
and La., etc., 1893.) This Tonti (or Tonty), b. about 1650, died at
Mobile, 1704, was the son of Lorenzo Tonti, who devised the Tontine
scheme or policy of life insurance. Arkansas Post was the scene of
Laclede's death, June 20th, 1778. The place was taken by the Unionists
from the Confederates, Jan. 11th, 1863.

CHAPTER VI.

CORRESPONDENCE.

_Art. 1. Letter, Wilkinson's Instructions to Pike._[VI-1]

ST. LOUIS, June 24th, 1806.

SIR: You are to proceed without delay to the cantonment on the
Missouri [at Belle Fontaine], where you are to embark the late Osage
captives and the deputation recently returned from Washington, with
their presents and baggage, and are to transport the whole up the
Missouri and Osage rivers to the town of the Grand Osage.

The safe delivery of this charge at the point of destination
constitutes the primary object of your expedition; therefore you are
to move with such caution as may prevent surprise from any hostile
band, and are to repel with your utmost force any outrage which may be
attempted.

Having safely deposited your passengers and their property, you are to
turn your attention to the accomplishment of a permanent peace between
the Kanses and Osage nations; for which purpose you must effect a
meeting between the head chiefs of those nations, and are to employ
such arguments, deduced from their own obvious interests, as well as
the inclinations, desires, and commands of the president of the
United States, as may facilitate your purpose and accomplish the end.

A third object of considerable magnitude will then claim your
consideration. It is to effect an interview and establish a good
understanding with the Yanctons, Tetaus, or Camanches.

For this purpose you must interest White Hair, of the Grand Osage,
with whom and a suitable deputation you will visit the Panis republic,
where you may find interpreters, and inform yourself of the most
feasible plan by which to bring the Camanches to a conference. Should
you succeed in this attempt--and no pains must be spared to effect
it--you will endeavor to make peace between that distant powerful
nation and the nations which inhabit the country between us and them,
particularly the Osage; finally, you will endeavor to induce eight or
ten of their distinguished chiefs to make a visit to the seat of
government next September, and you may attach to this deputation four
or five Panis and the same number of Kanses chiefs.

As your interview with the Camanches will probably lead you to the
head branches of the Arkansaw and Red rivers, you may find yourself
approximated to the settlements of New Mexico. There it will be
necessary you should move with great circumspection, to keep clear of
any hunting or reconnoitering parties from that province, and to
prevent alarm or offense; because the affairs of Spain and the United
States appear to be on the point of amicable adjustment, and moreover
it is the desire of the president to cultivate the friendship and
harmonious intercourse of all the nations of the earth, particularly
our near neighbors the Spaniards.[VI-2]

In the course of your tour, you are to remark particularly upon the
geographical structure, the natural history, and population of the
country through which you may pass, taking particular care to collect
and preserve specimens of everything curious in the mineral or
botanical worlds, which can be preserved and are portable. Let your
courses be regulated by your compass, and your distances by your
watch, to be noted in a field-book; and I would advise you, when
circumstances permit, to protract and lay down in a separate book the
march of the day at every evening's halt.

The instruments which I have furnished you will enable you to
ascertain the variation of the magnetic needle and the latitude with
exactitude; and at every remarkable point I wish you to employ your
telescope in observing the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites, having
previously regulated and adjusted your watch by your quadrant, taking
care to note with great nicety the periods of immersions and emersions
of the eclipsed satellites. These observations may enable us, after
your return, by application to the appropriate tables, which I cannot
now furnish you, to ascertain the longitude.

It is an object of much interest with the executive to ascertain the
direction, extent, and navigation of the Arkansaw and Red rivers; as
far, therefore, as may be compatible with these instructions and
practicable to the means you may command, I wish you to carry your
views to those subjects; and should circumstances conspire to favor
the enterprise, that you may detach a party with a few Osage to
descend the Arkansaw under the orders of Lieutenant Wilkinson, or
Sergeant Ballinger, properly instructed and equipped to take the
courses and distances, to remark on the soil, timber, etc., and to
note the tributary streams. This party will, after reaching our post
on the Arkansaw, descend to Fort Adams and there await further orders;
and you yourself may descend the Red river, accompanied by a party of
the most respectable Camanches, to the post of Nachitoches, and there
receive further orders.

To disburse your necessary expenses and to aid your negotiations, you
are herewith furnished six hundred dollars' worth of goods, for the
appropriation of which you are to render a strict account, vouched by
documents to be attested by one of your party.

Wishing you a safe and successful expedition,
I am, Sir,
With much respect and esteem,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] JAMES WILKINSON.

LIEUTENANT Z. M. PIKE.

_Art. 2. Letter, Wilkinson's Additional Instructions to Pike._

CANTONMENT [BELLE FONTAINE], MISSOURI,
July 12th, 1806.

SIR:

The health of the Osages being now generally restored, and all hopes
of the speedy recovery of their prisoners from the hands of the
Potowatomies being at an end, they have become desirous to commence
their journey for their villages; you are therefore to proceed
to-morrow.

In addition to the instructions given you on the 24th ultimo, I must
request you to have the talks under cover delivered to White Hair and
Grand Peste, the chief of the Osage band which is settled on the
waters of the Arkansaw, together with the belts which accompany them.
You will also receive herewith a small belt for the Panis and a large
one for the Tetaus or Camanches.

Should you find it necessary, you are to give orders to Maugraine, the
resident interpreter at the Grand Osage, to attend you.

I beg you to take measures for the security and safe return of your
boats from the Grand Osage to this place.

Dr. Robinson will accompany you as a volunteer. He will be furnished
medicines, and for the accommodations which you give him he is bound
to attend your sick.

Should you discover any unlicensed traders in your route, or any
person from this territory, or from the United States, without a
proper license or passport, you are to arrest such person or persons
and dispose of their property as the law directs.

My confidence in your caution and discretion has prevented my urging
you to be vigilant in guarding against the strategy and treachery of
the Indians; holding yourself above alarm or surprise, the composition
of your party, though it be small, will secure to you the respect of a
host of untutored savages.

You are to communicate, from the Grand Osage and from every other
practicable point, directly to the secretary of war, transmitting your
letters to this place under cover, to the commanding officer, or by
any more convenient route.

I wish you health and a successful and honorable enterprise, and am,

Yours with friendship,
[Signed] JAMES WILKINSON.

LIEUTENANT Z. M. PIKE.

_Art. 3.[VI-3] Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 3, pp. 32, 33.)-

ST. CHARLES, July 17th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

We arrived here last evening all well, except some of the soldiers
from fatigue, as in the present state of the water we are obliged to
row altogether.

We were disappointed in obtaining any information from St. Louis, or
baggage for our Panis. I do not know how it will be digested by them.
We likewise were disappointed in receiving a line from you, as we had
here expected, and in the hopes of which I shall yet detain until
twelve o'clock and then take my departure. Our Osage conduct
themselves pretty well, and are very obedient to orders; at first they
had an idea a little too free relative to other people's property, but
at present stand corrected.

I understood from you that they were equipped by Mr. Tillier with
everything necessary for their voyage to their towns; consequently,
although they have been applying to me for a variety of articles, none
of which have they been gratified with, but powder and ball, which is
necessary for their own defense.

The general will pardon this scrawl; and should he send an express
after us, please to let Mrs. Pike know of the opportunity.

I am, dear Sir,
With high respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 4. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 4, p. 33.)-

ST. CHARLES, July 19th [_i. e._, 18th], 1806.
In the morning.

DEAR GENERAL:

Inclosed you have one of the articles subscribed by Mr. [George]
Henry, mentioned in my note of yesterday.[VI-4] I hope the general may
approve of the contents.

Lieutenant Wilkinson and Dr. Robinson marched with one soldier this
morning, and the boats have proceeded under the conduct of [Sergeant]
Ballenger; I shall overtake them in an hour or two.

Numerous reports have been made to the Indians [we have with us],
calculated to impress them with an idea that there is a small army of
their enemies waiting to receive us at the entrance of the Grand
Osage. But I have partly succeeded in scouting the idea from their
minds.

No news of Chouteau, nor Panis' trunks.

I am, dear General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 5. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 5, pp. 33-35.)-

VILLAGE DE CHARETTE, July 22d, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your two obliging
favors of the 18th and 19th inst. The particular contents of each
shall be punctually attended to.

I assure you, Sir, that I am extremely pleased with the idea that
Messrs. [Blank] and [Blank] will meet with their merited reward, and I
on my part am determined to show them that it is not their sinister
movements that can derange the objects of our voyage; the greatest
embarrassment they have yet occasioned me has been by the detention of
the Panis' baggage, who have been much mortified on the occasion. But
I question much if, under similar impressions and circumstances, many
white men would have borne their loss with more philosophy than our
young savages.

I conceive that I cannot dispose of one of my guns better than to give
it to Frank, whose fusee was left at Chouteau's; also, each of them a
soldier's coat; this is all the remuneration I will pretend to make
them, and I hope it may bring them to a good humor.

You will probably be surprised at the slow progress we have made, but
are already informed of the cause of our detention at St. Charles.
Since then we have been detained two days on account of the rain; and
although we were able to prevent the water from entering immediately
on the top of the boat where covered, yet the quantity which she made
at both ends occasioned so much dampness under the loading as to
injure both my own corn and that of the Indians, with other small
articles which they had at various times taken from under the loading
and not returned to their proper places; but they appear satisfied
that we have paid all possible attention to prevent injury to their
baggage--as much as, and indeed more than, to our own.

In consequence of the above, and with a design to write you, I halted
here to-day, which I hope we shall usefully employ in drying our
baggage, cleaning our arms, and putting ourselves in a posture of
defense. Lieutenant Wilkinson has experienced no inconvenience from
his march by land with the Indians; and the event has proved the
necessity of some officer accompanying them, as he informs me. He
found it necessary to purchase some beeves for their consumption on
the route, for which he drew on the superintendent of Indian affairs,
and will write to you more particularly on the subject. They were
absent from the boat four days; and had he not been with them, they
would have supplied themselves by marauding, to the great offense of
our good citizens.

I am informed that a party of 40 Sacs were at Boon's Lick, above the
Osage river, a few days since; but I by no means conceive they were on
the route to intercept us, as the people pretend at this place.

Three days since one of my men [Kennerman] complained of
indisposition, and went on shore to march; he has never joined the
party, and from various reasons I conceive has deserted. I have
therefore inclosed an advertisement which, if the general will please
to cause to be posted at St. Louis, Kaskaskias, and Lusk's Ferry on
the Ohio, I conceive he will be caught. I have written to Captain
Daniel Bissell[VI-5] on the occasion; but hope the general will
enforce my request to that gentleman, as to his [Kennerman's] being
brought to trial. I was much mortified at the event, not only on
account of the loss of the man, but that my peculiar situation
prevented me from pursuing him and making him an example.

With respect to the Tetaus, the general may rest assured, I shall use
every precaution previous to trusting them; but as to the mode of
conduct to be pursued towards the Spaniards, I feel more at a loss,
as my instructions lead me into the country of the Tetaus, part of
which is no doubt claimed by Spain, although the boundaries between
Louisiana and New Mexico, have never yet been defined, in consequence
of which, should I encounter a party from the villages near Santa Fe,
I have thought it would be good policy to give them to understand,
that we were about to join our troops near Natchitoches, but had been
uncertain about the head waters of the rivers over which we passed;
but, that now, if the commandant approved of it, we would pay him a
visit of politeness, either by deputation, or the whole party, but if
he refused, signify our intention of pursuing our direct route to the
post below; but if not I flatter myself secure us an unmolested
retreat to Natchitoches. But if the Spanish jealousy, and the
instigation of domestic traitors should induce them to make us
prisoners of war, (in time of peace) I trust to the magnanimity of our
country for our liberation and a due reward to their opposers, for the
insult and indignity offered their national honor. However, unless
they give us ample assurances of just and honorable treatment,
according to the custom of nations in like cases, I would resist, even
if the inequality was as great as at the affair of Bender [town in
Russia], or the streights of Thermopylæ.[VI-6]

Will you pardon the foregoing as the enthusiasm of a youthful mind,
yet not altogether unimpressed by the dictates of prudence?

I hope the general will be persuaded that with his son I shall act as
I would to a brother, endeavoring in all cases to promote his honor
and prosperity.

In consequence of indisposition, etc., Lieut. Wilkinson will steer one
boat and I the other.

I am, dear General,
Your sincere friend,
And obedient humble servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GENERAL J. WILKINSON.

_Art. 6. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 6, p. 36.)-

VILLAGE DE CHARETTE, Evening of July 22d, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

Finding no prospect of meeting with a private conveyance of our
letters in time sufficient to find you previous to our setting sail,
which would be entirely too late to secure my deserter and give you
the other information they contain, I have hired the bearer to ride
express to Belle Fontaine, for which I have promised him $8; which,
taking into view his ferriages, etc., cannot be deemed high, and I
hope the general will please to order the military agent to discharge
the same.

The weather has at length become settled, and we set sail to-morrow
with our boats newly and much better arranged.

I am, General, with sincere esteem,
And high respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 7. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 7, p. 36.)-

FIVE LEAGUES BELOW THE RIVER OSAGE, July 26th, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

I halt a moment, in order to say we have arrived thus far all safe,
although our savages complain much of fatigue, etc.

The bearer had been sent by Mr. Sangonet [Charles Sanguinet, Sr.] to
examine the Osage river, and reports that they could not get their
canoes up the river more than 60 miles. If so, we have a bad prospect
before us; but go we will, if God permits.

We have been detained several days by the Indians.

I am, dear General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GEN. JAMES WILKINSON.

_Art. 8. Letter, Wilkinson to Pike. (Orig. No. 9, pp. 38-40.)-

CANTONMENT MISSOURI [at Belle Fontaine],
Aug. 6th, 1806.

SIR:

In consequence of the receipt of the inclosed letters, I have thought
proper to send you an express, to enable you to announce to the Osage
the designs of their enemies, that they may take seasonable measures
to circumvent them. You will not fail, in addition to the within
talk, to enhance our paternal regard for this nation by every proper
expression; but are to keep clear of any conflict in which they may be
involved, though you are to avoid the appearance of abandoning them.
If it should be the Potowatomies' intention to carry their threat into
execution, it is probable they will not attempt to make the blow
before the falling of the leaves; and in the mean time the Osages
should establish a chain of light scouts along the coast of the
Missouri, to ascertain with certainty the approach of their enemy.

It is reduced to a certainty that [Manuel de Lisa] and a society of
which he is the ostensible leader have determined on a project to open
some commercial intercourse with Santa Fe; and as this may lead to a
connection injurious to the United States, and will, I understand, be
attempted without the sanction of law or the permission of the
executive, you must do what you can consistently to defeat the plan.
No good can be derived to the United States from such a project,
because the prosecution of it will depend entirely on the Spaniards,
and they will not permit it, unless to serve their political as well
as their personal interests. I am informed that the ensuing autumn and
winter will be employed in reconnoitering and opening a connection
with the Tetaus, Panis, etc.; that this fall or the next winter, a
grand magazine is to be established at the Osage towns, where these
operations will commence; that [Lisa] is to be the active agent,
having formed a connection with the Tetaus. This will carry forward
their merchandise within three or four days' travel of the Spanish
settlements, where they will deposit it under a guard of 300 Tetaus.
[Lisa] will then go forward with four or five attendants, taking with
him some jewelry and fine goods. With those he will visit the
governor, to whom he will make presents, and implore his pity by a
fine tale of sufferings which have been endured by the change of
government; that they are left here, with goods to be sure, but not a
dollar's worth of bullion, and therefore they have adventured to see
him, for the purpose of praying his leave for the introduction of
their property into the province. If he assents, then the whole of the
goods will be carried forward; if he refuses, then [Lisa] will invite
some of his countrymen to accompany him to his deposit, and having
there exposed to them his merchandise, he will endeavor to open a
forced or clandestine trade; for he observes, the Spaniards will not
dare to attack his camp. Here you have the plan, and you must take all
prudent and lawful means to blow it up.

In regard to your approximation to the Spanish settlements, should
your route lead you near them, or should you fall in with any of their
parties, your conduct must be marked by such circumspection and
discretion as may prevent alarm or conflict, as you will be held
responsible for consequences. On this subject I refer you to my
orders. We have nothing new respecting the pending negotiations in
Europe; but from Colonel [T. H.] Cushing I understand the Spaniards
below are behaving now with great courtesy.

By the return of the bearer you may open your correspondence with the
secretary of war [General Dearborn]; but I would caution you against
anticipating a step before you, for fear of deception and
disappointment. To me you may, and must, write fully and freely, not
only giving a minute detail of everything past worthy of note, but
also of your prospects and the conduct of the Indians. If you discover
that any tricks have been played from St. Louis, you will give them to
me with names, and must not fail to give particulars to the secretary
of war, with names, to warn him against improper confidence and
deception. Inclose your dispatch for me to Colonel [T.] Hunt, and it
will follow me by a party which I leave for the purpose. It is
interesting to you to reach Nachitoches in season to be at the seat of
government pending the session of Congress; yet you must not sacrifice
any essential object to this point. Should fortune favor you on your
present excursion, your importance to our country will, I think, make
your future life comfortable.

To show you how to correct your watch by the quadrant, after it has
been carefully adjusted, preparatory to your observing the eclipses of
the satellites of Jupiter, I send you a very simple plan, which you
will readily understand: a basin of water, in some place protected
from the motion of the air, will give you a fairer artificial horizon
than mercury. I think a tent, with a suitable aperture in the side of
it, would do very well. I have generally unroofed a cabin.

Miranda has botched his business. He has lost his two schooners
captured, and himself in the Leander returned to Jamaica. The French
have a squadron of four frigates at Porto Rico, and five sail of the
line with Jerome Bonaparte at Martinique. I consider them lost.

Your children have been indisposed; but Mrs. Pike writes you. She
appears well. My regards to your associates, and may God protect you.

[Signed] J. WILKINSON.

LIEUTENANT PIKE.

_Art. 9. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 8, p. 37.)-

PARK ON THE OSAGE RIVER, Aug. 14th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

I send this letter by Baptiste la Tulip [note 36, p. 381], who
informs me he bears letters to Chouteau, informing him that a party of
Little Osages have marched to war against the Kanses, and a party of
Grand Osages left the village expressly to make war on the white
people on the Arkansaw. This latter step White Hair did everything in
his power to prevent, but could not. If true, what are we to think of
our _bons amis_, the Osage?

But to [Manuel de Lisa] must we ascribe the stroke against the Kanses.
He I am informed sent a message to the Osage nation to raze the Kanses
village entirely. On this subject I intended to have been more
particular, and substantiate it by proofs; but present circumstances
seem to give credit to it. On my arrival at the village, more
particular inquiry shall be made on the subject.

Yesterday morning Lieutenant Wilkinson, the doctor, interpreter, and
one soldier, marched with the Indians, as they were very apprehensive
of an attack. The people in the canoe heard them crying and saw them
on their march.

Nothing extraordinary has yet taken place on our route, except our
being favored with a vast quantity of rain, which I hope will enable
us to ascend to the village.

What face will the Indians receive us with? And to whom are we to
ascribe their hostile disposition, unless to the traitors of St.
Louis?

Lieutenant Wilkinson is in very good health, and will lament his
having missed this opportunity of assuring his parents of his love and
affection.

I am, dear General,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GEN. JAMES WILKINSON.

_Art. 10. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 10, pp. 40-42.)-

CAMP INDEPENDENCE, NEAR THE OSAGE TOWNS,
Aug. 28th, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

You will no doubt be much surprised to perceive by the date of this
letter that we are still here; but we have been unavoidably detained
by a variety of circumstances.

I had the happiness to receive your express the day of my arrival, the
bearer having arrived the night before, and have attended particularly
to its contents.

On the 19th inst. I delivered your parole to Cheveux Blanche, and on
the 21st held a grand council of both towns, and made the necessary
communications and demands for horses, on the subjects of making
peace with the Kans, accompanying me to the Panis, [and Wilkinson]
down the Arkansaw, and [to ascertain] if there were any brave enough
to accompany me the whole voyage.

They requested one day to hold council in the villages, previous to
giving an answer. It was three before I received any; their
determination was as follows: From the Grand Osage village, or [that
of] Cheveux Blanche, we are accompanied by his son, and Jean La Fon
[Le Fou], the second chief of the village, with some young men not
known, and he furnishes us four horses.

The Little Osage sends the brother of the chief, whom I really find to
be the third chief of the village, and some young men unknown, and
furnishes six horses. This is their present promise, but four of the
ten are yet deficient. With these I am merely capable of transporting
our merchandise and ammunition. I shall purchase two more, for which I
find we shall be obliged to pay extravagant prices.

I sincerely believe that the two chiefs, White Hair and Wind, have
exerted all their influence; but it must be little, when they could
only procure 10 horses out of 700 or 800.

I have taken an exact survey of the river to this place, noting
particular streams, etc., a protracted copy of which Lieutenant
Wilkinson forwards by this opportunity. Since our arrival here I have
ascertained the variation of the compass to be 6° 30´ E.; the
latitude, by means of several observations, 37° 26´ 17´´ N.; and by an
observation on three different nights I obtained two immersions of
Jupiter's satellites, which will enable us to ascertain every
geographical object in view.

On the same night I arrived near the village, Mr. Baptist
Duchouquette, alias Larme, with two men, in a small canoe, arrived and
went immediately to the lodge of White Hair, whose conduct, with that
of our resident interpreter, appears in my estimation to have changed
since I sent Lieutenant Wilkinson to demand to see Baptist's passport,
if he had one, and if not, to bring him to camp; which was done. I
detained him two days, until I had made an inquiry of White Hair, who
said he had merely mentioned to him that Labardie was coming with a
quantity of goods. Finding I could substantiate nothing more criminal
against him than his having entered the Indian boundaries without a
passport, and not being able to send him back a prisoner, I detained
him a sufficient time to alarm him, then took his deposition (a copy
of which is inclosed to the attorney-general), and wrote Dr. Brown on
the occasion, requesting him to enter a prosecution against these men
[see note 44, p. 388, Aug. 20th, 1806].

Barroney informs me that he has not the least doubt that [Lisa] was at
the bottom of this embassy, although in the name of [Labardie]; as
after the arrival of Baptist, the Indians frequently spoke of [Lisa]
and declared that if he had come he could have obtained horses in
plenty.

Our interpreter, Maugraine, also, I do believe to be a perfect
creature of [Lisa]; he has almost positively refused to accompany me,
although I read your order on the subject, alleging he was only
engaged to interpret at this place, notwithstanding he went last year
to the Arkansaw for Mr. Chouteau without difficulty. I have not yet
determined on the line of conduct to be pursued with him; but believe,
on his giving a positive refusal, I shall use military law. What the
result will be is uncertain; but to be thus braved by a scoundrel will
be lessening the dignity of our government. He is married into a
powerful family, and appears, next to White Hair, to have the most
influence in the Grand [Osage] village. The general will please to
observe that much of the foregoing rests on conjecture, and therefore
will give it its due weight. But to him I not only write as my
general, but as a paternal friend, who would not make use of my open
communications, when not capable of being substantiated by proofs.

We have heard nothing of the Potowatomies; but should they come in a
few days, they will meet with a warm reception, as all are ready to
receive them.

Since my arrival here many Spanish medals have been shown me, and some
commissions. All I have done on the subject is merely to advise their
delivery below, when they would be acknowledged by our government.
Many have applied for permission to go to Saint Louis; none of which I
have granted except to the son of Sans Orielle, who goes down to make
inquiry for his sister.

I have advanced our express some things on account, and forward his
receipts; also, some trifles to Barroney, whom I have found to be one
of the finest young men I ever knew in his situation. He appears to
have entirely renounced all his Saint Louis connections, and is as
firm an American as if born one; he of course is entirely discarded by
the people of Saint Louis; but I hope he will not suffer for his
fidelity.

On the chart forwarded by Lieutenant Wilkinson is noted the census
which I caused to be taken of the village of the Little Osage; that of
the big one I shall likewise obtain--they are from actual enumeration.
Lieutenant Wilkinson, if nothing extraordinary prevents, will descend
the Arkansaw, accompanied by Ballenger and two men, as the former is
now perfectly acquainted with the mode of taking courses and
protracting his route, and the latter appears as if he had not the
proper capacity for it, although a good dispositioned and brave man.

I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GEN. WILKINSON.

_Art. 11. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 11, p. 43.)-

[OSAGE TOWNS], Aug. 29th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

I will continue my communications by relating that Wind has come in
and informed me that the other two horses which he promised have been
withdrawn by their owners. He appeared really distressed, and I
conceive I do him justice in believing that he is extremely mortified
at the deceptions which have been passed on him.

It is with extreme pain that I keep myself cool amongst the
difficulties which those people appear to have a disposition to throw
in my way; but I have declared to them that I should go on, even if I
collected our tents and other baggage which we will be obliged to
leave together, and burnt them on the spot.

I have sold the batteau which I brought up, and which was extremely
rotten, for $100 in merchandise, the price at this place; which I
conceive was preferable to leaving her to destruction, as I am afraid
I do the barge (for which I demanded $150), although I leave her under
the charge of Wind, and shall report her to Colonel [Thomas] Hunt.

I shall dispatch the express to-morrow, as he complains much of the
detention, etc., and as I hope nothing worthy of note will occur at
this place previous to our departure. I hope the general will believe
me to be and, should this be my last report, to have been, his
sincerely attached friend and obedient servant,

[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GEN. WILKINSON.

_Art. 12. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 12, pp. 43, 44.)-

OSAGE TOWNS, Aug. 30th, 1806.

DEAR SIR:

I have brought Mr. Noal, alias Maugraine, to reason, and he either
goes himself or hires, at his expense, a young man who is here who
speaks the Panis language, and in many other respects is preferable to
himself; but he will be the bearer of the express to Saint Louis.

Cheveux Blanche requested me to inform you that there is an Osage
murderer in his village, who killed a Frenchman on the Arkansaw; but
owing to the great dissensions and schism of the Arkansaw faction, he
is fearful to deliver him up without some of his friends having
agreed to it, and his authority being strengthened by a formal demand
from you; when he assures me he shall be brought down a prisoner.
Indeed Cheveux Blanche appears to be very delicately situated, as the
village on the Arkansaw serves as a place of refuge for all the young,
daring, and discontented; added to which, they are much more regularly
supplied with ammunition, and, should not our government take some
steps to prevent it, they will ruin the Grand village, as they are at
liberty to make war without restraint, especially on the nations who
are to the west, and have plenty of horses. The chief says he was
promised, at Washington, that these people should be brought back to
join him; but, on the contrary, many of his village are emigrating
there.

Owing to the difficulty of obtaining horses, Mr. Henry returns from
this place. In descending the Mississippi I will request him to pay
his respects to you.

I last evening took the census of the Grand village, and found it to
be: men, 502; boys, 341; women and girls, 852; total, 1695; lodges,
214.

The express waits, which I hope the general will accept as an excuse
for this scrawl, having written him fully on the 28th and 29th inst.

I am, dear General,
Your ever sincere friend
and obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GEN. J. WILKINSON.

_Art. 13. Letter, Pike to Dearborn. (Orig. No. 13, pp. 45, 46.)-

PAWNEE REPUBLIC, Oct. 1st, 1806.

SIR:

We arrived here on the 25th ult., after a tedious march of 375 miles,
the distance, as I conceive, being very much augmented by the Osages
who accompanied us leading us too far to the south, owing to their
great fear of the Kans. We suffered considerably with thirst, but our
guns furnished us amply with buffalo meat.

We delivered in safety to the chief the two young Pawnees who had
lately visited Washington, and caused to be explained to the nation
the parole which they bore from the president of the United States.

On our arrival, we found the Spanish and American flags both expanded
in the village, and were much surprised to learn that it was not more
than three or four weeks since a party of Spanish troops, whose
numbers were estimated by the Indians of this town at 300, had
returned to Santa Fe. We further learned that a large body of troops
had left N. Mexico, and on their march had met with the villagers of
the Pawnee Mahaws, who were on one of their semi-annual excursions;
that they encamped together, and entered into a treaty; but after this
the Pawnees raised their camp in the night, and stole a large portion
of the Spaniards' horses. This circumstance induced them to halt on
the Arkansaw with the main body of the troops, and to send forward the
party who appeared at this village. They proposed to this chief to
join a party of his warriors to their troops, march to and entirely
destroy the village of the Pawnee Mahaws; this proposition he had
prudence enough to reject, although at war with that nation. The
Spanish officer informed him that his superior, who remained on the
Arkansaw, had marched from Santa Fe with an intention of entering into
a treaty with the following nations of Indians, viz.: The Kanses,
Pawnee Republic, Grand Pawnees, Pawnee Loups, Otos, and Mahaws; and
had with him a grand medal, commissions, and four mules for each; but
by the stroke of the Pawnee Mahaws the plan was disconcerted, except
only as to this nation. The commissions are dated Santa Fe, 15th of
June, 1806, signed governor-general, etc., etc., of New Mexico, and
run in the usual style of Spanish commissions to savages, as far as I
was capable of judging of their contents.

The chief further informed me that the officer who commanded said
party was too young to hold councils, etc.; that he had only come to
open the road; that in the spring his superior would be here, and
teach the Indians what was good for them; and that they would build a
town near them. In short, it appears to me to have been an expedition
expressly for the purpose of striking a dread into those different
nations of the Spanish power, and to bring about a general combination
in its favor. Under these impressions, I have taken the earliest
opportunity of reporting the infringement of our territory, in order
that our government may not remain in the dark as to the views of her
neighbor.

I effected a meeting at this place between a few Kans and Osages, who
smoked the pipe of peace and buried the hatchet, agreeably to the
wishes of their great father; in consequence of which a Kans has
marched for the Osage nation, and some of the latter propose to
accompany the former to their village; whether this good understanding
will be permanent, I will not take on me to determine; but at least a
temporary good effect has succeeded.

From the Osage towns, I have taken the courses and distances by the
route we came, marking each river or rivulet we crossed, pointing out
the dividing ridges, etc. The waters which we crossed were the heads
of the [Little] Osage, White [Neosho], and Verdigrise rivers, [the two
last] branches of the Arkansaw, and the waters of the [Smoky Hill fork
of the] Kans river. The latitude of this place, I presume, will be in
about 39° 30´ N., and I hope to obtain every other astronomical
observation which will be requisite to fix its geographical situation
beyond dispute. I expect to march from here in a few days; but the
future prospects of the voyage are entirely uncertain, as the savages
strive to throw every impediment in our way, agreeably to the orders
received from the Spaniards. Being seated on the ground, and writing
on the back of a book, I hope will plead my excuse for this scrawl.

I am, Sir,
With high respect,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

THE HON. HENRY DEARBORN,
Secretary War Department.

_Art. 14. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 14, pp. 47-50.)-

PAWNEE REPUBLIC, Oct. 2d, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

Inclosed you have a copy of my letter from this place to the secretary
of war, in order that, should you think any communication on the
contents necessary, you may have a perfect command of the information
given the war department, and will be the more capable of illustrating
the subject.

You will perceive by said communication, that we were led considerably
out of our course by our guides, in my opinion not less than 100
miles; this was entirely owing to the pusillanimity of the Osage, who
were more afraid of the Kans than I could possibly have imagined.

You will likewise perceive the council which took place between those
nations under our auspices, and its effects, but which I candidly
confess I have very little hopes will be productive of a permanent
peace, as none of the principal men of either nation were present; but
as both are anxious for a cessation of hostilities, perhaps it may
have the desired effect.

Two of the Kans chiefs have said they will pursue the voyage with me
agreeably to my orders. I do not yet know whether they will descend
the Arkansaw with Lieut. Wilkinson, or continue on to Red river with
me; but they have their own selection.

The general will no doubt be struck with some surprise to perceive
that so large a party of Spanish troops have been so lately in our
territory. No doubt at first you would conclude that it must have been
militia; but when informed that their infantry were armed with muskets
and bayonets and had drums, that the men wore long mustaches and
whiskers which almost covered the whole of their faces; that their
cavalry were armed with swords and pistols, and that regular guards
and patrols were kept by horse and foot, you may probably change your
opinion.

The route by which they came and returned was by no means the direct
one from Santa Fe, and why they should have struck so low down as the
Grand Saline, unless they had an idea of striking at the village of
the Grand Pest, or conceived the Saline to be in their territory, I
cannot imagine.

On our arrival here, we were received with great pomp and ceremony by
about 300 men on horseback, and with great apparent friendship by the
chief. The Osage (one chief and four warriors) were presented with
eight horses; the Kans who arrived two days after were also presented
with horses. The day after, we assembled the four principal chiefs to
dine, after which I presented the principal with a double-barreled
gun, gorget,[VI-7] and other articles (this man wore the grand Spanish
medal); gave to the second the small medal you furnished me, with
other articles; and to each of the others a gorget in their turn.
Those presents I conceived would have a good effect, both as to
attaching them to our government and in our immediate intercourse.

At the council which was held a day or two afterward I presented them
with merchandise which at this place should be valued at $250; and
after explaining their relative situation as to the Spanish and
American governments, I asked on my part, if they would assist us with
a few horses, a Tetau prisoner who spoke Pawnee to serve as an
interpreter, an exchange of colors, and finally, for some of their
chiefs to accompany us, to be sent on to Washington. The exchange of
colors was the only request granted at the time; and for particular
reasons, which Lieut. Wilkinson related, I thought proper to return
them to the chief. After spending two or three anxious days, we were
given to understand that our requests could not be complied with in
the other points, and were again strongly urged by the head chief to
return the way we came, and not prosecute our voyage any further. This
brought on an explanation as to our views toward the Spanish
government, in which the chief declared that it had been the intention
of the Spanish troops to proceed further toward the Mississippi, but
that he objected to it, and they listened to him and returned; he
therefore hoped we would be equally reasonable. Finding me still
determined on proceeding, he told me in plain terms (if the
interpreter erred not) that it was the will of the Spaniards we should
not proceed; which I not answering, he painted innumerable
difficulties which he said lay in the way; but finding all his
arguments had no effect, he said "it was a pity," and was silent.

This day I have sent out several of my party to purchase horses, but
know not yet how we shall succeed, as the Kans have intimated an idea
that the chief will prohibit his people from trading with us.

The Pawnees and the Tetaus are at war; the latter killed six of the
former in August last; consequently effecting any communication with
the Tetaus by means of this nation is impossible.

If God permits, we shall march from here in a few days, and on the
Arkansaw I shall remain until I build two small canoes for Lieut.
W[ilkinson], whose party will consist of Ballenger and two or three
men, with three Osage. Those canoes will be easily managed, and in
case of accident to one, the other will still be sufficient to
transport their baggage.

I am informed that in a few days he will meet French hunters, and
probably arrive at the village of the Grand Pest in a fortnight; as
all the Osage nation are apprised of his descent, I conceive he will
meet with no insurmountable difficulties.[*] The Tetaus are at open
war with the Spaniards, so that could we once obtain an introduction,
I conceive we should meet with a favorable reception. Yet how it is to
be brought about I am much at a loss to determine; but knowing that,
at this crisis of affairs, an intimate connection with that nation
might be extremely serviceable to my country, I shall proceed to find
them, in hopes to find some means, through the French, Osage, and
Pawnee languages, of making ourselves understood.

[*] This was erroneous, but it was my impression at the time.
(Orig. note.)]

Any number of men who may reasonably be calculated on would find no
difficulty in marching by the route we came, with baggage wagons,
field artillery, and all the usual appendages of a small army; and if
all the route to Santa Fe should be of the same description, in case
of war I would pledge my life and what is infinitely dearer, my honor,
for the successful march of a reasonable body of troops into the
province of New Mexico.

I find the savages of this country less brave, but possessing much
more duplicity and by far a greater propensity to lying and stealing,
than those I had to pass through on my last [Mississippi] voyage.

I am extremely doubtful if any chief of those nations can be induced
to prosecute the voyage with us, as their dread of the Tetaus and the
objections of the Pawnees seem to outweigh every argument and
inducement to the contrary.

* * * * *

OCT. 3D.

The Pawnee chief has induced the Kans to return to their villages, by
giving them a gun and promising horses, with many frightful pictures
drawn [of what would happen] if they proceeded.

The Osages lent me five horses, which their people who accompanied us
were to have led back; but receiving fresh ones from the Pawnees, they
would not be troubled with them. In fact, it was a fortunate
circumstance, as four of the horses I obtained of the Osage have such
bad backs they cannot proceed, and we will be obliged to leave them;
and not purchasing here with facility, I would have been obliged to
sacrifice some of our baggage. I therefore sent them a certificate for
each horse, on the Indian agent below, which I hope the general will
order him to discharge.

I know the general's goodness will excuse this scrawl, as he is well
acquainted with the situation it must be written in, and at the same
time, believe me to be his sincere friend and

Most obedient humble servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Lt.

GENERAL J. WILKINSON.

_Art. 15.[VI-8] Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 15, pp. 50-53.)-

ON THE ARKANSAW, latitude 37° 44´ 9´´ N., Oct. 24th, 1806.

DEAR GENERAL:

Our party arrived here on the 15th inst., myself and Dr. Robinson on
the 19th [18th by Itinerary, p. 427]. We, having been out to seek the
trace of the Spanish troops, missed the party, and were not able to
join them until the 4th [3d] day.

The river being very regular, Lieut. Wilkinson had calculated to
proceed on the day following on the most direct route for the Red
[_sic_] river; but shortly after my joining, considerable rain fell
and raised the river, and we have been ever since preparing wooden and
skin canoes for that gentleman and party to descend in. The river is
between 300 and 400 yards in width, with generally flat low banks, not
more than two or three feet high, and the bed a sand-bank from one
side to the other. The want of water will present the greatest
obstacle to the progress of the party who descend the Arkansaw, as
they have no cause to fear a scarcity of provision, having some
bushels of corn on hand, and can at their option take as much dried
meat as they think proper, hundreds of pounds of which are lying on
scaffolds at our camp; and they are likewise accompanied by the choice
of our hunters.

Under these circumstances, and those stated in my letter from the
Pawnees, I can assert with confidence there are no obstacles I should
hesitate to encounter, although those inseparable from a voyage of
several hundred leagues through a wilderness inhabited only by savages
may appear of the greatest magnitude to minds unaccustomed to such
enterprises. Lieut. Wilkinson and party appear in good spirits, and
show a disposition which must vanquish every difficulty.

We were eight days traveling from the Pawnee village to the Arkansaw,
our general course S. 10° W. Several days we lay by nearly half, owing
to various circumstances; my course made it 150 miles, but I could now
march it in 120. Lieut. Wilkinson has copied and carries with him a
very elegant protracted sketch of the route, noting the streams,
hills, etc., that we crossed; their courses, bearings, etc.; and
should I live to arrive, I will pledge myself to show their
connections and general direction with considerable accuracy, as I
have myself spared no pains in reconnoitering or obtaining information
from the savages in our route.

From this point we shall ascend the river until we strike the
mountains, or find the Tetaus; thence bear more to the S. until we
find the head of the Red river, where we shall be detained some time;
after which nothing shall cause a halt until my arrival at
Natchitoches.

I speak in all those cases in the positive mood, as, so far as lies in
the compass of human exertions, we command the power; but I pretend
not to surmount impossibilities, and I well know the general will
pardon my anticipating a little to him.

The general will probably be surprised to find that the expenses[VI-9]
of the expedition will more than double the contemplated sum of our
first calculations; but I conceived the Spaniards were making such
great exertions to debauch the minds of our savages, economy might be
very improperly applied, and I likewise have found the purchase of
horses to be attended with much greater expense than was expected at
St. Louis. For those reasons, when I advert to the expenses of my two
voyages, which I humbly conceive might be compared with the one
performed by Captains Lewis and Clark, and the appropriations made for
theirs, I feel a consciousness that it is impossible for the most
rigid to censure my accounts.

I cannot yet say if I shall sacrifice my horses at Red river, but
every exertion shall be made to save them for the public; some, if in
good condition, would be fine ones, and average between $50 and $60.
Should the fortune of war at length have honored me with a
company,[VI-10] I hope the general will recollect his promise to me,
and have my command attached to it; and on my arrival I shall take the
liberty of soliciting his influence, that they may obtain the same or
similar rewards, as those who accompanied Capt. Lewis; as I will make
bold to say that they have in the two voyages incurred as great
dangers, and gone through as many hardships.

Dr. Robinson presents his respectful compliments, and is sanguine of
the success of our expedition.

I am, dear General,
Your ever attached friend
and obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

GENERAL J. WILKINSON.

_Statistical Abstract of the Indians who inhabit that part of
Louisiana visited by Captain Z. M. Pike in His Tour of Discovery in
the years 1806 and 1807._

Column Headings--
D: Warriors.
E: Women.
F: Children.
G: Villages.

------------------------------------+----------------------------
|
Names. |
--------------+---------------------+----------------------+-----
| | | | | |
English. | Indian. | French. | [D] | [E] | [F] | [G]
--------------+-----------+---------+------+------+--------+-----
| | | | | |
I. Osage | Wasbasha | Osage | 502 | 852 | 341 M. | 1
1. Grand | | Grand | | | |
village[a] | | Osage | | | |
| | | | | |
[2. Little | Wasbasha | Petit | 250 | 241 | 174 F. | 1
village[a]] | | Osage | | | 159 M. |
| | | | | --- |
| | | | | 333 |
| | | | | |
[3. Arkansaw | Wasbasha | | 500 | 700 | 300 M. | 1
village[b]] | | +------+------+--------+-----
| | Osages | | | |
| | Total | 1252 | 1793 | 974 | 3
| | +------+------+--------+-----
| | Kan | | | |
II. Kans[c] | Kansa | [Total] | 465 | 500 | 600 | 1
| | +------+------+--------+-----
| | | | | |
III. Pawnee | Pawnane | Panis | 508 | 550 | 560 |
1. Republican | | | | | | 1
village[a] | | | | | |
| | | | | |
2. Grand | Pawnane | Panis | 1000 | 1120 | 1000 | 1
Village[c] | | | | | |
| | | | | |
3. Loup | Pawnane | Panis | 485 | 500 | 500 | 1
village[c] | | +------+------+--------+-----
| | Pawnees | | | |
| | total | 1993 | 2170 | 2060 | 3
| | | | | |
IV. Tetan[c] | Camanches | [Total] | 2700 | 3000 | 2500 |
| | [Grand +------+------+--------+-----
| | total] | 6410 | 7463 | 6134 | 7
--------------+-----------+---------+------+------+--------+-----

[a] Census taken by myself; men counted, women and children
estimated.

[b] Estimates furnished by Grand Osage chiefs.

[c] On information. (Z. M. P.)

Column Headings--
H: Probable Souls.
I: Lodges of Roving Bands.
J: Fire Arms.
K: Primitive Language.

--------------+-------+------+------++----------
| | | ||
English. | [H] | [I] | [J] || [K]
--------------+-------+------+------++----------
| | | ||
I. Osage | 1695 | 214 | 500 || Osage
1. Grand | | | ||
village | | | ||
| | | ||
[2. Little | 824 | 102 | 250 || Osage
village] | | | ||
| | | ||
[3. Arkansaw | 1500 | 200 | 450 || Osage
village] +-------+------+------++----------
| | | ||
Osages total | 4019 | 516 | 1209 ||
+-------+------+------++----------
| | | ||
II. Kans | 1565 | 204 | 450 || Osage
+-------+------+------++----------
| | | ||
III. Pawnee | | | ||
1. Republican | 1618 | 44 | 200 || Pawnee
village | | | ||
| | | ||
2. Grand | 3120 | 90 | 300 || Pawnee
Village | | | ||
| | | ||
3. Loup | 1485 | 40 | 200 || Pawnee
village +-------+------+------++----------
| | | ||
Pawnee total | 6223 | 174 | 700 ||
| | | ||
IV. Tetan | 8200 | 1020 | 270 || Camanche
+-------+------+------++
Grand total | 20007 | 1914 | 2620 ||
--------------+-------+------+------++----------

Column Headings--
L: Traders or Bands with whom they traffic.
M: Value of Merchandise for Annual Consumption
N: Annual Peltry, Packs.
O: Species of Peltry.

------------+----------------------------------------+------------------
| |
| Names of the Chiefs or Principal Men. |
English. +-------------+------------+-------------+ Remarks.
| | | |
| Indian. | French. | English. |
------------+-------------+------------+-------------+------------------
| | | |
I. Osage |Cahagatonga |Cheveux |White Hair |Grand and little
1. Grand | |Blanche | |medals, colors,
village | | | |etc.; first chief
|Watchawaha |Jean La Fon | |Second Chief,
| | | |son-in-law
| | | |to White Hair
|Tawangaha |Fils de |He who drives|Literally from the
| |Canard |villages |Indian
|Ichesohungar | |Wise Family |Son of Cheveux
| | | |Blanche
|Hapause | |Pointed Horn |First Soldier
|Chaporanga |Bonnet | |
|Gihagatche |du Boeuf |The Chief |
| | | himself |
|Shenga Wassa |Belle Oiseau|Beautiful |Accompanied me to
| | | Bird |the Pawnees
|Wasaba Tunga |Sans Nerve |Without Nerve|
|Ogahawasa | |Son-in-Law |
|Tourmansara | |Heart of the |
| | |Town |
| | | |
[2. Little |Tuttasuggy |Le Vent |The Wind |First chief of
village] | | | | Little Osage
|Watchkesingar|Soldat de |Soldier's Dog|Second chief of
| | Chien | | Little Osage
|Nezuma | |Rain which |Brother of first
| | |Walks | chief
|Tetobasi |Sans Oreille|Without Ears |First Soldier
|Tarehem | |Yellow Skin |49 Little Osages
| | |Deer | killed since
| | | | under our
| | | | government
|Maugraine | |Big Rogue |
| | | |
[3. Arkansaw| | | |
village] | | | |
| | | |
II. Kans | | | |
| | | |
| | | |
| | | |
III. Pawnee |Characterish |Loup Blanche|White Wolf |
1. Repub- |Iskatape |Homme Riche |Rich Man |
lican | ---- | ---- |Republican |
village | | |Chief |
| | |Two Sons of |
| | |Characterish |
| | | |
2. Grand | | | |
Village | | | |
| | | |
| | | |
3. Loup | | | |
village | | | |
| | | |
| | | |
| | | |
IV. Tetan | | | |
--------------+-------------+------------+-------------+----------------

FOOTNOTES:

[VI-1] General Wilkinson's instructions to Lieutenant Pike were
conveyed in the form of two letters, of June 24th and July 12th,
respectively, made in the orig. ed. pp. 107-110 of main text of Pt. 2,
though they were set in smaller type as a sort of preface or
introduction. But as no such preliminary is observed in the other two
parts of the book, and as these orders are in the form of letters from
the general to his lieutenant, I think they are preferably brought in
here. By this single transposition the whole of the correspondence
relating to the Arkansaw expedition is brought together in
chronological order to form the present Chapter VI.

[VI-2] On the subject of our then strained relations with New Spain I
have examined much unpublished manuscript in the Archives of the
Government at Washington, but most of it has become a matter of
well-known history, needless to bring up here. It is well understood
that Pike had secret instructions from the traitor, General Wilkinson,
over and beyond those which were ostensible; and no doubt the main
purpose of his Expedition was to open the way to Santa Fé, with
reference to such military operations as then seemed probable. It is
certain that General Wilkinson contemplated the possibility if not the
probability of invading New Mexico. Take as evidence the following
extract of a letter he wrote to the Secretary of War, dated St. Louis,
Nov. 26th, 1805:

" ... Our situation at New Orleans is a defenceless one, & Colonel
Freeman's removal of two Companies from Fort Adams to that city leaves
us without the means of offence above Batton Rouge, which I do [not]
like, but Freeman felt himself too feeble to stand alone without those
Companies--I most ardently implore we may not be forced to War,
because I seek repose & we are not indeed prepared for it, that is
against European troops--yet if we must draw the sword, the whole of
the troops destined to operate West of the Mississippi should be
mounted, whether Gun-men or sword-men, because every Man of the Enemy
will be found on Horse Back, and the composition should be such as I
have described in a former Letter--If any thing should be done from
this Quarter direct, and I might be indulged to recommend my officers,
to plan & Lead the expedition. If I do not reduce New Mexico, at
least, in one Campaign, I will forfeit my Head."

[VI-3] Art. 3 bears the same number that this piece had in the orig.
ed., and the same is the case with all the following articles of the
present chapter, with one exception, where transposition of Orig. Nos.
8 and 9 to make Arts. 9 and 8 is required to preserve the
chronological order. All these letters are from Pike to Wilkinson,
excepting my Art. 8, Orig. No. 9, which is from Wilkinson to Pike, and
one to General Dearborn. Pike's letters are in the nature of reports
of progress to his commanding general and the Secretary of War. They
ceased, of course, upon his separation from Lieutenant Wilkinson, and
nothing further was heard of or from him till his return from Mexico,
in July, 1807.

[VI-4] There is no allusion to this matter in the letter as originally
printed, where a long row of asterisks indicates the elision of what
it was not thought prudent to publish at that time.

[VI-5] There were two Bissells, both of Connecticut, and of the same
or similar rank in the army, often confused in records of the time,
unless their first names are given, as in this instance; 1. Daniel
Bissell became an ensign in the 1st Infantry, Apr. 11th, 1792; was
arranged to the 1st sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; promoted to a
lieutenancy Jan. 3d, 1794; assigned to the 1st Infantry Nov. 1st,
1796; made a captain Jan. 1st, 1799; lieutenant-colonel, 1st Infantry,
Aug. 18th, 1808; colonel, 5th Infantry, Aug. 15th, 1812;
brigadier-general, Mar. 9th, 1814; honorably discharged June 1st,
1821, and died Dec. 14th, 1833. 2. Russell Bissell became a lieutenant
of the 2d Infantry Mar. 4th, 1791; was arranged to the 2d sub-Legion
Sept. 4th, 1792; made captain Feb. 19th, 1793; assigned to the 2d
Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; transferred to the 1st Infantry Apr. 1st,
1802; promoted to be major of the 2d Infantry Dec. 9th, 1807, and died
Dec. 18th, 1807. Two other Connecticut Bissells who became army
officers a little later were Lieutenant Hezekiah W., who entered in
1801 and died in 1802; and Captain Lewis, who entered as an ensign in
1808 and resigned in 1817. One Daniel Bissell of Vermont served as a
first lieutenant for about a year, 1799-1800, and in still later years
there have been several other army officers of the same surname.

[VI-6] The above is such an important paragraph that I reproduce it
verbatim from the original, though it is so badly constructed as to be
very obscure. The obscurity, however, is simply bad grammar, not
intentional veiling of anything; and as the sentences cannot be
conveniently reconstructed in the text, I would read as follows:

"With respect to the Ietans, the general may rest assured that I shall
be very cautious about trusting them. I feel more at a loss how to
conduct myself with the Spaniards, for my instructions send me to the
Comanche country, part of which is no doubt claimed by Spain, though
the boundaries between Louisiana and New Spain have never been
settled. Consequently, should I meet a Spanish party from the villages
near Santa Fé, I think it would be good policy to give them to
understand (1) that my party was going to join our troops near
Natchitoches, but had mistaken the Rio Grande for Red river; (2) that
if it would be agreeable to the Spanish commandant, some or all of us
would pay him a polite visit; and (3) that if he did not wish us to do
this, we would go direct to Natchitoches. In any event, I flatter
myself that I shall get out of the scrape somehow. But if Spanish
jealousy of Americans, and the Aaron Burr conspiracy, cause us to be
made prisoners of war (in time of peace), I trust that you will see
that we are released, and they are punished for the insult. Moreover,
if I do not feel assured they will treat us well in Mexico, I will
fight them, no matter how many there are, before I will let them take
us there."

This sort of talk is not that mixture of youthful enthusiasm with
prudence for which Pike begs Wilkinson's pardon in the next paragraph;
but the determination of a resolute young fellow to obey orders to the
best of his ability, and accomplish if possible the purpose of the
secret instructions given him by General Wilkinson. It is also what
boys call a "dead give away"; for here, at the outset of his
Expedition, Pike is talking about going to New Mexico, intending to
deceive the Spaniards he expected to meet there, and weighing the
chances of their good or bad treatment of himself and party. I forbear
to characterize the ethics of the situation; the discerning reader
will be able to look through this hole in a grindstone, and form his
own conclusions: see also note 46 p. 504.

[VI-7] A sort of ornamental neck-band, such as used to be worn by some
officers with insignia of rank, and somewhat like those still affected
by Free Masons and other ecclesiastical or civic orders on occasions
of ceremony.

[VI-8] To this Art. 15 belongs the following table headed Statistical
Abstract of the Indians, etc., which in the orig. ed. was directed to
be bound facing p. 53. This page was followed by blank p. 54, the leaf
of the book thus represented being simply an overrunning of the matter
of the original folder. All that Recapitulation which was on p. 53 is
embodied in the table which now forms pp. 590, 591.

[VI-9] An itemized account of the Congressional appropriation for, and
estimated expenses of, Lewis and Clark's Expedition, is given on p.
xxi of the 1893 ed. of L. and C. So far as I have been able to inform
myself, we lack the data which would enable us to make the comparison
which Pike modestly conceives might be favorable to his own
expeditions. To whatever sum may have been expended on the part of the
United States for the Mississippian voyage and the Arkansaw journey,
as performed under the orders of General Wilkinson, is to be added the
cost of the enforced Mexican tour, in so far as this was paid by the
United States on the strength of claims for reimbursement presented by
the Spanish authorities. On this latter score I have found some
curious unpublished documents in the archives of the War Department at
Washington. Certain of these items will be found beyond in proper
connection with the official correspondence on the subject.

[VI-10] Pike's expected promotion to a captaincy occurred Aug. 12th,
1806.

PIKE'S EXPEDITIONS.

Part III.

_THE MEXICAN TOUR._

CHAPTER I.

ITINERARY: THROUGH NEW MEXICO ON THE RIO GRANDE TO EL PASO, FEB.
27TH-MAR. 21ST, 1807.

Friday, Feb. 27th, 1807. In the morning I discovered that the Spanish
lieutenant [Don Ignatio Saltelo] was writing letters addressed to the
governor and others; on which I demanded if he was not going on with
me to Santa Fe. He appeared confused and said, No; that his orders
were so positive as to the safe conduct and protection of my men, that
he dare not go and leave any behind; that his companion [Don Bartolomé
Fernandez] would accompany me to Santa Fe with 50 men, while he with
the others would wait for the sergeant [Meek] and his party. I replied
that he had deceived me, and had not acted with candor; but that it
was now too late for me to remedy the evil.

We marched about eleven o'clock, ascending the Rio del Norte [read Rio
Conejos] five miles more, S. 60° W., when we went round through a
chain of hills and bore off to the south. We proceeded nine miles
further, when we crossed the main branch of that stream, which was now
bearing nearly west toward [or east from] the main chain of the third
chain of mountains [San Juan range]. We encamped on the opposite side.
Intensely cold; obliged to stop frequently and make fires. Snow deep.
Distance 15 [5 + 9 = 14] miles.[I'-1]

_Feb. 28th._ We marched late. One of the Frenchmen informed me that
the expedition which had been at the Pawnees had descended the Red
river 233 leagues, and from thence crossed to the Pawnees expressly in
search of my party. This was afterward confirmed by the gentleman who
commanded the troops. He then expressed great regret at my
misfortunes, as he termed them, in being taken, and offered his
services in secreting papers, etc. I took him at his word, and for my
amusement thought I would try him; so I gave him a leaf or two of my
journal, copied, which mentioned the time of my sailing from Belle
Fontaine, and our force. This I charged him to guard very carefully
and give to me after the investigation of my papers at Santa Fe. This
day we saw a herd of wild horses. The Spaniards pursued them and
caught two colts, one of which the Indians killed and ate; the other
was let go. We pursued our journey over some hills, where the snow was
very deep, and encamped at last on the top of a pretty high hill,
among some pines. We left the river, which in general ran about six,
eight, and 10 miles to the left or east of us. Saw great sign of elk.
Distance 36 miles.[I'-2]

_Sunday, Mar. 1st._ We marched early. Although we rode very hard we
only got to the village of L'eau Chaud, or Warm Spring [Ojo Caliente],
some time in the afternoon. The distance was about 45 miles. The
difference of climate was astonishing; after we left the hills and
deep snows, we found ourselves on plains where there was no snow, and
where vegetation was sprouting.

The village of Warm Springs, or Aqua [Agua] Caliente in their
language, is situated on the eastern branch [bank] of a creek of that
name,[I'-3] and at a distance presents to the eye a square inclosure
of mud walls, the houses forming the walls. They are flat on top, or
with extremely little ascent on one side, where there are spouts to
carry off the water of the melting snow and rain when it falls; which,
we were informed, had been but once in two years previous to our
entering the country. Inside of the inclosure were the different
streets of houses of the same fashion, all of one story; the doors
were narrow, the windows small, and in one or two houses there were
talc lights [window-panes of that material]. This village had a mill
near it, situated on the little creek, which made very good flour. The
population consisted of civilized Indians, but much mixed blood.

Here we had a dance which is called the fandango; but there
was one which was copied from the Mexicans, is now danced in the first
societies of New Spain, and has even been introduced at the court of
Madrid.

This village may contain 500 souls. The greatest natural curiosity is
the warm springs, which are two in number, about 10 yards apart, each
affording sufficient water for a mill-seat. They appeared to be
impregnated with copper, and were more than 33° above blood heat. From
this village the Tetaus drove off 2,000 horses at one time, when at
war with the Spaniards.

_Mar. 2d._ We marched late, and passed several little mud-walled
villages and settlements, all of which had round mud towers of the
ancient shape and construction, to defend the inhabitants from the
intrusions of the savages. I was this day shown the ruins of several
old villages which had been taken and destroyed by the Tetaus. We were
frequently stopped by the women, who invited us into their houses to
eat; and in every place where we halted a moment there was a contest
who should be our hosts. My poor lads who had been frozen were
conducted home by old men, who would cause their daughters to dress
their feet, provide their victuals and drink, and at night give them
the best bed in the house. In short, all their conduct brought to my
recollection the hospitality of the ancient patriarchs, and caused me
to sigh with regret at the corruption of that noble principle by the
polish of modern ages.

We descended the creek of Aqua Caliente about 12 miles, where it
joined the river of Conejos [Rio Chama[I'-4]] from the west. This
river was about 30 yards wide, and was settled for 12 miles above its
junction with the Aqua Caliente, as the latter was in its whole course
from the village of that name. From where they form a junction it was
about 15 miles to the Rio del Norte, on the eastern branch [read bank]
of which was situated the village of St. John's [San Juan], which was
the residence of the president priest of the province, who had resided
in it 40 years.

The house-tops of the village of St. John's were crowded, as well as
the streets, when we entered, and at the door of the public quarters
we were met by the president priest. When my companion, who commanded
the escort, received him in a street and embraced him, all the poor
creatures who stood round strove to kiss the ring or hand of the holy
father; for myself, I saluted him in the usual style. My men were
conducted into the quarters, and I went to the house of the priest,
where we were treated with politeness. He offered us coffee,
chocolate, or whatever we thought proper, and desired me to consider
myself at home in his house.

As I was going, some time after, to the quarters of my men, I was
addressed at the door by a man in broken English: "My friend, I am
very sorry to see you here; we are all prisoners in this country and
can never return; I have been a prisoner for nearly three years, and
cannot get out." I replied: "that as for his being a prisoner, it must
be for some crime; that with respect to myself I felt no apprehension;
and requested him to speak French, as I could hardly understand his
English." He began to demand of me so many different questions on the
mode of my getting into the country, my intention, etc., that by the
time I arrived in the room of my men, I was perfectly satisfied of his
having been ordered by some person to endeavor to obtain some
confession or acknowledgment of sinister designs in my having appeared
on the frontiers, and some confidential communications which might
implicate me. As he had been rather insolent in his inquiries, I
ordered my men to shut and fasten the door. I then told him that I
believed him to be an emissary sent on purpose by the governor, or
some person, to endeavor to betray me; that all men of that
description were scoundrels, and never should escape punishment,
whilst I possessed the power to chastise them--immediately ordering my
men to seize him, and cautioning him, at the same time, that, if he
cried out, or made the least resistance, I would be obliged to make
use of the saber which I had in my hand. On this he was so much
alarmed, that he begged me for God's sake not to injure him; he also
said that he had been ordered by the government to meet me, and
endeavor to trace out what and who I was, and what were my designs, by
endeavoring to produce a confidence in him, by his exclaiming against
the Spaniards and complaining of the tyranny which they had exercised
toward him. After this confession, I ordered my men to release him,
and told him that I looked upon him as too contemptible for further
notice; but that he might tell the governor, the next time he employed
emissaries, to choose those of more abilities and sense; and that I
questioned if his Excellency would find the sifting of us an easy
task.

This man's name was Baptiste Lalande;[I'-5] he had come from the
Illinois to the Pawnees, to trade with goods furnished him by William
Morrison, a gentleman of the Illinois, and thence to New Mexico with
the goods which he had procured, and established himself; he was the
same man on whom Robinson had a claim. He returned into the priest's
house with me, and, instead of making any complaint, he in reply to
their inquiries of who I was, etc., informed them that when he left
Louisiana I was governor of the Illinois. This I presume he took for
granted from my having commanded for some time the post of Kaskaskias,
the first military post the United States had established in that
country since the peace; however, the report served to add to the
respect with which my companion and host treated me.

I had at this place the first good meal, wine, etc., which, with the
heat of the house, and perhaps rather an immoderate use of the
refreshments allowed me, produced an attack of something like cholera
morbus, which alarmed me considerably, and made me determine to be
more abstemious in future.

This father was a great naturalist, or rather florist; he had large
collections of flowers, plants, etc., and several works on his
favorite studies, the margins and bottoms of which were filled with
his notes in the Castilian language. As I neither had a natural turn
for botany sufficient to induce me to puzzle my head much with the
Latin, nor understood Castilian, I enjoyed but little of the lectures
which he continued to give me for nearly two hours on those subjects;
but, by the exercise of a small degree of patience, I entirely
acquired the esteem of this worthy father, he calling me his son, and
lamenting extremely that my faith had not made me one of the holy
Catholic church.

The father, being informed that I had some astronomical instruments
with me, expressed a desire to see them. All that I had here was my
sextant and a large glass which magnified considerably, calculated
for the day or night; the remainder of my instruments being with my
sergeant and party. On his examining the sextant, and my showing him
the effect of it in the reflection of the sun, he, as well as hundreds
who surrounded us, appeared more surprised at the effect of the
instrument than any nation of savages I was ever among. Here an idea
struck me as extraordinary--how a man who appeared to be a perfect
master of the ancient languages, a botanist, mineralogist, and
chemist, should be so ignorant of the powers of reflection and the
first principles of mathematics. But my friend explained that enigma,
by informing me of the care the Spanish government took to prevent any
branch of science from being made a pursuit, which would have a
tendency to extend the views of the subjects of the provinces to the
geography of their country, or any other subject which would bring to
view a comparison of their local advantages and situations with other
countries.[I'-6]

St. John's was inclosed with a mud wall, and probably contained 1,000
souls; its population consisted principally of civilized Indians, as
indeed does that of all the villages of New Mexico, the whites not
forming one-twentieth part of the inhabitants.

_Mar. 3d._[I'-7] We marched after breakfast, B. Lalande accompanying
us, and in about six miles came to a village [Santa Cruz], where I
suppose there were more than 2,000 souls. Here we halted at the house
of a priest, who, understanding that I would not kiss his hand, would
not present it to me. The conduct and behavior of a young priest who
came in was such as in our country would have been amply sufficient
forever to have banished him from the clerical association--strutting
about with a dirk in his boot, a cane in his hand, whispering to one
girl, chucking another under the chin, going out with a third, etc.

From this village [Santa Cruz] to another small village [Pojoaque], of
500 inhabitants, is seven miles. At each of those villages is a small
stream, sufficient for the purpose of watering their fields. At the
father's house we took coffee. From this village [Pojoaque] it was 17
miles to another [Tesuque], of 400 civilized Indians. Here we changed
horses and prepared for entering the capital [Santa Fé[I'-8]], which
we came in sight of in the evening. It is situated along the banks of
a small [Santa Fé] creek, which comes down from the mountains, and
runs west to the Rio del Norte. The length of the capital on the creek
may be estimated at one mile; it is but three streets in width.

Its appearance from a distance struck my mind with the same effect as
a fleet of the flat-bottomed boats which are seen in the spring and
fall seasons, descending the Ohio river. There are two churches, the
magnificence of whose steeples form a striking contrast to the
miserable appearance of the houses.[I'-9] On the north side of the
town is the square of soldiers' houses, equal to 120 or 140 on each
flank. The public square is in the center of the town; on the north
side of it is situated the palace, as they term it, or government
house, with the quarters for guards, etc. The other side of the
square is occupied by the clergy and public officers. In general the
houses have a shed before the front, some of which have a flooring of
brick; the consequence is that the streets are very narrow, say in
general 25 feet. The supposed population is 4,500 souls. On our
entering the town the crowd was great, and followed us to the
government house. When we dismounted we were ushered in through
various rooms, the floors of which were covered with skins of buffalo,
bear, or some other animal. We waited in a chamber for some time,
until his Excellency appeared, when we rose, and the following
conversation took place in French:

_Governor._ Do you speak French?

_Pike._ Yes, sir.

_Governor._ You come to reconnoiter our country, do you?

_Pike._ I marched to reconnoiter our own.

_Governor._ In what character are you?

_Pike._ In my proper character, an officer of the United States army.

_Governor._ And this Robinson--is he attached to your party?

_Pike._ No.

_Governor._ Do you know him?

_Pike._ Yes; he is from St. Louis. (I understood the doctor had been
sent 45 leagues from Santa Fe, under a strong guard. The haughty and
unfriendly reception of the governor induced me to believe war must
have been declared, and that if it were known Dr. Robinson had
accompanied me, he would be treated with great severity. I was correct
in saying he was not attached to my party, for he was only a
volunteer, who could not properly be said to be one of my command.)

_Governor._ How many men have you?

_Pike._ Fifteen.

_Governor._ And this Robinson makes sixteen?

_Pike._ I have already told your Excellency that he does not belong to
my party, and shall answer no more interrogatories on that subject.

_Governor._ When did you leave St. Louis?

_Pike._ July 15th.

_Governor._ I think you marched in June.

_Pike._ No, sir!

_Governor._ Well! Return with Mr. Bartholomew to his house; come here
again at seven o'clock, and bring your papers.

On which we returned to the house of my friend Bartholomew, who seemed
much hurt at the interview.

At the door of the government house, I met the old Frenchman to whom I
had given the scrap of paper on the 27th of February. He had left us
in the morning, and, as I suppose, hurried in to make his report, and
I presume had presented this paper to his Excellency. I demanded, with
a look of contempt, if he had made his report? To which he made reply
in a humble tone, and began to excuse himself; but I did not wait to
hear his excuses. At the hour appointed we returned, when the governor
demanded my papers. I told him that I understood my trunk had been
taken possession of by his guard. He expressed surprise, immediately
ordered it in, and also sent for one Solomon Colly, formerly a
sergeant in our army, and one of the unfortunate company of [Captain
Philip] Nolan. We were seated, when he ordered Colly to demand my
name, to which I replied. He then demanded in what province I was
born. I answered in English, and then addressed his Excellency in
French, and told him that I did not think it necessary to enter into
such a catechising; that if he would be at the pains of reading my
commission from the United States, and my orders from my general, it
would be all that I presumed would be necessary to convince his
Excellency that I came with no hostile intentions toward the Spanish
government; that, on the contrary, I had express instructions to guard
against giving them offense or alarm; and that his Excellency would be
convinced that myself and party were rather to be considered objects
on which the so much celebrated generosity of the Spanish nation might
be exercised, than proper subjects to occasion the opposite
sentiments.

He then requested to see my commission and orders, which I read to him
in French; on which he got up and gave me his hand, for the first
time, and said he was happy to be acquainted with me as a man of honor
and a gentleman; that I could retire this evening and take my trunk
with me; and that on the morrow he would make further arrangements.

_Mar. 4th._ I was desired by the governor to bring up my trunk, in
order that he might make some observations on my route, etc. When he
ordered me to take my trunk over night, I had conceived that the
examination of papers was over. As many of my documents were intrusted
to the care of my men, and I found that the inhabitants were treating
the men with liquor, I was fearful they would become intoxicated, and
through inadvertency betray or discover the papers. I had therefore
obtained several of them and put them in the trunk, when an officer
arrived for myself and it, and I had no opportunity of taking them out
again before I was taken up to the palace. I discovered instantly that
I had been deceived, but it was too late to remedy the evil.

After examining the contents of my trunk, he informed me that I must,
with my troops, go to Chihuahua, province of Biscay, to appear before
the commandant-general. He added: "You have the key of your trunk in
your own possession; the trunk will be put under charge of the officer
who commands your escort." The following conversation then took place:

_Pike._ If we go to Chihuahua we must be considered as prisoners of
war?

_Governor._ By no means.

_Pike._ You have already disarmed my men without my knowledge; are
their arms to be returned or not?

_Governor._ They can receive them any moment.

_Pike._ But, sir, I cannot consent to be led three or four hundred
leagues out of my route, without its being by force of arms.

_Governor._ I know you do not go voluntarily; but I will give you a
certificate from under my hand of my having obliged you to march.

_Pike._ I will address you a letter on the subject.[I'-10]

_Governor._ You will dine with me to-day, and march afterward to a
village about six miles distant, escorted by Captain Anthony
D'Almansa, with a detachment of dragoons, who will accompany you to
where the remainder of your escort is now waiting for you, under the
command of the officer [Don Facundo Malgares] who commanded the
expedition to the Pawnees.

_Pike._ I would not wish to be impertinent in my observations to your
Excellency; but pray, sir! do you not think it was a greater
infringement of our territory to send 600 miles in the Pawnees', than
for me with our small party to come on the frontiers of yours with an
intent to descend Red river?

_Governor._ I do not understand you.

_Pike._ No, sir! any further explanation is unnecessary.

I then returned to the house of my friend Bartholomew and wrote my
letter to his Excellency, which I had not finished before we were
hurried to dinner.

In the morning I received from the governor, by the hands of his
private secretary, $21, notifying to me that it was the amount of the
king's allowance for my party to Chihuahua, and that it would be
charged to me on account of my subsistence. From this I clearly
understood that it was calculated that the expenses of the party to
Chihuahua would be defrayed by the United States. I also received by
the same hands, from his Excellency, a shirt and neck-cloth, with his
compliments, wishing me to accept of them, "as they had been made in
Spain by his sister and never worn by any person." For this I
returned him my sincere acknowledgments; and it may not be deemed
irrelevant if I explain at this period the miserable appearance we
made, and the situation we were in, with the causes of it.

When we left our interpreter and one man [Vasquez and Smith] on the
Arkansaw, we were obliged to carry all our baggage on our backs;
consequently, that which was the most useful was preferred to the few
ornamental parts of dress we possessed. The ammunition claimed our
first care; tools were secondary; leather, leggings, boots, and
mockinsons were the next in consideration. Consequently, I left all my
uniform, clothing, trunks, etc., as did the men, except what they had
on their backs; conceiving that which would secure the feet and legs
from the cold to be preferable to any less indispensable portion of
our dress. Thus, when we presented ourselves at Santa Fe, I was
dressed in a pair of blue trousers, mockinsons, blanket coat, and a
cap made of scarlet cloth lined with fox-skin; my poor fellows were in
leggings, breech cloths and leather coats, and there was not a hat in
the whole party. This appearance was extremely mortifying to us all,
especially as soldiers; although some of the officers used frequently
to observe to me, that "worth made the man," etc., with a variety of
adages to the same amount. Yet the first impression made on the
ignorant is hard to eradicate; and a greater proof cannot be given of
the ignorance of the common people, than their asking if we lived in
houses, or in camps like the Indians, and if we wore hats in our
country. Those observations are sufficient to show the impression our
uncouth appearance made amongst them.

The dinner at the governor's was rather splendid, having a variety of
dishes and wines of the southern provinces; and when his Excellency
was a little warmed with the influence of cheering liquor, he became
very sociable. He informed me that there existed a serious difficulty
between the commandant-general of the internal provinces and the
Marquis Caso Calvo, who had given permission to Mr. [William] Dunbar
to explore the Ouchata [Washita], contrary to the general principles
of their government; in consequence of which the former had made
representations against the latter to the court of Madrid. After
dinner his Excellency ordered his coach; Captain D'Almansa,
Bartholomew, and myself entered with him, and he drove out three
miles. He was drawn by six mules and attended by a guard of cavalry.
When we parted his adieu was, "remember Allencaster, in peace or war."

I left a note for my sergeant, with instructions to keep up good
discipline and not be alarmed or discouraged. As I was about leaving
the public square, poor Colly, the American prisoner, came up with
tears in his eyes, and hoped I would not forget him when I arrived in
the United States.

After we left the governor we rode on about three miles to a defile,
where we halted for the troops. I soon found that the old soldier who
accompanied us and commanded our escort was fond of a drop of the
cheering liquor, as his boy carried a bottle in his cochmelies [read
cojinillos], a small leather case attached to the saddle for the
purpose of carrying small articles.[I'-11] We were accompanied by my
friend Bartholomew. We ascended a hill and galloped on until about ten
o'clock; it was snowing hard all the time. Then we came to a
precipice, which we descended with great difficulty, from the
obscurity of the night, to the small village,[I'-12] where we put up
in the quarters of the priest, he being absent.

After supper, Captain D'Almansa related to me that he had served his
Catholic majesty 40 years to arrive at the rank he then held, which
was that of a first lieutenant in the line and a captain by brevet,
whilst he had seen various young Europeans promoted over his head.
After the old man had taken his _quantum sufficit_ and gone to sleep,
my friend and myself sat up for some hours, he explaining to me their
situation, the great desire they felt for a change of affairs and an
open trade with the United States. I pointed out to him with chalk on
the floor the geographical connection and route from North Mexico and
Louisiana, and finally gave him a certificate addressed to the
citizens of the United States, stating his friendly disposition and
his being a man of influence. This paper he seemed to estimate as a
very valuable acquisition, as he was decidedly of opinion we would
invade that country the ensuing spring; and not all my assurances to
the contrary could eradicate that idea.

_Mar. 5th._ As it snowed very hard in the morning, we did not march
until eleven o'clock. In the meantime, Bartholomew and myself paid a
visit to an old invalid Spaniard, who received us in the most
hospitable manner, giving us chocolate, etc. He made many inquiries as
to our government and religion, and of [Bartholomew], who did not fail
to give them the brightest coloring; he being enthusiastic in their
favor from his many conversations with me, and drawing comparisons
with his own country. What appeared to the old veteran most
extraordinary was that we ever changed our president. I was obliged
to draw his powers on a nearer affinity with those of a monarch than
they really are, in order that they might comprehend his station and
that there was a perfect freedom of conscience permitted in our
country. He, however, expressed his warm approbation of the measure.
In the priest's house at which we put up were two orphan girls, who
were adopted by him in their infancy and at this time constituted his
whole family.

I bid adieu to my friend Bartholomew, and could not avoid shedding
tears; he embraced me and all my men.

We arrived at the village of St. Domingo[I'-13] at two o'clock. It is,
as I supposed, nine miles [to this place, which is situated] on the
east side of the Rio del Norte, and is a large village, the population
being about 1,000 natives, generally governed by its own chief. The
chiefs of the villages were distinguished by a cane with a silver head
and black tassel. On our arrival at the public house Captain D'Almansa
was waited on by the governor, cap in hand, to receive his orders as
to furnishing our quarters and ourselves with wood, water, provisions,
etc. The house itself contained nothing but bare walls and small
grated windows, which brought to my recollection the representations
of the Spanish inhabitants given by Dr. [John] Moore [the Scottish
writer, 1730-1802], in his travels through Spain, Italy, etc. This
village, as well as those of St. Philip's and St. Bartholomew, [San
Felipe and San Bartolomé] is of the nation of Keres [or Queres] many
of whom do not yet speak good Spanish.

After we had refreshed ourselves a little, the captain sent for the
keys of the church; and when we entered it, I was much astonished to
find, inclosed in mud-brick walls, many rich paintings, and the saint
(Domingo) as large as life, elegantly ornamented with gold and silver.
The captain made a slight inclination of the head, and intimated to me
that this was the patron of the village. We then ascended into the
gallery, where the choir are generally placed. In an outside hall was
placed another image of the saint, less richly ornamented, where the
populace repaired daily and knelt to return thanks for benefactions
received, or to ask new favors. Many young girls, indeed, chose the
time of our visit to be on their knees before the holy patron. From
the flat roof of the church we had a delightful view of the village;
the Rio del Norte [and Jemez mountains] on the west; the mountains of
St. Dies [San Diaz, _i. e._, Sandia] to the south; the valley round
the town, on which were numerous herds of goats, sheep, and
asses--upon the whole, this was one of the handsomest views in New
Mexico.

_Mar. 6th._ Marched down the Rio del Norte on the east side. Snow one
foot deep. Passed large flocks of goats. At [opposite] the village of
St. Philip's [San Felipe[I'-14]] we crossed [the Rio Grande to the
town over] a bridge of eight arches, constructed as follows: the
pillars made of neat woodwork, something similar to a crate, and in
the form of a keel-boat, the sharp end or bow to the current; this
crate or butment was filled with stone, in which the river lodged
sand, clay, etc., until it had become of a tolerably firm consistency.
On the top of the pillars were laid pine logs, lengthways, squared on
two sides; being joined pretty close, these made a tolerable bridge
for horses, but would not have been very safe for carriages, as there
were no hand-rails.

On our arrival at the house of the father, we were received in a very
polite and friendly manner; and before my departure we seemed to have
been friends for years past. During our dinner, at which we had a
variety of wines, we were entertained with music, composed of bass
drums, French horns, violins, and cymbals. We likewise entered into a
long and candid conversation as to the Creoles, wherein he spared
neither the government nor its administrators. As to government and
religion, Father Rubi displayed a liberality of opinion and a fund of
knowledge which astonished me. He showed me a statistical table on
which he had, in a regular manner, taken the whole province of New
Mexico by villages, beginning at Tous [Taos], on the northwest, and
ending with Valencia on the south, giving their latitude, longitude,
and population, whether natives or Spaniards, civilized or barbarous,
Christians or pagans, numbers, names of the nations, when converted,
how governed, military force, clergy, salary, etc.--in short, a
complete geographical, statistical, and historical sketch of the
province. Of this I wished to obtain a copy, but perceived that the
captain was somewhat surprised at its having been shown to me. When we
parted, we promised to write to each other, which I performed from
Chihuahua.

Here was an old Indian who was extremely inquisitive to know if we
were Spaniards; to which an old gentleman called Don Francisco, who
appeared to be an inmate of Father Rubi's, replied in the affirmative.
"But," said the Indian, "they do not speak Castillian." "True,"
replied the other; "but you are an Indian of the nation of Keres, are
you not?" "Yes." "Well, the Utahs are Indians also?" "Yes." "But still
you do not understand them, they speaking a different language."
"True," replied the Indian. "Well," said the old gentleman, "those
strangers are likewise Spaniards, but do not speak the same language
with us." This reasoning seemed to satisfy the poor savage; and I
could not but smile at the ingenuity displayed to make him believe
there was no other nation of whites but the Spaniards.

Whilst at dinner, Father Rubi was informed that one of his
parishioners was at the point of death, and wished his attendance to
receive his confession.

We took our departure, but were shortly after overtaken by our friend,
who, after giving me another hearty shake of the hand, left us.
Crossed the river and passed two small hamlets and houses on the road
to the village of St. Dies,[I'-15] opposite the mountain of the same
name, where we were received in a house of Father Rubi, this making
part of his domains.

_Mar. 7th._ Marched at nine o'clock through a country better
cultivated and inhabited than any I had yet seen. Arrived at
Albuquerque,[I'-16] a village on the east side of the Rio del Norte.
We were received by Father Ambrosio Guerra in a very flattering
manner, and led into his hall. From thence, after taking some
refreshments, we went into an inner apartment, where he ordered his
adopted children of the female sex to appear. They came in by
turns--Indians of various nations, Spanish, French, and finally two
young girls, whom from their complexion I conceived to be English. On
perceiving I noticed them, he ordered the rest to retire, many of whom
were beautiful, and directed those to sit down on the sofa beside me.
Thus situated, he told me that they had been taken to the east by the
Tetaus and passed from one nation to another, until he purchased them,
at that time infants; they could recollect neither their names nor
language, but, concluding they were my countrywomen, he ordered them
to embrace me as a mark of their friendship, to which they appeared
nothing loath. We then sat down to dinner, which consisted of various
dishes, excellent wines, and, to crown all, we were waited on by half
a dozen of those beautiful girls who, like Hebe at the feast of the
gods, converted our wine to nectar, and with their ambrosial breath
shed incense on our cups. After the cloth was removed some time, the
priest beckoned me to follow him, and led me into his sanctum
sanctorum, where he had the rich and majestic images of various
saints, and in the midst the crucified Jesus, crowned with thorns,
with rich rays of golden glory surrounding his head--in short, the
room being hung with black silk curtains, served but to augment the
gloom and majesty of the scene. When he conceived my imagination
sufficiently wrought up, he put on a black gown and miter, kneeled
before the cross, took hold of my hand, and endeavored gently to pull
me down beside him. On my refusal, he prayed fervently for a few
minutes and then rose, laid his hands on my shoulders, and, as I
conceived, blessed me. He then said to me, "You will not be a
Christian. Oh! what a pity! oh! what a pity!" He then threw off his
robes, took me by the hand and led me out of the company smiling; but
the scene I had gone through had made too serious an impression on my
mind to be eradicated until we took our departure, which was in an
hour after, having received great marks of friendship from the
father.

Both above and below Albuquerque, the citizens were beginning to open
canals, to let in the water of the river to fertilize the plains and
fields which border its banks on both sides; where we saw men, women,
and children, of all ages and sexes, at the joyful labor which was to
crown with rich abundance their future harvest and insure them plenty
for the ensuing year. Those scenes brought to my recollection the
bright descriptions given by Savary of the opening of the canals of
Egypt. The cultivation of the fields was commencing and everything
appeared to give life and gayety to the surrounding scenery.

We crossed the Rio del Norte [at Atrisco[I'-17]], a little below the
village of Albuquerque, where it was 400 yards wide, but not more than
three feet deep and excellent fording. At Father Ambrosio's was the
only chart we saw in the province that gave the near connection of
the sources of the Rio del Norte and the Rio Colorado of California,
with their ramifications.

On our arriving at the next village, a dependency of Father
Ambrosio's, we were invited into the house of the commandant. When I
entered, I saw a man sitting by the fire reading a book; with blooming
cheeks, fine complexion, and a genius-speaking eye, he arose from his
seat. It was Robinson! Not that Robinson who left my camp on the
headwaters of the Rio del Norte, pale, emaciated, with uncombed locks
and beard of eight months' growth, but with fire, unsubdued
enterprise, and fortitude. The change was indeed surprising. I started
back and exclaimed, "Robinson!" "Yes." "But I do not know you," I
replied. "But I know you," he exclaimed; "I would not be unknown to
you here, in this land of tyranny and oppression, to avoid all the
pains they dare to inflict. Yet, my friend, I grieve to see you here
and thus, for I presume you are a prisoner." I replied "No! I wear my
sword, you see; all my men have their arms, and the moment they dare
to ill-treat us we will surprise their guards in the night, carry off
some horses, make our way to Appaches, and then set them at defiance."

At this moment Captain D'Almansa entered, and I introduced Robinson to
him as my _companion de voyage_ and friend, he having before seen him
at Santa Fe. He did not appear much surprised, and received him with a
significant smile, as much as to say, "I knew this." We then marched
out to the place where the soldiers were encamped, not one of whom
would recognize him, agreeably to orders, until I gave them the sign.
Then it was a joyful meeting, as the whole party was enthusiastically
fond of him. He gave me the following relation of his adventures after
he left me:

"I marched the first day up the branch [Rio Conejos] on which we were
situated, as you know we had concluded it would be most proper to
follow it to its source and then cross the mountains [San Juan range]
west, where we had conceived we should find the Spanish settlements,
and at night encamped on its banks. The second day I left it a
little, bore more south, and was getting up the side of the mountain,
when I discovered two Indians, for whom I made. They were armed with
bows and arrows, and were extremely shy of my approach; but after some
time, confidence being somewhat restored, I signified a wish to go to
Santa Fe, when they pointed due south, down the river I left you on.
As I could not believe them, I reiterated the inquiry and received the
same reply. I then concluded that we had been deceived, and that you
were on the Rio del Norte, instead of the Red river. I was embarrassed
whether I should not immediately return to apprise you of it; but
concluded it to be too late, as I was discovered by the Indians, whom
if I had not met, or some others, I should have continued on, crossed
the mountains to the waters of the Colorado, and descended these,
until from their course I should have discovered my mistake. I
therefore offered them some presents to conduct me in; they agreed,
conducted me to the camp where their women were, and in about five
minutes we were on our march. That night we encamped in the woods; I
slept very little, owing to my distrust of my companions. The next
day, at three o'clock, we arrived at the village of Aqua Caliente,
where I was immediately taken into the house of the commandant, and
expresses were dispatched to Santa Fe. That night I was put to sleep
on a mattress on the floor. The next day we departed early, leaving my
arms and baggage at the commandant's, he promising to have them
forwarded to me at the city. On our arrival at Santa Fe, the governor
received me with great austerity at first, entered into an examination
of my business, and took possession of all my papers. After all this
was explained, he ordered me to a room where the officers were
confined when under an arrest, and a non-commissioned officer to
attend me when I walked out into the city, which I had free permission
to do. I was supplied with provisions from the governor's table, who
had promised he would write to Baptiste Lalande to come down and
answer to the claim I had against him; whose circumstance I had
apprised myself of. The second day the governor sent for me, and
informed me that he had made inquiry as to the abilities of Lalande to
discharge the debt, and found that he possessed no property; but that
at some future period he would secure the money for me. To this I made
a spirited remonstrance, as an infringement of our treaties and a
protection of a refugee citizen of the United States against his
creditors. But it had no other effect than to obtain me an invitation
to dinner, and rather more respectful treatment than I had hitherto
received from his Excellency; who, being slightly afflicted with
dropsy, requested my advice as to his case. For this I prescribed a
regimen and mode of treatment which happened to differ from the one
adopted by a monk and practicing physician of the place, and thus
brought on me his enmity and ill offices. The ensuing day I was
ordered by the governor to hold myself in readiness to proceed to the
internal parts of the country, to which I agreed; determining not to
leave the country in a clandestine manner, unless they attempted to
treat me with indignity or hardship; and conceiving it in my power to
join you on your retreat, or find Red river and descend it, should you
not be brought in; but, in that case, to share your destiny. Added to
this I felt a desire to see more of the country, for which purpose I
was willing to run the risk of future consequences. We marched the
ensuing day, I having been equipped by my friend with some small
articles of which I stood in need, such as I would receive out of the
numerous offers of his country. The fourth day I arrived at the
village of St. Fernandez, where I was received and taken charge of by
Lieutenant Don Faciendo Malgares, who commanded the expedition to the
Pawnees, and whom you will find a gentleman, a soldier, and one of the
most gallant men you ever knew. With him I could no longer keep up the
disguise, and when he informed me, two days since, that you were on
the way in, I confessed to him that I belonged to your party. We have
ever since been anticipating the pleasure we three will enjoy in our
journey to Chihuahua; for he is to command the escort, his dragoons
being now encamped in the field, awaiting your arrival. Since I have
been with him I have practiced physic in the country in order to have
an opportunity of examining the manners, customs, etc., of the people,
to endeavor to ascertain their political and religious feelings, and
to gain every other species of information which would be necessary to
our country or ourselves. I am now here, on a visit to this man's
wife, attended by a corporal of dragoons as a guard, who answers very
well as a waiter, guide, etc., in my excursions through the country;
but I will immediately return with you to Malgares."

Thus ended Robinson's relation, and I in return related what had
occurred to the party and myself. We agreed upon our future line of
conduct, and then joined my old captain in the house. He had been
persuaded to tarry all night, provided it was agreeable to me, as our
host wished Robinson to remain until the next day. With this
proposition I complied, in order that Robinson and myself might have a
further discussion before we joined Malgares, who I suspected would
watch us closely. The troops proceeded to the village of Tousac that
evening.

_Sunday, Mar. 8th._ Marched after taking breakfast and halted at a
little village, three miles distant, called Tousac,[I'-18] situated on
the west side of the Rio del Norte. The men informed me that, on their
arrival over night, they had all been furnished with an excellent
supper; and after supper, wine and a violin, with a collection of the
young people to a dance. When we left this village the priest sent a
cart down to carry us over, as the river was nearly four feet deep.
When we approached the village of St. Fernandez[I'-19] we were met by
Lieutenant Malgares, accompanied by two or three other officers; he
received with the most manly frankness and the politeness of a man of
the world. Yet my feelings were such as almost overpowered me, and
obliged me to ride by myself for a short period in order to recover
myself. Those sensations arose from my knowledge that he had been
absent from Chihuahua ten months, and it had cost the king of Spain
more than $10,000 to effect that [capture of myself and party] which a
mere accident and the deception of the governor had accomplished.

Malgares, finding I did not feel myself at ease, took every means in
his power to banish my reserve, which made it impossible on my part
not to endeavor to appear cheerful. We conversed as well as we could,
and in two hours were as well acquainted as some people would be in
the same number of months. Malgares possessed none of the haughty
Castillian pride, but much of the urbanity of a Frenchman; and I will
add my feeble testimony to his loyalty, by declaring that he was one
of the few officers or citizens whom I found who were loyal to their
king, who felt indignant at the degraded state of the Spanish
monarchy, and who deprecated a revolution or separation of Spanish
America from the mother country, unless France should usurp the
government of Spain. These are the men who possess the heads to plan,
the hearts to feel, and the hands to carry this great and important
work into execution. In the afternoon our friend wrote the following
notification to the alcaldes of several small villages around us:

"Send this evening six or eight of your handsomest young
girls to the village of St. Fernandez, where I propose
giving a fandango, for the entertainment of the American
officers arrived this day.

"[Signed] DON FACIENDO."

This order was punctually obeyed, and portrays more clearly than a
chapter of observations the degraded state of the common people. In
the evening, when the company arrived, the ball began after their
usual manner, and there was really a handsome display of beauty.

It will be proper to mention here, that when my small paper trunk was
brought in, Lt. Malgares struck his foot against it, and said: "The
governor informs me this is a prisoner of war, or that I have charge
of it; but, sir, only assure me that you will hold the papers therein
contained sacred, and I will have nothing to do with it." I bowed
assent; and I will only add that the condition was scrupulously
adhered to, as I was bound by every tie of military and national
honor, and, let me add, gratitude, not to abuse his high confidence in
the honor of a soldier. He further added that "Robinson being now
acknowledged as one of your party, I shall withdraw his guard and
consider him as under your parole of honor." Those various marks of
politeness and friendship caused me to endeavor to evince to my
brother soldier that we were capable of appreciating his honorable
conduct toward us.

_Mar. 9th._ The troops marched about ten o'clock. Lt. Malgares and
myself accompanied Captain D'Almansa about three miles back on his
route to Santa Fe, to the house of a citizen, where we dined; after
which we separated. I wrote by the captain to the governor in French,
and to Father Rubi in English. D'Almansa presented me with his cap and
whip, and gave me a letter of recommendation to an officer at
Chihuahua. We returned to our quarters and, being joined by our
waiters, commenced our route.

Passed a village called St. Thomas [San Tomas, or Tomé[I'-20]], one
mile distant from camp. The camp was formed in an ellipsis, the two
long sides presenting a breastwork formed of the saddles and heads of
the mules, each end of the ellipsis having a small opening to pass and
repass at; in the center was the commandant's tent. Thus, in case of
an attack on the camp, there were ready-formed works to fight from.
Malgares' mode of living was superior to anything we have an idea of
in our army; having eight mules loaded with his common camp equipage,
wines, confectionery, etc. But this only served to evince the
corruption of Spanish discipline; for, if a subaltern indulged himself
with such a quantity of baggage, what would be the cavalcade attending
an army? Dr. Robinson had been called over the river to a small
village to see a sick woman, and did not return that night. Distance
12 miles.

_Mar. 10th._ Marched at eight o'clock, and arrived at the village
Sibilleta; passed on the way the village of Sabinez on the west side,
and Naxales, on the same [W.] side, Sibilleta[I'-21] is situated on
the east side, and is a regular square, appearing like a large mud
wall on the outside, the doors, windows, etc., facing the square; it
is the neatest and most regular village I have yet seen, and is
governed by a sergeant, at whose quarters I put up.

_Mar. 11th._ Marched at eleven o'clock; came 12 miles[I'-22] and
encamped, the troops having preceded us. Lieutenant Malgares, not
being well, took medicine. The village we stayed at last night being
the last, we entered the wilderness and the road became rough, small
hills running into the river, making valleys; but the bottoms appear
richer than those more to the north.

_Mar. 12th._ Marched at seven o'clock; passed, on the west side of the
river, the mountains of Magdalen, and the Black mountains on the
east.[I'-23] Passed the encampment of a caravan going out with about
15,000 sheep from the other provinces, from which they bring back
merchandise. This expedition consisted of about 300 men, chiefly
citizens, escorted by an officer and 35 or 40 troops; they are
collected at Sibilleta and separate there on their return. They go out
in February and return in March; a similar expedition goes out in the
autumn, but during the other parts of the year no citizen travels the
road, the couriers excepted. At the pass [El Paso] of the Rio del
Norte they meet and exchange packets, when both return to their own
provinces. Met a caravan of 50 men and probably 200 horses, loaded
with goods for New Mexico. Halted at twelve o'clock and marched at
three. Lt. Malgares showed me the place where he had been in two
affairs with the Appaches; one he commanded himself, and the other was
commanded by Captain D'Almansa; in the former there were one Spaniard
killed, eight wounded, and 10 Appaches made prisoners; in the latter
52 Appaches were wounded and 17 killed, they being surprised in the
night. Malgares killed two himself, and had two horses killed under
him.

_Mar. 13th._ Marched at seven o'clock; saw many deer. Halted at eleven
o'clock and marched at four o'clock.[I'-24]

This day one of our horses threw a young woman and ran off, as is the
habit of all Spanish horses, if by chance they throw their rider; many
of the dragoons and Malgares pursued him. Being mounted on an elegant
horse of Malgares', I joined in the chase, and notwithstanding their
superior horsemanship overtook the horse, caught his bridle, and
stopped him, when both of the horses were nearly at full speed. This
act procured me the applause of the Spanish dragoons, and it is
astonishing how much it operated on their good will.

_Mar. 14th._ Marched at ten o'clock, and halted at a mountain ["of the
Friar Christopher," p. 639, _i. e._, Fra Cristobal]; distance 10
miles.[I'-25] This is the point from which the road leaves the river
for two days' journey bearing due south, the river here taking a turn
southwest; by the river it is five days to where the roads meet. We
marched at four o'clock, and eight miles below crossed the river to
the west side; two mules fell in the water. Unfortunately, they
carried the stores of Lieutenant Malgares, by which means we lost all
our bread, an elegant assortment of biscuits, etc. Distance 18 miles.

_Sunday, Mar. 15th._ Marched at half past ten o'clock. Made 28 miles,
the route rough and stony; course S. 20° W.[I'-26]

_Mar. 16th._ Marched at seven o'clock, and halted at twelve. Passed on
the east side the Horse mountain, and the Mountain of the Dead.[I'-27]
Came on a trail of the appearance of 200 horses, supposed to be the
trail of an expedition from the province of Biscay, against the
Indians.

_Mar. 17th._ Marched at ten o'clock, and at four in the afternoon
crossed the river to the east side; saw several fresh Indian tracks;
also, the trail of a large party of horses, supposed to be Spanish
troops in pursuit of the Indians. Marched down the river 26
miles;[I'-28] fresh sign of Indians, also of a party of horses.
Country mountainous on both sides of the river.

_Mar. 18th._ Marched down the river 26 miles;[I'-29] fresh sign of
Indians, also of a party of horses. Country mountainous on both sides
of the river.

_Mar. 19th._ Struck out east about three miles and fell in with the main
road [continuing from the Jornada del Muerto], on a large flat prairie,
which we left at the mountain of the Friar Christopher.[I'-30]

_Mar. 20th._ Halted at ten o'clock, at a salt lake. Marched until two
o'clock; halted for the day.[I'-31] Vegetation began to be
discoverable on the 17th, and this day the weeds and grass were quite
high.

_Mar. 21st._ Marched in the morning and arrived at the passo [El
Paso[I'-32]] del Norte at eleven o'clock, the road leading through a
hilly and mountainous country. We put up at the house of Don
Francisco Garcia, who was a merchant and a planter; he possessed in
the vicinity of the town 20,000 sheep and 1,000 cows. We were
received in a most hospitable manner by Don Pedro Roderique Rey, the
lieutenant-governor, and Father Joseph Prado, the vicar of the place.
This was by far the most flourishing place we had been in. For a more
particular account of its situation, population, etc., see Appendix to
Part III. [now Chap. IV.].

FOOTNOTES:

[I'-1] The Mexican Tour trips at the start with misstatements which
must have puzzled many a reader, as they did the present editor.
Reference to p. 510 will show that yesterday, Feb. 26th, Pike "went up
the river about 12 miles." He does not say _what_ river; but as he
was on the Conejos, we naturally take that to be the one he ascended
that day--and we are right. But to-day he speaks of "ascending the Rio
del Norte five miles _more_," implying that yesterday's march was up
this river, as to-day's is said to be. Then we are confronted by the
statement that to-day's course is "S. 60° W."--a direction in which it
is impossible to ascend the Rio del Norte to any distance. The
difficulty vanishes at once, if for "Rio del Norte" we read _Rio
Conejos_. This emendation is confirmed by Pike's map, which
contradicts the above text, showing no détour up the Rio Grande; the
dotted trail goes from the stockade directly up Rio Conejos, to a
point on its N. or left bank marked "1st. Camp"--_i. e._, the "place
of deposit" to which the Spaniards took him on the 26th. This place,
where the Spaniards had established themselves when they sent for
Pike, was on the direct road by which they had come from Santa Fé, and
not far from the present town of Conejos, though probably somewhat
further down the river of that name. The road which now crosses the
river at the town holds the course of a trail which ran N. to the
Saguache mts. and through Cochetope Pass to the Gunnison and Grand
rivers, and so on. This was formerly much used by the Utes en route to
Santa Fé, and was no doubt in existence in 1807. Conejos, seat of the
county so named, is a very well-known place on the river, in the
plain between the San Luis hills on the E. and the foothills of the
San Juan range on the W.; it is directly under Prospect Peak (9,900
feet; air-line 8 m.). Roads concenter here from various directions;
that hence to Fort Garland, 35¼ m. N. E., crosses the place where Pike
had his stockade; that S. W. to old Fort Lowell is 49½ m. Some small
places in the vicinity of Conejos are called Guadalupe, Servilleta,
San Rafael, San José, and Brazos. The route pursued hence is the old
main road S. down the Rio Grande, but at a considerable distance W. of
that river for the present (along long. 106° W. nearly).

[I'-2] Soon after leaving Conejos the party crossed Rio San Antonio,
or San Antonio cr. (the main branch of Rio Conejos), below the
confluence of Los Pinos cr., past places of both these names, and at
lat. 37° N. went from the present State of Colorado into the present
Territory of New Mexico. This river heads E. of the Tierra Amarilla,
in the mountain range of which Brazos Peak, over 11,000 feet, is a
conspicuous elevation. The most notable feature of the day is Cerro
San Antonio, nearly 11,000 feet high, standing out from the range.
They skirted its E. base, among the hills of which Pike speaks,
between it and the Buffalo buttes, as the D. and R. G. R. R. now does,
and where is the station Volcano. S. W. of the peak are the Ortiz
hills. Camp was set at or near the present station Tres Piedras (Three
Rocks).

[I'-3] Or Rio Caliente, as the name of the stream is now usually
rendered. This is formed by various tributaries from the N. and N. W.
(Rita Servilleta, Vallecita, etc.), and joins the Rio Chama from the
W., about 5 m. above their common entrance into the Rio Grande opp.
San Juan. There are various other hot or warm springs than the one at
which Pike stopped, and this one is 10 m. or so W. of the railroad
station called Ojo Caliente. At various points near the Rio Grande,
at a considerable distance to Pike's left, are numerous isolated
elevations, some of which are Cerros Olla, Chifle, Montoso,
Cristobal, Taoses, and Orejas. Since Pike entered New Mexico, on
crossing lat. 37° on the 28th, his route has been practically along
the W. border of Taos Co., so named from the well-known Tañoan pueblo
or town of Taos, frequently mentioned by him as Tons, Tous, Toas,
etc., as his printer happened to fancy, while his engraver made it
"Yaos" on the map of New Spain. This is on a branch of Taos cr.; when
Pike passes its latitude to-day, he is about 20 m. W. of it. Some
places passed along Caliente cr., to his right, are Petaca,
Servilleta, and Cueva Springs. The name Taos has several different
implications: for a river, Rio de Taos; for the country through which
this river flows; for a town at the junction of its principal forks,
otherwise San Fernandez; for a place 3 m. S. E. of this, Rancho de
Taos; and for another place about the same distance N. E., Pueblo de
Taos. San Fernandez de Taos was a Mexican adobe town, which had some
600-800 pop. in 1846, and was the capital of the Department of Taos.
The old Indian pueblo of Taos, to which the insurgents had retreated
Jan. 7th, 1847, after the skirmishes of Cañada and Embuda, became
noted during the war as the scene of a bloody siege and capture: see
Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Cong., 1st Sess., pub. 1848, p. 457.

In approaching the subject of the New Mexican Pueblo Indians it is
necessary at the outset to free the mind from the traditional error
that because these live in towns known as "pueblos," therefore they
are one kind of Indians. I shall recur to the subject in a later
connection. Here I wish to cite an early instance of the recognition
of an all-important ethnological fact on the part of Lieutenant James
H. Simpson, U. S. T. E., whose interesting Journal of a Military
Reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Navajo country, etc.,
in 1849, was published in 1850 as one of the collection of papers
forming Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congr., 1st Sess., 8vo, Washington, pp.
56-168, many pll. and maps. He speaks on p. 57 of "the singular and,
as I believe, the hitherto unknown fact ... that among the 10,000
(estimated) Pueblo Indians who inhabit New Mexico, as many as _six_
distinct dialects obtain, no one showing anything more than the
faintest, if any, indications of a cognate origin with the other." He
sharply but justly brings to book the English author Ruxton, for the
grossly erroneous statement (Mex. and the R. Mts., p. 194) that "the
Indians of northern Mexico, including the Pueblos, belong to the same
family--the Apache.... All these speak dialects of the same language,
more or less approximating to the Apache, and of all of which the
idiomatic structure is the the same." A statement more at variance
from the facts in the case could hardly be penned. Those Pueblo
Indians whom Pike now or presently meets represent two distinct
linguistic families, the Keresan and the Tañoan; and we shall have
several others to note in due course. The influence of the church upon
the pueblo system has of course not escaped well-informed
ethnographers, but I suspect they have not always given it full credit
for the hand it had in first founding, then maintaining in misery, and
finally fetching to grief, some of these sorry settlements of
inoffensive Indians, who had escaped the Apaches on one side and the
Navajos on the other, to be herded about some mud joss-house and
fleeced as fast as they acquired any substance worth stealing. The
business began early, and the way of it is something of a historical
curiosity. A man named Alessandro Farnese--the one who was pope
1534-49, and who undertook to regulate the morals of various persons,
besides Henry VIII., with indifferent success--once made a discovery
so astonishing that he must have been inspired. Papa Paulo III.
promptly published his find in a bull which was only saved from being
Irish by the fact that it was Latin: for this ethnological
pronunciamento a todos los fieles cristianos, que las presentes letras
vieren declared in due and solemn form que los indios son hombres y
capaces de sacramentos--_i. e._, told all the faithful to whom this
exquisite tomfoolery came that Indians were human and could be
humbugged. That was June 9th, 1537, and that settled it--the hint was
enough to set upon the savages the horde of corrupt, profligate, and
extortionate ecclesiastics who have cursed the country from that day
to this. The first business of these people was always to build a
church in which to brandish the crucifix at those who had escaped the
tomahawk, and pray for the souls of those whose superstitions were
thus played upon while their property was preyed upon--for churches
cannot be built and priests supported unless somebody sweats for it. I
hardly think that Indians thus huddled around a church, in abject
terror alike of their natural and their supernatural enemies, outside
and inside the pueblo, were any better off for self-defense than they
would have been had they been left to their natural resources--though
many have so fancied; for the numerical strength of such an
aggregation would have been just as effective without that edifice,
and tame Indians are no match for wild ones. The process of converting
an Indian to Christianity simply mixes his metaphors and muddles his
mind, by substituting for the superstitions he thinks he understands
other mysteries which the priests themselves declare to be
incomprehensible. The advantage of this to the Indian is not easily
discerned, and some of its disadvantages are obvious. For example, the
priests are responsible for a considerable amount of fornication and
foeticide--I do not mean so much by their personal habits as by their
keeping so many of their parishioners too poor to pay for marriages
and baptisms. By the year 1680, the papal plan and the church method
had worked so well that the converted Indians undertook to prove
themselves men, capable of the very real sacrament of manhood; for
they revolted against the intolerable yoke, killed a great many of
their oppressors, and drove these ill-omened birds of prey from their
repast for a while.

[I'-4] Pike joins Rio Caliente with the Chama (Conejos in the text, by
error) too near Ojo Caliente and too far from San Juan, but the sum of
his figures is about right. Rio Caliente does not seem to be as well
populated now as it was in his day; Los Gallegos is a present place on
this stream. The confluence of the two is at the point of a butte,
with the Black mesa immediately to the left or E.; some of the present
places thence to the Rio Grande are Cuchilla, Chili, and San José, all
on the W. side of Rio Chama, off his route, and not noted by him; the
site of Chama itself was on the other side, near the mouth. The St.
John's of the text, charted "S^n Juan 1000," is the Tañoan pueblo San
Juan, pop. now 400. He crosses to this place on the E. side of the Rio
Grande, where there was a ford or ferry; the railroad crosses there
now, at Española.

[I'-5] I have not succeeded in identifying Baptiste Lalande. One
Alexis Lalande (his [Symbol: X] mark) appears among signers of a
document executed at St. Louis, Oct. 30th, 1819; and on Sept. 16th,
1809, the same was one of a jury that convicted John Long of murdering
one George Gordon the previous June 26th; and Alexis subsequently
swore he neither spoke nor knew English. The William Morrison of the
same paragraph is easily discovered. He was the oldest one of several
brothers who came from Doylestown, Bucks Co., Pa.; had been associated
with his uncle, Guy Bryan, in business in Philada.; came to Kaskaskia
about 1785, and became prominent as a merchant there, in Cahokia, and
in St. Louis; married (1) a lady of Illinois; (2) in 1813, a daughter
of General Daniel Bissell, U. S. A.; died 1837, at Kaskaskia; was
grandfather of Hon. William R. Morrison. (Billon's Annals, 1804-1821,
pub. 1888, p. 219.)

[I'-6] In the orig. ed. this paragraph appears as Doc. No. 7, p. 69,
of the App. to Pt. 3, to which Pike refers the reader by a footnote.
But as it is out of place there, and also so short, I simply run it
into the present and proper context.

[I'-7] The defective itinerary of Mar. 3d requires attention. We see
that Pike crossed the river to San Juan, whence he goes down the E.
side to Santa Fé. But first for the places he marks on the W. side
within the distance to Santa Fé, and which are: 1. Abicu, pop. 500; 2.
Cia, pop. 450; and 3. Gomez, pop. 500. 1. Abicu is marked as if it
stood near the mouth of Rio Chama, in the vicinity of present San
Antonio and San José; but its exact location is not difficult to
discover. For this is the town now called Abiquiu, 20 m. by the road
up the Rio Chama from the Rio Grande, on the S. side of the Chama, at
the mouth of Frijoles (Beans) cr. It is on the long and well-known
trail which led up the valley of the Chama and so on over the
mountains en route to Los Angeles, Cal. 2. Cia or Sia is a Keresan
pueblo, with a present pop. of about 100. 3. Gomez is the Tañoan
pueblo Jemez, misplaced too near the Rio Grande: see note beyond for
this and for Cia. The Jemez trail from San Ildefonso passes the ruins
of an old pueblo (called by the Spanish equivalent Pueblo Viejo), on
the edge of the mesa, say 1½ m. W. of the Rio Grande and 5 m. S. W. of
San Ildefonso. There is also within this distance the Tañoan pueblo of
Santa Clara, with a present pop. of over 200, on the W. side of the
Rio Grande, a mile below the mouth of Santa Clara cr. From San Juan to
Santa Fé there are or were two roads; a lower, which hugs the Rio
Grande for some distance before it turns away from the river, and an
upper, more direct course, probably that which Pike took. In either
case, he crossed the two small streams or arroyos now known as Cañada
and Nambe. Along his route he passed three villages, which are marked
on the map and mentioned without name in the text. 1. The first of
these, Santa Cruz, 5 or 6 m. from San Juan, is marked on the map
"Village 1200"; in 1846 it had only 300 or 400. It is situated on the
Cañada near its mouth; higher up on the same are the Chimayo
settlements and Potrero. 2. The next, 7¼ m. further, mapped as
"Village 600," is Pojoaque or Pojuaque, a Tañoan pueblo situated about
6 m. up Nambe cr. At the mouth of this stream stood and stands another
Tañoan pueblo, San Ildefonso; while Nambe, yet another village of the
same family, was located on the same creek about 3 m. above Pojoaque.
These have all declined during the century, the Indian pop. of
Pojoaque being lately given as 20, that of San Ildefonso 148, that of
Nambe 79. 3. The next village, "17 m." further, marked on the map
"Village 600," is Tesuque (Tesugue, Zesuqua, etc.), likewise a Tañoan
pueblo, now of less than 100 Indians. There appear to have been two
establishments of this name, 3 or 4 m. apart, both on a branch of
Nambe cr.; the furthest on, falling in best with Pike's 17 m. from
Pojoaque, is only some 6 m. from Santa Fé. Between Pojoaque and
Tesuque Pike passed by Cuyamanque or Cuyamunge: and he entered Santa
Fé from the N., by the site of old Fort Marcy.

It should be particularly observed in this place that Pike has _two_
maps of this part of the Rio Grande, which are discrepant in several
material respects. One is his Louisiana map, which he runs down to
take in the Rio Grande to Santa Fé. On this his trail is dotted as if
it were the lower one, hugging the Rio Grande from Santa Cruz past
Santa Clara (and Polvaredo) to San Ildefonso, before it turned off to
Santa Fé, and with the above three villages all on his left as he
passed; the above village of Abicu is lettered Abricu, and a certain
village of "Pino" is set at the mouth of Rio Santa Fé. I have here
gone by his New Spain map, which may be presumed to be his best
delineation of Rio Grande country, and which certainly fits in best
with the text which we here follow.

To finish reckoning the towns Pike maps north of Santa Fé, we must
note the following: 1. "Enbudo 500" on both maps. 2. "Tranpa 450" on
one map, and "Tramha 450" on the other. 3. "Pecucio 500" on one map,
and "Pecucis 500" on the other. These places all lie off to the N. E.,
in the direction of Taos. 1. Embudo or Embuda is a town on a creek of
the same name, which makes into the Rio Grande from the E., about 25
m. by the road from San Juan. The location is a couple of miles above
the mouth of the creek, which falls into the Rio Grande at a place
called Rinconada on account of its cornered or shut-in site among the
surrounding mesas. It is near the scene of an engagement in Jan.,
1847, when Captain John H. K. Burgwin of the 1st U. S. Dragoons
defeated the insurgents; he died Feb. 7th of wounds received Feb. 4th
in the assault on Taos. 2. Trampas is a town on the creek of that
name, a main tributary of the Embudo, 8 or 10 m. above the town of
Embudo. You pass Trampas about halfway on the main upper road from
Santa Fé to Taos, about 7 m. N. of Truchas. 3. Picuris is an old
Tañoan pueblo, on another branch of this same Embudo cr., with a
present pop. of 100.

All the foregoing places are under the shadow of the lofty mountains
to the E., whence the several streams named also make down into the
Rio Grande valley. Some of their peaks are: Lake, 12,400 feet; Baldy,
12,600 feet; the Cone, 12,700 feet; Truches, 13,100 feet; and the more
isolated "U. S." mountain, 10,700 feet. On the other side of this
range are the headwaters of Rio Cañada--that great fork of the
Arkansaw better known as the "Canadian" r., without the _tilde_: see
note 17, p. 558.

[I'-8] Santa Fé is not "on the Rio Grande," as often loosely said, but
at least 20 m. (direct) E. of that river, and considerably further
than this up from the mouth of the small stream on which it is
situated, in a rather out-of-the-way place. This creek, Rio de Santa
Fé, or Rio Chacito, comes down from the lofty Santa Fé mts. under
which the town nestles, and runs with a general S. W. course into the
Rio Grande between the town of Peña Blanca and the old pueblo of
Cochiti--places 3 m. apart. Cochiti is a Keresan pueblo on the W. bank
of the Rio Grande; present pop. perhaps 250. Peña Blanca, often called
Piña Blanca, on the E. bank, is a place where the Rio Grande can be
forded, to take the old road from Santa Fé to Fort Wingate.

Santa Fé was first entered and occupied by the Army of the West under
General Stephen Watts Kearny, Aug. 18th, 1846--his cowardly Excellency
Don Manuel Armijo having blustered and promptly evacuated the place on
the approach of our forces. The site of Fort Marcy was selected by
Lieutenants W. H. Emory and J. F. Gilmer, in a commanding position 600
yards from the plaza of the town, and the work began on the 23d. On
Sept. 22d General Kearny issued his manifesto for the government of
New Mexico, under the authority of the President of the United States;
appointing as governor Charles Bent (soon afterward cruelly massacred
at Taos), and as secretary Donaciano Vigil; other territorial officers
appointed were Richard Dallum, Francis P. Blair, Charles Blummer,
Eugene Lertensdorfer, Joab Houghton, Antonio José Otero, and Carl
Bavbien--the last three as judges of the supreme court. A copy of the
original document, in Spanish, is given in Lieutenant J. W. Abert's
report Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Cong., 1st Sess., pub. 1848, p. 453. The
population of Santa Fé at that time was somewhere about 3,000; it is
now only a little over 6,000. It was probably the site of a pueblo
before 1500; but the present town has no authentic history back of
1608, when it was founded by Juan de Oñate as a capital or seat of
government. The town may boast an unbroken record as such from that
day to this, in spite of changing hands several times.

[I'-9] Lieutenant J. W. Abert supposes that these were those long
known as the parroquia or parish church, and the capilla de los
soldados or military chapel: Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Cong., 1st Sess.,
pub. 1848, p. 454, where an account of them and services held in them,
as these were in 1846, may be read. A plate shows the parish church,
with "Fort Marez" (Marcy) in the distance.

[I'-10] The governor's certificate and Pike's remonstrance, here in
mention, were given in the App. to Pt. 3, of which they formed Docs.
Nos. 9 and 8, and will be found in due course, beyond.

[I'-11] Pike has the thing all right, but under a curious name I never
saw elsewhere, and might not have recognized, had I not happened to
hear _cojinillo_ myself in New Mexico. This word is probably
provincial or dialectal, as it is not found in ordinary Sp.
dictionaries; in form it is a diminutive of _cojin_, name of a certain
saddle-pad or cushion, precisely equivalent to E. "pillion." It turns
up now and then in books about Mexico, as for example: "The _corazas_
[covers] of travelling saddles are also provided with several pockets
called _coginillos_--a most excellent contrivance for carrying a lunch
or a bottle, or anything to which convenient access may be desired,"
Gregg, Comm. Pra., I. 1844, p. 214.

[I'-12] Marked "Vitior 200" on Pike's map. I do not recognize this
name, but it is easy to pick out Pike's road to San Domingo, which he
reaches to-morrow, and locate his Vitior at or within a mile of a
place on the Rio Santa Fé now called La Bajada, which is 7¾ m. from
San Domingo. In starting from Santa Fé for the Rio Grande at this
point, you do not follow down the creek (Rio de Santa Fé or Rio
Chacito), but bear away from it on higher ground between it and Arroyo
Hondo, pass a little place called Agua Fria, and then have a choice of
two roads. One of these bears off more to the left, and strikes the
creek at the hamlet of Cieneguilla, whence you follow the creek in the
cañon to La Bajada; but the straighter road keeps on S. W., crosses
the creek higher up, cuts across the mesa south of Tetilla Peak, and
suddenly pitches down into the creek at the mouth of the cañon, where
La Bajada is situated. This is what I suppose Pike means by saying he
ascended a hill and then descended a precipice. If he went that way,
he rode 15 m. from Santa Fé to "Vitior" or La Bajada. (See Vitior in
Index.)

[I'-13] Present Santo Domingo, or San Domingo, is at the mouth of
Galisteo cr., with the pueblo immediately below it, on the E. bank of
the Rio Grande, 4 or 5 m. below Peña Blanca. Pike charts it by name,
and lays down this creek. The plate opp. p. 462 of Lieutenant Abert's
report shows the pueblo as it was in 1846. Part of the road from Santa
Fé to San Domingo was bad, on account of the rocks in the cañon of the
little stream, and the sandy dunes near the pueblo. On getting out of
the cañon onto the plain, Pike had on his left the Sandia range, while
ahead, but somewhat to the right, rose the Jemez mts. The Galisteo was
probably quite dry. There were no trees to be seen till the cottonwood
fringe of the Rio Grande came into view. The pueblo did not vary much
for a century. It had about 800 pop. when I passed through in 1864; a
very recent census yielded 690. As Pike says, these Indians are "of
the nation of Keres," _i. e._, of the Keresan family. Had he taken the
ford across the Rio Grande, which was used here at times when the
water was not more than three or four feet deep, though 300 yards
wide, and gone westward about 26 m. to the Rio Jemez, he would have
come upon the Tañoan town of Jemez, a dead-alive little place, which
has held its population of 400 or 500 for many generations, and long
sustained its old adobe church. Twelve miles above Jemez, at a place
on the river called Ojos Calientes from its hot springs, were and may
still be seen the ruins of another church, a view of which, as they
appeared in 1849, is given on pl. 15 of Simpson's report already
cited. Jemez is the place Pike means by the "Gomez 300" which he
charts; only it is located too near the Rio Grande on his map. (See
Santo Domingo in Index.)

[I'-14] Marked "S^n. Philip de queres 1000" on the map, on the W. side
of the Rio Grande. This is the pueblo of San Felipe, situated 7 m. S.
of San Domingo, opp. the mouth of Tuerto cr., which falls in from the
E., a little below the gulch or ravine called Arroyo del Espinazo. The
town of Covero, or Cubero, is 5 m. above, on the same (W.) side of the
Rio Grande. The large stream which Pike lays down on that side, just
below his St. Philip's, is the Rio Jemez, which falls in between
Algodones and Bernalillo. The word "queres" of the map is the same as
Keres of the above text; _i. e._, San Felipe is a town of the Keresan
nation. The place is on the W. side of the Rio Grande, which here
straitens to 100 yards or so, about 6 m. above Algodones. Pike's town
was no doubt the _present_ San Felipe--the one at the foot of the
mesa, and not that commonly called old San Felipe, about a mile off,
upon the edge of the mesa; for this was in ruins half a century if not
a century ago, and the pueblos are all slow to change, either for
better or worse. It has taken nearly 100 years to reduce San Felipe
from the population which Pike estimated at 1000 to the 550 of a very
recent census. It has been more Mexicanized than some of the other
Indian towns. Lieutenant Abert, speaking of the bridge which Pike
mentions, says that when he was there, Oct. 10th, 1846, it had been
entirely swept away, and the people had to ford the Rio Grande. The
plate opp. p. 461 of his report shows some of them in the act. Another
view of San Felipe is given in the same volume, opp. p. 39, in the
report of Lieutenant W. H. Emory, who says that "the hardships,
trials, and perseverance of the gallant Pike" came forcibly to his
mind when he first caught sight of the Rio Grande, Sept. 2d, 1846, at
San Domingo, whose population he judged to be about 600.

[I'-15] Marked "S Dies 500" on the map, on the E. side of the Rio
Grande, to which Pike recrossed from San Felipe. The Spanish form
would be San Diaz, but the pueblo is best known as Sandia or Zandia, a
name also applied to the great mountain which rises on the E. As a
Spanish word, _sandia_ means "watermelon," and appeared in print as
the name of this village in 1626. The aboriginal name of the pueblo is
Nafiap, and its mission name was Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de
Sandia. This is a Tañoan town, with a present population of about 150.
The situation is 12 m. above Albuquerque. Pike speaks of two small
hamlets he passed to reach St. Dies. In 1864, when I passed over the
road, there was a mean place called Algodones, of 30 or 40 houses and
some 200 or 300 people, and 6 m. below this was a rather better one
named Bernalillo. This is doubtless what Pike charts as "S Bernilla
500." Bernalillo is present name of a station of the A., T., and S. F.
R. R. Simpson relates that when he passed Sandia in 1849 he noticed in
the space of a mile northward from the pueblo some 60 or 70 piles of
stones which were said to mark the places where as many Navajos had
fallen in battle with the Pueblonians some years before.

[I'-16] Old Albuquerque, to be distinguished from the present
contiguous or adjacent city of the same name, one of the best-known
places on the Rio Grande between Santa Fé and El Paso. In coming to
this town Pike passed sites of several places now named, though none
of any note--as Corrales (on the opposite or W. side of the river,
whence there is a road 18⅔ m. to pueblo of Cebolleta); Alameda
(where the river could be crossed to strike the Corrales-Cebolleta
road); Ranchos d'Albuquerque; Los Griegos; and finally Candelaria. The
word Albuquerque, or more properly Alboquerque, is the same as the
name of the very celebrated Portuguese son of Mars and soldier of
fortune, Affonso d'Alboquerque, who flourished in the latter part of
the fifteenth century and early in the sixteenth (b. 1453, d. Dec.
16th, 1515). It is commonly pronounced on the spot Albykirky, and
sometimes Albykirk. The old town was in existence about 1700, and now
has some 1,750 pop.; the new one is a thing of yesterday, so to speak,
but already a notable railroad center, capital of Bernalillo Co., with
nearly 4,000 pop., and scheduled as 58 m. from Santa Fé. Near
Albuquerque there was a ford to a place called Atrisco, whence the
road led westward to Fort Wingate; while eastward from Albuquerque a
road went to the Tijeras cañon, which marks off the Sandia range
proper from the elevation S. of this cañon called Monte Largo. Tijeras
cr., when it runs, falls into the Rio Grande about 8 m. below
Albuquerque. Sandival, a place that appears on various maps, was
Sandival's hacienda, a couple of miles S. of Albuquerque, on an upper
and dryer road than the one usually taken southward.

[I'-17] No crossing of the Rio Grande is indicated on Pike's map
anywhere along here, his trail being dotted continuously on the E.
side of the river. But it is quite certain that he crossed a little
below old Albuquerque to Atrisco. There was here a ford, regularly
used when the water was not too high. The railroad now crosses some
miles lower down, between Isleta station and Isleta. Atrisco was a
very well-known name, in consequence of the ford, before the days of
the railroads, but is hardly to be found on ordinary maps of to-day.
When I first crossed the Rio Grande, June 23d, 1864, our outfit was
ferried over some 20 m. below Albuquerque, between places called Los
Pinos on the E. and Las Lunas on the W. "Los Pinos" is short for
Bosque or Alamo de los Pinos, as they called the large fine grove of
cottonwoods there, but I do not think there were any pines. A couple
of miles below was the hacienda of Mariano Chavez, brother of the
unfortunate A. J. Chavez who was murdered near the Little Arkansaw:
see note 10, p. 424; M. Chavez was dead himself before 1847. The place
where Pike so joyfully met the blooming Robinson is left open to
question in the present text. If by the "next village" he means the
next one he came to after leaving Albuquerque, this was certainly at
or near the site of Atrisco. This is really the implication; otherwise
we should have to go a good ways down the W. bank of the Rio Grande,
to site of present Pajarito, or perhaps Isleta, at which latter place
is now the junction of the Atl. and Pac. with the A., T., and S. F. R.
R. The doubt is cleared away by the text of the 8th, where it appears
that Pike visited Tousac (see next note) 3 m. from the village where
Robinson was, and on the same (W.) side of the river, where the troops
had been sent over night; and was then carted back over to the E. side
of the river. He simply visited across the Rio Grande, as he had done
at San Felipe, and then returned to continue his regular journey down
the E. side. But neither of these two cases is put very clearly at
first blush in the narrative.

[I'-18] "Tousac 500" is marked nearly opposite Albuquerque, at or near
present site of Atrisco. What this can be, unless it is Atrisco
itself, or some old place close by. I do not know. The name reminds us
of Tesuque (see note 7, p. 605), but the place here meant is obviously
not that one. (See Tousac in Index.)

[I'-19] "S. Fernandez 500" is marked on the map as the first village
below Albuquerque on the E. side. I do not recognize the name, nor can
I find it on any one of several maps examined. No distance being given
for the 8th, I am left entirely at a loss. But in no event can Pike
have passed Peralta, a well-known place, and he is probably not far
short of it. We may therefore note some places between Albuquerque and
Peralta. Pajarito Arriba and Pajarito Bajo (Upper and Lower Pajarito)
are two towns 3 m. apart, 3 and 6 m. below Atrisco, on the W. side of
the river; and Tijeras or Tijera cr. or arroyo comes to the river from
the E. about a mile below Pajarito Bajo. Three m. beyond this last
town is Padillas, a Mexican town near the foot of the mesa, and three
beyond this is Isleta--both on the W. side. None of these places was
of importance; but Isleta is now a station on the A., T., and S. F. R.
R., which makes a crossing of the Rio Grande to it from Isleta station
on the E. side; and in the immediate vicinity of Isleta is the
junction of the A. and P. R. R. Below Isleta station, on the E., are
the Ranchitos d'Isleta; next is Los Pinos, already mentioned, then
Chavez, and a mile from this stands Peralta. The latter was known at
one time as Ontero's hacienda.

[I'-20] "S. Thomas 500" on Pike's map, a mile beyond which was camp of
the 9th. As 12 m. advance was made to-day, St. Thomas and St.
Fernandez were places 11 m. apart. Los Pinos, Peralta, and Valencia
are all places within 3 m. of one another, and more or less nearly
opposite Las Lunas, on the west, long a notable point of crossing of
the Rio Grande, and present seat of Valencia Co. It is situated in the
San Clemente tract, and near it are Las Lunas hills. Five miles below
Valencia, on the E. side of the Rio Grande, is Tomé hill, a
conspicuous butte on the edge of the mesa, in lat. 34° 45´. Tomé and
the Tomé ranches are 2 or 3 m. further south. These stretched along
the river for more than a mile, presenting at times well cultivated
and well irrigated grainfields.

[I'-21] "Sibilleta 1000," which Pike marks on his trail on the E. bank
of the Rio Grande, is otherwise Cibolleta, La Joya de Cibolleta, or
old La Joya, within the area of the Cevilleta or Joya Grant, and in
Socorro Co. (next county S. of Valencia). Present La Joya is across
the river, on the W. side; the railroad goes through it. Beyond old La
Joya is Joya cañon, on the E. All these places are a few miles S. of
the confluence of the Rio Puerco with the Rio Grande, on the W. The
Puerco is a sizable stream, or dry bed of one, on a general S. course,
crossed at 23 m. distance in going W. from Las Lunas along the old
road to Zuñi, Fort Wingate, etc. Where I crossed, it was a sluggish
thread of dirty yellow water which one could bestride; but it is some
75 m. long, and important in furnishing bounds to several of the land
grants in Valencia and Bernalillo cos. There is no trace of the Puerco
on Pike's map, though he lays down both Rio Chama and Rio Jemez.
Before coming to the confluence of the Puerco he passed a number of
places now named, which may be taken up thus: On the E. side are
Constancia, Casa Colorada, Vellita, and Las Nutrias, with several
others of less note. Casa Colorada ("Red House") gives name to the
grant next south of Tomé Grant; it is on the Rio Grande, 4 m. above
the mouth of that considerable stream, high up on which are the ruins
of Abo. On the W. side, where the railroad now runs, a principal place
is Belen, in the vicinity of which were others which were called
Ranchos de Belen, and Pueblitos de Belen; nearly opposite the last,
but directly on the W. bank of the river, is Jarales. Next above the
Belen pueblito, on the railroad, is Trejos, and next below it is San
José. Below the last named is a point of woods, called in Spanish
Punto del Bosque, and here is a place named Bosque. Rancho Sabinal,
Sabinal station, and a certain Pueblito succeed one another, bringing
us about opposite the above said Las Nutrias.

Along this whole stretch of the Rio Grande, from Peralta nearly to La
Joya, a range of mountains extends in the E. offing, say 15-20 m.
air-line to their summits. This is the Manzano range, running N. and
S.; some of its peaks, up to 10,000 feet, are called Mosca, Capilla,
Osha, and Manzano. The range continues S. under the name of Cerro
Montoso. Roads start from many places on the Rio Grande to go through
the cañons or passes in these mountains.

We have also to attend to Sabinez and Xaxales of the above text, and
with these may note several other pueblos Pike charts in this region.

1. Sabinez, or Sabinal, or Savinal, was a place near the W. bank of
the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of present Sabinal station on the
railroad, about 10 m. above new La Joya, and somewhat less above the
mouth of Rio Puerco.

2. "Xaxales 300" is marked a few miles S. of Sabinez, at or near the
place on the railroad now called Pueblito, 6 or 8 m. above new La
Joya. "Xaxales" is the same word as Jarales (otherwise Gerrales), but
does not seem to have denoted the place now called by the latter name.

3. Next W. of Sabinez and Xaxales, but well off the Rio Grande, Pike
marks "Seguna 250." This is the large, old, and still flourishing
Keresan pueblo of Laguna, with a present pop. of over 1,100. It is so
called from the little lake or laguna hard by, on a branch of the Rito
San José (a branch of the Rio Puerco). This pueblo is on the main road
from the Rio Grande to Zuñi and so on. An old Navajo trail takes or
took off N. from Laguna, up another branch of the same rito, in the
course of which latter is a cluster of small pueblos, as Povete,
Pojuate, or Paguate; Moquino; Cebolleta; and Cebolletita; there were
also various ruined pueblos here and there in the region watered by
the Rito San José and its several trickling affluents. Covero is a
pueblo not far W. N. W. of Laguna.

4. Pike marks "Cequimas 500" some distance S. W. of Laguna. This is
the old and well-known Keresan pueblo of Acoma, on another affluent of
the San José system, with a present pop. of about the same as it had
in his time. Plates of Acoma and various other towns illustrate Lieut.
J. W. Abert's report, Ex. Doc. 41, 30th Congr., 1st Sess., pub. 1848.
(See Cequimas in Index.)

5. "Zumi 300" is charted near both of the foregoing, and E. of the
continental divide. This is an error of location, for the pueblo meant
is that of Zuñi or Suinyi, one of the largest and on the whole the
best known of all the Indian towns in New Mexico. It is situated on
the Rio Zuñi, tributary to the Colorado river system, and, therefore,
on the Pacific slope. The place is famous as the very heart of the
region where the "Seven Cities of Cibola" stood at the dawn of the
historic period in Spanish invasion of this country; one of the seven
having furnished at least a part of the present site of Zuñi. The
Zuñian people, to the number of some 1,600, alone represent a distinct
nation of pueblonians, called the Zuñian family: see a note beyond.

6. West of his line of continental-divide mountains Pike locates two
pueblos, or rather Indian villages, by the names of "Cumpa" and
"Chacat." These are not far apart, and both approximate to the four
Moki villages he charts: see a note beyond for the Mokis. The
identification of Cumpa may be in question; but Chacat evidently
stands for what Pike learned of the old establishments in the Cañon de
Chaco, or de Chasco. This is in N. W. New Mexico, and in such extent
of the cañon as has running water is the Rio Chaco, tributary of Rio
San Juan, a branch of the Colorado Grande which enters above the mouth
of the Colorado Chiquito, in Utah. This cañon once harbored a large
population in several different establishments, all long since gone to
ruins; and the Chaco people have been the subjects of much disputed
history. An excellent account of the ruins is contained in Simpson's
Report, pp. 73-86; views of some of them are given on several plates.
On his map the names of 10 of the 12 he locates stand as Pintado,
Wejegi, Una Vida, Hungo Pavi, Chetho Kette, Bonito, Del Arroyo, Nos. 8
and 9 blank, Peñasca Blanca.

[I'-22] Past Joya cañon to the vicinity of La Joyita, near the S.
border of the Joya Grant. This is a small town near which some black
basaltic bluffs reach down close to the river. It is not to be
confounded with the village of similar name, La Joya, a few miles
further on.

[I'-23] The Black mts. of Pike's text, Sierra Obscura of his map, are
in the series of ranges along the E. side of the Rio Grande, at
varying but always considerable distances. These are in general but
not exact continuation of the San Diaz or Sandia mts., and take, in
different parts of their extent, other names, as Cerro Manzano, Cerro
Montoso, etc.; the name Sierra Oscura or Black range being now
restricted to a short chain between the Chupadera mesa on the N. and
the San Andreas chain on the S. Though there is of course no such
linear continuity of these ranges as Pike's Sierra Obscura seems to
represent, yet I think Pike hit off the mountains wonderfully well,
considering the stealthy circumstances under which he observed them.
All through "the captivity" in New Spain he had to make his notes
furtively, and then conceal them--in other words, he stole and hid
away his information. His Sierra Obscura is all the better delineated
by his marking certain southern portions of the chain with the names
"Sierra de el Sacramento" and "Sierra de Guadelupe"--these being
ranges which he was never near, if in fact he ever laid eyes on them.
They are those called to-day the Sacramento and Guadalupe ranges,
trending S. E. toward the Rio Pecos, down to lat. 32° or thereabouts;
they are special southward extensions of the huge nest of mountains
which bound for a great distance the water-shed of the Pecos, and are
broken into many lesser ranges and peaks, as the White range (Sierra
Blanca), the Nogal, Capitan, Carrizo, Jicarilla, etc. In perhaps no
point is Pike's (qu: Humboldt's?) map clearer than where he runs his
"Montagnes de Salines" N. between his Sierra Obscura on the E. and the
Rio Grande on the W.; for this is the San Andreas range, which extends
continuously southward from the Sierra Oscura of present geography,
and whose southern portions now bear the names of the Organ and
Franklin mts., ending only near El Paso. The Organ mts. were better
and have been long known by the Spanish name of Sierra de los Organos,
exactly as lettered by Pike. This curious name originated in the
fancied resemblance of the columnar trap formations to the pipes of an
organ. Wislizenus and Hughes both call them the "Organic" mts. Their
fastnesses were favorite and habitual lurking-places of the Mescalero
Apaches--those murderous freebooters and desperadoes who used to
descend upon the peaceful pueblos and the Spanish settlements. "The
Assyrian came down like the wolf on the fold," and so did the Apache,
not only from the Organ mts. and other parts of the San Andreas or
Salinas range, but also from all the mountains above mentioned as
lying further east. Observe that Pike thrice locates Apaches among
these mountains, lettering "Apaches Faraone," "Apaches Mescaleros,"
and "Apaches Mescalorez." He also locates what he calls "Indiens
Ietans"; these are the Comanches, usually given in his text as
"Tetaus," who played the part of Vandals to the Goths of the
Apaches--twin scourges during the whole historic period and down to
our own day, under the leadership of chiefs whose characters recall
the popular impressions of Attila the Hun. The only serious criticism
to be passed on this part of Pike's map is the way he runs a great
river in the country of his Ietans and Mescaleros, between his Sierra
Obscura and his Montagnes de Salines, _i. e._, in the deserts E. of
his San Andreas range and W. of the other mountains. But this is
simply his misapprehension of such information as he had of the course
of the Pecos; for his "Rio Puerto" is a mistake for Rio Puerco, and
this was a long current though mistaken name of the Pecos, to be found
on various maps and in different itineraries of comparatively recent
dates. It is hardly necessary to add that the Pecos lies eastward of
all the mountains now under consideration; there is no such river
where Pike lays down his "Rio Puerto." That region is a horrid desert,
where such waters as may start from the mountains on either hand soon
run out by evaporation and absorption, or lose themselves in those
salty sinks and alkaline wastes whence originated, in fact, the former
name of "Saline" or "Salinas" mts. for the San Andreas range.

As to the "Mountains of Magdalen" of Pike's text: We observe that he
maps two isolated elevations on his right, W. of the Rio Grande,
respectively lettered "Sierra Magillez" and "Sierra Christopher."
These clearly correspond to two of the most conspicuous elevations,
Mt. Magdalen and Old Baldy, of the range which continues to be known
as that of the Magdalen mts. or Sierra Magdalena. These are a short
but high range directly W. of the county town Socorro, whence a branch
of the railroad now runs into them to the place called Magdalena. This
range rises 20 m. and more from the river; in this interval a series
of lesser elevations stretches northward, taking at successive points
the names of Socorro, Limitar, Polvadero, and Ladron--the two last of
these being separated by the arroyo of the Rio Salado, coming to the
Rio Grande from the W. in the vicinity of the Joya cañon from the E.

The position of Pike's camp of the 12th is not easily determined, as
he gives no mileage and names no place. But it was not far below
Socorro, and perhaps in the close vicinity of Bosquecito. His _Sierra_
Christopher (W. of the river) is to be carefully distinguished from
what he further on calls the "mountain of the Friar Christopher,"
_i. e._, Fra Cristobal, on the E. of the river: see note 25, pp. 635,
636, and note 30, p. 639.

When Pike passed a couple of miles below Parida, on the E. side of the
Rio Grande, he had to climb a steep hill close to the river. From the
top of this there is a fine view to be had of various places. Nearly
opposite is Socorro, on the W. bank; Limitar is visible, 6 or 8 m.
higher up on that side; while about 4 m. below is the site of the
ruins of Las Huertas (the Orchards). Socorro was long one of the
largest and most important places on the Rio Grande. It had a
population of 2,000 about the middle of this century.

[I'-24] No mileage for to-day, nor even number of hours on the march;
no named point. In fact Pike's itinerary from Santa Fé thus far hardly
gives a natural feature--not even the mouth of the Rio Puerco; we have
to check it as best we can by a few names of towns now nearly a
century old, and not always indicating a present location, together
with what we may suppose to have been ordinary days' journeys. Camp of
the 13th may be set somewhere within the limits of the present Bosque
del Apache Grant, a good ways below Bosquecitos and San Pedro on the
E., or San José and San Antonio on the W. A view of the Bosque faces
p. 499 of Abert's report. The grant named is a small triangular area
whose N. base is the S. border of the Socorro Grant, whose W. side
adjoins the E. border of the Armendaris Grant, and whose apex is at or
near Mt. Pascal (Cerro San Pascual). Old Fort Conrad was built on the
W. side of the river, nearly opposite but a little above Valverde.
Valverde was inhabited during the first quarter of this century, but
the inhabitants were killed or driven off by the Apaches and Navajos,
and it showed nothing but its ruins in 1846, as delineated on the
plate of Abert's report, facing p. 506. Writing of 1839, Gregg says,
Comm. Pra. II. 1844, p. 71: "We passed the southernmost settlements of
New Mexico, and 20 or 30 miles further down the river we came to the
ruins of Valverde. This village was founded about 20 years ago, in one
of the most fertile valleys of the Rio del Norte. It increased rapidly
in population, until it was invaded by the Navajoes, when the
inhabitants were obliged to abandon the place after considerable loss,
and it has never since been repeopled." This locality, in a narrow,
sandy valley, some 15 m. by the road above Fra Cristobal mt., used to
be a point of departure in various directions from the Rio Grande, and
the name occurs continually in the history of scouts on
reconnoissances in this region before our Civil War; it was the
general rendezvous of Doniphan's forces, preparatory to his invasion
of Mexico and capture of Chihuahua; and it was the scene of a battle,
for gallant and meritorious services in which action a particular
friend of mine, Allen Latham Anderson, was brevetted major, Feb. 21st,
1862.

[I'-25] To-day's itinerary brings up a number of interesting and
important points, not evident at first sight. Below Valverde and San
Pascual mt. Pike comes to a section of the river which has made much
history. Along here, above and below Valverde, within a very few miles
of one another, are the sites of Fort Conrad and old Fort Craig, both
on the W. bank of the river; the position of the present places known
as Arny, San Marcia, and Plaza Grande on the W., with La Mesa and
Contadero on the E.; the present crossing of the railroad to the Mesa
Prieta, from points higher up on the W.; and below this the Rio Grande
crossing known as Paraje ferry, near the place of that name on the E.
But we are mainly concerned to discover Pike's "point from which the
road leaves the river"; and why at this point his escort should have
abandoned the main road due S., two days' journey, to take him across
the river and then S. W., by a rough and roundabout way for several
days till, bearing S. E., the route should strike the S. end of the
direct road which had been left at its N. end. If we should imagine
some dark Spanish mystery here, we should be mistaken; for Malgares
simply took Pike that way to avoid the terrible Jornada del
Muerto--that Macabresque march which too often proved to be literally
a "journey of the dead." It is now, as it was then, the great highway
directly N. and S.; but what is now bowled over at ease in a few hours
by rail, was then the toilsome, perilous, and sometimes fatal journey
through an awful desert. When I was in New Mexico, 30 years ago,
officers and others who had made this jornada were never weary of
descanting upon the terrors of that "ninety miles without, a drop of
water," as it was commonly said to be. The trip is not quite so far as
this, between the points where the river is usually left and regained;
but it is not much less, and lives often hung upon the uncertainty
whether any water could be found at a midway point known as Laguna del
Muerto, or Lake of the Dead. The route of the Jornada is like the
string of a bow whose arc is the Rio Grande, stretched straight up and
down the desert between the river on the W. and the San Andreas range
on the E., or rather between this range and those mountains on the W.
of itself which close in on the E. bank of the river, cause its
deflection, and render travel along its left (E.) bank difficult or
impossible. Hence the crossing of the river at a point above them, to
go along the right or W. bank, as Malgares did, was the alternative to
the Jornada del Muerto. The mountains in mention are a barren range
which begins to hug the river in the vicinity of Paraje, below
Contadero, and is known as the Fra Cristobal range; this, or rather
the northern end of it, is the "mountain of the Friar Christopher," of
which Pike speaks. The chain continues southward (with only partial
interruption, in the vicinity of Fort McRae), as the Sierra de los
Caballos, or Horse range. Pike lays down ranges at three separate
points, lettered "Las Pennuclas" (for Los Penáculos, the Pinnacles),
"Horse M^n." and "Death M^n."; the first of these being an elevation
of the Cristobal range, probably that now called Cristobal Peak, and
the second and third being parts of the Caballos range. Whatever the
exact point at which the main road left the river when Pike passed, it
was near if not at the same point whence the Jornada has begun for
half a century at least, and which took the name Fra Cristobal from
the mountain. Thus, we read in Gregg, Comm. Pra. II. 1844, pp. 71-72:
"Our next camping place deserving of mention was _Fray Cristóbal_,
which, like many others on the route, is neither town nor village, but
a simple isolated point on the river-bank--a mere _parage_, or
camping-ground ... thus being the threshold of the famous _Jornada del
Muerto_." The words of Dr. Wislizenus on this subject are to precisely
the same effect, Mem., 1848, p. 38: "This camping place is known as
_Fray Cristobal_; but as there is neither house nor settlement here,
and one may fix his camp close on or some distance from the river, the
limits of Fray Cristobal are not so distinctly defined as those of a
city, and generally the last camping place on or near the Rio del
Norte before entering the _Jornada del Muerto_ is understood by it."
Doniphan's troops were more than three days in making the jornada:
Hughes, Don. Exp., 1847, p. 95. Here the road left the river valley by
a contadero, and passed on to the desert. The first lap of the jornada
was 26 m. to the Laguna del Muerto, usually dry, sometimes holding
water after a rain. (Pike lays this down rather too far N., as the
"Lago del munto" by mistake of the engraver.) Thus when Gregg passed
in 1839, "there was not even a vestige of water," _l. c._, p. 73. "The
marshes," he continues, "said by some historians to be in the
vicinity, are nowhere to be found; nothing but the firmest and dryest
table land is to be seen in every direction. To procure water for our
thirsty animals, it is often necessary to make a halt here, and drive
them to the Ojo del Muerto (Dead Man's Spring), five or six miles to
the westward, in the very heart of the mountain ridge that lay between
us and the river. This region is one of the favorite resorts of the
Apaches, where many a poor arriero has met with an untimely end. The
route which leads to the spring winds for two or three miles down a
narrow cañon or gorge, overhung on either side by abrupt precipices,
while the various clefts and crags, which project their gloomy brows
over the abyss below, seem to move the murderous savage to deeds of
horror and blood." The second lap of the jornada was 28 m. to a place
called Perillo (qu: same as Barilla?), to be found on present maps as
Point of Rocks, where water may be found in holes. The third stage was
23 m., finishing the jornada in the vicinity of Fort Selden. This
total of 77 m.--easily becoming the "90" of tradition--could be made
in two days, as Pike says; the usual method being to cover the
distance in three marches of a night, next day, and the following
night. The road itself is not bad; only the possibility or probability
of 77 m. without water made it a terror. As may be seen even from the
map on the railroad folder, the jornada was nearly coincident with the
present line from Contadero due S.; but the track leaves the river a
little higher up, and strikes it again also higher up, at Rincon. The
first portion of the track runs through mal pais, as they call ground
strewn with rough and gritty fragments of lava, which makes traveling
bad; there is a station called Lava from this circumstance, and also a
certain Lava Butte, near the station Pope. The rails continue by
Crocker and Round mt. to the station Eagle, whence a road goes off W.
to the Fort McRae reservation; stations further along are Cutler,
Upham, and Granada, the last being near the Point of Rocks, formerly
called Perillo, near where the stage station used to be; whence the
run is into Rincon, at a point on the river opposite Angostura, where
Pike comes along on the 17th. A camping-ground on the river, at this
end of the jornada, was known as Robledo (Oaks).

[I'-26] The whole of this way is bad, being cut across by a series of
arroyos or gulches making down from the San Mateo and Mimbres ranges.
These mountains are a part of the general chain which Pike maps in
linear continuity as one which forms the "Dividing Ridge between the
Waters of Rio del Norte and those of the Gulf of California"--that is,
the Continental Divide. At one point in these ranges Pike legends very
conspicuously "Grand Copper Mines, worked." It is also shown on the
map of Lieut.-Col. Philip St. George Cooke, of his route from the Rio
Grande to the Gila, etc., in 1846-47, Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Cong., 1st
Sess., pub. 1848; and a "view of the copper mine" forms the subject of
the plate opp. p. 59 of the same volume, in Lieut. W. H. Emory's
report: see also _ibid._, A. R. Johnston's report, pp. 577, 578 fig.
The headwaters of the Rio Gila are across the divide of the Mimbres
range. As the party goes down the valley of the Rio Grande, say from
the Nogal arroyo or the site of the village now called San José,
opposite Fra Cristobal, 6,600 feet, they have the range of the latter
name on the left, or E., immediately across the river, while the San
Mateo peak, 10,200 feet, towers on the N. W.

[I'-27] Before coming to his Horse mt., Pike passed several points of
note. He crossed Rio Alamoso or Cañada Alamosa near camp (unless he
was already beyond it), and next Rio Cuchillo Negro. Between these
two, but off on the E. side of the river, was built Fort McRae, in the
southern foothills of the Fra Cristobal range (vicinity of Elephant
Butte and Ojo del Muerto). There is or was a crossing of the Rio
Grande from the fort, called Fest's ferry. Horse mt. of Pike is now
called Caballo Cone; it rises at the N. extremity of the range of the
Horse mts., usually known by the Spanish name of Sierra de los
Caballos. The Mt. of the Dead is another elevation of this range, but
which one is less easily determined. It was at or near the S. end of
this range; see the positions of "Horse M^n." and "Dead M^n." on the
map. Pike also marks a mountain close to his trail, on the W., by the
name of "Rabledillo." This I take to be Cerro Cuchillo Negro, opposite
Caballo Cone, between Rio Cuchillo Negro and Rio Palomo (Pigeon cr.).
The latter is crossed at its mouth (Los Palomos); Rio Animas is
crossed (Brent's); and several arroyos or dry washes are passed, till
the party is well down on the W. side of the Horse range, within some
25 m. of where the Rio Grande will be crossed to-morrow. Camp is
apparently between the mouths of Rio Perchas and Cienega Apache, which
fall in near together on the W. Hillsborough, seat of Sierra Co.
(which Pike entered when he left Socorro Co. on the 15th), is situated
about 20 m. up Rio Perchas. Near this camp, and nearly opposite his
Dead mt., Pike marks an elevation by the name of "La Ranchero," which
appears to be that which approaches the Rio Grande most closely
between Cienega Apache and White Water cr. In any event, this is one
of the foothills of the Mimbres range, as are several others Pike maps
in this vicinity. See next note.

[I'-28] Not 26 m. after crossing the river, but from last camp, from
which it is about 26 m. to make the crossing. In this trip Pike turns
the W. and S. flank of the Sierra de los Caballos or Horse mts.,
having these first E. and then N. of his route (on his left all the
way). In so doing he passes from Sierra into Dona Ana Co., and goes by
a number of notable points, some of which he maps. On the W. side of
the river, in Dona Ana Co., at or near present Santa Barbara, was the
site of old Fort Thorn and the old Indian Agency; Beck's ferry was
also hereabouts. Pike sets four mountains on his right, at different
distances to the W. and S. These are lettered (1) "Esterolargo," (2)
"S. Jacomb," (3) "La Salmera," (4) "Piadro." These are some of the
most elevated points in the rugged and irregularly broken country to
the south of the Horse and Mimbres ranges; and their relative
positions as mapped by Pike agree so well with those of certain
well-known elevations that identifications may be attempted: (1)
Esterolargo seems to correspond to the Cerro Magdalen, between Fort
Selden on the E. and old Fort Cummings on the W. (2) is in the
position of the Good Sight mts., about half-way between the Magdalens
and Fort Cummings. A branch of the A., T., and S. F. R. R., from
Rincon on the Rio Grande to Deming, runs past the Magdalens (station
Sellers) and thence through the Good Sight mts. by Burr's Pass
(station Nutt), between Good Sight Peak and Sunday Cone. Fort Cummings
was built in that southern extension of the Mimbres range known as
Cooke's range: leave railroad for the fort at Cummings station, or
keep on past Coleman to Deming, etc. (3) is Cerro Robledo, on W. bank
of the Rio Grande, immediately S. of Fort Selden. (4) may be intended
for the Florida mts., on the boundary between Dona Ana and Grant cos.,
directly S. of Fort Cummings 20 and 30 m., not so far S. E. of Deming.
Pike crosses the Rio Grande from W. to E., at or near where the
railroad now crosses in passing between stations Hatch (Colorado) and
Rincon; camp at this place or in its immediate vicinity, about
opposite town of Angostura.

The practically identical language of Mar. 17th and 18th shows that
Pike has duplicated an entry, and consequently that one day's march
has been lost. This loss is irretrievable, so far as I can discover.
Furthermore, we have no mileages for the 19th and 20th. Under these
circumstances the best we can do is to march him into El Paso in three
laps, set three camps _ex hypothesi_, and note in due order the places
on the road over which we know he passed.

[I'-29] To camp at some point between Fort Selden and Dona Ana,
probably not far beyond the site of the former post. The Military
Reservation upon which this long noted fort was established includes a
tract a few miles square on both sides of the river, between the Cerro
Robledo on the S. and San Diego mt. on the N. and N. W.; eastward are
some elevations known as the Dona Ana hills; the Cerro Magdalen is due
W., but at a much greater distance. A few miles below Rincon and
Angostura the river enters the Selden cañon, where it is straitened
between Mt. San Diego on the E. and highlands on the W.; the railroad
traverses this cañon, with the stations Tonuco near its head and
Randall below; the position of the fort is between the latter and
Leasburg, on the E. bank of the river. Pike's map shows a marked bend
or loop of the dotted trail of the 18th, and I suppose this indicates
where he went around Mt. San Diego. There used to be a place called
San Diego here, about opposite the point where the old Cooke trail
left the river. Dona Ana was founded on the E. bank of the river, say
60 m. by road from El Paso. This town was started in or about 1839, by
settlers from El Paso, and 10 years later had a population of 300,
mostly Mexicans, who required the protection of the military from the
Apaches. The railroad passes by but not through the present town,
which has given name to the county, though the county seat is at Las
Cruces. Both of these places are included in the Dona Ana Bend Colony
tract.

The Cooke trail above mentioned is that made by Lieut.-Col. Philip St.
George Cooke, commanding the Mormon battalion of the Army of the West
on the march from Santa Fé, N. M., to San Diego, Cal., under the
guidance of Antoine Leroux, in the autumn of 1846. It will be found
very clearly traced, from the point of departure from the Rio Grande
to the Pima villages on the Gila, on the sketch-map accompanying that
officer's report to General Kearny, Ex. Doc. No. 41, 30th Congr., 1st
Sess., pub 1848, pp. 549-563. It is a roundabout way which loops far
S. and strikes the San Pedro several days' march above the confluence
of that stream with the Gila, follows the San Pedro down a piece
northward, then strikes westward to Tucson, and so on N. W. to the
Gila at the Pima villages. The distance is represented to have been
544 m.

[I'-30] Fra Cristobal, that is, but to be distinguished from Pike's
_Sierra_ Christopher: see note 23, p. 633, and note 25, p. 635.
The road which Pike thus struck was in direct continuation of the
Jornada del Muerto, on the way to El Paso, and led by Las Cruces,
present seat of Dona Ana Co. This has been for many years one of the
best-known places on the Rio Grande between Santa Fé and El Paso; it
is located a little off the river, on the E. side. In the vicinity of
Las Cruces, on the E. bank of the river, is Messilla, another
well-known town. The party proceeded past Tortugas and Bosquecito, to
a point somewhere beyond the site of old Fort Fillmore, and probably
within the present limits of the Brazito tract. This camp might be
fixed more exactly by one who could say how far short it was of a
certain salt lake likely to be reached at 10 a. m. next day. The route
along here, as indeed from Fort Selden, is practically coincident with
that of the railroad. Brazito became the famous name of a
battle-ground, after Christmas Day of 1846, when Colonel Doniphan's
regiment defeated and routed a superior force of Mexicans who attacked
him. A spirited account of this engagement is given by John T. Hughes,
Don. Exp. 1847, pp. 96-99, including a plan of the battle-ground. The
engagement lasted half an hour, about 3 p. m. The spot is given as "25
m." from El Paso, opposite a large island in the Rio Grande, and also
opposite a pass between the lower end of the Organ mts. and others
called the "White" mts. The Mexicans numbered about 1,300 men, of whom
71 were killed, 5 taken prisoners, and not less than 150 wounded,
including their general, Ponce de Leon; the American casualty was 8
wounded--none killed.

On Pike's left as he passes stand the Organ or Organon mts., as now so
called in strictness, being that southward continuation of the San
Andreas range which is marked off by a gap from the rest of the chain.
This gap is the San Augustin Pass; place there called Organ, 15 m. E.
by N. from Dona Ana. Pike charts these mountains: see note 23, p. 631.
They run about S., and as the river is here bearing S. S. E., the two
approach within 10 to 5 m. in the vicinity of the place where Fort
Fillmore stood. Pike's "Sierra de la Cola," as laid down close to the
river, but due E. of El Paso, appears to correspond with what is now
known as the Franklin range, around which the river finally turns E.
to escape from all confinement. Along the Rio Grande itself his map
marks nothing whatever from the vicinity of Fort Selden to El Paso.
But we are now approaching some of the most important points of the
whole route.

[I'-31] In the vicinity of Montoyo, Tex., in the extreme W. corner of
the State. Passing successively Mesquite, Herron, and Lyndon, on the
railroad, with San Miguel (Baca Grant), La Mesa, and Chamberino in
succession on the other side of the river, Pike comes to the station
Anthony and the parallel of 32° N.; on crossing which he goes from
Dona Ana Co., N. M., into El Paso Co., Tex., as he proceeds down the
left or E. bank of the river; had he been on the other side he would
have remained in New Mexico until he entered present Chihuahua at lat.
31° 47´ N. For the course of the Rio Grande itself makes the irregular
boundary of Texas for 15 or 20 m., from the point where the parallel
of 32° N. strikes the river from the E., to that where the parallel of
31° 47´ N. leaves the river on the W. This break or fault (as a miner
would say of a lead that acted so) of the straight border between
Texas and New Mexico, where the boundary slips 13´ S. down the Rio
Grande, is one of the politico-geographical curiosities of the
situation, which would only be fully understood upon mastering the
complicated history of the U. S. and Mexican Boundary Survey in all
the bitterness of its personal episodes. Some of these points are
considered in the following note. From lat. 31° 47´ N. on the Rio
Grande, in the immediate vicinity of El Paso, Tex., and of El Paso del
Norte (Ciudad Juarez), in Chihuahua, the river forms the boundary
between the United States and the Republic of Mexico--that is, between
Texas and the Mexican States of Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and
Tamaulipas--on a circuitous but in general S. E. course to the Gulf of
Mexico.

[I'-32] The celebrated place to which our friend has thus been
conducted by his friends, the enemy, must not be confounded with our
little town of El Paso, Tex. This grew up yesterday, so to speak; that
dates from about 1680, as a Spanish settlement begun after the great
Pueblo revolt, when Governor Otermin's people were driven out of Santa
Fé. Before Pike was welcomed by the civil and ecclesiastical
dignitaries of El Paso del Norte, he crossed the great river, and thus
passed from the State of Texas into that of Chihuahua, as these are
now bounded. He would have said that he simply went across the river
which flows in the province of North or New Mexico of the kingdom of
New Spain, and had not yet reached the province of New Biscay. But
aside from any of the political affairs which spoil the complexion of
the maps, El Paso is one of the most remarkable positions in North
America, unique in some respects. With regard to the tide of
emigration which set westward by southern lines of travel to the
California of the forty-niners, it is comparable with that place by
which, from time immemorial, the nations have passed from Asia into
Europe, along what has been fitly styled the "highway of the world."
But El Paso is not only a half-way house from the Gulf of Mexico to
that of California; it is the continental cross-roads. For the ebb and
flow of human tides set with conflicting currents, north and south,
long before the first page of American history was traced, and will
continue forever in motion by El Paso. There is the turning-point of
that great river which was Rio del Norte above this pass, and Rio
Grande or Rio Bravo below. "El Paso" is certainly, as it always has
been, the place of fording or crossing the river--Gregg says it was
called by Americans "The Pass," and speaks of "Pass wine" and "Pass
whiskey," as they named the liquors made there--but that is not the
implication of the name. "El Paso" is the mountain-pass--el paso del
Rio del Norte--the place where the river passes from the mountains to
the plains. We have traced it from Pike's stockade on the Conejos, in
the San Luis valley, almost due S., in an immense trough of several
hundred miles' length, during the whole of which distance it has been
seen to be closely confined to its mountain bed, hemmed in on the W.
by the continental divide or its several outliers, on the E. by
successive ranges of not less dignity and importance. In all this
course it receives no more than mere creeks from the eastern side;
while from the W. its tributaries are comparatively few and small
rivers. But at El Paso the river turns out of bed, so to say, with
hardly a figure of speech, to go all abroad in the open country,
drawing to itself large tributaries on its way to the sea. Yet it has
another strait-jacketing to suffer in forcing its way through the last
mountains that rise to obstruct its course. The struggle begins near
the entrance of the Rio Conchas and in the vicinity of Presidio del
Norte, one of the oldest establishments in northern Mexico; it
continues for many miles through a series of cañons in the Bofecillos,
San Carlos, and other mountains. During this passage the river makes a
sharp elbow from S. E. northward, and then with a bold sweep recovers
its former course; it receives its tribute from the Pecos, its largest
branch; then, freed from its last fetters and augmented in force, the
Rio Grande winds its way to the Gulf, having well won the title
"Bravo." Such action is the more to be applauded if we remember that
above the cañon-formations the river sometimes sinks exhausted into
the ground, and its bed may become for many miles a wagon-road. The
great flexures of the river lie within about a degree of latitude (29°
to 30° N.), and the series of cañons is between the 102d and 105th
meridians. Major Emory speaks of that great bend of the river as "one
of the most remarkable features on the face of the globe--that of a
river traversing at an oblique angle a chain of lofty mountains, and
making through these, on a gigantic scale, what is called in Spanish
America a cañon--that is, a river hemmed in by vertical walls," U. S.
and Mex. B. Surv. I. 1857, p. 42. With due deference, and no desire to
derogate from the dignity, either of the Rio Grande or of its
cañonation, I do not see that we have not several parallel cases in
this country, some of which are on a scale of not inferior magnitude.
The essential features of the case are those of a great river which
has once left its bed in mountains about its origin, traversed open
country, and then forced its way through cañon-formation in another
range or spur. The Arkansaw, heading in the continental divide, breaks
out upon the plain at Cañon City, through a chasm in another range.
The South Platte traverses South Park, and the North Platte, North
Park, to seek the plains through other mountains than those in which
they respectively head. The Yellowstone has its upper cañon and then
comes out at Livingston through a lower one. The Missouri itself
leaves its sources far remote from the range through which it finally
makes its exit from Lewis and Clark's Gates of the Rocky Mountains.
And just think of the Columbia!

Pike has nothing to say of any place on the Rio Grande opposite the
Mexican town of El Paso, at or near where El Paso stands in Texas. But
the valley has been settled and cultivated from remote antiquity, and
the clustering of the population at various points gave rise to towns
or pueblos, all of which, of course, had names, though several of
these have lapsed forever. Maps now nearly half a century old mark on
the Texan side several places by the names of Frontera, La Frontera,
or Las Fronteras; Isleta, a Tañoan pueblo (in what is now
Texas--distinguish from the other Tañoan pueblo, Isleta, in New
Mexico); Socorro; San Elceario, or Elizario; also, Franklin and Fort
Bliss--all these before there was any El Paso in Texas. Present maps
show, below Montoyo, Santa Teresa, Frontera, El Paso, Isleta, San
Elizario, and so on down the river along the railroad. As to the germ
of the American town of El Paso, we find that Captain S. G. French, in
1849, came up the Rio Grande "to the intersection of the Santa Fé road
at the rancho opposite El Paso"; and again: "El Paso is wholly
situated in Mexico--there being, excepting the three villages on the
island [San Elizario, Socorro, Isleta], but three houses on the
American side." French's mileages by odometer in coming up the river
on the Texan side, are: San Elizario to Socorro, 5.45 m.; Socorro to
Isleta, 3.10; Isleta to Upper Ford, 7.05; Upper Ford to Coon's
Hacienda, 7.09; total, 22.69, or 22⅔ m. from San Elizario to where
the Santa Fé road came to the river to cross to El Paso, Mex. (Reports
of Reconn., etc., 8vo, Washington, 1850, p. 53--not a book very easy
to find.) A table of distances in the reverse direction and bringing
in two more of the above names, is furnished by Major Emory, U. S. and
M. B. S., I. 1857, p. 135: Franklin (opposite El Paso) to Fort Bliss,
2 m.; Fort Bliss to Isleta, 12.14; Isleta to Socorro, 3.10; Socorro to
San Elceario, 5.45; total, 22.69, or 22⅔ m., as before. If these
were independent measurements, the odometers must have been good, as
well as the road; but I cite them both to show that Coon's Hacienda,
Franklin, and El Paso, Tex., were the same place, opposite El Paso,
Mex., and that Fort Bliss was built 2 m. lower down. Writing of the
early fifties, Emory also states, _op. cit._, p. 91: "From San
Elceario up to El Paso, a distance by the sinuosities of the river of
30 miles, but by air-line of only 20 miles, is almost one continuous
settlement of Mexicans and Pueblo Indians, with here and there an
American farmer and trader." His estimates of the population all
along, from El Paso, Mex., to San Elceario, are: El Paso (including
the very ancient Tañoan pueblo of Sinecu, supposed to have been built
before the Spaniards came), 4,000; Franklin (present El Paso, Tex.),
200; Socorro, 300; San Elceario, 1,200; with 1,300 at places still
further down, making a total of 7,000. Isleta does not figure in this
census. This population was mostly mixed, with little pure Spanish, or
Indian either. The commercial importance of El Paso as a port of entry
may be inferred from Emory's statement that, before the ports on the
lower Rio Bravo were opened, for some years as much as $2,000,000
worth of goods passed into Mexico this way; figures supposed to have
been reduced more than one-half at the time of which he wrote. He
describes the town of El Paso, Mex., as "one extended vineyard in the
hands of many proprietors." The little town of Frontera, above
mentioned, acquired some consequence in 1852 from the erection there
in 1851 of one of the astronomical stations at which Major Emory, U.
S. Commissioner, and Don José Salazar y Larregui, Comisionado
Mexicano, determined the initial point of the boundary W. of the Rio
Grande along the par. of 31° 47´ N. The position of Frontera, as
decided and agreed upon by the Joint Commission, was lat. 31° 48´
44.31´´ N., long. 106° 33´ 04.5´´ W. That of El Paso, Mex., or more
exactly, of the cathedral in that place, was lat. 31° 44´ 15.7´´ N.,
long. 166° 29´ 05.4´´ W. Frontera was thus about 4 minutes N. and W.
of El Paso, and the boundary started W. between these two places at a
point 3.41 m. about N. W. of El Paso, and 2.70 m. about S. E. of
Frontera; the total distance between these two places being 6.11 m. As
the Rio Grande itself was the natural boundary agreed upon from the
Gulf of Mexico to the point where the river should intersect the
parallel of 31° 47´, the various questions that were to be determined
concerned only the boundary thence W. across country to the Gulf of
California and so on to the Pacific. Two different boundaries were in
diplomatic agreement for some years before either of them was
ascertained on the ground. These were those provided for by the treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Feb. 2d, 1848, ratified Aug., 1848, and by the
Gadsden treaty of Dec. 30th, 1853, ratified June 30th, 1854. Under the
former of these, two abortive attempts were made to establish two
different lines W. of the Rio Grande; and it was fortunate for us that
neither of them succeeded. The old treaty was made in the dark, on our
part at least, being based upon the ignorance of geography which
Disturnell's map displayed in 1847. The old treaty line started on
paper from the Rio Grande at a point some miles above Frontera, went
W. on a certain parallel of latitude, hypothetical on the ground, for
about 180 m., through the Chiricahua mts., and then turned due N.
along a never-determined meridian till it struck Rio Gila, which was
thence the boundary W. to the Rio Colorado. The line agreed upon by U.
S. Commissioner John B. Weller and General Conde, the Comisionado
Mexicano, started W. from the Rio Grande at a point in the vicinity of
Dona Ana, ran along a parallel for the same distance as the other, and
then turned N. on a meridian to the Gila, striking the latter at a
point further down that river--further N. W., that is, owing to the
difference of longitude of the initial point on the Rio Grande. Both
of these were paper-lines, assumed when the two governments were
feeling for S. and W. borders of New Mexico as laid down on
Disturnell's map; for Article V. of the G. H. '48 treaty provided that
from the intersection of the Rio Grande with the S. border of New
Mexico (wherever that might be) the line should run W. along the whole
S. border of New Mexico, and then turn N. along the W. border of the
same to the Gila. This was decidedly a case of _obscurum per
obscurius_, so far as laying down an actual line was concerned, for
nobody knew where the S. and W. borders of New Mexico were, within
several minutes of latitude and longitude. The Weller-Conde line above
noted started from the Rio Grande at lat. 32° 22´, near Dona Ana, and
went due W. upon an assumed S. boundary of N. M. In 1851 such an
initial point had been agreed upon; a monument erected; and actual
survey begun by Col. J. D. Graham. The other assumed S. boundary of N.
M., along which a line was projected W. of the Rio Grande from an
initial point in the vicinity of Frontera, was very near 31° 47´. Both
luckily failed to go into effect. Such a comedy of errors, beginning
on a false basis, was conducted through a tissue of blunders to an
inevitable and fortunate fiasco. The work of the old boundary survey
was prosecuted under a series of commissioners--John B. Weller; John
C. Frémont, who accepted the appointment, but never got on the ground,
and did nothing but resign; John R. Bartlett; and Robert B. Campbell.
It wound up in 1853 as an ignominious and acrimonious failure, for
which net result Congress had appropriated $787,112. This was
expensive, but profitable in the end; for the event proved that a
different boundary would come cheap at that or almost any other price.
Almost down to 1848, the topography of the country between the Rio
Grande and the Colorado of the West was practically unknown to
Americans. But adventurers, traders, and emigrants had begun to set
their faces toward the west along our borders; and the question of the
most practicable southern route became one of great and growing
importance. The War Department put exploring parties in the field; and
through the labors of such officers as Emory, Abert, Parke, Marcy,
Sitgreaves, Simpson, Whipple, Michler, J. E. Johnston, S. G. French,
W. F. Smith, F. T. Bryan, and others, new light was thrown upon a vast
region, to much of which El Paso was the key. Among other things,
Emory developed the fact that there could be no thoroughfare through
U. S. territory in the vicinity of 32° N., the country being
practically impassable by any means of transportation then available
along the parallel of 32°, N. of the projected boundary. The G. H.
treaty '48, to use Emory's words, "fixed a line north of that parallel
which cut off entirely the communication by wagons between the rivers
[Rios Grande and Gila]; and leaving out of view the considerations
involved in securing railway routes to the Pacific, it was a line
which sooner or later must have been abandoned. No traveller could
pass, nor could a dispatch be sent, from a military post on the Rio
Bravo to one on the Gila, without passing through Mexican territory."
Our Mexican neighbors evidently knew their country, as well as what
they were about, much better than we did, until we learned to our cost
what the matter was. The already notorious errors of the Disturnell
map made any adjustment of the difficulty on that basis impossible,
and some different understanding between the two countries became an
obvious necessity. This was effected by the Gadsden treaty of 1853,
which provided for the reconstruction of the international line on
paper, and its determination on the ground. By the provisions of this
agreement, the line was to run up the Rio Grande, as already defined
by the G. H. treaty '48, to the point where the middle of the river
should intersect the parallel of 31° 47´ N.; thence due W. 100 m.;
thence due S. to the parallel of 31° 20´ N.; thence due W. to the
meridian of 111° W.; thence in a straight line to a point on the
Colorado r. 20 English miles below the confluence of the Gila; thence
up the Colorado r. to the intersection of the already existing U. S.
and Mexican line across California to the Pacific. The concessions
represented by these terms were all-important to us; they not only
secured the required practicable highway from the Rio Grande to the
Gila, but added 26,185 sq. m. to U. S. territory, as was discovered
when the line was run. This tract lies between the parallels of 31°
20´ and 33° 30´ N., and between the meridians of 106° 30´ and 114° W.;
it may be called, in a phrase, so much of the U. S. as lies S. of the
Gila, in New Mexico and mainly in Arizona. William Hensley Emory was
commissioned by President Pierce, Aug. 4th, '54, to carry out the
provisions of the treaty on the part of the U. S., and Don José
Salazar y Larregui was appointed to the same official functions on the
part of Mexico. Major Emory was required to meet the Mexican
commissioner at El Paso by Oct. 1st, 1854, and the commission took the
field without delay. Congress appropriated $168,130, Aug. 14th, '54,
and $71,450, Mar. 3d, '55; total, $239,580, for running and marking
the line. When the work had been done, Jan. 1st, 1856, Major Emory
reported an unexpended balance of $98,454.59. He had also to turn in,
as unexpended balance of certain appropriations for the old commission
(altogether $58,100), the sum of $37,345.53; total to his credit,
$135,800.12, remaining of the sum of $239,580 + $58,100 = $297,680, of
which he had the disbursement and was responsible. It thus appears
that his whole work cost the government only $161,879.87; it was
finished within the time estimated by the government for its
completion, and largely within the amounts appropriated for the
purpose. The boundary run by Emory and Salazar, respectively, agreed
upon by them jointly, and accepted by both governments, is at present
in effect. It starts from the Rio Grande between El Paso and Frontera,
at 31° 47´, and runs W. on that parallel 100 m., to a certain spot
commonly referred to by the name of Carrizalillo, as that of the
nearest named locality; thence it drops meridionally to the parallel
of 31° 20´, at a nameless place in the mountains; thence it runs due
W. to the intersection of the 111th meridian at a well-known place,
Los Nogales; whence it runs obliquely to the Colorado r., at a point
which is (roundly) 20 m. S. of Fort Yuma by the channel of the
river--Yuma being on the W. bank, and practically opposite the mouth
of the Gila. Aside from any question of the 25,185 sq. m. and the
desirable right of way thus secured, under the provisions of the
Gadsden treaty, the abrogation of the 11th article of the G. H. treaty
was all-important to the U. S. "This article," to use Major Emory's
words, "made it incumbent on the United States to keep the Indians
living within our own territory from committing depredations on the
Mexicans, and by implication imposed on the United States the
obligation of indemnity for all losses resulting from failure to carry
out the provisions of the treaty. No amount of force could have kept
the Indians from crossing the line to commit depredations, and I think
that one hundred millions would not pay the damages they have
inflicted. Whole sections of country have been depopulated and the
stock driven off and killed; and in entire States the ranches have
been deserted and the people driven into the towns. It is true, all
this has not been done since the war [with Mexico], and would form no
just claim against the United States; but those conversant with the
history of Mexican claims will at once admit that the United States
would have been fortunate if she could have escaped with paying real
claims for depredations, whether committed before or after the war. I
should not be true to history if I did not state what is within my own
personal knowledge--that companies were formed, and others forming,
composed of persons of wealth, influence, and adroitness, who
projected extensive schemes for the purchase of these claims, with the
view of extorting them from the Congress of the United States." Not
the least admirable feature of the present treaty, and one which was
of equal moment to all respectable citizens of both countries, was the
fullness of the powers it vested in the two commissioners. For Art. I.
has: "That line shall be alone established upon which the
commissioners may fix, their consent in this particular being
considered decisive and an integral part of this treaty, without
necessity of ulterior ratification or approval, and without room for
interpretation of any kind by either of the parties contracting." This
kept the dirty hands of professional politicians out of the affair,
and left it to be settled by two honorable and able men, free to act
at their best judgment and discretion, besides being competent to the
requisite scientific work in astronomy and geodesy. The joint
commission, in session on the spot, agreed upon the initial point of
31° 47´ N. on the W. bank of the Rio Grande, Jan. 10th, 1855; they
marked it and agreed to erect the monument there. The corner-stone was
laid Jan. 31st, in the presence of each other and of various civil and
military dignitaries. The commissioners reconvened at Fort Bliss, Aug.
14th-16th, 1855, to consider the operations which had meanwhile been
carried on by themselves and their respective assistants; whereupon
they agreed to declare and did declare the line surveyed, marked, and
established as far W. as the 111th meridian, and from the 111th
meridian to the Colorado r.; they further agreed, etc., that the whole
of the line should be declared fully established, etc., and the
field-work concluded, whenever each should notify the other that
certain topographical work then in progress had been completed by
Lieutenant Michler and Señor Jimenez; whereupon, having no further
business, the commission adjourned to meet in Washington, D. C., Apr.
1st, 1856. The required notifications were exchanged Oct. 15th and
Dec. 18th, 1855. The work had been done, and subsequent proceedings
were only in the nature of formalities between the two governments. My
authority for the facts embodied in this note is of course the U. S.
and M. B. S. Report unless otherwise stated. I have been led into this
sketch of affairs of 40 years ago, partly by their intrinsic interest,
but mainly because they show the state of things at a period of time
equidistant between Pike's and the present day.

CHAPTER II.

ITINERARY, CONTINUED: THROUGH OLD MEXICO, IN CHIHUAHUA, DURANGO, AND
COAHUILA, TO THE PRESIDIO GRANDE, MARCH 22D-MAY 31ST, 1807.

_Sunday, Mar. 22d._ Remained at the Passo.

_Mar. 23d._ Mass performed; left the Passo at three o'clock, to Fort
Elisiaira [Elizario], accompanied by the lieutenant-governor, the
vicar, and Allencaster, a brother of the governor. Malgares, myself
and the doctor took up our quarters at the house of Capt. [Blank], who
was then at Chihuahua; but his lady and sister entertained us in a
very elegant and hospitable manner. They began playing cards and
continued until late the third day. Malgares, who won considerably,
would send frequently $15 or $20 from the table to the lady of the
house, her sister, and others, and beg their acceptance, in order that
the goddess of fortune might still continue propitious; in this manner
he distributed $500.

Around this fort were a great number of Appaches, who were on a treaty
with the Spaniards. These people appeared to be perfectly independent
in their manners, and were the only savages I saw in the Spanish
dominions whose spirit was not humbled--whose necks were not bowed to
the yoke of their invaders. With those people Malgares was extremely
popular. I believe he sought popularity with them and all the common
people, for there was no man so poor or so humble, under whose roof he
would not enter; when he walked out, I have seen him put a handful of
dollars in his pocket, and give them all to the old men, women, and
children before he returned to his quarters; but to equals he was
haughty and overbearing. This conduct he pursued through the whole
provinces of New Mexico and Biscay, when at a distance from the seat
of government; but I could plainly perceive that he was cautious of
his conduct as he approached the capital [city of Chihuahua]. I here
left a letter for my sergeant.

_Mar. 24th._ Very bad weather.

_Mar. 25th._ The troops marched, but Lt. Malgares and my men remained.

_Mar. 26th._ Divine service was performed in the morning, in the
garrison, at which all the troops attended under arms. At one part of
their mass, they present arms; at another, sink on one knee and rest
the muzzle of the gun on the ground, in signification of their
submission to their divine master. At one o'clock, we bid adieu to our
friendly hostess, who was one of the finest women I had seen in New
Spain. At dusk arrived at a small pond made by a spring which arose in
the center, called the Ogo mall a Ukap, and seemed formed by
providence to enable the human race to pass that route, as it was the
only water within 60 miles on the route. Here we overtook Sergeant
Belardie with the party of dragoons from Senora and Biscay, who had
left us at Fort Elisiaira, where we had received a new escort.
Distance 20 miles.[II'-1]

_Mar. 27th._ Arrived at Carracal [Carrizal], at twelve o'clock,[II'-2]
Distance 28 miles; the road well watered and the situation pleasant.
The father-in-law of our friend commanded six or seven years here.
When we arrived at fort, the commandant, Don Pedro Rues Saramende,
received Robinson and myself with a cold bow, and informed Malgares
that we could repair to the public quarters. To this Malgares
indignantly replied that he should accompany us, and turned to go,
when the commandant took him by the arm, made many apologies to him
and us, and we at length reluctantly entered his quarters. Here for
the first time I saw the gazettes of Mexico, which gave rumors of
Colonel [Aaron] Burr's conspiracies, the movements of our troops,
etc.; but which were stated in so vague and undefined a manner as only
to create our anxiety without throwing any light on the subject.

_Mar. 28th._ Marched at half past three o'clock, and arrived at the
Warm Springs [Ojos Calientes] at sundown; crossed one little fosse on
the route.[II'-3]

_Sunday, Mar. 29th._ Marched at ten o'clock, and continued our route,
with but a short halt, until sundown, when we encamped without water.
Distance 30 miles.[II'-4]

_Mar. 30th._ Marched before seven o'clock; the front arrived at water
at eleven o'clock; the mules, at twelve. The spring[II'-5] on the side
of the mountain, to the east of the road, is a beautiful situation. I
here saw the first ash timber I observed in the country. This water is
52 miles from the Warm Springs. Yesterday and to-day saw cabrie
[antelope, _Antilocapra americana_]. Marched 15 miles further and
encamped without wood or water; passed two other small springs to the
east of the road.

_Mar. 31st._ Marched early and arrived at an excellent spring at ten
o'clock. The roads from Senora, Tanos [qu: Yanos?], Buenaventura,
etc., join about 400 yards before you arrive at this spring.[II'-6]

Arrived at the village of [hiatus][II'-7] at night, a large and
elegant house, for the country; here were various labors carried on by
criminals in irons. We here met with a Catalonian, who was but a short
time from Spain, whose dialect was such that he could scarcely be
understood by Malgares, and whose manners were much more like those of
a citizen of our Western frontiers than of a subject of a despotic
prince.

_Apr. 1st._[II'-8] In the morning Malgares dispatched a courier with
a letter to the Commandant-general Salcedo, to inform him of our
approach, and also one to his father-in-law.

_Apr. 2d._ When we arrived at Chihuahua, we pursued our course through
the town to the house of the general. I was much astonished to see
with what anxiety Malgares anticipated the meeting with his military
chief. Having been on the most arduous and enterprising expedition
ever undertaken by any of his Majesty's officers from these provinces,
and having executed it with equal spirit and judgment, yet was he
fearful of his [Salcedo's] meeting him with an eye of displeasure. He
appeared to be much more agitated than ourselves, although we may be
supposed to have also had our sensations, as on the will of this man
depended our future destiny, at least until our country could
interfere in our behalf. On our arrival at the general's, we were
halted in the hall of the guard until word was sent to the general of
our arrival, when Malgares was first introduced. He remained some
time, during which a Frenchman came up and endeavored to enter into
conversation with us, but was soon frowned into silence, as we
conceived he was only some authorized spy. Malgares at last came out
and asked me to walk in. I found the general sitting at his desk; he
was a middle-sized man, apparently about 55 years of age, with a stern
countenance; but he received me graciously and beckoned to a seat.

He then observed, "You have given us and yourself a great deal of
trouble."

_Captain Pike._ On my part entirely unsought, and on that of the
Spanish government voluntary.

_General Salcedo._ Where are your papers?

_Captain Pike._ Under charge of Lieutenant Malgares.

Malgares was then ordered to have my small trunk brought in, which
being done, a Lieutenant Walker came in, who is a native of New
Orleans, his father an Englishman, his mother a French woman, and who
spoke both those languages equally well, also the Spanish. He was a
lieutenant of dragoons in the Spanish service, and master of the
military school at Chihuahua. This same young gentleman was employed
by Mr. Andrew Ellicott,[II'-9] as a deputy surveyor on the Florida
line between the United States and Spain, in the years 1797 and '98.
General Salcedo then desired him to assist me in taking out my papers,
and requested me to explain the nature of each; such as he conceived
were relevant to the expedition he caused to be laid on one side, and
those which were not of a public nature on the other; the whole
either passing through the hands of the general or of Walker, except a
few letters from my lady. On my taking these up, and saying they were
letters from a lady, the general gave a proof that, if the ancient
Spanish bravery had degenerated in the nation generally, their
gallantry still existed, by bowing; and I put them in my pocket. He
then informed me that he would examine the papers, but that in the
meanwhile he wished me to make out and present to him a short sketch
of my voyage,[II'-10] which might probably be satisfactory. This I
would have positively refused, had I had an idea that it was his
determination to keep the papers, which I could not at that time
conceive, from the urbanity and satisfaction which he appeared to
exhibit on the event of our interview. He then told me that I would
take up my quarters with Walker, in order, as he said, to be better
accommodated by having a person with me who spoke the English
language; but the object, as I suspected, was for him to be a spy on
our actions and on those who visited us.

Robinson all this time had been standing in the guardroom, boiling
with indignation at being so long detained there, subject to the
observations of the soldiery and gaping curiosity of the vulgar. He
was now introduced, by some mistake of one of the aides-de-camp. He
appeared and made a slight bow to the general, who demanded of
Malgares who he [Robinson] was. He replied, "A doctor who accompanied
the expedition." "Let him retire," said the governor; and he went out.

The general then invited me to return and dine with him, and we went
to the quarters of Walker, where we received several different
invitations to take quarters at houses where we might be better
accommodated; but, understanding that the general had designated our
quarters, we were silent.

We returned to dine at the palace, where we met Malgares, who, besides
ourselves, was the only guest. He had at the table the treasurer,
Truxillio [qu.: Trujillo?], and a priest called Father Rocus.

_Apr. 3d._ Employed in giving a sketch of our voyage for the general
and commandant of those provinces. Introduced to Don Bernardo
Villamil; Don Alberto Mayner, lieutenant-colonel, and father-in-law to
Malgares; and Don Manuel Zuloaga, a member of the secretary's office,
to whom I am under obligations of gratitude, and shall remember with
esteem. Visited his house in the evening.

_Apr. 4th._ Visited the hospital, where were two officers, who were
fine-looking men, and I was informed had been the gayest young men of
the province. They were moldering away by disease, and there was not a
physician in his Majesty's hospitals who was able to cure them; but
after repeated attempts, all had given them up to perish. This shows
the deplorable state of medical science in the provinces. I endeavored
to get Robinson to undertake the cure of these poor fellows, but the
jealousy and envy of the Spanish doctors made it impracticable.

_Sunday, Apr. 5th._ Visited by Lieutenant Malgares, with a very polite
message from his Excellency, delivered in the most impressive terms,
with offers of assistance, money, etc., for which I returned my
respectful thanks to the general. Accompanied Malgares to the public
walk, where we found the secretary, Captain Villamil, Zuloaga, and
other officers of distinction. We here likewise met the wife of my
friend Malgares, to whom he introduced us. She was, like all the other
ladies of New Spain, a little _en bon point_, but possessed the
national beauty of eye in a superior degree. There was a large
collection of ladies, amongst whom were two of the most celebrated in
the capital--Señora Maria Con. Caberairi, and Señora Margeurite
Vallois, the only two ladies who had spirit sufficient, and their
husbands generosity enough, to allow them to think themselves rational
beings, to be treated on an equality, to receive the visits of their
friends, and give way to the hospitality of their dispositions without
restraint. They were consequently the envy of other ladies, and the
subject of scandal to prudes; their houses were the rendezvous of all
the fashionable male society; and every man who was conspicuous for
science, arts, or arms, was sure to meet a welcome. We, as unfortunate
strangers, were consequently not forgotten. I returned with Malgares
to the house of his father-in-law, Lieutenant-Colonel Mayner, who was
originally from Cadiz, a man of good information.

_Apr. 6th._ Dined with the general. Writing, etc. In the evening
visited Malgares and the secretary. After dinner wine was set on the
table, and we were entertained with songs in the French, Italian,
Spanish, and English languages. Accustomed as I was to sitting some
time after dinner I forgot their _siesta_, or repose after dinner,
until Walker suggested the thing to me, when we retired.

_Apr. 7th._ Dined at Don Antonio Caberairi's, [qu.: Cabrera's?] in
company with Villamil, Zuloaga, Walker, etc. Sent in the sketch of my
voyage to the general. Spent the evening at Colonel Mayner's with
Malgares.

_Apr. 8th._ Visited the treasurer, who showed me the double-barreled
gun given by Governor [Wm. C. C.] Claiborne, and another formerly the
property of [Captain Philip] Nolan [see note 9, p. 657, and legend on
Pike's map].

_Apr. 9th._ In the evening I was informed that David Ferro[II'-11] was
in town and wished to speak to me. This man had formerly been my
father's ensign, and was taken with Nolan's party at the time the
latter was killed. He possessed a brave soul, and had withstood every
oppression, since being made prisoner, with astonishing fortitude.
Although his leaving the place of his confinement, the village of St.
Jeronimie [San Jeronimo], without the knowledge of the general, was in
some measure clandestine, yet a countryman, an acquaintance, and
formerly a brother soldier, in a strange land, in distress, had
ventured much to see me--could I deny him the interview from any
motives of delicacy? No; forbid it, humanity! forbid it, every
sentiment of my soul!

Our meeting was affecting, tears standing in his eyes. He informed me
of the particulars of their being taken, and many other circumstances
since they had been in the country. I promised to do all I could for
him consistently with my character and honor, and their having entered
the country without the authority of the United States. As he was
obliged to leave town before day, he called on me at my quarters, when
I bid him adieu, and gave him what my purse afforded, not what my
heart dictated.

_Apr. 10th._ In the evening at Colonel Maynor's. Captain Rodiriques
[Rodriguez] arrived from the province of Texas, where he had been
under arrest one year, for going to Natchitoches with the Marquis
Cassa Calvo [Marques de Casa Calva].

_Apr. 11th._ Rode out in the coach with Malgares; was hospitably
entertained at the house of one of the Vallois, where we drank London
porter. Visited Secretary Villamil.

_Sunday, Apr. 12th._ Dined with the doctor, at Don Antonio
Caberarie's, with our usual guests. In the evening at the public
walks.

_Apr. 13th._ Nothing extraordinary.

_Apr. 14th._ Spent the forenoon in writing; the afternoon at Don
Antonio Caberarie's.

_Apr.15th._ Spent the evening at Colonel Maynor's [qu.: Mayron's?]
with our friend Malgares. Wrote a letter to Governor Salcedo on the
subject of my papers.[II'-12]

_Apr. 16th._ Spent the evening at the secretary's, Don Villamil's.

_Apr. 17th._ Sent my letter to his Excellency. Spent the evening with
my friend Malgares.

_Apr. 18th._ Spent the evening at Caberarie's, etc. Wrote to Governor
Allencaster.

_Sunday, Apr. 19th._ In the evening at a fandango.

_Apr. 20th._ We this day learned that an American officer had gone on
to the city of Mexico. This was an enigma to us inexplicable, as we
conceived that the jealousy of the Spanish government would have
prevented any foreign officer from penetrating the country; and why
the United States could send an authorized agent to the viceroyalty,
when the Spanish government had at the seat of our government a chargé
d'affaires, served but to darken the conjectures. The person alluded
to was Mr. Burling, a citizen of Mississippi Territory, whose mission
is now well known to the government. We likewise received an account
of a commercial treaty having been entered into between Great Britain
and the United States, which by the Dons was only considered as the
preliminary step to an alliance offensive and defensive between the
two nations.

_Apr. 21st._ Presented the commanding general with a letter for
General Wilkinson, which he promised to have forwarded to the governor
of Texas.

_Apr. 22d._ Spent the day in reading and studying Spanish; the evening
at Captain Villamil's.

_Apr. 23d._ Dined at Don Pedro Vallois'; spent the evening with
Colonel Maynor; bade him adieu, as he was to march the next day. In
the evening received a letter from the commandant-general, informing
me my papers were to be detained, giving a certificate of their
numbers, contents, etc.[II'-13]

_Apr. 24th._ Spent the evening at Zuloaga's with his relations. About
sundown an officer of the government called upon me, and told me that
the government had been informed that, in conversations in all
societies, Robinson and myself had held forth political maxims and
principles which, if just, I must be conscious if generally
disseminated would in a very few years be the occasion of a revolt of
those kingdoms; that those impressions had taken such effect that it
was no uncommon thing, in the circles in which he associated, to hear
the comparative principles of a republican and a monarchical
government discussed, and even the allegiance due, in case of certain
events, to the court called in question; that various characters of
consideration had indulged themselves in those conversations, all of
whom were noted and would be taken care of; but that, as respected
myself and companion, it was the desire of his Excellency that while
in the dominions of Spain we would not hold forth any conversations
whatsoever, either on the subject of religion or politics.

I replied that it was true I had held various and free conversations
on the subjects complained of, but only with men high in office, who
might be supposed to be firmly attached to the king, and partial to
the government of their country; that I had never gone among the poor
and illiterate, preaching up republicanism or a free government; that
as to the catholic religion, I had only combated some of what I
conceived to be its illiberal dogmas; that I had spoken of it in all
instances as a respectable branch of the Christian religion which, as
well as all others, was tolerated in the United States; and that, had
I come to that kingdom in a diplomatic character, delicacy toward the
government would have sealed my lips; or had I been a prisoner of war,
personal safety might have had the same effect; but, being there in
the capacity which I was, not voluntarily, but by coercion of the
Spanish government, which at the same time had officially notified me
that they did not consider me under any restraint whatever; therefore,
when called on, I should always give my opinions freely, either as to
politics or religion; but at the same time with urbanity, and a proper
respect to the legitimate authorities of the country where I was.

He replied, "Well, you may then rest assured your conduct will be
represented in no very favorable point of view to your government."

I replied, "To my government I am certainly responsible, and to no
other."

He then left me. I immediately waited on some of my friends and
notified them of the threat, at which they appeared much alarmed. We
went immediately to consult [Malgares], who, to great attachment to
his friends, joined the most incorruptible loyalty and the confidence
of the government. Our consultation ended in a determination only to
be silent and watch events.

We suspected [Walker] to be the informant, but whether just in our
suspicion or not, I will not pretend to determine; for Robinson and
myself frequently used to hold conversations in his presence,
purposely to have them communicated; but he at last discovered our
intentions, and told us that if we calculated on making him a carrier
of news, we were mistaken; that he despised it.

_Apr. 25th._ At eleven o'clock I called on his Excellency, but was
informed that he was engaged. About three o'clock I received a message
from him by Lieutenant Walker, informing me that he was surprised I
had not returned, and to call without ceremony in the evening; which I
did, and presented him with a letter.[II'-14] He then also candidly
informed me my party would not join me in the territory of the king of
Spain, but that they should be attended to punctually, and forwarded
on immediately after me; and requested that I should give orders to my
sergeant to deliver up all his ammunition, and dispose in some manner
of the horses of which he had charge. I stated in reply that, with
respect to the ammunition, I would give orders to my sergeant to
deliver, if demanded, all they possessed, more than was necessary to
fill their horns; but that as to the horses, I considered their loss
was a charge which must be adjusted between the two governments, and
therefore should not give any directions respecting them, except as to
bringing them on as far and as long as they were able to travel. He
then gave me an invitation to dine with him on the morrow.

_Sunday, Apr. 26th._ Dined at the general's. In the evening went to
Malgares', Zuloaga's, and others'. Wrote to my sergeant and Fero; to
the latter of whom I sent $10, and to the other $161.84, to purchase
clothes for the party. We had been for some time suspicious that the
doctor was to be detained; but this evening he likewise obtained
permission to pursue his journey with me, which diffused general joy
through all the party.

_Apr. 27th._ Spent the day in making arrangements for our departure,
writing to the sergeant, etc.

I will here mention some few anecdotes relative to [Walker], with whom
we boarded during our stay in Chihuahua. When we came to the city we
went to his quarters, by order of the general, and considered
ourselves as guests, having not the least idea that we should be
charged with board, knowing with what pleasure any American officer
would receive and entertain a foreign brother soldier situated as we
were, and that we should conceive it a great insult to be offered pay
under similar circumstances. But one day, after we had been there
about a week, he presented to me an account for Robinson's and my
board, receipted, and begged, if the general inquired of me, that I
would say I had paid it. This naturally led me to demand how the thing
originated. He with considerable embarrassment observed that he had
taken the liberty to remark to the general that he thought he should
be allowed an extra allowance, in order to be enabled to treat us with
some little distinction. The general flew into a violent passion, and
demanded if I had not paid him for our board? To which the other
replied, No, he did not expect pay of us. He ordered him immediately
to demand pay, to receive it, sign a receipt, and lodge it in his
hands; and added that he would consult me if [to ascertain whether]
the thing was done. This he never did; yet I took care, every Sunday
after that, to deposit in the hands of Walker a sum which was
considered the proportion for Robinson and myself. Malgares and
several others of the Spanish officers having heard of the thing,
waited on us much mortified, saying with what pleasure they would have
entertained us had not the designation of the general pointed out his
will on the subject.

[Walker] had living with him an old negro, the only one I saw on that
side of St. Antonio, who was the property of some person who resided
near Natchez, and who had been taken with Nolan. Having been
acquainted with him in the Mississippi country, he solicited and
obtained permission for old Cæsar to live with him. I found him very
communicative and extremely useful. The day I arrived, when we were
left alone, he came in, looked around at the walls of the room, and
exclaimed, "What! all gone?" I demanded an explanation, and he
informed me that the maps of the different provinces, as taken by
[Walker] and other surveyors, had been hung up against the walls; but
that the day we arrived they had all been taken down and deposited in
a closet which he designated.

W[alker] gave various reasons for having left the United States and
joined the Spanish service; one of which was, his father having been
ill-treated, as he conceived, by G. at Natchez. At Chihuahua he had
charge of the military school, which consisted of about 15 young men
of the first families of the provinces; also of the public water-works
of the city, on a plan devised by the royal engineer of Mexico; of the
building of a new church; of the casting of small artillery,
fabrication of arms, etc. Thus, though he had tendered his
resignation, they knew his value too well to part with him, and would
not accept of it, but still kept him in a subordinate station, in
order that he might be the more dependent and the more useful.
Although he candidly confessed his disgust at their service, manners,
morals, and political establishments, yet he never made a
communication to us which he was bound in honor to conceal; but on the
contrary fulfilled the station of informer, which in that country is
considered no disgrace, with great punctuality and fidelity. In this
city the proverb was literally true, that "the walls have ears"; for
scarcely anything could pass that his Excellency did not know in a few
hours.

In the evening I was notified to be ready to march the next day at
three o'clock.

_Apr. 28th._ In the morning Malgares waited on us, and informed us he
was to accompany us some distance on the route. After bidding adieu to
all our friends, we marched at a quarter past three o'clock, and
encamped at nine o'clock at a stony spring; passed near Chihuahua a
small ridge of mountains, and then encamped in a hollow.[II'-15]

As we were riding along, Malgares rode up to me and informed me that
the general had given orders that I should not be permitted to make
any astronomical observations. To this I replied that he well knew I
never had attempted making any since I had been conducted into the
Spanish dominions.

_Apr. 29th._ Arrived at a settlement [Horcasitas or Bachimba?] at
eight o'clock; plenty of milk, etc.

When about to make my journal, Malgares changed color, and informed me
it was his orders I should not take notes; but added, "you have a
good memory, and when you get to Cogquilla [Coahuila] you can bring it
all up." At first I felt considerably indignant, and was on the point
of refusing to comply; but thinking for a moment of the many
politenesses I had received from his hands induced me merely to bow
assent with a smile. We proceeded on our route, but had not gone far
before I made a pretext to halt, established my boy as a vedet
[vidette], sat down peaceably under a bush, and made my notes. This
course I pursued ever after, not without some very considerable degree
of trouble to separate myself from the party.

Arrived at the fort of St. Paul at eleven o'clock, situated on a small
river of the same name, the course of which is N. E. by S. W. At the
time we were there the river was not wider than a mill stream; but
sometimes it is 300 yards wide, and impassable. Distance 30
miles.[II'-16]

_Apr. 30th._ Marched at six o'clock, and at eleven arrived at
[Saucillo, on] the river Conchos--24 miles; beautiful green trees on
its banks. I was taken very sick at half past ten o'clock. Arrived at
night at a small station [Las Garzas] on the river Conchos, garrisoned
by a sergeant and 10 men from Fort Conchos, 15 leagues up said river.
Distance 43 miles.[II'-17]

_May 1st._ Marched up the Conchos to its confluence with the river
Florada [Rio Florido], 15 leagues from where we left the former
[Conchos] river, and took up the latter [Rio Florido], which bears
from the Conchos S. 80° and 50° E. On its banks are some very
flourishing settlements, and they are well timbered. A poor miserable
village [Santa Rosalia] is at the confluence. Came 10 miles up the
Florada to dinner, and at night stopped at a private house. This
property or plantation was valued formerly at $300,000, extending on
the Florada, from the small place where we slept on the 30th of April,
30 leagues up said river. Distance 45 miles.[II'-18]

Finding that a new species of discipline had taken place, and that the
suspicions of my friend Malgares were much more acute than ever, I
conceived it necessary to take some steps to secure the notes I had
taken, which had been clandestinely acquired. In the night I arose,
and after making my men charge all their pieces well, I took my small
books and rolled them up in small rolls, tore a fine shirt to pieces,
and wrapped it round the papers, and put them down in the barrels of
the guns, until we just left room for the tompoins [tampons], which
were then carefully put in; the remainder we secured about our bodies
under our shirts. This occupied about two hours, but was effected
without discovery and without suspicions.

_May 2d._ Marched early, and in 4¼ hours arrived at
Guaxequillo,[II'-19] situated on the river Florada, where we were to
exchange our friend Malgares for Captain Barelo, who was a Mexican by
birth, born near the capital and entered as a cadet at Guaxequillo
near 20 years past, and who, by his extraordinary merits, being a
Creolian, had been promoted to a captaincy, which was even by himself
considered his ultimate promotion. He was a gentleman in his manners,
generous and frank, and I believe a good soldier.

_Sunday, May 3d._ At Guaxequillo the captain gave up his command to
Malgares. At night the officers gave a ball, at which appeared at
least sixty women, ten or a dozen of whom were very handsome.

_May 4th._ Don Hymen Guloo arrived from Chihuahua, accompanied by a
citizen and a friar, who had been arrested by order of the
commandant-general, and was on his way to Mexico for trial.

_May 5th._ The party marched with all the spare horses and baggage.

_May 6th._ Marched at five o'clock; ascended the river four miles,
when we left it to our right and took off S. 60° E., eight miles. Our
friend Malgares accompanied us a few miles, to whom we bade an eternal
adieu, if war does not bring us together in the field of battle
opposed as the most deadly enemies, when our hearts acknowledge the
greatest friendship. Halted at ten o'clock, and marched again at four.
No water on the road; detached a Spanish soldier in search of some,
who did not join us until twelve o'clock at night. Encamped in the
open prairie; no wood; no water, except what the soldier brought us in
gourds. The mules came up at eleven o'clock at night. Distance 30
miles.[II'-20]

_May 7th._ Marched very early; wind fresh from the south. The
punctuality of Captain Barelo as to hours was remarkable. Arrived at
half past nine o'clock at a spring [Ojo S. Bernarde of Pike's map?],
the first water from Guaxequillo. The mules did not unload, but
continued on nine miles to another spring [Ojo S Blas of Pike's map]
at the foot of a mountain, with good pasturage round it; mountains on
each side all day.[II'-21]

_May 8th._ Marched, at five miles due west, through a gap in the
mountains; then turned S. 20° E., and more south to a [Cerro Gordo or
Andabazo] river about 20 feet wide, with high steep banks; now dry
except in holes, but sometimes full and impassable. Halted at seven
o'clock and sent on the loaded mules. Marched at five o'clock; came
ten miles and encamped without water. Distance 18 miles.[II'-22]

_May 9th._ Marched between four and five o'clock and arrived at Pelia
[Pelayo] at eight.[II'-23] This is only a station for a few soldiers,
but is surrounded by [copper] mines. At this place are two large warm
springs, strongly impregnated with sulphur, and this is the water
obliged to be used by the party who are stationed there. Here we
remained all day. Captain Barelo had two beeves killed for his and my
men, and charged nothing to either. Here he received orders from the
general to lead us through the wilderness to Montelovez [Monclova], in
order that we should not approximate to the frontiers of Mexico, which
we should have done by the usual route of Pattos [Patos], Paras
[Parras], etc.

_Sunday, May 10th._ Marched past one copper mine [Oruilla], now
diligently worked. At this place the proprietor had 100,000 sheep,
cattle, horses, etc. Arrived at the Cadena,[II'-24] a house built and
occupied by a priest. It is situated on a small stream at the pass of
the [Sierra de las Mimbres] mountains, called by the Spaniards [Puerta
de Cadena, or] Door of the Prison, from its being surrounded with
mountains. The proprietor was at Sumbraretto [Sombrerito], distance
six days' march. This hacienda was obliged to furnish accommodations
to all travelers.

Marched at five o'clock, passed the chain of mountains due east [in
the direction of Mapimi] 12 miles, and encamped without water.
Distance 31 miles.

_May 11th._ Marched and arrived at Maupemie [Mapimi[II'-25]] at eight
o'clock, a village situated at the foot of mountains of minerals,
where they worked eight or nine mines. The mass of the people were
naked and starved wretches. The proprietor of the mines gave us an
elegant repast. Here the orders of Salcedo were explained to me by the
captain. I replied that they excited my laughter, as there were
disaffected persons sufficient to serve as guides should an army ever
come into the country.

Came on three miles further, where were fig-trees and a fruit called
by the French La Grain [_sic_], situated on a little stream which
flowed through the gardens, and formed a terrestrial paradise. Here we
remained all day sleeping in the shade of the fig-trees, and at night
continued our residence in the garden. We obliged the inhabitants with
a ball, who expressed great anxiety for a relief from their present
distressed state, and a change of government.

_May 12th._ Was awakened in the morning by the singing of the birds
and the perfume of the trees around. I attempted to send two of my
soldiers to town [Mapimi], but they were overtaken by a dragoon and
ordered back; on their return I again ordered them to go, and told
them if a soldier attempted to stop them to take him off his horse and
flog him. This I did, as I conceived it was the duty of the captain to
explain his orders relative to me, which he had not done; and I
conceived that this would bring on an explanation. They were pursued
by a dragoon through the town, who rode after them, making use of ill
language. They attempted to catch him, but could not. As I had
mentioned my intention of sending my men to town after some stores to
Captain Barelo, and he had not made any objections, I conceived it was
acting with duplicity to send men to watch the movements of my
messengers. I therefore determined they should punish the dragoons
unless the captain had candor sufficient to explain his reasons for
not wishing my men to go to town, in which wish I should undoubtedly
have acquiesced; but as he never mentioned the circumstance, I was
guardedly silent, and the affair never interrupted our harmony.

We marched at five o'clock; came on 15 miles and encamped without
water. One mile on this side of the little village[II'-26] the road
branches out into three. The right-hand one by Pattos, Paras, Saltelo
[Patos, Parras, Saltillo], etc., is the main road to [the city of]
Mexico and San Antonio [in Texas]. The [middle] road which we took
leaves all the villages a little to the right, passing only some
plantations. The left-hand one goes immediately through the mountains
to Montelovez, but is dangerous for small parties on account of the
savages; this road is called the route by the Bolson of Maupeme, and
was first traveled by Monsieur de Croix, afterward viceroy of Peru. In
passing from Chihuahua to Texas, by this [left-hand] route, you make
in seven days what it takes you 15 or 20 by the ordinary one; but it
is very scarce of water, and your guards must either be so strong as
to defy the Appaches, or calculate to escape them by swiftness; for
they fill those mountains, whence they continually carry on a
predatory war against the Spanish settlements and caravans.

We this day passed on to the territories of the Marquis de San Miquel
[Miguel], who owns from the mountains of the Rio del Norte to some
distance in the kingdom of Old Mexico.

_May 13th._ Came on to the river Brasses [Rio Nasas,[II'-27] on which
was the] Ranche de St. Antonio, part of the marquis' estate. My boy
and self halted at the river Brasses to water our horses, having
ridden on ahead, and took the bridles from their mouths in order that
they might drink freely, which they could not do with the Spanish
bridles. The horse I rode had been accustomed to being held by his
master in a peculiar manner when bridled, and would not let me put it
on again for a long time; in the meantime my boy's horse ran away, and
it was out of our power to catch him again. But when we arrived at
the Ranche,[II'-28] we soon had out a number of boys, who brought in
the horse and all his different equipments, which were scattered on
the route. This certainly was a strong proof of their honesty, and did
not go unrewarded. In the evening we gave them a ball on the green,
according to custom. We here learned that one peck of corn, with three
pounds of meat per week, was the allowance given a grown person.

_May 14th._ Did not march until half past four o'clock [p. m.]. About
nine o'clock [a. m.] an officer arrived from St. Rosa[II'-29] with 24
men, with two Appaches in irons. They were noble-looking fellows, of
large stature, and appeared by no means cast down by their
misfortunes, although they knew their fate was transportation beyond
the sea, never more to see their friends and relations.

Knowing as I did the intention of the Spaniards toward those people, I
would have liberated them if in my power. I went near them, gave them
to understand we were friends, and conveyed to them some articles
which would be of service if chance offered.

This day the thermometer stood at 30° Raumauer [Réaumur], 99½°
Fahrenheit. The dust and drought of the road obliged us to march in
the night, when we came 15 miles and encamped without water. Indeed,
this road which the general obliged us to take is almost impassable at
this season for want of water, whilst the other is plentifully
supplied.

_May 15th._ Marched early and came on five miles, when we arrived at a
pit dug in a hollow, which afforded a small quantity of water for
ourselves and beasts.[II'-30] Here we were obliged to remain all day
in order to travel in the night, as our beasts could enjoy the benefit
of water. Left at half past five o'clock and came on 15 miles by
eleven o'clock, when we encamped without water or food for our beasts.
Passed a miserable burnt-up soil. Distance 20 miles.

_May 16th._ Marched two miles and arrived at a wretched habitation [El
Pozo?], where we drew water from a well for all the beasts. Marched in
the evening and made 15 miles further [_sic_]. The right-hand road we
left on this side of Maupeme [Mapimi], and joined it about four miles
further. Distance 15 [_sic_] miles.[II'-31]

_Sunday, May 17th._ Marched; about seven o'clock came in sight of
Paras [Parras], which we left on the right and halted at the Hacienda
of St. Lorenzo, a short league to the north of said village.[II'-32]
At the Hacienda of St. Lorenzo was a young priest, who was extremely
anxious for a change of government, and came to our beds and conversed
for hours on the subject.

_May 18th._ Marched early and came through a mountainous tract of
country, well watered, with houses situated here and there amongst the
rocks. Joined the main road at a Hacienda of [Cienega Grande],
belonging to the Marquis de San Miquel [Miguel]; good gardens and
fruit; also a fine stream.[II'-33] The mules did not arrive until late
at night, when it had commenced raining.

_May 19th._ Did not march until three o'clock, the captain not being
very well. He here determined to take the main road, notwithstanding
the orders of General Salcedo. Came on 10 miles [vicinity of Rancho
Nuevo and Castañuela[II'-34]]. Met a deserter from Captain [Francis]
Johnston's company [then probably of the 2d Infantry]. He returned,
came to camp, and begged me to take him back to his company; but I
would not give any encouragement to the scoundrel--only a little
change, as he was without a farthing.

_May 20th._ Came to the Hacienda of Pattos [Patos] by nine o'clock.
This is a handsome place, where the Marquis De San Miquel [Miguel]
frequently spends his summers, the distance enabling him to come from
[the City of] Mexico in his coach in 10 days. Here we met the Mexican
post-rider going to Chewawa [Chihuahua]. Don Hymie [Hymen], who had
left us at Paras [Parras], joined in a coach and six, in which we came
out to a little settlement called the Florida, one league from Pattos,
due north. Distance 18 miles.[II'-35]

The Hacienda of Pattos was a square inclosure of about 300 feet, the
building being one story high, but some of the apartments were
elegantly furnished. In the center of the square was a jet d'eau,
which cast forth water from eight spouts, extended from a colossean
female form. From this fountain all the neighboring inhabitants got
their supply of water. The marquis had likewise a very handsome
church, which, with its ornaments, cost him at least $20,000; to
officiate in which, he maintained a little stiff superstitious priest.
In the rear of the palace, for so it might be called, was a fish-pond,
in which were immense numbers of fine fish. The population of Florida
is about 2,000 souls. This was our nearest point to the city of
Mexico.

_May 21st._ Marched down the [San Antonio] water-course over a rough
and stony road about 10 miles, when we left it on the right [crossed
it from E. to W.], and came on eight miles further to a horse-range of
the marquis', where he had four of his soldiers as a guarda caballo
[herders]. Halted at half past nine o'clock.[II'-36] At this place we
had a spring of bad water.

_May 22d._ Marched [north] at three o'clock; came on 16 miles to a
small shed, and in the afternoon to la Rancho, eight miles to the left
of the main road, near the foot of the mountain, where was a pond of
water, but no houses. Some Spanish soldiers were here. We left Pattos
mountain on our left and right, but here there was a cross mountain
[El Monte de los Tres Rios] over which we were to pass in the
morning.[II'-37]

The marquis maintains 1,500 troops to protect his vassals and property
from the savages. They are all cavalry, as well dressed and armed as
the king's, but are treated by the king's troops as if vastly
inferior.

_May 23d._ Marched early and came to a spring in the mountain.[II'-38]

_Sunday, May 24th._ Marched at an early hour and passed through [El
Paso de los Tres Rios in] the mountains, where there was scarcely any
road, called the Mountain of the Three Rivers. At the 13th mile joined
the main road, which we had left to our right on the 22d instant, and
in one hour after came to the main Mexican road from the eastern
provinces; thence northwest to the Rancho, nine miles from Montelovez,
whence the captain sent in an express to give notice of our
approach.[II'-39]

_May 25th._ In the afternoon Lieutenant Adams, commandant of the
company of Montelovez, arrived in a coach and six to escort us to
town, where we arrived about five o'clock. In the evening visited
Captain de Ferara [qu.: Don Juan Joaquin de Ferrero?], commandant of
the troops of Cogquilla, and inspector of the five provinces.

Lieutenant Adams, who commanded this place, was the son of an Irish
engineer in the service of Spain. He had married a rich girl of the
Passo del Norte, and they lived here in elegance and style, for the
country. We put up at his quarters and were very hospitably
entertained.

_May 26th._ Made preparations for marching the next day. I arose
early, before any of our people were up, and walked nearly round the
town; and from the hill took a small survey, with my pencil and a
pocket compass which I always carried with me. Returned and found them
at breakfast, they having sent three or four of my men to search for
me. The Spanish troops at this place were remarkably polite, always
fronting and saluting when I passed. This I attributed to their
commandant, Lieutenant Adams.

_May 27th._ Marched at seven o'clock, after taking an affectionate
leave of Don Hymen, and at half past twelve arrived at the Hacienda of
Don Melcher [Michon on the map], situated on the same stream of
Montelovez.[II'-40]

Don Melcher was a man of very large fortune, polite, generous, and
friendly. He had in his service a man who had deserted from Captain
Lockwood's[II'-41] company, first regiment of infantry, by the name
of Pratt. From this man he had acquired a considerable quantity of
crude indigested information relative to the United States, and when
he met with us his thirst after knowledge of our laws and institutions
appeared to be insatiable. He caused a fine large sheep to be killed
and presented to my men.

_May 28th._ Marched early and arrived at Encina Hacienda[II'-42] at
ten o'clock. This place was owned by Don Barego [Borages on the map].

When we arrived at the Hacienda of Encina, I found a youth of 18
sitting in the house quite genteelly dressed, whom I immediately
recognized from his physiognomy to be an American, and entered into
conversation with him. He expressed great satisfaction at meeting a
countryman, and we had a great deal of conversation. He sat at a table
with us and partook of a cold collation of fruits and confectionery;
but I was much surprised to learn, shortly after we quit the table,
that he was a deserter from our army; on which I questioned him, and
he replied that his name was Griffith; he had enlisted in
Philadelphia, arrived at New Orleans, and deserted as soon as
possible; the Spaniards had treated him much better than his own
countrymen, and he should never return. I was extremely astonished at
his insolence, and mortified that I should have been betrayed into any
polite conduct toward the scoundrel. I told him that it was
astonishing he should have had the impertinence to address himself to
me, knowing that I was an American officer. He muttered something
about being in a country where he was protected, etc.; on which I told
him that if he again opened his mouth to me, I would instantly
chastise him, notwithstanding his supposed protection. He was silent;
I called up one of my soldiers and told him in his hearing, that if he
attempted to mix with them to turn him out of company; which they
executed by leading him to the door of their room a short time after,
when he entered it. When dinner was nearly ready, I sent a message to
the proprietor, that we assumed no right to say whom he should
introduce to his table, but that we should think it a great indignity
offered to a Spanish officer to attempt to set him down at the same
board with a deserter from their army; and that if the man who was at
the table in the morning were to make his appearance again, we should
decline to eat at it. He replied that it was an accident which had
produced the event of the morning; that he was sorry our feelings had
been injured, and that he would take care he [Griffith] did not appear
again whilst we were there.

Our good friend Don Melcher here overtook us, and passed the evening
with us.

This day we passed the last mountains, and again entered the great
Mississippi valley, it being six months and 13 days since we first
came in sight of them. Distance 20 miles.

_May 29th._ Marched at seven o'clock and came to the Millada river and
a Rancho. [Distance 20 miles.[II'-43]]

_May 30th._ Marched at five o'clock and arrived at the Sabine river at
eight; forded it. Marched in the evening at four o'clock, at ten
encamped at the second ridge without water. Distance 27 miles.[II'-44]

_Sunday, May 31st._ Marched early and at nine o'clock arrived at a
Rancho on fine running water; course east and west. Marched eight
miles further to a point of woods, and encamped. No water. Distance 23
miles.[II'-45]

FOOTNOTES:

[II'-1] The difficulty of trailing Pike in Mexico is twofold. His
notes, hasty and stealthy under the circumstances, are necessarily
meager, and rather excite than satisfy our curiosity to know more.
Worse than this, all the maps of Mexico are poor. I have probably
before me the best maps that exist; they do not compare with those we
have used for most parts of Pike's route. The most helpful one I have
found is that in Senate Misc. Doc. No. 26, 30th Cong., 1st Sess.,
accompanying a Memoir of a Tour to Northern Mexico, connected with
Col. Doniphan's Expedition, in 1846 and 1847, by A. Wislizenus, M. D.,
Washington, Tippin and Streeper, 1848, 8vo, pp. 141. The author was a
German scientist, interested in geography, geology, and botany. He
went over much of the identical route which Pike traveled,--as far as
Parras, near Saltillo,--and has left a luminous itinerary, for the
publication of which we are indebted to the good sense of Thomas H.
Benton. This I shall draw heavily upon, and wish to make my grateful
compliments to its author in the beginning of this route.

The _Fort_ "Elisiaira" which Pike has just left must not be confounded
with the place on the river called Elizario, Eleazario, Elceario,
etc., and described in my last note. He is starting S., on the main
road, and the place where the gambling dovetailed so well with
religion was the Presidio San Elizario, on the boundary between the
then Provinces of North Mexico and New Biscay. Two roads led from El
Paso to Carrizal, the principal place en route to Chihuahua. One of
these went down the Rio Grande for several miles before it turned S.
from that river, taking this roundabout way to avoid Los Medanos (the
Sand Hills, of which more presently). The other, which Pike took, went
directly S., approximately by the way the railroad goes now. To the
right is a range of mountains; the valley of the Rio Grande recedes to
the left; the way is over a sandy, shrubby plain, in some places so
strewn with a kind of white limestone as to have given the name Tierra
Blanca. Camp is at the place which Pike calls by the extraordinary
term of "Ogo mall a Ukap" and charts as "Ojo Malalka." Both these
terms are otherwise rendered Ojo de Malayuque and Samalayuca; and all
these, with others I could cite, are forms of the name of the same
spring or pool which was a usual first camp out from El Paso. It was
in most seasons a necessary halt, on account of water in this long
arid stretch, as well as a desirable one to make before encountering
the Sand Hills. Pike charts two other bodies of water, off the road to
the right or W., by the names of "Lago de la Condelaria" and "Lac de
Susma"; there are several such, in fact, known as Palomas, Guzman,
Durazno, Santa Maria, etc. Guzman is the same word as Pike's "Susma,"
and a personal name very well known indeed in Mexican history; but
whether the same lake is another question. Candelaria is the present
name of a station on the railroad below Los Medanos.

[II'-2] Pike gives us nothing from Samalayuca to Carrizal, and we must
fill the lacuna from other sources of information. The way grows
gradually hillier and sandier, till it becomes all hills and sands.
These are Los Medanos, dreaded for the difficulty of hauling loaded
wagons through them, though not so bad on horseback or with
pack-mules. Gregg describes the entourage, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p.
79, as "a stupendous ledge of sand-hills, across which the road passes
for about six miles. As teams are never able to haul the loaded wagons
over this region of loose sand, we engaged an _atajo_ of mules at El
Paso, upon which to convey our goods across. These Médanos consist of
huge hillocks and ridges of pure sand, in many places without a
vestige of vegetation. Through the lowest gaps between the hills the
road winds its way." This description calls to mind the Medano or
Sand Hill Pass: see note 39, p. 491. Wislizenus is even more vivid,
Mem. p. 44: "Having arrived at the foot of the sand hills, we
commenced travelling very slow. There was nothing around us but the
deepest and purest sand, and the animals could only get along in the
slowest walk, and by resting at short intervals. At last my animals
were exhausted; they would move no more, and we had not yet reached
half of our way. In this dilemma I put my own riding-horse to the
wagon. Mr. Jacquez lent me some additional mules, and forward we moved
again. In the meanwhile dark night had come on, illuminated only by
lightning, that showed us for a while the most appalling
night-scene--our wagons moving along as slow and solemn as a funeral
procession; ghastly riders on horseback, wrapped in blankets or
cloaks; some tired travellers stretched out on the sand, others
walking ahead, and tracing the road with the fire of their cigarritos;
and the deepest silence, interrupted only by the yelling exclamations
of the drivers, and the rolling of distant thunder. The scene was
impressive enough to be remembered by me: but I made a vow the same
night, that whenever I should undertake this trip again, I would
rather go three days around, than travel once more over the sand hills
with a wagon. About midnight, at last we reached the southern end of
the sand hills, and encamped without water."

This bad place was about 6 m. Beyond it, some 15 (?) m., is a fine
spring of water a few yards to the left, called Ojo Lucero or Venus'
spring. A place on the railroad in this vicinity is named Rancheria.
Further on is seen, at some distance to the right of the road, a
square mound 20 feet high, with a warm spring on its level top. Beyond
this, on the left, is Laguna de Patos, or Duck l., a considerable body
of water, which is the sink of the Rio Carmen. The other road from El
Paso to Carrizal joins the main road in this vicinity. San José is a
place on the railroad, opposite this lake. Off to the right, in the
mountain chain above mentioned, rises a conspicuous picacho. Carrizal
is a small town, like most places in Mexico (pop. 300 or 400 in 1839),
but for some time supported a presidio or garrison as a protection
from Indians, and was also walled in; but neither of these defenses
seems to have troubled the Apaches much. Turning to Pike's map, we
find he marks "Presidio de Carracal" on a branch of a large "Rio de
Carracal," which he runs N. E. into the Rio Grande. But this is the
Carmen r. just said, which runs into Duck l. not far from where Pike
makes it head, and probably never reaches the Rio Grande. Yet it is
liable to freshets and may greatly overflow its usual limits. Gregg
struck one when he passed this way in 1839 and describes it, _l. c._:
"Just as we passed Lake Patos, we were struck with astonishment at
finding the road ahead of us literally overflowed by an immense body
of water, with a brisk current, as if some great river had suddenly
been conjured into existence by the aid of supernatural arts. A
considerable time elapsed before we could unravel the mystery. At last
we discovered that a freshet had lately occurred in the streams that
fed Lake Patos and caused it to overflow its banks, which accounted
for this unwelcome visitation. We had to flounder through the mud and
water for several hours before we succeeded in getting across." The
spring which Pike marks "Ojo de Lotario" (Lothario) is that above
named as Lucifer or Venus; and the hill delineated close by it is
probably intended for the mound above said. He marks the road which
leads from Carrizal to Sonora "Camino a Senora."

[II'-3] Pike's "little fosse" is no doubt the acequia below Carrizal.
Ojo Caliente is present name of a station on the railroad between
Carmen station and Las Minas; and the warm springs where Pike camps
are those at or near Alamo de Peña, 10-12 m. below Carrizal, a mile
short of the crossing of Rio Carmen. Gregg and Wislizenus both
describe the springs in similar terms, as forming a large basin of
clear, pure, lukewarm water in porphyritic rocks, with a sandy bottom,
fed from various sources, and overrunning in a rivulet into the
Carmen. "It forms," says Gregg, Com. Pra., II. p. 80, "a basin some 30
feet long by about half that width, and just deep and warm enough for
a most delightful bath at all seasons of the year. Were this spring
... anywhere within the United States it would doubtless soon be
converted into a place of fashionable resort." Wislizenus determined a
temperature of 82° F., the air being 84½° F. Hughes in Doniphan's
Exp., p. 108, also describes the spring and states that it was
formerly the seat of a princely hacienda, "belonging to Porus, a
Spanish nabob," who at one time had on his estate 36,000 head of
stock.

[II'-4] A long, hard march over a plain waterless except in rainy
weather, and a dry camp; for though Pike is past the place he marks
"Les Coquillas," he stops short of the Ojo de Callejon.

[II'-5] This spring is found on various maps by the names of
"Gallejo," "Gallego," etc., also applied to a station on the railroad.
Hughes gives the word as "Guyagas." I suppose the proper name to be
Ojo de Callejon, which might be translated Pass spring--for the
mountains on each side of the road here close in somewhat, leaving a
pass or _puerta_ between them. Otherwise, the word is _callejo_ or
_calleyo_, meaning pitfall. This spring is off to the left, and
sometimes discharges water enough to make a rivulet, which crosses the
road. One of the other two springs which Pike speaks of passing is no
doubt that known as Callejito.

[II'-6] The text does not agree with the map, for on the latter a
"Camino a Senora" (road to Sonora) is brought into an unnamed "Ojo"
which Pike has already passed. There may have been more than one such
road. In any event, the spring which Pike passes on the 31st is that
marked on his map "Aqas nueva," _i. e._, Aguas Nuevas or Agua Nueva. A
station on the railroad has the latter name.

[II'-7] The hiatus in the text is to be filled by El Peñol or Hacienda
del Petrero; Pike marks "Delpetrero" on his map, the last place he
notes before reaching Chihuahua. Neither of those names appears on the
late maps before me, but both were formerly employed for the
well-known locality. Wislizenus maps El Peñol, where he camped Aug.
22d, 1846, and speaks of the place as a large hacienda, 28 m. from his
last camp (probably the same as Pike's of the 30th) and about 40 m.
from Chihuahua. "The creek of the same name passing by the hacienda is
the principal affluent of the lake of Encinillas; by the rains it was
swelled to a torrent, and its roaring waves, rushing over all
obstacles, sounded in the stillness of night like a cataract." Pike
has not a word of this lake, though it is usually a conspicuous
feature of the great plain he has just traversed, to the W. of the
road. He maps it, quite small, by the name of "Lago de S^n. Martin."
Laguna de las Encinillas, in English Lake of Live Oaks, is a body of
water whose extent varies greatly according to season and the weather,
being sometimes 15 or 20 m. long, though usually less than this;
Wislizenus estimated its length when he saw it to be 15 m., with a
width of 3 m. on an average. Gregg says, _tom. cit._, p. 81: "This
lake is ten or twelve miles long by two or three in width, and seems
to have no outlet during the greatest freshets, though fed by several
small constant-flowing streams from the surrounding mountains. The
water of this lake during the dry season is so strongly impregnated
with nauseous and bitter salts as to render it wholly unpalatable to
man and beast. The most predominant of these noxious substances is a
species of alkali, known there by the title of _tequesquite_. It is
often seen oozing out from the surface of marshy grounds, about the
table plains of all Northern Mexico, forming a grayish crust, and is
extensively used in the manufacture of soap, and sometimes by the
bakers even for raising bread."

[II'-8] As Pike has not a word of the route from El Peñol to
Chihuahua, we may supply the omission from other sources. The approach
to the capital presented then, as it does now, a number of both
artificial and natural features. There were several settlements, as,
for instance, Encinillas at the S. end of the lake, and Sauz beyond
this. Both of these are places to be found marked by the same names
now; the railroad runs through them. Further on, the road crossed the
Arroyo Seco, usually a dry gulch, as its name says, but sometimes a
creek not easily crossed, owing to depth of water. It flows eastward
to fall into the Sacramento a few miles below. About 3 m. beyond this
arroyo is the valley of the Sacramento, memorable since the battle
which was won by the Americans under Colonel Doniphan on Sunday the
28th of February, 1847. Says Wislizenus, Mem. p. 47: "The mountains
above the Sacramento approach each other from the east and west, and
narrow the intermediate plain to the width of about six miles; and on
the Sacramento itself, where new spurs of mountains project, to about
3 miles. The road from the Arroyo Seco to the Sacramento leads at
first over a high plain; but as soon as the Sacramento comes in sight,
it descends abruptly to its valley and to the left bank of the creek.
Near where the road begins to descend, a ravine, with an opposite long
hill, runs to the left or east of it, and a level plain spreads out to
the right or west of it. On the hill towards the east was a continuous
line of batteries and intrenchments, and the principal force of the
Mexican army was there collected. On the opposite plain from the west,
the American troops, who had above the Arroyo Seco already turned to
the right to gain a more favorable position, advanced in open field
against their entrenched and far more numerous enemies. How the
American artillery with the first opening of their fire struck terror
into the Mexican ranks; how the brave Missourians then, on horseback
and on foot, acted by one impulse, rushed through the ravine up to the
cannon's mouth, and, overthrowing and killing everything before them,
took one battery after the other, till the whole line of entrenchments
was in their possession and the enemy put to complete flight; how they
crossed from here to the Sacramento and stormed on its right bank the
last fortified position, on a steep hill, till not a Mexican was left
to oppose them, and all their cannon, ammunition, and trains were
abandoned to the victors--these are facts well known in the history of
that campaign, and will immortalize the brave volunteers of Missouri."
A full account of the battle is given by the historian of Doniphan's
Expedition, p. 110 _seq._, with a plan of the ground. The U. S. forces
were 924 all told, with 6 pieces of artillery; their loss was 1 killed
and 11 wounded, 3 mortally. The Americans had 140 additional men,
teamsters and others, raising the total to 1,164. Of the 924, 117 were
of the artillery, 93 were of an escort, and the remainder of the 1st
Regt. Missouri mounted volunteers. The Mexicans had 4,224 men, and 16
pieces of artillery; their loss was 320 killed, 560 wounded, 72
prisoners. Hughes' article cited includes Colonel Doniphan's official
report.

The Sacramento is the stream upon two small tributaries of which
Chihuahua is situated, at their junction, about 20 m. from the scene
described. The river is usually fordable. The road leads over a level
plain, which widens somewhat southward, down the valley of the river,
with steep, rough mountains on either hand. The capital first comes in
sight about 10 m. off, in a sort of pocket where the mountains come
together from each side, as if to close up the valley below; but there
is an outlet to the E. through which the Sacramento r. runs to join
the Rio Conchos.

[II'-9] B. Bucks Co., Pa., Jan. 24th, 1754, of Quaker parentage (his
father was one of those who had land on the Patapsco, and founded
Ellicott's Mills, now Ellicott City, near Baltimore, Md., 1774);
became a distinguished astronomer, surveyor, and civil engineer, and
died professor of mathematics at West Point, N. Y., Aug. 29th, 1820.
He did an immense amount of surveying and boundary-running, mostly of
important and official public character, in New York, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Virginia, and elsewhere; in 1790, was directed by Washington
to lay out the city of that name; in 1792 became surveyor-general of
the U. S.; and in 1796 was appointed by Washington U. S. Commissioner
under the treaty of San Lorenzo el Real, to run the southern boundary
between the U. S. and New Spain. This is the work to which Pike
alludes, though he is a little out in his dates, as witness the
following title: The Journal of Andrew Ellicott, late Commissioner on
behalf of the United States during part of the year 1796, the years
1797, 1798, 1799, and part of the year 1800: for determining the
boundary between the United States and the possessions of his Catholic
Majesty in America, containing, ... etc., Philada., Budd and Bartram,
1803, 1 vol. 4to, pp. i-viii, 1-299, with 6 maps, and Appendix, pp.
1-151, 1 leaf errata, and 8 more maps. Ellicott wrote this book,
excepting the Appendix, at Lancaster, Pa., June to Nov., 1802; and
while he was there in 1803 he coached Captain Meriwether Lewis in the
use of astronomical instruments: see L. and C., ed. 1893, p. xxii and
p. xxiv. Going down the Ohio to the scene of his official functions,
Dec. 17th, 1796, Ellicott says, p. 21: "I passed the mouth of the
Tennesee, and in two hours afterwards arrived at Fort Massac, and was
politely received by the commandant Captain Pike," etc. This was
Zebulon Pike, father of Zebulon M.: see the Memoir, _anteà_. The fort
stood on the N. (right) bank, about lat. 37° 14´; early F. history
obscure and not all of it authentic; site supposed to have been first
occupied _ca._ 1711: see Beck's Gaz., 1823, p. 114, and John Reynolds'
Own Times, 2d. ed. p. 16, with description of the place as it was in
1855. In descending the Ohio in 1758 the F. officer Aubry halted on
the N. bank, at the old site, called 36 m. above the mouth of the
river, to build a new post, which was garrisoned with 100 men and
called Fort _Marsiac_ after the first commandant. Thus the name is not
Massac, as usually said, and still less is it derived from the
apocryphal _massacre_ which various historians have exploited. This
fort was the last establishment of the F. on the Ohio, being kept up
till they evacuated the country under the Treaty of Paris, 1763; it
was a U. S. post till after the war of 1812-14, and during our
occupancy became known as the old Cherokee fort. Pike alludes in the
present work to a certain _Nolan_, who is easy to identify, but not to
find out much about. Ellicott met him at the mouth of the Ohio, in
Jan., 1797: "Mr. Philip Nolan, so well known for his athletic
exertions, and dexterity in taking wild horses, stopped at our camp on
his way from New Madrid to fort Massac," says this author, p. 29, with
a footnote stating that Nolan "was killed by the Spaniards in the
spring of 1801," after taking a very active part in various
disturbances in that quarter. Ellicott passed down the Miss. r., past
the Chickasaw bluffs (L. and C., ed. 1893, p. xl. and p. lii), and at
Natchez encountered a bigger bluff in the shape of an individual who
described himself in his pronunciamentos as his Excellency Francis
Lewis Hector, Baron de Carondelet, Knight of the Order of Malta, Major
General of his Armies, Commandant General of Louisiana and West
Florida, Inspector of the Troops, Militia, etc., etc., etc. (though
what his triplicate etceteras were is not given to ordinary mortals to
know). This climacteric functionary was supported by a lesser luminary
who filled the rôle of Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemas, Brigadier of the
Royal Armies, Governor of Natchez and its dependencies, with three-ply
etceteras as before (though he was dead before Aug., 1799). These two
formidable obstructions to navigation, as an engineer might say, were
not overcome by our surveyor-general for nearly a year, during which
period they kept him busy with Spanish diplomacy. As I read the
correspondence it seems to have largely consisted in saying they hoped
God would bless and keep him forever, when they really hoped the devil
would fly away with him before breakfast; and he had to silence both
the caterwauling choristers before he could proceed with his
scientific work. This he was free to do on the Spanish evacuation of
the forts at Natchez and Nogales (Walnut Hills) in Jan., 1798.

[II'-10] This paper was given in full in the App. to Pt. 3, of which
it originally formed Doc. No. 13, pp. 73-77, and will be found beyond.

[II'-11] David Fero, Jr., of New York, was an ensign of the 3d
sub-Legion from May 12th, 1794, to Nov. 1st, 1796, when he was
assigned to the 3d Infantry, in which he became a lieutenant Oct. 3d,
1798, and from which he resigned July 22d, 1799.

[II'-12] This appeal and remonstrance was given in the App. to Pt. 3,
where it originally formed Doc. No. 14, pp. 78, 79, dated Apr. 14th;
it will be found beyond.

[II'-13] These papers, originally forming Docs. Nos. 15 and 16, were
given in the App. to Pt. 3, pp. 79-82, and will be found beyond.

[II'-14] This letter appeared in the App. to Part 3, where it
originally formed Doc. No. 17, pp. 82, 83, dated Apr. 4th, and will be
found beyond.

[II'-15] Mapula or vicinity--perhaps on the spot noted in Wislizenus'
itinerary of Doniphan's vanguard, Apr. 25th, 1847, Mem. p. 62: "They
made on that day but 14 miles, and encamped at Coursier's hacienda,
near Mapula. This place is to the right of the usual road, and about
five miles out of the way, but has to be resorted to for want of
water, if one does not intend to go in one trip as far as Bachimba,
the nearest watering place on the road, and 32 miles from Chihuahua."
Mapula is marked on modern maps as on the railroad, S. E. from
Chihuahua, while a Fresno appears to the right, due S. from that city.
Pike is to follow the present railroad for many miles, but more or
less inexactly. His "small ridge of mountains" is passed about 4 m. S.
of Chihuahua; this is a range of hills which encompass the city on
that side, and command a fine view. On crossing them, the main road
runs S. E. in a valley 10 m. wide, bounded E. and W. by mountain
ridges, with Coursier's hacienda and Mapula off to the right. About 20
m. from Chihuahua these ridges hem the valley so closely as to form a
cañon 5 or 6 m. long and 1 m. or less wide; Wislizenus notes a spring
and ranche in this cañon; [qu.: now called Horcasitas?] Bachimba is in
the plain, about 5 m. off the cañon, on a fine running stream; in 1847
it was a hacienda with a dozen houses.

[II'-16] Pike marks the fort "P[residio] de S^n. Paubla," and the
river "Rio S^n Paubla," without prejudice to the gender of the holy
person concerned. Modern Ortiz is about the site of the Presidio San
Pablo, on the railroad, on the N. or left bank of the river; the
latter is present Rio San Pedro, a large branch of the Conchos which
falls in above Julimes. About 10 m. S. of Bachimba the road forked;
the right-hand fork went S. S. E., to Santa Cruz de Rosales, which was
said to contain 5,000 inhabitants in itself and vicinity in 1847; it
is on the Rio San Pedro, 8 m. higher up than San Pablo, to which the
left-hand road leads S. E. The latter is the one Pike took; it is
shorter than the other; both come together before Saucillo is reached.
In 1847 San Pablo was reported to be "a flourishing place, with about
4,000 inhabitants": Wislizenus, Mem. p. 63. Rio San Pedro is a fine
stream, over 100 m. long, heading in the mountains on the W. The plain
or valley which it traverses, and in which both the roads above
mentioned lie, has a varying width of 25-35 m.

[II'-17] Pike struck Rio Conchos where the railroad does now--at
Saucillo, or El Saucillo, a town on the left or W. bank of the river;
the "24 miles" from San Pablo to this place is about right. This march
was through the same valley as yesterday's, with a good but not such a
level road, as the mountains approach each other near Saucillo,
leaving S. of it a gap through which the road continues into the next
valley. The night's small station is less easily identified, but was
no doubt at Las Garzas or in that immediate vicinity, where the
Conchos is crossed. A Mexican league is supposed to be 5,000 varas (of
about 33 inches each = about 4,583 yards, or nearly 2⅔ m.), but in
itineraries is usually found to be less than this. Las Garzas (Sp.
_garzas_, "herons") is an obscure place not to be found on many modern
maps; it is beyond Concho and La Cruz (both of which are points on the
railroad). Wislizenus notes it on his journey, Mem. p. 64: "We passed
through la Cruz, a small town, and further below [further S., but
higher up Rio Conchos], through las Garzas, a smaller place yet, where
we crossed the Conchos." It is the place marked "Pres[idio]" on Pike's
map, which is probably in error in marking the trail as continuing up
the left bank of the Conchos.

Rio Conchos is the principal river of Chihuahua, over 400 m. long, and
with its many tributaries watering much of the State. The name is said
to be derived from its shells (Sp. _conchas_), and I have seen Shell
r. in print. It makes a long loop southward before turning N., and
then runs about N. E. into the Rio Grande at Presidio del Norte--a
place also called Presidio de las Juntas (lettered "Santas" on Pike's
map) from the confluence of the two rivers. Rios Florido and San Pedro
are its principal tributaries. Pike lays down the Conchos pretty well:
notice particularly its northward course on the W. of the mountains,
along what is called on his map "Puerta de la Virgin."

[II'-18] Pike's route of May 1st probably crossed the Conchos at or
near Las Garzas, and continued approximately up the right or E. bank
of that river to the confluence of Rio Florido, opp. Santa Rosalia,
the "poor miserable village" of the text, which stood on a hill in the
point between the two rivers; its present name is the same; the
railroad passes it now. Writing of Apr. 30th, 1847, Wislizenus has,
Mem. p. 65: "Santa Rosalia is a town of about 5,000 inhabitants; it
lies on a hill about 100 feet higher than the river, and towards the
S. spreading out on a small plateau. Here, on the southern end of the
town, the Mexicans had erected a fort against General Wool, when his
division was expected to march towards Chihuahua." The town is not
marked on Pike's map, which, moreover, gives his trail as crossing the
Conchos there and the Florido higher up, though the usual road comes
up the right bank of the Conchos and crosses the Florido at or near
the mouth of the latter, to continue E. S. E. up its left side. Rio
Florido is the largest branch of the Conchos, having itself various
tributaries, as R. de Barral, falling in near Bustamente, and R.
Allende, with Jimenez near its mouth; the railroad crosses both of
these at the places said. Neither of these streams appears on Pike's
map. The place where he dined seems to be about that marked Santa Rita
on his map. This I do not recognize; but it cannot have been far from
Bustamente. The evident confusion of distances in the text makes it
probably impossible to identify the "private house" at which he slept.
La Ramada was a small place on the Rio Florido, about 24 m. from Santa
Rosalia. He seems to have come beyond this point, perhaps to the
vicinity of present Jimenez (on the railroad). His legend "Camion de
Monaseo" presumably stands for Camino de Monasterio (Monastery road).

[II'-19] Or Guajuquilla: a well-known place on the right or S. bank of
the river, marked on Pike's map as a presidio or fortified town. A
citation from Wislizenus, Mem. p. 65, will throw some further light on
the situation: "Made a strong march to-day [May 3d, 1847] of 33 miles
[from La Ramada], to _Guajuquilla_. The road was constantly winding
itself through endless chaparrál; the Rio Florido on the left, and
mountains and hills east and west, in the distance, from 10 to 20
miles. About half way we passed a rancho with some water; farther on
the road forks; the right hand road leads directly to the town; the
other by a large hacienda [qu.: where Pike slept last night?]. Before
Guajuquilla we crossed the Florido, and passing through town encamped
south of it. Guajuquilla looks more like a town than any other place
we have seen so far, on the road from Chihuahua; its population is
from 6 to 7,000." Three miles S. of this town was the Hacienda de
Dolores, "a large estate with well irrigated and cultivated fields"; a
place on the railroad is now marked "Dolores." Thence the road
continued for a jornada of about 50 m. without water. Pike will
proceed upon this on the 6th, the party having been sent ahead on the
5th.

[II'-20] An unidentifiable place on the jornada, short of the first
water from Guajuquilla.

[II'-21] Pike's map marks the first spring on the road as "Ojo S.
Bernarde" and the next as "Ojo S Blas"--names which appear to be
transposed from the order in which they come in other itineraries of
this route. Thus Wislizenus, Mem. p. 66: "About eight miles from our
to-night camp, we passed a spring, with a water-pool, in a ravine to
the left of our road; but the water was so muddy and brackish, that
the animals refused to drink, or rather to eat it. This spot is known
as _San Antonio camp_. Three miles further, a few deserted houses, and
a spring on the right hand of the road (_San Blas_), are found; but
the water is equally bad, and of sulphureted taste. The first good
water, and in sufficient quantity, is met about five miles beyond San
Blas, in _San Bernardo_, a deserted rancho, with willows and cotton
trees, built against a steep mountain wall, from whence a fine creek
takes its origin. A small plain half a mile below the rancho contains
also some springs and water-pools, and good grass. We pitched our camp
in this plain. We have travelled to-day, according to my estimate,
about 40 miles [_i. e._, from a dry camp about 20 m. from the Hacienda
de Dolores, near Guajuquilla]." It is clear that Wislizenus is on
Pike's trail, and that they have reached what is practically the same
camp--near the San Bernardo spring of the former's narrative, or the
San Blas spring of the latter's map; and that the spring which Pike
speaks of as the "first water from Guaxequillo" and maps as San
Bernarde spring, was either the San Antonio camp or the San Blas
spring of Wislizenus. The situation is considerably off the present
railroad, and the above names are not to be found on ordinary modern
maps. But my identifications are confirmed by the fact that both
travelers, on decamping next day, cross a mountain gap or pass and
soon come upon a river: see next note.

[II'-22] The mountain Pike passes, and the river he crosses, are
easily identified; the latter is the stream known as El Andabazo (or
Cerro Gordo), with a town of the latter name higher up on it. This is
the first of several streams we shall cross, running to the left as we
go, and sinking in the Bolson de Mapimi--for they are all beyond the
Conchos basin, the divide of which was passed in the course of the
long dry jornada above noted. The lake that the Cerro Gordo cr. sinks
in is sometimes called Laguna de Xacco: so Hughes, Don. Exp., 1847, p.
129. The trail Pike followed is thus described by Wislizenus, p. 66:
"We started late, and made but 10 miles, to the _Cerro Gordo_, or _el
Andabazo_ creek. Having crossed the mountain, at whose foot San
Bernardo lies, we went for a mile through a cañon, with mountains of
limestone on both sides, and from there into another valley, watered
by the el Andabazo. This considerable creek seems to run from
southwest to northeast." The obscure town of Cerro Gordo above named
must not be confounded with the place in Vera Cruz which was the scene
of the famous battle of Cerro Gordo.

Pike has now passed the present interstate boundary between Chihuahua
and Durango. The line runs on a parallel of latitude from Lago de
Tlahualila 60 Mex. leagues W. to a source of Rio del Fuerte near
Huenote. Pike maps Lake Tlahualila conspicuously: see the large sheet
of water laid down in the Bolson Mapimi across which is legended "Here
the Indians sallied forth to attack New Biscay and Cohuahuila," and
which has a large forked stream running into it from the S. The main
fork of this is the present Rio de Nasas, which actually discharges
into Laguna del Muerto; so Pike's body of water represents both Lake
Tlahualila and the Lake of the Dead, as well as some smaller sheets,
as Laguna del Cayman, etc., all lying in the same general depression.
Pike mentions "Lac du Cayman" elsewhere and correctly says that Rio
Nassas (which he also calls Brassos) falls into it. L. de Parras,
however, he lays down separately, with its own river discharging into
it. The boundaries of Chihuahua, Durango, and Coahuila all meet in
Lake Tlahualila, whence that between Durango and Coahuila runs S. for
a few miles and then S. E., while that between Chihuahua and Coahuila
extends N. along the border of the Bolson to the Rio Grande.

[II'-23] Pelayo is the best-known place we have come to since leaving
Guajuquilla, and easily found on modern maps by this name; it appears
on Pike's map as "P[residio]. Pelia," and has been more fully called
Hacienda de San José de Pelayo. The name is thus a personal one,
though some have derived it from Sp. _pelar_, to boil, scald, with
reference to the hot sulphur springs. (One Pelayo, Latinized Pelagius,
founded the monarchy of Asturias in Spain early in the eighth century
A. D. The form Palayo is also found.) The place is on the main road,
about 25 m. from the crossing of Andabazo cr. "Pelayo," says
Wislizenus, p. 67, "is a small village, or hacienda, with several good
springs around it; some of common, others of higher temperature. The
creek formed by them is, according to the Mexican statements,
afterwards lost in the sand.... In Pelayo, a small but steep hill was
fortified on the top, by walls of stone. This fortification was
probably intended against General Wool's army. Two days before us
[_i. e._, May 5th, 1847] Lieutenant Colonel Mitchell had arrived here
with the vanguard [of Doniphan's troops], and seeing the inhabitants of
the place organized as a military company, he made 30 of them prisoners,
and took their arms from them; but upon their representation that they
would by this act become a prey to the surrounding Indians, he
restored them their arms, under the condition that they be used only
for defence against Indians." That series of creeks flowing to the
left, two of which have thus far been mentioned, are all crossed by
the railroad, much E. of Pike's route; four places at or near which
such crossings occur are named Escalon, Zavalza, Conejos, and
Peronal--the two former in Chihuahua, the two latter in Durango, and
the last of these being nearest the railroad crossing of the creek
which flows through La Cadena, as about to be noted.

[II'-24] La Cadena is present name of a place on or near the fourth
one of the small streams above noted, considerably off (?) the modern
main road--say 20 m. S. W. of Peronal, and 25 m. due W. of Mapimi. It
is reached by a rough mountain road 18 m. from Pelayo, past the copper
mine of Oruilla; the hacienda there, of which Pike speaks as being so
rich in stock, had been deserted when Wislizenus passed in 1847. The
creek comes from the Sierra de las Mimbres, on the W. Another steep
range rises about 3 m. E. of La Cadena; the gap between the two is the
Pass of Cadena, Puerta de Cadena, or "Door of the Prison," through
which Pike goes to-day due E. in the direction of Mapimi.

[II'-25] Lettered "Maupeme" on the map, and so rendered in the text
beyond; same word as that in Pike's legend "Bolson de Mapini"; now
usually spelled Mapimi. Hughes writes Malpimi. The meaning of the word
is unknown, as it probably would not be were it of Spanish derivation;
its most frequent use is in the phrase Bolson de Mapimi, applied to
very extensive tracts of low-lying ground encompassed with mountains,
chiefly in the states of Chihuahua and Coahuila, but also overreaching
into Durango. _Bolson_ is a Spanish word which means various things,
among them "purse," "pouch," or "pocket," and seems to be applied here
in the same way that we use the word "hole" for several different
valleys in our Rocky mts. Mapimi, as the designation of a particular
place, is still the name of the town Pike comes to, now on the
railroad, about 15 m. by rail from Peronal, and about 20 m. by the
road he came from La Cadena Pass. It is thus the place where the
highway and the railroad come together. The situation is the eastern
part of an extensive valley some 20 m. wide and 35 m. long from N. to
S., surrounded on all sides by mountains yielding silver mines. "Two
springs, called Espiritu Santo and Agua de Leon, form here [at Mapimi]
a creek, which runs through the town in an eastern direction,"
Wislizenus, _l. c._ This seems to be the stream that "formed a
terrestrial paradise" for Pike--as well it might, with the Holy Ghost
re-enforcing Ponce de Leon. Wislizenus found Mapimi "rather deserted,"
May 9th, 1847; but the artillery "fired a salute, in honor of the
anniversary of the battle of Palo Alto" (fought May 8th, 1846). Pike's
camp of the 11th of May, 3 m. E. of Mapimi, was snug under the eastern
mountain chain, whence it was about 2 m. through a cañon into another
valley forming a part of the series of the Bolson de Mapimi.

[II'-26] "The little village" is not named. Pike's map makes the
triple forking of the road he is about to mention in the immediate
vicinity of Mapimi; but this appears to be an error, as he was already
3 m. beyond that town when he started on the 12th. His map is
otherwise so far out of drawing that it does help us much more than
the slender thread of text to discover exactly what way Captain Barelo
took him around the Bolson to Parras. The precise stages of the
journey to Parras would probably be recoverable by one thoroughly
familiar with the ground; but it is impossible for me to trace the
route upon any map I have been able to find. The only road laid down
on the best map before me runs down the Rio Nasas past San Lorenzo to
Mayron, at the Laguna del Muerto, into which that river sinks, and
thence to Pozo (Pozzo) and Parras. From the railroad junction at
Torreon the track runs at a distance from, but approximately parallel
with, the river and the road just indicated, through places marked
Matamoras, Colonia, and Hornos, to Mayron and thence to Pozo.
Wislizenus speaks of a place apparently about where Pike comes to on
the 12th, where the road forks, and describes a "northern" and a
"southern" route. The northern one, he says, leads by Alamito, San
Lorenzo, and San Juan (all on the Rio Nasas) to El Pozo; it is thus
identical with or very nearly the same as the one just said to descend
the Rio Nasas. The southern one, he says, would have taken him by San
Sebastian, on the Nasas, to Gatuño, Matamoras (or la Bega de Maraujo),
Santa Mayara, by the Laguna de Parras to Alamo de Parras, St. Domingo,
and Peña, to El Pozo, and thence to Parras. I think that Pike's route
coincides most closely with this one; it is for the most part S. of
the railroad, passing close to the Laguna de Parras (the sink of the
Rio Guanabel); and when we find him at Parras, on the 17th, he is
almost due E. of the place where he crossed the Rio Nasas, at an
air-line distance therefrom of nearly or about 40 Mexican leagues--say
100 m.

The "Monsieur de Croix" above named is Teodoro de Croix, b. at Lille,
Flanders, about 1730, d. at Madrid, Spain, Apr. 8th, 1791; he was
viceroy of Peru from Apr., 1784, to Mar., 1790; he had previously
served as commandant of the interior provinces and of Sonora, under
his elder brother, Carlos Francisco de Croix, Marques de Croix, and
viceroy of New Spain, 1766-1771. See the legend of his route on Pike's
map.

[II'-27] "Brasses" and "Brassos" are Pike's rendering of Brazos, name
of a great river in Texas, but the stream here meant by "Brasses" is
Rio Nasas (or Nazas), which flows into Laguna del Muerto, in Coahuila.
This he elsewhere calls Nassas and Nassus; saying that it runs into
Lake Cayman, and forms part of the boundary between Cogquilla
(Coahuila) and New Biscay (his name for Chihuahua, though he means
Durango). He also charts it conspicuously, but much out of drawing:
see his map, first river E. of Mapimi, with "Rancho S^n Antonio" there
lettered. Some of my maps, running back 40 years, apply the name Nazas
to that other stream (Rio Guanabal) which sinks in Laguna de Parras,
and which Pike also charts, greatly out of position; but he is correct
in his identification of the Nasas. This is a notable stream in
Durango and Coahuila, which has been called "the vein and center of
the Bolson" by Wislizenus, who says further, p. 69: "San Sebastian is
a hacienda on the left bank of the Nasas river, and about 35 miles
from Mapimi. The Nasas is here quite a deep and respectable stream,
while further down it becomes flat, and disappears sometimes entirely
in the sand. It comes about 150 leagues from the western part of the
State of Durango, from the so-called Sianori mountains.... The Nasas
is the Nile of the Bolson de Mapimi; the wide and level country along
the river is yearly inundated by its rising, and owes to that
circumstance its great fertility."

On crossing Rio Nasas, or at a point on his road in that vicinity,
Pike passes from the present State of Durango into that of Coahuila;
but we have no mileage for the 13th. He never leaves Coahuila till he
enters the Texas of his day, close to present San Antonio de Bexar,
Tex. He never touches Nuevo Leon at any point.

[II'-28] El Rancho de San Antonio, already indicated as on the Rio
Nasas, but exact location in question. I cannot find the name on any
modern map. It does not seem to be the same place as the San Sebastian
mentioned by Wislizenus. But the general locality is near the present
interstate boundary of Coahuila and Durango, not far from the place
where the two railroads cross each other, known as El Torreon (The
Tower).

[II'-29] Santa Rosa, one of the principal Coahuilan towns, about
half-way between Monclova and Presidio del Rio Grande, on waters of
the Upper Rio Sabinas, and on the road which General Wool took during
the invasion of Mexico.

[II'-30] See Pike's map, place legended "Well of Putrid Water."

[II'-31] The text is contradictory concerning mileage, and ambiguous
in the matter of the road which came in. The place whence water was
drawn is that legended "Well of Mineral Water" on Pike's map. I am not
sure that this is El Pozo of various maps and itineraries before me,
called "Pozzo" on the most modern ones; but am inclined to think it
is. Pozo is a well-known place where the railroad now crosses a
highway, and whence there is a regular road S. W. to Alamos de Parras,
and another S. E. to Parras itself. Under date of May 13th, 1847,
Wislizenus has, Mem. p. 71: "We travelled to-day 25 miles from San
Juan to _el Pozo_. The road was more gravelly than sandy, at first
quite level, afterwards slightly ascending. A few miles to our right a
steep mountain chain was running parallel with our road; to the left
rose more distant mountains.... About half way we passed by a deserted
rancho, 'Refugio,' with a well. Near El Pozo the valley becomes
narrower." Dr. W. describes a fight with Lipan Indians which had
occurred at Pozo two days before, and continues, p. 72: "_El Pozo_
(the well) is a hacienda, belonging to Don Manuel de Ibarra, and
consists of but one large building, in which many families live. The
place is distinguished for its ingenious water-works. It consists of a
deep and very spacious well, from which the water is drawn by mule
power in the following way: Over a large wheel in the upper part of
the well a strong and broad band of leather is stretched, moving
around with the wheel; to the band, in regular distances, many buckets
of leather are attached, which, by the equal circular motion of the
wheel and the band, are descending on one side of the well, and fill
themselves with water, while they are drawn up on the other side, and,
emptying their water into a basin, return again to the well. To
receive the drawn water, two large basins of stone, about 40 feet wide
and 100 feet long, have been made, and on the outside of the basins
runs a long line of troughs, all of stone, for the watering of the
animals.... The same Indians which our men fought here, the Lipans,
used to frequent this well very freely, and carried their impudence
even so far that they notified the Mexicans at what time they wanted
to have the basins full, and the Mexicans did not dare to disobey.
Although the idea of this water-wheel is by no means a new one, it is
certainly very simply and well executed, and the more gratifying to
the traveller, as this is the only watering place between San Juan and
Parras, a distance of about 50 miles."

[II'-32] No mileage for the 17th; but Paras is a notable place, easily
discovered on ordinary maps. Sp. _parras_ means grapevines, especially
such as are trained on a trellis, and various vineyards have given
geographical names in Mexico, as Laguna de Parras, Alamo de Parras,
etc. The latter is a phrase coming near what is meant by our
traditional "vine and fig-tree"; it now designates a place further W.,
not to be mistaken for Parras itself. "Paras" and the San Lorenzo
hacienda above said are both marked on Pike's map; the latter must not
be confused with present town of San Lorenzo on Rio Nasas, much
further W. The map is entirely out of drawing in these parts, but not
irrecognizably, and we can make the requisite adjustments. In
particular, Laguna de Parras is put down over 100 m. from its true
position, and the course of its feeder (Rio Guanabal) is still further
out of the way. His route passed near this laguna, between it and
Laguna del Muerto. We must not forget that he was traveling under
compulsion, propulsion, and perpetual irritation--circumstances
unfavorable to the accuracy of such notes as he could take by stealth
and afterward supplement from memory, and under which he could not be
expected to improve Humboldt's map!

Some extracts from Dr. Wislizenus, Mem. pp. 72, 73, will give a better
idea of Parras than Pike's glimpse affords: "_May 14_ [1847]. We left
[Pozo] this morning for _Parras_, in the State of Coahuila.... Our
road ran parallel with a near mountain chain on the right, and was
mostly ascending. In the latter part of our march we saw from a hill
Parras, at the foot of the same chain, which here makes a bend towards
southeast. The first sight of the town reminded me of el Paso, on
account of the great many gardens and vineyards that surround it.
Entering the town, I was struck with the luxuriant growth of
pomegranates, figs, and fruits of all sorts, and with the enormous
height and circumference of the common opuntias and agaves, which I
had already seen in the State of Chihuahua, but much smaller. The
opuntias had trunks of one foot in diameter, and the agave americana
grew to the height of from 10 to 15 feet, making excellent hedges. The
town itself was much handsomer than I had expected. It has some fine
streets, with old substantial buildings, a large 'plaza,' and a
general appearance of wealth and comfort. We encamped in the Alameda,
a beautiful public walk, shaded with cotton trees and provided with
seats of repose. Early in the morning a concert of thousands of birds,
many mockingbirds among them, that live here quite undisturbed, awoke
us from our slumber. These Alamedas, fashionable in all the Mexican
cities, do honor to the general taste of the Mexicans for flowers,
gardens, and natural embellishments. To prevent any injury to the
trees our horses were kept outside the Alameda. Parras was probably
built towards the end of the seventeenth century, and received its
name from its vine, parra meaning vine-branch. The cultivation of the
vine is at present a principal object of industry in Parras. The
vineyards are mostly on the hilly slopes of the limestone mountains
west of town. They produce a white and a red wine, both of very
pleasant taste, resembling somewhat the wine of el Paso, but more
heating and stronger.... We rested in Parras two days, and left it on
the morning of _May 17_, on our road to Saltillo. From Parras we
marched about five miles in an eastern direction, through a a plain,
to _San Lorenzo_, or, as it is commonly called, _Hacienda de Abajo_, a
large, splendid hacienda, belonging to the above mentioned Don Manuel
de Ibarra. The road from el Pozo leads directly to this place; by
going to Parras, several leagues are lost." This "lower hacienda" is
the one which Pike names above, and where he camps to-night.

[II'-33] No distance or direction given, and no place named--but we
can discover Pike by extraneous means. Dr. Wislizenus says, p. 73:
"From here [San Lorenzo] the road was winding over a hilly and rocky
country, till we arrived in _Cienega Grande_, a hacienda of Don Rey de
Guerrero, (25 miles from Parras.)" This is no doubt the place Pike
reaches, on his way to Patos. The unnamed hacienda of the text is so
marked on his map, on the above "fine stream." This creek requires
attention. Pike lays it down as one of the headwaters of Rio Tigre,
also called Rio San Francisco del Tigre, which he mistakes it to be,
and so runs it off into the Gulf of Mexico, about where Tiger r. does
in fact empty. But Pike was never on any tributary of Tiger r.--never
in that watershed at all--never in Nuevo Leon. His "fine stream" is a
headwater of that river which falls into the Rio Grande by Ringgold
Barracks, and whose two main forks are known as Rio San Juan and Rio
Salinas. Saltillo, once known as Leona Victoria, and present capital
of Coahuila, is on a branch of the Salinas (Rio Meteros); and
Monterey, present capital of Nuevo Leon, is on a branch of the San
Juan.

[II'-34] Before coming to Patos and Florida, we will see what
Wislizenus says, Mem. p. 73: "_May 18._ Through a wide valley, with
mountains to the north and south, we went to-day (18 miles) to _Rancho
Nuevo_, and encamped about one mile southeast of it, in a valley....
Some miles from our camp, in a corner, amidst mountains, lies
_Castañuela_, an old but small town, from which a shorter but very
rough road leads over the mountains to Parras. A fine creek runs by
it, descending from the southwest mountains and turning towards the
northeast." This seems to be about the place to which Pike was brought
on the 19th.

[II'-35] "Pattos" is marked "Hacienda Poloss" on Pike's map, where it
is set down about a day's journey due W. of "Saltello"; "Florida" is
also marked, nearly as far off to the N. E. But these are mere
crudities of engraving; any good modern map will show Patos, about 35
m. W. by S. from Saltillo, and about 16 m. S. by W. from San Antonio
de Jaral; which latter is 12 m. S. E. of a place on the railroad now
called Pastora. As to Patos and its vicinity we will hear from Dr.
Wislizenus, Mem. p. 74: "_May 19._ Marched 25 miles [from Rancho
Nuevo] to _Vequeria_, a small place on a creek of the same name. The
very tortuous road led over a hilly and broken country. From one of
the hills we perceived, towards the E. N. E., the distant mountains of
Saltillo. About five miles from Vequeria we passed a creek with very
clear water, the San Antonio, which unites below, near _Patos_, with
the Vequeria creek.... Northeast from Vequeria is an opening in the
surrounding mountains, through which the mountain chain of Saltillo
appears again. The route through this pass is the shortest and most
direct from Saltillo, but with wagons one has to take a southeastern
course to avoid the mountains. About one mile from Vequeria, in the
pass leading to Saltillo, lies _Patos_, a small town." The name of the
place Dr. W. calls "Vequeria" is preferably spelled Vaqueria; the word
means simply stock-farm or cattle-ranch; vaqueros are the cowboys of
such places, whom I used to hear called "buckeros" when I was in New
Mexico, perhaps by unconscious confusing of "vaqueros" with the
bucking bronchos they rode.

Here we regret to take leave of our accomplished fellow-traveler, who
has set up finger-posts on Pike's route all the way from El Paso to
Patos. Dr. Wislizenus keeps on eastward to meet General Wool's forces
at Buena Vista and Saltillo. Pike has turned northward, down the San
Antonio cr., and camps at Florida, less than 3 m. N. of Patos, in the
direction of San Antonio de Jaral.

[II'-36] Route of the 21st northward, past if not through San Antonio
de Jaral, down the right side of San Antonio cr., and across this from
E. to W.; thence continuing northward to some point probably on the
present railroad and in the vicinity of the station now known as
Sauceda (Willows). Pike's map shows the crossing, at a point below
certain forks he delineates, probably not far from half-way between
Sauceda and Pastora.

[II'-37] Route N., thus bearing off from the river, main road, and
line of present railroad, all of which run along together about N. N.
E.; camp at or near no named place, but about 8 m. due W. of a place
on the railroad (Treviño or Venadito) where a branch turns off to go
to Monterey. "La Rancho" of the text, better written El Rancho, or
simply ranch, is beyond the place marked on the map as an Indian
village by the name of "Rambo"--unless this is the ranch itself, a
little misplaced.

[II'-38] Route about N., 15-20 m. to the foot of the pass in the cross
mountain, at the place marked "Rivera" on Pike's map.

[II'-39] On making Three Rivers Pass in the morning, Pike goes over
the "cross mountain" which forms the divide between the waters of the
San Juan and Salinas basin, and comes upon the water-shed of Rio
Sabinas (which river he will cross to reach the Rio Grande). The main
road which he strikes at the 13th mile is also the railroad line, and
he strikes them both at or near Bajan, 5 m. above Joya, where the main
road now comes in from points eastward. We have no mileage for the
24th, but it was a good day's journey to get only 9 m. short of
Montelovez (Monclova).

As several of Pike's daily mileages are missing, we cannot say exactly
how many miles he made it out to be from the Mapimi locality to
Montelovez. If we average up the missing ones with the rest of the 14
days, it makes 15 m. a day, or a total of 210 m. Those who are better
informed than myself concerning the kind of country passed over can
judge how near right these figures may be. It seems to me rather scant
measure for the most direct route by which the Bolson could have been
flanked by anything like the curve the railroad now takes. Pike
certainly never made such a fishhook-shaped trail as that delineated
on his map, if he only went 210 m.

[II'-40] Route N., down E. bank of the river on which Monclova is
situated, along the main road and present railroad. No mileage; but 5½
hours on a road should make 16-18 m., and set Pike near Hermanos, at
the place Don Melcher or Michon had his real estate.

[II'-41] Benjamin Lockwood of Ohio had been an ensign in the levies of
1791 when he was appointed a lieutenant of Infantry, Mar. 7th, 1792,
and arranged to the 4th sub-Legion, Sept. 4th of that year; he was
attached to the 4th Infantry, Nov. 1st, 1796, made a captain July
10th, 1797, transferred to the 2d Infantry Apr. 1st, 1802, and to the
1st Infantry Sept. 2d of that year; and died July 29th, 1807.

[II'-42] The present town of Encinas (The Oaks) is on the road, 20 m.
from Hermanos, and presumably at or near the site of the old Barego
estate. Pike is fairly in the valley of Rio Sabinas.

[II'-43] Millada r. of Pike is the main fork of Sabinas r., and the
one whose upper waters he left at Hermanos. Leaving it there, the road
through Encinas to Alamo cuts off a bend of the river which the
railroad now meanders by way of Baroteran, Aura, Obeya, and so on. The
ranch was at present site of Alamo, a well-known crossing where
several roads still concenter, 10 or 12 m. above the forks. It used to
be called Alameda Arriba or, as we should say, "Upper Cottonwoods";
whence I imagine that Pike got his name "Millada." This river flowed
to his right as he faced N.; the letter "w" of the word "which" is
engraved on the map at precisely the point he crossed this stream: see
next note.

[II'-44] The main stream of Sabinas r. is crossed at the place now
called Potrillo, and also Juarez, 10 m. from Alamo. This sets Pike at
a point 17 m. further on a bee line for the Presidio Grande. His
mapping of the "Millada" and Sabinas rivers is faulty to the last
degree: see the map on this point. 1. The Millada (on which the letter
"w" is engraved) should turn above that point and connect with the
stream on which "Montelovez" is situated. 2. The main Sabinas
(identifiable on the map by "[Symbol: Triangle] Kan" engraved
alongside Pike's trail) should have been carried clear up N. W., 100
m. or more. 3. The great river which Pike fetches into the Rio Grande
at Presidio Grande, and which he runs down to this point from
"Montelovez," does not exist. It is an imaginary river, compounded of
about equal parts of upper portions of the two forks of the Sabinas,
cut off from their proper connections lower down, and run into the Rio
Grande about 100 m. too high up. The rest of the river (E. of Pike's
trail) is connected with the Rio Grande about right--that is to say,
below Laredo. Observe that Pike says nothing about crossing the mouth
of any such river as his map shows just where his trail comes to the
Rio Grande. It is a sheer blunder, which has baffled many a person who
naturally supposed that Pike fetched up at the mouth of Sabinas r.,
some 40 m. below Laredo, but never could see how he got there, or how
he got thence to San Antonio, or what in the name of geography the two
rivers he crossed were anyhow. In fine, this affair of the Sabinas r.
befogged the whole trail for several hundred miles, both in Mexico and
in Texas. For my own part, I first tried to bring Pike to the Rio
Grande at the mouth of Sabinas r., and very soon lost him in Nuevo
Leon--to say nothing of the impossibility of trailing him thence to
San Antonio. Then I tried the roads to Laredo, observing that this
would do pretty well for the Texan side; but again I lost him in Nuevo
Leon. Though the map itself indicated that Pike never was in Nuevo
Leon (where General Salcedo, in fact, had no business to send troops,
as it was out of his jurisdiction), yet political boundaries nearly a
century old go for little on their face, and I was almost tempted to
give the puzzle up. But I thought that I would try the experiment of
disregarding the map altogether, and trailing Pike solely by his
itinerary in the text. It was a week's work to satisfy myself that he
was never over the present boundary of Coahuila after he left Durango,
and probably never 25 m. on either side of the railroad from Mapimi to
Sabinas r. There he was within two days of the Rio Grande, heading
straight for the Presidio Salto; and a glance at his map showed me
what the trouble was with that unlucky river.

[II'-45] Directly on the main road to Presidio Salto--the Presidio
Grande, or del Rio Grande, of Pike. The running water, on which was
situated a ranch, was one of the several _small_ affluents of the Rio
Grande which run E. along here on the Mexican side.

CHAPTER III.

ITINERARY, CONCLUDED: THROUGH TEXAS TO NATCHITOCHES ON THE RED RIVER
OF LOUISIANA, JUNE 1ST-JULY 1ST, 1807.

_Monday, June 1st._ Arrived at the Presidio Rio Grande[III'-1] at
eight o'clock. This place was the position to which our friend Barelo
had been ordered, and which had been very highly spoken of to him; but
he found himself miserably mistaken, for it was with the greatest
difficulty we obtained anything to eat, which mortified him extremely.

When at Chihuahua, General Salcedo had asked me if I had not lost a
man by desertion, to which I replied in the negative. He then informed
me that an American had arrived at the Presidio Rio Grande in the last
year; that he had at first confined him, but that he was now released
and practicing physic; and that he wished me to examine him on my
arrival. I therefore had him sent for; the moment he entered the room
I discovered he never had received a liberal education, or been
accustomed to polished society. I told him the reason I had requested
to see him, and that I had it in my power to serve him if I found him
a character worthy of interference.

He then related the following story: That his name was Martin
Henderson; that he was born in Rock Bridge County, State of Virginia;
that he had been brought up a farmer; but that, coming early to the
State of Kentucky and to Tennessee, he had acquired a taste for
frontier life, and that, in the spring of 1806, himself and four
companions had left the Saline in the District of Saint Genevieve,
Upper Louisiana, in order to penetrate through the woods to the
province of Texas; that his companions had left him on the White
[Arkansaw] river, and that he had continued on; that in swimming some
western branch his horse sunk under him, and it was with difficulty he
made the shore with his gun. Here he waited two or three days until
his horse rose, and he then got his saddle-bags; but all his notes on
the country, courses, etc., were destroyed. He then proceeded on foot
for a few days, when he was met by 30 or 40 Osage warriors, who, on
his telling them he was going to the Spaniards, were about to kill
him; but on his saying he would go to the Americans, they held a
consultation over him, and finally seized on his clothes and divided
them between them; then his pistols, compass, dirk, and watch, which
they took to pieces and hung in their noses and ears; then they
stripped him naked, and round his body found a belt with gold pieces
sewed in it; this they also took, and finally seized on his gun and
ammunition, and were marching off to leave him in that situation; but
he followed them, thinking it better to be killed than left in that
state to die by hunger and cold. The savages after some time halted,
and one pulled off an old pair of leggings and gave him, another
mockinsons, a third a buffalo robe, and the one who had carried his
heavy rifle had by this time become tired of his prize, they never
using rifles; they counted him out 25 charges of powder and ball, then
sent two Indians with him, who put him on a war-trace, which they said
led to American establishments; and as soon as the Indians left him he
directed his course as he supposed for Saint Antonio. He then killed
deer and made himself some clothes. He proceeded on and expended all
his ammunition three days before he struck the Grand Road, nearly at
the Rio Grande. He further added that he had discovered two mines, one
of silver and the other of gold, the situation of which he
particularly described; but that the general had taken the samples
from him. That he would not attempt to pass himself on us for a
physician, and hoped, as he only used simples and was careful to do no
harm, we would not betray him. He further added that since his being
in the country he had made, from information, maps of all the adjacent
country; but that they had been taken from him.

I had early concluded that he was an agent of Burr's, and was
revolving in my mind whether I should denounce him as such to the
commandant, but feeling reluctant from an apprehension that he might
be innocent, when one of my men came in and informed me that it was
Trainer, who had killed Major Bashier [?] in the wilderness between
Natchez and Tennessee, when he was his hireling. He shot him, when
taking a nap at noon, through the head with his own pistols. The
governor of the State and the major's friends offered a very
considerable reward for his apprehension, which obliged him to quit
the State; and with an Amazonian woman, who handled arms and hunted
like a savage, he retreated to the source of the White river; but,
being routed from that retreat by Captain Maney [James B. Many], of
the United States army and a party of Cherokees, he and his female
companion bore west; she, proving to be pregnant, was left by him in
the desert, and I was informed arrived at the settlements on Red
river, but by what means is to me unknown. The articles and money
taken from him by the Osages were the property of the deceased major.
I then reported these circumstances to Captain Barelo, who had him
immediately confined, until the will of Governor Cordero should be
known, who informed me, when at Saint Antonio, that he would have him
sent to some place of perpetual confinement in the interior. Thus
vengeance has overtaken the ingrate and murderer when he least
expected it.

In the evening we went to see some performers on the slack-rope, who
were no wise extraordinary in their performances, except in language
which would bring a blush on the cheek of the most abandoned of the
female sex in the United States.

_June 2d._ In the day time were endeavoring to regulate our watches by
my compass, and in an instant that my back was turned some person
stole it. I could by no means recover it, and I had strong suspicions
that the theft was approved, as the instrument had occasioned great
dissatisfaction.

This day the captain went out to dine with some monks, who would have
thought it profanation to have had us as their guests, notwithstanding
the priest of the place had escorted us round the town and to all the
missions; we found him a very communicative, liberal, and intelligent
man. We saw no resource for a dinner but in the inventive genius of a
little Frenchman who had accompanied us from Chihuahua, where he had
been officiating one year as cook to the general, of whom he gave us
many interesting anecdotes, and in fact was of infinite service to us;
we supported him and he served as cook, interpreter, etc. It was
astonishing with what zeal he strove to acquire news and information
for us; and as he had been four times through the provinces, he had
acquired considerable knowledge of the country, people, etc. He went
off and in a very short time returned with table-cloth, plates, a
dinner of three or four courses, a bottle of wine, and a pretty girl
to attend on the table. We inquired by what magic he had brought this
about, and found that he had been to one of the officers and notified
him that it was the wish of the commandant that he should supply the
two Americans with a decent dinner, which was done; but we took care
to compensate them for their trouble. This we explained to Barelo in
the evening, and he laughed heartily.

We parted from the captain with regrets and assurances of remembrance.
Departed at five o'clock, escorted by Ensign [Blank] and [blank] men;
came on to the Rio Grande, which we passed, and encamped at a Rancho
on the other side. Distance seven miles.[III'-2]

_June 3d._ The mosquitoes, which had commenced the first night on this
side of Montelovez, now became very troublesome. This day saw the
first horse-flies; saw some wild horses; came on in the open plain,
and in a dry time, when there was no water. Distance 30 miles.

_June 4th._ Came 16 miles to a pond and dined; great sign of wild
horses; in the afternoon to the river Noissour [Nueces], swimming
where [_i. e._, too deep to ford when] we arrived, although it was not
more than ten steps wide. Distance 36 miles.[III'-3]

_June 5th._ After losing two horses in passing the river, the water
having fallen so that we forded, we crossed and continued our route.
Passed two herds of wild horses, which left the road for us. Halted at
a pond on the left of the road, 15 miles, where we saw the first oak
since we left New Mexico, and this was scrub oak. Passed many deer
yesterday and to-day. Came on to a small creek at night, where we met
a party of the company of Saint Fernandez returning from the line.
Distance 31 miles.[III'-4]

_June 6th._ Marched early and met several parties of troops returning
from Texas, where they had been sent to re-enforce, when our troops
were near the line. Immense numbers of cross-roads made by the wild
horses. Killed a wild hog [peccary, _Dicotyles torquatus_], which on
examination I found to be very different from the tame breed, smaller,
brown, with long hair and short legs; they are to be found in all
parts between Red river and the Spanish settlements.

Passed an encampment made by the Lee Panes [Lipans[III'-5]]; met one
of said nation with his wife. In the afternoon struck the woodland,
which was the first we had been in from the time we left the Osage
nation. Distance 39 miles.

_Sunday, June 7th._ Came on 15 miles to the [Medina] river
Mariano--the line between Texas and Cogquilla--a pretty little stream,
[on which was a] Rancho. Thence in the afternoon to Saint
Antonio.[III'-6] We halted at the mission of Saint Joseph [San José];
received in a friendly manner by the priest of the mission and others.

We were met out of Saint Antonio about three miles by Governors
Cordero and Herrara, in a coach. We repaired to their quarters, where
we were received like their children. Cordero informed me that he had
discretionary orders as to the mode of my going out of the country;
that he therefore wished me to choose my time, mode, etc.; that any
sum of money I might want was at my service; that in the meantime
Robinson and myself would make his quarters our home; and that he had
caused to be vacated and prepared a house immediately opposite for the
reception of my men. In the evening his levee was attended by a crowd
of officers and priests, among whom were Father M'Guire and Dr.
Zerbin. After supper we went to the public square, where might be seen
the two governors joined in a dance with people who in the daytime
would approach them with reverence and awe.

We were here introduced to the sister of Lieutenant Malgares' wife,
who was one of the finest women we saw. She was married to a Captain
Ugarte, to whom we had letters of introduction.

_June 8th._ Remained at San Antonio.

_June 9th._ A large party dined at Governor Cordero's, who gave as his
toast, "The President of the United States--Vive la." I returned the
compliment by toasting "His Catholic Majesty." These toasts were
followed by "General Wilkinson." One of the company then gave "Those
gentlemen; their safe and happy arrival in their own country; their
honorable reception, and the continuation of the good understanding
which exists between the two countries."

_June 10th._ A large party at the governor's to dinner. He gave as a
toast, "My companion, Herrara."

_June 11th._ Preparing to march to-morrow. We this evening had a
conversation with the two governors, wherein they exhibited an
astonishing knowledge of the political character of our Executive, and
the local interests of the different parts of the Union.

_June 12th._ One of the captains from the kingdom of [Nuevo] Leon
having died, we were invited to attend the burial, and accompanied the
two governors in their coach, where we had an opportunity of viewing
the solemnity of the interment, agreeably to the ritual of the Spanish
church, attended by the military honors which were conferred on the
deceased by his late brethren in arms.

[As I ascertained to-day,] Governor Cordero gave the information of my
intended expedition to the commandant-general as early as July [1806],
the same month that I took my departure. His information was received
via Natchez.

_June 13th._ This morning there were marched 200 dragoons for the
sea-coast, to look out for the English, and this evening Colonel
Cordero was to have marched to join them. We marched at seven o'clock,
Governor Cordero taking us in his coach about two leagues, accompanied
by Father M'Guire, Dr. Zerbin, etc. We took a friendly adieu of
Governor Herrara and our other friends at Saint Antonio.

It may not be improper to mention here something of Father M'Guire and
Dr. Zerbin, who certainly treated us with all imaginable attention
while at Saint Antonio. The former was an Irish priest, who formerly
resided on the coast above [New] Orleans [in present Louisiana], and
was noted for his hospitable and social qualities. On the cession of
Louisiana, he followed the standard of "the king, his master, who
never suffers an old servant to be neglected." He received at Cuba an
establishment as chaplain to the mint of Mexico, whence the
instability of human affairs carried him to Saint Antonio. He was a
man of chaste classical taste, observation, and research.

Dr. Zerbin formerly resided at Natchez [in present Mississippi], but
in consequence of pecuniary embarrassments emigrated to the Spanish
territories. Being a young man of a handsome person and an insinuating
address, he had obtained the good-will of Governor Cordero, who had
conferred on him an appointment in the king's hospital, and many other
advantages by which he might have made a fortune; but he had recently
committed some very great indiscretions, by which he had nearly lost
the favor of Colonel Cordero, though whilst we were there he was
treated with attention.

I will here attempt to portray a faint resemblance of the characters
of the two governors whom we found at Saint Antonio; but to whose
superexcellent qualities it would require the pen of a master to do
justice.

Don Antonio Cordero is about 5 feet 10 inches in height, 50 years of
age, with fair complexion and blue eyes; he wore his hair turned back,
and in every part of his deportment was legibly written "the soldier."
He yet possessed an excellent constitution, and a body which appeared
to be neither impaired by the fatigues of the various campaigns he had
made, nor disfigured by the numerous wounds received from the enemies
of his king. He was one of the select officers who had been chosen by
the court of Madrid to be sent to America about 35 years since, to
discipline and organize the Spanish provincials, and had been employed
in all the various kingdoms and provinces of New Spain. Through the
parts which we explored he was universally beloved and respected; and
when I pronounce him by far the most popular man in the internal
provinces, I risk nothing by the assertion. He spoke the Latin and
French languages well, was generous, gallant, brave, and sincerely
attached to his king and country. Those numerous qualifications
advanced him to the rank of colonel of cavalry, and governor of the
provinces of Cogquilla and Texas. His usual residence was Montelovez,
which he had embellished a great deal, but since our taking possession
of Louisiana he had removed to San Antonio, in order to be nearer the
frontier, to be able to apply the remedy to any evil which might arise
from the collision of our lines.

Don Simon de Herrara is about 5 feet 11 inches high, has a sparkling
black eye, dark complexion and hair. He was born in the Canary
islands, served in the infantry in France, Spain, and Flanders, and
speaks the French language well, with a little of the English. He is
engaging in his conversation with his equals; polite and obliging to
his inferiors, and in all his actions one of the most gallant and
accomplished men I ever knew. He possesses a great knowledge of
mankind from his experience in various countries and societies, and
knows how to employ the genius of each of his subordinates to
advantage. He had been in the United States during the presidency of
General Washington, and had been introduced to that hero, of whom he
spoke in terms of exalted veneration. He is now lieutenant-colonel of
infantry, and governor of the kingdom of New Leon. His seat of
government is Mont Elrey; and probably, if ever a chief is adored by
his people, it is Herrara. When his time expired last, he immediately
repaired to Mexico, attended by 300 of the most respectable people of
his government, who carried with them the sighs, tears, and prayers of
thousands that he might be continued in that government. The viceroy
thought proper to accord to their wishes _pro tempore_, and the king
has since confirmed his nomination. When I saw him he had been about
one year absent, during which time the citizens of rank in Mont Elrey
had not suffered a marriage or baptism to take place in any of their
families, until their common father could be there, to consent and
give joy to the occasion by his presence. What greater proof could be
given of their esteem and love?

In drawing a parallel between these two friends, I should say that
Cordero was the man of greatest reading, and that Herrara possessed
the greatest knowledge of the world. Cordero has lived all his life a
bachelor. Herrara married an English lady in early youth, at Cadiz;
one who by her suavity of manners makes herself as much beloved and
esteemed by the ladies as her noble husband is by the men. By her he
has several children, one now an officer in the service of his royal
master.

The two friends agree perfectly in one point--their hatred to tyranny
of every kind; and in a secret determination never to see that
flourishing part of the New World subject to any other European lord
except him whom they think their honor and loyalty bound to defend
with their lives and fortunes. But should Bonaparte seize on European
Spain, I risk nothing in asserting that those two gentlemen would be
the first to throw off the yoke, draw their swords, and assert the
independence of their country.

Before I close this subject, it may not be improper to state that we
owe it to Governor Herrara's prudence that we are not now engaged in a
war with Spain. This will be explained by the following anecdote,
which he related in the presence of his friend Cordero, and which was
confirmed by him. When the difficulties commenced on the
Sabine,[III'-7] the commandant-general and the viceroy consulted each
other, and mutually determined to maintain inviolate what they deemed
the dominions of their master. The viceroy therefore ordered Herrara
to join Cordero with 1,300 men, and both the viceroy and General
Salcedo ordered Cordero to cause our troops to be attacked, should
they pass the Rio Oude [_sic_]. These orders were positively
reiterated to Herrara, the actual commanding officer of the Spanish
army on the frontiers, and gave rise to the many messages which he
sent to General Wilkinson when he was advancing with our troops.
Finding they were not attended to, he called a council of war on the
question to attack or not, when it was given as their opinion that
they should immediately commence a predatory warfare, but avoid a
general engagement; yet, notwithstanding the orders of the viceroy,
the commandant-general, Governor Cordero's, and the opinion of his
officers, he had the firmness or temerity to enter into the agreement
with General Wilkinson which at present exists relative to our
boundaries on that frontier. On his return he was received with
coolness by Cordero, and they both made their communications to their
superiors. "Until an answer was received," said Herrara, "I
experienced the most unhappy period of my life, conscious I had served
my country faithfully, at the same time that I had violated every
principle of military duty." At length the answer arrived, and what
was it, but the thanks of the viceroy and the commandant-general for
having pointedly disobeyed their orders, with assurances that they
would represent his services in exalted terms to the king. What could
have produced this change of sentiment is to me unknown, but the
letter was published to the army, and confidence again restored
between the two chiefs and the troops.

Our company consisted of Lieutenant Jn. Echararria, who commanded the
escort; Captain Eugene Marchon of New Orleans, and Father José Angel
Cabaso, who was bound to the camp at or near the [river] Trinity; with
a suitable proportion of soldiers. We came on 16 miles to a place
called the Beson, where we halted until the mules came up. Marched
again at four o'clock, and arrived at the river of Guadalupe at eight
o'clock. Distance 30 miles.[III'-8]

_Sunday, June 14th._ When we left Saint Antonio, everything appeared
to be in a flourishing and improving state, owing to the examples and
encouragement given to industry, politeness, and civilization by the
excellent Governor Cordero and his colleague Herrara; also to the
large body of troops maintained at that place in consequence of the
difference existing between the United States and Spain.

Came on to the Saint Mark [river, Rio San Marco] in the morning; in
the afternoon came on 15 miles further, but was late, owing to our
having taken the wrong road. Distance 30 miles.[III'-9]

_June 15th._ Marched 20 miles in the morning to a small pond, which is
dry in a dry season, where we halted. Here commenced the oak timber,
it having been musqueet [mesquit, _Prosopis juliflora_] in general
from Saint Antonio. Prairie like the Indiana territory. In the
afternoon came on six miles further to a creek, where we encamped
early. Distance 26 miles.[III'-10]

_June 16th._ Marched early, and at eight o'clock arrived at Red river
[Rio Colorado of Texas[III'-11]]. Here was a small Spanish station
and several lodges of Tancards--tall, handsome men, but the most naked
savages I ever saw, without exception. They complained much of their
situation. In the afternoon passed over hilly, stony land;
occasionally we saw pine timber. Killed one deer. Encamped on a small
run. Distance 26 miles.

_June 17th._ Came on by nine o'clock to a large encampment of
Tancards,[III'-12] more than 40 lodges. Their poverty was as
remarkable as their independence. Immense herds of horses, etc. I gave
a Camanche and Tancard each a silk handkerchief, and a recommendation
to the commandant at Natchitoches. In the afternoon came on three
hours and encamped on a hill, at a creek on the right-hand side of the
road. Met a large herd of mules escorted by four soldiers; the
lieutenant took from them some money which they had in charge.
Distance 30 miles.

_June 18th._ Rode on until half past ten o'clock, when we arrived at
the river Brassos.[III'-13] Here is a stockade guard of one corporal,
six men, and a ferry-boat. Swam our horses over; one was drowned and
several others were near it, owing to their striking each other with
their feet. We then came on about two miles on this side of a bayou
called the Little Brassos, which is only a branch of the other, and
which makes an impassable swamp at certain seasons between them.
Distance 31 miles.

_June 19th._ Came on through prairies and woods alternately 20 miles
to a small creek, Corpus Christi, with well-wooded, rich land. In the
afternoon came on ten miles, and passed a creek which at high water is
nearly impassable four miles. Overflows swamps, ponds, etc. Encamped
about one mile on this side, on high land to the right of the road.
Met the mail, Indians, and others. Distance 30 miles.[III'-14]

_June 20th._ Came on 16 miles in the morning; passed several herds of
mustangs or wild horses; good land, ponds and small dry creeks,
prairie and woods, alternately. It rained considerably. We halted to
dry our baggage long before night. Distance 20 miles.

_Sunday, June 21st._ Came on to the river Trinity [Rio
Trinidad[III'-15]] by eight o'clock. Here were stationed two captains,
two lieutenants, and three ensigns, with nearly 100 men, all sick, one
scarcely able to assist another. Met a number of runaway negroes, some
French, and Irishmen. Received information of Lieutenant Wilkinson's
safe arrival. Crossed with all our horses and baggage, with much
difficulty. Distance 20 miles.

_June 22d._ Marched the mules and horses in the forenoon, but did not
depart ourselves until three o'clock. Father José Angel Cabaso
separated from us at this place for the post of [300 Spanish troops
cantoned further down Trinity river], where he was destined. Passed
thick woods, and a few small prairies with high rich grass. Sent a
dispatch to Nacogdoches. Distance 22 miles.[III'-16]

_June 23d._ Came on 20 miles in the forenoon to a small creek of
standing water; good land and well timbered. Met a sergeant from
Nacogdoches. In the afternoon made 20 miles and crossed the river
Natches [or Neches,[III'-17]] running N. W. and S. E., 20 yards wide,
belly-deep to horses at this time, but sometimes impassable. Two miles
on this side encamped on a hill in a little prairie. The mules and
loads arrived at twelve o'clock. The sandy soil and pine timber began
again this afternoon, but there was good land near the river. Distance
40 miles.

_June 24th._ The horses came up this morning; lost six over night. We
marched early and in 15 miles came to the river Angeline [Rio
Angelina], about the width of the Natchez, running N. and S.; good
land on its borders. Two miles further was a settlement of Barr and
Davenport's, where were three of our lost horses; one mile further
found two more of our horses, where we halted for dinner. Marched at
four o'clock, and at half past eight arrived at Nacogdoches, where we
were politely received by the adjutant and inspector [Don Francisco
Viana], Captain Herrara, Mr. Davenport, etc. This part of the country
is well watered, but sandy; hilly soil; pine, scrub oak, etc. Distance
37 miles.

_June 25th._ Spent in reading a gazette from the United States, etc. A
large party at the adjutant and inspector's to dinner: 1st toast,
"The President of the United States"; 2d, "The King of Spain"; 3d,
"Governors Herrara and Cordero."

_June 26th._ Made preparations to march the next day. Saw an old
acquaintance; also, Lorrimier's son-in-law, from the district of Cape
Jerardeau [Girardeau]. Dined with the commandant, and spent the
evening at Davenport's.

_June 27th._ Marched after dinner and came only 12 miles. Was escorted
by Lieutenant Guodiana and a military party. Mr. Davenport's
brother-in-law, who was taking in some money, also accompanied us.

Don Francis Viana, adjutant and inspector of the Internal provinces,
who commanded at Nacogdoches, is an old and veteran officer, and was
one of those who came to America at the same time with Colonel
Cordero. Possessing a mind of frankness, he unfortunately spoke his
opinions too freely in some instances, which, finding their way to
court, prevented his promotion. But he is highly respected by his
superiors, and looked up to as a model of military conduct by his
inferiors. He unfortunately does not possess flexibility sufficient to
be useful [to us] in the present state of the Spanish kingdoms. He is
the officer who caused Major Sparks and Mr. Freeman to return from
their expedition on the Red river [see p. 412].

_Sunday, June 28th._ Marched early and at nine o'clock crossed the
little river called [Toyac[III'-18]], whence we pushed on in order to
arrive at the house of a Frenchman, [about nine] miles distant from
the Sabine. We stopped at a house on the road, where the lieutenant
informed me an American by the name of Johnson lived; but was
surprised to find he had crossed the line with his family, and a
French family in his place. When we began conversing with them they
were much alarmed, thinking we had come to examine them, and expressed
great attachment to the Spanish government. They were somewhat
astonished to find I was an American officer; and on my companions
stepping out, expressed themselves in strong terms of hatred to the
Spanish nation. I excused them for their weakness, and gave them a
caution. Fine land, well watered and timbered; hickory, oak,
sugar-tree, etc. Distance 40 miles.

_June 29th._ Our baggage and horses came up about ten o'clock, when we
dispatched them on. Marched ourselves at two o'clock, and arrived at
the river Sabine by five. Here we saw the cantonment of the Spanish
troops, when they were commanded by Colonel Herrara, in the late
affair between the two governments. Crossed the Sabine river and came
about one league on this side to a little prairie, where we encamped.
Distance 15 miles.[III'-19]

Parted with Lieutenant Guodiana and our Spanish escort. Here I think
proper to bear testimony to the politeness, civility, and attention of
all the officers who at different periods and in different provinces
commanded my escort, but in a particular manner to Malgares and
Barelo, who appeared studious to please and accommodate, all that lay
in their power; also, the obliging, mild dispositions evinced in all
instances by their rank and file.

On this side of the Sabine I went up to a house, where I found 10 or
15 Americans hovering near the line, in order to embrace an
opportunity of carrying on some illicit commerce with the Spaniards,
who on their side were equally eager. Here we found Tharp and Sea, who
had been old sergeants in General Wayne's army.

_June 30th._ Marched early and came 15 miles to a house at a small
creek, where lived a Dutch family named Faulk, and where we left a
small roan horse which had given out. Marched 12 miles further to a
large bayou, where had been an encampment of our troops, which I
recognized by its form, and took pleasure in imagining the position of
the general's marquee and the tents of my different friends and
acquaintances. Distance 28 [27] miles.[III'-20]

_July 1st._ Finding that a horse of Dr. Robinson's, which had come
all the way from Chihuahua, could not proceed, was obliged to leave
him here. Yesterday and to-day passed many Choctaws, whose clothing,
furniture, etc., evidently marked the superiority of situation of
those who bordered on our frontiers, to that of the naked,
half-starved wretches whom we found hanging round the Spanish
settlements. Passed a string of huts, supposed to have been built by
our troops, and at a small run a fortified camp but half a mile from
the hill where anciently stood the village Adyes [Adayes on the
map[III'-21]]. We proceeded to a spring where we halted for our loads.
Finding the horses much fatigued, and not able to proceed, we left
them and baggage and proceeded. We arrived at Natchitoches[III'-22]
about 4 p. m.

Language cannot express the gayety of my heart when I once more beheld
the standard of my country waved aloft. "All hail!" cried I, "the ever
sacred name of country, in which is embraced that of kindred, friends,
and every other tie which is dear to the soul of man!" Was
affectionately received by Colonel Freeman, Captains Strong and
Woolstoncraft, Lieutenant Smith, and all the [other] officers of the
post.[III'-23]

_Meteorological Observations made by Captain Pike during a
Tour through the Internal Provinces of New Spain, in the
year 1807._[III'-24]

-------+----------------------------+-----------------+---------------
| [Réaumur's] Thermometer. | | Wind.
Date. +---------+---------+--------+ Sky. +-------+-------
|sun-rise.| 3 p. m. |sun-set.| |Course.| Force.
-------+---------+---------+--------+-----------------+-------+-------
Mar. 3 | 4 | .... | .... | cloudy and snow | W | fresh
4 | 1 | .... | 2 | snow | E | do.
5 | 4 | .... | .... | clear | N W | gentle
6 | .... | .... | 2 | cloudy and snow | N | do.
7 | 1 | .... | .... | hail | N | ....
8 | .... | .... | 3 | cloudy | W | ....
9 | 3 | .... | 4 | clear | W | ....
10 | 0 | .... | 6 | hail and snow | S W | ....
11 | 1 | .... | 6 | .... | W | fresh
12 | 3 | .... | 3 | .... | W | gentle
13 | 1 | .... | .... | .... | N | fresh
14 | 3 | .... | 6 | cloudy | S W | ....
15 | 0 | .... | 6 | .... | W | ....
16 | 7 | .... | 2 | clear | S W | gentle
17 | 4½ | .... | 7 | .... | E | ....
18 | 6 | .... | 6 | .... | E | fresh
19 | 2 | .... | 7 | .... | .... | ....
20 | .... | .... | .... | .... | E | ....
21 | 9 | .... | .... | clear and cold | .... | ....
22 | .... | .... | .... | snow and hail | S E | ....
23 | .... | .... | .... | .... | .... | ....
24 | 2 | .... | 6 | clear | E | gentle
25 | .... | .... | .... | do. | .... | ....
26 | 1 | .... | 6 | do. | E | gentle
27 | 1 | .... | .... | do. | S | fresh
28 | 2 | .... | 8 | do. | S | gentle
29 | 2 | .... | 9 | .... | N | fresh
30 | 1 | 14 | 4 | .... | N | ....
31 | 5 | .... | 11 | .... | W | gentle
| | | | | |
Apr. 4 | 13 | 16 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
5 | 14 | 17 | 15 | .... | S | ....
6 | 15 | 16 | 14 | .... | .... | ....
7 | 13 | 15 | 16 | cloudy | .... | ....
8 | 14 | 16 | 17 | .... | .... | ....
9 | 13 | 17 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
10 | 14 | 16 | 14 | .... | .... | ....
11 | 15 | 18 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
12 | 13 | 19 | 17 | .... | .... | ....
13 | 14 | 17 | 18 | light snow | .... | ....
14 | 15 | 19 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
15 | 14 | 20 | 18 | .... | .... | ....
16 | 13 | 18 | 16 | .... | .... | ....
17 | 16 | 20 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
18 | 17 | 19 | 16 | .... | .... | ....
19 | 18 | 18 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
20 | 15 | 18 | 16 | .... | .... | ....
21 | 14 | 13 | 15 | .... | .... | ....
22 | 16 | 18 | 16 | .... | .... | ....
23 | 15 | 19 | 19 | .... | .... | ....
24 | 13 | 19 | 16 | .... | .... | ....
25 | 15 | 19 | 16 | clear | .... | ....
26 | 14 | 18 | 17 | .... | .... | ....
27 | 15 | 19 | 17 | .... | .... | ....
28 | 14 | 17 | 16 | .... | .... | ....
29 | 15 | 24 | 20 | .... | .... | ....
30 | 15 | .... | 20 | .... | .... | ....
-------+---------+---------+--------+-----------------+-------+-------

_Meteorological Observations made by Captain Pike (Continued)._

FOOTNOTES:

[III'-1] Pike is now seen to have been all the while on the old
Spanish trail from Coahuila into Texas--for it was the "old" trail of
his day, a century ago. The place is 40 m. below Eagle Pass or old
Fort Duncan, and 90 m. above Laredo or old Fort McIntosh. It is thus
the middle one of three places on the river within easy striking
distance of San Antonio, Tex. From each of the three roads still
converge to the latter point; but this most historic place on the
lower Rio Grande has in the course of time fallen between two stools,
so to speak. For now one railroad runs from San Antonio nearly S. to
Laredo, by the way of Pearsall, Derby, Cotulla, Encinal, Webb, and
Sanchez, and another comes W. to Laredo from Corpus Christi on the
Gulf; while a third railroad connects San Antonio with Eagle Pass by
way of Castroville, Salinal, and Brackettville (Fort Clark). The last
named one is that which Pike kept so close to on his way out of
Mexico; the one from Laredo runs in Nuevo Leon to Monterey and so on.
Eagle Pass is roundly 500 m. up the Rio Grande, by any practicable
road, but less than half as far from the Gulf in a direct line. Forty
years ago it had a population of 300, and Fort Duncan, which adjoined
the town, was our uppermost military post on the river. On the other
side the Mexicans had their similar establishment at a place called
Piedras Negras or Black Rocks. A fine view of this place is given on
one of the engravings of the U. S. and Mex. B. Survey, supposed to be
bound opp. p. 72. The Ciudad Porfirio Diaz is there or thereabouts
now, and another settlement called Fuentes is in the neighborhood; but
Fort Duncan has disappeared, except from history. Fuentes is on a
small river which falls in just above; higher up on the same is San
Fernando de Rosas, or Zaragoza, a point whence various roads radiate.
Laredo or Loredo is a very old place, whose history dates back to the
early Spanish occupation of the country. Emory writes that in his
time, say 1850, it was a decayed place of 600 inhabitants, having been
ravaged by savage hordes, and being then supported mainly by old Fort
McIntosh, which was built a mile above the town. He thinks that the
countless herds of horses which had been stampeded and stolen by the
Indians were the progenitors of the mustangs which roamed the plains
of Texas thence N. and E. Laredo is now a focal point of roads from
every direction, including two railroads; and a place called Nuevo
Laredo is established across the river. At 61 or 62 m. by the road
below Laredo, and thus opposite the mouth of Rio Sabinas (which takes
the undesirable name of Rio Salado below its forks), a fortified
trading-post was built, and called Bellville. This name appears on
maps of 40 years ago, but has lapsed, like that of Redmond's Ranch by
which it was once known, and there is nothing on the American side to
show for what would supposably be a marked place--the confluence of so
large a river with the Rio Grande. But there is a town of Carrizo a
few miles below, on the Texan side. The Mexican town of Guerro or
Guerrero is located on the N. bank of Rio Salado, 4 m. up; and 3 m.
further are the handsome falls, a colored plate of which should be
found opp. p. 65 of the Report last named. Forty miles below this
confluence, Rio Alamo, also known as Rio Alcontre, falls in on the
Mexican side, and 4 m. up this river is the town of Mier, on its S.
bank. Mier, or a town of that name in this vicinity, must be an old
place; Pike marks a Mier on the Texan side. The Mier of the Mexican
War became a celebrated place, during the Texan invasion of 1840, when
a desperate fight occurred on its plaza. It was then a town of 2,000
or 3,000 inhabitants, and had many stone buildings among the
straw-thatched huts. It made much history, and was a point of
strategic importance, being the starting-place of the shortest and
most direct road to Monterey. Military operations on the Rio Grande
during the American occupation of Mier are said by Emory to have
altered the channel of the river, with the result of throwing the
island of Los Adjuntos over to the Mexican side, and thus changing
what had been the United States and Mexican boundary. About 5 m.
further down the Rio Grande stands Roma, a town on the American side,
notable as the head of ordinary steamboat navigation. Below this, at
the distance of 16 or 17 m., are the adjoining localities of Rio
Grande City and Ringgold Barracks. These notable places are opposite
the mouth of the San Juan r., on some of whose headwaters Pike was
found in the country W. of Saltillo, and which is the first
considerable stream that falls in on the Mexican side above the Gulf.
The town of Camargo is built on its E. bank, about 4 m. up. The
original establishment of Fort Ringgold is old (for our young history
on the Rio Grande); it was a mean place in 1850, when Rio Grande City
had a population of about 300, but came into prominence during the
years of the Boundary Survey, when it was a base of various
operations, and a point of observation: distance from the sea, 241 m.
by the river; alt. 521 feet; lat. 26° 22´ 27.79´´ N.; long. 98° 46´
32.85´´ W. (Emory, _l. c._). All the points here in mention, between
and including Ringgold Barracks and Laredo, are in Texas or in
Tamaulipas; for Nuevo Leon is cut off from the Rio Grande by the
Tamaulipan "Panhandle" which runs up to Coahuila. To return now from
our trip up and down the river to the famous place where we left Pike:
The name of Presidio Rio Grande which Pike uses is not yet entirely
obsolete, but the place is now better known as Presidio Salto--that
is, "Fort Falls," or the Mexican military post which was established
near the falls of the Rio Grande. Las Isletas, or The Islets, is the
name of the place in the river where the usually impassable falls or
rapids occur, and just above these is the crossing. The scene is well
shown on the plate opp. p. 68 of the Report cited. The latitude of Las
Isletas was determined by Michler in 1853 to be 28° 16´ 11.5´´ N.

[III'-2] N. E., heading straight for San Antonio de Bexar, on the old
trail, to the vicinity of Carrizo springs, Maverick Co.

[III'-3] The Nueces (R. des Noix of F. maps, as Vaugondy, 1783; Neuces
on Winterbotham's, 1795) is the first one of the large series of
rivers which drain Texas to the S. E. and S., and fall into one
another or separately into the Gulf. Among these are the San Antonio,
the Guadalupe, the Colorado (Red river of Texas), the Brazos, the
Trinity, the Nechez, and the Sabine--all of which Pike had to cross,
in the order in which they are here named, to reach Natchitoches on
the Red r. in the present State of Louisiana. During this journey to
the last named he continued in what was then the Spanish province of
Coahuila until he was almost to San Antonio, and thereafter traversed
the then province of Texas, though he passed into what is now the U.
S. State of Texas on crossing the Rio Grande.

[III'-4] Those three streams which Pike lays down across his trail,
before the San Antonio is reached, are the Nueces; the Leona, a branch
of the Frio; and the Frio, main branch of the Nueces. These are
successively crossed in the order here given. To-day's pond is marked
on the map, between the Nueces and the Leona; a second pond is also
marked, between the Leona and the Frio. Pike letters the Frio "Cold
Creek," and runs the Nueces into the Rio Grande at or near Mier (see
note 1); but it empties separately into the Gulf of Mexico near
Corpus Christi. Fort Ewell was built on the Nueces, on the road
between San Antonio and Laredo (Fort McIntosh); near the headwaters of
the Leona was situated Fort Inge, on the road from San Antonio to
Eagle Pass (Fort Duncan).

My maps differ irreconcilably concerning a certain Rio Quihi,
tributary to the Nueces system. The best one, of 1857-58, makes it a
large branch of the Leona, reaching across the direct route from
Presidio Salto to San Antonio, and therefore across Pike's trail.
_This_ Quihi r. is the present San Miguel r., which joins the Frio in
McMullen Co. On an earlier map, 1849, there is no such river, but an
insignificant Quihi cr., branch of a Rio Hondo, branch of a Rio Seco,
branch of the Rio Frio. Some of these maps lay down a branch of the
Frio called Artaceoasa cr. in one instance, and Atascosa cr. in
another; this name is the same as that of a place Pike marks
"Astecostota," and of present Atascosa Co., in which the creek runs to
fall into the Frio in Live Oak Co.

[III'-5] "Lee Panes" looks at first sight as if intended for Les
Panis, the Pawnees. But this is Pike's way of rendering Lipans. These
were a tribe cognate with Apaches, and therefore of Athapascan stock.
They were often called Lipan Apaches, and sometimes Sipans. Pike
elsewhere speaks of "the language of the Appaches and Le Panis,"
showing what he means.

[III'-6] The trip from the Rio Grande to the San Antonio r. made about
151 m. by Pike's estimates, serving to show the course of the old
Spanish trail as the most direct route then practicable. Pike's
Mariano is now called Medina r.; on this is Castroville, seat of
Medina Co., and the river mostly separates this county from Bexar Co.
Pike sets San Antonio on the N. bank of an affluent of a fork large
enough to look as if it were Rio Cibolo; but this last comes in much
further down the San Antonio, and no doubt he intended simply to
delineate the small forked San Pedro, on one of whose branches the
city was situated. The San Antonio itself is represented as joining
the Guadalupe high up; but these two great rivers only come together
as they approach the coast, to fall into Espiritu Santo bay opposite
Matagorda isl., between Indianola and Arkansas City. On some old maps,
as that in Winterbotham's History, 1795, San Antonio is set on a
stream called Rio Hondo, which is run separately into the Gulf of
Mexico between the Nueces and the Guadalupe. The early importance of
the Mariano or Medina r. as a political boundary ceased of course with
the retirement of Coahuila beyond the Rio Grande, and thus the
extension of Texan territory, through what had been Coahuilan
territory, to New Mexico. The city was formerly more fully called San
Antonio de Bexar, Bejar, Behar, Bexer, etc., to distinguish it from
uncounted other places dedicated to the patron saint of highways by
highwaymen and other persons, and is still the seat of Bexar Co.; pop.
lately 37,673 (scarcely less than that of Dallas). The mission of "St.
Joseph," commonly called San José, is figured on p. 69 of Major
Emory's reports, probably looking much as it did when Pike was
received there by the priest; and the steel engraving which forms the
frontispiece of the same volume shows the plaza of the city. San
Antonio is a very old place, having been occupied for military and
ecclesiastical purposes before 1720, was long the most important one
in Texas, was styled Thermopylæ of Texas after the massacre of Texans
by Mexicans at Fort Alamo, Mar. 6th, 1836, and is now the second in
size, though the capital of the present State is Austin, on the Rio
Colorado of Texas.

[III'-7] Sabine r. still forms a portion of the boundary between Texas
and Louisiana--that is, from the Gulf to 32° N., the remainder being
along a meridian to 33°. In consequence of its delimiting office, it
was formerly called Rio Mexicano and Mexican r. Thus "Mexicano R."
appears on the map accompanying Winterbotham's History, N. Y., J.
Reid, 1795.

[III'-8] Striking the Guadalupe at about the nearest point, in the
vicinity of present town of New Braunfels; to reach it, Rio Cibolo was
crossed, and there was the place called El Beson. There is no such
disparity of size between the Guadalupe and San Antonio rivers as
Pike's map indicates. The former has two main forks, the western one
retaining the name Guadalupe, for which Pike letters "Buenacus." The
other is called Rio San Marco, or San Marcos; it falls in at or near
Gonzales, about 40 m. (direct) below New Braunfels.

[III'-9] Camp in vicinity of the present town of Lockhart (?).

[III'-10] Camp short of Bastrop, a comparatively old place on the Rio
Colorado, located at the point where the Spanish trail crossed the
river, about 35 m. below Austin, and present seat of the county of the
same name. Bastrop is a mere village, pop. about 1,650, but the name
was famous in the early annals of Texas, when the Baron Bastrop had
his immense estate on the Washita. Dunbar and Hunter, in their
well-known Observations, etc., which formed one of the tracts
accompanying Jefferson's Message to Congress of Feb. 19th, 1806,
inform us that the Baron's great grant of land from the Spanish
government began near the Bayou Bartholomew, about 12 leagues above
the post on the Washita, and consisted of a square 12 leagues on each
side, or over a million French acres (London ed. 1807, p. 83). Bastrop
seems to have been a prototype of the modern "cattle barons," or
"cattle kings," as they are styled, who generally manage to cover more
ground than Queen Dido did when she stretched a bull's-hide around her
famous city.

[III'-11] This Red r. or Rio Colorado requires attention to
discriminate it from several others of the same name; they are all
great streams, not to be confounded, in spite of their homonymity: 1.
Red r. of the North, flowing into British America between North Dakota
and Minnesota: see Part I., _passim._ 2. Red r., the uppermost and
smallest one of three branches of the Arkansaw which have been so
called. This was oftenest called Negracka r., but is now usually known
as the Salt fork of the Arkansaw: see note 10, p. 552. 3. Red r., the
middle one of three branches of the Arkansaw which have been so
called, now known as the Cimarron r.: see note 10, p. 553. 4. Red r.,
the lowest and largest of the three branches of the Arkansaw which
have been so called; it is the main fork of the Arkansaw, often known
as the Red r. of Arkansas, oftenest now as the Canadian r.: see note
17, p. 558. 5. The Red r. of Louisiana, the Red r. of Natchitoches,
the Red r. of the Mississippi--_the_ Red r. of Pike's Expedition,
which he never found. This is the first (lowest) great branch of the
Mississippi from the W., and the one now most commonly known as the
Red r., without any qualifying phrase, probably never called Colorado
r. One of its Indian names is Kecheahquehono, to be found on some
maps. 6. The Red r. of Texas, the one Pike crosses this 16th of June
near Bastrop, and which flows into the Gulf of Mexico at Matagorda,
between the Guadalupe and the Brazos rivers. This is also the Rio Roxo
or Rojo, and the Rio Colorado, of the Spanish, sometimes qualified as
Rio Colorado del Este, or Colorado r. of the East (though it is the
southernmost of the lot), to distinguish it from: 7. Red r. of the
West; Rio Colorado del Occidente; Colorado r. of the West, flowing
into the Gulf of California. This has seldom been called Red r., and
is always now known as the Colorado, without qualifying terms, as we
very early adopted the Spanish name. We hear of cowboys who "paint the
town red" in carrying their jags, but that is nothing to the way these
rivers have rubricated maps. Easy alliteration of the words "red" and
"river" has doubtless tended to spread the phrase, in the lack of
nomenclatural resources, and in ignorance of the connections of
several of these rivers.

[III'-12] The "Tancards" of whom Pike speaks on the 16th and 17th,
also called Tankahuas, Tonkawans, Tankaways, etc., were a remarkable
people--a sort of Ishmaelites who roamed about, and seemed to belong
nowhere in particular. Powell styles them a "colluvies gentium" or
fusion of tribes; and what little we know of their local habitation is
derived mainly from Dr. Sibley's notes, supplemented by the above
passages in Pike's narrative. Dr. Sibley's historical letter to
General Dearborn, dated Natchitoches, Apr. 5th, 1805, and first
published with other tracts in Jefferson's Message to Congress of Feb.
19th, 1806, is one of the bases of the literature on this subject.
"The Tankaways (or Tanks, as the French call them)," says Sibley, p.
45 of the London ed., 1807, "have no land, nor claim the exclusive
right to any, nor have any particular place of abode, but are always
moving, alternately occupying the country watered by the Trinity,
Braces [Brazos], and Colerado, towards St. a Fé. Resemble, in their
dress, the Cances [Kanzas] and Hietans [Comanches], but [are] all in
one horde or tribe. Their number of men is estimated at about 200; are
good hunters; kill buffaloe and deer with the bow; have the best breed
of horses; are alternately friends and enemies of the Spaniards. An
old trader lately informed me that he has received 5000 deer skins
from them in one year, exclusive of tallow, rugs and tongues. They
plant nothing, but live upon fruits and flesh: are strong, athletic
people, and excellent horsemen." The history of the tribe dates back
of Sibley and Pike nearly a century, if the first mention of these
Bedouins of the Texan sands in 1719 be taken as its starting-point. In
1876 Gatschet had collected a vocabulary of about 300 words, upon
which linguistic material he classed the people as a separate stock
called Tonkawa, from the Caddoan or Wakoan word _tonkaweya_, implying
that these Indians kept by themselves, aloof from other tribes. The
Tonkawan family is recognized by Powell as one of the 58 distinct
linguistic stocks he adopts in his classification; his map locates the
tribe agreeably with the above indications, and his text adds: "About
1847 they were engaged as scouts in the United States Army, and from
1860-62 (?) were in the Indian Territory; after the secession war till
1884 they lived in temporary camps near Fort Griffin, Shackleford
County, Texas, and in October, 1884, they removed to the Indian
Territory (now on Oakland Reserve). In 1884 there were 78 individuals
living; associated with them were 19 Lipan Apache" (Seventh Ann. Rep.
Bur. Ethn., 1885-86, published 1891, p. 126). Two other Tonkawan
tribes, the Mayes and Yakwal, are extinct or merged in the former; and
several minor bands have been known by name.

[III'-13] The full style of this river was el Rio de los Brazos de
Dios, River of the Arms of God, which seemed neither blasphemous nor
sacrilegious to the admirable fanatics who so solemnly theographized
geography in their excursions for the salvation of souls, ad majorem
Dei gloriam. It is difficult for us to realize what a queer lot they
were, with their "Monastery Road" to the "Opening of the Virgin,"
their Corpus Christi in one place and Sangre de Cristo elsewhere, Holy
Ghost bay, Todos Santos collectively when they ran out of individual
saints, and Rio Trinidad for the whole Trinity after the members of
the divine family had been separately complimented. It is fortunate
that we cannot commit the intellectual anachronism of putting
ourselves in the place of these very sincere servants of a very
moderate polytheism, though the result be that the Brazos is also
called Brasses and Braces r., bringing up a ludicrous association of
ideas with the buttons and suspenders which uphold our trousers, ad
majorem pudorem virorum. Other names of this stream are Rivière Ste.
Thérèse (or Rio Santa Teresa), and R. Maligne; thus the phrase "St.
Théreseor or Maline R." appears on the map in Winterbotham's History,
1795. The river is the largest one of the series Pike is crossing; it
drains a great area in Texas from the Llanos Estacados or Staked
Plains to the Gulf, which it reaches between Galveston and Matagorda.
The point at which the old Spanish trail struck it is indicated by
Pike's mention of the Little Brazos, a sort of bayou or side-sluice
which runs close to the E. side of the main stream for a great
distance. The crossing was near the mouth of this bayou.

[III'-14] The streams passed to-day are tributaries of the Brazos, the
larger one mentioned being that afterward known as Navasota r., which
falls in a good way below, at or near a place which was once named
Washington. The high land on the other side, on which was camp,
represents some of the elevation which forms the water-shed between
Brazos and Trinity rivers, and which is passed over next day. The
clause of the text reading "impassable four miles. Overflows swamps,
ponds, etc.," I suppose may be read "impassable for (some) miles
(along its course, where it) overflows (in) swamps, ponds, etc."

[III'-15] The original Rio Trinidad has become better known under its
equivalent English name of the Trinity, and there is a place lower
down on it which is or was called Trinidad or Trinity (now
Swartwout?). It empties into Galveston bay, and so into the Gulf. The
Spanish trail from the crossing led on to a place called Crockett, in
Houston Co., at or near which camp of the 21st was pitched. A little
above the crossing, on the E. bank of the river, we are informed by
Dr. Sibley, was the residence of the Keyes or Keychias, a Caddoan
tribe which in 1805 mustered 60 men. These are now called Kichais, and
now or lately consisted of about 60 persons.

[III'-16] For Nacogdoches see next note. The above lacuna in the text
may be presumptively supplied from Pike's map, where the post is
marked to that effect.

[III'-17] Natches and Neches are obviously the same Indian word, the
root of which appears in Natchitoches and various other names. The two
have run through the usual range of variation in spelling in the
course of writing and printing; but of late years the form Natchez has
become fixed as the name of the well-known city on the Mississippi
below Vicksburg, while the designation of the river has perhaps
acquired stability in the form of Neches. The latter is the principal
stream between the Trinity and the Sabine; it runs south approximately
parallel with both, and falls into the Gulf through Sabine l., as the
Sabine does; in fact, it is collateral with the Sabine, and has been
considered a branch of the latter. The Spanish trail crossed it high
up. Its own main branch is that eastern one known as Rio Angelina or
Angeline r., which Pike crosses on the 24th; and E. of a small branch
of the latter was the site of Nacogdoches. It is now an obscure
village, pop. about 1,200, seat of the county of its own name, which
occupies a space between Angelina and Atoyac rivers; but the place is
an old one, which, like all the others which the Spanish trail went
through, has a long ethnic, civil, and military history. Neches or
Natches r. is to be particularly noted as the ancient seat of a tribe
of Indians who, though a mere handful a century ago, left their name
as a legacy for all time. Sibley (_l. c._, p. 43) speaks of "a small
river, a branch of the Sabine, called the Naches," on which lived the
"Inies, or Tachies (called indifferently by both names)," and adds:
"From the latter name the name of the province of Tachus or Taxus is
derived," _i. e._, Texas. Among the permutations of the word and its
derivatives not the least singular is the English adjective and noun
_Texican_--a word obviously formed upon the model of _Mexican_ from
_Mexico_. I suppose this is modern, and what may be termed cowboy
dialect; I used to hear it constantly when I was in those parts.

[III'-18] Three lacunæ in this sentence, two of which I fill, omitting
the other, which was a long dash in place of the Frenchman's name. We
seem bound by Pike's map to supply "Toyac" as the missing name of the
river he means, though there is certainly no such large river as he
lays down between the Neches and the Sabine. The map is evidently at
fault here, for he runs the Neches into Trinity r., and thus into
Galveston bay, and his "Rio Toyac" comes nearer exhibiting the proper
relations of the Neches with the Sabine. Exactly what his great "Rio
Toyac" may pass for is thus questionable, but the "little river" of
the text, which he crosses after leaving Nacogdoches, must be the
present Atoyac r. (the branch of the Angelina which separates
Nacogdoches Co. from San Augustin Co., for the most part). The route
continues to-day past San Augustin, which was on the Spanish trail,
and on or near another small branch of the Angelina, which runs
between San Augustin Co. and Sabine Co. The place where he stopped on
the 28th, only three hours' march from the Sabine, and where he found
both Frenchmen and Americans, was evidently the exact locality of
which Sibley speaks concerning certain Caddoan Indians known as
Aliche, Eyeish, or Eyish. They were then on the verge of extinction,
having been in 1801 reduced by the smallpox till only 25 of them were
left in 1805. Writing in the latter year he says (_l. c._, p. 43) that
"they were, some years ago, a considerable nation, and lived on a
bayou which bears their name, which the road from Nachitoch to
Nacogdoches crosses, about 12 miles west of Sabine r., on which a few
French and American families are settled." These data fix Pike's camp
with precision.

[III'-19] The former office of the Sabine or Mexican r. in delimiting
Spanish from American possessions continues to-day in so far as it
represents the boundary between Texas and Louisiana. On crossing it,
our fervid young patriot passed from the military protection of his
Catholic Majesty to that of his Brother Jonathan and Uncle Sam--the
former of these two, by the way, being as actual a person as King
Charles IV. of Spain, and no other than Jonathan Trumbull of
Connecticut. The Spanish trail entered what is now the State of
Louisiana at a point between Hamilton and Sabinetown, both of which
were places on the Texan side of the river. The crossing was but
little above Sabinetown, and between two small watercourses known as
Bayou San Patricio and Bayou San Miguel, both running in Sabine Co.,
La. His camp of the 30th seems to have been between Bayou Miguel and
the next below, now called Lennan; and these two I suppose to be the
ones he lays down as running into the Sabine together, as they do,
pretty nearly.

[III'-20] General Wilkinson's "marquee," the location of which Pike
took pleasure in imagining, was the large tent used by field and
general officers; the name is not often heard now, though the word is
hardly obsolete. Old Fort Jesup was built directly on the continuation
of the Spanish trail in Louisiana, rather less than half-way from the
Sabine to Red r. A short distance S. of this was a place whose name
appears on various maps as Many, Manny, Maney, and by accident
Mary--the latter on Emory's, 1857-58, which I think is one of the most
accurate and altogether useful maps ever drawn to a scale of 1 :
6,000,000. A glance at this shows Pike's trail from the Rio Grande to
the Red r. in all its main features; and though many desirable details
are necessarily lacking, not one is misleading.

[III'-21] This short clause brings up a number of interesting points.
The hill is among the slight elevations which together form the
water-shed between the Sabine and Red r. This rise of ground
corresponds in a general way with the boundary between Sabine and
Nachitoches cos. in Louisiana, parting the numberless and mostly
unnamed small waters which make on either hand for their respective
outlets in the two rivers. Pike is already on the Red River side,
among the runs which discharge into the body of water known as the
Spanish l., and which finds its way into Red r. by various channels.
This is the place where "anciently stood," as he informs us, the
village of the mysterious tribe of Indians he calls Adyes and Adayes.
These have a long history; but the literature of the subject is mainly
a presentation of our ignorance. Powell says that the first mention of
them occurs in the Naufragios of Cabeça de Vaca, who calls them
Atayos, about 1540, and that they are also noted by various early
French explorers of the Mississippi, as d'Iberville and Joutel. The
fortified camp of which Pike speaks was built in 1715 and known as the
Mission of Adayes. From documents preserved in San Antonio de Bexar,
examined by Mr. A. S. Gatschet in 1886, it appears that 14 Adai
families emigrated to a place S. of that town in 1792; these were
afterward lost sight of. According to Baudry de Lozieres, as cited by
Powell, 100 Adaizans were left at home in 1802. Turning to Sibley (_l.
c._ p. 42), we find that in 1805 there were 20 men and more women
living "about 40 miles from Natchitoches, below the Yattassees [a
tribe that lived on Bayou Pierre or Stony creek], on a lake called Lac
Macdon, which communicated with the division of Red river that passes
by Bayau Pierre. They live at or near where their ancestors have lived
from time immemorial. They being the nearest nation to the old Spanish
fort, or Mission of Adaize, that place was named after them, being
about 20 miles from them, to the south." Dr. Sibley collected a
vocabulary of about 250 words, the sole basis we have for the modern
scientific classification of the tribe, upon the only sure principle
of natural generation as indicated by mother-tongues. "Their language
differs from all others," says Dr. Sibley, "and is so difficult to
speak or understand, that no [other] nation can speak ten words of it:
but they all speak Caddo, and most of them French." He adds that they
were always attached to the latter, with whom they sided against the
Natchez; and that after the Natchez massacre of 1798, while the
Spanish occupied Fort Adaize, the priests took much pains in vain to
make them believe what was told them about Catholic dogma. This is
practically the sum of what is known of these evidently intelligent
and manly people; the rest of the literature is mainly the conclusions
reached upon the subject by various authors. The consensus of opinion
very properly classifies the Adaize, Adaizi, Adaise, Adaes, Adees,
Adayes, Adyes, Adahi, or Adai, as a distinct linguistic stock, lately
called the Adaizan family, whose affinities, more or less remote, are
with the Caddoan.

[III'-22] Natchitoches, or some other form of this word, was
originally the name of a certain tribe of Indians of the Southern
Caddoan family, and of the island on which they dwelt in Red r., at
the site of the town which later arose there and is still so called.
We hear of these people and their place very early in French colonial
history. In Sept., 1688, Henri de Tonti was visited at his Fort St.
Louis on the Illinois, by Couture, one of his men whom he had left at
Arkansas Post in 1686, who apprized him of La Salle's tragic death. He
set off (he says, in Oct., 1689--probably a wrong date from memory) in
Dec., 1688, descended the Illinois and Miss. rivers to Red r., and
went up this, reaching the Natchitoches Feb. 17th and the Caddodaquis
Mar. 28th, 1689: so Parkman's La Salle, etc., p. 439. He was told that
some of the assassins or those in the plot to murder their leader were
at a village of the Naouadiches, some 85 leagues S. W., whither he
went, but found no trace of Hiens and his confederates. After much
suffering, including an illness at his Arkansas Post, he regained Fort
St. Louis Sept., 1689: Wallace, Hist. Ill. and La., 1893, p. 188
_seq._ According to this authority the present town dates from Jan.,
1717, when Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, governor of Louisiana under
Crozat, sent a sergeant and some soldiers to establish a post on the
island, which was commanded _ca._ 1721-28 by Louis Juchereau de St.
Denis (b. Quebec, Sept. 18th, 1676, d. _post_ 1731). This notable
character, uncle of D'Iberville's wife, Chevalier, etc., is the "Mons.
St. Dennie" of Sibley's notice of the Natchitoches, p. 49, where it is
said he was still in command after the Natchez massacre of 1728; "the
Indians called him the Big Foot, were fond of him, for he was a brave
man." According to Gayarré, Hist. La., II. p. 355, the foreign
population of Natchitoches was 811 by a census made under Gov.
O'Reilly, _ca._ 1769, or when the French had been in Louisiana 70
years. Sibley, writing at Natchitoches Apr. 5th, 1805, says that an
elderly French gentleman then living had shortly before informed him
that the informant remembered when the Natchitoches were 600 men
strong: this should represent _ca._ 3,000 total souls.

[III'-23] Constant Freeman of Massachusetts had been a captain in the
Revolutionary army when he was made major of the 1st Regiment of
Artillerists and Engineers, Feb. 28th, 1795; promoted to be
lieutenant-colonel of Artillerists, Apr. 1st, 1802; transferred to
corps of Artillery, May 12th, 1814; and honorably discharged June
15th, 1815; he had been brevetted colonel July 10th, 1812, and he died
Feb. 27th, 1824.

Elijah Strong of Connecticut was an ensign of the 1st sub-Legion Feb.
23d, 1793; lieutenant, July 1st, 1794; transferred to 1st Infantry,
Nov. 1st, 1796; captain, Oct. 23d, 1799; major, 7th Infantry, Dec.
15th, 1808; and died June 9th, 1811.

Charles Wollstonecraft of England was appointed from Pennsylvania to
be a lieutenant of the 2d Artillerists and Engineers, June 4th, 1798;
he became a lieutenant of Artillerists, Apr. 1st, 1802; captain, Mar.
15th, 1805; was transferred to the corps of Artillery, May 12th, 1814;
on the 15th of March, 1815, he was brevetted major for 10 years'
faithful service in one grade, and Sept. 28th, 1817, he died.

Thomas A. Smith of Virginia was appointed from Georgia a second
lieutenant of Artillerists, Dec. 15th, 1803; became first lieutenant,
Dec. 31st, 1805, and captain of Rifles, May 3d, 1808; he was a
brigadier general in 1814, resigned Nov. 10th, 1818, and died in a few
weeks.

[III'-24] In the orig. ed. this weather diary occupied an unpaged leaf
following p. 278 of the main text of Pt. 3, being thus pp. 279, 280. I
leave it in the same relative position, and pass it without further
remark.

CHAPTER IV.

OBSERVATIONS ON NEW SPAIN.[IV'-1]

The kingdom of New Spain[IV'-2] lies between 16° and 44° N. lat., and
96° and 118° W. long. It is divided into two separate and independent
governments, and these again into various subdivisions.

I. The viceroyalty includes:

1. The administration of Guadalaxara,[IV'-3] which lies between 18°
30´ and 24° 30´ N. lat., and 104° and 109° W. long., and is bounded
south and west by the South Sea, north by the provinces of Biscay
[Nueva Viscaya] and Sinaloa; N. E. by the administration of Zacatecas;
E. by the administration of Guanaxuato, and S. E. by that of
Valladolid. It is 350 miles in length from northwest to southeast, and
250 in width east and west. Its population may be estimated at
100,000. It is one of the most luxuriant and rich administrations in
the viceroyalty; and is watered from east to west by the great river
de Santego [Rio Grande de Santiago], which receives most of its waters
from Lac [Lago] de Chapala. Guadalaxara, the capital, was built by one
of the Gusman family in 1551, and in 1570 the bishopric was removed
from Compostela to that place. It is the seat of the audience of
Guadalaxara, which includes Guadalaxara and the administration of
Zacatecas. The population of this city may be estimated at 75,000; it
stands in N. lat. 20° 50´, W. long. 105°.

2. The administration of Valladolid[IV'-4] lies between 22° 10´ and
18° 12´ N. lat., and 102° and 105° W. long., and is bounded south by
the South sea [Pacific ocean] and part of Mexico, east and northeast
by the latter, and north by that of Guanaxuato. Its greatest length
from northeast to southwest is 230 miles, and its greatest width, east
and west, 190 miles. Its population may be estimated at 360,000. Its
capital of the same name is situated in about 20° N. lat., 103° 25´´
W. long. Population unknown.

3. The administration of Mexico[IV'-5] lies between 21° 30´ and 16°
30´ N. lat., and 99° and 105° W. long., and is bounded south by the
South Sea, east by the governments of La Puebla and La Vera Cruz,
north by that of St. Louis, and west by Valladolid and Guanaxuato. Its
greatest length, north and south, may be 360 miles, and its greatest
width, which is on the Western Ocean, is 200 miles. Its population may
be estimated at 1,500,000 souls. The capital of this administration,
and of the whole kingdom, is Mexico; a particular description of which
is deemed unnecessary. From every information I could obtain from
persons who had resided in it for years, it does not contain more than
200,000 inhabitants. Its being the residence of the viceroy, whose
court is more splendid than that at Madrid; its central position as to
the ports of Acapulco and Vera Cruz; together with the rich and
luxuriant vale which surrounds it, will, whenever the Spanish
Americans burst the present bonds of slavery in which they are bound,
give to Mexico all those advantages which great wealth, a large
population, and a commanding situation concentrate, and assuredly make
it one of the greatest cities in the world. In point of population, it
is now in the second rank, and in beauty, riches, magnificence, and
splendor, in the first.

4. The administration of Oxaca [Oaxaca or Oajaca[IV'-6]] lies between
18° and 16° N. lat., and 98° and 112° W. long., and is bounded south
by the South Sea, west by the government of La Puebla, north by Mexico
and Vera Cruz, and east by the province of Gualamalia [Guatemala].
Its greatest length, east and west, is 230 miles, and its width, north
and south, 175 miles. Its population may be estimated at 520,000
souls. Its capital is Oxaca, in 17° 30´ N. lat., 99° 25´ W. long.

5. The administration of Vera Cruz[IV'-7] lies between 17° and 22° N.
lat., and 98° and 101° W. long., and is bounded north and east by the
gulf of Mexico, south by Oxaca, west by Puebla and Mexico. Its
greatest length, N. W. and S. E., is 430 miles, and its width, E. and
W., not more than 60 miles. Its population may be estimated at
220,000. Its capital is Vera Cruz, which is the sole port of entry for
all the kingdom on the Atlantic ocean, as that of Acapulco is on the
Western. Its population may be estimated at 30,000 souls, and is in
19° 10´ N. lat. and 98° 30´ W. long. This city was taken and sacked by
the English on the 17th of May, 1683, since which the works for its
defense [present Castle of San Juan de Ulúa] have been made so very
strong as almost to bid defiance to an attack from the sea.

6. The administration de la Puebla[IV'-8] lies between 20° and 16° N.
lat., and 100° and 102° W. long., and is bounded south by the South
sea, east by Oxaca and Vera Cruz, north and west by Mexico; it is near
300 miles in its greatest length from north to south, and 120 in its
greatest width from east to west. Its population may be estimated at
800,000 souls. Its capital is the city of La Puebla, estimated at
80,000 souls, which is in 19° 12´ N. lat., and 100° 50´ W. long.

7. The administration of Guanaxuato [or Guanajuato[IV'-9]] lies
between 21° 30´ and 23° 30´ N. lat., and 103° and 105° W. long., and
is bounded south by Valladolid, east by Mexico, south by St. Louis
[and] Zacataca, and west by Guadalaxara. Its greatest extent, from
north to south, is 75 miles, and from east to west, 85. Its population
may be estimated at 500,000 souls. Its capital city is Guanaxuato, in
lat. 21° N., long. 103° W.

8. The administration of Zacataca [Zacatecas[IV'-10]] lies between 21°
20´ and 24° 52´ N. lat., and 103° and 105° 30´ W. long., and is
bounded north by the internal province of Biscay, east by St. Louis,
west by Guadalaxara, and south by Guanaxuato. Its greatest length is
210 miles, north and south, and its greatest width is 145 miles, from
east to west. Its population may be estimated at 250,250 souls. The
capital, Zacataca, stands in 23° N. lat. and 104° W. long.

9. The administration of St. Louis [San Luis Potosí[IV'-11]] lies
between 21° 20´ and 28° 50´ N. lat., and 99° and 102° W. long.,
includes Texas and St. Ander [Nuevo Santander] in this dimension, and
is bounded north by New Leon, east by the province of St. Ander, south
by Guanaxuato and Mexico, and west by Zacataca. Its greatest length
from north to south is 200, and its width from east to west is 170
miles. Its population may be estimated at 311,500 souls. Its capital
is St. Louis de Potosi, the population of which is 60,000; it stands
in 22° N. lat., 103° W. long., and was founded in 1568 [1576].

II. The province of Nuevo San Ander [Santander[IV'-12]] is bounded
north by the province of Texas, west by Nuevo Leon and Cogquillo
[Coahuila], south by St. Louis, and east by the Atlantic Ocean; from
north to south it is about 500 miles in length, but from east to west
not more than 150. Its population may be estimated at 38,000 souls.
The capital, New San Ander [Nuevo Santander], is on the river of that
name [also known as the Rio Jimenez, and Rio de las Palmas], about 40
miles from the sea, in 23° 45´ N. lat. and 101° W. long.

III. The kingdom of New Leon [Nuevo Leon[IV'-13]] is bounded east by
New San Ander, north by Cogquilla, west by Biscay, and south by St.
Louis and Zacataca; its greatest length north and south is 250 miles;
width, east and west, 100 miles. Its population may be estimated at
30,000 souls. Its capital, Mont El Rey [Monterey], is situated on the
headwaters of Tiger river, which discharges into the gulf of Mexico.
The city of Mont El Rey contains about 11,000 souls, and is the seat
of the bishop, Don Dio Premiro, who visited the port of Natchitoches
when it was commanded by Captain Turner, of the 2d U. S. regiment of
infantry. His episcopal jurisdiction extends over Nuevo San Ander, New
Leon, Cogquilla, and Texas, and his salary is equal to $100,000 per
annum. Mont El Rey is situated in 26° N. lat. and 102° W. long. There
are many rich mines near the city of Mont El Rey, whence, I am
informed, there are taken to be coined 100 mule-loads of bullion in
silver and gold monthly, which may be presumed to be not more than the
three-fifths of what is taken from the mines, as there are many
persons who prefer never getting their metal coined, as then it is
not so easily ascertained what they are worth, which is an
all-important secret in a despotic government.

* * * * *

The foregoing nine administrations or intendencias, the province of
Nuevo San Ander, and the kingdom of [Nuevo] Leon, are included in the
two audiences of Guadalaxara and Mexico, and form, as I believe, the
whole political government of the viceroy of Mexico; but I am not
positive whether his jurisdiction does not include the audience of
Guatimalia [Guatemala], which lies to the south, and includes the
province of that name, that of Chiapa [Chiapas], Yucatan, Veraqua
[Veragua], Costa Rica, and Honduras. An audience is the high court of
appeals in which the viceroy presides and has two votes; it is
intended as a check on his power and authority.

The administrations are governed by intendants, who are officers of
high rank, and always Europeans.

The longitude given is from the meridian of Paris.

In the general view of New Spain,[IV'-14] I shall take some notice of
the manners, customs, political force, etc., of the viceroyalty; but,
as I do not pretend to be correctly informed as to that quarter of the
kingdom, and there have been so many persons who have given statements
on those heads, I shall confine my observations principally to the
internal provinces through which I passed, and on which I made my
observations.

INTERNAL PROVINCES.

1. NEW MEXICO. [_Geography._ The province of New Mexico] lies between
lat. 30° 30´ and 44° N., and long. 104° and 108° W., and is the most
northern province of the kingdom of New Spain. It extends northwest into
an undefined boundary, is bounded north and east by Louisiana, south
by Biscay and Cogquilla, and west by Senora and California.[IV'-15]
Its length is unknown; its breadth may be 600 miles; but the inhabited
part is not more than 400 miles in length and 50 in breadth, lying
along the river del Norte, from lat. 37° to 31° 30´ N.; but in this
space there is a desert of more than 250 miles.

_Air and Climate._ No persons accustomed to reside in the temperate
climate of lat. 36° and 37° N. in the United States can form any idea
of the piercing cold which is experienced on that parallel in New
Mexico; but the air is serene and unaccompanied by damps or fogs, as
it rains but once a year, and some years not at all. It is a
mountainous country. The grand dividing ridges which separate the
waters of the rio del Norte from those of California border it on the
line of its western limits, and are covered, in some places, with
eternal snows, which give a keenness to the air that could not be
calculated upon or expected in a temperate zone.

_Timber and Plains._ The cotton tree [_Populus_] is the only tree of
this province, except some scrubby pines and cedars at the foot of the
mountains [and many other species there and elsewhere]. The former
borders the banks of the rio del Norte and its tributary streams. All
the rest of the country presents to the eye a barren wild of poor
land, scarcely to be improved by culture, and appears to be only
capable of producing sufficient subsistence for those animals which
live on succulent plants and herbage.

_Mines, Minerals, and Fossils._ There are no mines known in the
province, except one of copper situated in a mountain on the west side
of the rio del Norte, in lat. 34° N. [see note 26, p. 637]. It is
worked, and produces 20,000 mule-loads of copper annually. It also
furnishes that article for the manufactories of nearly all the
internal provinces. It contains gold, but not quite sufficient to pay
for its extraction; consequently it has not been pursued.

There is, near Santa Fe, in some of the mountains, a stratum of talc,
which is so large and flexible as to render it capable of being
subdivided into thin flakes, of which the greater proportion of the
houses in Santa Fe, and in all the villages to the north, have their
window-lights made.

_Rivers._ The river del Norte takes its source in the mountains which
give birth to the headwaters of California, the Plata [South Platte],
Pierre Jaune ["Yellowstone," _i. e._, North Platte] of the Missouri,
and Arkansaw of the Mississippi, in lat. 40° N. and long. 110°
W.[IV'-16] Its distance from its source to the gulf of Mexico may be,
by its meanders, estimated at 2,000 miles, passing through the
provinces of New Mexico, part of Biscay, Cogquilla, and New San Ander,
where it falls into the gulf at lat. 26° N. It cannot, in any part of
its course, be termed a navigable stream, owing to the sand-bars. In
the flat country and mountains in the upper part, with which its
course is interrupted, small boats might ascend as high as the
Presidio de Rio Grande in Cogquilla, and it might be navigable for
canoes in various parts of its course. In the mountains above Santa Fe
it afforded amply sufficient water for canoe navigation, and even
more than appeared to be flowing in its bed in the plains. This must
be attributed to numerous canals and the dry sandy soil through which
the river courses, where much of the water which flows from the
mountains must be absorbed and lost. In the province of New Mexico it
is called the Rio del Norte; below it is termed the Rio Grande; but in
no instance did I hear it called the Rio Bravo, as many of our ancient
maps designate it.

There are also, in the limits of this province, to the west, the
rivers San Rafael, San Xavier, de los Dolores, also de los Anamas or
Nabajoa, all of which join and form the great Rio Colorado of
California.[IV'-17] The two first take their sources in the same
mountains as the Rio del Norte, but on the west side.

The river Colorado, by its meanders, may be about 1,000 miles in
length, from its sources to its discharge into the head of the gulf of
California, in the 33d degree of N. lat. [about 32°]. It has been
represented to me, by men of information and research, to be
navigable for square-rigged vessels at least 300 miles from the gulf.
By this river and the Arkansaw there could be the best communication
established between the Pacific and the Atlantic oceans. There are
represented to be various numerous and warlike nations of Indians on
its banks. Through the whole of its course its banks are entirely
destitute of timber, and indeed I was informed that for 300 miles
there was not a tree ten inches in diameter.

The river S. Buenaventura empties into the Pacific ocean to the north
of California in 39° 30´ N. latitude, and takes its source in the
Sierre Madre to the north of the Colorado and del Norte.[IV'-18]

The Rio Gila[IV'-19] heads opposite the copper-mines, and discharges
into the gulf of California, just below the Colorado, in the 33d
degree of N. latitude.

The Rio Puerto [Pecos[IV'-20]] is a branch of the Rio del Norte; it
comes from the north and joins that river about 100 miles below the
Presidio del Norte.

None of the foregoing streams present any evidence of civilization on
their shores excepting the Rio del Norte.

_Lakes._ I heard of no lakes in the province, except that of
Tampanagos, the existence of which I consider very doubtful. It is
said to commence, according to Father Escalante, in the 40th deg. N.
lat., and to have been explored to the 42d deg. in a N. W. direction,
where it enlarged its dimensions, and the discoverer thought proper to
return.[IV'-21]

_Animals._ North Mexico produces deer, elk, buffalo, cabrie, the
gresley [grizzly and] black bear, and wild horses.

_Population._ Its population is not far short of 30,000 souls,
one-twentieth of which may be Spaniards from Europe, or Chapetones
[Gachupines[IV'-22]], four-twentieths Creoles, five-twentieths Metifs,
and the other half civilized Indians.

The capital is Santa Fe, situated on a small stream which empties into
the east side of the Rio del Norte, at the foot of the mountains which
divide the waters of that river from the Arkansaw and the Red river of
the Mississippi, in 36° N. lat. and 100° W. long. It is an oblong
square, extending about one mile from east to west on the banks of the
creek. In the centre is the public square, one side of which forms
the flank of the soldiers' square, which is closed and in some degree
defended by the round towers in the angles which flank the four
curtains; another side of the square is formed by the palace of the
governor, his guard-houses, etc.; the third side is occupied by the
priests and their suite, and the fourth by the Chapetones who reside
in the city. The houses are generally only one story high, with flat
roofs, and have a very mean appearance on the outside; but some of
them are richly furnished, especially with plate.

The second cities in the province are Albuquerque and Passo [El Paso]
del Norte. The latter is the most southern city of the province, as
Tons [Taos] is the most northern. Between the village of Sibilleta and
the Passo there is a wilderness of near 200 miles [including the
Jornada del Muerto].

_Trade and Commerce._ New Mexico carries on a trade direct with Mexico
through Biscay [Nueva Viscaya], also with Senora [Sonora] and Sinaloa;
it sends out about 30,000 sheep annually, tobacco, dressed deer and
cabrie skins, some furs, buffalo robes, salt, and wrought copper
vessels of a superior quality. It receives in return, from Biscay and
Mexico, dry goods, confectionery, arms, iron, steel, ammunition, and
some choice European wines and liquors; from Senora and Sinaloa,
gold, silver, and cheese. The following articles sell in this
province, as stated, which will show the cheapness of provisions and
the extreme dearness of imported goods: Flour sells, per hundred, at
$2; salt, per mule-load, $5; sheep, each, $1; beeves, each, $5; wine
del Passo, per barrel, $15; horses, each, $11; mules, each, $30;
superfine cloths, per yard, $25; fine cloths, per yard, $20; linen,
per yard, $4, and all other dry goods in proportion.

The journey with loaded mules from Santa Fe to Mexico, and returning
to Santa Fe, takes five months. They manufacture rough leather,
cigars, a vast variety and quantity of potters' ware, cotton, some
coarse woolen cloths, and blankets of a superior quality. All those
manufactures are carried on by the civilized Indians, as the Spaniards
think it more honorable to be agriculturists than mechanics. The
Indians likewise far exceed their conquerors in their genius for, and
execution of, all mechanical operations.

About two miles above the town of Passo del Norte is a bridge over the
river, where the road passes to the west side, at which place is a
large canal [acequia]. This takes out an ample supply of water for the
purpose of cultivation, which is here carried on in as great
perfection as at any place that I visited in the provinces. There is a
wall bordering the canal the whole way on both sides, to protect it
from the animals; and when it arrives at the village, it is
distributed in such a manner that each person has his fields watered
in rotation. At this place were as finely cultivated fields of wheat
and other small grain as I ever saw; and numerous vineyards, from
which were produced the finest wine ever drank in the country, which
was celebrated through all the provinces, and was the only wine used
on the table of the commanding general.

_Agriculture._ They cultivate corn, wheat, rye, barley, rice, tobacco,
vines, and all the common culinary plants cultivated in the same
latitude in the United States. New Mexico has the exclusive right of
cultivating tobacco. They are, however, a century behind us in the
art of cultivation; for, notwithstanding their numerous herds of
cattle and horses, I have seen them frequently breaking up whole
fields with a hoe. Their oxen draw by the horns, after the French
mode. Their carts are extremely awkward and clumsily made. During the
whole of the time we were in New Spain I never saw a horse in a
vehicle of any description, mules being made use of in carriages, as
well as for the purposes of labor.

_Antiquities._ On the river St. Francis,[IV'-23] a large branch of
the river Gila, which heads near the copper mines in New Mexico and
discharges into the Red river of California, are the remains of old
walls and houses which are ascertained to have been the work of the
Mexicans on their route emigrating from the northwest to the plains of
Mexico, where they finally established themselves. Those walls are of
a black cement, the durability of which increases with its age, so
that it has hitherto bid defiance to the war of time. Its composition
is now entirely lost. There is also found at this place many broken
pieces of earthenware, which still possess the glazing as perfectly as
when first put on.

_Aborigines._[IV'-24] The Kyaways [Kiowas] wander on the sources of
La Platte and are supposed to be 1,000 men strong. They possess
immense herds of horses, and are at war with both Pawnees and Tetaus
[Ietans, Comanches], as well as the Sioux. They are armed with bows,
arrows, and lances, and hunt the buffalo. This nation, with the Tetaus
and Utahs, all speak the same language. The Utahs wander at the
sources of the Rio del Norte, are supposed to be 2,000 warriors
strong, are armed in the same manner, and pursue the same game, as
the Kyaways. They are, however, a little more civilized, from having
more connection with the Spaniards, with whom they are frequently at
war, but were then at peace, and waging war with the Tetaus.[IV'-25]

A battle was fought between them and the Tetaus in September, 1806,
near the village of Tons [Taos]: there were about 400 combatants on
each side, but they were separated by a Spanish alcalde riding out to
the field of battle. There were 8 or 10 killed on each side. The Utahs
gave all the horses taken to the Spaniards. This shows in a strong
degree the influence the Spaniards have over those Indians.

The Nanahaws [Navajos[IV'-26]] are situated to the N. W. of Santa Fe.
They frequently war with the Spaniards, and are supposed to be 2,000
warriors strong. They are armed in the same manner as the two
preceding nations. This nation, as well as all the others to the west
of them bordering on California, speak the language of the Appaches
and Le Panis [Lipans[IV'-27]], who are in a line with them to the
Atlantic.

The Appaches[IV'-28] are a nation of Indians who extend from the
Black mountains in New Mexico to the frontiers of Cogquilla, keeping
the frontiers of three provinces in a continual state of alarm, and
making it necessary to employ nearly 2,000 dragoons to escort the
caravans, protect the villages, and revenge the various attacks they
are continually making on the subjects of his Catholic Majesty. This
nation formerly extended from the entrance of the Rio Grande to the
Gulf of California, and have waged a continual warfare, excepting
short truces, with the Spaniards, from the time these pushed their
enterprises back from Mexico into the internal provinces. It is
extremely difficult to say what are their numbers at the present day,
but they must be very much reduced, from their long and constant
warfare, the wandering and savage life they lead in the mountains,
which is so injurious to an increase of population, and in which they
are frequently extremely pinched by famine.

At the commencement of their warfare the Spaniards used to take them
prisoners and make slaves of them; but finding that their
unconquerable attachment to liberty made them surmount every
difficulty and danger in returning to their mountains, they adopted
the mode of sending them to Cuba. This the Appaches no sooner learned
than they refused to give or receive quarter, and in no instance have
any been taken since that period, except those surprised when asleep,
or knocked down and overpowered.

Their arms are the bow and arrow, and the lance. Their bow forms two
demi-circles, with a shoulder in the middle; the back of it is
entirely covered with sinews, which are laid on in so nice a manner,
by the use of some glutinous substance, as to be almost imperceptible;
this gives great elasticity to the weapon. Their arrow is more than
the "cloth yard" of the English, being three feet and a half long, the
upper part consisting of some light rush or cane, into which is
inserted a shaft of about one foot, made of some hard, seasoned light
wood; the point is of iron, bone, or stone, and, when the arrow enters
the body, in attempting to extract it the shaft comes out of its
socket and the point remains in the wound. With this weapon they shoot
with such force as to go through the body of a man at a distance of
100 yards, and an officer told me that in an engagement with them, one
of their arrows struck his shield and dismounted him in an instant.
Their other weapon of offense is a lance of 15 feet in length, with
which they charge with both hands over their heads, managing their
horses principally with their knees. With this weapon they are
considered an overmatch for any Spanish dragoon single-handed; but,
for want of a knowledge of tactics, they can never stand the charge of
a body which acts in concert. They all carry shields. Some few are
armed with guns and ammunition taken from the Spaniards. Those, as
well as the archers, generally march to war on foot; but the lancemen
are always mounted. Numerous are the anecdotes I have heard related of
their personal bravery and the spirit of their partisan corps. Not
long before I went into that country a cornet, with 63 dragoons,
between New Mexico and Biscay, was surrounded by about 200 Apaches'
infantry. Instead of charging through them, as [he should have done,
since] it was on the plain, he ordered his dragoons to dismount and
fight with their carabines; in consequence of which he and his whole
party fell a sacrifice.

Malgares related an instance when he was marching with 140 men and
they were attacked by a party of Appaches, both horse and foot, who
continued the fight for four hours. Whenever the Spanish dragoons
would make a general charge, the Appaches' cavalry would retreat
behind their infantry, who met the Spaniards with a shower of arrows,
who immediately retreated; and even the gallant Malgares spoke of the
Spanish cavalry's breaking the Appaches infantry as a thing not to be
thought of.

Malgares assured me that, if the Appaches had seconded the efforts and
bravery of their chieftain, the Spaniards must have been defeated and
cut to pieces; that in various instances he rallied his men and
brought them up to the charge, and that when they fled, he retired
indignantly to the rear. Seeing Malgares very actively engaged in
forming and bringing up the Spaniards, the Appache chieftain rode out
ahead of his party and challenged him to single combat with his lance.
This my friend refused, as he said that the chief was one of the
stoutest men he knew, carried a remarkably heavy lance, and rode a
very fine charger; but one of his corporals, enraged to see the
Spaniards thus braved by this savage, begged permission to meet the
"infidel." His officer refused his request and ordered him to keep his
ranks; but he reiterating the request, his superior in a passion told
him to go. The Indian chief had turned his horse to join his party,
but seeing an enemy advancing, he turned, gave a shout, and met him at
full speed. The dragoon thought to parry the lance of his antagonist,
which he in part effected; but not throwing it quite high enough, it
entered his neck before and came out at the nape, when he fell dead to
the ground, and his victorious enemy gave a shout of victory, in which
he was joined by all his followers. This enraged the Spaniards to
such a degree that they made a general charge, in which the Indian
cavalry again retreated, notwithstanding the entreaties of their
gallant leader.

In another instance a small smoke was discovered on the prairie; three
poor savages were surrounded by 100 dragoons and ordered to lay down
their arms; they smiled at the officer's demand, and asked him if he
could suppose that men who had arms in their hands would ever consent
to become slaves. The officer, being loath to kill them, held a
conference for an hour; when, finding that his threats had as little
effect as his entreaties, he ordered his men to attack them at a
distance, keeping out of the reach of their arrows, and firing at them
with their carabines, which they did, the Indians never ceasing to
resist as long as life remained.

In a truce which was held a Spanish captain was ordered to treat with
some of the bands. He received their deputies with hauteur, and they
could not come upon terms. The truce was broken, and the Indians
retreated to their fastnesses in the mountains. In a day or two this
same officer pursued them. They were in a place called the Door in the
Mountain, where but two or three dragoons could enter at a time, and
there were rocks and caves on the flanks behind which the Indians
secreted themselves until a number of the Spaniards had come in. Then
the Indians sounded a trumpet; the attack began, and continued on the
side of the Appaches until the Spanish captain fell, when the Indian
chief caused the firing to cease, saying that the man who had so
haughtily spurned the proffered peace was now dead. On this occasion
they deviated from their accustomed rule of warfare, and made a
prisoner of a young officer, who, during the truce, had treated them
with great kindness, and sent him home safe and unhurt.

Some of the bands have made temporary truces with the Spaniards, and
received from them 25 cents per diem each. Those people hang round the
fortifications of the country, drink, shoot, and dissipate their time;
they are haughty and independent. Great jealousy exists between them
and the Spaniards. An officer was under trial, when I was in the
country, for anticipating an attack on his fortress by attacking the
chiefs of the supposed conspiracy, and putting them to death before
they had time to mature and carry their plan into execution. The
decision of his case I never learned; but those savages who have been
for some time about the forts and villages become by far the most
dangerous enemies the Spaniards have, when hostile, as they have
acquired the Spanish language, manners, and habits, pass through the
populated parts under the disguise of civilized and friendly Indians,
commit murders and robberies, and are not suspected. There is in the
province of Cogquilla a partisan by the name of Ralph, who, they
calculate, has killed more than 300 persons. He comes into the towns
under the disguise of a peasant, buys provisions, goes to the
gambling-tables and to mass, and before he leaves the village is sure
to kill some person or carry off a woman, which he has frequently
done. Sometimes he joins people traveling on the road, insinuates
himself into their confidence, and takes his opportunity to
assassinate them. He has only six followers, and from their knowledge
of the country, activity, and cunning, he keeps about 300 Spanish
dragoons continually employed. The government has offered $1,000 for
his head.

The civilized Indians of the province of New Mexico are of what were
formerly 24 different bands, the different names of which I did not
become acquainted with, but the Keres were one of the most powerful;
they form at present the population of St. Domingo, St. Philips, Deis,
and one or two other towns.[IV'-29] They are men of large stature,
round full visage, fine teeth, appear to be of a gentle, tractable
disposition, and resemble the Osage more than any nation of whom I
possess any knowledge. They are not the vassals of individuals, yet
may properly be termed the slaves of the State, for they are compelled
to do military duty, drive mules, carry loads, or, in fact, perform
any other act of duty or bondage that the will of the commandant of
the district, or of any passing military tyrant, chooses to ordain.

I was myself eye-witness of a scene which made my heart bleed for
those poor wretches, at the same time that it excited my indignation
and contempt, that they would suffer themselves, with arms in their
hands, to be beaten and knocked about by beings no ways their
superiors, unless a small tint of complexion could be supposed to give
that superiority. Before we arrived at Santa Fe, one night, we were
near one of the villages where resided the families of two of our
Indian horsemen. They took the liberty to pay them a visit in the
night. Next morning the whole of the Indian horsemen were called up,
and because they refused to testify against their imprudent
companions, several were knocked down from their horses by the Spanish
dragoons with the butt of their lances; yet, with the blood streaming
down their visages, and arms in their hands, they stood cool and
tranquil--not a frown, not a word of discontent or palliation escaped
their lips. Yet what must have been the boiling indignation of their
souls at the indignities offered by the wretch clothed with a little
brief authority! The day of retribution will come in thunder and in
vengeance.

Those savages are armed with bow and arrows, and with lances, or
escopates. Although they are said to be converted to Christianity,
they still retain many of their ancient rituals, feasts, and
ceremonies, one of which is so remarkable it must not be passed
unnoticed. Once a year there is a great feast prepared for three
successive days, which they spend in eating, drinking, and dancing.
Near this scene of amusement is a dark cave, into which not a glimpse
of light can penetrate, and in which are prepared places to repose on.
To this place persons of all description, of both sexes and of all
ages, after puberty, repair in the night, when there is an
indiscriminate commerce of the votaries, as chance, fortune, and
events direct. Those revels certainly have great affinity to some of
the ancient mystic rites of Greece and Rome.

_Government and Laws._ The government of New Mexico may be termed
military, in the pure sense of the word; for although they have their
alcaldes, or inferior officers, their judgments are subject to a
reversion by the military commandants of districts. The whole male
population are subject to military duty, without pay or emolument, and
are obliged to find their own horses, arms, and provision. The only
thing furnished by the government is ammunition. It is extraordinary
with what subordination they act when they are turned out to do
military duty. A strong proof of this was exhibited in the expedition
of Malgares to the Pawnees. His command consisted of 100 dragoons of
the regular service and 500 drafts from the province. He had continued
down the Red river until their provision began to be short; they then
demanded of the lieutenant where he was bound and the intention of the
expedition. To this he haughtily replied, "Wherever my horse leads
me." A few mornings after he was presented with a petition, signed by
200 of the militia, to return home. He halted immediately, caused his
dragoons to erect a gallows, and then beat to arms. The troops fell
in; he separated the petitioners from the others, then took the man
who had presented the petition, tied him up and gave him 50 lashes,
and threatened to put to death, on the gallows erected, any man who
should dare to grumble. This effectually silenced them, and quelled
the rising spirit of sedition; but it was remarked that it was the
first instance of a Spaniard receiving corporal punishment ever known
in the province.

_Morals, Manners, etc._ There is nothing peculiarly characteristic in
this province that will not be embraced in my general observations on
New Spain, except that, being on the frontier and cut off, as it were,
from the more inhabited parts of the kingdom, together with their
continual wars with some of the savage nations who surround them,
renders the people the bravest and most hardy subjects in New Spain;
being generally armed, they know the use of arms. Their want of gold
and silver renders them laborious, in order that the productions of
their labor may be the means of establishing the equilibrium between
them and the other provinces where those metals abound. Their isolated
and remote situation also causes them to exhibit, in a superior
degree, the heaven-like qualities of hospitality and kindness, in
which they appear to endeavor to fulfill the injunction of the
scripture which enjoins us to feed the hungry, clothe the naked, and
give comfort to the oppressed in spirit; and I shall always take
pleasure in expressing my gratitude for their noble reception of
myself and the men under my command.

_Military Force._ There is but one troop of dragoons in all New Mexico
of the regular force, which is stationed at Santa Fe, and is 100
strong. Of this troop the governor is always the captain, entitling
himself captain of the royal troop of Santa Fe dragoons; but they are
commanded by a first lieutenant, who is captain by brevet. The men
capable of bearing arms in this province may be estimated at 5,000, of
which probably 1,000 are completely armed, 1,000 badly, and the rest
not at all.

_Religion._ The catholic religion is practiced in this province after
the same manner as in the other provinces, and will hereafter be taken
notice of generally.

_History._ In the year 1594 two friars came out from Old Mexico to New
Mexico, and were well received by the savages. They returned, and the
ensuing year Juan de Ouate,[IV'-30] a monk, went out, explored the
country, and returned. After this 100 troops and 500 men, women, and
children came out and settled on the Rio del Norte, at some no very
great distance from where Santa Fe now stands. They entered into an
arrangement with the Indians on the subject of their establishment;
but a few years after [in 1680] the Indians rose _en masse_, fell on
the Spaniards by surprise, killed most of the soldiers, and obliged
them to retreat to the Passo del Norte; whence it acquired its name.
Here they awaited a re-enforcement from Biscay, which they received,
of 70 men and two field-pieces, with which they recommenced their
march and finally arrived at Santa Fe, then the capital Indian
village, to which they immediately laid siege. The Indians maintained
themselves 22 days, when they surrendered and entered into a second
negotiation; since which time the Spaniards have been engaged in
continual warfare with the various savage tribes which surround them
on all sides. These have been near ruining the Spaniards several
times, and obliged them to apply for re-enforcements from Biscay and
Senora. A few years since the Tetaus carried on a warm and vigorous
war against them, but are now at peace and considered as their firmest
allies.

In the history of New Mexico it may not be improper to record the name
of James Pursley, the first American who ever penetrated the immense
wilds of Louisiana, and showed the Spaniards of New Mexico that
neither the savages who surround the deserts which divide them from
the habitable world, nor the jealous tyranny of their rulers, was
sufficient to prevent the enterprising spirit of the Americans from
penetrating the arcanum of their rich establishment in the new world.
Pursley was from near Baird's town, Kentucky, which he left in 1799.
In 1802, with two companions, he left St. Louis and traveled west, on
the head of the Osage river, where they made a hunt; thence they
struck for the White river of the Arkansaw, and intended to descend it
to Orleans; but, while making preparations, the Kans stole their
horses. They secured their peltries, and pursued the Kans into the
village. The horses were there, but the Indians refused to give them
up. Pursley saw his horse, with an Indian on him, going to the water
at the edge of the town, pursued him, and with his knife ripped open
the horse's bowels. The Indian returned to the village, got his gun,
and came and snapped it at Pursley, who pursued him into the village
with his knife. The Indian took refuge in a lodge surrounded by women
and children. This struck the chiefs with astonishment and admiration
of the "mad Americans," as they termed them, and they returned the
other horses to the hunters. This anecdote was related by traders who
had been in the village at the time.

Pursley and his companions then returned to where they had buried
their peltry, and determined to pursue the route by land to St. Louis;
but some persons stole their horses a second time, when they were at
no great distance from the Osage river, on which they formed a rough
canoe and descended that stream. Near the entrance of the Missouri
they overset their canoe and lost their whole year's hunt, but saved
their arms and ammunition, which is always the primary object in a
desert. On the Missouri they met Monsieur [Blank] in his barge, bound
to the Mandanes. Pursley embarked with him for the voyage; his two
companions preferred returning to their homes. On their arrival at the
point of destination, his employer dispatched Pursley on a hunting and
trading tour with some bands of the Paducahs and Kyaways, with a small
quantity of merchandise. In the ensuing spring they were driven from
the plains by the Sioux into the mountains which give birth to La
Platte, the Arkansaw, etc., and it was their sign which we saw in such
amazing abundance on the headwaters of La Platte [in South Park, Col.,
Dec. 16, 1806]. Their party consisted of near 2,000 souls, with 10,000
beasts. The Indians, knowing they were approximating to New Mexico,
determined to send Pursley, with his companions and two of their body,
into Santa Fe, to know of the Spaniards if they would receive them
friendly and enter into a trade with them. This being acceded to by
Governor Allencaster, the Indian deputies returned for their bands;
but Pursley thought proper to remain with a civilized people, among
whom a fortuitous event had thrown him--a circumstance of which, he
assured me, he had at one time entirely despaired.

He arrived at Santa Fe in June, 1805, and has been following his trade
as a carpenter ever since; at this he made a great deal of money,
except when working for the officers, who paid him little or nothing.
He was a man of strong natural sense and dauntless intrepidity. He
entertained me with numerous interesting anecdotes of his adventures
with the Indians, and of the jealousy of the Spanish government. He
was once near being hanged for making a few pounds of gunpowder, which
he innocently did as he had been accustomed to do in Kentucky, but
which is a capital crime in these provinces. He still retained the gun
which he had with him his whole tour, and said confidently that if he
had two hours' start not all the province could take him. He was
forbidden to write, but was assured he should have a passport whenever
he demanded it, and was obliged to give security that he would not
leave the country without permission of the government. He assured me
that he had found gold on the head of La Platte, and had carried some
of the virgin mineral in his shot-pouch for months; but that, being in
doubt whether he should ever again behold the civilized world, and
losing in his mind all the ideal value which mankind have stamped on
that metal, he threw the sample away. He had imprudently mentioned it
to the Spaniards, who had frequently solicited him to go and show a
detachment of cavalry the place; but, conceiving it to be in our
territory, he had refused, and was fearful that the circumstance might
create a great obstacle to his leaving the country.

2. BISCAY. _Geography._ [The province of Nueva Vizcaya[IV'-31]] lies
between lat. 33° and 24° N., and long. 105° and 111° W. It is bounded
on the north by New Mexico, on the west by Senora and Sinaloa, and on
the east by New Leon and Cogquilla. It is 600 miles in length from
northwest to southeast, and 400 miles in width from east to west,
taking it at its greatest extent.

_Air and Climate._ The air is dry and the heat very great at that
season of the year which precedes the rainy season, which latter
commences in June and continues until September by light showers.
During the other part of the year there is not the least rain or snow
to moisten the earth. The atmosphere had therefore become so
electrified that when we halted at night, in taking off our blankets
the electric fluid would almost cover them with sparks, and in
Chihuahua we prepared a bottle with gold-leaf as a receiver, and
collected sufficient electric fluid from a bear-skin to give a
considerable shock to a number of persons. This phenomenon was more
conspicuous in the vicinity of Chihuahua than in any other part that
we passed over.[IV'-32]

_Mines and Minerals._ This province abounds in silver and gold mines,
which yield an immense quantity of those metals, but not so great a
revenue to the king as those which are nearer the mint, and
consequently present a greater facility to coinage. I am not
acquainted with the proportion of the metals which the mineral yields
in any instance, except in one of the silver mines at Chihuahua, which
belonged to a friend of mine, who informed me that his mine yielded
him $13.50 per cwt. I one day, with Robinson, went through many of
these furnaces and noticed the manner which they pursued in analyzing
the mineral and extracting the metals; but, as I had previously asked
several Spanish officers to accompany me, who had always declined or
deferred it to a future period, I conceived it probable it was too
delicate a subject to make a minute inquiry into. I, however, so far
observed the process as to learn that the mineral was brought from the
mines in bags, on mules, to the furnace; it was then ground or pounded
into small lumps, not more than the size of a nut, and precipitated
into water, in a sieve which permitted the smaller particles to escape
into a tub, through several progressive operations. From the small
particles which remained at the bottom of the tubs, after it had been
purified of the earthy qualities, there was a proportion of metal
extracted by a nicer process; but the larger parts were put into a
furnace similar to our iron furnaces, and when the mass was in a state
of fusion, it was let out into a bed of sand prepared for it, which
formed it into bars about the size of our common pig iron, averaged in
value at about $2,500. The gold was cast into a mold similar to a bowl
and stamped with its value, as was each bar of silver, by the king's
assayer of metals. They were worth from $8,000 to $10,000. These
masses of silver and gold are received into the king's treasury in
payment, and in fact have a currency through the kingdom; but there
are vast speculations made on the coinage, as people who have not
large capital prefer selling their bullion in the internal provinces,
at a considerable discount, to being obliged to transport it to
Mexico, in order to have it converted into specie. The present
C[ommandant?], I was informed, was engaged in this traffic, on which,
from the province of Senora, he sometimes made 25 per cent. Numbers of
the proprietors who have no immediate use for their bullion put it
into their cellars, where it remains piled up for their posterity, of
no service to themselves or the community.

There are at Chihuahua and in its vicinity 15 mines, 13 silver, one
gold, and one copper, the furnaces of all of which are situated round
the town and suburbs, and present, except on Sundays, volumes of smoke
arising to the eye in every direction, which can be seen from a
distance long before the spires of the city strike the view. It is
incredible the quantity of cinders which surround the city in piles 10
or 15 feet high; next the creek they have formed a bank of it to check
the encroachments of the stream, and it presents an effectual barrier.
I am told that an European employed some hands and wrought at the
cinders, which yielded $1.25 for each per day; but that this not
answering his expectations, he ceased his proceedings.

At Mausseme [Mapimi] there are one gold and seven silver mines. At
Durango there are many rich mines, but the number to me is unknown.
There are also gold mines in the Sierra Madre, near Alomas [Alamos],
and many others of which I have no knowledge. There is in the
province, about 100 miles south of Chihuahua, a mountain or hill of
loadstone. Walker, who had been on the ground and surveyed it,
informed me it appeared to be in solid strata, as regular as those of
limestone, or any other of the species. He had brought home a square
piece of near a foot and a half, was preparing some to be sent to
Spain, and likewise forming magnets to accompany it, in order that
their comparative strength might be ascertained with magnets formed
in Europe.

_Rivers._[IV'-33] Rio Conchos is the largest in the province. It takes
its source in the Sierra Madre, near Batopilis, in lat. 28° N., and
discharges itself into the Rio del Norte [at the Presidio del Norte]
in lat. 31°, after a course of about 300 miles. It is the largest
western branch of the Rio del Norte, and receives in its course the
Rio Florido from the east and San Paubla [now San Pedro] from the
west. Where we struck the Conchos, it appeared to be nearly as large
as the Rio del Norte at the Passo.

The Rio San Paubla is the largest western branch of the Conchos; it
heads in lat. 28° 50´ N., and empties into the latter at Bakinoa[?].
Its whole course is about 150 miles; in summer it is nearly dry, and
in the rainy seasons impassable.

The Rio Florido takes its rise in lat. 26° 30´ N., and after a course
of about 150 miles discharges into the Conchos. Guaxequillo is
situated on its east bank, about its center.

The Rio Nassas [Nasas] is in part the line between Biscay and
Cogquilla; it runs north and sinks in the lake du Cayman [Laguna del
Muerto]; it is nearly dry in the dry seasons, but at some seasons it
is impassable.

_Lakes._ Lac du Cayman and lac du Parras are two small lakes situated
at the foot of the mountains [in the Bolson de Mapimi], and are full
of fish.

_Animals, Insects, etc._ There are some few bears, deer, and wild
horses, but they are not in abundance. The scorpions of Durango are
one of the most remarkable instances of the physical effects of
climate or air that I ever saw recorded. They come out of the walls
and crevices in May, and continue about a fortnight in such numbers
that the inhabitants never walk in their houses after dark without a
light, and always shift or examine the bed-clothes and beat the
curtains previous to going to bed; after which the curtains are
secured under the bed, similar to the precautions we take with our
mosquito curtains. The bite of those scorpions has been known to prove
mortal in two hours. The most extraordinary circumstance is that by
taking them 10 leagues from Durango they become perfectly harmless and
lose all their venomous qualities. Query: Does it arise from a change
of air, sustenance, or what other cause?[IV'-34]

_Population and Chief Towns._ The population of Biscay may be
estimated at 200,000: of these three-twentieths may be Spaniards from
Europe, five-twentieths Creoles, five-twentieths Metifs and Quatroons,
and seven-twentieths Indians. Durango [or Guadiana] was founded in
1550. It is the principal city, the seat of government for the
province of Biscay and of the bishopric of Durango. Its population may
be estimated at 40,000 souls. It is situated in lat. 25° N. and long.
107° W.

Pallalein, situated somewhere at the foot of the Sierra Madria
[Madre], is supposed to contain 25,000 souls.

Chihuahua,[IV'-35] the place of residence of the commandant-general of
the internal provinces, was founded in 1691; it is situated in lat.
29° N., long. 107° 30´ W. Its population may be estimated at 7,000. It
is an oblong square, on the east side of a small stream which
discharges into the river Conchos. On its south extremity is a small
but elegant church. In the public square stands the principal church,
royal treasury, town-house, and the richest shops. At the western
extremity is another church for the military, a superb hospital
belonging formerly to the Jesuits' possessions, the church of the
monks of St. Francis, St. Domingo, the military academy, and quartel
del tropa. On the northwest were two or three missions, very
handsomely situated on a small stream which comes in from the west.
About one mile to the south of the town is a large aqueduct which
conveys the water round it, to the east, into the main stream below
the town, in the center of which is raised a reservoir for the water,
whence it is to be conducted by pipes to the different parts of the
city, and in the public square is to be a fountain and _jet d'eau_,
which will be both ornamental and useful. The principal church at
Chihuahua was the most superb building we saw in New Spain. Its whole
front was covered with statues of the apostles and the different
saints, set in niches of the wall, and the windows, doors, etc., were
ornamented with sculpture. I never was within the doors, but was
informed by Robinson that the decorations were immensely rich. Some
men, whom we supposed entitled to credit, informed us that the church
was built by a tax of 12½ cents laid on each ingot of gold or silver
taken out of the mines in the vicinity in [blank] years. Its cost,
with decorations, was $1,500,000, and when it was finished there
remained $300,000 of the fund unappropriated. At the south side of
Chihuahua is the public walk, formed by three rows of trees whose
branches nearly entwine over the heads of the passengers below. At
different distances there are seats for persons to repose on. At each
end of the walks there were circular seats, on which, in the evening,
the company collected and amused themselves with the guitar, and songs
in Spanish, Italian, and French, adapted to the voluptuous manners of
the country. In this city, as well as all others of any consideration,
there are patrols of soldiers during the night, who stop every person
at nine o'clock and examine them. My countersign was "Americans."

_Trade, Commerce, and Manufactures._ Biscay trades with North Mexico,
Senora, and the viceroyalty, from the latter of which places they
bring on mules all their dry goods, European furniture, books,
ammunition, etc. They furnish a great quantity of horses, mules,
sheep, beeves, and goats, to the parts of the kingdom which are more
populous and have less spare ground for pasturage, etc. Some persons
make large fortunes by being carriers from Mexico to Chihuahua, the
freight being $8 per cwt., and they generally putting 300 pounds on
each mule. The merchants make their remittances twice a year in
bullion. Goods sell at Chihuahua at about 200 per cent, on the prices
of our Atlantic seaport towns. Their horses average at $6, but some
have sold as high as $100; their trained mules at $20, but
extraordinary matches for carriages have sold at $400 per pair. Rice
sells at $4 per cwt. They manufacture some few arms, blankets, stamped
leather, embroidery, coarse cotton and woolen cloths, and a species of
rough carpeting. Their blankets average $2, but some sell as high as
$25.

_Agriculture._ They cultivate wheat, corn, rice, oats, cotton, flax,
indigo, and vines. What I have said relative to the cultivation of
those articles in New Mexico will equally apply to this province; but
it may be proper to observe here that one of Nolan's men constructed
the first cotton-gin they ever had in the province, and that Walker
had caused a few churns to be made for some private families, and
taught them the use of them.

_Timber, Plains, and Soil._ To the north of Chihuahua, about 30 miles
to the right of the main road, there is some pine timber; at a spring
on this side of Carracal [Carrizal] we saw one walnut tree, and on all
the small streams there are shrubby cotton trees. With these few
exceptions the whole province is a naked, barren plain, which presents
to the eye an arid, unproductive soil, more especially in the
neighborhood of mines; even the herbage appears to be poisoned by the
mineral qualities of the soil.

_Antiquities._ There are none in the province which came within my
notice but the Jesuits' college and church at Chihuahua, which were
about a century old, and used as hospitals. In these there was
nothing peculiar, except a certain solidity and strength, in which
they appeared to surpass the other public buildings of the city.

_Aborigines._ There are no uncivilized savages in this province except
the Appaches, of whom I have spoken largely. The Christian Indians are
so incorporated amongst the lower grades of Metifs that it is scarcely
possible to draw the line of distinction, except at the ranchos of
noblemen or large landholders, where they are in a state of vassalage
[peonage]. This class of people laid a conspiracy, which was so well
concerted as to baffle the inquiries of the Spaniards for a length of
time, and to occasion them the loss of several hundred inhabitants.
The Indians used to go out from their villages in small parties; in a
short time a part would return with the report that they had been
attacked by the Indians; the Spaniards would immediately send out a
detachment in pursuit, when they were led into an ambuscade and every
soul cut off. They pursued this course so long that the whole province
became alarmed at the rapid manner in which their enemies multiplied;
but some circumstances leading to suspicion, they made use of the
superstition of those people for their ruin. Some officers disguised
themselves like friars and went round amongst the Indians, pretending
to be possessed of the spirit of prophecy. They preached up to the
Indians that the day was approaching when a general delivery from
Spanish tyranny was about to take place, and invited the Indians to
join in concerting with them the work of God. The poor creatures came
forward, and in their confessions stated the great hand that had
already been put to the work. After these pretended friars had
ascertained the nature and extent of the conspiracy, and had a body of
troops prepared, they commenced the execution and put to death about
400 of the unsuspecting Indians. This struck terror and dismay through
the Indian villages, and they dared not rise to declare their freedom
and independence.

_Government and Laws._ In this province there is some shadow of civil
law; but it is merely a shadow, as the following anecdote may
illustrate: An officer, on arriving at a village, demanded quarters
for himself and troops. The supreme civil officer sent him word that
he must show his passport. The military officer immediately sent a
file of men, who brought the judge a prisoner before him, when he
severely reprimanded the judge for his insolence and obliged him to
obey his orders instantly. This was done by a subaltern, in a city of
20,000 inhabitants. The only laws which can be said to be in force are
the military and ecclesiastic, between which there is a perfect
understanding.

The governor is a brigadier-general, resides at Durango, and receives
$5,000 in addition to his pay in the line. It is proper to observe
that there are ordinances to bear on each subject of civil discussion;
but the administration of them is so corrupt that the influence of
family and fortune generally procures the determination that they have
right on their side.

In each town is a public magazine for provisions, to which every
farmer brings whatever grain and produce he may have for sale, and
where he is sure to find a market; and should there be a scarcity the
ensuing year, it is retailed out to the inhabitants at a reasonable
rate. To this place all the citizens of the town repair to purchase.

_Morals, Manners, etc._ There is nothing peculiar in the manners or
morals of the people of this province, but a much greater degree of
luxury among the rich, misery among the poor, and a corruption of
morals more general than in New Mexico. As to military spirit, they
have none. At a muster of a regiment of militia at Chihuahua one of my
men attended, and informed me that there were about 25 who had
fire-arms and lances, 50 with bows and arrows and lances, and the
balance with lances or bows and arrows only.

_Military Force._ The regular military force of Biscay consists of
1,100 dragoons, distributed as follows: On the frontiers of the
deserts of New Mexico and Senora, at the forts of Elisiaira
[Elizario], Carracal [Carrizal], San Buenaventura, Presidio del Norte,
Janos, Tulenos, and San Juan Baptist [Bautista]. Farther south are
Chihuahua, Jeronime [Jeronimo or Hieronimo], Cayone, San Paubla
[Pablo], Guaxequillo [Guajuquilla], and Conchos, with several other
places which are appendages of those positions. The complement of each
of those posts is 150 men, but may be averaged at 1,100 in all, say
100 at each post. The militia are not worthy of particular notice.

_Religion._ Biscay is in the diocese of Durango, the bishop's salary
being estimated at $100,000 per annum. The catholic religion is here
in its full force, but the inferior clergy are very much dissatisfied.
The people's superstition is so great that they run after the holy
father in the streets, endeavoring to kiss the hem of his garment; and
should the bishop be passing the street, the rich and poor all kneel.

_History._ I shall not presume to say anything on this subject, except
that I believe this province has been populated about 270 years.

3. SENORA. _Geography._ The province of Senora lies between lat. 33°
and 27° N., and long. 110° and 117° W. Its greatest length from north
to south is about 420 miles, and its width from east to west 380
miles. It is bounded north by New Mexico, west by California, south by
Sinaloa and the gulf, east by Biscay and New Mexico.[IV'-36]

_Air and Climate._ Dry, pure, and healthy generally, but near the gulf
the ground is marshy, and it is, in some of the districts, unhealthy.

_Mines, Minerals, and Fossils._ On this subject I can only speak in
general. Senora abounds in rich gold and silver mines, but more
especially the former, inasmuch as gold does not preserve its usual
exchange with silver in this province. General Salcedo told me that in
this province the largest piece of pure gold had been found ever yet
discovered in New Spain, and that it had been sent to the king to be
put in his cabinet of curiosities.

_Rivers._[IV'-37] Rio de l'Ascencion is a short river which enters the
Gulf of California about 31° N. lat. Rio Yaqui heads on the borders of
Biscay and Senora, and discharges into the Gulf of California in
Guyamas [Guaymas], lat. 23° N.

_Timber, Plains, and Soil._ This province is, like Biscay, destitute
of timber, but has some rich soil near the gulf.

_Animals._ There are deer, cabrie, and bear; there are also remarkably
large lizards [_Ctenosaura teres_ of Harlan], which are said to weigh
ten pounds; these are perfectly harmless, tamed by the inhabitants,
and trained to catch mice.

_Population and Chief Towns._ The population of Senora may be
estimated at 200,000 souls, of which three-twentieths probably are
Spaniards, four-twentieths Creoles, six-twentieths Metifs, and
seven-twentieths Indians.

Arispea [Arizpe[IV'-38]], the capital of Senora, and until 20 years
past the seat of government of the internal provinces, is situated in
lat. 31° N. and long. 111° W., near the head of the river Yaqui. It is
celebrated throughout the kingdom for the urbanity and hospitality of
its inhabitants, and the vast quantity of gold table utensils made use
of in their houses. Its population is 3,400 souls. Sonora and Terenate
are the next cities in magnitude in the province, the latter to the
north and the former to the south of the capital.

_Trade and Commerce._ Senora trades with New Mexico and Biscay for the
productions of those different provinces, and with Old Mexico both by
land and sea, through the gulf of California. It is celebrated for its
cheese, horses, and sheep.

_Agriculture._ They cultivate the same as in Biscay.

_Aborigines._ There are a number of savage nations bordering on
Senora, which obliges the king to keep up a number of military posts
on the north and west frontiers; but the names of the tribes, or any
of their distinguishing characters, I am unacquainted with. However,
it may not be improper to observe that they are armed with bows,
arrows, shields, and lances, like their savage neighbors. The
civilized Indians are in the same situations as in the other
provinces.

_Government and Laws._ Similar to Biscay, the governor being a
brigadier-general and receives $7,000 in addition to his pay in the
line.

_Morals and Manners._ In every respect similar to Biscay, except that
they are more celebrated for hospitality.

_Military Force._ The regular military force of this province is 900
dragoons and 200 infantry, stationed as follows: Tubson, San Cruz,
Tubac, and Altac on the north, with 100 dragoons each for a garrison;
Fiuntenas, Bacuachi, Bavista, and Horcasites in the center, with 300
dragoons and 200 infantry; Buenavista on the south, with 100 dragoons
as a garrison.[IV'-39] The infantry mentioned above are of a nation of
Indians called the Opejas, and are said to be the best soldiers in New
Spain. I saw a detachment of them at Chihuahua who appeared to be
fine, stout, athletic men, and were the most subordinate and faithful
troops I ever knew, acting like a band of brothers and having the
greatest attachment for their officers.

_Religion._ Catholic, in the diocese of the bishop of Durango.

_History._ I am unacquainted with it, except that the seat of government
of the internal provinces was formerly at Arispea, at which time the
government of California was also under the commandant-generalcy of
the internal provinces; but the removal of the seat of government to
Chihuahua and the disjunct situation of California induced his Majesty
to annex it to the government of the viceroyalty. The increasing
magnitude of the relations of New Spain with the United States also
gave an importance to the eastern interests which induced the
continuance of the seat of government at Chihuahua.

4. SINALOA. _Geography._ The province of Sinaloa lies between lat.
23° and 28° N., and long. 108° and 111° W. It is bounded north by
Senora and Biscay, east by the latter, south by the administration of
Guadalaxara, and west by the gulf of California; in its greatest
length it is 300 miles north and south, and in width from east to west
150 miles.[IV'-40]

_Air and Climate._ On the sea-coast humid, but back [of the coast] dry
and pure.

_Mines, Minerals, and Fossils._ There are both gold and silver mines;
but with their relative value or productions I am unacquainted.

_Rivers._[IV'-41] Rio [del] Fuerte takes its source in lat. 27° N. and
long. 110° W., and disembogues into the gulf of California. It crosses
the whole province, and is nearly 150 miles long. Rio Culican
[Culiacan] is not more than 50 miles in length, and enters the gulf of
California in lat. 25° N.

_Timber, Plains, and Soil._ No timber; soil similar to that of Senora.

_Animals._ Domestic only.

_Population and Chief Towns._ Its population may be estimated at
60,000, not more than three-twentieths of whom are Spaniards; the
remainder Creoles, Metifs, and Indians.

Sinaloa is the capital, but its population, extent, etc., to me is
unknown.

_Trade and Commerce._ Unacquainted with.

_Agriculture._ The same as Senora.

_Aborigines._ None who are not civilized.

_Government and Laws._ Unacquainted with.

_Military Force._ One hundred dragoons for expresses, and a guard for
the governor.

_Religion._ Catholic, in the diocese of the bishop of Durango.

_History._ To me unknown.

5. COGQUILLA. _Geography._ The province of Cogquilla lies between lat.
31° and 33° 30´ N., and long. 101° and 105° W. Its greatest length
north and south may be 500 miles, and its greatest width east and west
200 miles. It is bounded north by New Mexico and Texas, east by the
latter, San Ander, and New Leon, south by the administration of
Zacataca, and west by Biscay.[IV'-42]

_Air and Climate._ Pure and healthy, except about the middle of May,
when the heat is intense, and sometimes a scorching wind is felt, like
the flame issuing from an oven or furnace, which frequently skins the
face and affects the eyes. This phenomenon is felt more sensibly about
the setting of the sun than at any other period of the 24 hours.

_Mines, Minerals, and Fossils._ I know of no mines in this province,
except at Montelovez and San Rosa, with the value of which I am
unacquainted; but those of San Rosa are reputed to be as rich as any
silver mines in the kingdom. Montelovez has none very considerable.

_Rivers._ This province has no river of magnitude or consequence but
the Rio Grande, which crosses its northern part in a S. E.
direction.[IV'-43]

_Lakes._ There is a small lake called the Aqua [Agua] Verde, situated
on its western extremities, which gives rise to a small stream that
discharges into the Rio del Norte.

_Timber, Plains, and Soil._ From the river Nassus [Nasas] to the east
there is the palmetto, which grows to the height of 20 and 25 feet,
with a trunk of 2 feet in diameter. Its leaves are in the shape of a
spear, and cover all the trunk when young, but fall off as the tree
grows old. Its wood is of a spongy nature, and from every information
I could procure, is of the same species as that of the same name in
the Southern States.[IV'-44] One hundred miles to the east of the Rio
Grande oak timber commences, being the first we saw in the provinces;
but it is very small and scrubby, and presents from this to the line
of Texas (the river Mariana [Medina, near San Antonio, Tex.]), a very
perceptible gradation of the increase of timber, both in quantity,
luxuriance, and variety. The country here becomes very similar to the
Indiana territory.

_Animals._ Deer, wild horses, a few buffalo and wild hogs [peccaries].

_Population and Chief Towns._ Montelovez [Monclova[IV'-45]] is the
capital of Cogquilla. It is situated on a small stream of water in
lat. 26° 30´ N. and long. 103° 30´ W. It is about one mile in length,
on a course N. 70° E. by the main street. It has two public squares,
seven churches, a powder magazine, mills, king's hospital, and quartel
del tropa [soldiers' barracks]. This is the principal military depot
for the provinces of Cogquilla and Texas. Its population may be
estimated at 3,500 souls. This city being the stated residence of his
Excellency Governor Cordero, he has ornamented it with public walks,
columns, and fountains, and made it one of the handsomest cities in
the internal provinces.

Santa Rosa, about 38 miles N. W. of Montelovez, is represented to be
the most healthy situation in the province, and to have the best water
and fruit. It is on the headwaters of the river Millada [read here
Sabinas]. Its population is represented at 4,000 souls. Paras [Parras]
is situated on a small stream; with its suburbs it is supposed to
contain 7,000 souls, and San Lorenzo, three miles to the north, 500
souls. This place may be termed the vineyard of Cogquilla, the whole
population pursuing no other occupation than the cultivation of the
grape. Its name denotes the Branches of the Vine. At the Hacienda of
San Lorenzo, where we halted, there were 15 larger stills, larger
cellars, and a greater number of casks than I ever saw in any brewery
of the United States. Its gardens were delightfully interspersed with
figs, vines, apricots, and a variety of fruits which are produced in
the torrid zone; fine summer-houses, where were wine, refreshments,
and couches to repose on, and where the singing of the birds was
delightful. There were, likewise, mills and a fine water-fall.

The Presidio [Salto] of Rio Grande is situated on that river, and is
remarkable for nothing but three or four handsome missions with which
it is surrounded, a powder magazine, quarters for the troops, and a
few iron field-pieces on miserable truck carriages. Population 2,500
souls.

The population of this province may be estimated at 70,000 souls, not
more than 10,000 of whom are Spaniards.

_Trade, Commerce, and Manufactures._ This province receives all its
merchandise from Mexico by land, and in return gives horses, mules,
wines, gold, and silver. There is an annual fair held at Saltelo
[Saltillo], in New Leon [Coahuila], where an immense quantity of
merchandise is disposed of, and where merchants of very large capitals
reside.

_Agriculture._ They cultivate the vine principally, with grain and
corn sufficient for their own consumption, and to supply the greatest
part of Texas.

_Aborigines._ The Appaches cover the northwest frontier. The Lee
Pawnees [Lipans: see note 27, p. 746] are a nation who rove from the
Rio Grande to some distance into the province of Texas. Their former
residence was on the Rio Grande, near the sea-shore. They are at
present divided into three bands, of 300, 350, and 100 men each. They
are at war with the Tetaus and Appaches, and at peace with the
Spaniards. They have fair hair, and are generally handsome, armed with
bows, arrows, and lances. They pursue the wild horses, of which they
take numbers, and sell them to the Spaniards.

_Government and Laws._ Military and ecclesiastical power is all that
is known or acknowledged in this province; but its administration was
mild under their excellent Governor Cordero. The governor's civil
salary is $4,000 per annum.

_Morals and Manners._ It was evident to the least discerning eye that,
as we diverged from these parts which produced such vast quantities of
the precious metals, the inhabitants became more industrious, and
there were fewer beggars. Thus the morals of the people of Cogquilla
were less corrupt than those of Biscay or New Leon, their neighbors.

_Military Force._ There are 400 dragoons maintained in this province,
and stationed at Montelovez, San Rosa, Pres. Rio del Norte, and San
Fernandez.

_Religion._ Catholic, but mild. It is in the diocese of Durango.

_History._ Cogquilla had not pushed its population as far as the Rio
Grande in the year 1687, as at that time La Salle[IV'-46] established
himself at the entrance of that river, it being a wilderness; but
Montelovez was established some time before this era. Of its
particular history I have no knowledge.

6. TEXAS. _Geography._ The province of Texas lies between lat. 27° 30´
and 35° N., and long. 98° and 104° W., bordered north by Louisiana,
east by the territory of Orleans, west by Cogquilla and New Mexico,
and south by New San Ander. Its greatest length from north to south
may be 500 miles, and breadth from east to west 350.

_Air and Climate._ One of the most delightful temperatures in the
world; but, being a country covered with timber, the new emigrants
are generally sickly, which may justly be attributed to putrescent
vegetation, which brings on intermittent and bilious attacks, and, in
some instances, malignant fevers. The justice of these remarks is
proved by the observations of all the first settlers of our western
frontiers, that places which in the course of 10 or 15 years become
perfectly healthy, were the first two or three years quite the
reverse, and generally cost them the loss of two or three members of
their families.

_Mines, Minerals, and Fossils._ The only one known and worked is a
mine of lead.

_Rivers._[IV'-47] The river St. Antonio takes its source about one
league to the northeast of the capital of the province, St. Antonio,
and is navigable for canoes to its source, affording excellent fish,
fine mill seats, and water to every part of the town. It is joined
from the west by the river Mariana, which forms part of the line
between Cogquilla and Texas, and then discharges into the Rio
Guadelupe about 50 miles from the sea. At the town of St. Antonio it
is about 20 yards wide, and in some places 12 feet in depth. The river
Guadelupe takes its source about 150 miles to the northwest of St.
Antonio; where we crossed it, it was a beautiful stream, at least 60
yards in width. Its waters are transparent and navigable for canoes.
After receiving the waters of the St. Antonio and St. Marco it
discharges into the southwest end of the bay of St. Bernardo
[Matagorda]. At the crossing of this river there is a range for the
horses of St. Antonio and a guarde de caballo, with an elegant site
for a town. . The river St. Marco takes its source about 100 miles
north, 20 west of St. Antonio, and at the crossing of the road is 30
yards in width, a clear and navigable stream for canoes. By the road
this river is only 14 miles from the Guadelupe, into which it
discharges.

The Red [or Colorado] river [of Texas] takes its source in the
province of Cogquilla in lat. 33° N. and long. 104° 30´ W., but,
bending to the east, enters the province of Texas, and after a winding
course of about 600 miles disembogues into the bay of St. Bernard
[Matagorda], in lat. 29° N. Where the road traverses it, it is at
least 150 yards wide, and has a guard of dragoons stationed on its
banks. Its waters are of a reddish cast, whence it probably derived
its name. This stream is navigable for boats of three or four tons
burden.

The river Brassos [Brazos] takes its source in the province of
Cogquilla in lat. 34° N. and long. 105° W., enters the province of
Texas, and discharges into the gulf of Mexico in lat. 28° 40´, after a
course of 750 miles. It is the largest river in the province, and,
where the road crosses, is 300 yards wide and navigable for large
keels. From the appearances on its banks it must rise and fall 100
feet. Its waters were red and turbid; its banks well timbered, with a
rich, prolific soil. Here was kept the only boat I recollect to have
seen in the provinces.

The river Trinity takes its source in lat. 34° N. and long. 99° W.,
and discharges into Galueston's [Galveston] bay in lat. 29° 30´ N. By
its meanders it is about 300 miles in length. Where the road crosses
it is about 60 yards in width, with high, steep banks covered with
timber, and a rich, luxuriant soil.

The Nachez [Neches] and Angelina are small rivers, of about 20 yards
in width, which, after forming a junction, discharge into the Trinity.
The river Toyac is a small stream, which discharges into the gulf of
Mexico, at the same bay with the Sabine, in about lat. 29° 50´ N. and
long. 97° W.[IV'-48]

The Sabine river, the present limits between the Spanish dominions and
the territories of the United States in that quarter, takes its source
in about lat. 33° N., and enters the gulf of Mexico in 29° 50´. It may
be 300 miles in length by its meanders, and at the road about 50 yards
in width. Here the Spaniards keep a guard and a ferry-boat.

_Lakes._ Some small ones near the head of the Guadelupe and some
branches of Red river.

_Timber, Plains, and Soil._ This province is well timbered for 100
miles from the coast, but has some small prairies interspersed through
its timbered land; take it generally, it is one of the richest, most
prolific, and best watered countries in North America.

_Animals._ Buffalo, deer, elk, wild hogs [peccaries], and wild horses,
the latter of which are in such numbers as to afford supplies for all
the savages who border on the province, the Spaniards, and vast droves
for the other provinces. They are also sent into the United States,
notwithstanding the trade is contraband. They go in such large gangs
that it is requisite to keep an advanced guard of horsemen in order to
frighten them away; for should they be suffered to come near the
horses and mules which you drive with you, by their snorting,
neighing, etc., they would alarm them, and frequently the domestic
animals would join them and go off, notwithstanding all the exertions
of the dragoons to prevent them. A gentleman told me he saw 700 beasts
carried off [stampeded] at one time, not one of which was ever
recovered. They also in the night frequently carry off the droves of
travelers' horses, and even come within a few miles of St. Antonio,
and take off the horses in that vicinity.

The method pursued by the Spanish in taking them is as follows: They
take a few fleet horses and proceed into the country where the wild
horses are numerous. They then build a large strong inclosure, with a
door which enters a smaller inclosure; from the entrance of the large
pen they project wings out into the prairie a great distance, and then
set up bushes, etc., to induce the horses, when pursued, to enter into
these wings. After these preparations are made they keep a lookout for
a small drove, for, if they unfortunately should start too large a
one, they either burst open the pen or fill it up with dead bodies,
and the others run over them and escape; in which case the party are
obliged to leave the place, as the stench arising from the putrid
carcasses would be insupportable; and, in addition to this, the pen
would not receive others. Should they, however, succeed in driving in
a few, say two or three hundred, they select the handsomest and
youngest, noose them, take them into the small inclosure, and then
turn out the remainder; after which, by starving, preventing them
taking any repose, and continually keeping them in motion, they make
them gentle by degrees, and finally break them to submit to the saddle
and bridle. For this business I presume there is no nation in the
world superior to the Spaniards of Texas.

_Population and Chief Towns._ St. Antonio, the capital of the
province, lies in lat. 29° 50´ N. and long. 101° W., and is situated
on the headwaters of the river of that name; it contains perhaps 2,000
souls, most of whom reside in miserable mud-wall houses, covered with
thatched grass roofs. The town is laid out on a very grand plan. To
the east of it, on the other side of the river, is the station of the
troops.

About two, three, and four miles from St. Antonio are three missions,
formerly flourishing and prosperous. Those buildings, for solidity,
accommodation, and even majesty, were surpassed by few that I saw in
New Spain. The resident priest treated us with the greatest
hospitality, and was respected and beloved by all who knew him. He
made a singular observation relative to the aborigines who had
formerly formed the population of those establishments under charge of
the monks. I asked him what had become of the natives. He replied that
it appeared to him that they could not exist under the shadow of the
whites, as the nations who formed those missions had been nurtured,
taken all the care of that it was possible, and put on the same
footing as the Spaniards; yet, notwithstanding, they had dwindled away
until the other two missions had become entirely depopulated, and the
one where he resided had not then more than sufficient to perform his
household labor; from this he had formed an idea that God never
intended them to form one people, but that they should always remain
distinct and separate.

Nacogdoches is merely a station for troops, and contains nearly 500
souls. It is situated on a small stream of the river Toyac.

The population of Texas may be estimated at 7,000. These are
principally Spanish, Creoles, some French, some Americans, and a few
civilized Indians and half-breeds.

_Trade and Commerce._ This province trades with Mexico by Mont El Rey
and Montelovez for merchandise, and with New Orleans by Nachitoches;
but the latter trade, being contraband, is liable to great danger and
risks. They give in return specie, horses, and mules.

_Agriculture._ The American emigrants are introducing some little
spirit of agriculture near Nacogdoches and the Trinity; but the
oppressions and suspicions they labor under prevent their proceeding
with that spirit which is necessary to give success to the
establishment of a new country.

_Aborigines._ The Tancards [note 12, p. 705] are a nation of
Indians who rove on the banks of Red river, and are 600 men strong.
They follow the buffalo and wild horses, and carry on a trade with the
Spaniards. They are armed with the bow, arrow, and lance. They are
erratic and confined to no particular district; are a tall, handsome
people; in conversation they have a peculiar cluckling, express more
by signs than any savages I ever visited, and in fact language appears
to have made less progress. They complained much of their situation
and the treatment of the Spaniards; are extremely poor, and, except
the Appaches, were the most independent Indians we encountered in the
Spanish territories. They possess large droves of horses.

There are a number of other nations now nearly extinct, some of which
are mentioned by Dr. Sibley in a report he made to the government of
the United States on these subjects. A few, and very few indeed, of
those nations have been converted by the missions, and these are not
in that state of vassalage in which the Indians further to the south
are held. [Notes 17, 21, 22, pp. 709, 713, 714.]

_Government and Laws._ Perfectly military, except as to the
ecclesiastical jurisdiction.

_Morals and Manners._ They being on the frontier, where buffalo and
wild horses abound, and not engaged in any war with savages who are
powerful, have adopted a mode of living by following those animals,
which has been productive of a more wandering disposition round the
capital (St. Antonio) than in any other of the provinces. Cordero,
restricting by edicts the buffalo hunts to certain seasons, and
obliging every man of family to cultivate so many acres of land, has
in some degree checked the spirit of hunting or wandering life which
had been hitherto so very prevalent, and has endeavored to introduce,
by his example and precepts, a general urbanity and suavity of
manners which rendered St. Antonio one of the most agreeable places
that we met with in the provinces.

_Military Force._ There were in Texas at the time I came through 988
[888?] men, from the actual returns of the troops which I have seen,
500 of whom were from St. Ander and New Leon, under command of
governor Herrara. The disposition of those troops is as follows: 388
at St. Antonio, 400 [300?] at the cantonment of [Blank, 300 marked on
map low down] on the Trinity, 100 at the [crossing of the] Trinity,
and 100 at Nacogdoches. The militia, a rabble made somewhat
respectable by a few American riflemen who are incorporated amongst
them, are about 300 men, including bow and arrow men.

_Religion._ Catholic, but much relaxed.

_History._ To me unknown, except what can be extracted from various
authors on that subject.

GENERAL REMARKS ON NEW SPAIN.

To become acquainted with all the civil and political institutes of a
country requires a perfect knowledge of the language, a free ingress
to the archives, and a residence of some years; even then we can
scarcely distinguish between the statute laws and common law, derived
from custom, morals, and habits. Under those circumstances, it cannot
be expected that I shall be able to say much on the subject, as I
possessed none of the above advantages. I will, however, offer a few
observations. To a stranger it is impossible to define the limits of
the military and ecclesiastical jurisdictions; in every affair which
relates to the citizens, and in fact with the soldiery, the force of
superstition is such that I am doubtful whether they would generally
obey one of their officers in a direct violation of the injunction of
their religious professions. The audiences of Mexico and Guadalaxara
were formed, no doubt, as a check on the immense power of the viceroy.
The number of members composing each is to me unknown, but they are
formed of the viceroy as president, with two votes, generals, and
bishops. To their jurisdictions the appeals from the judgment of the
intendants and all subordinate officers may be made in civil cases;
but the military and ecclesiastical decisions are distinct.
Notwithstanding all this semblance of justice, should an individual
dare to make the appeal and not succeed in establishing the justice of
his claim to redress, he is certainly ruined. Where justice is so
little attended to, when opposed to power and wealth, as in the
Spanish provinces, the appeal is a desperate remedy. This tribunal or
legislative body enacts all the laws for the general regulations of
their divisions of the kingdom.

The captain-generalcy of the internal provinces appeared to me to be
much more despotic, for the laws or regulations were issued in the
form of an order merely, without any kind of a preamble whatsoever,
except sometimes he would say, "By order of the king"; and such was
the style of governors of provinces.

_Morals, Manners, etc._ For hospitality, generosity, and sobriety the
people of New Spain exceed any nation perhaps on the globe; but in
national energy, patriotism, enterprise of character, or independence
of soul, they are perhaps the most deficient. Yet there are men who
have displayed bravery to a surprising degree, and the Europeans who
are there cherish with delight the idea of their gallant ancestry.

Their women have black eyes and hair, fine teeth, and are generally
brunettes. I met but one exception to this rule, at Chihuahua--a fair
lady, who, by way of distinction, was called "the girl with light
hair." They are all inclining a little to enbonpoint; but none or few
are elegant figures. Their dress generally is short jackets and
petticoats and high-heeled shoes, without any head-dress. Over the
whole dress they have a silk wrapper,[IV'-49] which they always wear
and, when in the presence of men, affect to bring over their faces,
but from under which you frequently see peeping a large sparkling
black eye. As we approached the Atlantic and our frontiers, we saw
several ladies who wore the gowns of our countrywomen, which they
conceived to be much more elegant than their ancient costume. The
lower class of the men are generally dressed in broad-brimmed hats,
short coats, large waistcoats, and small clothes always open at the
knees (owing, as I suppose, to the greater freedom it gives to the
limbs on horseback), a kind of leather boot or wrapper bound round the
leg somewhat in the manner of our frontier-men's leggings, and
gartered on. The boot is of a soft, pliable leather, but not colored.
In the eastern provinces the dragoons wear, over this wrapper or boot,
a sort of jack-boot made of sole-leather, to which are fastened, by a
rivet, the spurs, the gaffs of which are sometimes near an inch in
length; but the spurs of the gentlemen and officers, although clumsy
to our ideas, are frequently ornamented with raised silver-work on the
shoulders, and the straps embroidered with silver and gold thread.
They are always ready to mount their horses, on which the inhabitants
of the internal provinces spend nearly half the day. This description
will apply generally to the dress of all the men of the provinces for
the lower class; but in their cities, among the more fashionable, they
dress after the European or United States modes, with not more
variation than we see in our cities from one six months to another.

Both men and women have remarkably fine hair, and pride themselves in
the display of it. Their amusements are music, singing, dancing, and
gambling. The latter is strictly prohibited, but the prohibition is
not much attended to. The dance of ---- is danced by one man and two
women, who beat time to the music, which is soft and voluptuous, but
sometimes changing to a lively, gay air. The dancers exhibit the
motions of the soul by gestures of the body, snapping the fingers, and
sometimes meeting in a stretched embrace. The fandango is danced to
various figures and numbers. The minuet is still danced by the
superior class only. The music made use of is the guitar, violin, and
singers, who, in the first-described dance, accompany the music with
their hands and voices, having always some words adapted to the music.

Their games are cards, billiards, horse-racing, and cock-fighting, the
first and last of which are carried to the most extravagant lengths,
losing and winning immense sums. The present commandant-general is
very severe with his officers in these respects, frequently sending
them to some frontier post in confinement for months, for no other
fault than having lost large sums at play. At every town of
consequence is a public walk, where the ladies and gentlemen meet and
sing songs, which are always on the subject of love or the social
board. The females have fine voices, and sing in French, Italian, and
Spanish, the whole company joining in the chorus.

In their houses the ladies play the guitar, and generally accompany it
with their voices. They either sit down on the carpet cross-legged, or
loll on a sofa. To sit upright in a chair appeared to put them to
great inconvenience; although the better class would sometimes do it
on our first introduction, they soon took the liberty of following
their old habits. In their eating and drinking they are remarkably
temperate. Early in the morning you receive a dish of chocolate and a
cake; at twelve you dine on several dishes of meat, fowls, and fish,
after which you have a variety of confections, and indeed an elegant
dessert; then drink a few glasses of wine, sing a few songs, and
retire to take the siesta, or afternoon's nap, which is taken by rich
and poor. About two o'clock the windows and doors are all closed, the
streets deserted, and the stillness of midnight reigns throughout.
About four o'clock they rise, wash and dress, and prepare for the
dissipation of the night. About eleven o'clock some refreshments are
offered, but few take any, except a little wine and water and candied
sugar.

The government has multiplied the difficulties of Europeans
intermarrying with the Creoles or Metifs to such a degree that it is
difficult for such a marriage to take place. An officer wishing to
marry a lady not from Europe is obliged to acquire certificates of the
purity of her descent 200 years back, and transmit it to the court,
when the license will be returned; but should she be the daughter of a
man of the rank of captain or upward this nicety vanishes, as rank
purifies the blood of the descendants.

The general subjects of conversations among the men are women, money,
and horses, which appear to be the only objects, in their estimation,
worthy of consideration. Uniting the female sex with their money and
their beasts, and having treated them too much after the manner of the
latter, they have eradicated from their breasts every sentiment of
virtue or ambition, either to pursue the acquirements which would make
them amiable companions, instructive mothers, or respectable members
of society; their whole souls, with a few exceptions, being, like
those of Turkish ladies, taken up in music, dress, and the little
blandishments of voluptuous dissipation. Finding that the men only
regard them as objects of gratification to the sensual passions, they
have lost every idea of that feast of reason and flow of soul which
arise from the intercourse of two refined and virtuous minds.

The beggars of the City of Mexico are estimated at 60,000 souls; what
must be the number through the whole kingdom, and to what reason can
it be owing that, in a country superior to any in the world for
riches in gold and silver, producing all the necessaries of life and
most of its luxuries, there should be such a vast proportion of the
inhabitants in want of bread or clothing? It can only be accounted for
by the tyranny of the government and the luxuries of the rich. The
government strives, by all the restrictions possible to be invented
without absolutely driving the people to desperation, to keep Spanish
America dependent on Europe.

_Trade, Commerce, Manufactures, and Revenue._ The trade and commerce
of New Spain are carried on with Europe and the United States by the
port of Vera Cruz solely, and with the East Indies and South America
generally by Acapulco; and, even at these ports, under such
restriction as to productions, manufactures, and time, as to render it
of little consequence to the general prosperity of the country. Were
all the numerous bays and harbors of the gulfs of Mexico and
California opened to the trade of the world, and a general license
given to the cultivation of all the productions of which the country
is capable, with freedom of exportation and importation, with proper
duties on foreign goods, the country would immediately become rich and
powerful, and a proper stimulus would be held out to the poor to
labor, when certain of finding a quick and ready sale for the
productions of their plantations or manufactories. The country abounds
in iron ore, yet all the iron and steel, and articles of manufactures,
are obliged to be brought from Europe, the manufacturing or working of
iron being strictly prohibited. This occasions the necessary articles
of husbandry, arms, and tools to be enormously high, and is a great
check to agriculture, improvements in manufactures, and military
skill. The works of the Mexicans, in gold, silver, and painting, show
them naturally to have a genius which, with cultivation and
improvement, might rival the greatest masters of either ancient or
modern times. Their dispositions and habits are peculiarly calculated
for sedentary employments, and I have no doubt, if proper
establishments were made, they would soon rival, if not surpass, the
most extensive woolen, cotton, or silk manufactures of Europe; their
climate being proper to raise the finest cotton in the world, and
their sheep possessing all the fineness of wool for which they are so
celebrated in Spain. Under these circumstances, together with the
immense quantities of the raw materials which they have on hand, wool
sells for a mere trifle; and, in fact, they scarcely take half from
the fleece of the sheep, for the coarse manufactures of the country
and to make beds.

I cannot presume to state the revenues of the country from official
documents, but the following statements I have had from so respectable
a source, and they are so confirmed by my own observations, that I
think much reliance may be placed on their correctness. The mint coins,
per annum, at least, $50,000,000 in silver and $14,000,000 in gold,
the one-fifth of which (the duty) is equal to $12,800,000.[IV'-50] The
duties on foreign goods and the amount paid by the purchasers of
monopolies may be estimated at $4,000,000; which, with the duty on
gold and silver, makes the annual revenue $16,800,000. The civil list
of the kingdom is $580,000, the military $7,189,200; these together
amount to $7,760,200, which, deducted from the gross revenue of
$16,700,000, leaves a clear revenue for the king from his Mexican
dominions of $9,030,800. The money paid for the support of the clergy
is not included in this estimate, as they receive their revenue
through its own proper channel. The best paid officers under the
government cost the king nothing in a direct line, yet the oppressive
manner in which they pay themselves and impoverish the people would
render it better policy to abolish their impositions and pay them out
of the public treasury by a direct salary.

_Return of Military Force in New Spain._

Key Code:

C = Cavalry.
A = Artillery.
I = Infantry.
F = Fire-arms.
B.A.L. = Bows, arrows, and lances.

==============+=================+=================
| |
| Disciplined | Regular
Provinces | and Regular | Troops of the
and | European Troops.| Country.
Places. +-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----
| C | A | I | C | A | I
--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----
Xalapa Ina. | | | | | |
Vera Cruz | | 200| 2000| 2000| |
Vera Cruz and | | | | | |
sea-ports | | 800| 2000| | |
Mexico | 1000| | | | | 1000
Provinces and | | | | | |
viceroyalty | | | | | |
New Mexico | | | | 100| |
Biscay | | | | 1100| |
Senora | | | | 900| | 200
Sinaloa | | | | 100| |
Cogquilla | | | | 400| |
Texas | | | | 488| |
+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----
Total | 1000| 1000| 4000| 5088| | 1200
--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----+-----

==============+=================+============
| Militia with |
| Regular | Probable
Provinces | Field Officers | Armed
and | and under Pay. | Citizens.
Places. +-----+-----+-----+-----+------
| C | A | I | F |B.A.L.
--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------
Xalapa Ina. | | | | |
Vera Cruz | 3000| | 1000| |
Vera Cruz and | | | | |
sea-ports | 600| | 2000| |
Mexico | 3400| 1000| | |
Provinces and | | | | |
viceroyalty | | | |15000| 80000
New Mexico | | | | 1000| 4000
Biscay | | | | 5000| 8000
Senora | | | | 5000| 3000
Sinaloa | | | | 3000| 6000
Cogquilla | | | | 1000| 2000
Texas | | | | 500| 1000
+-----+-----+-----+-----+------
Total | 7000| 1000| 3000|30500|109000
--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------

Cavalry. Artillery. Infantry.

Regular troops, European 1000 1000 4000
Regular troops, Mexican 5088 .... 1200
Trained militia 7000 1000 3000
----- ---- ----
Total 13088 2000 8200

Cavalry 13088
Artillery 2000
Infantry 8200
------
Total 23288 disciplined and effective force.
------
30500 undisciplined militia.
109000 bow, arrow, and lance men.
------
162788 total force.

The European troops are some of the choicest regiments from Spain;
consequently, we may put them on the supposition that they are well
disciplined, and officered by men of honor and science.

The regular troops of the kingdom who are in the viceroyalty, acting
from the stimulant of ambition and envy, are supposed to be equal to
their brethren from Europe. The militia, with the regular officers,
are likewise good troops, but are not held in so high estimation as
the other corps. Those three corps, forming a body of 23,288 men, may
be called the regular force of the kingdom, as the militia of 139,500
would, in my estimation, be of no more consequence against the regular
troops of any civilized power than the ancient aborigines of the
country were against the army of Cortes.

The particular observations which follow must be considered as
applying to the troops of the internal provinces, unless it is stated
to the contrary.

The appearance of the Spanish troops is certainly, at a distance, à la
militaire; their lances are fixed to the side of the saddle under the
left thigh and slant about five feet above the horse. On the right the
carabine is slung in a case to the front of the saddle, or pommel,
crosswise, the breech to the right hand; and on each side of the
saddle, behind the rider, is a pistol; below the breech of the
carabine is slung the shield, which is made of sole leather three
doubled, sewed together with thongs, with a band on the inside to slip
the left arm through; those of the privates are round, and are about
two feet in diameter. The officers and non-commissioned officers have
their shields oval, bending on both sides, in order to permit the
arrow to glance, and they have in general the arms of Spain with Don
Carlos IV. gilt on the outside, with various other devices, which add
much to the elegance of their appearance on horseback, but are only
calculated to be of service against savages who have no fire-arms. The
dragoons of the viceroyalty do not make use of the lance or shield,
but are armed, equipped, and clothed after the modern manner, as are
also the dragoons of the eastern provinces. When they recently
expected to be opposed to the American troops they were deprived of
the lance and shield, and received the straight cutlass in their
stead.

Their dress is a short blue coat, with red cape and cuffs, without
facings, leather or blue cotton velvet small-clothes and waistcoat,
the small-clothes always open at the knees, the wrapping-boot with the
jack-boot and permanent spur over it, a broad-brimmed, high-crowned
wool hat, with a ribbon round it of various colors, generally received
as a present from some female, which they wear as a badge of the favor
of the fair sex and a mark of their gallantry.

Their horses are small and slender-limbed, but very active and capable
of enduring great fatigue. The equipments of the horses are, to our
idea, awkward; but I believe them superior to the English, and they
have the advantage over us in the skill of the rider, as well as in
the quality of the beast. Their bridles have a strong curb, which
gives so great a mechanical force to the bridle that I believe it
almost practicable with it to break the jaw of the beast. The saddle
is made after the Persian mode, with a high projecting pommel or, as
anciently termed, bow, and is likewise raised behind. This is merely
the tree; it is then covered by two or three covers of carved leather
and embroidered workmanship, some with gold and silver in a very
superb manner. The stirrups are of wood closed in front, carved
generally into the figure of a lion's head, or that of some other
beast; they are very heavy, and to us present a very clumsy
appearance. The horseman, seated on his horse, has a small bag tied
behind him, his blankets either under him, or lying with his cloak
between his body and the bow, which makes him at his ease. Thus
mounted, it is impossible for the most vicious horse ever to dismount
them. They will catch another horse with a noose and hair rope, when
both are running nearly at full speed, with which they soon choke down
the beast of which they are in pursuit; in short, they are probably
the most expert horsemen in the world.

At each post is a store, called the king's, where it was the original
intention of the government that the soldiers should be supplied with
provisions, clothing, arms, etc., at a cheap rate; but it being a post
generally given to some young officer to make his fortune, they are
subject to great impositions. When a dragoon joins the service he
receives from the king five horses and two mules, and this number he
is always obliged to keep good from his own pocket; but when he is
discharged, the horses and mules receive the discharge mark and become
his private property. They engage for five or ten years, at the option
of the soldier, but in the bounty there is a very material difference.
It is extremely easy to keep up their corps, as a private dragoon
considers himself upon an equality with most of the citizens and
infinitely superior to the lower class, and not unfrequently you see
men of considerable fortune marrying the daughters of sergeants and
corporals.

The pay of the troops of New Spain varies with the locality, but may
be averaged, in the internal provinces, as follows:

Colonel, $4,500; lieutenant-colonel, $4,000; major, $3,000; captain,
$2,400; first lieutenant, $1,500; second lieutenant, $1,000; ensign,
$800; sergeant, $350; corporal, $300; private, $288. With this pay
they find their own clothes, provisions, arms, accouterments, etc.,
after the first equipments.

Corporal punishment is contrary to the Spanish ordinances. They punish
by imprisonment, putting in the stocks, and death. As a remarkable
instance of the discipline and regularity of conduct of those
provincial troops, although marching with them and doing duty as it
were for nearly four months, I never saw a man receive a blow or put
under confinement for one hour. How impossible would it be to regulate
the turbulent dispositions of the Americans with such treatment! In
making the foregoing remark I do not include officers, for I saw more
rigorous treatment exercised toward some of them than was ever
practiced in our army.

The discipline of their troops is very different from ours. As to
tactics or military maneuvers, they are not held in much estimation;
for, during the whole of the time I was in the country, I never saw a
corps of troops exercising as dragoons, but frequently marching by
platoons, sections, etc., in garrison, where they serve as infantry
with their carabines. In these maneuvers they are very deficient. On a
march a detachment of cavalry generally encamp in a circle. They
relieve their guards at night; as soon as they halt the new guard is
formed on foot with their carabines, and then marched before the
commandant's tent, where the commanding officer of the guard invokes
the holy virgin three times; the commanding officer replies, "It is
well." They then retire and mount their horses, and are told off, some
to act as guard of the horses, as cavalry, others as guard of the
camp, as infantry. The old guards are then paraded and relieved, and
the new sentinels take post. Their sentinels are singing half the
time, and it is no uncommon thing for them to quit their post to come
to the fire, go for water, etc.--in fact, after the officer is in bed,
frequently the whole guard comes in; yet I never knew any man punished
for those breaches of military duty. Their mode of attack is by
squadrons, on the different flanks of their enemies, but without
regularity or concert, shouting, hallooing, and firing their
carabines; after which, if they think themselves equal to the enemy,
they charge with a pistol and then a lance. From my observation on
their discipline I have no hesitation in declaring that I would not be
afraid to march over a plain with 500 infantry and a proportionate
allowance of horse artillery of the United States army, in the
presence of 5,000 of these dragoons. Yet I do not presume to say that
an army with that inferiority of numbers would do to oppose them, for
they would cut off your supplies, and harass your march and camp,
night and day, to such a degree as to oblige you in the end to
surrender to them without ever having come to action. If, however, the
event depended on one single engagement, it would eventuate with glory
to the American arms. The conclusion must not be drawn that I consider
they are more deficient in physical firmness than other nations, for
we see the savages, 500 of whom on a plain fly before 50 bayonets, on
other occasions brave danger and death in its most horrid shapes, with
an undaunted fortitude never surpassed by the most disciplined and
hardy veterans. It arises solely from the want of discipline and
confidence in each other, as is always the case with undisciplined
corps, unless stimulated by the godlike sentiment of love of country,
of which these poor fellows know little. The traveling food of the
dragoons in New Mexico consists of a very excellent species of wheat
biscuit, and shaved meat well dried [charqui], with a vast quantity of
red pepper [chile colorado], of which they make bouilli and then pour
it on their broken biscuit, when the latter becomes soft and excellent
eating.

Farther south they use large quantities of parched corn-meal and sugar
[pinole], as practiced by our hunters, each dragoon having a small
bag. In short, they live, when on command, on an allowance which our
troops would conceive little better than starving, never, except at
night, attempting to eat anything like a meal, but biting a piece of
biscuit, or drinking some parched meal with sugar and water, during
the day.

From the physical as well as moral properties of the inhabitants of
New Spain, I do believe they are capable of being made the best troops
in the world, possessing sobriety, enterprise, great physical force,
docility, and a conception equally quick and penetrating.

The mode of promotion in the internal provinces is singular, but
probably productive of good effects. Should a vacancy of first
lieutenant offer in a company, the captain commanding nominates, with
the senior second lieutenant, who by seniority would fill the vacancy,
two other lieutenants to the general, giving his comments on all
three. The general selects two for a nomination to the court, from
whom is selected the fortunate candidate, whose commission is made out
and forwarded. As the letters of nomination are always kept a secret,
it is impossible for the young officers to say who is to blame if they
are disappointed, and the fortunate one is in a direct way to thank
the king only for the ultimate decision. And thus with superior grades
to the colonel.

The king of Spain's ordinances for the government of his army are
generally founded on justice and a high sense of honor. I could not
get a set from any of the officers to take to my quarters,
consequently my observations on them were extremely cursory. They
provide that no old soldier shall ever be discharged the service,
unless for infamous crimes. When a man has served with reputation for
15 years and continues, his pay is augmented; 20 years, he receives
another augmentation; 27 years, he receives the brevet rank and pay of
an ensign; and 32, a lieutenant, etc. Those circumstances are a great
stimulant, although not one in a thousand arrives at the third period,
when they are permitted to retire from the service with full pay and
emoluments. All sons of captains, or of grades superior, are entitled
to enter the king's schools as cadets, at the age of 12 years.

The property of any officer or soldier who is killed on the field of
battle, or dies of his wounds, is not liable to be taken for debt, and
is secured, as well as the king's pension, to the relatives of the
deceased.

Courts-martial for the trial of commissioned officers must be formed
of general officers; but this clause subjects the officers of the
provinces to a great species of tyranny, for the commanding general
has taken it upon himself to punish for all offenses not capital, and
consequently according to his own judgment and prejudices, from which
there is only an appeal to the king, and difficult it is indeed for
the complaints of a subaltern to reach his majesty through the
numerous crowd of sycophants who surround him, one-half of whom are
probably in league with his oppressor. It likewise deprives an officer
of the most sacred of all rights, that of being tried by his peers;
for, should he be sent to Mexico or Europe for trial, it is possible
he cannot take half the testimony which is necessary to complete his
justification.

There is another principle defined by the ordinances, which has often
been the cause of disputes in the service of the United States. The
commandant of a post in the Spanish service, if barely a captain,
receives no orders from a general, should one arrive at his post,
unless that general should be superior in authority to the person who
posted him; for, says the ordinance, he is responsible to the king
alone for his post. That principle, according to my ideas, is very
injurious to the country which adopts it. For example, we will say
that a post of great importance, containing immense military stores,
is likely to fall into the hands of the enemy; an officer superior to
the commandant receives the information, repairs to the post, and
orders him immediately to evacuate it. The commandant, feeling himself
only responsible to the authority who placed him in that position,
refuses to obey, and the magazines and place are lost. The principle
is also subversive of the very root of military subordination and
discipline, where an inferior should in all cases obey a superior, who
alone should be responsible for the effect arising from the execution
of his orders. It will readily be believed that, in my thus advocating
implicit obedience to the orders of a superior, that I do not suppose
the highest improbabilities or impossibilities, such as an order to
turn your arms against the constituted authority of your country, or
to be the ensign of his tyranny or the pander of his vices. Those are
cases where a man's reason must alone direct him, and are not--indeed,
cannot be--subject to any human rule whatever.

_Religion._ It forms a subject with which I am very imperfectly
acquainted; but, having made some inquiries and observations on the
religion of the country, I will freely communicate them, fearful at
the same time that I lay myself open to the severe criticism of
persons who have in any degree applied themselves to the study of
theology or the ritual of the catholic church.

The kingdom of New Spain is divided into four archbishoprics, viz.:
Mexico, Guadalaxara, Durango, and St. Louis Potosi. Under these again
are the sub-bishoprics--deacons, curates, etc., all of whom are
subject and accountable to their immediate chief for the districts
committed to their charge, and the whole are again subject to the
ordinances of the high court of inquisition held at the capital of
Mexico, whence are fulminated the edicts of their censure against the
heresies and impious doctrines of modern philosophy, both as to
politics and religion. I am credibly informed that the influence of
that tribunal is greater in his Catholic majesty's Mexican dominions
than in any Catholic country in Europe or perhaps in the world. A few
years since they condemned a man to the flames, for asserting and
maintaining some doctrine which they deemed heretical; and a Jew who
was imprudent enough to take the image of Christ on a cross, and put
it under the sill of his door, saying privately he would make the dogs
walk over their God. They likewise examine and condemn to the flames
all books of a modern sentiment, either as to religion or politics,
and excommunicate anyone in whose hands they may be found. I recollect
to have seen a decree of theirs published in the Mexican gazettes,
condemning a number of books, "as heretical and contrary to the sacred
principles of the holy Catholic church, and the peace and durability
of the government of his Catholic majesty." Amongst these were
mentioned Helvetius on Man, J. J. Rousseau's works, Voltaire's,
Mirabeau's, and a number of others of that description; even at so
great a distance as Chihuahua a officer dared not take Pope's Essay on
Man to his quarters, but used to come to mine to read it.

The salaries of the archbishops are superior to those of any officers
in the kingdom; the bishop of Mexico's being estimated at $150,000 per
annum, when the viceroy's is $80,000, with $50,000 allowed for his
table, falling short of the bishop's $20,000.

Those incomes are raised entirely from the people, who pay no tax to
the king, but give one-tenth of their yearly income to the clergy,
besides the fees of confessions, bulls, burials, baptisms, marriages,
and a thousand impositions which the corruption of priestcraft has
introduced, and which have been kept up by their superstition and
ignorance. Notwithstanding all this, the inferior clergy, who do all
the slavery of the office, are liberal and well-informed men; I
scarcely saw one who was not in favor of a change of government. They
are generally Creoles by birth, and always kept in subordinate grades,
without the least shadow of a probability of rising to the superior
dignities of the church. This has soured their minds to such a degree
that I am confident in asserting that they will lead the van whenever
the standard of independence is raised in that country.

_Politics._ It has often been a subject of discussion with
politicians, in what manner a mother country should treat her distant
and powerful colonies, in order to retain them longest in their
subjection; for the history of all nations and all ages has proved
that no community of people separated from another by an immense
ocean, feeling their power, strength, and independence, will remain
long subject to the mother country, purely from the ties of
consanguinity and similarity of habits, manners, and religion. Society
itself having arisen from the mutual wants, fears, and imbecility of
the infancy of human institutions, a large body of that society will
remain no longer subject to another branch, at the immense distance of
1,000 leagues, than until they feel their maturity, and capability of
providing for their own wants and their own defense. Therefore we may
draw a conclusion that no political course of conduct whatever will
eventually prevent the separation; but there is a line of conduct
which certainly must retard it in a great measure; and prudence would
dictate to the mother country the policy of giving way without a
struggle to an event beyond her power to prevent.

The two great examples of English and Spanish America are before our
eyes. England gave us liberty to pursue the dictates of our own
judgment with respect to trade, education, and manners, by which means
we increased in power, learning, and wealth, with a rapidity unknown
in the annals of the world, and at the first attempt to infringe the
rights which we had hitherto enjoyed, asserted that claim which
nature and the locality of our situation gave us a right to demand and
a power to defend. Had Great Britain yielded to the storm with grace
and dignity, she would have secured our gratitude, ancient prejudices,
and affections in her favor; on the contrary, by a long and arduous
conflict, the murder of thousands of our citizens, the destruction of
our country, the profanation of our altars, and the violation of every
right, divine and human, she implanted in the breast of the Americans
an antipathy approaching nearly to horror, a desire of revenge almost
hereditary; and destroyed the bonds of brotherhood which might have
subsisted between the two countries. It will take ages of just conduct
from her to the United States to eradicate this. Spain pursued a
different line of conduct toward her Mexican dominions, which were
settled by Europeans 60 years previous to any part of the United
States, and might be termed a conquered kingdom, rather than the
settlement of a savage country. This country she has therefore bound
up in all the ligatures of restrictions, monopolies, prohibitions,
seclusions, and superstitions; and has so carefully secluded all light
from bursting in on their ignorance, that they have vegetated like the
acorns in the forest, until the towering branches have broken through
the darkness of the wild which surrounded them and let in the light of
heaven. The approximation of the United States, with the gigantic
strides of French ambition, have begun to arouse their dormant
qualities, and to call into action the powers of their minds on the
subject of their political situation.

An instance of their disposition for independence has been exhibited
in their feeble attempts at a revolution on the 15th of January, 1624,
under the viceroyalty of Don Diego Carrello Galves; the insurrection
on the 8th of June, 1692; and more recently, in 1797, under the Count
de Galves,[IV'-51] when they proclaimed him king of Mexico in the
streets of the capital, and 130,000 souls were heard proclaiming,
"Long live Galvez, king of Mexico!" It was then only for him to have
willed it, and the kingdom of Mexico was lost to Charles IV. forever.
But preferring his loyalty to his ambition, he rode out attended by
his guards to the mob, with sword in hand, crying out, "Long live his
Catholic majesty, Charles IV.," and threatening to put to instant
death with his own hand any persons who refused immediately to retire
to their houses. This dispersed the people. In another quarter of the
kingdom an immense number had also collected and proclaimed him king.
He sent 10,000 men against them, dispersed them, and had four
beheaded. Those firm measures saved the country at that period, and
for them he received the greatest honors from the court of Spain; but
was poisoned a short time after, fulfilling the maxim that "it is
dangerous to serve a jealous tyrant." For such always conceive that
the same power which stilled the ocean's rage can by its will raise
the storm into all the majesty of overwhelming fury. Thus, by taking
his life, it relieved them from the dread of his influence with the
Mexicans.

England would naturally have been the power they would have looked up
to, in order to form an alliance to secure their independence; but the
insatiable avarice and hauteur exhibited by the English in their late
descents at La Plate [La Plata, in South America], with the disgrace
of their arms, has turned their views from that nation.

They therefore have turned their eyes toward the United States, as to
a sister of the same soil, in their vicinity--one who has within her
power ample resources of arms, ammunition, and even men, to assist in
securing their independence, and who in that event would secure to
herself the almost exclusive trade of the richest country in the world
for centuries, and [the opportunity] to be her carriers as long as the
two nations exist. For Mexico, like China, will never become a nation
of mariners, but will receive the ships of all the world into her
ports, and give her bullion in exchange for the productions of their
different countries. Then, what would not be the advantages the United
States would reap from the event! Our numerous vessels would fill
every port, and our vicinity would enable us to carry off at least
nine-tenths of her commerce; even on the coast of the Pacific no
European nation could vie with us. There would also be a brisk inland
trade carried on with the Spanish provinces via Red river; and having
a free entrance into all their ports, we should become their factors,
agents, guardians--in short, their tutelar genius; as they fear but
hate France and all French men and measures. It therefore remains for
the government of the United States to decide whether, if Bonaparte
should seize the crown of Spain, the States would hold out a helping
hand to emancipate another portion of the western hemisphere from the
bonds of European tyranny and oppression: or, by a different policy,
suffer 6,000,000 people to become, in the hands of French intrigue,
enterprise, and tactics, a scourge on our southwestern boundaries,
which would oblige us to keep up a large and respectable military
force, and continually lay us liable to a war on the weakest and most
vulnerable part of our frontiers.

Twenty thousand auxiliaries from the United States under good
officers, joined to the independents of the country, are at any time
sufficient to create and effect the revolution. These troops can be
raised and officered in the United States, but paid and supplied at
the expense of Mexico. It would be requisite that not only the general
commanding, but that every officer, down to the youngest ensign,
should be impressed with the necessity of supporting a strict
discipline, to prevent marauding, which should in some instances be
punished with death, in order to convince the citizens that we come as
their friends and protectors, not as their plunderers and tyrants.
Also, the most sacred regard should be paid not to injure the
institutions of their religion; thereby showing them we have a proper
respect for all things in any way connected with the worship of the
Deity, at the same time that we permit every man to adore him
agreeably to the dictates of his own judgment.

The details requisite for the equipment, organization, etc., of the
corps, so as to adapt it to the locality of the country and the nature
of the service, could be easily formed, but would be impertinent here.

Should an army of Americans ever march into the country, and be guided
and governed by these maxims, they will only have to march from
province to province in triumph, and be hailed by the united voices of
grateful millions as their deliverers and saviors, whilst our national
character resounds to the most distant nations of the earth.

WASHINGTON, April 12th, 1808.

FOOTNOTES:

[IV'-1] Chapter IV., which I introduce to accommodate Pike's
Observations on New Spain, as the article may be briefly entitled,
consists of the leading piece of the App. to Pt. 3 of the orig. ed.,
pp. 1-51; it had no number, but as it came first and was followed by a
piece presented as No. 2, it is of course to be taken as No. 1, _pro
forma_. The original heading was: Geographical, Statistical, and
General Observations made by Capt. Z. M. Pike, on the Interior
Provinces of New Spain, from Louisiana to the Vice Royalty, and
between the Pacific Ocean, Gulph of California and the Atlantic Ocean
or Gulph of Mexico. This was by far the most important article in the
whole work, bringing news of great public interest in 1810. Much of it
was original; how much of it was borrowed without acknowledgement
could only be said after careful examination of prior works on the
same subject. It should be compared with Humboldt and Bonpland's
Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, with a Physical and
Geographical Atlas, etc., 2 vols., 4to, with atlas, folio, of 20
plates. Pike's two maps of Mexico will be best understood in
connection with the same source of information: see Memoir, _anteà_.

[IV'-2] Nueva España (New Spain) is a term whose geographical and
political connotation has varied much. As the colonial name of what we
call Mexico it was first applied to Yucatan and Tabasco by Grijalva,
in 1518, and next extended to all the Cortesian conquests. The kingdom
of New Spain proper was a region under the audience of Mexico, which
corresponded closely to the modern states of Yucatan, Campeche,
Tabasco, Vera Cruz, Hidalgo, Guanajuato, Michoacan, Colima, Mexico,
Morelos, Tlascala, Puebla, Guerrero, Oajaca, and Chiapas. The
viceroyalty of New Spain, dating from 1535, when the first viceroy,
Mendoza, entered in possession, was much more comprehensive, as it
embraced all the Spanish possessions in Central and North America,
from the S. boundary of Costa Rica, as well as the West Indies and the
Spanish East Indies. Its political composition was the five audiences
of Mexico, Guadalajara, Guatemala, Santo Domingo, and Manila, and the
captaincy-general of Florida. During the eighteenth century the East
Indies and Guatemala were excluded from the viceroyalty. The
viceroyalty of New Spain, as the term was most generally used, long
consisted of the three "kingdoms" of New Spain, New Galicia, and New
Leon. This corresponded to modern Mexico, plus then undefined
territories of Texas, New Mexico, and California, now parts of the
United States. On the separation in 1793 of the Provincias Internas or
Internal Provinces, the viceroyalty of New Spain corresponded to the
present Mexico, plus the Californias, but minus southern Coahuila,
Durango, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and Sonora. Spanish viceroyalty ceased in
1821, but "New Spain" was not finally "Mexico" till 1824 (during the
Empire under Iturbide, 1822-28). The term "Provincias Internas" was
vaguely used, as early as the seventeenth century, for the northern
parts of New Spain or Mexico. "In 1777 (by order of Aug. 22, 1776) a
new government was formed under this name, completely separated from
the viceroyalty of New Spain, and comprising Nueva Vizcaya ([New
Biscay] Durango and Chihuahua), Coahuila, Texas, New Mexico, Sinaloa,
Sonora, and the Californias. The Capital was Arizpe in Sonora, and the
audience of Guadalajara retained its judicial authority; the governor
was also military commandant. In 1786 and 1787-93 the government was
again subordinate to the viceroy. When the final separation was made
in 1793, California was attached to Mexico," Cent. Cyclop., 1894, _s.
v._, p. 828. This last "New Spain" is Pike's; and the present article
is mainly devoted to the Provincias Internas of this New
Spain--excepting that nothing is said of the Californias.

[IV'-3] El Reino de Nueva Galicia, or New Galicia, was a prime
division of colonial New Spain, whose limits fluctuated, like those of
most Mexican political divisions, but for most of the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries corresponded nearly to the modern states of
Jalisco, Aguas Calientes, and Zacatecas, plus a small part of San Luis
Potosí. The audience of Guadalajara, originating in 1548, had
jurisdiction over this Nueva Galicia; in 1786 the latter became the
intendency of Guadalajara; and after 1792 the Provincias Internas were
judicially subordinate to the audience of Guadalajara. Pike's
"administration of Guadalaxara" corresponds inexactly to the present
State of Jalisco or Xalisco. This lies on the Pacific coast, bordered
by the states of Sinaloa, Durango, Zacatecas, Aguas Calientes,
Guanajuato, Michoacan, and Colima; area, 27,261 sq. m.; pop.,
1,280,500; capital, Guadalajara. The situation of this city is lat.
21° N., long. 103° 10´ W.; it was founded in 1542, and is now the
second largest city in Mexico, pop. 95,000. That "one of the Gusman
family," who Pike says built it "in 1551" was probably Nuño or Nuñez
Bertrande Guzman, b. Guadalajara (in Spain) about 1485, d. there 1544;
he was the enemy of Cortés, and the conqueror of New Galicia. Rio
Grande de Santiago is the largest river in the state, and Lago de
Chapala, which lies mostly within its limits, is the largest lake in
Mexico; area, over 1,300 sq. m.

[IV'-4] Valladolid was the name of an old Castilian province in Spain,
and of the capital of that province; it was applied to a political
division in Mexico which has entirely disappeared, though
corresponding to some extent to the present State of Michoacan. The
capital of this was also called Valladolid until 1828, when it was
changed to present Morelia, in honor of the patriot priest José Maria
Morelos y Pavon, b. there Sept. 30th, 1765; joined the revolt of
Hidalgo, 1810; was captured Nov. 15th, 1815; executed Dec. 22d, 1815,
near the City of Mexico.

[IV'-5] This administration has been so changed and subdivided that it
is not easily compared in a word with existing divisions which
represent its former extent. In general terms it was a south central
portion of Mexico with an extensive Pacific coast line, but cut off
from the Atlantic by Vera Cruz and Puebla, and bordered on the N. by
San Luis Potosí, etc. The present State of Mexico is an area of
somewhat over 9,000 sq. m., bounded by Querétaro, Hidalgo, Tlascala,
Puebla, Morelos, Guerrero, and Michoacan. Its capital is Toluca; for
the City of Mexico, capital of the republic, is in a small Federal
District set apart from the rest of the state (like our District of
Columbia), with an area of only 463 sq. m. The pop. of the present
State of Mexico is about 830,000; the capital city of the republic has
a pop. of 330,000; its situation is lat. 19° 25´ 45´´ N., long. 99° 7´
18´´ W., at an alt. of about 7,500 feet.

[IV'-6] The present State of Oajaca has an extensive Pacific
coast-line on the S., Guerrero and a small part of Puebla on the W.,
Puebla and Vera Cruz on the N., Vera Cruz and Chiapas on the E.; area,
about 28,800 sq. m.; pop. about 816,000. The capital city of the same
name is on the Rio Verde or Atoyac, about 200 m. S. E. of the City of
Mexico; pop. 29,000.

[IV'-7] Vera Cruz is the long, narrow maritime state of Mexico, with
the Gulf on the E., Tamaulipas on the N., and then bordered on the W.,
S., and E., successively, by San Luis Potosí, Hidalgo, Puebla, Oajaca,
Chiapas, and Tabasco. The land is low along the Gulf, or in the
_tierra caliente_, but soon rises to the mountainous _tierra fria_ of
most of the state. The whole area is 27,450 sq. m.; pop. 642,000. The
long-famous seaport of Vera Cruz is the principal city, pop. 24,000,
in lat. 19° 12´ N., long. 96° 9´ E. This was founded near the present
site by Cortés in May, 1519, by the name of Villa Rica de la Vera
Cruz; site changed to the Rio de la Antigua in 1525; to present
position in 1599; became City of Vera Cruz in 1615; was taken by the
French in 1838, by the Americans in 1848, by the Allies in 1861. The
celebrated Picacho of Orizaba, 10 m. N. of Orizaba, alt. 18,314 feet,
is on the boundary between Vera Cruz and Puebla. This is the highest
mountain of N. America, except Mt. St. Elias.

[IV'-8] Present State of Puebla is entirely cut off from the sea,
being wedged in among Vera Cruz on the E., Oajaca on the S., Guerrero
on the S. W., and Morelos, Mexico, Tlascala, and Hidalgo, on the W.;
area 12,740 sq. m.; pop. lately, 845,000; capital, La Puebla de los
Angeles, so called from a pious taradiddle; pop. about 110,000; it is
a very old city, founded about 1530, and was taken by the French in
1863. The famous peak of Popocatepetl, or Smoking mt., a volcano about
17,800 feet high, is on the boundary between this state and Mexico, 45
m. S. E. of the city of the latter name; and N. of that peak is
another volcano, Ixtaccihuatl or the "Woman in White," over 16,000
feet high.

[IV'-9] Guanajuato is a small central state, surrounded by Zacatecas,
San Luis Potosí, Querétaro, Michoacan, Jalisco, and Aguas Calientes;
area, 11,370 sq. m., pop. over 1,000,000; capital of same name, about
lat. 21° 1´ N., long. 100° 35´ W.; pop. 52,000.

[IV'-10] Zacatecas has altered less than some of the administrations,
the present state being bounded N. by Coahuila, N. and N. W. by
Durango, W. and S. W. and S. by Jalisco, S. by Aguas Calientes, E. by
San Luis Potosí; area, 25,230 sq. m.; pop. 585,640; capital of same
name, about lat. 22° 40´ N., pop. about 60,000.

[IV'-11] Pike's "St. Louis" corresponds, though inexactly, to present
State of San Luis Potosí, lying among Nuevo Leon, Tamaulipas, and a
small extent of Vera Cruz on the E., Zacatecas on the W., Coahuila on
the N., and Guanajuato, Querétaro, and Hidalgo on the S.; area, 24,450
sq. m.; pop. about 550,500; capital of the same name, 223 m. N. N. W.
of City of Mexico; pop. 62,600.

[IV'-12] Nuevo Santander, whose history is something of a political
curiosity, was originally a division of colonial New Spain, and
continued to be known as a colony until 1786. The extent was about
that of the present State of Tamaulipas, bounded substantially as Pike
says, though it once overreached the Rio Grande into what is now
Texas. Tamaulipas has Texas on the N., separated by the Rio Grande;
the Gulf of Mexico on the E.; Nuevo Leon and Coahuila on the W.; San
Luis Potosí on the S. W. and S.; with a small extent of Vera Cruz on
the extreme S.; area, 29,350 sq. m.; pop. about 173,000; capital,
Ciudad Victoria. The river, on one of whose headwaters this city is
situated, falls into the Gulf near the Barra de Santander, as it is
still called, about 60 Mexican leagues S. of the mouth of the Rio
Grande, and rather less than 40 such leagues N. of Tampico; its length
is supposed to be about 150 m.

[IV'-13] Or Nuevo Reino de Leon, as it was long styled. This was a
division of colonial New Spain, corresponding to the present State of
Nuevo Leon, but, when a kingdom, including certain portions of what
are now Tamaulipas and San Luis Potosí; it was attached to the
intendency of the latter in 1786. New Leon still has Tamaulipas along
the whole of its E. border, excepting that its northern panhandle is
environed by Coahuila, which thence extends on its W. side to San Luis
Potosí, which latter thence curves to meet Tamaulipas at the end of
the southern panhandle. The shape of some of the Mexican states would
show, in the absence of all history, that earthquakes and volcanoes
were not the only agitations against which New Spain contended in the
settling of some of her geographical problems. Area of New Leon,
24,000 sq. m.; pop. 272,000; capital, Monterey: for Pike's location of
Monterey on "Tiger" r., see note 33, p. 682, May 18th, 1807. The
position of this city is about lat. 25° 40´ N., long. 100° 25´ W.;
pop. 46,000; it is best known to us as a prize captured by the U. S.
forces under Z. Taylor, Sept. 23d, 1846. The Count of Monterey was one
Caspar de Zuñiga y Azevedo, b. _ca._ 1540, d. Lima, Peru, Feb. 10th,
1606, viceroy of Mexico, Oct. 5th, 1595-1603, of Peru, Nov. 28th,
1604, till death; Monterey bay, Cal., named for him. The American
officer whom Pike names was Edward D. Turner of Massachusetts, who
entered the army as an ensign of the 2d Inf. Mar. 4th, 1791; became a
lieutenant July 13th, 1792: captain of the 2d sub-Legion Nov. 11th,
1793, and of the 2d Inf. Nov. 1st, 1796; served as brigade inspector
from Nov. 1st, 1799, to Apr. 1st, 1802; was retained as a captain of
the 1st Inf. from the latter date, and resigned Nov. 30th, 1805.

[IV'-14] This comes at the end of the present dissertation, when Pike
has finished with his account of the Internal Provinces, to which he
now proceeds. Two of these, Sonora and Sinaloa, are "internal" to the
extent of bordering on the Gulf of California and not on the high sea.
These he never saw; those he traversed correspond to the present three
Mexican states of Chihuahua, Durango, and Coahuila, and to our
Territory of New Mexico, State of Texas, and a small part of the State
of Louisiana. Most of the commentary that would otherwise be here
offered has already been put upon Pike's itinerary through these
regions; but some points will come up for further criticism or
explanation.

[IV'-15] New Mexico, as long as it was a province of New Spain, could
not be satisfactorily bounded, for the simple reason that its
boundaries were never clearly defined. Pike's ascription of lat. 44°
N. sends it up to the shadowy border of "the Oregan"--that No Man's
Land till Lewis and Clark descended the Columbia to the South Sea.
This is no place to open the celebrated quarrel over boundaries that
hovered in the air like clouds on political paper; suffice it, that
when the Oregan became an undisputed possession of any nation, it
already belonged to the United States. Away from the Pacific coast,
Spanish dominion never exceeded 38° N. in fact, whatever it may have
been on paper at any time. Shortly after Pike's time, _i. e._, from
Feb. 22d, 1819, an intelligible theoretical boundary was agreed upon
by the United States and Spain, though it was never run upon the
ground. This line, aside from any question of the still unsettled
boundary of Texas, ran from the Red r. to the Arkansaw r. on the
meridian of 100° W. from Greenwich, up the Arkansaw to its source,
thence due N. on whatever the meridian might prove to be to lat. 42°
N., thence on that parallel due W. to the Pacific. Spanish Nuevo
Mejico was quietly captured without resistance by the U. S. Army of
the West under Kearny in 1846; formally ceded in 1848; organized as a
U. S. territory in 1850; its southern boundary changed by the
acquisition of the Gadsden purchase and definitely established in
1853; Arizona detached on the W. in 1863 along the meridian of 109°
W.; eastern boundary, the meridian of 103° W.; present area, 122,460
sq. m.; pop. in 1890 given as 153,593. Thus, to all intents and
practical purposes, Pike's "New Mexico" is our New Mexico and Arizona,
and thence indefinitely northward. Present Arizona has an area of
112,920 sq. m.; pop. 59,620 by the census of 1890. In December, 1863,
Governor John N. Goodwin and Secretary Richard C. McCormick, with
other new Territorial officials, entered into possession on the
ground, and formally proclaimed their functions. They proceeded to
establish the capital on Granite cr., a tributary of the Rio Verde,
and named it Prescott, for the historian, after having deliberated
whether to call it Audubon, for the ornithologist. The log house built
for the gubernatorial, secretarial, and all other functions was there
when I last saw it, in 1892, and still the residence of one of the
original party, Judge Fleury, who in the course of time exercised his
versatile talent in every capacity, from cook to acting governor.
Arizona is thus politically in its 32d year now (1895). Its historic
period dates from 1540 or 1536; the prehistoric compass of time, since
it was first inhabited, is very likely not exceeded by the Christian
era--to judge from recent exhumations in the valley of the Gila,
revealing a cluster of cities 6 m. long. Those who named the present
capital Phoenix builded better than they knew--the name, I mean, not
the mud hovels and wicker-work jacals which adorn some portions of
that new center of political intrigue to which were lately shifted the
inevitable dissensions that arose between the northern mountaineers
and the southern deserteers.

[IV'-16] To correct in detail all such statements would hardly come
within the scope of cursory notes, and I usually pass them over, as
anyone can easily inform himself of the adjustment required for
geographical precision. But in this particular instance it is well to
remember that Pike had acquired an erroneous notion of the source of
the Yellowstone, from considering the _South_ Platte to be the whole
Platte, thus throwing the _North_ Platte out of court. Having no
knowledge of this great river, he fancied there was some spot whence
he could walk in a day to the source of any one of the four he
names--a feat for which the seven-leagued boots of fable would be
required: see note 5, p. 524. For some particulars concerning the Rio
Grande, see note 32, p. 642. To the different names which the river
had in different regions, add Rio Abajo and Rio Arriba for lower and
upper sections, not well defined but conveniently recognized, of Rio
del Norte above El Paso. Pike is quite right in the matter of Rio
Bravo--a name never applied to the river in any portion of its course
which he traversed in New Mexico.

[IV'-17] Whatever the real implication of names bestowed upon actual
or alleged branches of the Colorado by the early explorers from whom
Pike drew his inspiration, as Escalante 1777, it is not difficult to
identify those he uses, even when his text does not agree with his
map, as happens in some cases. From the Rio Gila, for which see note
19, we will follow his map upward. 1. "Rio S^n. Maria" of the map, not
in the text. The name Santa Maria held for many years for the branch
of the Colorado now called Bill Williams' fork. This is composed of
two main streams, to one of which the name Santa Maria is now usually
restricted; the other is called Big Sandy. Bill Williams' fork does
not head in Bill Williams' mountain, being cut off from that by the
Rio Verde, etc.; its basin lies entirely W. of Aubrey and Chino
valleys, and of the Prescott plains. This river drains westward from
the Santa Maria, Granite, Juniper, Weaver, and other ranges in
Arizona, and falls into the Colorado from the E. at a place called
Aubrey City, the site of which was pointed out to me by a native when
I navigated the Colorado in 1865, though I saw nothing like a city. 2.
There is no mention in the text, nor any sign on the map, of the
Colorado Chiquito, otherwise Little Colorado r., though this is a
large water-course which, when it runs, drains an extensive area in N.
Arizona. This stream heads about the White, Mogollon, and other ranges
on or near the confines of New Mexico; receives from the Zuñian mts.
its main fork, Rio Puerco of the West; flows N. W. past (E. of) the
San Francisco and Bill Williams' peaks, and falls into the Colorado
from the S. E., well up in the Grand Cañon of the latter; its own
lower courses are terribly cañonous for a great distance, its bed
being riven in chasms comparable even with the awful abyss of the
Colorado itself. 3. Non-appearance of the Colorado Chiquito affects to
some extent the identification of the river called in the text "de los
Anamas or Nabajoa" and lettered on the map "Rio Jasquevilla." This is
laid down as a large eastern branch of the Colorado which falls in
_above_ the Grand Cañon, and on which lived the "Nahjo" (Navajo) and
"Cosninas" (Cojnino) Indians, and _south_ of which were the "Indiens
Moqui, Independent since 1680," in four villages lettered "Oraybe,"
"Mosanis," "Songoapt," and "Gualpi"--for, though the Moki legend is
set astride of the river itself, it belongs to these four villages S.
of the river. The stream in question certainly was meant for the
Colorado Chiquito; but most of its ascribed characters are those of
Rio San Juan of N. W. New Mexico, N. E. Arizona, and S. E. Utah. The
leaning toward the Colorado Chiquito is shown by the location of the
Cojnino Indians on this stream, and its passage next N. of the circle
of ten peaks lettered "Sierra de los Cosninas"--these indicating the
San Francisco, Bill Williams', and other mountains of central Arizona;
but identification with the San Juan is possible by the location of
the Navajos on its headwaters and of the Mokis further S., as well as
by its entrance into the Colorado _above_ the Grand Cañon--for Pike
charts the upper end of the cañon as the "Puerto del Bacorelli." Rio
San Juan heads in N. W. New Mexico, next W. of the Rio Grande basin,
having numerous collateral sources there and in contiguous parts of N.
E. Arizona and S. W. Colorado; hence it enters S. E. Utah and runs to
the Colorado around the base of Mt. Navajo, thus including in its
ramifications adjacent corners of two states and two territories; two
of its affluents retain to this day the names Rio de las Animas and
Rio Navajo, respectively. Among its larger tributaries may be
mentioned Rio Chusco, Chasco, or Chaco, and especially Rio Chelly--the
latter being that one the mystery of whose famous Cañon de Chelly was
fathomed by Captain J. H. Simpson in 1859. The two strange words which
Pike uses in this connection, "Bacorelli" and "Jasquevilla," both
treated in the Index, are not the same as Jicarilla, present name of
certain mountains in Arizona and of a certain tribe of Indians called
in Arizona "Hickory" Apaches. 4. The fact that the Grand Cañon of the
Colorado is indicated on Pike's map may be certified in more than one
way: (_a_) He marks below it certain "Indiens Chemequaba," _i. e._,
Chemehuevi, a Shoshonean tribe then as now living in Arizona below the
cañon, and thus isolated from their parent stock among Apaches of
Athapascan lineage. (_b_) Pike's term "Cosninas," for certain Indians
and mountains, is still an alternative name for the Cosnino, Cojnino,
or Cataract Cañon, a side-spur of the Grand Cañon, and still the
residence of a curious cave-dwelling tribe called Yavasupai, Havasupi,
or Aguazul, who numbered 214 when I visited them in 1881. (_c_) The
trans-continental route via the Arkansaw and Colorado rivers, which
Pike suggests as the "best communication from ocean to ocean," need
not be supposed to run through the Grand Cañon, but rather to
approximate that lately achieved by the Atlantic and Pacific R. R.,
connecting on the E. with the A., T., and S. F. R. R., on the W. with
the So. Cala. R. R. 5. West of the Grand Cañon Pike traces a
problematical "Rio de los Panami des surfurcas on ignore l
Embouchure," without beginning or end. This suggests Virgin r., whose
junction with the Colorado in Nevada was then unknown. 6. Above the
Grand Cañon, Pike forks the Colorado distinctly into two main
branches, referable of course to the Grand and the Green rivers. 7.
The main course of Grand r. is lettered "Rio de los Duimas," for which
read Las Animas--but not "Los Anamas or Nabajoa" of Pike's text,
already accounted for. This "Duimas" may be taken as intended to
represent the whole course of Grand r. and its branches, as the
Gunnison, etc. 8. The main course of the "Duimas" or Grand r. is what
Pike means by Rio "de los Dolores" of the text, nameless on his map.
This is the Dolores r. of present geography, running chiefly in
Colorado, but joining the Grand in Utah. Pike forks this; one of these
forks is the continuation of the Dolores; the other is present San
Miguel r. of Colorado. 9. Green r. is the one lettered "Rio
Zanguananos," as the main continuation of the Colorado itself. This is
correct, though the singular S-shaped course in which it is laid down
is so far out of drawing that the two branches of it which he names
are thrown in the wrong direction. These two are the San Rafael and
San Xavier of both text and map. The first one of them is present San
Rafael r.; and if we take Pike's San Xavier to be the next above on
the same side, it corresponds to Price r. We must not seek for any
streams higher up the Grand than Price r.; the early Spanish travelers
did not get very far in that direction; and Pike sets all these
streams considerably S. of Great Salt l., not beyond the latitude he
assigns to the head of the Rio Grande. The old Spanish trail from
Colorado into Utah passed a certain Sierra La Sal, or Salt mt., which
is situated near the confluence of the Green and the Grand; continued
across both these rivers a little above their junction, and so on
westward between the San Rafael r. and the San Xavier or Price r.,
into the basin of present Sevier r. and Sevier l. Now Pike sets his
"Montaigne de Sel," or Mountain of Salt, close to the main Rio
Zanguananos or Green r., and directly against the mouth of his San
Rafael. This particular combination could not have been accidental,
and seems to show what was really mapped, though so distortedly. As
intimated in beginning this note, I have attempted identifications
without prejudice to any original implication of the Spanish records,
but solely according to what I find in Pike. The early names
themselves seem open to the interpretation here offered, and I know
from several futile attempts which I made that Pike's geography of the
Colorado basin would be hard to square with the facts in any other
way. Should the present identifications be acceptable, some hitherto
unsurmounted difficulties would prove to have been overcome.

[IV'-18] This paragraph is contradicted by the map, on which "Rio de
S^ta. Buenaventura" runs W. into a nameless lake, S. of a certain Lac
de Timpanagos, and is the first river, N. and W. of Green r., that
does not connect with the Colorado. The Buenaventura is a ghost-river
which haunted geography for many years. Nothing like such a river as
this was represented to be exists--it is as much of a myth in Utah and
California as Lahontan's fabulous Long r. in Minnesota and Dakota. But
it is a rule with hardly an exception that every myth has some basis
of fact. In so far as Pike's Buenaventura represents anything in
nature, I imagine it to be an adumbration of Sevier r., and its sink
to be Lake Sevier, in the western part of Utah, S. of Great Salt l.
True, the Buenaventura is laid down very much out of the actual course
of the Sevier; but not more wrongly than Green r. is, and the very
curious way in which the Sevier winds about to reach its sink would
hardly have been discovered and correctly delineated by those early
travelers in the "Great American Desert." The nameless lake itself is
not very far out of the way on Pike's map. Possibly also, the
mysterious river, "whose mouth is unknown," may be intended for some
section of the Sevier; for, if we were to connect this trace with
Pike's Buenaventura, we should have a recognizable representation of
the Sevier. But Pike heads his Rio S. Buenaventura, by a principal
branch called "Rio de S^n. Clemente," in that portion of the
continental divide he marks "Sierra Verde," _i. e._, Green mts., also
the source of present Green r. We should note further in this
connection the appearance on Pike's map of New Mexico of a certain
river running northward, lettered "Rio de Piedro Amaretto del
Missouri." Here, "Amaretto" is a mistake of the engraver for
_Amarillo_, the phrase being Sp. Piedra Amarilla = F. Pierre Jaune or
Roche Jaune = E. Yellow Stone, a principal branch of the Missouri. As
we have repeatedly seen already, Pike was determined to interlock the
headwaters of the Yellowstone, Platte, Arkansaw, and Rio Grande in
some one spot in the Rocky mts.--and here we have it, just over the
divide that separates these Atlantic waters collectively from those of
the general basin of the Colorado. Observe, also, how nearly the
dotted trail of the "Country explored by a Detachment of American
Troops commanded by Captain Pike" reaches to the supposed Yellowstone.

The Sevier r. possesses a melancholy interest as the scene of the
wanton and brutal murder by Piute Indians of Captain John Williams
Gunnison and most of his companions, near Sevier l., Oct. 27th, 1853.
The particulars are given by Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith, P. R. R. Rep.,
II. 1855, pp. 72-74. The massacre occurred at break of day of the
27th, not on the 26th, as usually reported. There was no provocation
whatever, and no thought of danger on the part of the devoted band.
Those killed, besides Captain Gunnison, were Mr. E. H. Kern,
topographer and artist; Mr. F. Creuzfeldt, botanist; Mr. Wm. Potter, a
citizen of Utah, guide; John Bellows, an employee; and three men of
the military escort, which consisted of a corporal and six privates;
only four of the whole party escaped with their lives. Lieutenant
Beckwith expressly exonerates the Mormons from complicity in the
outrage; public opinion thought otherwise; and the official record of
Captain Gunnison's death stands "Killed 26 Oct. 53 by a band of
Mormons and Inds near Sevier Lake Utah." The lamented and accomplished
officer met his fate while conducting explorations and surveys for a
railroad route near the 38° and 39° parallels of N. lat. He had
graduated from the U. S. Military Academy at West Point July 31st,
1837, when he became a second lieutenant of the 2d Artillery; was
transferred with that rank to the corps of Topographical Engineers
July 7th, 1838; became first lieutenant May 9th, 1846; and obtained
his captaincy Mar. 3d, 1853.

[IV'-19] Pike acquired a good idea of the Gila, for one who never saw
it, and it is well laid down on his map; though it joins the Colorado
a considerable distance above the head of the Gulf of California, the
confluence is below 33°, being in lat. 32° 43´ 32´´ N., long. 114° 36´
10´´ W. The Gila was known to the whites before the Mississippi was
discovered; it was long better known than the Rio Grande, and down to
the present century was far better known than the Rio Colorado. The
valley of the Gila was the first seat of semi-civilization within the
present limits of the United States; and Tucson, on the Santa Cruz r.,
disputes with St. Augustine in Florida the record of being the oldest
continuously inhabited white settlement in our country; but St. A. was
founded by Spaniards about the middle of the sixteenth century. An
early if not the first name of the Gila was Rio de los Apostolos, more
fully Rio Grande de los Apostolos, as the legend appears, for example,
on Vaugondy's map, 1783, where so many apostolic and canonical towns
are marked along the river as to give its valley the appearance of a
well-settled region, including even that ancient and celebrated
structure, the Casa Grande, still extant. Rio de los Apostolos or
Apostles' r. appears on maps of the present century, as for example on
the one which Captain Clark drew at the Mandans in the winter of
1804-5, and which Captain Lewis dispatched to President Jefferson
April 7th, 1805, but which was never published of full size till
September, 1893. Pike's first branch of the Gila is called "Rio de la
Asuncion," with Rio Verde as its main fork. This is correct; for the
river of the Assumption of the B. V. M., whatever may be the myth upon
which such an extraordinary assumption was based, is that now known as
Rio Salinas, Rio Salado, and Salt r., into which the Verde falls near
Mt. McDowell and the fort of the same name. The confluence of Salt r.
with the Gila is below Phoenix, present capital of Arizona, and but
little above the point where the Agua Fria also falls into the Gila.
The Verde is the principal river of central Arizona, for the most part
flowing southward, though it starts northward by the headwater called
Granite cr. and then makes a loop; this creek is the site of Prescott,
first capital of Arizona on the establishment of the Territory in
1863, and of Fort Whipple, established by the troops to which I was
attached in July, 1864. Pike's small branch of the Gila lettered "Rio
de Ozul," for which read Rio Azul or Blue r., is the present San
Carlos, of which we lately heard a good deal on account of the unruly
Apaches at the agency of that name. Present Blue cr. is a small branch
higher up on the same side, near Pike's Rio San Francisco, which
latter he rightly charts as one of the initial forks of the Gila. His
Rio San Pedro, still so called, is the principal Gileño tributary from
the S. It acquired special importance in connection with the U. S. and
Mexican Boundary Survey. Near this stream he marks "Pres[idio] de
Tubson," at the town of "S^n. Xavier del bac," in the "Senora"
(Sonora) of that day.

The Indian tribes of the Gila valley which are located on the map may
be here noted, as their names do not come up elsewhere in this work,
and with these may also be conveniently considered those which Pike
marks on the Colorado above the Gila. Such are, on the Gila: The Yumas
(Cuchans); the "Cojuenchis"; the "Cucapa" (Cocopas); the Papagos; the
"Cocomaricopas" (Maricopas); and on the Colorado: the "Chemequaba"
(Chemehuevis, who are of Shoshonean stock, as we have already seen);
the "Jalchedum"; the "Yabijoias" (Yavapais); the "Yamaya" (Amaquaqua,
Amaqua, Majave or Mohave). All these Indians lived within the present
territory of the United States, occupying the valley of the Gila on
both sides from above the junction of the San Pedro down to the
Colorado, and up the Colorado, on the Arizona side at least, to the
Grand Cañon, to the almost entire exclusion of other tribes. They were
bounded on the N. by Shoshonean tribes in California, Nevada, Utah,
and a small part of Arizona; on the E. by Athapascan tribes,
especially the Apaches; on the S., they stretched throughout Lower
California, and far into Mexico. With the single exception just said,
the names that I can identify all are now classed under two main
family groups or linguistic stocks, Piman and Yuman; and all belong to
the latter, excepting the Papagos and the Pimas themselves. 1. The
Piman family is mainly Mexican, as of its nine tribes or divisions
only three are Arizonian. Of these, the Sobaipuri, who lived on the
Santa Cruz and San Pedro branches of the Gila, have entirely
disappeared. The Pimas proper, Upper Pimas, or Pimas Altas (so called
in distinction from the Lower Pimas, Pimas Bajas, or Nevomes, of
Mexico), have lived for 200 years on the Gila and Salado, in the
position assigned by Pike to the Cocomaricopas. The Papagos lived
further S. and extended into Mexico. According to late official
returns (for 1890), there were 4,464 Pimas and 5,163 Papagos under the
Pima Agency on the Gila. 2. The Yuman family is less summarily to be
disposed of, as the area of its distribution in the United States is
more extensive and its divisions are more numerous, and several of
them are entirely extralimital in Lower California and Mexico. The
name _Yuma_ is given by Whipple as a Cuchan word meaning "sons of the
river." In the early days of our occupation of Arizona some of the
tribes along the Colorado were hostile; but since the subjugation of
the Yumas and Mohaves, followed by the establishment of Fort Yuma and
Fort Mohave, they have given very little trouble, with the exception
of the Hualapais or Walapais. These may be properly classed as Yuman
by linguistic affinities, but they are rather mountain than river
Indians, and have within comparatively few years been most decidedly
hostile. In January, 1865, it was my misfortune, which I shall never
cease to regret, to be concerned in a cruel massacre--for I cannot
call it a fight--in which about 30 Hualapais were killed, in the
Juniper mts., a very few miles from the spot where Camp Hualapais was
later established. My friend, the late Colonel William Redwood Price,
when major of the 8th Cavalry (d. Dec. 30th, 1881), had the handling
of the Hualapais after this; in 1867 they were about 1,500 people,
with probably 400 warriors; he killed probably 175 of them, mostly
men, and brought them to terms in 1869, when a batch of prisoners was
sent to San Francisco. In 1881, when we reoccupied Camp Hualapais and
named it Camp Price, a threatened outbreak was averted by putting a
chief in irons. The Hualapais now number perhaps 750, in N. W.
Arizona, and are almost the only members of the Yuman stock in the
Territory whom we have not entirely broken down, pauperized, and
debauched. The shocking syphilization of all the Yuman Indians along
the Colorado has been notorious for many years. The Yumas or Umas
proper, or Cuchans, have been segregated; there are or were lately
about 1,000 at the Mission Agency in California, and 300 at the San
Carlos in Arizona. Of the Mohaves, some 650 are at the Colorado River
Agency in Arizona, 800 at San Carlos, and perhaps 400 at large. The
disestablishment of Fort Mohave is quite recent; I was post surgeon
there in 1881. There are about 300 Maricopas at the Pima Agency in
Arizona. The Cocopas are a small tribe whose census is uncertain; they
live on the California side of the Colorado up to the vicinity of the
Gila. The Yavasupai or Aguazul Indians, who live in Cojnino or
Cataract cañon, to the number of about 200, as already said, note 17,
are entirely cut off from the world in the bottom of the chasm
selected for their abode. Some of them I found occupying holes in the
rock, which they walled up like old-fashioned cliff-dwellers; while
others were sheltered in wickiups scattered about the few acres of
arable ground they could find to irrigate for the cultivation of their
corn, beans, melons, squashes, peaches, apricots, and sunflower-seeds.

[IV'-20] This is the main fork or largest branch of the Rio Grande. As
already remarked, note 23, p. 632, Pike maps it too high up; for it
runs entirely E. of the mountains (Sacramento, Guadalupe, White,
etc.), W. of which he traces it, and its mouth is 346 m. by the
channel of the Rio Grande below the site of Presidio del Norte, in
lat. 29° 40´ N., long. 101° 20´ W. The length of the river is supposed
to be between 700 and 800 m. The Pecos heads in the mountains
immediately W. of Santa Fé--on the E. side of the Santa Fé range and
W. side of Las Vegas range, among such peaks as the Truchas, Cone,
Baldy, Lake, etc., there flowing due S. before it bears off to the
left. It receives numerous small tributaries, both above and below the
point where it passes by the cañon, old pueblo, and modern town of
Pecos. The name is derived from the old pueblo, which was situated on
one of those tributaries in the mountains, some 25 m. S. E. of Santa
Fé. The Pecos have for many years been currently reported to have been
among the straitest sect of the Montezuman faith, and the belief is
general that they were those who longest guarded the holy fire in
their estufas and looked to the east for the advent of their
paraclete. This is a traditional taradiddle which has no foundation in
fact. Not that Montezuma Ilhuicamina and Montezuma Xocoyotzin were not
real historical persons; nor that the latter, Montezuma II., was not
euhemerized and apotheosized; simply, that the Pecos people never
worshiped him. The myth recrudesced during the old Santa Fé trade, and
was found in full swing on our peaceable conquest of New Mexico in
1846. _Pecos_ is corrupted from the (Tañoan) Jemez word _Paquiu_,
applied later than the aboriginal name _Tshiquite_, rendered
_Cicuique_ in old Sp. chronicles. Pecos "was in 1540 the largest
Indian village or pueblo in New Mexico, containing a population of
about 2,000 souls, which formed an independent tribe speaking the same
language as the Indians of Jemez. In 1680 the Pecos rebelled with the
others, but surrendered peaceably to Vargas in 1692, and thereafter
remained loyal to Spain," Cent. Cyclop. Names, _s. v._ "What with the
massacres of the second conquest, and the inroads of the Comanches,
they gradually dwindled away, till they found themselves reduced to
about a dozen, comprising all ages and sexes; and it was only a few
years ago that they abandoned the home of their fathers and joined the
Pueblo of Jemez," Gregg, Comm. Pra., I., 1844, p. 271. The pueblo was
desolate and in ruins when our Army of the West came by in 1846: see
Lieut. Emory's report, Ex. Doc. 41, 30th Congr., 1st Sess., pub. 1848,
p. 30, with plate facing it; also, a different view, on the plate
facing p. 447 of Lieut. Abert's report in the same volume. The latter
says, p. 446: "In the afternoon [Sept. 26th, 1846] I went out on the
hills to see the ancient cathedral of Pecos. The old building and the
town around it are fast crumbling away under the hand of time. The old
church is built in the same style as that of San Miguel; the ends of
the rafters are carved in imitation of a scroll; the ground plan of
the edifice is that of a cross. It is situated on a hill not far from
the winding course of the river. High ridges of mountains appear to
converge until they almost meet behind the town, and through a little
gap one catches sight of a magnificent range of distant peaks that
seem to mingle with the sky." Abert was told that the surviving
remnant went to live with the Zuñis; but Gregg's statement is no doubt
correct, especially as Emory says, _l. c._, that "they abandoned the
place and joined a tribe of the original race over the mountains,
about 60 miles south." The modern small village of Pecos grew up close
by the original site, which was abandoned in 1840.

[IV'-21] Here we enter the legendary land where we are liable to be
soon confronted with the standard specter of the northwest passage to
India, and other well-dressed phantoms. The body of water which the
map shows probably represents Utah l., south of Great Salt l., and
connected therewith by the short course of the Jordan. This seems to
be what Pike means by the legend: "This lake is known as high as the
40° of Lat. there it opens wider to the West and receives the Waters
of the Rio Yampancas"; for we can readily understand this as a way of
saying that the lake is connected with a larger one to the W. Utah l.
is meridionally E. of Great Salt l. by a few miles, and entirely S. of
it; the Jordan is a very short stream between them. In a broad sense,
then, Pike's Lac de Timpanagos or Lake of Tampanagos includes both
these bodies of water; and his Rio Yampancas answers to Bear r., the
large stream which falls into Great Salt l. at Bear River bay. His
Sierra de Tampanagos covers the mountains on the E. and S. E. of Great
Salt l. A different form of the same word appears in his "Indiens
Yamparicas" of that region, and yet another in the legend: "The Lake
of Tampanagos is supposed to be the same as the Lake of Thequaio in
the Chart d'Alzate de Thequao placed in 40° of Lat. some Historians
pretend that the Aretiqui comes from this Lake."

[IV'-22] _Chapetones_ is a word which, with several variants in form,
is pretty well known, and to be found in many dictionaries, though its
origin may never have been satisfactorily shown, or at least agreed
upon. In its application to un-American Spaniards in America the sense
implied seems to have been always reproachful--perhaps something as
our cowboys and other "rustlers" in the wild and woolly West would
speak of a "tenderfoot" or "greeny." In Mexico the word corresponding
to Chapeton or Chapetone was _Gachupin_ or _Gachupine_, "applied to
natives of Spain who are called Chapetones in Peru and Maturrangos in
Buenos Aires," as one of the authorities before me says. I am afraid
that it is significant of some unpleasant matters already noted, to
find Pike here using the word said to be current in Peru, instead of
that which was usual in Mexico: see Memoir, _anteà_. Geo. W. Kendall's
Narrative of the Texan Expedition of 1841, 2 vols., small 8vo, London,
1845, II. p. 75, speaks of "the _Gachupines_, or natives of Old
Spain"; and p. 76: "the _Gachupines_ were indiscriminately
slaughtered," etc. Gregg, Comm. Pra., I. 1844, p. 170, has:
"_Gachupin_--a term used to designate European Spaniards in America."
Wislizenus uses _Gachupins_.

[IV'-23] That is, Rio San Francisco, one of the initial forks of the
Gila: see the map, and note 19. The other is the main continuation of
the Gila, sometimes called Rio San Domingo. The confluence is in
Arizona, a few miles over the New Mexican border. There are mountains
in this region called the San Francisco divide, and others known as
the San Francisco range--both by no means to be confounded with the
San Francisco mt. of the range in north-central Arizona. Whether the
ruins of which Pike speaks as on this river be the work of the
aboriginal colonists of Old Mexico from the northwest is, of course,
in question; he simply renders a prevalent opinion of his time. The
oldest _authentic_ ruins known to exist in Arizona have only very
recently been brought to light by the exhumations conducted by my
friend, Mr. Frank H. Cushing, of the Hemenway Archæological
Expedition, in 1886-88, in the valley of the Salado or Salt r., near
the town of Tempe, and not far from Phoenix. An account of these
discoveries, from the pen of Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A., forms
part of the Seventh Memoir of Vol. VI. of Mem. Nat. Acad. Sci., 1893,
pp. 142-161, figs. 1-22. Mr. Cushing dug up mounds he supposes to be
from 1,000 to 2,000 years old, full of bones and pottery, and
revealing structures, some of which recall the long famous Casa Grande
itself. The buildings represented by the cluster of mounds crowded an
area some 6 m. long and ½ to 1 m. wide. Five of the best marked
mounds, standing in the places of groups of houses, have been named
Los Muertos, Los Guanacos, Los Hornos, Las Canopas, and Las Acequias.
Four kinds of architecture have been recognized as priest-temples
(style of Casa Grande); sun-temples, in some cases 200 feet long by
150 broad; certain great communal houses, a sort of several-storied
prototypes of our modern city flats; and ultramural huts, jacals, or
wickiups. I should have called them respectively hieroecias,
helioecias, synoecias, and exoecias. Those old Saladoans had an
extensive system of irrigation, the lines of acequias madres or
mother-ditches alone representing over 150 m. of dug-way; some of
these canals are now utilized by the new-comers. It took many thousand
people many years to leave monuments like these. Their actual
antiquity is unknown; that it is very great is obvious; it is great
enough to have resulted in the disappearance of everything but bone
and clay. There is no sign of wood-work or textile fabric. Conjecture
of a thousand years or more may reasonably be based on comparison of
the natural rate of decay of structures known since the historic
period, 1540. Thus, the Casa Grande has not changed perceptibly in our
day, except from vandalism, and probably looks much as it did 350
years ago. It would appear also that the same indefatigable explorer
has settled the long-mooted question of the Seven Cities of Cibola
(Cebola, Sibola, Zibola), against any theory of their being the Moki
(Tusayan) villages, or being anywhere else than in the vicinity of
Zuñi itself. The names which have come down to us since Coronado,
1541, are: (1) Ahacus, Avicu, Aquico, Jahuicu, Havico; (2) Canabe; (3)
...; (4) Aquinsa; (5) Alona; (6) Musaqui, Maçaque, Maçaquia; (7)
Caquina. According to a certain phonetic system the preferable
spelling is given as: (1) Hawiku; (2) Kyanawe; (3) Ketchupawe; (4)
Apina or Pinawan; (5) Halona; (6) Matsaki; (7) Kyakima. All these were
in what is now Valencia Co., N. M.; two were some miles S. W. of Zuñi,
near the village of Ojo Caliente; two were nearer Zuñi, but E. of it;
two were within 3 m. of Zuñi, S. of it; while one, Halona, occupied in
part, at least, the site of the present pueblo. The ruin of
Hishota-uthla, classed as "Cibolan" though not as one of the Seven
Cities, is 12 m. N. E. of Zuñi, on the road to Fort Wingate;
excavation there has revealed "a compactly-built, many-storied
stronghold of stone containing a population of probably more than a
thousand people," supposed to have been dead and gone long before
Coronado passed that way. Zuñi, now one of the best known of all the
extant pueblos in New Mexico, is also the best living exemplar of such
places. Its antiquity is great, though hardly estimable with
precision. Some of its inhabitants made a tour of the United States
under Mr. Cushing's management in 1881 and 1882. Immense collections
of implements, utensils, and the like were made about that time by the
late Colonel James Stevenson, and deposited in our museums. I visited
the town in the summer of 1864, when it was far from having been as
well exploited as it has since become; so my own observations are
obsolete. The Zuñi nation, otherwise Çuni, Sune, Soone, Suinyi,
Shiwina, etc., sole member of the Zuñian linguistic stock, has but one
permanent pueblo, though it also inhabits at times three other small
villages, of the nature of "summer resorts," as we should say of our
similar æstival refuges. These Indians numbered 1,613 by the census of
1890. They are well distinguished by their speech from all the various
Tusayan, Tañoan, and Keresan pueblonians of New Mexico, Arizona, and
Chihuahua: for some of which, see next note.

[IV'-24] I can find no better place than this to bring up some matters
which require attention concerning certain pueblos which Pike locates
on his map, but which, being off his route, he does not notice in his
text. The Tañoan pueblos have been pretty fully noted in the foregoing
itinerary, but the Tusayan and Keresan have not been sufficiently
treated. We must first come to an understanding of the term "Pueblo
Indians." This is simply a convenient phrase, or _façon de parler_, to
designate various tribes which, in New and Old Mexico, and Arizona,
settled in permanent habitations, became attached to the soil,
practiced agriculture, kept flocks, and built the kind of towns called
"pueblos." They are thus collectively distinguished from all roving
and more or less warring tribes; they are settlers, not nomads;
farmers and graziers rather than hunters, and of peaceful rather than
predatory proclivities. This step in the direction of civilization was
not however taken without some sacrifice of the strength of the
natural wild animal, and they have suffered in consequence. They are
never "bad" Indians; simply poor, tame ones, who for ages have been
the prey of the priest, the trader, and the wild Indian. But the point
to be insisted on is, that "Pueblo Indian" does not mean all one kind
of Indians. It includes various tribes of distinct ethnic characters,
the representatives of several linguistic lineages, who have severally
yielded to their environments, and thus become collectively modified
in a way that brings about that appearance of affinity which does not
exist, and tends to obscure those radical distinctions of race which
do exist. We say, for instance, "New Yorker," meaning anyone who lives
in New York; but it would be as far from the fact to suppose that all
Pueblo Indians are of one race as that all New Yorkers are Americans.
The differences in language, and therefore in lineage, of the Tusayan,
Keresan, Tañoan, and Zuñian pueblonians is as great as that of the
English, French, German, and Spanish peoples. We must not be misled by
the convenience of a phrase: see note 3, p. 598. The Pueblonians to be
here noted belong either (1) to the Tusayan federation, or (2) to the
Keresan linguistic family.

1. Pike marks, W. of the Continental divide and in the region of the
Colorado Chiquito, S. of the San Juan r., six Indian villages, which
he calls Oraybe, Mosanis, Songoapt, Gualpi, Chacat, and Cumpa. For the
last two, see note 21, p. 630; the other four are the well-known Moki
Indians, living on the four Moki mesas, about 50 m. N. E. of the
Colorado Chiquito, in N. E. Arizona. With a single (Tañoan) exception,
those Indians are of Shoshonean stock; and without exception, they
form the Tusayan confederacy. The ethnic affinities of Mokis are with
such Indians as the Snakes, Utes, Comanches, and other well-known
members of the Shoshonean race which overran so vast an area in
western parts of the United States. But these settled down in Arizona
and built pueblos, isolated from their kindred and surrounded by
Athapascan (Navajo and Apache) tribes. They are at present the only
Shoshonean tribe in Arizona, excepting the handful of Chemehuevis who
live among Yuman tribes on the Colorado Grande, and unless there be
also a few Kwaiantikwokets on the northern border about Mt. Navajo.
The Mokis have resided in their present position for more than 200
years. This habitat is the plateau of moderate extent, commonly called
the Moki mesa, some special elevations of which are well-known
landmarks by the name of the Moki buttes, in full view from the main
road which passes S. of them. Three of the most conspicuous of these
buttes are called Chimney, Signal, and Spring. The mesa is between
long. 110° and 111° W., in lat. 36° N. and southward, and thus to the
S. W. of the Navajos; the locality is sometimes called the "Province
of Tusayan." Here the Mokis proper, of Shoshonean stock, built six
villages; and a seventh village, probably also about 200 years old,
called Hano (or Tewa) was built with them by Tañoan (Tewan or Teguan)
refugees from the Rio Grande. Thus even the compact and isolated Moki
establishment is not quite homogeneous, ethnically speaking. The
Tusayan census is about 2,000; the Tañoans there were lately counted
as 132. Among the names of the seven villages, the four which Pike
gives can be recognized under their modern spellings, as
Oraybe=Oraibi, etc. One authority I have consulted renders Oraibi,
Shipauliwisi, Shongapavi, Mishongnivi, Shichoamavi, Walpi (or
Hualpee), and Tewa (_i. e._, Hano). Another, and probably preferable
set of orthographies, is Oraibi, Shupaulovi, Shumepovi, Mashongnavi,
Sichumovi, Walpi, and Hano. The name Tusayan, which varies to Tuçayan,
Tuzan, etc., is derived from a Zuñian word Usaya, applied to certain
pueblos once inhabited by the confederacy. The Tusayans' name of
themselves is a word variously rendered Hopituh, Hapitu, Hopee, Hopi,
Opii, etc. Other words designating them, or some of them, are
Cinyumuh, Shenoma or Shinumo, and Totonteac. The term now usually
rendered Moki was longest current as Moqui; it is also found as Maqui,
Magui, Mohace, Mohotse, and "Monkey."

2. The Keresan family consists entirely of Pueblo tribes who live in
New Mexico along the Rio Grande and some of its tributaries, where
their pueblos are interspersed with others of Tañoan stock, in the
moderate area to which their range is thus restricted. The family name
is variously rendered by different authors, as Keres, Keran, Kera;
Queres, Queris, Quera, Quirix; Chuchacas or Chuchachas; also,
Keswhawhay. Some ethnists divide these people into two dialectal
groups: one including the pueblos of Acoma and Laguna and their
outliers; the other, all the rest of the pueblos about to be named.
Acoma is the only pueblo which exists on the site occupied at the date
of the earliest Spanish annals. Laguna dates from 1699. There were
five Keresan pueblos in 1582; there had been seven in 1542. The full
list of Keresan pueblos, as given by Powell in alphabetical order,
with the census for 1890, is: 1. Acoma, including the summer pueblitos
of Acomita and Pueblita; pop. 566. 2. Cochití, on the W. bank of the
Rio Grande, 27 m. S. W. of Santa Fé; pop. 268. "The inhabitants
formerly successively occupied the Potrero de las Vacas, the Potrero
San Miguel, the now ruined pueblo of Cuapa, and the Potrero Viejo,"
Cent. Cyc., _s. v._ 3. *Hasatch. 4. Laguna, including the eight other
places whose names are here starred; pop. 1,143. Laguna is thus really
a group of small pueblos situated on and near Rio San José, W. of the
Rio Grande. The original foundation was by Zuñians as well as by
Keresans, and the place was called Kawaiko. 5. *Paguate. 6.
*Punyeestye. 7. *Punyekia. 8. *Pusityitcho. 9. San Felipe; pop. 554.
This is called by the name of the mission which the Spanish founded
there. 10. Santa Ana, pop. 253, on the Rio Jemez, W. of the Rio
Grande. This Spanish name is also that of a mission, usurping the
native name Tamaya. 11. Santo Domingo; pop. 670. 12. *Seemunah. 13.
Sia, on the Jemez; pop. 106; also called Chea, Chia, Cia, Cilia,
Silla, Tsea, Tsia, Tzia, Zia. "In 1582 Sia was said to be the largest
of five villages forming a province called Punames. The recent pueblo
dates from about 1692, when the village formerly occupied was
abandoned. The tribe, which was once comparatively populous, now
numbers but 106. The decrease is attributed largely to infectious
disease and to the killing of persons accused of witchcraft," Cent.
Cyc., _s. v._ 14. *Wapuchuseamma. 15. *Ziamma. Total pop. 3,560 for
the 17 places, of which 15 (all but Acomita and Pueblita) are
permanent pueblos, and 7 are officially rated as principal and
distinct. Those which are given by Pike in his itinerary have been
already noted, along with the Tañoan pueblos as they occur in his
text.

[IV'-25] For remarks on the Indians mentioned in this paragraph which
would be introduced here had I not recently given them elsewhere, the
reader is referred to Lewis and Clark, ed. 1893, p. 55, note 7; p. 58,
note 11; p. 60, note 15; and p. 477, note 3.

[IV'-26] The Navajos, Navahos, or, as they call themselves, Tennai,
are one of the three main divisions of the southern group of
Athapascan Indians (the other two being the Lipans and the Apaches).
They have always lived, so far as is known to history, in the country
where they do now, and whence they raided in every direction before
their final subjugation in our times. They focused on the upper waters
of the Rio San Juan, in N. W. New Mexico, whence they habitually
ranged down the river in Colorado and Utah, and S. of it in Arizona.
They were thus in contact and conflict with Shoshonean tribes on the
N., and warred when they pleased with the various Apache tribes of
their own stock which were about them; they were of course a terror to
the peaceful Pueblonians, who had to hold their own as best they could
against all the battlesome savages by whom they were beset on every
hand. They were powerful, and are still one of the largest tribes with
which we have to do, like the Comanches and some of the divisions of
the Sioux. A late census returns about 17,000, nearly all on the large
Navajo reservation which occupies the contiguous N. W. corner of New
Mexico and N. E. corner of Arizona.

An interesting account of the expedition of Colonel Doniphan and some
of his officers to the Navajos in 1846, together with the text of the
first treaty of peace concluded between them, the New Mexicans, and
Americans, at Ojo Oso (Bear spring), Nov. 22d, occupies Chaps. IX-XI
of Hughes' Don. Exp., 8vo, ed. of 1847, pp. 61-76.

[IV'-27] The Lipans or Sipans cut no figure now in the United States,
where they are practically extinguished, though the case may be
different in Mexico. They were a numerous and roving tribe of stalwart
Indians who scoured the plains of Texas from Red r. to the Rio Grande.
They were a sort of Apaches, having their nearest affinities with the
latter, and in fact might be considered the Apaches of the plains as
distinguished from those of the mountains. They have been commonly
called Lipan Apaches, and such is no incorrect designation, though
they are rather more distinct from most bands of Apaches than these
are from one another. They extend in Mexico as far S. as Durango. A
Lipan collision which made some history, and enriched the cabinet of
S. G. Morton, the craniologist of Philadelphia, may be read in Hughes'
Don. Exped., pp. 130-132, and Wislizenus, Mem., pp. 71, 72: see also
note 5, p. 697.

[IV'-28] There is no historic period when the Apaches were not the
scourge of the country they inhabited, down to the time when they were
brought to terms by General Crook, in his Arizona campaigns of 1872
_seq._, and even since then their repeated escapades are matters of
recent notoriety. They always warred with other Indians, always warred
with the whites, and not seldom with one another. In Arizona
particularly, so far as we are concerned, they did more to retard the
development of the country than all other causes combined. For some
years after the Territorial government was established, it was at the
risk of life that one went out of sight of Prescott or Fort Whipple
alone or with a small party. The Apaches lurked behind every rock, and
hid in every bush; or, failing that, under cover of every three blades
of grass--a trick they did to perfection--and reddened with blood
every trail that led to the capital or the post. People were killed
and stock was run off within a few hundred paces of both these places,
and more than one pitched battle came off within ear-shot. A regular
part of my business for two years was the extraction of Apache
arrow-heads. The arrows used by the tribes nearest us were exactly
such as Pike describes, though, so far as my observation went, the
heads were all of stone, quite small and sharp, and very brittle, so
that they usually shivered when they struck a bone and the fragments
were not easily removed. They were only held in place with gum in the
shallow notch at the end of the small hardwood stick that was set in
the large reed, and thus were always left in the wound when the stick
was pulled out. It is within my certain knowledge that they were in
some cases poisoned; the common opinion was that the septic substance
was derived from a deer's liver into which a rattlesnake had been made
to inject its venom, and which was then left to putrefy in the sun;
but how this case may really be, I never ascertained to my
satisfaction. We continually hunted Apaches and killed a good many; a
particular friend of mine, Mr. Willard Rice, who saved my life on a
very ticklish occasion, when we were on a deer-hunt together without
other companions, and who is still living near Prescott, is to be
credited with at least 20 "good" (dead) Apaches--none of the score
women or children, either. But such desultory operations as we could
conduct in those years seemed to make little difference; it required
Crook's systematic campaigns, on a large scale, to render the country
inhabitable. The other side of the picture is, that the Apache has
never committed an atrocity that we have not exchanged in kind, with
the sole exception that we have probably never put a prisoner to death
by slow torture, as was the Apache custom; that the Apache has not
broken faith with us oftener than we are proud to say we have with
him, and has not robbed us of more than we would like to take from
him, if he had anything left to steal and we had an opportunity. The
secrets of Indian agencies, like those of the Roman confessional, only
leak out under great pressure. The Apaches that troubled us most in
that particular vicinity of which I speak were known or supposed to be
those of the Tonto basin, commonly called Tontos (Pinal Coyoteros). In
scientific classification the Apache tribes and sub-tribes are
numerous. The alphabetical list now recognized by high authority is:
Arivaipa, Chiricahua, Faraone, Gileño (Gilans, or Apaches of the Gila,
with four sub-tribes, Coyotero, Mimbreño, Mogollon, and Pinal Coyotero
or Tonto), Jicarilla, Lipan, Llanero, Mescalero, Naisha, Querecho,
Tchikun, Tchishi. All the Apaches within our jurisdiction have been
brought under military subjection and restraint. The largest body of
Apaches is now on the San Carlos reservation; their number is
uncertain, say 2,000, representing several different tribes. Nearly as
many more are in charge of the military at Camp Apache, in Arizona,
say 1,900, known collectively as White Mountain Apaches. About 800
Jicarillas are on the Southern Ute Reservations in Colorado; some 500
Mescaleros are on the reservation of that name in New Mexico; and 300
other Apaches are on the Kiowa, Comanche, and Wichita Reservation in
Indian Territory. After a recent outbreak had been quelled 356
prisoners were sent to Mount Vernon Barracks in Alabama. There are
about 150 children at school in Carlisle, Pa. The total of perhaps
6,000 Apaches with which we have still to deal is not large in
comparison with the numbers of some other tribes--but it is enough.

[IV'-29] See note 13, p. 615, note 14, p. 616, note 15, p. 618; also,
note 24, p. 743. The towns here mentioned are those usually called San
Domingo, San Felipe, and Sandia--the latter being the Tañoan one Pike
elsewhere speaks of as St. Dies.

[IV'-30] Juan de Oñate, first governor of New Mexico, b. Guadalajara,
Mex., about 1555, d. after 1611. "He was a son of the founder of
Guadalajara, and was married to a granddaughter of Hernando Cortés. In
1595 his proposition to settle New Mexico was accepted by the viceroy
Velasco, and after much delay the grant was confirmed by the Count of
Monterey. Oñate left Zacatecas in Jan., 1598, with 130 men besides
Indians, a large wagon- and cattle-train, etc.; reached the Rio
Grande, probably at El Paso, April 20; took formal possession April
30; crossed the river; and in Aug. founded the first capital, San Juan
(Santa Fé was founded later). After the first year he had little
trouble with the Indians. Early in 1599 he explored a part of Arizona,
and in 1604 followed the Gila river down to the Gulf of California. He
probably ceased to rule as governor in 1608." (Cent. Cyc. Names, _s.
v._) (See Nadal and Niza, in the Index.)

[IV'-31] The province which Pike calls indifferently Biscay and New
Biscay was properly Nueva Vizcaya. It was named Reino de la Nueva
Vizcaya by Francisco de Ibarra, who invaded it about 1560-70, and
retained the name until after the independence. As a colonial division
of New Spain it had been originally called Copala, and was much more
extensive than Pike's Biscay, as it corresponded to the present states
of Sonora, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango, and a southern part of
Coahuila. This region was included among the Provincias Internas in
1777, and such was its status in Pike's time; but meanwhile it had
become contracted in extent by the exclusion of Sonora and Sinaloa, so
that in Pike's time it was little if any more than equivalent to the
two present states of Chihuahua and Durango. Present Chihuahua has
Sinaloa and Durango on the S. Present Durango is surrounded by
Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Zacatecas, and Jalisco.

[IV'-32] Wislizenus, Mem., p. 55, quotes this passage, and adds: "By
rubbing the hair of cats and dogs in the dark, I could elicit here a
greater mass of electricity than I had ever seen produced in this way.
Some persons, entitled to confidence, informed me that by changing
their woollen under-dress in the night, they had at first been
repeatedly frightened by seeing themselves suddenly enveloped in a
mass of electrical fire. The remarkable flames that appeared after a
thunder-storm in the mountains south of El Paso, already mentioned by
me [Mem. p. 43], were no doubt connected with electricity. I recollect
also, from an account published in relation to the battle of Buena
Vista, that during a sultry evening electrical flames were seen on the
points of the bayonets among the sentinels stationed in the
mountains."

[IV'-33] For these, see the itinerary, Apr. 30th-May 13th, pp.
668-678, and notes there. The lakes Pike proceeds to mention are in or
on the border of present Coahuila. The situation of the Presidio del
Norte, where the Conchos discharges, is lat. 29° 33´ 53´´ N., long.
104° 36´ 27´´ W., by the river 346 m. above the mouth of the Pecos,
and 348 below El Paso--both of these distances much in excess of the
direct line between these points. "Batopilis" is very far out for the
source of the Conchos, unless Pike refers to some other place than the
modern Batopilas. This is situated below lat. 27° N., and in the
Pacific water-shed, being on a branch of the Rio del Fuerte, which
runs from Chihuahua through Sinaloa and empties into the Gulf of
California at Point Ahome.

[IV'-34] Before undertaking to answer this query, it would be well to
ascertain the fact. The scorpions which Pike describes are known by
the Spanish name _alacran_, and I presume are closely related to the
widely distributed _Androctonus biaculeatus_, if not the same species.
Kendall's Narrative of the Texan Expedition of 1841, pub. Lond., 1845,
II. p. 114, cites Pike in this connection, and also has: "I believe
that the city of Durango is somewhat celebrated for the beauty and
talent of its women--I know that it is noted for the numbers and
venomous qualities of its _alicrans_, or scorpions. Frequently, while
travelling through the State of Durango, were we regaled with Mexican
stories of the swarms of poisonous _alicrans_ which infest the
capital.... A bounty of some three or six cents ... is paid by the
authorities for each insect secured, and according to some of the
stories told us, no inconsiderable business is carried on in catching
and bottling the much dreaded scorpions." When Gregg was in Durango,
March, 1835, he noted that city "as being the headquarters, as it
were, of the whole scorpion family. During the spring, especially, so
much are the houses infested by these poisonous insects, that many
people are obliged to have resort to a kind of mosquito bar, in order
to keep them out of their beds at night. As an expedient to deliver
the city from this terrible pest, a society has already been formed,
which pays a reward of a _cuartilla_ (three cents) for every _alacran_
(or scorpion) that is brought to them. Stimulated by the desire of
gain, the idle boys of the city are always on the look-out; so that,
in the course of a year, immense numbers of this public enemy are
captured and slaughtered. The body of this insect is of the bulk and
cast of a medium spider, with a jointed tail one or two inches long,
at the end of which is a sting whose wounds are so poisonous as often
to prove fatal to children, and are very painful to adults. The most
extraordinary peculiarity of these scorpions is, that they are far
less dangerous in the north than in the south, which in some manner
accounts for the story told Capt. Pike, that even those of Durango
lose most of their venom as soon as they are removed a few miles from
the city," says Gregg, very sensibly, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p. 89.
Hughes, Doniphan Exp., p. 128: "the soldiers would sometimes shake
their blankets, toss ... the lizards and _alacrans_, exclaiming
angrily, 'd----n the scorpion family!'"

[IV'-35] Gregg, Comm. Pra., II. 1844, p. 114, cites Pike in his own
description of Chihuahua, as it appeared to him in 1839, and the two
accounts may be here brought together. Noting the regularity of the
city in comparison with Santa Fé, the dressing of the best buildings
with hewn stone, the paving of some of the streets, and the population
of about 10,000, this author continues:

"The most splendid edifice in Chihuahua is the principal church, which
is said to equal in architectural grandeur anything of the sort in the
republic. The steeples, of which there is one at each front corner,
rise over 100 feet above the azotea [roof]. They are composed of very
fancifully-carved columns; and in appropriate niches of the
frontispiece, which is also an elaborate piece of sculpture, are to be
seen a number of statues, as large as life, the whole forming a
complete representation of Christ and the 12 Apostles. This church was
built about a century ago, by contributions levied upon the mines
(particularly those of Santa Eulalia, 15 or 20 miles from the city),
which paid over a percentage on all the metal extracted therefrom; a
_medio_ [6¼ cents], I believe, being levied upon each _marco_ of eight
ounces. In this way, about a million of dollars was raised and
expended in some 30 years, the time employed in the construction of
the building. It is a curious fact, however, that, notwithstanding the
enormous sums of money expended in outward embellishments, there is
not a church from thence southward, perhaps, where the interior
arrangements bear such striking marks of poverty and neglect. If,
however, we are not dazzled by the sight of these costly decorations
for which the churches of Southern Mexico are so much celebrated, we
have the satisfaction of knowing that the turrets are well provided
with bells, a fact of which every person who visits Chihuahua very
soon obtains auricular demonstration. One, in particular, is so large
and sonorous that it has frequently been heard, so I am informed, at
the distance of 25 miles.

"A little below the _Plaza Mayor_ stand the ruins (as they may be
called) of San Francisco--the mere skeleton of another great church of
hewn stone, which was commenced by the Jesuits previous to their
expulsion in 1767, but never finished. By the outlines still traceable
amid the desolation which reigns around, it would appear that the plan
of this edifice was conceived in a spirit of still greater
magnificence than the Parroquia which I have been describing. The
abounding architectural treasures that are mouldering and ready to
tumble to the ground bear sufficient evidence that the mind which had
directed its progress was at once bold, vigorous, and comprehensive.

"This dilapidated building has since been converted into a sort of
state prison, particularly for the incarceration of distinguished
prisoners. It was here that the principals of the famous Texan Santa
Fé Expedition were confined, when they passed through the place, on
their way to the City of Mexico. This edifice has also acquired
considerable celebrity as having received within its gloomy embraces
several of the most distinguished patriots, who were taken prisoners
during the first infant struggles for Mexican independence. Among
these was the illustrious ecclesiastic, Don Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla,
who made the first declaration at the village of Dolores, September
16, 1810. He was taken prisoner in March, 1811, some time after his
total defeat at Guadalaxara; and being brought to Chihuahua, he was
shot on the 30th of July following, in a little square back of the
prison, where a plain white monument of hewn stone has been erected to
his memory. It consists of an octagon base of about 25 feet in
diameter, upon which rises a square, unornamented pyramid to the
height of about 30 feet. The monument indeed is not an unapt emblem of
the purity and simplicity of the curate's character.

"Among the few remarkable objects which attract the attention of the
traveller is a row of columns supporting a large number of stupendous
arches which may be seen from the heights, long before approaching the
city from the north. This is an aqueduct of considerable magnitude
which conveys water from the little river of Chihuahua, to an eminence
above the town, whence it is passed through a succession of pipes to
the main public square, where it empties itself into a large stone
cistern; and by this method the city is supplied with water. This and
other public works to be met with in Chihuahua, and in the southern
cities, are glorious remnants of the prosperous times of the Spanish
empire. No improvements on so exalted a scale have ever been made
under the republican government.... -¡Ojalá por los dias felices del
Rey!-"

[IV'-36] Sonora then was nearly the same as the present State of that
name, but lost a northern strip (the Gadsden Purchase) to our Arizona,
and also lost its New Mexican line. For the present boundary between
it and the United States, running on lat. 31° 20´ N. to long. 111° W.,
see note 32, p. 645. In Mexico, Sonora is now bounded on the E. by
Chihuahua, on the S. by Sinaloa, and on the W. by the Gulf of
California, except the short extent to which the Colorado r. separates
it from Lower California. Area, 77,550 sq. m.; pop. 140,500; capital,
Hermosillo, pop. 7,000; principal seaport, Guaymas, pop. 5,500,
situated in lat. 27° 56´ N., long. 110° 36´ W.

[IV'-37] The whole Sonoran water-shed is Pacific, and the river-system
runs on general S. and S. W. courses to the Gulf, in a series of
somewhat parallel streams. The northernmost one of these, of any size,
which Pike calls Ascencion r., I find lettered Rio Altar; its main
branch is Rio Magdalena; some of its ultimate sources are in Arizona,
in the country about Arivaca, Tubac, and old Fort Mason; it discharges
between George's bay and Cape Tepoca. The Sonora is much larger, with
a main branch called San Miguel; it discharges opposite Tiburon isl.
Arizpa, which Pike speaks of as near the head of the Yaqui, is high up
on the right bank of the Sonora; lower down is Hermosillo (lat. 29°
10´ N., long. 110° 45´ W.). The Yaqui is the largest Sonoran river,
falling into the Gulf below Guaymas and above Point Lobos. It has two
main forks, Rio Moctezuma and Rio Bavispe. Rio Matape, a small river,
is the one that falls in at Guaymas, and not the Yaqui. Another small
one, Rio Mayo, falls in below Vacamora and Point Rosa. Rio Alamos,
which heads in Sonora, falls over the Sinaloan boundary.

[IV'-38] Arizpe is now a small place, with a population of probably
4,000, and is of interest chiefly to the antiquarian. The original
mission of Arizpe was already over 150 years old in Pike's time, and
the place is believed to have been an Opata village as early as 1540.
The derivation of the name is given as the Opata word _arit_, meaning
"ant." The name _Arizpe_ suggests the obvious conjecture, that the
root of the word _Arizona_, the derivation of which has been so much
mooted, may be here found. How this may be, I do not know; but
_Arizona_ does not appear to be Spanish, and certainly any such
etymology as Lat. _arida zona_, which has been adduced among others,
is fictitious.

[IV'-39] Tubson is now Tucson, Ariz. San Cruz is Santa Cruz, also in
Arizona, on or near the branch of the Gila of that name. Tubac is
likewise now Arizonian, being a place about on long. 111° W., N. W. of
Nogales, and not far from old Forts Mason and Crittenden. Altac is
Altar, on the Sonoran river of that name. "Fiuntenas" I take to be a
misprint for Fronteras, a place on one of the headwaters of the Yaqui,
about lat. 31° N. Bacuachi is on one of the branches of the Sonora r.,
above Arizpe. Bavista is Bavispe, a place high up on the river of that
name, close to the eastern border of the State. Horcasites, to judge
from its location on Pike's map, was on or near the Sonora r., in the
vicinity of present Ures; but I have not found the place. Near it Pike
locates a Presidio San Antonio, omitted from the text. Buenavista is a
place low down on the Yaqui r.; the present road from Punta de Agua on
Rio Matape goes through it to Batacoso, Alamos, and so on.

[IV'-40] Sinaloa or Cinaloa is practically the same as it was, but
would be now said to be bounded by Sonora, Chihuahua, Durango, and
Jalisco; its whole S. W. length is sea-coast, on the Gulf of
California and Pacific Ocean. Area, 36,180 sq. m.; pop. 245,700;
capital, Culiacan, on the river of that name, in lat. 24° 50´ N.,
long. 107° 20´ W.; pop. 8,000. The principal city and port is
Mazatlan, in lat. 23° 15´ 36´´ N.; pop. 12,000.

[IV'-41] Sinaloa has a long series of comparatively short rivers, with
a general S. W. trend to the sea. Rio del Fuerte (River of the Fort)
is the largest and, excepting Rio Alamos, the northernmost. The
Sinaloa is the next one of any size; on this is Sinaloa, in Pike's
time the capital, but not now a place of special importance. Further
S. come successively, Rio San Lorenzo, Rio San Miguel, Rio Piaxtla,
Rio Mazatlan, and Rio El Rosario; the latter is charted by Pike, who
empties it into the Gulf, near 23°, which is about right.

[IV'-42] Coahuila, or Coahuila de Zaragoza, or Cohahuilla, or Quagila,
etc., has much the same limits now, excepting of course the
cis-Grandean portion which is now a part of Texas. On the eastern side
there is a curious peninsula or panhandle of the State, which is
wedged between two similar projections of Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas
respectively. On the S. are San Luis Potosí as well as Zacatecas, and
on the W. the former Biscay gives Chihuahua and Durango. Area, 60,500
sq. m.; pop. 178,000; capital, Saltillo, about lat. 25° 25´ N., long.
101° 4´ W., founded 1586; pop. 23,000.

[IV'-43] The Rio Grande does not now cross Coahuila, but forms its
whole U. S. border on the N. W., N., and N. E. But there are a good
many rivers in Coahuila, some of them notable. 1. Prominent among
these is the whole course of the Sabinas, and of its main fork on
which is Monclova, together with their respective tributaries, down to
where the two are joined, to continue under the name of Rio Salado to
the Rio Grande; the Salado cuts across the tip end of New Leon, but
again becomes Coahuilan to the extent of separating Coahuila from
Nuevo Leon before entering Tamaulipas. The "Aqua Verde" lake which
Pike names, and which is rather centrally than westerly located, is
the Laguna de Agua Verde; which, with a neighboring one called Santa
Maria, belongs to the water-system of the Sabinas. 2. The two rivers
which flow into Lag. del Muerto and Lag. de Parras enter Coahuila. 3.
The headwaters of the Rio San Juan, on one of which Saltillo, the
capital, is situated, are in Coahuila. 4. A series of Coahuilan
streams falls into the Rio Grande at successive points from below
Presidio Salto to above Presidio San Vincento.

[IV'-44] The tree is not the palmetto of the Southern States, _Sabal
palmetto_, but one of the large woody yuccas, of the same genus as the
small shrubby ones commonly called Spanish bayonets, from the
character of the leaves Pike notes. _Yucca treculeana_ (or
_canaliculata_) is a Mexican species sometimes 25 feet high and 2 feet
thick, thus answering to the requirements of the text. The one best
known in our country is the tree yucca, _Yucca arborescens_, very
similar to the last named. This grows abundantly in some parts of
Southern California in the valley of the Mohave r., sometimes so
thickly as to make a sort of forest. Multitudes may be seen along the
line of the Atl. and Pac. R. R. in the desert, where there is for many
miles no sign of anything else that looks like a tree.

[IV'-45] For various places mentioned in this and the following
paragraphs, see the itinerary of May 16th to June 1st, pp. 680-689,
and notes along there.

[IV'-46] Robert Cavelier, Le Sieur de la Salle, b. Rouen, Normandie,
France, Nov. 22d, 1643, murdered by Duhaut in conspiracy with other
assassins, in Texas, on a branch of the Trinity, or of the Brazos,
Mar. 19th or 20th, 1687, was never at the mouth of the Rio Grande. La
Salle sailed from France with four vessels and about 280 persons, July
24th, 1684; three of the vessels sighted Florida Jan. 15th, 1685;
landed at St. Louis, later St. Bernard, now Matagorda, bay, in Feb.,
1685; one vessel sailed away in Mar., 1685, leaving La Salle with
about 180 adventurers or colonists. He founded Fort St. Louis at or
near present La Vaca, in Apr., 1685, giving a color of French claim
that did not entirely fade away till 1803, though the settlement
speedily aborted. The remainder of 1685 and the year 1686 were mainly
passed in fruitless wanderings and warrings in different directions,
with misery and disaster at every turn. La Salle's people dwindled
down to about 20 who were left at the fort, and 17 who started with
their leader, Jan. 7th, 1687, overland to Canada. This _verloren hoop_
included: La Salle; Father Jean Cavelier, his brother; their two
nephews, Moranget and Cavelier; Sieur de Maria, Friar Anastase Douay,
who afterward wrote of the journey, a witness of La Salle's death;
Joutel, a trusty soldier, whose account (pub. 1713) is to be preferred
to Douay's when the two differ; Teissier, a pilot, one of the
conspirators; Liotot, the surgeon, ditto; Hiens, a German
ex-buccanier, ditto; Duhaut, the actual assassin; Jean Archevêque, his
servant and accomplice; Saget, La Salle's servant; Nika, a Shawanoe
hunter; another Indian, and some other persons. This party had crossed
the Colorado and Brazos Mar. 15th, 1687. After a quarrel which arose
over some buffalo meat, in a detached party who were 6 m. away from La
Salle, Duhaut, Liotot, Hiens, and others conspired to kill Moranget;
Liotot brained him; Saget and Nika were also then and there killed. La
Salle left Joutel and others in their own camp and proceeded to the
scene of this tragedy, accompanied only by Father Douay, and an
Indian, Mar. 19th or 20th. On his approach, Duhaut shot him in the
head from ambush; Liotot and others mocked and buffeted his corpse.
Some time in May Duhaut was murdered by Hiens; at the same time Liotot
was murdered by one Ruter. Some survivors of this bloody expedition
reached Poste aux Arkansas in July. The colony left at Fort St. Louis
had been utterly extirpated by Indian massacre and dispersion of the
few survivors, before Apr. 22d, 1689, when the spot, void of all but
the dead there buried, was visited by a Spanish party under Don Alonzo
de Leon. See note 21, p. 560.

[IV'-47] For the several rivers about to be treated here, see the
itinerary, June 7th-29th, and notes there.

[IV'-48] This description of the Nachez, Angelina, and Toyac (Atoyac)
rivers agrees with the map, and with the misapprehension under which
Pike labored. As already indicated, note 18, p. 710, the three are
branches of one, which falls into the Gulf in the same bay with the
Sabine; but Pike cuts off the Nachez and Angelina from the Toyac and
turns them into the Trinity as branches of the latter, thus leaving
the Toyac alone to pursue the course all three should have taken
together.

[IV'-49] The reboso, with which the women muffle their faces, in a
characteristic manner perhaps traceable back to the Moors, or to the
wives of the prophet himself, is as indispensable an article of attire
as a fan. The Spaniards have a phrase _de reboso_, equivalent to the
Italian _in petto_, Latin _sub rosa_, to indicate secrecy, intrigue,
and the like. The reboso varies much in size, shape, color, texture,
price, and other qualities; and, according to one distinguished
author, it has various uses: "The church was crowded with women of all
conditions, and the horrid _reboso_, which the poor use for shawl,
bonnet, handkerchief, and spit-box, sent out an odor which the incense
from the altar failed to stifle," says Emory, Ex. Doc. 41, 30th Cong.,
1st Sess., 1848, p. 41. Some say that the large mobile lips of Mexican
señoras acquire their osculatory capacity by the habitual use of those
features in gesticulation as well as articulation; their hands and
arms being kept bundled up with their heads in that comprehensive
article of attire, they are obliged to use their lips for pointers.

[IV'-50] Humboldt, in his Personal Narrative, etc., p. xxii of the
Philada. ed. of 1815, takes express exception to these statistics, in
the following terms: "The numerous statistical data, which Mr. Pike
has collected in a country of the language of which he was ignorant,
are for the greater part very inaccurate. According to this author the
mint of Mexico coins every year 50 millions of piastres in silver, and
14 millions in gold; while it is proved by the tables annually printed
by order of the Court, and published in the Political Essay [of
Humboldt and Bonpland], that, the year in which the produce of the
mines was the most abundant, the coinage amounted only to 25,806,074
piastres in silver, and to 1,359,814 piastres in gold."

[IV'-51] Bernardo Galvez y Gallardo, viceroy of Mexico from June 16th,
1785, until his death at Tacubaya, Nov. 30th, 1786. He was b. at
Marcharavieja July 23d, 1746, was son of Mathias de Galvez, and had a
very eminent career as soldier and statesman.

CHAPTER V.

CORRESPONDENCE.[V'-1]

_Art. 1. Letter, Pike to Allencaster._ (_Orig. No. 8, pp. 69, 70._)

[TRANSLATION.]

SANTA FE, March 3d, 1807.

SIR:

On the arrival of your troops at my encampment, last month, under the
command of Lieutenant Don Ignacio Saltelo and Mr. Bartholomew, they
informed me that your Excellency had directed them to assure me that I
should be escorted through your dominions to the source of Red river,
as our being on the frontiers of your province gave cause to
suspicion. I conceived it more proper to comply with the request and
repair to Santa Fe, in order to explain to your Excellency any
circumstance which might appear extraordinary; but on my arrival here
I am informed by your Excellency that it is necessary for myself and
troops to pass by Chihuahua in the province of Biscay, more than 200
leagues out of my route. I have demanded of your Excellency to know if
we are to be considered as prisoners of war. You inform me that you do
not consider us in that light. Not to embarrass your Excellency with
many demands, I only request to receive it from under your hand, in
what manner I am to consider myself, and the orders for my passing
into the country; also, whether the expense of the voyage is to be
considered as defrayed by the government of Spain or of the United
States. Excuse my language, as I am not much accustomed to writing in
French, but your Excellency's having no person who understands English
obliges me to attempt that language.

I am, Sir, etc.,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

_Art. 2. Certificate, Allencaster to Pike._ (_Orig. No. 9, p. 70._)

[TRANSLATION.]

SANTA FE, March 3d, 1807.

The first lieutenant of the Anglo-American troops, of the name of Z.
Montgomery Pike, with the party of soldiers under his command, having
been met with by the troops under my orders, at four days' journey
from the seat of government, in this province, which is under my
charge, he was required personally to appear, which he voluntarily
did; and, complying with the orders of the commanding-general of these
internal provinces, I bade the said lieutenant proceed on his march,
with his party, equipped with horses, provisions, and equipage, under
the charge of an officer and 60 men of our troops, with orders to
introduce him to the said commanding-general in the town of Chihuahua.

I permitted said party to carry their arms and ammunition, being
actuated by proper consideration, and in order to grant said
Anglo-American's petition.

I certify the foregoing contents to be accurate.

[Signed] JOACHIN RL. ALLENCASTER.

_Art. 3. Letter, Pike to Allencaster._ (_Orig. No. 10, p. 71._)

ST. FERNANDEZ, March 7th, 1807.

SIR:

On my arrival at this village, and meeting with Dr. Robinson, he
informed me he had acknowledged to Lieutenant Malgares to belong to my
party. As this acknowledgment, in fact, only interested himself, I am
constrained to explain to your Excellency my reasons for having denied
his connection with me. He marched from St. Louis with my detachment
as a volunteer, after having with much pain and solicitation obtained
permission from the general for that purpose. On our arrival on the
Rio del Norte, then supposed to be Red river, he left the party in
order to come to Santa Fe, with a view of obtaining information as to
trade, and collecting some debts due to persons in the Illinois. On
my being informed of his embarrassments, I conceived it would be
adding to them to acknowledge his having accompanied a military party
to the frontiers of the province, and conceived myself bound in honor
and friendship to conceal it; but his scorning any longer the disguise
he assumed has left me at liberty to make this acknowledgment to your
Excellency, which I hope will sufficiently exculpate me in the opinion
of every man of honor, and of the world, for having denied a fact when
I conceived the safety of a friend, in a foreign country, was
concerned in the event.

The above statement will be corroborated by General Wilkinson, and he
will be reclaimed by the United States as a citizen, agreeably to our
treaties with Spain regulating the intercourse, commerce, etc.,
between the two nations.

I felt disposed to enter into an expostulation with your Excellency,
as to the deception practiced on me by the officers who came out with
your invitation to enter the province; but will omit it, and only
request that my sergeant and party may be ordered to follow with all
possible dispatch, as he has all my astronomical instruments, and
clothing, except what I now wear.

I have found Lieutenant Malgares to be what you stated, a gentleman
and a soldier, and I sincerely wish the fortune of war may one day
enable me to show the gentlemen of the Spanish army with whom I have
had the honor of forming an acquaintance, with what gratitude I
appreciate their friendship and politeness, and none more highly than
your Excellency's.

With sincere, etc.,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

_Art. 4. Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 17, pp. 82, 83.)-

CHIHUAHUA, April 4th, 1807.

Sir:

I hope your Excellency may not attribute it to presumption or a
disposition to intrude, when I address you on a subject foreign to my
official duties, and on which I can only speak as an individual; for I
should feel myself wanting in humanity, and that attention which every
man owes to his fellow-creatures in distress, should I remain silent,
more especially when those who are compatriots, and some of them
former companions, are now in a strange country, languishing out their
days far from their friends and relations, with scarcely a dawn of
hope remaining of ever again being blessed with a view of their native
homes. It is scarcely necessary to add that I allude to the
unfortunate companions of [Captain Philip] Nolan, who, having entered
the territories of his Catholic Majesty in a clandestine manner,
equally in violation of the treaties between the two governments, the
laws of the United States, and those of Spain, could not be reclaimed
or noticed by their own country. Yet, from every information I have
received on the subject, the men of the party were innocent, believing
that Nolan had passports from the Spanish governor to carry on the
traffic of horses. I pretend not to justify the many irregularities of
their conduct since [they have been] in the Spanish dominions; but
hope that these may be viewed with an eye of clemency, as the men are
most of them very illiterate, possessing scarcely any part of an
education.

David Fero was formerly a subaltern in a company of infantry of the
United States commanded by my father at the time I served as a
volunteer, but left the service, as I have been informed, owing to
some irregularities of conduct. His having been once my companion
entitles him at present to my particular attention; yet I will here
mention to your Excellency a circumstance which may appear, if known,
in an unfavorable light, viz.: About 15 days past I was informed Fero
was in town, and that he desired to see me. I was extremely mortified
at receiving the information, as I conceived he must have left his
post in a clandestine manner; yet I could not find it in my heart to
refuse the interview, which I gave, but determined at the same time to
inform you of the circumstance, conceiving that you could not look on
it as a matter of much criminality. [Note 11, p. 660.]

But to conclude, I have to beg of your Excellency, if it be in your
power and consistent with the line of conduct you conceive proper to
pursue, to inform me if anything can be done toward restoring these
poor fellows to their liberty, friends, and country; and in a
particular manner I intercede for Fero. If it is out of the power of
the general to grant them leave to return to the United States, I beg
to know if there be any objection to my taking letters to their
fathers, wives, etc. I should not have addressed this letter to the
general, had I not conceived the fate of those men to be at his
disposal, as he had suffered one of them to join the service of his
Catholic Majesty; neither do I request the honor of any other than a
verbal reply, as I write in the character of an individual, not as an
officer of the United States.

I am, Sir,
With high consideration,
Your humble, obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

His Excellency,
GENERAL NIMESIO SALCEDO.

_Art. 5.[V'-2] Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 11, p. 72.)-

CHIHUAHUA, April 6th, 1806 [_i. e._, 1807].

SIR:

Having been for near the space of a year absent from my country, the
probability of its yet being two or three months before I arrive in
the territory of the United States, and the necessity of passing
through some hundred leagues of foreign territory, with the distressed
situation of my troops, have induced me to apply to your Excellency
for a necessary supply of money. Any arrangement which may be
conceived proper for the remuneration I will cheerfully adopt, to pay
it either to the Spanish consul at New Orleans, or the ambassador of
his Catholic Majesty at Washington.

The sum which I conceive will answer the present purposes of myself
and troops is $1,000, for which I will give such vouchers as your
Excellency may conceive proper.

I have the honor to assure your Excellency
of my high respect, and
to be your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

His Excellency,
GENERAL SALCEDO.

_Art. 6. Letter, Salcedo to Pike. (Orig. No. 12, p. 72.)-

[TRANSLATION.]

CHIHUAHUA, April 7th, 1807.

Acceding to the solicitation you have made in your letter of
yesterday, that from the royal treasury of this place there should be
delivered you one thousand dollars, which you say are necessary for
the accommodation of the troops of the United States of America which
you have under your charge, or whatsoever other sum you choose to
demand, and that the government of the said United States shall
refund the said sum to the Señor Marquis de Cassa Yrujo, I have
directed the formula of four corresponding and quadruplicate receipts
for you to sign.

God preserve you many years.
[Signed] NIMESIO SALCEDO.

For the 1st Lieutenant,
MONTGOMERY PIKE.

_Art. 7. Letter, Salcedo to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 19, pp. 86, 87.)-

[Translation.]

CHIHUAHUA, April 8th, 1807.

EXCELLENT SIR:

On the 16th of February last, John Robinson appeared before the
governor of New Mexico, saying that he was a Frenchman, an inhabitant
of St. Louis, which place he left on the 15th of June last year, with
the view of going to the country of the Pananas [Pawnees], to make
recoveries [of certain debts]; that, having received information that
his debtors had directed their steps to said province [of New Mexico],
he had concluded to follow them, in company with 15 other persons, who
went for the purpose of hunting on the rivers of Arcs,[V'-3] Arkansaw,
and Colorado (Red river); that in the neighboring mountains of the two
last [named rivers] his company had left him, for which reason he saw
himself under the necessity of proceeding to the Yutas Indians
[Utes], to whom he exposed his situation, and who accordingly agreed
to conduct him [to Santa Fé].

On the 25th of the same month of February, at the distance of four
days' march from the town of Santa Fe, and nine leagues west of its
settlement, at the place called the Ojocaliente (Hot Spring), near the
confluence of Rio Grande del Norte (Great North river), and that known
under the name River [Rio] de los Conejos ([River] of Rabbits), a
detachment of the garrison of said province of New Mexico met
Montgomery Pike, first lieutenant of the infantry of the United
States, with eight men of the said infantry; who, on being given to
understand that he must be conducted to said town, consented to
accompany them. It was then settled that two of his [Pike's] men
should remain on the spot with half of his Catholic Majesty's
detachment, to wait for six others [of Pike's men] who had not yet
arrived; while he proceeded to the governor's, to whom he declared
that his being in that neighborhood was owing solely to his having
been lost, and having mistaken the Rio del Norte for the Colorado. But
this [Spanish] officer, in compliance with the orders of his superior
officer, forwarded the said first lieutenant [Pike], with the six men
of the American army and the above mentioned John Robinson, to this
capital.

They arrived here on the 2d instant, and said officer [Pike], on being
presented to me, laid before me, in the same manner as he had done to
the governor of Santa Fe, the papers relative to his mission, the
correspondence he had carried on with your Excellency since it
commenced, his journals, and note books.

Your Excellency is not ignorant of the repeated representations made
by the king's minister in the United States, and by the Marquis of
Cassa Calva while he was in Louisiana, summoning[V'-4] the American
government to carry into effect any projects of extending its
expeditions into territories unquestionably belonging to his Majesty.
You must therefore, without any further observations or remarks on my
part, be satisfied that the documents contain evident, unequivocal
proofs that an offense of magnitude has been committed against his
Majesty, and that every individual of this party ought to have been
considered as prisoners on the very spot. Notwithstanding such
substantial and well-grounded motives as would have warranted such a
measure, also wishing to give the widest latitude to the subsisting
system of harmony and good understanding, and, above all, being
finally persuaded that your Excellency would take such steps as your
judgment might suggest as best calculated to prevent any bad
consequences on the occasion, I have concluded to keep in this general
government all the papers presented by Lieutenant Pike, and to give
him and his men full liberty to return to your Excellency, after
having treated them with attention, and offered them every assistance
they stood in need of.

I am, without reserve, and beyond expression, your most obedient,
humble, respectful, and faithful servant, who prayeth God may preserve
your Excellency many years.

[Signed] SALCEDO.

GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON.

_Art. 8. Inventory and Certificate, Valasco and Walker to Pike. (Orig.
No. 16, pp. 80-82.)-

[TRANSLATION.]

Inventory of papers which [from] the lieutenant of infantry of the
United States of America, Montgomery Pike, in the superior government,
and [by the] commandant general of the internal provinces of New
Spain, [were taken] as belonging to a voyage which he executed from
St. Louis up [of] the Illinois to the population [settlements] of New
Mexico, to visit the Indian nations, and reconnoiter the country and
intermediate rivers, as it appears his expedition was undertaken by
provision of the government of the said United States and the orders
of General Wilkinson:

1. Letter from General Wilkinson to Pike, dated 24th June, 1806.

2. Another from the same to Pike, 18th July, 1806.

3. Another from the same to the same officer, 19th July, 1806.

4. Another from the same to Pike, dated 6th August, 1806.

5. Letter from Lieutenant Wilkinson to his father, 27th October, 1806.

6. Another from the same to the same, 28th October, 1806.

7. Letter from Pike to General Wilkinson, 22d July, 1806.

8. Letter from Lieutenant Wilkinson to Lieutenant Pike, 26th October,
1806.

9. Proclamation of General Wilkinson, prohibiting any citizen of the
United States from trading with the Indian nations without his
permission or that of the government, dated 10th July, 1805.

10. A letter from Charles Junot, Agent for the Indians, to General
Wilkinson, dated 10th July, 1806.

11. Notes of Lieutenant Pike on the voyage from New Mexico to
Chihuahua, of four pages.

12. A rough manuscript [draught] of the Missouri and Osage rivers.

13. Letter from Sergeant Ballenger to General Wilkinson, without
date.

14. Letter from Lieutenant Wilkinson to Pike, without date.

15. A certificate, in the French language, of a certain Baptist Lamie
[note 44, p. 388] found among those nations, specifying his motive
for being there.

16. A bundle of papers, in the French language, which contain notes on
the harangues and manifestoes which Lieutenant Pike delivered to the
Indian nations.

17. A passport of Lieutenant Pike to the Indian Winapicane, a captain
of the little Osage.

18. A small draught or map of the country which is situated between
the Mississippi and Santa Fe, with a description of that town, and of
having met with 3,000 Camanches.

19. A book, 8vo, manuscript, which contains the diary of Lieutenant
Pike, from January, 1807, to the 2d March of the same year, when he
arrived at Santa Fe, in 75 pages.

20. A book, 4to, manuscript, in pasteboard, with copies of letters to
the secretary of war and General Wilkinson, and various observations
relative to the commission of the lieutenant, in 67 pages.

21. A manuscript book, in folio, containing different plans of
countries, etc., with a diary with rhumbs, distances, and worked
observations and meteorological tables, which arose from a revisal of
the voyage, by the said Lieutenant Pike, in 40 pages.

Don Francisco Valasco, first officer of the secretaries of the
commandant-generalship of the internal provinces of New Spain, and
Juan Pedro Walker Alferez,[V'-5] of the company of horse of the royal
presidio of Janos:

We certify that the lieutenant of American infantry, Montgomery Pike,
when presented to the commandant general of the before mentioned
provinces, Don Nimesio Salcedo, likewise produced a small trunk which
he brought with him;[*] and that, in the presence of the
undersigned, [he] opened [it] himself, and took out different books
and papers; when, having separated with his own hands, under our
cognizance, all that appeared to be, or that he said was, private, or
had no connection with the voyage, [he] delivered the remainder to the
demand of the commandant general, which [papers delivered] were solely
those comprehended in the foregoing inventory which we have formed,
and for the verification of which we have signed these presents at
Chihuahua, the 8th of April, 1807.

[Signed] FRANCISCO VALASCO.

JUAN PEDRO WALKER.

[*] The want of candor exhibited in the certificate is manifest. It
was an imbecile attempt to show that all my actions were voluntary,
and that in the delivery of my papers there was no degree of
constraint. [Orig. note.]

_Art. 9. Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 14, pp. 78, 79.)-

CHIHUAHUA, April 14th, 1807.

SIR:

On my marching from Santa Fe, Governor Allencaster informed me that my
papers would be considered as a sacred deposit until my arrival at
this place, when your Excellency would examine and take them into
consideration.

When they were examined and taken possession of, I explained without
disguise the nature and contents of each, conceiving that those only
which had any relation to the object of my expedition could be
interesting, and that merely a copy of the chart and a translation of
the official papers would be taken. You must be conscious, Sir, that
it was in my power to have secreted or destroyed every trace of my
voyage and plans previous to my arrival at Chihuahua; but, resting
satisfied that no rupture had taken place between his Catholic Majesty
and the States I have the honor to serve, which would have been a
justification for the seizure of my papers, I preferred leaving them
_in statu quo_, to using that duplicity which in some degree always
implicates the character of a military man.

Admitting the country which I explored to be contested between the
two governments, each would naturally wish to gain some information as
to its geographical situation, in order that they might each form
correct ideas as to what would be their mutual interests, founded on
justice and the honor and dignity of the nation, in forming the line
of demarcation. This was the view of the United States government in
the expedition which I had the honor to command; the loss of the
geographical sketches taken might be the occasion of a suspension of
the final line of limits, and consequently the delay of an amicable
adjustment of the differences now existing between the two
governments.

Your Excellency may not have an intention of detaining my papers,
which I had begun to suppose from your returning only part of them by
Lieutenant Walker; in which case you will please to excuse this
intrusion. But I will add that, if you have it in view to detain the
papers, I request you will be pleased to examine them with particular
care. You will find that there are letters from General Wilkinson, as
well as his son, to me; also, from the latter to his father and
mother; and others which, being by no means of a political nature, or
at least not relative to the relations existing between the government
of Spain and the United States, therefore can by no means be
interesting to your Excellency. The book which contains my charts also
contains part of the blotters of a voyage to the source of the
Mississippi, which I presume cannot be interesting to the Spanish
government.

But, to conclude, I have only to request of your Excellency to know if
it is your intention to detain my papers now in your possession; and
if so, that you may cause me to be furnished, or suffer me to take, a
copy of them, and that I may receive a certificate from under your
hand of the number, nature, etc., of the said papers, and the reasons
for their seizure and detention, in order that my government may be
enabled to make the proper application to the Spanish court for an
explanation. My reason for applying to your Excellency so early on
this subject is that, on the arrival of my men who are still in the
rear, I may be prepared to march in a short period of time; for, under
the present aspect of affairs, I feel conscious that I am as anxious
to arrive on the territories of the United States as your Excellency
must be for me to quit the dominions of his Catholic Majesty.

In all events, I hope you will believe me to be, with the highest
sentiments of personal respect,

Your most obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

His Excellency, Brigadier-general Don Nimesio Salcedo,
Commanding-general of the Interior Provinces of the kingdom
of New Spain.

_Art. 10. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 3, pp. 53-55.)-

CHIHUAHUA, April 20th, 1807.

MY DEAR GENERAL:

Never did I sit down to address you with a heart so oppressed with
anxiety and mortification; but knowing the uncertainty which must
exist as to the fate of myself and party, I conceive it proper to
attempt a communication, although I think it extremely uncertain,
owing to the difficulty of the route, whether it may ever come to
hand, or at least, previous to my arrival at the territories of the
United States, owing to the various circumstances which are not to be
communicated in a letter. I was detained in the mountains of Mexico
[_i. e._, present State of Colorado] until the month of January, and
in February found myself with eight of my party only, on the head
branches of the Rio [Grande] del Norte, which I then conceived to be
the sources of the Red river, our information making the latter extend
the whole distance between the former and the Arkansaw, although its
sources are some hundred miles below either of the others.

Here I was encountered by two officers and 100 men, who bore orders
from the governor of New Mexico to cause me and my party to march to
the capital of said province. His request was in the most polite
style, and in fact the commanding officer assured me there was not the
least constraint, but that his Excellency desired a conference, and
that I should be conducted by the most direct route to the navigable
part of the Red river, whence I could immediately descend to
Nachitoches. Although dubious of the faith of the invitation, and in a
situation where I could have defended myself as long as my provision
lasted, or until I might probably have escaped in the night; yet,
knowing the pacific intentions of our government, and the particular
instructions of my general as to my conduct in case of a rencounter
with a body of Spanish troops, I conceived it most proper to comply
with the demand and repair to Santa Fe; and, as the balance of my
party who remained in the mountains were, many of them, invalids and
not in a situation to be able to return, I conceived it most proper to
leave orders for them to follow, accompanied by an escort of Spanish
troops left for that purpose.

On my arrival in Santa Fe, his Excellency Governor Allencaster
informed me it was necessary that I should immediately march to
Chihuahua, Province of Biscay, in order to present myself to his
Excellency, Commandant-general N. Salcedo, for further orders. This
being so different from what I had been taught to expect, I demanded
of Governor Allencaster, in a written communication, to know if I were
to consider myself and party as prisoners of war. He replied in the
negative. We marched on the following day, and arrived on the 2d
instant at this place, whence, I am informed by the general, I shall
march, on the arrival of the remainder of my party, for Nachitoches.

I must here acknowledge myself and party under infinite obligations to
the friendship and politeness of all the Spanish officers, and in a
particular manner to the commandant-general of those provinces.

Should the politics of our country make it necessary to augment the
army previous to my arrival, I hope the general will approve of my
aspiring to a considerable promotion in the new corps. Should the line
of demarcation be amicably adjusted between the United States and
Spain, I hope to obtain the appointment of one of the commissioners,
as I make bold to assert that, with respect to the arrangements
necessary, and knowledge of the country through which the line must
pass, I am better instructed than any other officer of my age in our
service; and, if joined to a colleague of profound astronomical
knowledge, we could surmount every difficulty. I likewise beg leave to
suggest to your Excellency that I conceive the information I hold to
be of considerable consequence in the determination of the line of
limits, and that if it be not already determined I can throw
considerable light on the subject.

I hope your Excellency will be pleased to forward orders for me to
Nachitoches, informing me if I am to descend to [New] Orleans or
proceed to the Federal City; and if the latter, permitting me to pass
by Louisiana, in order to visit and arrange the affairs of my family,
to whom I beg the favor of my general to communicate the certainty of
the existence of myself and Dr. Robinson, who begs to be sincerely
remembered to you.

Please to present my respectful compliments to your lady; and the
doctor's and mine to James [Lieutenant Wilkinson], who, I hope, has
long ere this arrived in safety.

The general will pardon the requests I have made of him, knowing the
confidence of my heart in the paternal and soldierly esteem which he
has manifested for him who has the honor to be,

With every sentiment of esteem,
Respect, and high consideration,
Dear General,
Your obedient humble servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE.

His Excellency,
GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 11. Letter, Salcedo to Pike. (Orig. No. 15, pp. 79, 80.)-

[TRANSLATION.]

CHIHUAHUA, April 23d, 1807.

Of the papers connected with the expedition which by orders of the
United States government you have made from the St. Louis of the
Illinois unto the settlements of New Mexico, and which you
yourself[*] separated from those [others] which you brought here
and put into my hands the day you arrived in this town, there have
been formed an inventory, and a certificate respecting each of them
accompanying it, to you, and in the office, the 17th current, for the
purpose therein expressed, the judgment on which remains for the
decision of the king, my lord, and shall be reported in the secret
archives of this captain-generalcy. Meditating that you have
indicated, in your official summons to this government, the greatest
desire to arrive at the territories of the United States, [I] have
resolved that you prepare to continue your voyage in two or three
days, in consequence of which the arrangements necessary shall be
made, such as you, with the people of your expedition, have
experienced until your arrival at this place.

God preserve you many years.
[Signed] NIMESIO SALCEDO.

MONTGOMERY PIKE, 1st Lieutenant of Infantry.

[*] See my account of the seizure of my papers, April 1st, 1807.
[Orig. note. Read Apr. 2d, and see p. 658.]

_Art. 12. Letter, Wilkinson to Pike. (Orig. No. 4, pp. 55-57.)-

NEW ORLEANS, May 20th, 1807.

DEAR SIR:

After having counted you among the dead, I was most agreeably
surprised to find, by a letter from General Salcedo, received a few
days since, that you were in his possession, and that he proposed
sending you, with your party, to our frontier post. I lament that you
should lose your papers, but shall rely much on your memory. Although
it was unfortunate that you should have headed Red river, and missed
the object of your enterprise, yet I promise myself that the route
over which you have passed will afford some interesting scenes, as
well to the statesman as the philosopher.

You will hear of the scenes in which I have been engaged, and may be
informed that the traitors whose infamous designs against the
constitution and government of our country I have detected, exposed,
and destroyed, are vainly attempting to explain their own conduct by
inculpating me. Among other devices, they have asserted that your and
Lieutenant Wilkinson's enterprise was a premeditated co-operation with
[Aaron] Burr. Being on the wing for Richmond, in Virginia, to confront
the arch-traitor and his host of advocates, I have not leisure to
commune with you as amply as I could desire. Let it then suffice for
me to say to you, that of the information you have acquired, and the
observations you have made, you must be cautious, extremely cautious,
how you breathe a word; because publicity may excite a spirit of
adventure adverse to the interests of our government, or injurious to
the maturation of those plans which may hereafter be found necessary
and justifiable by the government.

I leave Colonel Cushing[V'-6] in command of the district, with plenary
powers, and have informed him that you have leave to repair to St.
Louis by the most direct route, the moment you have communicated to me
in duplicate the result of your travels, voluntary and involuntary,
in relation to clime, country, population, arts, agriculture, routes,
distances, and military defense. The president will be impatient to
have whatever you have acquired; to the detailed account a sketch must
be added, and the original and duplicate addressed to me at the city
of Washington, with the least possible delay. You may make up your
report at Natchitoches, and proceed thence to the Wascheta [Washita]
and thence to the Arkansaw, or you may descend to Fort Adams, and
proceed thence to St. Louis by the most convenient route. Colonel
Cushing, whom I leave in command of the district, has my orders in
your favor, and will give you every indulgence; but as an expedition
is now in motion up the Arkansaw, to explore it to its source and
further northwest, it is highly important that you should, either in
person or by two or three confidential men, send forward to the
Arkansaw every information which you may deem essential to the success
of the enterprise. A Mr. Freemen [Thomas Freeman], under the chief
direction of Mr. [William] Dunbar of Natchez, has control of this
operation. The escort, which consists of 35 select non-commissioned
officers and privates, is commanded by Lieutenant Wilkinson, seconded
by Lieutenant T[homas]. A. Smith. This detachment, with two boats
suitably equipped, will reach Natchez in eight or ten days from the
present, and will proceed with all possible dispatch. You will address
your communications to Lieutenant Wilkinson, who, after many hardships
and difficulties, reached this place about the 1st of March. He has
finished a pretty good traverse of the river, and his journal is
interesting. I think the present party will winter near the Arkansaw
Osages, about 600 miles by the river from the Mississippi.

The president mentioned you and your explorations to the source of the
great river, in his address to Congress, in handsome terms. I am
convinced he has a proper sense of your merits, and will do you ample
justice. I offer you leave to go immediately to your family, because I
apprehend it will be most desirable; yet, if you possess in your
information aught which you may desire to communicate in person, you
are at liberty to proceed, by the shortest route, to the seat of
government, near which you will find me, if alive, three or four
months hence.

I pray you to attend particularly to the injunctions of this hasty
letter, and to believe me, whilst I am your general,

Your friend,
[Signed] JAMES WILKINSON.

CAPTAIN PIKE, U. S. Army.

_Art. 13. Letter, Pike to Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 5, pp. 57-63.)-

NACHITOCHES, July 5th, 1807.

DEAR GENERAL:

Once more I address you from the land of freedom and under the banners
of our country. Your esteemed favor of the 20th of May now lies before
me, in which I recognize the sentiments of my general and friend, and
will endeavor, as far as my limited abilities permit, to do justice to
the spirit of your instructions.

I must premise to your Excellency that my letter of the 20th of April,
dated at Chihuahua, went through a perusal by General Salcedo,
previous to his forwarding it.

That letter stated the mode of my being brought into Santa Fe, and I
will now state to your Excellency the proceedings on the subject of my
papers. I will omit the hauteur of the reception given me by Governor
Allencaster, for a more particular communication; it changed afterward
to extreme politeness. Being under no restrictions previous to
arriving at Santa Fe, I had secreted all my papers which I conceived
it necessary to preserve, leaving my book of charts, my orders, and
such others as should induce the governor to know me in my proper
character, and prevent his suspicions being excited to a stricter
inquiry.

On examining my commission, orders, etc., he told me to remove my
trunk to my own quarters, and that on the morrow he would converse
with me on the subject. I had caused my men to secrete my papers about
their bodies, conceiving this safer than [leaving them] in the
baggage; but in the evening, finding the ladies of Santa Fe were
treating them to wine, etc., I was apprehensive their intemperance
might discover the secret, and took them from all but one, who had my
journal in full, but who could not be found, and put them in my trunk,
conceiving that the inspection was over. But next morning an officer,
with two men, waited on me and informed me that he had come for me to
visit the governor, and brought these two men to take up my trunk. I
immediately perceived I was outgeneraled. On my arrival at the
governor's house, his Excellency demanded if I had the key. My reply
was in the affirmative; when he observed, "It is well"; my trunk
should be a sacred deposit in the charge of the officer who would
escort me to Chihuahua, for which place I marched after dinner, under
the escort of Lieutenant Don Facundo Malgares and 65 men. His
character I beg leave to introduce to the attention of your Excellency
as that of a European possessing all the high sense of honor which
formerly so evidently distinguished his nation, the commandant of the
600 troops who made the expedition to the Pawnees, an officer of
distinguished merit, who in his mode of living fully justified the
pomp and style of his actions, who outshines many of the governors of
provinces, and whom in my future reports I shall have frequent
occasion to quote. He observed to me: "The governor informs me, Sir,
your trunk is under restrictions; but your word of honor as a soldier
that no papers shall be taken out, and you have free ingress, as
usual." I gave it, and I presume it is scarcely necessary to add it
was religiously adhered to.

On our arrival at Chihuahua the general demanded my trunk, and on its
being opened and the papers laid on the table, he took them in hand
one by one and demanded what was the purport of each, which truth
obliged me to declare; had I been disposed to equivocate, Ensign
Walker, of his Catholic Majesty's service, who stood present and
assisted in the examination, could have immediately detected the
fraud; also, his Excellency understands sufficient of the English
language to discover the general purport of any paper.

After going through them in this manner and separating them into two
piles, he observed to me: "You will leave those papers for my
inspection, and in the meanwhile, in concert with Ensign Walker, who
will give the Spanish translation, you will give me a detailed account
of your route, views, destination, etc., during which time I will
examine the papers now before me." With this I complied, flattering
myself that it was his intention to return me my papers, by his
demanding a sketch; also, so great was my confidence in the
all-protecting name of my country, I conceived it was a greater step
than the general would venture to take, to seize on the papers. But
when I had finished the proposed sketch and presented it, and found a
still further delay, I addressed the general on the subject. After a
few days, some were returned, but I was officially informed that the
remaining papers had been seized, but would be kept in the secret
cabinet of that captain-generalship until the pleasure of his Catholic
Majesty should be known. At the same time I was presented with a
certificate specifying the number and contents of those detained, and
adding that they were assorted by my own hand, and voluntarily. This
assertion was so contrary to truth, honor, or the line of conduct a
general should have pursued with a young gentleman, that I took the
liberty of telling one of the officers who signed said certificate
that it was incorrect. But as Sergeant Meek was still in the rear with
nearly all my baggage, I took care to give him orders that none of
said baggage should be opened, except by force; which will evince
that, although I preferred acting like a gentleman to obliging General
Salcedo to resort to rough treatment, yet that it was not a volunteer
surrender of my papers.

But the general will please to recollect that my journals were saved
at Santa Fe, were continued, and are entire to this post; for the
fortunate circumstance of the doctor's having copied my courses and
distances through all the route, except an excursion we made to the
source of the river La Platte, unto the Spanish territories, preserved
them. These will enable me to exhibit a correct chart of the route,
although not so minute as the one seized on, which was plotted daily
by the eye and angular observations. Thus the only essential papers
lost were my astronomical observations and meteorological tables, and
a book containing remarks on minerals, plants, etc., with the manners,
population, customs, etc., of the savages. But the results of the
former were in part communicated, and probably my journal may supply
part of the balance, while our memories will make the loss of the
latter of but little consequence. While in the Spanish territories I
was forbidden the use of pen and paper, notwithstanding which I kept a
journal, made meteorological observations, and took courses and
distances from the time I entered their country until my arrival at
this place; all of which I brought safe off in the men's guns, where I
finally secreted my papers without detection.

From our unremitting attention day and night, the immense territory
they led us through, and the long time we were in their country, I
make bold to assert I have been able to collect a correct account of
their military force, regular and irregular; also, important and
interesting information on geographical situations, political
sentiments and dispositions of the people of every class, manners,
arts, resources, riches, revenues, situation, value, and productions
of their mines, etc.; also, the annual revenues paid to Bonaparte. Had
we possessed as great a knowledge of the Spanish language when we
entered the territories as when we left them, our information would
have been nearly as complete as I could wish it, if sent expressly for
the purpose of acquiring it, by the open authority of his Majesty.
But the French language, in which my communications were sometimes
made, was greatly beneficial.

By the sergeant, who is still in the rear and was never suffered to
join me, as General Salcedo conceived he would probably procure some
information from him, which he could not if [the sergeant were]
immediately under my orders, I expect many other communications of
importance from many individuals who promised to forward them by him.
But I presume the general has found himself in error; as I perceive by
a letter from him to Governor Cordero, the sergeant killed one of
his[V'-7] men, in consequence of some improper conduct, and the
general accuses him of great intractability, as he is pleased to term
it.

From the foregoing statement your Excellency will observe that I yet
possess immense matter, the results of one year's travel in countries,
desert and populated, which have both been long the subject of
curiosity to the philosopher, the anxious desires of the miser, and
the waking thoughts and sleeping dreams of the man of ambitious and
aspiring soul--results which, in our present critical situation, I do
conceive to be immensely important, and which open a scene for the
generosity and aggrandizement of our country, with a wide and splendid
field for harvests of honor for individuals. But my papers are in a
mutilated state, from the absolute necessity I was under to write on
small pieces in the Spanish country; also, from being injured in the
gun-barrels, some of which I filed off three times to take out the
papers. These circumstances make it necessary, in the first place, to
take a rough copy as they stand; then it will be necessary to assort
the matter, as military, political, moral, mercantile, meteorological,
agricultural, etc., all now forming an undigested mass. Then, Sir, the
combining each, the plotting, etc., would take up a time of
considerable extent for one man; and to make duplicates after they are
in order could not be done in three months. The general may recollect
it was nearly that period before my reports were completed last year,
although I was assisted by Mr. [Antoine] Nau and the sergeant-major,
and sometimes by Lieutenants [James B.] Wilkinson and [Henry Richard]
Graham.[V'-8] Also, with respect to the Spanish country, I must know
the extent of the objects in view, in order to embrace those points in
my reports; and further, my dear sir, my health is by no means the
most perfect, my eyes being so extremely weak that it is almost
impossible for me to continue for one hour with the pen in my hand,
and by that time I have a considerable pain in my breast.

From those circumstances my general will perceive the almost
impracticability of my complying with the contents of his letter as to
duplicate reports from this place; but I shall immediately commence
the business of arranging and digesting my papers, and will proceed
with the labor with every perseverance my situation will permit until
the arrival of my sergeant and the balance of the party, should they
not be retarded more than 20 days, when I shall proceed immediately to
St. Louis, and thence through Kentucky, Virginia, etc., to the Federal
City, making no unnecessary delay, and during the whole of the route
prosecuting my business at every leisure moment. When at Washington, I
flatter myself with your assistance and advice. As I propose taking
courses, distances, etc., hence to St. Louis, it will be making the
tour of the greatest part of Louisiana, crossing the main rivers at
different points. I am certain that from the survey of the Missouri by
Captains Lewis and Clark, my own of the Mississippi, Lieutenant
Wilkinson's of the lower Arkansaw, which river I surveyed to its
sources, and Mr. Dunbar's of Red river, can be formed the completest
survey of Louisiana ever yet taken.

As to the instruments I had with me I wish the general to inform me in
what light they stood, as most of them were ruined in the mountains by
the falling of the horses from precipices, etc., and I left an order
at Chihuahua for the sergeant to sell them at a certain price, as the
addition of a land carriage of 500 leagues would not add to their
benefit.[V'-9] Baroney, if alive, is with my sergeant; he has proved a
noble fellow in his line, and I beg liberty to recommend him to some
appointment near the Kans, should any offer. I must further add the
following anecdote of my men, in whose breasts lay the whole secret of
my papers, and whom I frequently, when in the Spanish territories, was
obliged to punish severely for outrages committed in a state of
intoxication, yet who never once offered, or showed a disposition to
discover it. It is certain they knew instant death would follow;
still, their fidelity to their trust is remarkable. I have charged
them as to communications, and shall dispose of them in such a manner
as not to put it in their power to give things much publicity.

Dr. Robinson has accompanied me the whole route, is still with me, and
I take pleasure in acknowledging I have received important services
from him, as my companion in dangers and hardships, counselor in
difficulties, and one to whose chemical, botanical, and mineralogical
knowledge the expedition is greatly indebted--in short, Sir, he is a
young gentleman of talents, honor, and perseverance, possessing, in my
humble opinion, a military turn of mind, and would enter, I believe,
in case of an augmentation of the army, if he could obtain a rank
above a subaltern.

I hope the general will be pleased to have my copies forwarded by
Lieutenant Wilkinson, so that I can command the use of them at
Washington; also all my letters written him during the expedition, as
they contain information I wish to refer to, and the copies were
seized. Dr. [John] Sibley has informed me that the expedition up the
Arkansaw is suspended, which supersedes the necessity of my sending
the express ordered.

I congratulate the general on the safe arrival of Lieutenant
Wilkinson, and am sorry to hear of the difficulties he encountered. I
have been obliged to draw money of the Spanish government, which I
have to pay to their ambassador at Washington. I supported those of my
men who were with me all the time in the Spanish country. Being
separated from my baggage and never permitted to have it join me, and
having been presented to the commandant-general in a blanket
cappot,[V'-10] I was under the necessity of going to very considerable
expense to support what I considered not only my own honor, but the
dignity of our army. This, when a captain's pay is $2,400 per annum,
was a ruinous thing to my finances; but I hope it may be taken into
due consideration.

After making myself pretty perfect in the French language, I have
obtained such a knowledge of the Spanish as to make me confident in
asserting, in three or four years I will with ease make myself
sufficiently master of the latter, Italian, and Portuguese, to read
them all, and speak and write Spanish. The doctor has even exceeded me
in that point. I mention this to the general, as I know the interest
he takes in the improvement of his military protégé.

We heard in the Spanish dominions of the convulsions of the western
country, originating in Mr. Burr's plans, and that you were
implicated; sometimes that you were arrested, sometimes superseded,
etc. Those reports, although I never credited them, gave me great
unhappiness, as I conceived that the shafts of calumny were aimed at
your fame and honor, in a foreign country where these had hitherto
stood high and been revered and respected by every class. At St.
Antonio Colonel Cordero informed me of the truth of the statement
[_i. e._, falsity of those reports], which took a load from my breast
and made me comparatively happy; I hope ere long the villainy will be
unmasked, and malignity and slander hide their heads. The before
mentioned gentleman sent you by me a box of Spanish chocolate, which I
shall forward to Colonel Cushing. Governor Herrara said the
maliciousness of the world was such as to forbid his writing, but
begged to be sincerely remembered to you. A letter addressed to me at
Cincinnatti, Ohio, may possibly reach me on my route, when I hope to
receive your approbation of my conduct. Many letters written to me,
addressed to this place, have been secreted or destroyed; possibly the
general can give me a hint on the subject.

Those ideas have made a deep impression on my mind, and did not an
all-ruling passion sway me irresistibly to the profession of arms and
the paths of military glory, I would long since have resigned my sword
for the rural cot, where peace, health, and content would at least be
our inmates, should not our brows be crowned with laurel.

I must now conclude, as this letter has far exceeded the bounds
proposed when commenced; but the effusions of my heart on its contents
are such that I could not limit them to a more contracted space.
Excuse my scrawl, as I am entirely out of practice, but believe me to
be,

Dear General,
With high respect and esteem,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Captain.

GENERAL WILKINSON.

_Art. 14. Letter, Pike to Salcedo. (Orig. No. 18, pp. 83-85.)-

NATCHITOCHES, August 20th, 1807.

SIR:

Previous to my departure from Chihuahua, we had entered so fully into
the subject of the seizure of my papers, that I should never have made
another appeal until I made one through our government to the
ambassador of his Catholic Majesty, had I not received orders to that
effect; it not being known, at the time those instructions were given,
that the propriety of the seizure had been contested between your
Excellency and myself. But as you have now had time fully to
reconsider the business, it may not appear in the same light that it
did when I had the honor to address you before. Your Excellency may be
induced to conceive that the measure of seizing my notes, plans,
meteorological and astronomical observations, etc., for parts of the
Mississippi, Missouri, Osage, Kans, and Arkansaw rivers--waters
acknowledged by the Spanish government to be within the known
territories of the United States--may not be justifiable. Whatever may
be your opinion on those subjects, I am at an entire loss to conceive
how, and upon what principle, you could involve in that seizure
letters from individuals to individuals, the contents of which could
in no wise be interesting to the Spanish government.

I have therefore once more to appeal to your Excellency, with the hope
that the time you have had for deliberation may induce you to conceive
it proper, and but an act of justice, to deliver up the papers seized
at Chihuahua; and hope your Excellency will have the goodness to
address them to me in a packet, to the care of the commanding officer
of this place.

If the continuation of an amicable understanding between the two
nations be an object of estimation in the mind of your Excellency, the
final demarcation of limits must be considered as the first great step
to be taken toward its accomplishment. To enable my government to form
a correct idea on that subject, it was requisite they should be well
acquainted with the geographical situation of the heads of the
Arkansaw and Red rivers. The former part of this [requirement] I had
accomplished, and could with all ease have carried the remaining part
of that object into execution, after discovering my mistake of the Rio
del Norte for the Red river, had I been permitted by the governor of
New Mexico. Instead of which, I was hurried through the country to
Chihuahua, without having time given for the absent part of my party
and baggage to join me; by which means I was obliged to appear in a
garb and manner entirely incompatible with the rank I have the honor
to hold, and in some degree an indignity [was thus offered] to the
country whose commission I bear. To add to my mortification, I was
then deprived of the information I had obtained at the risk of our
lives, and the suffering of unknown miseries. The information
contained in my notes was not only of a geographical nature, but also
such as would enable the executive of the United States to take some
steps to ameliorate the barbarous state of various savage tribes whom
I visited; and, I may be permitted to add, would have added in some
small degree to the acquirement of science, which is for the general
benefit of mankind.

When I left Chihuahua, I was informed that my sergeant and party were
detained near the place, in order that they should not be permitted to
join me, [and to the end] that by a separate examination they might be
intimidated to make a declaration to justify the conduct observed
toward us. This I am conscious must have failed; but I am at an entire
loss to conceive why they should have been detained until this time,
when your Excellency assured me they should follow immediately. Their
detention has been of considerable private injury to myself, and an
insult to my government.

When I marched from Chihuahua, your Excellency officially informed me
that everything had been prepared for my transport to our lines. I was
much surprised to have to pay for the hire of horses, etc., demanded
of me at the first place where we changed our escorts, as I neither
conceived it just that I should pay for an involuntary tour I had
taken through your territories, nor was I prepared to do it; but as
your officers were responsible, and gave their receipts for the
transport, and from the orders received by Captain Viana at
Nacogdoches, I was obliged to hire beasts to take me to Natchitoches,
although an escort of your troops were furnished. [See note 2, p.
814].

I here with the greatest pleasure embrace the opportunity of
acknowledging the polite treatment I received from your officers in
general on my route, but in particular from Colonels Cordero and
Herrara, Captains Barelo and Viana, and Lieutenant Malgares; to all of
whom it would be my greatest pleasure to have it in my power to return
the compliment.

Will your Excellency do me the honor to present my high respects to
your lady, and my compliments to Mr. Truxillo and Father Rocus.

I am, Sir,
With the most profound consideration,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE, Captain.

His Excellency,
GOVERNOR SALCEDO.

FOOTNOTES:

[V'-1] The Appendix to Pt. 3 of the orig. ed. was the most
extraordinary hotch-potch I ever saw in type--a lot of letters and
other papers bundled together in no intelligible or imaginable order.
There being no evidence of design or purpose, the first step toward
bringing an appearance of order out of this confusion must be taken by
disregarding the original helter-skelter entirely, and by rearranging
the various pieces of which this Appendix consisted as freely as if
they were loose manuscripts accidentally disordered. The documents
with which we have to do were disarranged as follows:

No. 1. Pike's Observations on New Spain, the leading article, not
numbered, making pp. 1-51, or more than half of the whole Appendix.
(This I have disposed of in the foregoing Chap. IV.)

No. 2, pp. 52, 53. A fragmentary vocabulary of Mississippi
place-names, having no connection with Pt. 3 of the book. (This I have
made Chap. IX., pp. 355, 356, of Pt. 1, where it belongs.)

No. 3, pp. 53-55. A letter from Pike to Wilkinson.

No. 4, pp. 55-57. A letter from Wilkinson to Pike.

No. 5, pp. 57-63. A letter from Pike to Wilkinson.

No. 6, pp. 64-68. A Congressional report, with accompanying documents,
including matter relating to all three of Pike's expeditions, yet
lacking one of the most important of the papers belonging to it (see
No. 13, below). (All these I shall relegate to the following Chap.
VI.)

No. 7, p. 69. A mere paragraph about a priest. (This I have simply
interpolated in the text of the itinerary, Chap. II., pp. 603,
604--the place where it belongs.)

No. 8, pp. 69, 70. A letter from Pike to Allencaster.

No. 9, p. 70. A certificate from Allencaster to Pike.

No. 10, p. 71. A letter from Pike to Allencaster.

No. 11, p. 72. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 12, p. 72. A letter from Salcedo to Pike.

No. 13, pp. 73-77. The missing document which belongs to No. 6 (see
above), being a brief sketch of Pike's Arkansaw Expedition and of his
Mexican Tour, no date, no place, no addressee. (This, of course, goes
with No. 6, in the following Chap. VI.)

No. 14, pp. 78, 79. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 15, pp. 79, 80. A letter from Salcedo to Pike.

No. 16, pp. 80-82. Inventory of papers seized by the Spanish
authorities, with accompanying certificate.

No. 17, pp. 82, 83. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 18, pp. 83-85. A letter from Pike to Salcedo.

No. 19, pp. 86, 87. A letter from Salcedo to Wilkinson.

By eliminating from the above No. 1, No. 2, No. 6, No. 7, and No. 13,
as above indicated, the residuum consists entirely of correspondence
relating to the Mexican Tour, which is easily rearranged in the
chronological order of the several letters, and thus forms the present
Chapter V.

[V'-2] On this subject I can throw a little further light, as
reflected from some documents which I find on file in the Archives of
the War Department. The following letter is in a clerk's hand, with
Pike's signature:

WASHINGTON CITY Feby. 10^th. 1808.

SIR,

Being informed that the Chevalier Don Fownda, Charge des
affaires from his Catholic Majesty to the United States,
has forwarded to your office an account of expenses said to
have occurred in consequence of my being _obliged_ to pass
thro' the internal provinces of New Spain, amounting to a
sum, exceeding 21,000 Dollars.--I have thought it proper to
state to you the following circumstances. On my being
informed by the Gov^r. at Santa fé that I should be obliged
to go to Chihuahua, I addressed a letter to him in which
amongst other topics--I demanded to be advised if myself
and troops were to be supported at the expense of the U
States or his Catholic majesty--On this subject he was
silent in his reply--but the day I marched from that city
sent me a small sum of money, which I was informed was the
subsistence money of my party to Chihuahua--at which place
I refunded said sum to an officer of the Gov^rs.
acquaintance & took his receipt for the same--at the seat
of goverment I received $1000 and gave triplicate receipts
making my goverment responsible for the same--and on the
close of my correspondence with Gen^l. Salcedo was informed
that I should be conveyed to our territories in the same
manner I had been from New Mexico to Chihuahua--That was to
find our own subsistence--but all other expences to be paid
by the Spanish officers.--I left a requisition that my
party in the rear might be allowed $2-6¼/100 per diem for
their subsistence, and as this was for the support of our
troops, when in their country, it remains to be decided by
our Gov^t, whether they will refund the money--At the first
place where I changed my escort on this side of Chihuahua,
pay was demanded for the services of the mules, and horses,
which I positively refused--but finding the officer was
embarassed, I gave him a receipt agreable to the enclosed
copy and date.--at S^t. Antonio I received $200 of
Gov^r. Cordero--whereof the account stands enclosed--but
I presume in justice no part should be allowed except the
cash advanced, and the mens subsistence--as agreable to the
Chevaliers own maxim--"_the Government which unnecessarily
produced the expenditures ought in justice to defray
them_"--.

I have the honor to be,
Sir,
With high consideration
Your most ob^t. Serv^t.
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Captain
1st U States Reg^t. Infy

The Hon^able.
JAMES MADISON,
Sec^y. Dep^t. State

The foregoing letter has two inclosures. One is the following form of
account:

"U. States to
the Spanish Govt.--

Dr.

7th. April 1807. To cash furnished on receipt to
Cap: Pike at Chihuahua, $1000

11th. June, 07. To cash furnished Cap: Pike at S^t.
Antonio, on receipt, 200

To a requisition for subsistence of my party in the
rear at $2-6¼/100 from ---- to ----

[*]To amount of five receipts worded
in substance as below--not exceeding 250
-----
$
=====
[*] ---- 07.

I acknowledged to have been furnished by ---- with ----
mules ---- horses for the transport of my party and baggage
from ---- to ---- The hire of said beasts to be hereafter
adjusted between the Gov^t. of the U. States and that of
his Cath. Majesty--

"(Signed) Z. PIKE.

"N. B. The whole of those charges (the latter of which I by
no means conceive the U States under any just obligation to
discharge) cannot if my men have recently left the country,
amount to more than $2000. 1200 of which I only pledged the
faith of the Gov^t. for--Pike"

The other one of the two inclosures is the following memorandum or
indorsement of the State Department:

"The account against Pike inadmissible save the $1200
advanced him in Cash--and what may have been advanced to
his men left in Mexico at the rate of $2-6¼/100 p.
day--the Sum he asked for their subsistence--It appears to
have been understood by Capt Pike that he was to find
subsistence for himself & Party and that the Spanish Govert
would meet the other expences of his Journey."

[V'-3] Rivière au Bois d'Arc of the French, as we should say Bodark,
Bowdark, or Bowwood r., meaning the Osage. The reference is to the
bois d'arc or bowwood, the Osage orange, _Maclura aurantiaca_, a
well-known tree of the lower Mississippi valley, whose wood was
formerly in great request for the purpose indicated in the vernacular
name. It is very thorny, bears pruning well, and has come to be much
cultivated for hedges. Its botanical affinities are with the mulberry.

[V'-4] The meaning of the clause is clear, though it may not be
obvious on its face, owing to the use of "summoning" in a particular
sense: compare Pike's use of "summons" in Art. 11, p. 825. Agreeably
with etymology, "summoning" might be written _submonition_, on the
model of _admonition_; the radical meaning of these two words is much
the same, both conveying the idea of warning, with the implied force
of enjoining, restraining, etc. Salcedo simply reminds Wilkinson that
the Spanish government had warned the United States off those
premises, and consequently that the latter should not have carried
into effect any projects of, etc.

[V'-5] _Sic_--but "Alferez" is not a part of Walker's name, being his
rank in the Mexican cavalry: read "Walker, ensign of," etc.

[V'-6] Thomas Humphrey Cushing of Massachusetts, a captain in the
Continental Army, became a captain of the 2d Infantry, Mar. 4th, 1791;
he was arranged to the second sub-Legion Sept. 4th, 1792; promoted to
be a major in the first sub-Legion Mar. 3d, 1793, and assigned to the
1st Infantry Nov. 1st, 1796; he acted as inspector of the army from
Feb. 27th, 1797, to May 22d, 1798, and became lieutenant-colonel of
the 2d Infantry April 1st, 1802; he acted as adjutant and
inspector-general from Mar. 26th, 1802, to May 9th, 1807, was promoted
to the colonelcy of the 2d Infantry Sept. 7th, 1805, to a
brigadier-generalship July 2d, 1812, and honorably discharged June
15th, 1815; he died Oct. 19th, 1822.

[V'-7] It will be observed that Pike's syntax leaves the personal
pronoun equivocal. We naturally read that Sergeant Meek killed one of
his own men, _i. e._, a man of Pike's party; and I have been more than
once summonsed, during my editorial function, to say who this man was.
But there is no record that I can discover, and no other intimation
than the above ambiguous clause, that any man of Pike's or Meek's
party was killed by Meek. On the contrary, Pike's final word about his
men accounts for every one of them: see p. 855, and note there. In the
absence of any further evidence, we must understand that Sergeant Meek
killed one of General Salcedo's men; and if so, might easily be
accused of "great intractability."

[V'-8] Of Virginia, appointed from Kentucky a second lieutenant of the
3d Infantry Feb. 16th, 1801, and transferred to the 2d Infantry Apr.
1st, 1802; became a first lieutenant of the same Dec. 20th, 1803, and
resigned Jan. 31st, 1808; was made a captain of the first Rifles Mar.
8th, 1809, and appointed major Aug. 12th, 1814, but the appointment
was negatived by the Senate Dec. 10th, 1814; he was honorably
discharged June 15th, 1815, and died in 1819.

[V'-9] That is, Captain Pike wishes to know how he is to account for
instruments which were damaged, or which he had ordered to be sold, to
prevent further injury on a long march.

[V'-10] That is, F. _capote_, some sort of surtout, overcoat, or
cloak, constantly confounded with F. _capot_, meaning hood. Among the
Canadian voyageurs and other French in America, _capote_ was the most
general name of any such outer garment. It constantly occurs, for
example, in annals of the fur-trade of the Northwest, capotes being
made of several regulation sizes and styles, for barter with the
Indians, as well as for wear of the men of the N. W. Company.

CHAPTER VI.

CONGRESSIONAL REPORT AND ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS.[VI'-1]

-(Orig. No. 6, pp. 64-68, and No. 13, pp. 73-77.)-

_The committee of the House of Representatives of the
Congress of the United States, to whom was referred the
resolution to inquire whether any, and if any, what
compensation ought to be made to Captain Zebulon M. Pike,
and his companions, for their services in exploring the
Mississippi river, in their late expedition to the sources
of the Osage, Arkansaw and La Platte rivers, and in their
tour through New Spain, report:-

That it appears by the documents accompanying this report, that the
objects of each of the exploring expeditions, together with the
instructions for executing them, were communicated to and approved by
the president of the United States; that the conduct of Captain Pike,
in each of the expeditions, also met with the approbation of the
president, and that the information obtained and communicated to the
executive on the subjects of his instructions, and particularly in
relation to the source of the Mississippi and the natives in that
quarter, and the country generally, as well on the Upper Mississippi
as that between the Arkansaw and the Missouri, and on the borders of
the latter extensive river to its source, and the country adjacent, is
highly interesting in a political, geographical, and historical view;
and that although no special encouragement was given to the
individuals who performed these laborious and dangerous expeditions,
yet it was but reasonable for them, should they fortunately succeed in
the objects, to expect some reward from government; that the zeal,
perseverance, and intelligence of Captain Pike, as commander, have
been meritorious, and the conduct of the individuals generally who
composed the parties respectively, has been faithful, and the
exertions arduous. The committee therefore are of opinion that
compensation ought to be made by law to Captain Pike and his
companions.

[ACCOMPANYING DOCUMENTS.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, Dec. 7th, 1808.

SIR:

I herewith inclose copies of the instructions to Lieutenant Pike, for
the government of his conduct on the two exploring expeditions alluded
to in your letter; and likewise lists of the names of the men
composing those parties. You will perceive that the instructions were
given by General Wilkinson; the objects, however, of each party,
together with the instructions, were communicated to and approved by
the president of the United States.

Although no special encouragement was given to the individuals who
performed these laborious and dangerous expeditions, yet it was but
reasonable for them, should they fortunately succeed in their objects,
to expect a liberal reward from the government; and as there can be no
reasonable doubt of the zeal, perseverance, and intelligence of the
commander, or of the faithful conduct and arduous exertions of the
individuals generally, composing the respective parties, it may, I
trust, be presumed that no objection will be opposed to a reasonable
compensation for such meritorious services.

I am very respectfully, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
H. DEARBORN.
[Secretary at War.]

HON. J. MONTGOMERY, Chairman, etc.

* * * * *

HEADQUARTERS, St. Louis, July 30th, 1805.

SIR:

Having completed your equipments, you are to proceed up the
Mississippi with all possible diligence, taking the following
instructions for your general government, which are to yield to your
discretion in all cases of exigency.

You will please to take the course of the river, and calculate
distances by time, noting rivers, creeks, highlands, prairies,
islands, rapids, shoals, mines, quarries, timber, water, soil, Indian
villages and settlements, in a diary, to comprehend reflections on the
winds and weather.

It is interesting to government to be informed of the population and
residence of the several Indian nations, of the quantity and species
of skins and furs they barter per annum, and their relative price to
goods; of the tracts of country on which they generally make their
hunts, and the people with whom they trade.

You will be pleased to examine strictly for an intermediate point,
between this place and the Prairie des Chiens, suitable for a military
post, and also on the Ouiscousing, near its mouth, for a similar
establishment; and will obtain the consent of the Indians for their
erection, informing them that they are intended to increase their
trade and ameliorate their condition.

You will proceed to ascend the main branch of the river until you
reach the source of it, or the season may forbid your further progress
without endangering your return before the waters are frozen up.

You will endeavor to ascertain the latitude of the most remarkable
places in your route, with the extent of the navigation and the
direction of the different rivers which fall into the Mississippi, and
you will not fail to procure specimens of whatever you may find
curious, in the mineral, vegetable, or animal kingdoms, to be rendered
at this place.

In your course you are to spare no pains to conciliate the Indians and
to attach them to the United States, and you may invite the great
chiefs of such distant nations as have not been at this place, to pay
me a visit.

Your own good sense will regulate the consumption of your provisions,
and direct the distribution of the trifling presents which you may
carry with you, particularly your flags.

I wish you a speedy, pleasant, and safe tour, and am, Sir, with
sentiments of respect and esteem,

Your obedient servant,
[Signed] JAMES WILKINSON.

P. S. In addition to the preceding orders, you will be pleased to
obtain permission from the Indians who claim the ground, for the
erection of military posts and trading-houses at the mouth of the
river St. Pierre, the falls of St. Anthony, and every other critical
point which may fall under your observation; these permissions to be
granted in formal conferences, regularly recorded, and the ground
marked off.

[Signed] J. W.

LIEUTENANT Z. M. PIKE,
1st Regt. Infantry.

* * * * *

WAR DEPARTMENT, Feb. 24th, 1808.

SIR:

In answer to your letter of the 22d instant, I can with pleasure
observe, that although the two exploring expeditions you have
performed were not previously ordered by the president of the United
States, there were frequent communications on the subject of each
between General Wilkinson and this department, of which the president
of the United States was from time to time acquainted; and it will be
no more than what justice requires to say that your conduct, in each
of those expeditions, met the approbation of the president; and that
the information you obtained and communicated to the executive, in
relation to the source of the Mississippi and the natives in that
quarter, and the country generally, as well on the Upper Mississippi
as that between the Arkansaw and the Missouri, and on the borders of
the latter extensive river to its source and the country adjacent, has
been considered highly interesting in a political, geographical, and
historical view. And you may rest assured that your services are held
in high estimation by the president of the United States; and if any
opinion of my own can afford you any satisfaction, I very frankly
declare that I consider the public much indebted to you for the
enterprising, persevering, and judicious manner in which you have
performed them.

I am, very respectfully, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] H. DEARBORN.
[Secretary at War.]

CAPTAIN ZEBULON M. PIKE.

* * * * *

_Sketch of an Expedition made from St. Louis, to explore the internal
parts of Louisiana, by order of his Excellency, General James
Wilkinson. (Orig. No. 13, pp. 73-77.)-

I embarked at Belle Fontaine, on the Missouri, near its confluence
with the Mississippi, with a command of one lieutenant, one doctor (a
volunteer), two sergeants, one corporal, 17 [16] privates, and one
interpreter;[VI'-2] having under my charge eight or ten Osage chiefs
who had recently returned from a visit to the city of Washington,
together with about 40 men, women, and children of the same nation,
redeemed from captivity from another Indian nation; and two Pawnees
who had likewise been to the city of Washington [making a total of 51
Indians].

We ascended the Missouri river to the river of the Osage, up which we
ascended to the Osage towns, and arrived on or about the 18th of
August [p. 385], and delivered to their nation in safety their chiefs,
women, and children, with speeches to the nation.

Here I remained making astronomical observations, and preparing for my
march by land, until the 1st of September, when we took our departure
for the Pawnee Republic, accompanied by some Osage chiefs, who were
deputed by their nation to form a treaty of peace and amity with the
nation of the Kans with whom they were then at war, under the auspices
of the United States. I arrived at the Pawnee Republic about the 25th
of said month [p. 409], where I caused to be held a conference between
the Osage and Kans chiefs, and mediated a peace for the two nations.
Having held councils with the Pawnees, made astronomical observations,
etc., I marched from the said village on the 7th of October, and
arrived at the Arkansaw on the 11th [read 15th] of said month, where
we remained until the 28th, preparing canoes, etc., for Lieutenant
Wilkinson, who descended the said river, with one sergeant, six men,
and two Osage Indians.[VI'-3] During my stay at said river, I likewise
made astronomical observations.

On the said day I marched with the remainder of the party up the
Arkansaw. Nothing occurred worthy of note until about the middle [on
the 22d] of November, when we met a party of Pawnees, of 60 warriors,
who were returning from an expedition against the Kayaways. At first
our conference was of the most friendly nature, and I made them some
small presents; but as they commenced to steal and plunder whatever
they could with impunity, we were finally obliged to take to our arms,
and were on the point of coming to hostilities, when the Pawnees
retired, and we pursued our march.

We arrived where the Arkansaw enters the mountains, on the 4th or 5th
[5th] of December, where we remained until the 9th [10th], searching
for the route across the mountains, when we marched by a trace which
we discovered, leaving the main Arkansaw to our left. Much to our
astonishment we arrived about the middle of said month [Dec. 13th] on
a water of the Missouri, which I ascertained to be the [South fork of
the] river Platte, on which we discovered signs of immense numbers of
Indians. Here we remained a few days searching for those Indians, in
hopes to obtain from them information as to a route to cross the
mountains to the west; but not discovering any, we crossed a large
chain [Park range] by a practicable route [Trout Creek pass] and fell
on a large branch of water which I then conceived to be the head of
the Red river [but which was the Arkansaw]. Here we remained a few
days [till Dec. 21st] to recruit our horses and ourselves, when I
ordered the party to proceed down said river, and I with two men
ascended it [nearly] to its source, where I made some observations. I
then returned and overtook the party, when we continued to descend
said stream, until the perpendicularity of the rocks [of the Grand
Cañon of the Arkansaw] and other difficulties rendered it impossible
to proceed any further with horses, several of which had already been
killed by falling from the rocks, etc.

I then caused sleds to be constructed, and soldiers to draw the
baggage on the ice, and ordered a few men to endeavor to conduct the
horses by a more eligible route out of the mountains; at the extremity
of which we all arrived by the 9th of January, and found that we had
descended the main branch of the Arkansaw, conceiving it to be the Red
river, and were again at the same point [Cañon City] we had left on
the 9th [10th] ult.

My remaining horses not being in a situation to allow me to hope for
any further assistance from them, unless permitted further to recover,
and as this would have engrossed a long time, I determined to leave
some men with the horses and part of the baggage, and proceed with the
remainder and the articles absolutely necessary, on foot. On the 14th
of January, having constructed a small place for my men and baggage
who remained, we marched, proceeding up a western branch [Grape creek]
of the Arkansaw, which appeared to lead in a direct route through the
mountains. On the 20th of said month, being obliged to cross a prairie
[Wet Mountain valley] of some leagues in breadth, late in the evening,
and many of the soldiers having their feet wet, we had it not in our
power to make fire until eight or nine o'clock at night. We were so
unfortunate as to ascertain that nine of the party were frozen. The
ensuing day, discovering that they were not all able to march, we
remained a few days to lay in provisions. Here I left two soldiers and
four loads of our baggage, and proceeded on our march; but on the
third day, finding another of my men not able to march, I was obliged
to leave him encamped, having previously furnished him with sufficient
provision. We then crossed another chain [Sangre de Cristo] of
mountains, and on the 1st of February [31st of January] arrived on the
waters of the Rio del Norte, which I then conceived to be the Red
river, as some maps which I held portrayed the source of the Red river
to lie between those of the Arkansaw and Rio del Norte. I then
proceeded to choose a station [on the Rio Conejos] where there was
sufficient wood to form canoes or rafts, in order to descend the
supposed [Red] river to Natchitoches.

Having in many instances experienced the insolence and presuming
dispositions of the Indians, when in superior numbers, I conceived it
proper to throw up a small work for the protection of ourselves and
baggage, until we should be prepared to descend the river.

Four or five days [seven] after I dispatched five men to return to
those I had left in the mountains, and bring them on, if capable of
marching; if not, to supply them with provision and bring on the
baggage. Dr. Robinson, who had hitherto accompanied me as a volunteer,
having some pecuniary demands in the province of New Mexico, conceived
that this would be the nearest point from which he could go in and
probably return, previous to my being prepared to descend the river.
He left me on the 7th of February with that view.

A few days after [on Feb. 16th], hunting with one of my men, I
discovered two men on horseback. I would have avoided them, agreeably
to my orders; but, finding they continued to pursue us, I conceived it
most proper to bring them to a conference. This, with great
difficulty, I effected, as they appeared to be apprehensive that my
intentions were hostile toward them. I conducted them to my camp,
informed them of my intention to descend the river, and made them some
small presents. Had they then informed me of my being on the Rio del
Norte, I should have immediately retired; but, having executed their
commission, they returned the following day on the immediate route to
the [Spanish] settlements. The following day [Feb. 17th] the party I
had detached for the men whom I had been compelled to leave in the
mountains, returned with one only, and all the baggage, the other two
not being able to come on. I then immediately [Feb. 19th] dispatched
my sergeant and one man, to order and conduct on the men, horses, and
baggage left on the Arkansaw, by a route which I conceived
practicable.

On the 24th or 25th [26th] of February, in the morning, two Frenchmen
arrived at my camp, and informed me that an officer and 50 men of his
Catholic Majesty's troops had marched from Santa Fe, in order to
protect me from the Utahs, who had exhibited a disposition to attack
me, and would probably be at my camp in two or three days. In the
course of two or three hours, I was informed by a sentinel, whom I
always kept on a hill, of the approach of a party of strangers; and in
a short period there arrived two officers and 100 men, at a small
distance from the camp. The lieutenant commandant, having entered my
works by my invitation, informed me that the governor of New Mexico
had been informed of my situation; and, understanding I was bound for
Red river, offered me any assistance which lay in his power to
accommodate me. I replied that I stood in no need of assistance; that
I could descend the river with craft which I proposed constructing. He
then informed me I was on the Rio del Norte, which astonished me
extremely, and that the source of the Red river was eight days' march
below Santa Fe; and that the governor, being informed that I had
missed my route, offered mules, horses, etc., to conduct me to the Red
river, and wished to see me at his seat of government. I told him that
if the whole of my party were here, I would not hesitate to pay my
respects to his Excellency, with one or two men. He then assured me
that there was not the least constraint; that I could go in before or
after the arrival of my party, as my inclination dictated; that if I
went in now he would leave an Utah interpreter and one man, with the
men of my party I chose to leave, in order to conduct the sergeant and
party when they arrived. I finally concluded it would be more
consistent with the good understanding which existed between the
government of the United States and his Catholic Majesty, to proceed
to Santa Fe, and give to Governor Allencaster an explanation of my
being on his frontiers. We then marched for his [the Spanish
lieutenant's] camp, about 12 miles distant, leaving the [Utah]
interpreter, one Spanish soldier, a corporal [Jackson] and one private
[Carter] of my detachment, with orders for the conduct of my sergeant
[Meek] when he should arrive.

The next day I was much surprised to find that the lieutenant and all
the regular troops, except 10, were to remain, and that the militia
officer was to conduct me to Santa Fe; the lieutenant giving as a
reason the particular orders to see all my party in safety at the
capital. We arrived at the town in four or five days [Mar. 3d], where
I was received at first in a manner very different from what I had
been taught to expect from the proffers of the lieutenant in the name
of the governor. The arms of my men being taken possession of by the
guard the first night of my arrival, without my knowledge, and my
being likewise informed that Dr. Robinson was a prisoner at some
leagues' distance, they induced me to believe that a rupture had taken
place between Spain and the United States, and to address a letter to
the governor, demanding if I was to consider myself and party as
prisoners of war, and if the expense arising from the detention of
myself and party was to be defrayed by the United States or his
Catholic Majesty. To this his Excellency gave me a very polite verbal
answer, assuring me that I was by no means to consider myself as a
prisoner; that the arms of my men were taken unknown to him, and
should be immediately restored; but that it was necessary I should
march immediately to join Lieutenant Malgares and party, who were
waiting for me at the village of St. Fernandez, in order to conduct me
to Chihuahua, to be presented to the commandant-general with my papers
for an explanation. On my arriving at said village, I addressed a
letter to the governor, informing him that Dr. Robinson had
accompanied my party as a volunteer. This I had not acknowledged at
Santa Fe, as I was apprehensive that his coming on to the frontiers of
the province with a military party, in case of a rupture between the
two governments, might place him in a critical position.[VI'-4]

The lieutenant [Pike] only further observes that he has not entered
into the particulars of the hardships undergone, such as enduring
thirst or famine for three or four days, at different periods;
marching over rugged mountains, through snows three or four feet deep,
exposed to every inclemency of the weather for want of clothes,
carrying at the same time packs of 60 or 70 pounds' burden--in short,
every hardship to which a savage life in its greatest state of
barbarity is exposed. These are circumstances only calculated to
excite humanity, and not to give explanation as to the general chain
of events connected with the voyage. He therefore refers his
Excellency [President Jefferson] to the commander-in-chief of the
United States army, for an explanation of the general intent and
nature of the expedition, and to his notes, astronomical observations,
and charts, for the courses, situations, etc., of the different points
and rivers alluded to in the foregoing sketch.

* * * * *

_Return of persons employed on a tour of discovery and exploration to
the source of the Mississippi, in the years 1805 and 1806 [and to the
source of the Arkansaw in the years 1806 and 1807]._

Lieutenant Z. M. Pike; Interpreter Pierre Rosseau; Sergeant Henry
Kennerman; Corporal William E. Meek; Corporal Samuel Bradley.

Privates John Boley; Peter Branden; John Brown; Jacob Carter; Thomas
Dougherty; William Gorden; Solomon Huddleston; Jeremiah [R.] Jackson;
Hugh Menaugh; Theodore Miller; John Mountjoy; David Owings; Alexander
Roy; Patrick Smith; John Sparks; Freegift Stoute; David Whelply.

This party left St. Louis the 9th of August, 1805, but had been
detached for that duty from the 1st of July. They returned the 30th of
April, 1806.

From this time until the 15th of July, I was preparing for the second
expedition, to the westward, which consisted of the following persons,
to wit:

Captain Z. M. Pike; Lieutenant James B. Wilkinson*; Dr. John H.
Robinson; Interpreter Baroney Vasquez+; Sergeant Joseph
Ballenger*; Sergeant William E. Meek+; Corporal Jeremiah [R.]
Jackson+.

Privates John Boley*; Samuel Bradley*; John Brown; Jacob
Carter+; Thomas Dougherty+; William Gorden; Solomon Huddleston;*
Henry Kennerman [deserted]; Hugh Menaugh; Theodore Miller+; John
Mountjoy+; Alexander Roy; Patrick Smith+; John Sparks+; Freegift
Stoute; John Wilson*.

* Those thus marked descended the Arkansaw river, and arrived at New
Orleans some time about the ---- of February, 1807.

+ Those thus marked are still detained in New Spain.[VI'-5]

The balance [except Kennerman] arrived at the Nachitoches on or about
the 1st of July, 1807. But it may probably be better to leave the
whole time undefined, to be regulated by the honorable secretary of
war.

FOOTNOTES:

[VI'-1] This chapter, which appears to be a number of disjointed
pieces, whose connection is not obvious, is really all of a part,
being a certain Congressional matter. It is easily traced to its
source in American State Papers, as the set of documents which Pike
brought to bear on Congress for legislative action in his case, when
he was trying to secure some appropriation to recompense himself and
his companions for what they had undergone and accomplished during his
two expeditions. Barring the way in which it was botched in this book,
Nos. 6 and 13 are substantially the same as Doc. No. 259 of the 2d
Session of the 10th Congress, being the report of a committee laid
before the Ho. Reps. Dec. 16th, 1808, with accompanying papers, and as
such will be found printed in American State Papers, folio,
Washington, Gales and Seaton, 1834, pp. 942-944. The same volume
contains, on p. 719, Doc. No. 248 of the 1st Session of the 10th
Congress, being a previous report of a committee, communicated by John
Montgomery, chairman, to the Ho. Reps., Mar. 10th, 1808. The same
volume also contains, on p. 463, Doc. No. 212 of the 2d Session of the
9th Congress, a Report on Exploration of Western Waters, communicated
by Mr. Alston to the Ho. Reps., Dec. 22d, 1806, mentioning Lewis and
Clark, Pike, and Freeman, and recommending an annual appropriation for
the purpose of such explorations. But none of these bills passed or
became a law, though in Pike's own case they were, as we see, entirely
favorable to his claim for extra remuneration. The case was reopened
by Pike's widow, many years after his death; but nothing ever came of
it. This seems hard, especially as Lewis and Clark and their men were
well rewarded by Congressional legislation; but acts of Congress are
as inscrutable as the ways of Providence, in any question of right or
wrong. As to the composition of this chapter, see note 1, p. 807, and
observe that we have: (1) The Report of the Congressional Committee of
which Mr. Montgomery was chairman, recommending an appropriation. (2)
A letter from the Secretary of War to this chairman, inclosing copies
of instructions Pike received from Wilkinson for each of his
expeditions. (3) A copy of _one_ of these instructions, namely, for
the Mississippi voyage, but no copy of the other which ought to appear
here--for the reason, no doubt, that Pike had put it already in his
book, as a sort of preface to Pt. 2: see note 1, p. 562. Both or
neither of these instructions should have come here. (4) Dearborn's
complimentary letter to Pike. (5) Pike's return of men, etc., or
roster of his two parties, furnished for the information of Congress
upon the question of who were the persons for whom reward was claimed.

[VI'-2] This roster is at variance with that given in the itinerary,
p. 358, where it stands one lieutenant (Wilkinson), one doctor
(Robinson, who was the volunteer), two sergeants (Ballenger and Meek),
one corporal (Jackson), 16 privates (Boley, Bradley, Brown, Carter,
Dougherty, Gorden, Huddleston, Kennerman, Menaugh, Miller, Mountjoy,
Roy, Smith, Sparks, Stoute, Wilson), and one interpreter (Vasquez).
Compare note 2, pp. 358-360, and note 50, p. 510. Numerous other slips
in this sketch, notably of dates, indicate that it was written from
memory.

[VI'-3] It appears from Lieutenant Wilkinson's own report that he had
but five men with him, the sergeant and four privates. Pike's
enumeration of "six men" besides the sergeant includes the two Osages,
whom he thus counts twice, to an aggregate of nine persons.

[VI'-4] As a pendent to the foregoing sketch, which was prepared for
the information of Congress, may be presented a hitherto unpublished
letter which Pike wrote to the Secretary of War soon after his arrival
in Washington, when he transmitted reports of his Western Expedition.
It is printed literally and punctually true to the manuscript now on
file in the archives of the War Department.

WASHINGTON CITY .08
Jany. 26 ...

SIR!

I am at length enabled to present you with the reports of my
late expidition from the period of our sailing from Belle
Fontain on the 15^th. of July 1806; to my leaveing my
Stockade on the Rio del Norte under escort of the Spanish
Cavalry; on the 27. Feby. 07.

They should have been presented some time since, had I not
have been imployed by the Commander in Chief, for a very
consedrable proportion of my time since my arrival at the
seate of Goverment:--It must be recollected that the Spanish
General seized on all my Documents in his power; Amongst
which [were] the book of Charts protracted, daily, from my
notes and the eye; and although I retained a Copy of
Courses, Distances, &c--by which I have been enabled to
retrace my plans, and routes, yet they necessarily are not
so perfect as the Original and daily protractions would have
made them: They likewise obtained, and retained a note book
engrossed with Observations on the manners, morals, and
habits of the Aborigines of the countries through which we
passed; the loss of which naturally abridged my desertation
on those heads; also all my Meteorological tables to the
entrance of their country where [were] amongst the papers
sized [seized]: But what I regret the most was my
Astronomical Observations having taken at Several of the
most important points, the necessary Data, from which on my
arrival at the United States, and having it in my power to
refer to the appropriate tables and Calculations, I could
have fixed the Latt. and Longitude and thereby secured the
Great Geographical Object of giving a Determinate position
to Various and important points of our Country, from having
it in my power to correct the Chart which I now present you
agreeably to the true principals of spherical projections.
The few notes you see of the Latt. are ascertained from
letters I wrote Gen^l. Wilkinson at different periods and
the Longitude would have been preserved in the same manner
had I have had tables with me which would have enabled me to
calculate the immersions & emersions;--as well as angular
distances at the time the observations were taken.--In the
Chart herewith I have included all the Country between the
La Platte of the Missouri and the Red river of the
Mississsippi; and although it is, and from the nature of our
information, of that immense district _must be_, very
imperfect; yet I do not hesitate to assert it is the best
extant: I have carefully remarkd on said Chart all the parts
by actual survey and the Gentleman by whom surveyed, in
order that each may lay claim to his proper proportion of
fame.--You have also herewith L^t. Wilkinsons report of his
expedition after I detached him down the Arkensaw, (and his
seperate Chart on a large scale), in which he encountered
immense dificulties in the accomplishment of the desired
end.

I have not the talents nor passions requisite for the
Botanist or Mineralogist, but had I have possessed them; the
various duties I was oblidged to perform of commanding
Officer, Surveyor; Astronomer; hunter; and advanced guard,
together with the dreary season in which we travelled part
of the route; with our minds much more actively employed in
forming resources for our preservation from famine; and
defence against any savage enemy who might assail us, then
[than] examining the productions of Nature which was under
our feet and Instead of our eyes being directed to the
Ground; they were endeavouring to peace [pierce] the Wild
before us--or giveing distinction and form to moveing Bodies
on the distant Prairies--or enjoying the rapturous sublimity
of the unbounded prospects which were frequently presented
to our View's. Yet Doc^r. Robinson who possessed both
talents, and taste for those pursuits; has promised to
enclose me some remarks which no doubt will be interesting;
and if received shall be presented to the War Department.

After I entered the Spanish Dominions I was as careful to
conceal any notes or observations, I made on their country
as I had been indifferent to all that related to what was in
the conceived Territories of the United States; Trusting to
the dignified title of an American Officer; the Caution with
which I conceived the Spanish Goverment would act and an
Idea I had eroneously formed of their want of Energy; yet
owing to some Indications I was induced to conceal my
journal and other papers, leaving the Book of Charts &c for
to lull any suspicions which might arise from their being no
papers in the trunks. I now wish General Dearborne to
signify to me the extent he wishes me to enter in the of my
involuntary Tour through the Internal Provences of New Spain
if it is thought proper: I can give (from the Notes and
Documents in my possession) in addition to _my Diary and
Corrispondences with the Spanish Governors relative to my
Detention, seizure of my papers, the subsistence of my party
&c_; A General Idea of the Commerce, morals, manners, Arts,
and Sciences: A correct account of their Military posts,
with a well founded estimate of the whole Militia of the
Provences; their population, and relative connexion with
each other. Also, an Idea of their Annual revenue, the
monies coined at the mint &c. Some suggestions on the sate
[state] and influence of the Catholc Religion, The
Dispositions of the Inferior Clergy--to close whole with a
view of the general tendency of the Country to a revolution,
the interests of the United States in case of that event; or
the best mode of Treating with New Spain in case of a
rupture with the Mother Country; with a General Chart of
those parts of the provinces through which we passed. This
may be takeing to wide a field for the time, the Goverment
may wish to allow me in making the report; or they may
possess, information on those subjects from pens far abler
than mine, who may have anticepated those suggestions in
their full extent.

I beg leave at this moment to call the attention of the Secy
of War to the situation of the remaining part of my
Detachment in New Spain which consists of one Interpreter, a
Young man of Good family in upper Louisiania whose salary is
500 Dollars pr--Annum, one Sergeant, one Corporal and five
privates; several of those poor fellows have become cripples
from their limbs being frozen, and are in a strange country
amongst people whose language they cannot understand, from
their long detention without any information from their
native Land, dispair will seize their minds, and will
picture to their immaginations Years of Confinement in a
foreign Country--I who was late their Companion in
dificulties and Dangers cannot so soon forget our forlorne
situation, and the obligations I am under to them for the
promtitude with which they encountered danger, and fortitude
they exhibited, and the fidility and attachment they evinced
to their Military Commander, and leader, through those
scenes; as not to exert myself to call forth the attention
of the Government in their favour: I therefore hope that
General Dearborne will take such measures as may be deemed
expediant in order to restore those poor Lads to the service
of their Country.

I am Sir With High Respect and
Consideration
Your Ob^t. Ser^t.
[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Captain
1st UStates Reg^t. Infy

The Hon^l.
HENRY DEARBORNE.
Sec. of War.

[VI'-5] The dagger set at Mountjoy's name is probably an error: see
note 2, pp. 358-360, and note 50, p. 510. Mountjoy was certainly one
of those who accompanied Pike from the Rio Conejos into Mexico, and
there is no evidence that he was dropped anywhere in that country.
Also, Pike says that only "five" privates were detained in Mexico when
he made a report to the Secretary of War, dated at Washington, Jan.
26th, 1808: see p. 853. Furthermore, witness the following hitherto
unpublished document, which I find in the archives of the War
Department, and in which Mountjoy's name does not appear:

"Return of a Detachment of Infantry of the Army of the U: States,
detained at Chihuahua, the Seat of Government for the Internal
Provinces of New Spain, by Order of the Commandant General of those
Provinces, in the year 1807.--

"Baroney Vasquez--Interpreter
William E. Meek--Sergeant
Jeremiah Jackson--Corporal
Thomas Dougherty--Private
Jacob Carter--Ditto
John Sparks--d^o.
Theodore Miller--d^o.
Patrick Smith--d^o.

"[Signed] Z. M. PIKE Captain
"1^st UStates Regt Infy"

Above in clerk's hand, Pike's signature. Rec'd at War Dept. May 3d,
1808.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Expeditions of Zebulon Montgomery Pike, Volume II (of 3) - To Headwaters of the Mississippi River Through Louisiana - Territory, and in New Spain, During the Years 1805-6-7." ***

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