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Title: California Athabascan Groups
Author: Baumhoff, Martin A.
Language: English
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Copyright Status: Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook. See comments about copyright issues at end of book.

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Vol. 16, No. 5



Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Heizer, R. F. Murphy, E. Norbeck
Volume 16, No. 5, pp. 157-238, plates 9-11, 2 figures in text, 18 maps

Submitted by editors May 6, 1957
Issued August 1, 1958
Price, $1.50

University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles

Cambridge University Press
London, England

Manufactured in the United States of America


In March, 1950, the University of California assumed custodianship of
an extensive collection of original and secondary data referring to
California Indian ethnology, made by Dr. C. Hart Merriam and originally
deposited with the Smithsonian Institution. Since that time the Merriam
collection has been consulted by qualified persons interested in
linguistics, ethnogeography, and other specialized subjects. Some of
the data have been published, the most substantial publication being a
book, Studies of California Indians (1955), which comprises essays and
original records written or collected by Dr. Merriam.

The selection and editing of the material for the Studies volume made
us aware of the extent of the detailed information on ethnogeography
which a thorough survey of the Merriam data would provide. We therefore
approached Dr. Leonard Carmichael, Secretary of the Smithsonian
Institution, with the proposal that a qualified graduate student be
appointed as research assistant to study and prepare for publication
a discrete amount of Merriam record material, remuneration for this
work to be paid from the E. H. Harriman fund, administered by the
Smithsonian Institution for preparation and publication of Dr. Merriam's
ethnological data. This proposal was approved, and Mr. Martin Baumhoff
began his one year of investigation on September 15, 1955.

After discussion, we agreed that the area where tribal distributions,
village locations, and aboriginal population numbers were least
certainly known--and also a field where the Merriam data were fairly
abundant--was the territory of the several Athabascan tribes of
Northwestern California. Under our direction, Baumhoff patiently
assembled all the available material on these tribes, producing what is
certainly the most definitive study yet made of their distribution and

In this monograph the importance of the Merriam data is central,
although they are compounded with information collected by other
students of the California Athabascans. We believe that the maps showing
group distribution represent the closest possible approximation to the
aboriginal situation that can now be arrived at.

The Department of Anthropology hopes to be able to continue the work of
studying and publishing the Merriam data on tribal distributions. It
takes this opportunity to express its appreciation of the coöperation of
the Smithsonian Institution in this undertaking.

  A. L. Kroeber

  R. F. Heizer



  Preface                                                            iii

  Introduction                                                       157
       Athabascan culture                                            158

  Athabascan boundaries                                              160
       Exterior boundaries                                           160
       Interior boundaries                                           161

  Groups                                                             166
       Kato                                                          166
       Wailaki                                                       167
       Pitch Wailaki                                                 176
       Lassik                                                        178
       Nongatl                                                       181
       Sinkyone                                                      184
       Mattole                                                       195
       Bear River                                                    200
       Whilkut                                                       201
       Hupa                                                          209

  Population                                                         216
       Sources                                                       216
       Estimates based on village counts                             216
       Estimates based on fish resources                             218
       Gross estimate                                                220

       I. The Tolowa: Data from Notes of C. Hart Merriam             225
      II. Notes of Upper Eel River Indians, by A. L. Kroeber         227

  Bibliography                                                       230

  Plates                                                             233


   1. Athabascan Boundaries--Kroeber vs. Baumhoff                    162
   2. Athabascan Boundaries--Baumhoff                                162
   3. Athabascan Boundaries--Merriam vs. Baumhoff                    163
   4. Athabascan Boundaries--Various authors vs. Baumhoff            163
   5. Villages and Tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the North Fork
      Wailaki                                                        168
   6. Villages and Tribelets of the Pitch Wailaki                    177
   7. Presumed Nongatl Villages in the Bridgeville Region            180
   8. Lassik Villages in the Alder Point Region                      180
   9. Nongatl Villages on Yager Creek                                182
  10. Nongatl Villages in the Blocksburg Region                      182
  11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone                             186
  12. Villages of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone                          190
  13. Place Names of the Lolangkok Sinkyone                          192
  14. Villages and Tribelets of the Mattole                          197
  15. Villages of the Chilula Whilkut,
        North Fork Whilkut, and Kloki Whilkut                        204
  16. Villages of the Mad River
        Whilkut, the South Fork Hupa, and Kloki Whilkut              208
  17. Villages of the Hupa and South Fork Hupa                       211
  18. Yuki "Tribes," according to Eben Tillotson (App. II)           228





In 1910 C. Hart Merriam, already well known as a naturalist, came to
California and began the study of California ethnography which was to
occupy him for the rest of his life. Almost every year from then until
his death in 1942 Merriam spent about six months in the field, talking
to Indians and recording their memories of aboriginal times. All this
field work resulted in an immense collection of data on the California
Indians, most of which has never been published (see Merriam's
bibliography in Merriam, 1955, pp. 227-229).

In 1950 the greater part of Merriam's field notes was deposited at the
University of California, with the intention of making them available
for study and publication. One volume of papers has already appeared
(Merriam, 1955), and the present study is part of a continuing program.

The California Athabascans were selected as the first group for study at
the suggestion of A. L. Kroeber, the reason being that the Athabascans
have been and still remain one of the least known aboriginal groups
in the State. This is not because they were conquered early and their
culture dissipated, as is true of the Mission Indians; there were
scarcely any whites in the California Athabascan area before the 1850's.
Indeed, as late as the 1920's and '30's there were many good Athabascan
informants still available. The reason for the hiatus in our knowledge
lies in an accident in the history of ethnology rather than in the
history of California.

The early work among the California Athabascans was done by Pliny Earle
Goddard. Goddard began his studies of the Athabascans in 1897 at the
Hoopa Indian Reservation, where he was a lay missionary. He stayed
there until 1900, when he went to Berkeley to work for his doctorate
in linguistics under Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University
of California. Between 1900 and 1909 Goddard was associated with the
University as student and professor and during this time he visited the
Athabascans periodically, until he had worked with virtually all the
groups considered in this paper.

During this same period A. L. Kroeber was engaged in gathering material
for his classic Handbook of California Indians. Because of the scarcity
of ethnographers in those years Kroeber could not afford the time to
work in the Athabascan area and duplicate Goddard's investigations.
Kroeber did study the Hupa and the Kato at either end of the Athabascan
area but, except for a hurried trip through the region in 1902, he
did not work with the other groups, and the responsibility for the
ethnographic field work therefore devolved upon Goddard.

Goddard, however, was not primarily an ethnographer but a linguist,
and he directed his chief efforts toward linguistic investigations. He
has published an impressive body of Athabascan texts and linguistic
analyses but, except for his Life and Culture of the Hupa (1903_a_),
almost nothing on the culture of the Athabascans.

The net result is that the California Athabascans are virtually unknown,
and Merriam's fresh data provide an opportunity to piece together the
available evidence.

The Merriam files, deposited at the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California, contain information on each of the tribes of
California, some of it being information gathered by Merriam himself,
the rest clippings and quotations from various historic and ethnographic
sources. The primary and secondary materials are easily distinguished,
since Merriam gave scrupulous citations to his sources.

Merriam's own data consist of word lists, ethnogeographical material,
and random notes on various aspects of native culture. I have not used
his word lists, since their usefulness is primarily linguistic and I am
not competent to perform the necessary linguistic analysis, but all the
random ethnographic notes which he recorded for the Athabascan groups
are here included under the discussion of the appropriate tribes.

Most of the Merriam Athabascan material is geographic, consisting
of lists of villages and place names, of descriptions and lengthy
discussions of tribal boundaries. Obviously Merriam attempted to
gather a complete file of this sort of information, and he was largely
successful. His work provides a good basis for establishing boundaries
and for locating tribelets and villages.

Another important source of information, serving the same purpose, is
the Goddard material. Evidently Goddard very much enjoyed the long
horseback trips he made with an informant, who could point out the
village sites, landmarks, and other points of interest of his native
territory. This information, carefully recorded by Goddard, has proved
extremely valuable in the present work, the more so since it represents
firsthand observation.

Goddard's ethnogeographic work for three of the California Athabascan
groups has already been published (1914_a_; 1923_a_; 1924). Besides
this, the present writer has been fortunate enough to have access to
Goddard's unpublished notes, which contain information on several
hundred additional villages in the area. These notes were in the
possession of Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, Goddard's literary executor,
and on her death they were sent to the University of California by
Dr. Gladys Reichard. They remained in the files of the University of
California Museum of Anthropology until their use in the present work.

This unpublished material of Goddard's consists of a group of file
cards, on each of which is typed the name, location, and any other
pertinent data for a single village. Some of the lists are accompanied
by maps, showing precise location of the villages. In the lists for
which there are no maps but only verbal descriptions of the sites,
the township, range, and quarter section coördinates are given. The
township and range coördinates have been changed since Goddard's time,
in accordance with the more accurate surveys of the last thirty years,
but county maps of the appropriate period provide a perfectly adequate
way of locating Goddard's sites within a few hundred yards.

It is clear, on the basis of internal evidence, that there is or was
more Goddard material than is now accessible to the present author. For
the Kato, for instance, Goddard says that he recorded more than fifty
villages (Goddard, 1909, p. 67); all that remain in his notes are two
village cards numbered 51 and 52 respectively. There may also be some
data, once recorded but now lost, from the Lassik, Nongatl, and Shelter
Cove Sinkyone. I have communicated with the American Museum of Natural
History, where Goddard was a member of the staff, and with Indiana
University, where some of his manuscripts are deposited, but neither of
these institutions has any knowledge of the material in question.

The Merriam and Goddard material, taken together, provides a fair amount
of information on the geography of the California Athabascan groups. We
are now in the position of knowing a great deal about the location of
the tribes, tribelets, and villages of these people, while we know very
little about their way of life, except what can be gained by inference
from the surrounding groups.

The author's thanks are due to Dr. A. L. Kroeber and Dr. R. F. Heizer,
who gave their full coöperation throughout the preparation of the
present paper. Dr. Henry Sheffé was kind enough to advise on the
statistics used in the section on population.


The following sketch of Athabascan culture attempts to provide some
background for the later discussion of the various groups. In this
sketch I have not used the material from the Hupa, since they are
virtually identical with the Yurok and not at all typical of the more
southern Athabascans.

_Subsistence._--For information on Athabascan economy I have relied
heavily on Essene's account of the Lassik (1942, p. 84). There was, no
doubt, variation among the different groups, but for the most part, they
must have followed a similar pattern.

The most difficult time in the annual cycle of food production was
winter. There were then few fish and almost no game animals or crops for
gathering. From late November to early March people had to rely on food
that had been stored the previous year. Essene's informant said that
about every four or five years there would be a hard winter, but she
could remember only one when people actually starved to death.

In February or March the spring salmon run began, and after that the
danger of starvation was past. At about this time the grass began to
grow again, and the first clover was eaten ravenously because of the
dearth of greens during the winter.

The herb-gathering and salmon-fishing activity lasted until the spring
rains ended in April or May, when the people left their villages on the
salmon streams and scattered out into the hills for the summer. Usually
only a few families would stay together during the summer, while the men
hunted deer, squirrels, and other animals and the women gathered clover,
seeds, roots, and nuts. Food was most plentiful at this season, and
the places visited varied with the abundance of different crops. If a
certain crop was good, the Indians would spend more time that summer in
the area where the crop grew best. The next year they might go somewhere
else. The vegetation of the Athabascan habitat is not well enough mapped
to permit a precise delineation of these various summer camping grounds.

In September or October, when the acorns were ripe, the Indians would
return to their winter villages and smoke meat for storing and probably
store the acorns. Each family built a new house to protect it from the
heavy winter rains. After the first rain in the fall the salmon run
again in some of the streams of the region and were caught and smoked
for winter storage.

It is evident that the crucial factor in the economy was the amount
of food stored for winter and that this food supply was a controlling
influence on the size of the population, since, in bad years, people
starved. At least, this was so for the Lassik, and it was no doubt true
among the other groups as well. Salmon, meat, and acorns were doubtless
the chief foods stored, and thus population size would have responded
quite sensitively to the quantity and condition of the salmon, deer, and
oak trees.

_Social organization._--For social organization I have had to rely
mostly on Nomland's accounts of the Sinkyone and Bear River groups
(1935, 1938). The primary social unit among the California Athabascans
was the simple family, including a man, his wife, and his children.
Although polygyny was known, at least among some groups, it was rare,
and the possessor of two wives was reckoned a rich man. Most marriage
was by purchase; the levirate and sororate were common. Divorce was also
common and might be obtained by a man because of his wife's barrenness,
laziness, or infidelity.

The next social group, larger than the family, was the tribelet. Kroeber
(1932, p. 258) has defined the tribelet as follows.

     Each of these [tribelets] seemed to possess a small territory
     usually definable in terms of drainage; a principal town or
     settlement, often with a chief recognized by the whole group;
     normally, minor settlements which might or might not be occupied
     permanently; and sometimes a specific name, but more often none
     other than the designation of the principal town. Each group acted
     as a homogeneous unit in matters of land ownership, trespass, war,
     major ceremonies, and the entertainment entailed by them.

This definition, given for the Pomo, fits the Athabascan area very well.
Merriam usually refers to these groups as "bands," while Goddard calls
them "subtribes." In the body of this paper I use the word "band" when
quoting or paraphrasing Merriam, otherwise I call them "tribelets."

The tribelet was the largest corporate group in the area. A
larger group, which I call the tribe, has been identified by most
ethnographers. This latter group ordinarily had no corporate
functions, unless it happened to be coterminous with, and therefore
indistinguishable from, the tribelet. The tribe, as the term is used
here, was a group of two or more tribelets--or occasionally one single
group--with a single speech dialect, different from that of their
neighbors. The tribe was also culturally uniform, but not necessarily
distinct from its neighbors in this respect. The similarity between
people of a single tribe evidently gave them a feeling of community but
had no further effect on their social or political organization.

The following tribes have been identified in the Athabascan area, each
including several tribelets, except for the Bear River tribe, which
consists of one single tribelet.

     Kato: The Kato probably included at least 2 tribelets, but we
     have no information on this point.

     Eel River Wailaki: 9 tribelets.

     North Fork Wailaki: 6 tribelets.

     Pitch Wailaki: 4 tribelets.

     Lassik: Probably several tribelets, but there is no

     Nongatl: There is evidence of 6 subgroups of the Nongatl. Some
     of these may be dialect divisions, that is, tribes. The information
     is not sufficient to permit definition and they have therefore been
     grouped under Nongatl. The extent of Nongatl territory indicates
     that there must have been several tribelets.

     Lolangkok Sinkyone: There were at least 2, and possibly more,

     Shelter Cove Sinkyone: There were at least 4 tribelets.

     Mattole: 2 tribelets.

     Bear River: The Bear River tribe consists of a single tribelet.

     Whilkut: The 4 subdivisions of the Whilkut--Chilula Whilkut,
     Kloki Whilkut, Mad River Whilkut, and North Fork Whilkut--all
     appear to be tribelets. It is possible that the Mad River Whilkut
     spoke a different dialect than the other groups and, if so, they
     should be given tribal status. The evidence is not clear on this
     point and I have therefore included them simply as a Whilkut

     Hupa: 2 tribelets are to be distinguished for the Hupa
     proper. In addition, Merriam distinguishes the South Fork Hupa
     as a distinct dialect division. The linguistic separation is not
     supported by Goddard or Kroeber and I have therefore included the
     South Fork Hupa under the Hupa proper, but as a separate tribelet.
     This gives a total of 3 tribelets for the Hupa.

In general, it may be stated that the California Athabascans did not
have the strong local organization characteristic of Central California.
Emphasis on wealth, although present, was less strongly developed than
among the Yurok and therefore did not lead to the fragmented villages
and tight family organization of that group. This statement, of course,
does not apply to the Hupa, and probably not to the Whilkut, both of
which were more like the Yurok.

_Religion and the supernatural._--The clearest account of the religious
practices of the Athabascans is given by Nomland (1938, pp. 93-98),
who obtained her information from the Bear River woman, Nora Coonskin,
herself a shaman. The account, however, may not be representative of the
Athabascans as a whole.

The Athabascans thought that each person had a spirit which, leaving him
when he died, might come back to earth as a small creature about two
feet high. This returned spirit could communicate with shamans. When a
person had a fainting spell, the spirit departed from the body and a
shaman had to be called in order to get the patient's spirit back. If
the shaman failed, the patient died. Shamans' spirits went to a special
afterworld and were accompanied only by the spirits of other shamans.

Shamans were important among the Bear River people and probably among
the other Athabascans as well. They might be either men or women; most
often they were women, men being thought less powerful. The first
signs of a shaman's power came in childhood, the visible signs being,
for example, excessive drooling in sleep. If the childhood omens were
proper, the training began about the age of twelve, under the direction
of an older shaman, the main ceremony being a series of dances performed
on five successive nights. Other ceremonies followed; then the girl
was a full-fledged shaman. She was not supposed to use her power for a
period of two to five years or it would harm her. The fee for training
the initiate was large, 200 to 300 dollars in Indian money (perhaps a
6-8 ft. string of dentalia shells).

There were two types of shamans--curing shamans and sucking shamans. The
curing shaman sang and danced for two nights while her spirit searched
for the spirit of the patient. A shaman's fee was from five to ten
dollars per night; if the patient died within two months, the fee had to
be returned.

The sucking shamans could suck out pains which were causing illness.
These shamans were paid more because they were more powerful; having
greater power, they were in greater danger and had a shorter life

_Connections with other groups._--The foregoing account of economy,
social organization, and religious practices does not by any means make
up a complete picture of Athabascan life, but it illustrates certain
salient factors. In particular, the connections with Northwestern
California are clear. So far as influence from Northwestern California
is concerned the Athabascans may be divided into three groups: the
Hupa and Whilkut on the north are an integral part of the northwestern
culture center; the Wailaki and Kato on the south are essentially
Central Californian; and the groups in between are transitional, but
more northern than southern in their outlook.


In evaluating boundaries I have relied most heavily on the information
of Merriam (map 3) and Kroeber (map 1). Merriam's data are contained in
a 1:500,000 map of California, together with a descriptive text. The
map and the description were made up by Dr. Merriam's daughter, Mrs.
Zenaida Merriam Talbot, during the years 1939 to 1946, from information
in Merriam's notes and journals, the latter of which are not accessible
to this writer. Often, where Merriam's boundaries disagree with those of
Kroeber or other authors, Merriam's line will follow a stream, whereas
the alternative follows a ridge or drainage diversion. When the evidence
is inconclusive, I have usually followed Kroeber's method and chosen the
ridge rather than the stream as the boundary. In this area the streams
are small and easily crossed during most of the year and therefore would
not constitute a barrier sufficient for the divergence of dialects. On
the other hand, the hills were visited only briefly for hunting and
gathering; the population depended to a great extent on the products of
streams for its subsistence, and consequently all the permanent villages
were in the lowlands and canyons. For this reason, the ridges rather
than the streams would tend to be boundaries. Kroeber has discussed this
point more generally (1939, p. 216) and also in greater detail (1925_a_,
p. 160).


The southern boundary of the Athabascans begins at Usal Creek on the
coast and goes eastward for a few miles before swinging south to include
the drainages of Hollow Tree Creek and the South Fork of the Eel in
Kato territory. It turns north to enclose the headwaters of South Fork
and proceeds along the ridge dividing Ten Mile Creek from the main Eel
until it reaches the drainage of Blue Rock Creek; it then passes around
north of the creek and crosses the Eel near the mouth of the creek. From
this point it runs in an easterly direction around the drainage of Hulls

Kroeber's map in the Handbook shows the southern boundary beginning a
few miles south of Usal Creek, but Merriam and Nomland both maintain
that the creek itself is the boundary and Gifford (1939, p. 304) says
that both Sinkyone and Yuki were spoken in the village situated at the
mouth of the creek. The information of all four authors came from either
Sally or Tom Bell, wife and husband, who are respectively Shelter Cove
Sinkyone and Coast Yuki. I have accepted Merriam's boundary, since it
agrees with Nomland's.

Merriam maintains that the western boundary of the Kato runs along the
South Fork of the Eel and he is partly supported in this by Barrett
(1908, map), whose boundary includes the drainage of South Fork but
not the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek. Barrett, however, disavows
any certainty on this particular boundary. Kroeber's line, which
does include the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek in Kato territory, is
supported by a specific statement from Gifford (1939, p. 296) that
"Hollow Tree Creek did not belong to the Coast Yuki although they fished
there." I have therefore accepted Kroeber's version.

All authorities agree on the southern and eastern boundaries of the
Kato as far north as the drainage of Blue Rock Creek. Merriam claims
this drainage for the Wailaki, whereas both Kroeber and Foster claim it
for the ta'no'm tribelet of the Yuki. It is evident that this territory
was disputed, for it was the scene of several of the wars involving the
Wailaki, the Kato, and the Yuki (Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 165; 1925_b_).
Kroeber obtained a detailed list of place names in this area from a
ta'no'm Yuki, whereas Merriam's Wailaki information is only of a most
general nature. For this reason I have given the territory to the Yuki.

All the authorities, except Foster, agree on the rest of the southern
boundary of the Athabascans. Foster has the Yuki-Wailaki line cross
Hulls Creek about five miles from its mouth instead of passing south of
its drainage. Both Kroeber and Merriam favor the more southern line, and
Goddard (1924, p. 224) says that the Wailaki claimed a fishing spot in
the disputed area, so I have accepted this version.

The eastern boundary of the Athabascans runs north along the ridge
separating the drainages of the North Fork and Middle Fork of the Eel
until it reaches the headwaters of the Mad River. Thence it runs in a
northern direction along the ridge that separates the drainage of the
Mad River from that of the South Fork of the Trinity until it reaches
Grouse Creek, where it turns eastward to cross the South Fork of the
Trinity at the mouth of the creek. It continues north on the east side
of South Fork, following the crest until it crosses the main Trinity
about five miles above its confluence with South Fork, and then follows
around the headwaters of Horse Linto Creek and Mill Creek.

Merriam's eastern Athabascan boundary conflicts with the one drawn by
Kroeber, Foster, and Goddard in assigning the northern part of the
drainage of the Middle Fork of the Eel to the Pitch Wailaki instead of
to the Yuki. Merriam is almost certainly wrong here, for Goddard (1924)
definitely does not include this area within Wailaki territory and his
information in this region appears to have been especially reliable.
Moreover, Merriam got his information from natives of the main Eel
River, who were evidently not on good terms with their relatives to the
east and knew little about them. I have therefore accepted the Kroeber

The next conflict is to the north of this, where Kroeber's boundary
runs up the ridge separating the Mad River from the South Fork of the
Trinity, whereas Merriam's runs along South Fork itself in the twenty
miles from Yolla Bolly Mountain northwest to Ruth. Essene (1942) agrees
with Merriam on this point, but his data add nothing to the argument,
since he worked with the same Lassik informant as Merriam. I have
accepted Kroeber's version because it is corroborated by both Goddard
(1907) and Du Bois (1935, map 1), who agree in assigning the valley of
the South Fork of the Trinity to the Wintun.

Kroeber and Merriam agree on the line running north of Ruth as far as
a point about fifteen miles south of Grouse Creek, where Merriam's
line drifts westward to follow the north-south channel of Grouse Creek
for a short distance, whereas Kroeber's line follows due north along
the drainage pattern. Essene supports Kroeber, but his informant did
not come from this region so her testimony perhaps cannot be relied on
heavily. I have accepted Kroeber's line because it follows the drainage

Kroeber's boundary also conflicts with Merriam's on the east side of
South Fork. Kroeber's line runs along the ridge separating South Fork
from the main Trinity whereas Merriam's runs along the Trinity itself.
The testimony of Dixon on the Chimariko (1910, pp. 295-296) supports
Kroeber, so I have accepted the latter's line.

The northern boundary of the Athabascans runs west, parallel to Mill
Creek, crossing the Trinity a few miles south of its confluence with
the Klamath, and then continues west until it reaches Bald Hills Ridge,
which separates Redwood Creek drainage from Klamath River drainage. It
continues north along this ridge and then turns east to cross Redwood
Creek about ten miles southeast of Orick.

Goddard (1914_a_, pl. 38) indicates three Athabascan summer camps on the
Yurok side of the dividing ridge. This may mean that some Athabascan
territory was included in the Klamath drainage, but if so, it would
contradict the testimony of the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925_a_, fig. 1;
Waterman, 1920, map 2). However, the land away from the Klamath was
little used by the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 8), so it may be that
this territory was claimed by both groups. I have accepted Kroeber's
boundary here. Otherwise there are no conflicts on the northern boundary.

The western boundary of the Athabascans runs due south from Redwood
Creek, following the 124th Meridian, crossing the North Fork of the Mad
River at Blue Lake and crossing the main Mad River a few miles above
the mouth of North Fork. From here the line follows south around the
drainage of Humboldt Bay until it crosses the Eel River at the mouth
of the Van Duzen, whence it runs south to Bear River Ridge, which it
follows west to the ocean.

A major conflict in the western boundary of the Athabascans involves
the drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River. Kroeber and Loud
both assign this area to the Wiyot, whereas Merriam assigns it to the
Athabascans. Neither Kroeber nor Loud gives specific data in support of
his contention; thus Merriam's specific local information quoted below,
renders his line preferable.

     Sunday, August 11, 1918.... I found two old men of the
     same tribe, who were born and reared at the Blue Lake rancheria
     'Ko-tin-net--the westernmost village of the Ha-whil-kut-ka tribe.

I have therefore accepted Merriam's boundary.

From the Mad River south to the Eel there is general agreement except
that, as usual, Merriam's lines tend to follow the streams, whereas
those of Kroeber and Loud follow the ridges. Another conflict comes
at the crossing of the Eel River. Curtis (1924, 13:67) says the line
crosses at the mouth of the Van Duzen. Nomland (1938, map 1), Loud,
and Merriam all agree with this. Powers (1877, p. 101) and Kroeber
both locate the line a few miles up the river from this point at Eagle
Prairie, while Nomland's Wiyot informant (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map
1) places the line even farther south at the mouth of Larabee Creek. The
weight of evidence indicates that the line was probably near the mouth
of the Van Duzen; Goddard (1929, p. 292) states that there was a Bear
River village near there.

There is also some disagreement on the northern boundary of the Bear
River group. Nomland says that it is at Fleener Creek, about five miles
north of Bear River Ridge, whereas Kroeber indicates a line about two
miles north of Bear River Ridge. Loud, Merriam, and Goddard, on the
other hand, all indicate that the boundary is Bear River Ridge itself.
Nomland's boundary is almost certainly in error, since Loud gives Wiyot
villages occurring south of that line. Most of the evidence points to
Bear River Ridge as the line, and this version has been accepted.


There is no disagreement on the western boundary of the Hupa. It
runs north and south along Bald Hills Ridge, dividing the drainages
of Redwood Creek and the Trinity River. Merriam gives the Hupa
two divisions--the Tin-nung-hen-na-o, or Hupa proper, and the
Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a], or Southern Hupa. The line dividing these two
groups lies just north of the main Trinity to the east of South Fork and
along Madden Creek to the west of South Fork. Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 129)
and Goddard (1903_a_, p. 7) do not give any support for a linguistic
division, as indicated by Merriam, but there does seem to have been some
cultural difference.

In the division of the territory west of the Hupa Merriam differs
radically from Kroeber and Goddard, although all three scholars divide
the area between two groups. Kroeber and Goddard call the northernmost
group Chilula, an anglicization of the Yurok word tsulu-la meaning "Bald
Hills people," and the southern, Whilkut, from the Hupa word hoilkut-hoi
meaning "Redwood Creek people" or "upper Redwood Creek people."

Merriam calls the first of his two divisions Hoilkut and says that they
lived on Redwood Creek and on the North Fork of the Mad. This group he
further subdivides into three parts: one, living on lower Redwood Creek,
corresponds to the Chilula of Kroeber and Goddard; another, on upper
Redwood Creek, corresponds to part of Kroeber's Whilkut; and a third, on
the North Fork of the Mad River, corresponds to a part of Loud's Wiyot.

Merriam calls his second division Ma-we-nok. They live in the drainage
of the main Mad River and correspond to a part of Kroeber's Whilkut.

It would appear that, except for Goddard's Chilula information (Goddard,
1914_a_), Merriam's data are the most detailed and therefore preferable.
He had informants from lower Redwood Creek, from the North Fork of the
Mad River, and from the main Mad River. For this reason I have accepted
his boundaries. I therefore propose that all the peoples previously
included under the terms Whilkut or Chilula be called Whilkut. This
seems justified by Merriam's statements, on the one hand, that the
Mad River Ma-we-nok differed but little in speach from their Whilkut
neighbors, and, on the other hand, that the other groups in the area
called themselves hoilkut or terms related to this.

[Illustration: Map 1. Athabascan boundaries: Kroeber vs. Baumhoff.]

[Illustration: Map 2. Athabascan boundaries: Baumhoff.]

[Illustration: Map 3. Athabascan boundaries: Merriam vs. Baumhoff.]

[Illustration: Map 4. Athabascan boundaries: various authors vs.

If this proposal is accepted, the Whilkut may then be divided into
four subgroups--the Chilula Whilkut, the Kloki Whilkut, the Mad River
Whilkut, and the North Fork Whilkut. The Chilula Whilkut would occupy
essentially the territory assigned to the Chilula by Goddard and
Kroeber--the drainage of Redwood Creek from about ten miles southeast
of Orick to about a mile above the mouth of Minor Creek. Above them are
the Kloki Whilkut, occupying the upper drainage of Redwood Creek. The
name Kloki Whilkut means "prairie" Whilkut, a name used by these people
for themselves, according to Merriam, and derived from the prairies that
occur on upper Redwood Creek. The Mad River Whilkut would be the group
in the drainage of Mad River from the mouth of North Fork as far up as
Bug Creek above Iaqua Buttes. The North Fork Whilkut would then be the
group in the entire drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River.

The northern boundary of the Nongatl begins in the west near Kneeland
at the Wiyot boundary and runs southeast around Iaqua Buttes and the
drainage of the Mad River, then northeast to Grouse Creek. Kroeber and
Merriam agree on this boundary east of Iaqua Buttes, but west of that
landmark Merriam's line takes a northeast-southwest direction whereas
Kroeber's line runs due east-west. I have accepted Merriam's line here
because he has more detailed information than Kroeber on the neighboring
Whilkut. Neither has much information on the Nongatl themselves.

One of the main interior lines of the Athabascans is the one which,
running north and south along the South Fork of the Eel, divides the
coastal groups on the west from the interior peoples to the east. It
begins at the mouth of the Van Duzen on the main Eel and runs south
along the Eel as far as Scotia, dividing the Nongatl from the Bear
River group. At Scotia it coincides with the Sinkyone-Nongatl boundary
and then continues in a southerly direction but, instead of lying
immediately on the river, it drifts slightly to the east to include also
the land adjacent to the stream. It continues thus near to, but off, the
main Eel until it crosses the river at about McCann, a few miles above
the mouth of South Fork. After crossing the main Eel, the line goes
south, including the immediate river valley of the South Fork of the Eel
in Sinkyone territory, until it turns west to cross South Fork at the
mouth of Hollow Tree Creek, continuing to the coast at Usal Creek.

This section of the Athabascan boundary has been much disputed. It seems
certain that the western side of the Eel from the mouth of the Van Duzen
to Scotia was Bear River territory. This distribution is attested by
Powers (1877, p. 107), who says that the Bear River group owned as far
south as the mouth of South Fork, by Nomland's Bear River informant
(1938, map 1), by Kroeber, and by Goddard, who says (1929, p. 291),
"There was, however, one village at the mouth of Van Duzen creek which
was allied to Bear River both in its dialect and politically." This
evidence is fully in accordance with that of Merriam.

The eastern side of the river along this stretch goes to the Nongatl by
default. Kroeber claims it for the Bear River people and Nomland's Wiyot
informant claimed it for the Wiyot (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map 1)
but except for these sources possession is denied by Wiyot, Bear River,
and Sinkyone alike.

South of Scotia the area is also in dispute. Nomland and Kroeber claim
that the eastern side of the Eel from Scotia to the mouth of South Fork
is Nongatl. They say (1936, p. 40):

     In any event, Eel river from Scotia to Larrabee was not
     Mattole, as Kroeber has it in map 1 of his Handbook, nor was it
     Sinkyone. Nomland's Bear River, Mattole, and Sinkyone informants
     were positive on the point. If Athabascan, the stretch in question
     belonged to the Nongatl (Saia). Otherwise it was Wiyot.

Merriam, on the contrary claims that this territory was definitely

We must evaluate the statements of the informants involved before
reaching a decision on this point. Nomland's Bear River informant was
evidently not particularly accurate on boundaries, for she placed
the northern boundary of the Bear River group at Fleener Creek when
it was almost certainly at Bear River Ridge (see p. 163). Therefore
her testimony may be questioned on the present point also. Nomland's
Sinkyone informants were from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone of the Briceland
area to the south, and furthermore only one of them was said to be
reliable. Merriam, however, presents detailed evidence in the form
of place names obtained from George Burt, a very good informant who
was born and raised among the northern Sinkyone at Bull Creek. I have
therefore accepted the evidence of George Burt via Merriam, even though
several of Nomland's informants deny it.

Actually, I have accepted Merriam's line as far south as Phillipsville
on the South Fork of the Eel, even though it conflicts somewhat with the
lines of Nomland and Kroeber. Merriam's information for this stretch of
South Fork is supported in detail by Goddard's village lists. South of
Phillipsville, Merriam's line runs along South Fork itself instead of
lying slightly east of it. This line is contradicted by Goddard, whose
informant, a native of the region, gave Goddard village names on both
sides of the river as far south as Garberville. I have accepted the line
indicated by Goddard's information along this stretch.

South of Garberville I have relied heavily on Nomland. She had three
informants from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone--Sally Bell, Tom Bell, and
Jack Woodman, of whom she considered only the last reliable. Merriam
seems to have relied entirely on Sally Bell for information about this
group and his information should therefore be somewhat discounted.

The Bear River-Mattole boundary is not disputed. Merriam and Nomland
agree that it begins on the coast at Davis Creek and then follows the
ridge east to the headwaters of Bear River. The two authors do not agree
on the Bear River-Sinkyone line. Nomland's boundary goes due east from
Bear River headwaters to strike the South Fork of the Eel a few miles
above its mouth. Merriam's line instead goes north to intercept the main
Eel at Scotia. I have accepted Merriam's version on the basis of George
Burt's evidence, even though Kroeber agrees with Nomland.

The Mattole-Sinkyone boundary begins at Spanish Flat on the coast
and goes northeast from there, crossing the Mattole River just above
the mouth of Upper North Fork, Mattole River, and continuing in that
direction to the headwaters of the Bear River. I have altered Merriam's
map on this point. It shows the Mattole-Sinkyone line reaching the
coast at Big Flat, a point about six miles down the coast from Spanish
Flat. Merriam's notes say, however, that the line ends at Spanish Flat.
Merriam's line crosses the Mattole River near the town of Upper Mattole
about five miles below the mouth of Upper North Fork, but Goddard's
Mattole informant gave him villages as far up as the mouth of Upper
North Fork and I have considered this fact to be decisive. Nomland's
Mattole-Sinkyone line reaches the coast at Four Mile Creek, about five
miles up the coast from Merriam's line at Spanish Flat. This line of
Nomland's is probably a tribelet boundary, which Merriam and Goddard
give as occurring at about that point (see Mattole Tribelets). Otherwise
Nomland's boundary agrees with that of Merriam.

Merriam's line dividing the northern or Lolangkok Sinkyone from the
southern or Shelter Cove Sinkyone begins in the east on South Fork Eel
about a mile or two above the mouth of Salmon Creek, runs west from
there through Kings Peak, and crosses the Mattole River just north of
Ettersberg, intersecting the Mattole line a few miles from the coast.
This line as given is the same as Merriam's, except that his begins in
the east at Redwood Creek instead of at Salmon Creek. The change here is
based on Goddard's village list, which indicates the present line.

The Lassik-Nongatl line begins in the east just below Ruth on the Mad
River. It goes west from there around the headwaters of the Van Duzen
River until it crosses the Eel at the mouth of Dobbyn Creek and thence
west to the Sinkyone line. Kroeber and Merriam agree on the eastern
part of this line but Essene disagrees with them, including a much
larger portion of the drainage of the Mad and Van Duzen rivers in Lassik
territory. I am at a loss to explain this version, since Essene's
informant from the Lassik was the same one consulted by Merriam. It is
not clear that Essene's boundaries were obtained from his informants,
and this fact may explain the discrepancy. I have accepted the
Kroeber-Merriam line here. To the west of this, Kroeber's line, instead
of crossing the Eel, follows the river toward the northwest, so none
of the main Eel River valley falls in Nongatl territory. Goddard gives
villages on the main Eel which are said to be allied with others in the
Blocksburg region, so the Nongatl must have claimed at least a small
section of the Eel. I have therefore accepted the Merriam version.

The Wailaki-Lassik boundary begins in the east at the head of the Mad
River and runs west to the North Fork of the Eel, which it crosses at
the mouth of Salt Creek. It follows Salt Creek for a short way and
then goes west to Kekawaka Creek, which it follows to its mouth on the
main Eel. It crosses the Eel here and then goes west to intersect the
Sinkyone boundary at the East Branch of the South Fork of the Eel. The
boundary as given here is identical with the one given by Merriam,
except that he includes part of the drainage of the Mad within Wailaki
territory whereas Kroeber does not. I have accepted Kroeber's version,
because it is supported in a negative way by Goddard (1924), who fails
to include any Mad River drainage in Pitch Wailaki territory.

West of this area, Kroeber's boundary runs considerably north of
Merriam's and of the boundary I have accepted. Merriam's line seems
preferable because it is supported by Goddard and because Merriam's
information is more specific than Kroeber's.

According to the information of Merriam and Goddard, the Wailaki may
be divided into three groups--the Eel River Wailaki, the North Fork
Wailaki, and the Pitch Wailaki. The eastern group, the Pitch Wailaki,
occupy the drainage of North Fork Eel River above Asbill Creek, Hulls
Creek, and Casoose Creek. Their western boundary begins in the north
on Salt Creek near its confluence with North Fork Eel. It runs south
from this point along Salt Creek and beyond it, crossing the North Fork
of the Eel just above the mouth of Asbill Creek and intersecting the
Yuki-Wailaki line near Summit Valley. The northern border of the North
Fork Wailaki begins in the west on the main Eel River at the mouth of
Cottonwood Creek, about three miles north of the mouth of North Fork
Eel, and runs from there eastward for about six miles, where it hits the
western boundary of the Pitch Wailaki. The western boundary of the North
Fork Wailaki is the main Eel River from the mouth of Cottonwood Creek
south to the Yuki line near Bell Springs Railroad Station.

The Kato-Wailaki line runs from the head of Blue Rock Creek in the
east to the mouth of Hollow Tree Creek on the South Fork of the Eel in
the west. This is Kroeber's version of the boundary. Merriam's version
places the line somewhat south of this, beginning at Rattlesnake Creek
in the west and going eastward south of Blue Rock Creek. Since I have
ceded the drainage of Blue Rock Creek to the Yuki (see p. 160) in
accordance with the views of Kroeber, I must, as a corollary, accept the
northern boundary of the Kato as given by him.

The net result of the foregoing discussion is that the line surrounding
the Athabascan peoples of Northwestern California remains much the
same as Kroeber showed it in 1925, whereas the tribal boundaries are
considerably changed. In the north, the Chilula and Whilkut occupy
almost entirely different areas and the Hupa have been divided into two
subgroups. On the coast, the Bear River and Mattole are divided, but
this division had been shown by Goddard and Nomland previously. The
Sinkyone have been divided into two subgroups and the Wailaki into three.

A really major difference is the accretion of territory by the Nongatl.
This group is one about which least is known and this may be the reason
why the map shows their territory as so extensive. It is very likely
that data from a few good informants would show that the Nongatl
actually comprise several distinct groups. There is a hint of this in
Essene's account of Lassik war stories (1942, p. 91). He notes that
the Nai'aitci, centering near the town of Bridgeville, were distinct
from the Blocksburg people. Both of these groups are placed within the
Nongatl area. No doubt more detailed information than we possess would
show that the area which we have labeled Nongatl was actually occupied
by two, three, or even more distinct groups.



The Kato are the southernmost of the California Athabascans (see pl. 11,
_e_ for a view of Kato territory). They are surrounded on three sides
by Yukian peoples and consequently resemble culturally the peoples of
Central California rather than those of Northwestern California. The
name Kato appears to be of Pomo origin and it was first thought that
the Kato language was a dialect of Pomo (Powers, 1877, p. 147). It was
not until 1903 that Goddard showed their Athabascan affinity (Goddard,

Information on the ethnogeography of the Kato is derived from several
sources. Merriam's notes contain some information, which seems to have
come from a man named Bill Ray, who was living near Laytonville on
August 16, 1922. This man had been Goddard's informant in 1906, when Ray
was already between sixty and sixty-five years old (Goddard, 1909, p.
68, pl. 9) and he served also as Kroeber's informant in 1923 (Kroeber,

The Merriam notes contain, in addition to several village names, a few
place and tribal names which I present herewith.

     Kato: to-chil´-pe ke´-ah-hahng

     Jackson V. people (inc. Branscom): sin´-k[=o]k ke´-ah-hahng

     Wailaki: we´-tah^ch

     Yuki of Round V.: chinch´

     Coast Yuki: bahng´-ke´-ah-hahng

     Southern Sinkyone: ketch´-ing ke´-ah-hahng

     Tribe on the N side of Rattlesnake Cr. and E of South Fork Eel
     division of Wailaki (?): tek´ ke´-ah-hahng

     Long V.: kin-t[)e]^{hl}-pe

     Laytonville: ten-tah^{ch}-tung

     Cahto Pond (now drained): to-chil´-pa

     Long V. Cr.: shah´-nah

     South Fork Eel R.: nahs-ling´-che

     Rattlesnake Cr.: tal-tl[=o]l´-kwit

     Main Eel R.: tah-ke´-kwit

     Blue Rock: seng-chah´-tung

     Bell Springs: s[)e]^{ch}-pis

     Round V.: kun-tel-ch[=o]-pe

     Jackson V.: kus´-cho-che´-pe; kas-tos´ cheek´-be

     Branscomb Mt.: k[=i]k; ch[=i]s´-naw


The villages of this group are mostly taken from Barrett (1908, pp.
280-283) indicated below by (B). Those taken from Merriam's notes are
distinguished by (M). The information given with each of the villages is
sometimes a direct quotation but most often is paraphrased.

     1. netce'l[=i]gût (B). At a point about 9 mi. nearly due W of
     the town of Laytonville and about 3 mi. SE of the confluence of the
     E fork of the South Fork of Eel R. with the South Fork of Eel R.
     This village is on top of the ridge separating these two streams
     and is on the property of Mr. Jacob Lamb.

     2. yictciLti'ñkût, "wolf something-lying-down creek" (B). On
     the S bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a point about 5 mi. WNW of the town
     of Laytonville.

     3. sentca'[=u]kût, "rock big creek"; or kave'mato (Northern
     Pomo dialect name), "rock big" (B). On Big Rock Cr. at a point
     about 1-1/2 mi. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr., or about
     5-1/2 mi. nearly due W of the town of Laytonville.

     sen-chow´-ten (M). Kato name for their village at Big Rock,
     about 4 mi. N of their present rancheria in Long V.

     4. ka'ibi, "nuts in" (B). On the NE bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a
     point about 3 mi. downstream from the town of Laytonville.

     5. neb[=o]'c[=e]gût, "ground hump on-top" (B). On what is
     known as the Wilson ranch at a point about 1 mi. W of Laytonville.

     6. seLgaitceli'nda, "rock white run-out" (B). About 300 yds. E
     of the house on what is known as the "old" John Reed ranch about 1
     mi. N of Laytonville.

     7. bûntcn[=o]ndi'lyi, "fly settle-upon under" (B). Just NW of
     Laytonville and but a short distance from the place now occupied by
     the Indians near Laytonville.

     8. ko'cbi, "blackberry there" (B). About 1-1/2 mi. WSW of
     Laytonville and on the SW bank of the Ten Mile Cr.

     9. tc[=i]b[=e]'takût, "fir tips creek" (B). About a mile SW of
     the town of Laytonville and about 1/2 mi. up the creek which drains
     Cahto V. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr.

     che-pa-tah-kut (M). A former village in the northern part of
     Long V. on the James White place.

     10. dist[=e]gû'ts[=i][=u], "madrona crooked under" (B). On the
     western side of Long V. at a point about 2 mi. SSE of Laytonville.

     11. t[=o]dji'Lbi, "water? ... in" (B). At the site now
     occupied by the Indians at Cahto. This site is on the W bank of the
     small creek running from Cahto into Ten Mile Cr.

     12. bûntcten[=o]ndi'lkût, "fly low settle-upon creek" (B). On
     the N bank of the northern branch of the head of the South Fork of
     the Eel R. at a point about a mile SSW of Cahto.

     13. kûcy[=i]'[=u]yet[=o]kût, "alder under water creek" (B). On
     the N bank of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. SW of
     Cahto. This site is about 1/2 mi. E of the ranch house on the Clark

     14. ne'[=i]yi, "ground under" (B), probably signifying that
     the village was situated under a projecting ridge. On the S bank of
     the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. S of Branscomb.

     15. s[=e]ne'tckût, "rock gravel creek" (B). On the NW bank
     of the small stream known as Mud Springs Cr., which is tributary
     to the South Fork of Eel R. This site is about 3 mi. a little S
     of E of Branscomb. There are on this creek, and not far from this
     village site, several springs which flow a very thin blueish mud,
     thus giving the creek its name.

     16. tontce'kût, "water bad creek" (B). About 1/4 mi. W of the
     South Fork of Eel R. and about 1 mi. SW of Branscomb.

     17. senansa'^{n}kût, "rock hang-down creek" (B). On the E bank
     of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 1-1/2 mi. downstream
     from Branscomb.

In addition to this list, there are two other sources of information on
villages. First, Curtis (1924, 14:184) presents a list of six villages,
almost all of which it is impossible to locate. None of the names
corresponds to any given by either Barrett or Merriam, and they are
therefore suspect as village names, though they may be valid place names
and are certainly good Athabascan. In the list below Curtis' orthography
has been changed slightly. The changes follow the pattern set by Curtis
in his Hupa village lists (Curtis, 1924, Vol. 13).

_Curtis List (1924, 14:184)_

  chunsandung, "tree            1-1/2 mi. W of Laytonville
  prostrate place"              on the site of the cemetery

  tsetandung, "trail emerges    At the foot of the mountain
  place"                        W of Laytonville

  totakut, "water center"       N of tsetandung. On a knoll
                                down which water flowed
                                on two sides

  chekselgindun, "they          N tsetandung
  killed woman place"

yitsche Ltindung, "they found wolf place"

seyuhuchetsdung, "old stone house place"

The second source is the notes of Goddard, who did extensive work in
the area in 1906 (Goddard, 1909), though mostly on language and myth.
His notes contain information on two villages, neither of which can be
located because the township and range coördinates have been changed
since the time of recording and also because the name of the creek
mentioned does not appear on maps in my possession. The two cards
bearing the information have the penciled notations 51 and 52 written
on their corners. This indicates that Goddard had recorded at least 50
other sites for the Kato, a conclusion which is further corroborated
by his own statement (Goddard, 1909, p. 67). Our information on Kato
villages is therefore correspondingly incomplete.

_Goddard List (Goddard, Notes)_

     ne^{=e=}[-l]soki, "ground blue tail" SW sec. 26, T. 22 N.,
     R. 15 W. On a flat 200 yds. N of Blue Hill Cr. and 150 yds. W of
     the river. There are 3 deep pits on the eastern edge of the higher
     flat. Bill thought there were 3 others 100 yds. S where a white
     man's house had stood, ne'^{[-l]}s[=o]k[=i] k[=i]yahûn.

     t'un[-l]tcintcki, "leaves black tail" W sec. 26, T. 22 N., R.
     15 W. On the higher bank 50 yds. N of tûn[-l]tcintckw[=o]t, the
     next creek N of Blue Hill Cr. and 400 yds. W of the river. There is
     timber W. Dr. Wilson used to live there. The site has been plowed.
     Bill counted six places where he thought houses had been.


The Wailaki, the southernmost group of Athabascans on the Eel River,
are as little chronicled as most of the Athabascan groups. As far as
geography and language are concerned we have very good information
(Goddard, 1923_a_; 1923_b_), but there is very little general
ethnography. Kroeber was able to devote to them only a little more than
three pages in the Handbook (1925, pp. 151-154), and we know scarcely
more today.

The territory of the Wailaki lies for the most part outside the redwood
forest (pls. 11_b_, _c_) and for that reason they had access to a more
abundant supply of the food, particularly acorns, used by the interior
peoples than did most of the Athabascan groups. Perhaps for this reason,
or perhaps simply because of proximity, the culture of the Wailaki
shows considerable affinity with the culture of Central California and
correspondingly less with that of Northwestern California. This affinity
is particularly evident in their tribelet organization, which obtrudes
itself in the accounts of both Goddard and Merriam. In the groups
farther north such organization receives little attention.

Merriam's information on the Wailaki consists for the most part of
ethnogeography, including villages, tribelets, and place names. His
informants in this group were Fred Major and Wylakki Tip. I have been
able to find out nothing about Fred Major, but Merriam gives the
following statement on Wylakki Tip.

     My informant, known as Wylakki Tip, a full blood Tsennahkennes
     [Eel R. Wailaki, but see Kroeber's data, p. 229], whose father and
     mother were born and lived at Bell Springs, tells me that they
     belonged to the Bell Springs Canyon band known as Tsi-to-ting
     ke-ah, named from the neighboring mountain tsi-to-ting. He adds
     that from the mouth of Blue Rock Creek northward the Tsennahkennes
     owned the country to the main Eel, and that the present location of
     Bell Springs Station, on the west side of the river, is in their
     territory but that the east side of the river from Bell Springs
     Station to the mouth of Blue Rock Creek was held by a so-called
     Yukean tribe.

In Merriam's notes there is no general statement on the Bahneko or North
Fork Wailaki; he was evidently somewhat undecided whether they were
truly a distinct group. However, he comments on the Tsennahkennes, or
Eel River Wailaki, as follows.

[Illustration: Map 5. Villages and tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the
North Fork Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets, arabic numerals
village sites.]

Tsennahkennes ... A Nung-gah^{hl} Athabascan tribe in north-central
Mendocino County, California, occupying the greater part of the
mountainous country on both sides of main Eel River from Red Mountain
and the upper waters of East Branch South Fork Eel easterly to Salt
Creek, and from a few miles south of Harris southerly to Rattlesnake
Creek. Their territory thus includes the major part of Elkhorn Creek,
the headwaters of East Branch South Fork Eel, Milk Ranch Creek, and Red
Mountain Creek, practically all of Cedar Creek, and the whole of Bell
Springs and Blue Rock Creeks. The old stage road from Cummings north to
Harris, passing Blue Rock and Bell Springs, traverses their territory.


It is clear that in recording Wailaki words Merriam followed the same
principles that guided him in his published works on other Californian
languages. In transcribing the Achomawi language he said (1928, p. vi),
"All Indian words are written in simple phonetic English, the vowels
having their normal alphabetic sounds." For a more precise determination
I have made a comparison of words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard.
The values of the symbols used by Goddard are taken from a list he
gives in his Wailaki Texts (1923_b_, p. 77) together with Phonetic
Transcription of American Indian Languages (Amer. Anthro. Assoc., 1916),
a report which Goddard helped prepare.

A total of twenty-eight words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard were
found. Although the discrepancies seem great, this is because Merriam
used Webster's English orthography whereas Goddard used a technical one
modified from the old Smithsonian system. Whatever the limitations of
Merriam's orthography for considerations of grammar (which he did not
try to obtain), his recordings consistently check Goddard's independent
information and serve as complete identifications of places and
ethnographic facts.

_Goddard's Wailaki Phonology_

               |                    | Labial | Apical | Frontal| Dorsal
               |       fully voiced |                              g
               |                    +-----------------------------------
               |      medium voiced |   b        d                 G
   Stops       |          voiceless |
               |    non-glottalized |            t                 k
               |                    +-----------------------------------
               |          voiceless |
               |        glottalized |            t'                k'
               |    non-glottalized |            ts       tc
   Affricates  +--------------------+-----------------------------------
               |        glottalized |            ts'      tc'
               |          voiceless |            s        c
   Spirants    +--------------------+-----------------------------------
               |             voiced |
   Nasals      |                    |            n                 ñ
   Semivowels  |                    |   w                 y
               |             voiced |            l
   Laterals    +--------------------+-----------------------------------
               |          voiceless |            [-l]

Goddard gives the following vowels.

  i as in pique (written with an iota by Goddard)
  e as a in fate
  E as in met (written with an epsilon by Goddard)
  a as in father
  A as u in but (written with an alpha by Goddard)
  o as in note

Following is a rough correspondence between Goddard's and Merriam's

_Comparison of Orthographies_

  _Goddard_   _Merriam_
    a       ah (occasionally a or e)
    A       ah, e, u, i (in order of frequency)
    ai      a, i
    Ai      i
    b       b
    c       s (once sh)
    d       d, t
    e       e
    E       e, [=a]
    g       [-l]g written as sk
    G       does not occur
    h       h
    i       [=e], [)e] (oi written i)
    I       i, u
    k       k (ky written ch)
    k'      k
    l       does not occur
    [-l]    kl, often not recorded at all ([-l] written sk)
    m       n (Goddard says n sometimes becomes m by assimilation.
              Evidently it is n phonemically)
    n       n (occasionally ng, once not recorded at all)
    ñ       ng (occasionally n, twice not recorded at all)
    o       o (occasionally u)
    s       s
    t       t
    t'      does not occur
    tc      ch (once tch)
    tc'     does not occur
    ts      does not occur
    ts'     does not occur
    u       does not occur
    w       does not occur
    y       y, ky written ch, kiyah always written ke-ah or ka-ah


The subgroups of the Wailaki (map 5) are called bands by Merriam and
subtribes by Goddard but it is clear that they correspond precisely to
the definition of tribelet given by Kroeber (1932, pp. 258-259), a fact
which Kroeber noted at the time (p. 257). Goddard says (1923_a_, p. 95):

     [They] had definite boundaries on the river as well as
     delimited hunting grounds on an adjoining ridge. In the summer
     and fall they appear to have been under the control of one chief,
     and to have camped together for gathering nuts and seeds and for
     community hunting. In winter they lived in villages and were
     further subdivided.

I. There is close agreement on the boundaries of the northernmost
Wailaki tribelet on the western side of the Eel. Merriam gives the
names kun-nun´-dung ke´-ah-hahng, ki´-kot-ke-ah-hahng, ki-ketch-e
k[=a]-ah-hahng, and ki-ke´-che ke´-ah-hahng as designations for the
group. He says the territory of this group runs from Chamise Creek
in the north to Pine Creek in the south. Goddard gives the same name
(rendered kaikitcEkaiya) and the same boundaries for the group.

The territory north of Chamise Creek on the west side of the river is
assigned by Merriam to the taht´-so ke´ah tribelet of the Lassik. This
attribution would seem to indicate that Merriam has put his northern
Wailaki boundary too far north, that it should hit the Eel at Chamise
Creek rather than at Kekawaka Creek. Goddard calls these people the
da[-l]sokaiya, "blue ground people," which no doubt corresponds to
taht´-so ke´ah. He says, "It is doubtful that they should be counted as
Wailaki, but they were not Lassik and probably spoke the same dialect as
the Wailaki."

II. This tribelet is called s[)e]-tah´-be ke´-ah-hahng or
s[=a]-tah´-ke-ahng by Merriam. In one place his notes say that the
territory includes land on both sides of the Eel, running south of
Indian Creek on the western side. This is clearly not so, for he refers
several times to a different tribelet occupying that area. That the
tribelet was confined to the east side of the river is further indicated
by Goddard, who gives Pine Creek on the north and Natoikot Creek on the
south as the boundaries. Goddard's name for the tribelet is sEtakaiya.

III. Goddard says that there was a tribelet on the west side of the Eel
whose territory was bounded on the north by Natoikot Creek and extended
south to a point opposite the mouth of North Fork. His name for this
group is taticcokaiya. Merriam's name for the group in this general area
is tah-chis´-tin ke-ah-hahng. He does not give any boundaries for them.

IV. and V. Merriam gives the following names for the tribelet occupying
the territory around Blue Rock and Bell Springs Creeks: tsi-to´-ting
ke´-ah, from the name of Bell Springs Mountain; sen-chah´-ke´-ah;
s[)e]-so ke´-ah-hahng, "Blue Rock Band"; then´-chah-tung k[=a]´-ah,
"Blue Rock Band." On the other hand, he gives the following names for
the people who occupied the west bank of the Eel for a mile or more
south of the mouth of North Fork: nin-ken-n[=e]tch k[=a]-ah-hahng;
nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah; n[)e]-tahs´ ke-ah-hahng. Goddard says that the
entire stretch from the mouth of North Fork south to Blue Rock Creek
on the west bank of the river was occupied by a single tribelet called
nIñkannitckaiya, a name clearly corresponding to Merriam's names for the
people on the west bank of the Eel, south of North Fork. I am inclined
to think that Merriam is correct and that there were two tribelets in
this area. Merriam's notes include five different references to the
southern tribelet as a separate group, so there is a distinct impression
of autonomy. If Merriam is correct in separating the two groups, the
division line no doubt falls a mile or two north of Bell Springs Creek.

VI. On the eastern side of the river Merriam gives two names for the
tribelet holding the land south from Kekawaka Creek. He says the
yu-e-yet´-te ke´-ah was the tribelet north of Chamise Creek. Their
southernmost village, called sko´-teng, was on the east side of the
river a half-mile or a mile south of Kekawaka Creek. The sko´-den ke´-ah
Merriam gives as the name of the tribelet on the east side of the Eel
River and about a half-mile south of Kekawaka Creek. Goddard gives
i[-l]kodAñkaiya, corresponding to Merriam's sko´-den ke´-ah, as the
name of the group extending from about two miles south of the mouth of
Chamise Creek nearly to the mouth of Kekawaka Creek. Both Merriam and
Goddard indicate some doubt whether these people were Wailaki.

VII. Merriam gives the names ch[=e]s-kot k[=e]-ah-hahng,
chis´-ko-ke´-ah, and t[=o]s-ahng´-kut for the tribelet living in
Horseshoe Bend. The first two names come from the word chis-kot, the
name for Copper Mine Creek. Goddard also gives these last two names for
the group (written tciskokaiya and tosAñkaiya, "water stands people"),
and he says their territory includes the land between Copper Mine Creek
on the south and a point a mile or two south of Chamise Creek on the

VIII. Goddard says that a tribelet named slakaiya or sEyadAñkaiya
occupied the territory between Copper Mine Creek in the north and Willow
Creek in the south. Merriam gives the name nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah to
this group, which he locates on the east side of the Eel River at Island
Mountain. He gives no boundaries for the group.

IX. Merriam gives two names for the tribelet occupying the Indian Creek
region. The chen-nes´-no-ke´-ah was the band on chen-nes-no´-kot Creek
(Indian Cr.) from Lake Mountain to the Eel River; he also writes this
name ken-nis-no-kut ke-ah-hahng. His other name for the group has the
variants bas-k[=a]´-ah-hahng, bas-ki´-yah, bus-k[=a]-ah-hahng. This
group is said to have been on the east side of the Eel River a mile
or two north of Indian Creek (in the Fenton Range country). Goddard
gives the name bAskaiya, "slide people," corresponding to the last of
Merriam's names, for the tribelet from Willow Creek south to Cottonwood
Creek. The name refers to a hillside, usually of clay, which has broken
loose and has slid down.

X. Merriam identifies no group as occupying the land from Cottonwood
Creek south to the mouth of North Fork. Goddard says the region was
occupied by a tribelet called sE[-l]tchikyokaiya, "rock red large

XI. Merriam says the s[=a]´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng was the name of
a tribelet on the north side of North Fork and about a half-mile from
its junction with the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into the
water." Goddard's name for this same group is sEtandoñkiyahAñ, a clear
correspondence, and he indicates that their land was on about the last
mile of North Fork.

XII. According to Merriam the next group up North Fork was named
s[)e]-cho ke´-ah-hahng. Its land was on the north side of North Fork a
mile or more above its mouth. Goddard has the same name for the group,
sEtcokiyahAñ; he says the people occupied both the north and south sides
of a one-mile stretch of North Fork beginning a little way below the
mouth of Wilson Creek and extending downstream from there.

XIII. Merriam says ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng was the name of the tribelet on
both sides of North Fork at the mouth of Wilson Creek. This is in accord
with Goddard's data. He gives the name as kAiyEkiyahAñ. Neither Goddard
nor Merriam gives the limits of this group up North Fork. Presumably
they coincide with the tribal boundary.

XIV. According to Goddard a tribelet called nE[-l]tcikyokaiya was in
possession of the territory on the east bank of the Eel from McDonald
Creek northward to the mouth of North Fork. Merriam does not record this

XV. The southernmost tribelet on the eastern side of the Eel is called
sE[-l]gAikyokaiya, "rock white large people," by Goddard. They are said
to have occupied the territory from McDonald Creek south to Big Bend
Creek. This group is not recorded by Merriam.


The list of villages which follows includes all those contained in
Merriam's notes and also all those given by Goddard (1923_a_) that could
be located with accuracy (map 5). Occasionally there is a conflict
between Merriam and Goddard and then it has usually seemed best to
accept Goddard's information, since he actually visited the sites of
most of the villages he mentions.

All the data are either from Merriam or Goddard, as indicated by (M)
or (G). Ancillary comment by myself is placed in square brackets. The
notations (Tip) and (Maj) refer to Merriam's informants (see p. 167).
The arabic numbers correspond with those on map 5, indicating separate
villages. These run consecutively from north to south, first on the west
side of the Eel (1-22) and then on the east side (23-67).

_Villages on West Side of the Eel_

     1. The main village of the ki-ketch-e tribelet is said to have
     been on the S side of the mouth of Chamise Cr. (M).

     kAntEltcEk'At, "valley small on" (G). The most northern
     village of the kaikitcEkaiya, whose northern boundary was Chamise

     [Both Merriam and Goddard give this as the native village
     of the wife of Wylakki Tip so there is no doubt that they are
     referring to the same village.]

     2. kun-tes-che´-kut (M). Said to have been a Wailaki village
     on the W side of the Eel R. a half-mile N of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel,
     probably nearly opposite Horseshoe Bend Cr. (Tip).

     [Horseshoe Bend Tunnel cuts out the meander of Horseshoe
     Bend. Horseshoe Bend Cr. appears to enter the Eel from the E about
     a mile S of Boulder Cr. If Goddard's kAntEltcEk'At is really
     kAntE[-l]tcEk'At, with the bar on the "l" dropped in error, then
     these names are nearly the same. If so, kun-tes-che´-kut might
     be the name of village no. 1 even though the location differs

     3. basEtcE[-l]galk'At, "throw stone outside on" (G). On the
     western side of the Eel, just N of the mouth of Pine Cr.

     4. sEdAkk'añdAñ, "rock ridge place" (G). On the point of the
     ridge around which the Eel turns toward the W at Horseshoe Bend.

     5. kit-te-ken-n[)e]´-din (Tip), kit-ken-n[)e]-tung (Maj) (M).
     At or near the S end of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel. It was the biggest
     village of the tribelet and was said to have been the native
     village of the father of Wylakki Tip.

     s[)e]-tah´-be (M). A large village on the W side of the Eel
     River just S of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel near Island Mt. Station. It
     was nearly opposite the mouth of Copper Mine Cr.

     tcInnagañtcEdai, "eye closed door" (G). At the base of the
     ridge described in no. 4. It was said to have been the home of
     Captain Jim.

     [These names may or may not refer to the same village. If
     they do, it is likely that Merriam's kit-te-ken-n[)e]´-din is the
     correct one. His s[)e]-tah´-be evidently refers to the name of
     the tribelet, sEtakaiya, given by both him and Goddard. Goddard's
     designation looks as though it might very well refer to the tunnel
     and thus would be very modern.]

     6. lacE[-l]kotcEdAñ, "buckeye small hole place" (G). This
     seems to have been only a few hundred yards S of Horseshoe Bend.

     7. kaigAntcik'At, "wind blows up on" (G). A big winter camp
     about 1/4 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend.

     8. sait'otcEdadAñ, "sand point on" (G). Also about 1/4 mi. S
     of Horseshoe Bend but was about 500 ft. above the river near a big

     9. tcIbbEtcEki, "gather grass tall" (G). A little more than
     a mile S of Horseshoe Bend a very small stream runs into the Eel
     from the W. On the N side of the mouth of this stream was this
     house site where Captain Jim's father used to build his house some
     winters and live by himself.

     10. sEnanaitAnnik'At, "stone trail across on" (G). About a
     mile S of Horseshoe Bend.

     11. Isgaikyoki (G). About 1-1/2 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend a
     small creek called Isgaikyokot enters the Eel from the W. The
     village with this name was situated on the N side of the mouth of
     this creek. It was the home of the father of the wife of Wylakki

     12. IsgaidadAbbIñlai (G). N of the creek mentioned in no. 11
     but on higher ground away from the river.

     13. [-l]tAgtcEbi', "black oaks in" (G). About a mile N of
     Natoikot Cr. on a flat above the river.

     14. sEnagatcEdAñ, "stones walk around place" (G). About 200
     yds. N of no. 15.

     15. sE[-l]sokyok'At, "stone blue large on" (G). About 1/2 mi.
     N of the mouth of Natoikot Cr. There was said to have been a pond

     16. [-l]tcicsEyEbi', "ashes rock shelter in" (G). This shelter
     was under a large rock which stood on the hillside a short distance
     downstream from no. 17. Two or three families used to spend the
     winter in it.

     17. bantcEki, "war [ghosts] cry" (G). On the W side of the Eel
     a little more than a mile N of the mouth of North Fork and opposite
     the mouth of Cottonwood Cr. It was close to a fishing place that
     the tribelet shared with the bAskaiya tribelet.

     18. tah-t[=e]s-cho´-tung, tah-t[=e]s-cho´-ting, tah-chis´-ting
     (M). 1/2 mi. or more N of the mouth of North Fork on the W side of
     the main Eel.

     taticcodAñ (G). In a grove of oaks about 1/4 mi. downstream
     from the mouth of North Fork on the W side of the Eel.

     19. ne´-tahs, ning-ken-ne´-tset (M). Ne´-tahs is the name of
     the town on a rocky stretch of the river. The town ran for a mile
     or more S of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). Ning-ken-ne´-tset was
     the name of the village which was at the fishing place opposite the
     mouth of North Fork and extending S. It was also called "fishtown."
     Tip's mother lived there (Tip).

     nEtacbi', "land slide in" (G). About a mile S of the mouth
     of North Fork on the W side of the Eel. It was a noted fishing
     place. Goddard says: "There is no mention in the notes of a village
     at this point, but several Wailaki were spoken of at times as
     belonging to the nEtacbi'."

     20. sE[-l]tcabi' (G). Nearly opposite the mouth of McDonald
     Cr. It was named for the large rock beneath which it stood.

     21. tco[-l]Attcik'At, "graveyard on" (G). A large village on
     the western side of the river a few hundred yards downstream from
     the mouth of djoñkot.

     [The stream that Goddard calls djoñkot seems to be the one
     that appears on the modern maps as Cinch Cr.; that is the only one
     in the vicinity. On his map it is shown entering the Eel about
     a mile downstream from the mouth of Bell Springs Cr. but it is
     actually a tributary of Bell Springs Cr., joining that stream a
     scant hundred yards from its mouth. On the assumption that Cinch
     Cr. is, in fact, the stream that Goddard meant to indicate I have
     moved the village about a mile to the S.]

     22. sa'kAntE[-l]dAñ, "beaver valley place" (G). About midway
     between the mouth of Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr. on a fine
     large flat.

_Villages on East Side of the Eel_

     23. sE[-l]kaibi, "make a noise in the throat" (G). Opposite
     the mouth of Chamise Cr.

     24. tcadEtokInnEdAñ (G). Located only approximately--in
     Horseshoe Bend at the point where the river turns toward the NE.

     25. k'AcsAndAñ, "alder stands place" (G). About a mile
     downstream from the point where the river turns W at Horseshoe Bend.

     26. sEtcokInnEdAñ, "rock large its base place" (G). About 1/2
     mi. downstream from the point where the river turns toward the W at
     Horseshoe Bend.

     27. nEtcEdEtcAñk'At, "ground rolling on" (G). A short distance
     W of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.).

     28. dAndaitcAmbi, "flint hole in" (G). On the downstream side
     of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.).

     29. taht-aht (M). On the E side of the Eel R. at Horseshoe
     Bend and opposite s[)e]-tah´-be. It was a big town (Tip).

     kaitcIlIñtadAñ, "Christmas berries among place" (G). There
     was a graveyard about 1/4 mi. N of the village and just beyond the
     graveyard was Copper Mine Cr.

     30. to-ch[)e]´-ting (M). A big village on the E side of the
     Eel R. at Horseshoe Bend (opposite s[)e]-tah´-be), only a short
     distance S of taht-aht (Tip). It was probably less than 1/4 mi. S
     of Island Mt. Station on the opposite side of the river.

     kaslInkyodAñ. "spring large place" (G). On the E bank of the
     river about 300 yds. S of kaitcIlIñtadAñ, or about 1/2 mi. S of
     Copper Mine Cr.

     [The names of these two villages are not the same at all and
     since Goddard gives many villages in the near vicinity the chances
     are good that the names do not represent the same village.]

     31. kaslInkyobi, "spring large in" (G). A rock shelter near
     Goddard's kaslInkyodAñ. A family used to spend the winter here.
     Captain Jim's father-in-law was left here to die after he had been
     wounded by the whites.

     32. skEtcE[-l]kascanAñ, "mush thrown away sunny place" (G).
     Evidently situated about a mile S of Copper Mine Cr., where the
     river makes a slight turn toward the N. Here there is a flat 50 ft.
     higher than the river and 150 ft. from it, in which 17 house pits
     were counted. This village was just upstream from a rock called
     skEtcE[-l]kaiyE. Each spring a mush-like substance appears on the
     face of this rock and is washed away each winter. The thickness of
     the deposit is supposed to indicate the abundance of the year's
     acorn crop.

     33. ah-chahng´-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel a mile or two
     S of Horseshoe Bend. It was more than a mile S of to-che-ting (Tip).

     akyañk'At, "right here on" (G). Some distance N of Willow Cr.
     and on the river.

     [These two names doubtless represent the same village but
     neither Merriam nor Goddard gives a very exact location for it.]

     34. slAsyanbi', "squirrels they eat in" (G). Only a
     short distance S of Willow Cr. and back from the river near
     nE[-l]tcAñk'At. slAsyañkot was an alternate name for Willow Cr. and
     the name of the village was derived from this.

     35. n[)e]-chung-ket´ (M). On the E side of the river about
     1/2 mi. S of ah-chahng´-ket (Tip). The inhabitants were called
     n[)e]´-chung ke-ah-hahng (Maj and Tip).

     nE[-l]tcAñk'At, "ground black on" (G). Said to have been the
     second one S of Willow Cr.

     [It is evident that both Merriam and Goddard have the same
     name here. Goddard's location is more precise and thus has been

     36. dabAstci'Añdañ, "ants' nest place" (G). A little way S
     of the mouth of Willow Cr. The name comes from the name of Willow

     37. dAstatcElai, "string (?) point" (G). Evidently only a
     short distance above Indian Cr. It was said to have been a large
     winter camp.

     38. tcA[-l]sAl (G). Just N of the mouth of Indian Cr. was a
     sharp rock with this name; the Indians camped near this in the

     39. tA[-l]djInlai, "water clayey point" (G). On the S side of
     Indian Cr. The large village appears to have stood just a little E
     of the NW corner of sec. 36, T. 5 S., R 6 E. Its inhabitants were
     exterminated by mixed bands of white men and Kekawaka Indians.

     40. tah-bus-che-sahng´-tung (M). A small village in the hills
     1 mi. E of the Eel R. and 1 mile S of Indian Cr. (Maj).

     41. sE[-l]tcikyok'At, "red rock large on" (G). 1/4 mi. N of
     the first creek downstream from North Fork on the E bank of the
     main Eel.

     42. chug´-ge´-tah (M). A small village on the E side of the
     Eel N of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). It was about 2 mi. S of
     Indian Cr.

     sEtatcikaiya (G). A tall rock is situated N of the mouth of
     the first creek N of the mouth of North Fork. The village was just
     to the W of this rock and was named for it.

     [The villages given by Merriam and Goddard are in about the
     same place but Merriam's location is so indefinite that their
     identity is uncertain.]

     43. kai[-l]tcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). A short distance N
     of the mouth of North Fork a ridge runs down to the river. On the
     northern side of the ridge a village was situated.

     44. t[=o]n-klan´-be-ko-cho´-be (M). On the E side of the Eel
     on the northern side of the mouth of North Fork (Tip).

     ton[-l]Embi', "streams come together in" (G). Situated on a
     terrace N of the mouth of North Fork and on the E side of the main
     Eel. In the summer of 1922 10 house pits were counted there, 4 of
     them being large and deep.

     [These two sites are evidently the same, since both the names
     and the locations match.]

     45. s[=a]´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M). In a rocky stretch on
     the N side of the North Fork about 1/2 mi. above its junction with
     the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into water."

     sEtandoñtci, "rock runs to the water" (G). On the N bank of
     North Fork about 1/2 mi. above the mouth.

     46. sEntciyE, "rock large under" (G). About 3/4 mi. above the
     mouth of North Fork. The rock for which it was named, with a large
     spruce tree, stands opposite the village site, on the S side of the

     47. s[)e]-cho-ke´-ah-hahng (M). A village and band at
     s[)e]-cho, "big rock," on the N side of the North Fork of the Eel
     a mile or more above its mouth. "Thousands of Indians killed here"

     sEtcolai, "rock large point" (G). On the N side of North Fork
     a little more than a mile above its mouth.

     48. lacEnadailai, "horse chestnut stand point" (G). About 60
     yds. upstream from no. 47. A house pit 4-1/2 ft. deep was seen

     [This site was no doubt included under no. 47 by Merriam's

     49. About halfway between the main Eel and Wilson Cr. a small
     stream enters North Fork from the S (G). Near this there was a
     village before the whites came. An incident there is said to have
     occurred at a time when the informant's grandmother's grandmother
     was small.

     50. stAstcok'At, "rope large on it" (G). Somewhat farther
     upstream than no. 49 and back a way from the bank of the stream,
     also on the S side. The village is said to have been a large one
     when the white people came to this region. In 1906 there was still
     a house on the site.

     51. totAkk'At, "between water" (G). Summer camp a little way
     below the mouth of Wilson Cr. on the N side of North Fork.

     52. se[-l]tcidadAñ, "stone red mouth place" (G). An old
     village, occupied before the whites came. It stood between no. 11
     and the mouth of Wilson Cr.

     53. nolEtcotadAñ, "water falls large among" (G). On the N side
     of North Fork about 1/2 mi. below Wilson Cr. It was on two levels;
     one near the stream, the other on a terrace some yards N.

     54. ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng (M). On North Fork at the mouth of
     Wilson Cr. and covering both sides of North Fork and Wilson Cr.

     [This name is evidently the same as Goddard's name for the
     tribelet on North Fork above Wilson Cr.--kAiyEkiyahAñ.]

     55. sEnEsbInnAñkai, "rock tall its slope" (G). On the northern
     side of North Fork and about midway E and W of sec. 12, T. 24
     N., R. 14 W. is a tall rock called sEnEs. Just W of this was the

     56. k'asolEtcobi', "arrowwood rotten flat" (G). On the S side
     of North Fork opposite the tall rock mentioned in no. 55. The
     informant said his uncle remembered the building of the dance house
     when he was a small boy.

     57. s[=a]´-yahs kun´-dung (M). A fishing camp for drying
     salmon at Fishtown Spring or Upgraff fishery on North Fork about 5
     mi. up, "march till creek dries up."

     [Upgraff must be an error for Updegraff; the latter is a local
     place name whereas the former is not, so far as I can see.]

     58. sEnEstconatAñkai, "rock tall large crossing" (G). A small
     stream comes into North Fork about 1-1/2 mi. above Wilson Cr. The
     village of this name was situated 1/2 mi. S of North Fork and just
     to the W of this tributary. The village had not been occupied in
     the memory of the informants.

     59. Another village not occupied in historic times was
     situated on the S side of North Fork just above the mouth of the
     stream mentioned in no. 58 (G).

     60. s[=a]h-gah´-ket, se-kah´-ke-ah-ahng, se-ki´-ah-hahng (M).
     A rancheria on the E side of the Eel R. on the S side of the mouth
     of North Fork (named for s[=a]-gah-nah´-ting, the name of the land
     on the S side of the mouth of North Fork in the angle between the
     two rivers) (Tip).

     kai[-l]tcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). This was apparently near
     Merriam's s[=a]h-gah´-ket.

     [These different names may not represent the same village. If
     these were two villages, they were very close together. Goddard
     gives kai[-l]tcitadAñ as the name of another village N of North
     Fork (no. 43) so it may be an error here (see pl. 11, b for a view
     of this region).]

     61. tsEgolkAllinseyE (G). A rock shelter situated back from
     the river a short distance above McDonald Cr. The Indians lived
     here in the winter.

     62. ne-che´-cho-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel about a mile
     S of the mouth of North Fork. It was apparently opposite part of
     the elongate village ning-ken-ne´-tset (no. 19). "Salmon stop here;
     great fishing; rocky place; Red Hill ground" (Tip).

     nE[-l]tcikyok'at, "ground red large on" (G). On a point of
     land running down to the river on the E side just above nEtacbi',
     the fishing place of the region.

     [Goddard adds some information which explains the statement
     of Merriam's informant. He says, "About two-thirds of a mile below
     the mouth of McDonald Creek a number of large rocks lie in the bed
     of the river. This place is called nEtacbi', 'land slide in,' and
     seems to have been a noted fishing place."]

     63. sah-nah´-chung-kut, sah-nah-chin´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M).
     On the E side of the Eel R. 1-1/2 or 2 mi. S of the mouth of North
     Fork and near McDonald Cr. (Tip).

     64. sel-di´-kot (M). On the E side of the Eel R. S of Bell
     Springs Cr. (Maj).

     65. s[)e]-ski´-cho-ding (M). Claimed as a Wailaki village
     on the E side of the Eel R. at White Rock near Big Bend. On the
     opposite side of the river from Bell Springs Station (Tip).

     se[-l]GaitcodAñ (G). On a flat on the E side of the river.
     "The east and west section line dividing sections 84 and 85 of T.
     24 N., R. 14 W. was noted as passing through this flat."

     [These two names doubtless represent the same village; the
     names are similar and the locations are the same.]

     66. chin-to´-bin-nung (M). On the upper part of McDonald Cr.,
     about 3 mi. up from the Eel (Maj).

     67. chus-nah-teg-gul-lah chen-ne-tung (M). An old village
     about 2 mi. S of North Fork and 3 mi. E of the Eel.


The following list includes ethnogeographic information taken from
Merriam's notes in addition to information on creeks from Goddard
(1923_a_), the latter being especially important because most villages
are located with respect to streams. All streams and rivers may be found
on map 5. Locations of other features have been given after consulting
the appropriate United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle
but they are not shown on the map. For this area the quadrangles are
Alderpoint (1951), Hoaglin (1935), Leggett (1952), and Spyrock (1952).

     Asbill Cr.--djoñot (G).

     Bell Springs Cr.--sAlt´okot (G).

     Bell Springs Mt.--tsi-to´-ting; si-to´-ting (M). This is the
     mountain cut through by Bell Springs Cr.

     Bell Springs Station (native name for the site of the
     station)--sah´-ten´-t[)e]´-te; sah-ten-t[)e]^{hl}-t[)e] (M). Bell
     Springs Station is on the W side of the Eel about halfway between
     Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr., about the same place as village
     22. In fact, Merriam's names for this site may correspond to
     Goddard's name for village 22, sa'kAntE[-l]dAñ.

     Big Bend Cr.--dAndaikot (G).

     Blue Rock--sen-chah´-tung (M). Evidently this is near Blue
     Rock Cr.

     Chamise Cr.--sah-nah´-ting; shah-nah-ting (M); canAndAñkot (G).

     Chamise Cr. crossing--ses-ki´-be (M).

     Chamise Cr., mouth of--sun-ti´-che, soon-di´-che (M).

     Cinch Cr.--djoñkot (G). Goddard evidently has this creek
     placed incorrectly on his map. If I understand his description, it
     should be a tributary of Bell Springs Cr. rather than of the Eel R.

     Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr. on the more recent
     maps)--chis´-kot, ch[=e]s-kot (M); tciskot (G). Both Merriam and
     Goddard say that this name refers to red paint and was probably
     suggested by the color of the water in the creek. This is also
     responsible for the English name.

     Cottonwood Cr.--tgActcEkot (G). The English name is a
     translation of the Wailaki name. The creek is unnamed on USGS maps.

     Dawson Flat--choo´-e-kun-tes´-te (M). This flat was W of Lake
     Mt. between Horse Ranch and Fenton Ranch.

     Eel R.--tan´-cho-kut (M). Eel R. valley--bus´-be (M). This
     name refers to a part of the valley of the main Eel R., especially
     the E side, between Horseshoe Bend and North Fork.

     Eel R., E branch of South Fork--to-k[=a]-kut (M).

     Eel R., Middle Fork--tahng-cho-skus (M). The junction of the
     Middle Fork with the main Eel was called t[=o]s-kahs-k[=a].

     Eel R., North Fork--bah´-ne-kut (M); banikot (G).

     Eel R.-North Fork junction--ch[=a]-lin´-ding, kl[=a]-lin-ding

     Harris region--tah-sahn-ting´, tahs-ahng (M). Harris is a
     small town about 8 mi. W of the main Eel R. in the territory of the
     Lassik (according to Merriam's boundaries).

     Hettenshaw Valley--ken-tes´-tung (M). This valley is in Lassik
     territory about 12 mi. N of the Wailaki boundary. It lies between
     the headwaters of the North Fork of the Eel and the headwaters of
     the Van Duzen R.

     Horse Ranch Cr.--kus´-ken-tes´-be (M); canAñtcakot (G). These
     are clearly not the same names but sometimes streams have alternate
     names. Cf. Willow Cr. below.

     Horseshoe Bend--ch[=e]s (M). The bend is named for the red
     copper spring of Copper Mine Cr. ki´-ke-che (M) is the name for
     the western part of the loop of Horseshoe Bend, to-sahng´-kut,
     t[=o]s-ahng-kut (M) is the name of the part of Horseshoe Bend N of
     Island Mt. Horseshoe Bend is the big switchback curve in the Eel R.
     about 6 mi. N of the mouth of North Fork.

     Indian Cr.--chen-nes-no´-kut, ken´-nis-no´-kut (M). The name
     Indian Cr. does not appear on any of the USGS maps but it is the
     name used by Merriam.

     Island Mt.--bahng-kut, bahn-kut (M); bañk'At (G). Island Mt.
     is a range of hills bordered on the E by the Eel R. and extending
     from the mouth of North Fork in the S to beyond Horseshoe Bend in
     the N.

     Jewett Cr.--sel-di´-kot (M); dAsk'Ekot (G).

     Kekawaka Cr.--kas-n[=a]´-kot, kahs´-ne-kot (M); kasnaikot (G).

     Lake Mt.--s[=a]-kahn-den, se-kahn´-ting (M). Lake Mt. is about
     3 mi. E of the Eel and 3 mi. N of North Fork.

     McDonald Cr.--sah´-nah-chin-che (M); canAñtcIntci (G).

     Middle Trail--be-ten-na´-be (M). This trail was in the hills E
     of the Eel R. about a mile south of Indian Cr.

     Mina--to-les´ cho´-be (M). Mina is a modern place name for a
     town about 2 mi. N of North Fork and 5 mi. E of the main Eel R.

     Natoikot Cr.--no-toi´-kut (M); natoikot (G). I have given this
     creek its Wailaki name because it has no English name and is not,
     in fact, located on modern maps. It is said to have run into the
     Eel R. about 1-1/2 mi. S of Island Mt. Station, which is on the
     southern side of Horseshoe Bend. It has been placed on the map in
     accordance with the topography shown on USGS Hoaglin Quadrangle.

     Pine Cr.--ten-di´-kot (M); lacEtcikot (G). Merriam was not
     certain that his name was correct.

     Pipe Cr.--taht-so´-kut (M).

     Poonkinny Ridge--nel-kis´-te (M). Merriam says this is the
     name of the open ridge between the main Eel R. and the northern
     part of Round V. That area is marked Poonkinny Ridge on the USGS
     Spyrock Quadrangle. It is in Yuki territory.

     Rattlesnake Cr.--to-nah´-ling (M). This creek is a tributary
     of the South Fork of the Eel R. and forms a part of the southern
     boundary of the Eel River Wailaki, according to Merriam.

     Rockpile Mt.--sen´-ning ah´-kut (M). This mountain is said to
     be on the E side of the Eel R. S of Alder Point, but the name does
     not appear on modern maps.

     Round V.--ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). The inhabitants of Round V.
     were called ken´-tes cho´-be ke´-ah, a locative rather than a
     tribal name.

     Summit V.--ken-tes´[-l]-be (M). Summit V. lies about 2 mi. SE
     of the bend of North Fork and seems to have marked the southeastern
     limit of North Fork Wailaki territory. It is said that there was
     once much camass there.

     Willow Cr.--dabActci'Añkot, slAsyañkot (G). The latter was
     used occasionally for the stream.

     Wilson Cr.--dat'olkot (G).


The following notes are from Merriam's records.

     Badger is called ye-ku-gus-cho, "he pulls into his hole."

     The Steller Crested Jay is called chi-cho, while the
     California Jay is chi-che. In speaking of related species the
     Indians often indicate the larger by the suffix _cho_, the smaller
     by _che_.

     The Owl is called bis-chil-lo-che if it is small, the Great
     Grey Owl is bis-chil-lo-cho.

     The Crow is kah-chan-che, the Raven is kah-chan-cho.

     The Meadow Lark sings in the daytime; the Yellow-breasted Chit
     sings at night.

     The Bluebird is a dangerous bird. If a person throws a stone
     at it, he should shout first to attract its attention, otherwise it
     will throw a pain to him.

     The Junco is a great rustler, always busy hunting for food.

     The Chewink, or Towhee, called Nahl-tse, was instrumental in
     procuring the first fire. In the very early days his parents threw
     him out. He located the fire and Coyote-man went and got it.

     The Kildeer Plover is called nah-til yah-che, "necklace

     The Toad is Rough Frog.

     The Cicada is used as a remedy for headache. The live insect
     is pushed up into the nose, where, by kicking around, it makes the
     nose bleed, thus curing the headache.

     The Dragonfly feeds rattlesnakes.

     Oak galls, called kim-mos, are excellent for sore eyes, and
     also for suppression of urine in children. For weak eyes, the fresh
     juice of a green gall is dropped into the eye. (It is astringent
     and an excellent remedy and is a common eye drop among many
     California tribes.)

     Oak mistletoe is used as a medicinal tea, also as a head-wash,
     and sometimes for bathing the entire body.

     The thick creamy juice of the milkweed is called "snake milk."


Each tribelet had its own chief and its own hunting, fishing, acorn,
and seed grounds. In winter the families of each band were scattered
along the river in small rancherias, each consisting of from four to
seven families, mostly blood relations, living together in two or three
houses. Usually there were seven or eight people in each house.

The winter houses were of split pine slabs, standing upright or sloping
in at the top to form a conical house (pl. 11, _a_).

People dying at home were buried. Those dying at a distance were burned
(cremated) and their burned bones were wrapped in buckskin, carried home
in a pack-basket, and then buried.


The Pitch Wailaki are close relatives of the Eel River Wailaki. They
live in the drainage of the North Fork of the Eel above Asbill Creek.
Virtually nothing is known of this group except their villages and
tribelets, which were recorded by Goddard (1924). Presumably they are
similar in culture to the Eel River Wailaki and the Round Valley Yuki.

Merriam's notes contain very little information concerning the Pitch
Wailaki. He apparently was never in contact with any informants from
that group and what information he gives is derived from the Eel River
Wailaki. The following summary is presented verbatim from his notes.

_The Che-teg-ge-kay._--The most southeasterly of the southern
Athabaskan tribes of California and consequently the southernmost of
the Nung-gah^{hl} division. They call themselves Che-teg-ge-kah (Pitch
Indians) and are nicknamed Si-yahng (sand-eaters). Neighboring tribes
call them Che-teg-gah-ahng and Wylakke.

Beginning on the northwest just below the junction of Salt Creek with
North Fork Eel River (a short distance southeast of Hoaglin Valley)
their northern boundary extends from Salt Creek northeasterly along the
south side of Rock Creek and of Van Horn Creek to its junction with Mad
River, where it turns easterly, crossing the long ridge known as South
Fork Trinity Mountain immediately south of Kelsey Peak, and continuing
easterly to the upper waters of South Fork Trinity River, the west bank
of which it follows upstream to the southwest of North Yolla Bolla
Mountain, where it ends. From North Yolla Bolla the eastern boundary
follows the crest of the high divide southerly past Hammerhorn Peak to
Buck Rock (4 or 5 mi. north of Anthony Pk.) where it turns westerly.
From this point the southern boundary runs west-northwest to North Fork
Eel River, passing just south of Blue Nose Mountain and Hulls Valley
to the northern part of Summit Valley just south of Bald Mountain, and
crossing North Fork Eel River a few miles south of Mina. Salt Creek
forms the principal part of the western boundary.

They had many summer camps but only two principal winter villages:
To-nis-cho-be (named for an unidentified blue flower), a large village
with a roundhouse situated on the site of Mina on what is now known
as the Charley Moore place; and Uk-ki, situated on Hulls Creek at the
southeast base of Bald Mountain. They always wintered on Bald Mountain

They had also a permanent summer fishing camp called Ko-sen-ten, known
to the whites as Fishtown, located on Fishtown Creek, a small tributary
rising on Buck Rock and emptying into North Fork of Middle Fork Eel
River directly east of Leach Lake Mountain.

Their houses were of bark and conical in form.

Among the enemies of the Che-teg-ge-kah was a related Athapaskan
tribe which they called Theng-tah-hahn (called Then-chah-tung by the
Settenbiden) vaguely described as on the main Eel River between Island
Mountain and Bell Springs.


The rest of the information on the Pitch Wailaki presented here concerns
tribelet and village organization and is taken from Goddard (1924). He
lists four tribelets among the Pitch Wailaki (Roman numerals, map 6).:
I, t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ; II, t'okya kiyahAñ; III, tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ; IV,
tcokot kiyahAñ.


The villages belonging to each of these tribelets are listed below
(Arabic number, map 6). All are from Goddard's lists.

I. _t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ_

     1. t'otcadAñ. On the N side of North Fork not far below the
     mouth of Hulls Creek. The site was sheltered by ridges on the E and
     W and by the main mountainside on the N. Four pits were counted.

     This was the only site visited but the names of other villages
     of the group were obtained. In their order downstream from Hulls
     Creek they are AntcAnyacbAnnAñ, "pepperwood slope;" sEtcAmmi';
     nE[-l]=g=indAñ; lawasonk'ait; t'AntcankyodAñ. At this last there
     is said to have been a large conical earth-covered lodge and many

II. _t'okya kiyahAñ_

     2. [-l]Eliñkyobi', "streams flow together large in." On the
     W side of North Fork just upstream from the mouth of Hulls Creek,
     situated close to the hillside on a bench about 50 ft. higher than
     the river. The site is divided by a gulch on the upstream side of
     which, it was said, there had once been houses. Four distinct pits
     and 3 less distinct ones were seen there.

     3. tAntcInyasbAnnAñ. Nearly opposite nando'ndAñ on a point
     of land running toward the SW. About 75 ft. above the stream 2
     pits, one above the other, were seen. No more could well have been

     4. nando'ndAñ. On the E side of the river and about 1/4 mi.
     above the mouth of Hulls Creek, 30 ft. above the bed of North Fork.
     Four house pits were counted there, one of which was 15 ft. in
     diameter and 5 ft. deep. This was the village of Goodboy Jack's

     5. kAllata. Named for a big jagged rock standing N of the
     village site. It was on the W side of the river 1/4 mi. N of
     tAntcInyasbAnnAñ and 300 ft. higher than the river. A grove of oaks
     stands on a rounded point where 3 house pits were seen. A gulch on
     the southern side furnished water in winter.

     6. tco'Ammi'. On the W side of the river about 1/4 mi.
     upstream from kAllata. The site is on a wide point of land covered
     with oaks and pepperwood trees. There is a sheer rock on the
     opposite side of the river. Three pits were seen here.

     7. tAltcAskIñ. Named from a knoll, tAltcAs. Situated on the
     slope of a large ridge around the end of which North Fork swings,
     from flowing SE, to S. It was about 500 ft. higher than the stream
     and distant from it about 1/8 mi. Here once stood an earth lodge,
     the pit of which was 30 ft. in diameter. The center post was said
     to have been 18 ft. high. The doorway was toward the N. Goodboy
     Jack remembered going into this house when he was a small boy.
     Messengers had been sent out to invite people from a distance of
     two days' travel and Indians from the main Eel R. and from the
     north were present.

     8. sAñ'AnyE. Named from a very large rock standing on the
     E side of the river. The village was on the W side a little
     downstream from this rock. On a bench 30 ft. above the river bed
     were seen 5 house pits and above were 6 more, one above the other,
     on the slope. In this village lived tAntcAnyacta', who had charge
     of the earth lodge at tAltcAskIñ, and si'idonta, who was "boss" of
     all the villages of the t'okya kiyahAñ, especially when they camped
     together in summertime.

     [Illustration: Map 6. Villages and tribelets of the Pitch
     Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets according to Goddard
     (1929); arabic numerals mark village sites.]

     9. t'AntcAntantE[-l]dAñ, "pepperwood flat." About 100 yds. S
     of the large rock called kai[-l]tsotci on a small bench on the
     mountainside about 1,000 ft. above North Fork. Three pits were
     found. A rock shelter higher on the hillside and to the S was
     pointed out. At this village, shortly before the coming of white
     people, lived dA=g=a'tco, "large beard," chief of this village
     and of annEnE'tcAñ, of all the t'okya kiyahAñ, in fact. He was
     succeeded by his son kissEkE', who was killed by the whites.

     10. kai[-l]tsotci canAndAñ. Named for the large rock
     kai[-l]tsotci, under the shelter of which the village stood. Four
     pits were seen here and N of a small ridge were 3 others.

     11. annEnE'tcAñ. On the NE side of the river stand two huge
     rocks, the upstream one called sE[-l]tcAnnAñ, the downstream one
     sAnAn. Between these two rocks flows a creek and on its N side, 75
     ft. below the summit of the rocks, were 3 house pits in a hollow.
     A little S and 100 ft. higher were found in succession 3, 2, and 5

     12. mAntc'aik'At. On the mountainside N of a large rough
     ravine and about 900 ft. higher than the bed of North Fork. Four
     pits were found.

     13. mIstco'ca'nAndAñ. Up the hill from no. 12. It was not

     14. sE[-l]tcAnnAnt'a. Named for a high rock, sE[-l]tcAnnAñ, on
     the S side of which there are 5 pits and, 100 yds. below, 6 more.
     The site is about 700 ft. above North Fork and has a wonderful
     outlook on the valley of that stream.

     15. k'AckAntE[-l]dAñ, "alder flat." On the W side of the river
     on a curving bench. Two pits were found close to the hillside, and
     2 nearer to the stream. Downstream on a little bench there were
     also 2 indistinct ones, said by Jack to have been used long ago.

     16. sE[-l]tcAnnAñ yE. At the base of the rock mentioned in no.
     14. Three pits were found on a small bench.

III. _tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ_

     17. lonbAstEdAñ. On a flat on the S side of Casoose Cr. a
     short way above its mouth. There were some unoccupied buildings
     there at the time of Goddard's visit. The place was seen from the
     trail on the N side of the creek.

     18. sE[-l]kantcilai'. Mentioned as situated on the E side of
     the creek below no. 25.

     19. Goddard gives no name or other information for this
     village but it is shown on his map.

     20. sEttcitcikItdatdAñ, Named for a rock, settci. It was at
     the base of a mountain on the N side of the creek and just above
     the flood waters. It had a good SE exposure. Three pits in a row
     were found.

     21. yIctAnnEbi', "wolf's road in." About 300 yds. below the
     large butte mentioned in no. 23. It was across an open knoll and
     back from the creek somewhat, so the sun reaches the spot. There
     are 2 pits there. Steelhead salmon are able to come up the creek
     this far.

     22. kIlkokyodAn. On the S side of the butte mentioned in no.
     23 and about 100 yds. distant. Four large pits were noticed.

     23. kIkokyokInnEdAñ. Named for the bushy butte at the base of
     which the village stood. The site is 100 ft. higher than the creek,
     on its NW side just below a canyon. Three pits were seen.

     24. mAñk'AtdAñ. Named from a small pond, near which are
     deserted buildings and an old orchard. A hundred yards NE of this
     pond, back against the hill, 4 pits were found in a row, 2 more
     above them, and 2 others near by, making 8 altogether. The last
     chief of this village was named tcAsnainIñaita'.

     25. I[-l]t'Aktcibi'. Named from black oaks. It is nearer the
     creek than no. 24. The number of pits was not recorded but signs of
     a village there were unmistakable.

     26. t'AntcigIt'tcAñ. On the W side of the creek nearly
     opposite no. 27. It was N of a small creek with running water and
     of a ridge which runs down to the main creek and terminates in a
     great, nearly sheer cliff. The village site is about 500 ft. higher
     than the stream. Eight pits in two rows were counted.

     27. k'aickontE[-l]dAñ. On the E side of Casoose Cr. on a flat
     100 ft. higher than the creek, which flows just below it. The
     village site is near a post which marked the old boundary between
     Trinity and Mendocino counties. Two pits were seen.

     28. tc'iañmiyE. On the E side of and 100 ft. higher than
     Casoose Cr. It was 100 yds. downstream from the beginning of the
     canyon. Five pits were counted.

IV. _tcokot kiyahAñ_

The winter villages of this group were on Red Mountain Cr. Goodboy Jack
said that he did not know the village names. The impression had been
received that Salt Creek V. was inhabited but Jack said it was too cold
to live there in the winter. Presumably it was the hunting ground of the
tcokot kiyahAñ.


The Lassik occupied the drainage of the main Eel River between the
mouths of Dobbyn and Kekawaka creeks and the territory east of there
to the crest of the Coast Range. There is almost no ethnographic
information on this group in the literature except a few notes gathered
by Essene (1942) when he was compiling a Culture Element List for the
area. Even the geographic information on this group is weak. Merriam
does not seem to have spent much time among them. Goddard may have
recorded their villages but, if so, I have been able to find only a
small part of his data. What there is I give below.

Merriam records only random notes on the Lassik. His informant from that
group was Lucy Young, the same woman Essene worked with so effectively
(Essene, 1942; see also Kroeber's data, App. II). According to Merriam,
she lived with her daughter, Mrs. William Clark, on a ranch about two
miles south of Zenia; Mrs. Clark's husband came originally from Hyampom.
Merriam seems to have visited Lucy Young in 1922. His only statement on
the group follows.

     Sit-ten-biden keah ... Main Eel River from Fort Seward region
     on north, southerly to Harris and Kekawaka Creek; westerly to South
     Fork Eel River; easterly to Forest Glen and South Fork Trinity
     River near Kelsey Peak.


Merriam's notes contain no systematic information on the tribelets of
this group but do give the following miscellaneous data.

Kos-kah-tun-den ka-ah is the Settenbiden name for a related tribelet in
the Blocksburg region [the territory E of Alder Pt.], now extinct. Their
language is the same as that of the Bridgeville group but with many
words different from Settenbiden.

Sa-tahl-che-cho-be is the Settenbiden name for the band on the east
side of the Main Eel River just below the mouth of Kekawaka Creek.
This tribelet is the "sko-den ke-ah" of the Eel River Wailaki. Neither
Merriam nor Goddard was sure whether the group ought not more properly
to be included in the Lassik or the Wailaki.

Taht-so keah is the name of a tribelet to the north of the Eel River
Wailaki which the latter said was related to them. This group, together
with the sa-tahl-che-cho-be, is said to constitute the then-chah-tung
tribelet of the Lassik.


For the most part the Lassik villages recorded by Merriam (and listed
below) cannot be located, hence they have not been placed on the map.

     Kahsh-bahn. A Lassik village on the W side of the main Eel R.
     about 2 mi. above (S of) the mouth of Jewett Cr. This was a big
     town and there were lots of acorns near there.

     Kes-tah-che. On the E side of the main Eel R. nearly opposite
     (a little above) the mouth of Jewett Cr.

     'Ki-che-be. On the site of the present (1923) store at Ruth on
     the Mad R. This was a big town with many houses and a sweathouse.
     There were lots of deer, bear, and acorns in this area. During
     the cold weather, usually in January, a dance, which lasted three
     nights, was held in this village.

     Sa-cho-yeh. A large village on the E side of the main Eel R.
     about 2-1/2 mi. S of Alder Pt.

     Sa-tahl-che-cho-be. The name means "red rocks." On the E side
     of the main Eel R. about 1/2 mi. or a mile below the mouth of
     Kekawaka Cr. There were falls and a whirlpool there.

     Tah-kah-ta-cho-be. On the E side of the Mad R. on a flat near
     the Hay place about 10 mi. above Ruth. It was a big town with a

     Taht-so. On the Underhill ranch, which was owned by Glenn or
     Green at the time Merriam was in the area (1920's). Evidently it
     was somewhere in the Harris region W of the main Eel R.

     Tha-cho-yeh. On the main Eel R. on a flat under a high
     standing rock. The rock is now called Cain Rock. It is on the E
     side of the river about 3 mi. S of Alder Pt.

     Tha-ken-nes-ten. The name means "talking rock." The village
     was on the E side of the main Eel R. near a big rock which stood at
     a bend of the river at the Johnson place (near a big white house).
     It was a big town with a sweathouse.

     Tha-tah-che. A large winter village in Soldier Basin on the
     North Fork of the Eel (near present Gilman place). This was a big
     town but had no sweathouse. In the winter they hunted deer and bear

     To-be-se-a-tung. On the E side of the Mad R. above the Bushman
     place. It was about a mile above the river.

     To-sos-ten. On the E side of the main Eel R. a mile or two
     above Alder Pt.

There is some ambiguity in Merriam's notes on the status of the Lassik
living in the western part of their territory near the South Fork of
the Eel. The Sinkyone George Burt told Merriam that a group called the
To-kub´-be ke´ah or To´-kah-be held the land on the east side of South
Fork from Rocky Glen Creek south to above Garberville. This tribe was
said to be centered on the east branch of South Fork and in the Harris
region and to be a different tribe from the one on the main Eel River
at Alder Point and Kekawaka Creek, but Merriam himself has refused to
accept this assertion.

Goddard's information indicates that the east bank of South Fork was
owned by the Sinkyone, and it is so detailed that it has been accepted
here (see p. 164).

Goddard's unpublished material on the Lassik consists of a single map
(here reproduced as map 8), which apparently shows the locations of 27
villages. A list of what are presumably the village names accompanies
it, but Goddard changed the numbers on his map. Hence on our map the
correct name may not be assigned to each site.

_Goddard's Lassik Villages_

   1. gastc[=i]kdûñ
   2. k[=o]nte^{l}tc[=i]dûñ
   3. satcin[=i]tc[=i]dûñ
   4. naslintce
   5. ist'etatc[=i]dûñ
   6. t[=o]kseye
   7. kiñk'ûtek[=o]nte^{l}dûñ
   8. k'ûct[=o]t[=o]dûñ
   9. d[=i]y[=i]ckûk
  10. nûndûkkatûndûñ
  11. k[=o]nte^{l}tc[=i]dûñ
  12. g[=o]sn[=o]lindûñ
  13. t[=o]tcadûñ
  14. sait[=o]tc[=i]
  15. nûnsûn^{l}tc[=i]kkinne^{=e=}dûñ
  16. y[=i]stcûttcadûñ
  17. tois[=i]b[=i]
  18. lesbatc[=i]tdûñ
  19. k'ûstc[=i]kdûñ
  20. tcûggûstatc[=i]^{=e=}
  21. lesbaitc[=i]^{=e=}
  22. setatc[=i]^{=e=}
  23. kast[=o]ntc[=i]^{=e=}dûñ

Goddard lists other names, presumably for the Lassik villages, as
follows: sekû[-l]ne, tectatalindûñ, dûltc[=i]kyacdûñ, t'o-todûñ,
k'ûsnesdûñ, ne ga b[=i], kûttantc[=i]tc[=o]dûñ. The sites corresponding
to these names cannot be located.

[Illustration: Map 7. Presumed Nongatl villages in the Bridgeville

[Illustration: Map 8. Lassik villages in the Alder Point region.]


The Nongatl are almost entirely confined to the drainages of the Van
Duzen River and upper Mad River. Their culture is the least known of
any group in northwestern California. Merriam evidently did not work
in their area although he recorded a few of their words given him by
George Burt's wife. George Burt was a Sinkyone, but his wife was born
and raised near Bridgeville. Goddard recorded some villages for this
group, whose names are given below. Nomland worked with someone from the
Nongatl in 1928 (Nomland, 1938, p. 9), but her results have not been

The territory of the Nongatl lies, for the most part, east of the main
redwood belt. It is therefore no doubt well supplied with oaks, and
plant foods are thus readily available. Salmon are abundant in the Van
Duzen River (pl. 10, _c_) and Yager Creek but not in the Mad River
in eastern Nongatl territory. In much of their territory then, the
subsistence patterns of the Nongatl must have differed from those of
most of northwestern California, where fishing was of primary importance.

According to Merriam (1923) the word Nung-kah^{hl} is "a general or
blanket name used by themselves for all the southern Athapaskan tribes,
from Iaqua and Yager Creek on the north to the northern border of
Round Valley on the south, thus including the Athapaskan Wilakke." In
anthropological literature, however, especially in the work of Kroeber
and Goddard, this name has come to be used for the group living between
Iaqua Buttes and Mad River on the north and Dobbyn Creek on the south.
Merriam's name for this group is Kit-tel´. He does not seem to have
obtained any information from them although one of his notes mentions
the fact that the wife of George Burt, his Lolangkok Sinkyone informant,
was a Kit-tel´ woman.

At times Merriam seems to have confused the Nongatl with the Lassik. In
his general statement on the Nongatl, which follows, he lists them as
Lassik although the area in which he places them marks them as Kit-tel´
or Nongatl.

     Las´sik ... Name (from Chief Lassik, now dead) in common use
     for a Non-ga´h^{hl} tribe occupying a rather large area, extending
     from Iaqua Butte in the latitude of the mouth of Eel River,
     southerly to Dobbyn Creek and to the head of Van Duzen River, and
     from the eastern boundary of the Lolahnkok of Bull Creek and South
     Fork Eel River easterly to Mad River and the crest of the long
     ridge known as South Fork Mountain, and southerly to within about
     two miles of Ruth on Mad River; to the headwaters of Van Duzen
     River (but not reaching Kettenshaw Valley), and to Dobbyn Creek on
     the main Eel; thus including the entire course and drainage area of
     Larrabee Creek.

     There is doubt as to the northern boundary of the so-called
     Las´sik for the reason that I have not been able to obtain the
     necessary vocabularies for comparison. Goddard's information points
     to a division south of the Bridgeville region but I have been told
     by both the Nek´-kan-ni´ of Bear River and the Lolahnk[=o]k of Bull
     Creek and South Fork Eel that the language is exactly the same from
     Iaqua Butte southerly and that the languages of the Nek´-kan-ni´
     and Lo-lahn-k[=o]k do not differ essentially from that of the
     Larrabee Creek region.

     The Indians over whom Chief Lassik held sway had no common
     tribal name but consisted of a number of bands or subtribes, now
     mostly or quite extinct, said to have spoken the same or closely
     allied dialects.

     However, since the entire drainage basin of Larrabee Creek is
     included in their territory, it may be desirable to adopt the term
     Kos´-ten ke´-ah, by which term the Larrabee Creek band was known to
     neighbors on the south--the Set-ten-bi´-den ke-ah.


There is evidence of several subgroups among the Nongatl, but it is not
known whether these were tribelets or dialect divisions. Essene (1942,
pp. 90-92) got information from the Lassik woman Lucy Young indicating
that there was a distinct group around Blocksburg, which the Lassik
called Kuskatundun, and another group around Bridgeville they called
Nai'aitci. This latter group is said to have been a roving band which
preyed on all the neighboring peoples.

Goddard's village data indicate six other groups but do not give
boundaries. These were as follows.

     bûsk[=o]tk[=i]ya. In the neighborhood of Indian Cr. in the
     upper part of the drainage of Yager Cr. (map 9).

     tcillûndûñ. On the upper reaches of North Yager Cr. (map 9).

     bûstc[=o]b[=i]k[=i]ya. In the vicinity of the junction of
     North and Middle Yager creeks. The language of this group was said
     to be the same as that of the tcittelk[=i]ya (map 9).

     senûñka. On upper Larabee Cr. in the vicinity of Blocksburg
     (pl. 10, _e_, _f_). This no doubt is the same as Essene's
     Kuskatundun, which was the Lassik name for the group (map 10).

     tcittelk[=i]ya. On the Van Duzen R. above Bridgeville. Appears
     to be the same name as Merriam's Kit-tel´.

     na'aitcik[=i]ya. On the Van Duzen above the tcittelk[=i]ya
     group. This name appears on the Goddard map from which map 1 was
     taken but is not otherwise recorded. This is evidently the same as
     Essene's Nai'aitci.

     k[=o]sdûñk[=i]ya. On the South Fork of the Van Duzen,
     including Larabee V.


The Nongatl villages recorded below are all taken from Goddard's
unpublished notes (maps 7, 9, 10). This is evidently far from a complete
count but it is clear that there were about as many villages in the area
covered by these maps as in other parts of the Athabascan area.

_bûsk[=o]tk[=i]ya group (1-7, map 9)_

     1. In the swag of a large ridge running toward the SSE to the
     junction of the main components of Indian Cr., perhaps a mile from
     it. There is one deep pit. There is a flowing creek 200 yds. E.

     2. A single pit found by Pete E of a small stream flowing
     south into Indian Cr. from the lowest place in the ridge at Big
     Bend of the Mad R. Nearly 1/2 mi. from Indian Cr. W of a hill above
     which the wagon road passes. This is where Goddard camped in 1906.
     He hunted all around here without finding other pits.

     [Illustration: Map 9. Nongatl villages on Yager Creek.]

     [Illustration: Map 10. Nongatl villages in the Blocksburg

     3. k'onûseb[=i]'. On a point running down SSW toward Indian
     Cr. There were two pits near the creek and two more 200 ft. up the
     hill. A few large and small oaks were growing there. Water was to
     be had a few yards E. Pete saw a house there when he was a boy.

     4. W of a small stream flowing into Indian Cr. from the N, and
     E of a large flat. There was a flat place with dirt thrown out in
     front of it but with no pit. About 1/8 mi. E on the round end of a
     ridge was a fairly evident pit and a sekal.

     5. About 200 yds. E of the small stream mentioned in no. 4
     were a few small pits.

     6. One pit was on the W bank of a S-flowing branch of Indian
     Cr. Small ridges N and S of it form a small basin, giving it
     protection from the winds. Madrone and black oaks are growing
     there. It is possible that a depression on the southern ridge is
     also a house pit.

     7. On a small ridge on the E side of the branch of Indian Cr.,
     which flows from the S past Fork Baker ranch buildings. About 1-1/2
     mi. north of these buildings Pete found 3 pits. He said there were
     small streams N and S of the ridge. Goddard did not visit the place
     but it was pointed out by Pete as W of a big Douglas spruce tree
     and a large rock. Goddard described it as above.

_tcillûndûñ group (8-12, map 9)_

     8. On the slope N of North Yager Cr. close to the county road
     and about 100 yds. from the bridge. There are 2 pits close to the
     wagon road and 1 or 2 a little farther N. The site is 65 ft. higher
     than the bridge.

     9. kactc[=o]tc[=i]b[=i]', "redwoods..?.. in." On the N side
     of North Yager Cr. at the W end of a flat of about an acre. There
     are a few redwoods on the opposite side of the creek. Six pits were
     found about 100 yds. back from the creek. Pete had heard of the
     flat but not that Indians lived there. A hunter told Goddard of the
     Indians being killed there by whites.

     10. About 1/4 mi. up a branch which flows into North Yager Cr.
     from the north. On the W side of the creek on a rounded ridge were
     3 pits, 2 of which were very distinct.

     11. On a small flat on the N side of Yager Cr. and close to it
     Pete saw 2 large deep pits. They were about 1/4 mi. downstream from
     the branch where village 10 was found.

     12. tse'dûttc^{l}bûtta'dûñ. A half-mile N of North Yager Cr.
     at the edge of Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber. Stones used
     by the Indians were lying near the water and 2 pits were found
     there. To the W, on the crest of the ridge, there were 5 pits at
     the S end of the timber. A cabin stands there.

Goddard lists five more sites found in this vicinity on North Yager
Creek but they are not named and their locations are indefinite so they
will not be given here.

_bûstc[=o]b[=i]k[=i]ya group (13-18, map 9)_

     13. senindûsc[=i]m[=i]. On the W bank of North Yager Cr. 1/4
     mi. below a waterfall of the same name. Two pits were located 100
     ft. above the creek in brush and timber. On the same side of the
     creek but 1/4 mi. downstream were 4 more pits, in one of which a
     sekal lay.

     14. nakat[=o]dûñ. On the E side of North Yager Cr., on a flat
     now covered with huckleberry brush. Pete found 2 pits here. On the
     W side of the creek, a little downstream, were 2 more pits. The
     flat had been badly washed away by freshets.

     15. Two pits were found among the redwoods and thick brush at
     the junction of North and Middle Yager creeks.

     16. ist'egab[=i]', "madrones in." Just at the eastern edge of
     the timber on a point running down toward Middle Yager Cr. were 4

     17. k[=o]ntc[=o]wetc[=i]kinnedûñ. About 1/4 mi. N of Middle
     Yager Cr. On a small flat on a hillside, facing SW in open timber
     above a small stream. There were 7 pits here. Pete had heard that
     there used to be a village so situated.

     18. An overhanging rock on the N side of Middle Yager Cr.
     shows signs of occupation and there is a pit near by.

_senûñka group (19-35, map 10)_

     19. On a little point 200 yds. N of Curless' house. There is
     one pit. Charlie Taylor's grandmother was born here, according to
     Curless, who showed the site to Goddard. This was the most northern
     village of the senûñka on Larabee Cr.

     20. t'[=o]kintcab[=i]'. On the hillside on either side of the
     stream which crosses the road about a mile S of Curless' place.
     It is nearly a mile from Larabee Cr. and is close to the timber.
     The village was in a line of Douglas spruce south of an oat-field.
     There were 7 large pits on the W side of the stream and 5 on the E
     side. With one exception these were N of the fence; others may have
     been filled by plowing.

     21. t'[=o]kintcab[=i]'. On the E side of Larabee Cr. a
     good-sized stream flows across the county road by a group of farm
     buildings. On the E side of the road close to the N side of this
     stream are from 4 to 6 pits. Douglas spruce and tanbark timber with
     brush obscured them. On the W side of the road is a large sheep
     barn. W of this barn are 4 pits, some quite uncertain because the
     ground has been cleared of large Douglas spruce timber. There is a
     large plowed flat 1/4 mi. W, near Larabee Cr. Andrew's wife told
     Pete of such a place where there used to be many Indians.

     22. k'ûcna'aidûñ (?). In a swag on the W side of a gulch lined
     with Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber with exposure toward the
     S. There are 5 distinct pits.

     23. On a point 200 yds. N of the junction of the two main
     components of Larabee Cr., W of a small stream. There were 4 pits,
     only one of which was large. The end of a pestle was lying in this

     24. On the E side of Larabee Cr., between it and the county
     road, on the S side of a small stream. There was one pit. The
     building of the road may have destroyed others.

     25. On a large flat N of the junction of the two components of
     Larabee Cr. and a little to the E. There were 10 pits. There is a
     cabin and a corral here and many pits may have been filled in.

     26. On the hillside N of the eastern component of Larabee Cr.
     Pete thought there were 3 pits. There had been slides there and
     Goddard was not sure of them.

     27. On the N side of a large branch of Larabee Cr. from the E,
     200 yds. N of where it is joined by a stream from the N. The stream
     from the E is bûstadûñk[=o]t. There were 3 pits among the Douglas
     spruce and black oaks.

     28. On the E side of the Eel R. about 3/4 mi. N of the mouth
     of Coleman Cr. at the edge of timber on a small bench. There were 2
     small house pits.

     29. On the E side Of the Eel about 300 yds. N of the mouth of
     Coleman Cr., 75 yds. back from the river and 40 ft. above it. There
     were 2 large deep pits. The exposure is SW.

     30. canak[=i]', "creek tail." On the E side of the Eel R. S of
     the mouth of Coleman Cr. There were 3 pits close to the creek but
     high above it on the bank, 2 on a flat 25 yds. S, and 2 more near a
     dry gulch 200 yds. S of the creek. Near the creek the brakes were
     so thick that many pits may have been overlooked. This place was
     mentioned by Charlie in 1908.

     31. On the E side of the Eel R. about 500 yds. S of the mouth
     of Coleman Cr. on a flat close to the S side of a gulch lined with
     maple and peppernut trees. There were 8 pits here and 7 or 8 more
     from 50 to 75 yds. S.

     32. N of the knoll which is just below the forks of Coleman
     Cr. There was 1 pit.

     33. On the E side of the Eel R. about 300 yds. N of the mouth
     of Mill Cr. on a brushy point. There were 5 pits.

     34. On the E side of the Eel R. N of the mouth of Mill Cr.
     just S of a big rock. There were 2 pits.

     35. nadaitcûñ. This name was supplied by Charlie in 1908 as
     belonging to the village at the mouth of a large creek on the E
     side of the Eel R. above Coleman Cr.


The Sinkyone occupied the territory on the west side of the South Fork
of the Eel from Scotia south to Hollow Tree Creek. From the Mattole
boundary at Spanish Flat south to the Coast Yuki line at Usal Creek they
held the coast.

We have more ethnographic information about the Sinkyone than about
most of the Athabascan groups. Merriam's material and Goddard's data
combined provide a virtually complete village list for the northern,
or Lolangkok, Sinkyone and a few villages for the southern, or Shelter
Cove, Sinkyone. Kroeber's Handbook (1925_a_, pp. 145-150) gives a fair
amount of general ethnography and this is well augmented by Nomland's
paper (Nomland, 1935).

Sinkyone territory is in the redwood coastal zone and this location no
doubt reduced somewhat the supply of vegetal food. The Sinkyone were,
however, well supplied with fish products by the Eel River, which not
only had an excellent salmon run but also provided quantities of lamprey

On the basis of Merriam's linguistic evidence the Sinkyone have been
divided into a northern group, called Lolangkok after the native
name for Bull Creek, and a southern group, called Shelter Cove after
a sheltered spot on the coast midway between the Mattole and Yuki
boundaries. This division is rendered somewhat questionable by the
unreliability of Sally Bell, Merriam's Shelter Cove Sinkyone informant.
It is doubtful, however, whether Sally Bell's linguistic information
could be falsified. In any case, the separation is partly verified by
Goddard's data and I have therefore accepted it.

The Merriam notes contain a comparatively large amount of material on
the Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following general statement on that group is
taken verbatim from that source.

     The Lo-lahn´-k[=o]k. Information is from George Burt, a member
     of the tribe, who was raised on Bull Creek at the rancheria called
     Kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah about seven miles upstream from Dyerville,
     at a place now known as Schoolhouse Flat, and who now lives near
     Fortuna (1922).

     The territory of the Lo-lahn´-k[=o]k began on the north at
     Shively and covered a narrow strip on the east side of the main Eel
     River to Dyerville, and a much broader area on the west side, and
     continued southerly on the west side of South Fork Eel River nearly
     to Garberville. On the west it not only covered the South Fork
     drainage, but continued over Elk Ridge to the head waters of Upper
     Mattole River.

     The southern boundary ran a little north of Ettersburg,
     Briceland, and Garberville.

     Informant states that on the east side of South Fork Eel River
     their territory included only the immediate river valley.

Merriam's informant from the Southern Sinkyone was Sally Bell. She had
evidently lived at Briceland for more than thirty years when she was
interviewed in 1923. Nomland (1935, p. 149) says of her that she was
"born Needle Rock; reared from childhood by white settlers, married
Coast Yuki, Tom Bell; blind, senile, sees spirits in rafters, etc."
(See fig. 1, _d_.) This group Merriam describes only in a brief general
statement, summarized as follows.

[Illustration: Fig. 1. Athabascan tattooing noted by C. Hart Merriam.
_a_, _b_. Whilkut women, _c_. Bear River woman from a sketch made by
Merriam in 1921. _d_. From a sketch made by Merriam of the Shelter Cove
woman named Sally Bell.]

     To´-cho´-be ke´ah is their own name and the Lolahnkok name
     for the tribe (and village) in the Briceland region (between the
     South Fork of the Eel and the coast). It is used also in a larger
     sense for all bands speaking the same dialect from the west side of
     the South Fork of the Eel River (in the Garberville region) to the
     coast. The Set´tenbi´den [Lassik] call this group Yis-sing´-kun-ne.
     The name of the group is pronounced To-cho´-be ke´ah by the
     Lolahn´k[=o]k and Taw-chaw´-be-ke´ah by themselves.


None of the tribelets of the Sinkyone is described or located
specifically enough to permit the drawing of boundaries. Hence they are
merely listed here, with available location data. Nomland (1935, p.
151) says: "Two informants always gave names of land areas in place of
village names." These names are no doubt those of tribelets.

     chi-chin-kah ke-ah (Merriam). This is the name for the
     tribelet between the upper waters of Bull Cr. and Elk Ridge.
     Nomland gives the name chacingu´k for the group in the ridge N of
     Briceland, which is evidently Elk Ridge.

     yese'kuk (Nomland). This is given as the Mattole R. area,
     possibly a tribelet designation.

     The two tribelets listed above are the only ones noted in the
     area of the Bull Creek or Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following, all
     from Merriam except where noted, are in the area of the Shelter
     Cove Sinkyone.

     to-cho-be ke-ah (taw-chaw-be keah). Name for the tribelet and
     village in the Briceland region between the South Fork of the Eel
     and the coast. Used in the larger sense for all the tribelets from
     Briceland south to Usal Cr. totro'b[=e] (Nomland, 1935). This was
     the name of the Briceland area.

     nahs-lin-che-ke-ah. This was the name of the tribelet on South
     Fork S of Garberville. senke'kut (Nomland). This is given as the
     area "to the South Fork from Garberville."

     tahng-ah-ting keah. This was the Bull Creek Sinkyone name
     for the Shelter Cove and Point Delgada tribelet. They were called
     tahng-i-keah by themselves and by the Briceland Sinkyone. Kroeber
     (1925, p. 145) gives tangating as the place name for Shelter Cove.

     Usal (Yosawl). This is the southernmost tribelet of the
     Briceland Sinkyone, said to extend from Usal Cr. to Shelter Cove.
     According to Kroeber (1925, p. 145) "This word seems to be from
     Pomo Yoshol, denoting either the Coast Yuki or the Mankya, both of
     whom are north of the Pomo; but yo is 'south' and shol 'eastward'
     in that language."

The following names are given by Nomland for Sinkyone areas. They do not
correspond to Merriam's tribelets and are probably just place names.

  anse'ntakuk     The land south of Briceland

  cusacic'ha      The region north of Garberville

  yenekuk         The area southeast of Briceland

  yese'           The coast area to the Mattole boundary at Four Mile Cr.


Most of the Sinkyone villages given here are taken from Goddard's notes.
A few are also given by Merriam. In the list the source is indicated
by (G) for Goddard, (M) for Merriam. Merriam's notes contain, besides
the village names, a list of place names on the Eel and on South Fork,
running from Scotia to south of Garberville (see pp. 191-193, map 13).
In areas where Merriam's material can be compared with Goddard's these
place names nearly all turn out to be village names. It seems likely
therefore that, in other areas also, nearly all are village names. In
calculating population (see p. 216), I have occasionally used these to
augment the village count.

_Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on the main Eel (map 11)._--Of the
following villages, the two north of the mouth of South Fork are from
Merriam's notes, for which George Burt was the informant. Merriam also
gives several place names for the area below the mouth of South Fork,
and it seems probable that most, if not all, of these were actually
villages rather than mere landmarks; this was certainly so farther south
on South Fork.

[Illustration: Map 11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.]

Above the mouth of South Fork the villages are from Goddard's notes; the
informant was Charlie and the information was gathered in 1903 and 1908.
It is possible that these villages are not Sinkyone. However, there is
no specific evidence for attributing this region to the Nongatl and it
is known that Charlie was a Lolangkok Sinkyone, so I have placed them in
this latter group. Goddard has given the section, township, and range
locations as he did for the preceding villages. These have been helpful
in locating the sites, but I have omitted his notations because they
are no longer accurate; the maps have been changed since the time of
Goddard's original work.

     1. lah-s[=a]-se´-te (M). At Shively on the main Eel R.

     2. kah´-li-cho´-be, "growing flat" (M). At a place now called
     Englewood, a small settlement 9 mi. E of Scotia bridge. The name is
     said to refer to things growing up there.

     3. seûstcelindûñ (G). On the S bank of the main Eel not far
     downstream from Dyerville.

     4. t[=o]nesdadûñ (G). On the NE bank of the Eel directly
     across from seûstcelindûñ.

     5. tetcinne (G). On the E side of the Eel upstream from
     t[=o]nesdadûñ. A big rock, pointing downstream, is said to project
     into the river there.

     6. tûggûstc[=o] dasañke (G). On the E side of the Eel S of
     tetcinne. A large rancheria in an open place.

     7. naltcûñka (G). On the W side of Eel R. S of tûggûstc[=o]
     dasañke. There is a big slide there. It is below Camp Grant on the
     S side, according to Charlie, 1903.

     nahl-tsin´-kah (M). Camp Grant.

     8. t[=o][-l]tciñyasta' (G). On the E side of the Eel about 1
     mi. above naltcûñka. A large rock stands back of the village site.

     9. tadûttc[=i]' (G). On the E side of the Eel not far above
     t[=o][-l]tciñyasta', at the mouth of a large creek in which salmon
     run (tadak[=o]k, Thompson Cr.?). Above Camp Grant.

     10. tcillûñdûñ (G). On the E side of the Eel 1/4 mi.
     above tadûttc[=i]'. An open place without a creek. (Given as
     k[=i]lûndûñk[=i]a by Charlie in 1903.)

     11. ne'gakak, "moss"? (G). On the W side of the Eel opposite

     12. ne'tcink[=o]k (G). At the mouth of a creek on the W side
     of the Eel some way above ne'gakak.

     13. gactc[=o]bi', "redwoods in" (G). In a large open flat
     among the redwoods on the E side of the Eel above ne'tcink[=o]k.
     Given by Charlie in 1903 as kûctc[=o]bek[=i]a on the S side.

     14. On the E side of the Eel just S of a creek which flows
     down a steep rough bed on a rather high bench are 4 pits. The
     ground is black with refuse and cooking stones lie about. The river
     enters a canyon N of this creek. A round timbered butte is close to
     the mouth of the creek on the N. A great timbered butte seems to
     occupy the E bank of the river for several miles.

     15. seda'dûn, "rock mouth place" (G). On the E side (W also?),
     where the river flows out between rocks. A small creek is there.
     About 2 mi. above gactc[=o]bi'.

_Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on South Fork (map 11)._--

     16. [-l]tcûnta'dûñ (G). Said to have been on the W side of
     South Fork and the S side of the Eel R., where the store and saloon
     of Dyerville now stand.

     chin-tah´-tah (M). The flat occupied by Dyerville; this is no
     doubt the same as the name given by Goddard.

     17. kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah (M). A large village on Bull Cr.
     about 7 mi. upstream from Dyerville. The place is now known as
     Schoolhouse Flat.

     18. [-l][=o]lûñk[=i]' (G). On the S bank of Bull Cr. at its
     mouth, in large redwood timber. There were 10 pits along the bank
     of South Fork and the pit of a yitco', 8 paces across, about 200
     yds. W of the mouth of Bull Cr. A large redwood, hollowed by
     fire, had fallen, the floor being 4 ft. below the ground. Charlie
     remembered seeing Indians living in it. Charlie thought there used
     to be three or four houses on the S side of the creek, but we found
     no evidence of them. Three men were once killed here by whites, and
     a woman was shot through the hips; she lay here a day or two and
     died. One of the white men, named Steve, cut a piece from the arm
     of one of the Indians, built a fire, cooked it, and ate it. The
     best man of the Indians escaped.

     lo-lahn´-k[=o]k (M). Bull Cr. Merriam does not mention a
     village at its mouth.

     19. [-l][=o]lûñk[=o]k y[=i]bañ (G). On the E bank of South
     Fork opposite and N of the mouth of Bull Cr. Two pits were seen
     directly across from Bull Cr. and 2 about 100 yds. downstream. They
     are in heavy redwood timber, but receive a good deal of sun because
     they are close to the river, which flows NW at this point.

     20. s[=o]snoibûndûñ (G). On the E bank of South Fork about a
     mile S of the mouth of Bull Cr. Five pits were counted in small
     redwood timber, where there is a spring which supplied the village.
     There used to be a yitco' here, in which Charlie remembered dancing
     when he was a small boy.

     21. nûnsûntc[=o]tc[=i]', "butte large mouth" (G). On both
     sides of the mouth of Brush Cr. (Canoe Cr.) in large redwood
     timber. On the N side are 6 pits, 5 of them in a row back about 30
     yds. There are seven pits on the S side of the creek, some of them
     much plainer than others. The father of Albert's wife, Sally, came
     from this village.

     nahn´-sin-cho´-ke (M). See Place Names.

     22. sedj[=o]cb[=i]' (G). On the E bank of South Fork, which
     flows toward the W at this point. A stream from the E (Feese Cr.)
     flows in a little above the village. There are many tanbark oaks
     growing near by, which Charlie suggested were the reason for the
     village's being located here. Seven pits could be distinguished;
     the clearing away of timber may have obscured some others. The name
     setc[=o]sdiñ was also given by Charlie. Tc[=o]s means vagina, "what
     woman has."

     s[=a]-ch[=o]s-te (M). See Place Names.

     23. gûtta'bûndûñ, named from a deep hole in the stream (G). On
     the W side of South Fork, where it flows toward the NE just below
     Myer's. The site has been completely washed away. Charlie's father
     belonged here and Charlie lived here when a boy. Jack, Charlie's
     half-brother, was born at this village. There used to be a yitco'
     and a large hollow tree in which a family used to spend the winter.

     kah-tah´-be (M). See Place Names.

     24. tantañaik[=i]' bûndûñ (G). On the E side of South Fork.
     A creek, along which are many tanbark oaks, flows into South Fork
     on the opposite side and a little above. The name of the creek is
     tantañaik[=o]k (Coon Cr.). The site is just below a garden. The
     place was so grown up with brakes it was impossible to count the

     25. t[=o]dûnni', "water sings" (G). On the NW corner of Myer's
     Flat on the right bank of South Fork, where it completes its course
     toward the W and turns toward the NE. The site has been washed
     away. There used to be large peppernut trees growing there. A few
     are still left. The name of Myer's Flat is kûnteltc[=o]b[=i]. It is
     also mentioned as kontelky[=o]b[=i].

     ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). See Place Names.

     26. sestcicbandûñ (G). On the right bank of South Fork on a
     narrow bench between the hill and that stream. There is an eddy
     in the river just above, which furnished good fishing, and many
     oaks are on the hills. The site received plenty of sun because the
     river flows W at this point. Four pits were seen. Also given as
     sûstc[=i]cb[=i], "rough like a rasp."

     ses-che´-is-ke (M). See Place Names.

     27. sebûggûnna', "rock around" (G). On the right side and
     close to South Fork just downstream from a rocky point around which
     the river changes its direction from S to NW. Fourteen or fifteen
     pits could be distinguished, most of them quite distinct.

     s[=a]-bug´-gah-nah´ (M). See Place Names.

     28. sek[=o]ntc[=o]bandûñ (G). On the left side of South Fork
     nearly opposite sebûggûnna'. The sandy bench is covered with
     brakes. Five pits were made out. Charlie lived here for four
     years after he came back from the reservation. Also mentioned as

     29. s[=o]ldek[=o]k bûkk[=i]'d[=u]ñ (G). On a small flat
     covered with large redwood timber on the N side of South Fork and
     on the W side of Elk Creek (s[=o]ldek[=o]k), which flows into it
     from the N. Seven pits were counted along the banks of the river
     and the creek.

     s[=o]l´-te-che (M). See Place Names.

     30. sente[-l]tcelindûñ, "rock flat flows out place" (G).
     Close to the W bank of South Fork near a deep fishing place. There
     are three pits between the county road and the river. Also called

     sen-t[)e]^{ch}-be (M). See Place Names.

     31. ca'nak[=i]', "creek trail" (G). On the W bank of South
     Fork 100 yds. N of the mouth of Salmon Cr., in large redwoods.
     The river has washed the soil away so no evidence of occupation
     remains. Willow brush is now growing there. Also called
     natonank[=o]k bûttc[=i]'dûñ.

     sah-nah´-k[=o]k (M). Name for Salmon Cr. See Place Names.

     32. tc[=i]stc[=i]bi' (G). On the E bank of South Fork opposite
     the mouth of Salmon Cr. It is on the end of a ridge. Charlie had a
     ne'y[=i]k' here after returning from the reservation (village site
     not visited). This village was mentioned by Sam as his birthplace.
     His mother may have been from here. Also referred to by Charlie as
     canak[=i]' and tcûstc[=e]k[=o]ok.

     33. nant'[=o]' (G). On the N side of Salmon Cr. in a bend.
     Large redwoods fill the valley of the creek as well as the
     particular site of this village. Five deep, distinct pits were
     seen. There are said to be one or two on the south side of the

     34. k[=o]nte[-l]b[=i], "flat in" (G). On a large flat, through
     which Salmon Cr. flows. The village was on the N side of the creek
     near where Tomlinson's barn now stands. There is a spring there
     near a pepperwood tree. This flat is now in peach orchard.

     35. kaslintc[=o]'dûñ, "riffle large place" (G). On the N side
     of Salmon Cr. about 400 yds. upstream from k[=o]nte[-l]b[=i]'.

     36. setcinnabatse tcelindûn (G). On the N side of Salmon Cr.
     in a basin-like flat. Four pits were seen near the creek and 4 in a
     row back about 50 yds. against the base of the hill. There were 2
     more pits in front of the last 4, making 10 in all. There is heavy
     Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber on the southern side of the
     creek. About 200 yds. upstream is a waterfall, which provided fine
     fishing, since large salmon could not jump the falls.

     37. bandûñ (G). On the end of a ridge, W of a small run lined
     with peppernut trees. About 200 yds. NE of se[-l]tcindûñ. There
     were 5 pits, 2 of which were very large.

     38. setcinnabatse (G). On a flattened end of the ridge E of
     se[-l]tcindûñ, 300 yds. S and a little W of it. Two pits were

     39. se[-l]tcindûñ (G). On the E side of a gulch, in which
     there was flowing water in July, about 300 yds. N of Salmon Cr.
     There were 4 or 5 pits. The ground is strewn with black stones.

     40. tcebanedûñ (G). On the flattened portion of a ridge, with
     southern exposure. Black oaks and buckeyes are growing there.
     Seven pits were to be seen with black stones lying in them. Great
     broken rocks lie in a gulch to the west. About 350 yds. NNW of

     41. setc[=o]'seye (G). A large rock, with the overhanging side
     facing SE. A rim of earth showed where the house wall used to be on
     the W. The E was left open. About 1/4 mi. W of the falls of Salmon

     42. t[=o][-l]elindûñ, "water flows together place" (G). On the
     flat W of Salmon Cr. and W of a large creek flowing into it from
     the S (South Fork Salmon Cr.). Four pits are close to the bank of
     Salmon Cr. and a fifth was partly caved in. One was seen on the
     lower part of the flat to the S.

     43. nesdai'dûñ (G). Said to be on a side hill.

     44. to[-l]elindûñ, "water comes together place" (G). Said to
     be where three creeks join, forming the South Fork of Salmon Cr.,
     about 5 mi. from its mouth. Distinguished from the village at the
     mouth of the same creek by being called "small."

     45. ses[=o]sye' (G). At the end of a ridge running down to
     Salmon Cr. from the E. So close to the bank of the stream that
     one pit has been undermined. Four remain. About 1/2 mi. NW of

     46. ne'kañk[=i]' (G). In the saucer-shaped end of a ridge,
     close to the E bank of Salmon Cr. and facing a little S of W.
     Opposite, a large creek, called ne'kañk[=o]k, flows in from the W.
     There are 9 pits, which may still be seen. Five of them, situated
     close to the base of the hill, are very large and deep. Black oaks
     grow there.

     47. ne'i[-l]ga[-l]dûñ, "land shinny-playing place" (G). On a
     flat close to the E side of Salmon Cr., which swings around it. A
     gulch heads in the cedar grove N of the Hunter ranch buildings.
     Twelve or 13 pits were counted, 5 of which were quite distinct.

     48. seistc[=i]' (G). About 1/2 mi. E of Salmon Cr. on the
     flattened southern slope of a ridge about 100 yds. from its crest.
     There are 8 pits in a row and 1 other, not in line with them. There
     is a gulch 100 ft. S of the row of pits. Cedars, black oaks, and
     buckeyes grow there. A small pond of water is E of the site.

     49. mûñkkasaik[=o]k (G). On the W side of a branch of Salmon
     Cr. which flows from the N about 1/2 mi. W of the Burnell ranch
     house. Two pits are close to the stream and 4 or 5 are 10 or 15
     ft. higher. The higher ones have good sun in the winter. The trail
     crosses the creek at this place.

     50. setc'ûnt[=o]dûñ (G). On the W side of the South Fork of
     the Eel about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Butte Cr. (nûnsûnk[=o]k),
     which provided desirable fishing. A large rock stands there close
     to the river. There are said to have been four houses. This site
     was not visited. It was mentioned by Charlie as sesuñt[=o]; he said
     it was the most southerly village of his people. Sam called it
     senûns[=i]mkûk and said it belonged in Charlie's territory.

     The first name given by Goddard is evidently related to
     Merriam's s[=a]´-chen-to´-te, "water against rock," which was said
     to be a place in the river near Goddard's setc'ûnt[=o]dûñ. See
     Place Names.

_Shelter Cove Sinkyone villages (map 12)._--The following list of
villages comes almost entirely from Goddard's notes (G); relevant
comments by Merriam are noted (M). Goddard's informants were Sam,
Albert, and Charlie, of whom the first two were Shelter Cove Sinkyone,
the last Lolangkok Sinkyone.

     1. ke'kestc[=i]' (G). Close to South Fork on the E side about
     1/8 mi. S of the mouth of Fish Cr. (kekek[=o]k). A large house with
     a garden is just below. A deep place in the river provided fishing,
     in addition to the creek. Three pits and a grinding stone were
     found. Plowing had probably filled in other pits. The first store
     of Phillipsville stood here. According to Sam (1903), this was the
     most northern village of his people.

     k[)a]-kes´-k[=o]k (M). Fish Cr.

     2. kûtdûntelb[=i]', "flat in" (G). At the NW part of the
     Phillipsville flat. It is said to have been a large village. There
     is fishing in an eddy just upstream. The site has been washed away
     and therefore was not visited.

     ket´-tin-tel´-be (M). At a place called Phillipsville, 18 mi.
     S of Dyerville. The site is in an orchard on a ranch and has a fine
     redwood grove and a good camping place.

     3. seb[=i]ye, "at base of rock" (G). On the E side of South
     Fork at the upper end of the Phillipsville flat. The site has been
     plowed and was in fruit and garden when visited. One pit could
     still be seen. The river flows nearly W, hence the village has
     southern sun. Large redwoods occupy the left bank of the stream. A
     deep place here provided fishing.

     s[)a]-be-y[)e]´ (M). The flat on the E side of South Fork, S
     of Phillipsville. See Place Names.

     4. tcingûlge[-l]dûñ (name of a tree) (G). On the right bank
     of South Fork just below a turn to the E. Between the road and the
     river two pits were seen. There is a schoolhouse on the E side of
     the road. Many eels were caught near this village.

     chig-gel´-e-yes´-ke (M). A place 1.9 mi. S of Phillipsville.
     See Place Names.

     5. da[-l]tcimmûndûñ (G). On the right (S) bank of South Fork,
     where it flows W around a long ridge sloping down from the E.
     Seven pits were counted between the county road and the river,
     which may have carried others away. A large creek, seyekok (Rocky
     Glen Cr.), empties N of this place. This village was mentioned as
     t'altcimmûndûñ by Albert in 1907.

     [Illustration: Map 12. Villages of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone.]

     s[)e]-tes´-k[=o]k (M). Rocky Glen Cr. See Place Names.

     6. tca'lûñk[=i]' (G). On the E bank of South Fork. A small
     stream flows down from the E. Three pits were found on the N side
     of it and two on the S side. The place had been plowed. Charlie
     said there used to be many houses there. This village was given by
     Albert as tca'lûntc[=i].

     7. da[-l]kaik[=o]k (G). On a flat 50 yds. E of the county
     bridge across Buhne Cr. (now called Dean Cr.), along both sides of
     the stream. Seven pits were found on the S side of the creek and
     two on the N side. The road and plowed fields may have reduced the
     number. This village was mentioned by Sam in 1903 as a settlement
     of his people.

     tahs-ki´-ke (M). Merriam attributes this village to the
     to-kub´-be people, who ranged E from here.

     8. da[-l]kaik[=i]' (G). On the W side of South Fork, opposite
     the mouth of Dean Cr. Albert said there used to be a village there.

     This is evidently the village Merriam refers to in the
     paragraph above on village 7.

     9. [-l]tûggan[=o]b[=i]' (G). On a flat on the E side of South
     Fork about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Redwood Cr. Goddard noted
     that the place had a favorable location, but did not find the pits.
     Albert said there used to be a village there.

     stuk´-kan-no´-be (M). Name for the flat at this place. See
     Place Names.

     10. k[=o]sc[=i]k[=i] (G). A short way below Garberville,
     according to Sam (1903). Charlie said it was named k[=o]ssetc[=i]'
     or k[=o]setc[=i]' and that it was just below Garberville on the E
     side of the river. There used to be a store there.

     11. seb[=i]yedadûñ, "rocks under..?... place" (G). A village
     at Garberville.

     12. kûnte[-l]tc[=o]b[=i]', "flat large in" (G). On a flat
     above Garberville.

     ken-tes´-che tahng-ah´-te (M). A beautiful deep valley on
     South Fork just SW of Garberville.

     13. Usal (not necessarily the native name). Not mentioned by
     Goddard, Merriam, or Nomland, but Gifford (1939, p. 304) says that
     both Coast Yuki and Sinkyone were spoken here (pl. 11, _d_).

Following are a number of Shelter Cove Sinkyone villages which I have
not been able to locate precisely.

     kahs´-cho-so´-be (M). A village of the Briceland Sinkyone
     on South Fork about 4 mi. S of Garberville and not in sight from
     the present highway. It may not actually be one of the Briceland
     Sinkyone villages.

     kaicañkûk (G). On a ridge below Garberville. Information from
     Sam, 1903.

     [-l]tc[=i]kûk (G). On a ridge below seyadûñ on South Fork.
     Information from Sam, 1903.

     t[=o]kûbb[=i] (G). On a ridge above Garberville. Information
     from Sam, 1903. seya(e)dûñ (G). On a ridge on the E side of South
     Fork, probably below Garberville.


The first list of place names below was taken by Merriam from George
Burt in 1923. (See map 13.) It starts at Scotia, runs upstream to the
confluence of the Eel and South Fork, and then runs up South Fork as
far as Garberville. Many of the places indicated cannot be located
from maps and it would even be difficult to identify them on the spot.
Merriam seems to have driven by auto from Scotia to Garberville, marking
locations in tenths of miles.

     tah´-cho. Main Eel R.

     hah´-tin cho´-be. A stretch of land on the S side of the main
     Eel extending from Scotia Bridge E at least to Brown's Mill, and S
     from the river to the top of the ridge.

     kahn-so´-ti-y[)e]´, "under maple trees." A big loop of the
     river 2 mi. E from Scotia Bridge.

     hah´-ting-k[=o]k. Jordan Cr., 2.2 mi. E of Scotia Bridge.

     hah´-tin cho´-be. The prairie on top of the ridge S of Jordan
     Cr. An old Indian trail goes up there. [Harrow Prairie. Merriam
     gives the same name for the prairie and the stretch of land above.
     The stretch of land is probably a village named for the prairie.]

     ahn´-sin ken-tes´-be, "Pepperwood Flat." A flat on the S side
     of the Eel, 3 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. [Pepperwood.]

     lah´-sa tal´-k[=o]k, "Buckeye Creek." Bear Cr., nearly 6 mi. E
     of Scotia Bridge. "Used to be lots of salmon there."

     lah-s[=a]-se´-te. The present town of Shively.

     bis´-kahl chum´-me. A bluff on Eel R. where the river makes a
     loop to the S. About 6.3 mi. from Scotia Bridge.

     s[=a]-tahs´ ch[=a]-lin´-te. An extensive gravel flat on the N
     side of the Eel in the curve of a big loop in the river, 6.5 mi.
     from Scotia Bridge.

     s[=a]-tahs´-be. A bluff on the N side of the Eel at the
     railroad tunnel 6-3/4 or 7 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. Said to be a
     rough place.

     ahn-sin´-tah´-be, "Pepperwood Flat." A flat on the S side of
     the river 7.5 mi. E from Scotia Bridge. Place now called Pepperwood.

     ahn-sin-tah´-k[=o]k, "Pepperwood Creek." A small creek closely
     followed by the highway, about 7.5 to 8 mi. E from Scotia Bridge.
     [Evidently Chadd Cr.]

     kahs-tes´-be. Holmes' lumber camp, on S side of Eel about 7.5
     mi. E of Scotia Bridge.

     slahn´-k[=o]. Larabee Creek, entering the Eel from the E.

     kah´-li-cho´-be, "growing flat." At a place called Englewood,
     a small settlement 9 mi. E of Scotia Bridge and continuing to
     Englewood Roadhouse at 9.8 mi. The name is said to refer to things
     "growing up" there.

     tan´-k[=o]s tah´-te (tan´-k[=o]s means _Equisitum_). A long
     ford 10.5 mi. E of Scotia Bridge. It is a long gravel bar on the
     N side of the river. It is named for the abundance of Horsetail
     (_Equisitum_) found there.

     s[=a]´ cho´-te (sa means "rock"). A big rock projecting into
     the river from the S side, 11.5 mi. from Scotia Bridge. [It appears
     to be what is now called High Rock.]

     s[=a]-tah´-ting. A redwood forest and flat near the rock sa
     cho-te and named for that rock.

     chin-tah´-tah. An extensive flat on the S side of the Eel from
     the mouth of South Fork W, including Dyerville, 13 mi. from Scotia

     ts[)a]-vel´-be. An area on the S side of the Eel immediately W
     of and adjoining chin-tah´-tah.

     lel´-lin teg´-o-be. The junction of South Fork with the main
     Eel R.

     sin´-ke-k[=o]k. The South Fork of the Eel R.

     tah´-tung-i´-kut. South Fork railroad station.

     nahl-tsin´-kah (nahl-tsuk´-kah). Old Camp Grant.

     ·hles-yah´-kah (les-yah´-kah). Fruitland in Elk Prairie.

     s[=a]-tah´-be. Eel Rock, about 12 mi. up the Eel from its
     junction with South Fork.

     tah´-cho. The main Eel R.

     nah-tah´-ting i-k[=a]. Dyerville Redwood Flat in the point
     between the main Eel and South Fork. The name means "pointed out,"
     a descriptive term suggested by the geographical feature.

     lo-lahn´-k[=o]k. Bull Cr.

     kahs-cho´ chi-net´-tah. Schoolhouse Flat, 7 mi. up Bull Cr.

     s[=a]´-es-ch[=a]-lin´-te, "rock run out." On the E side of
     South Fork 1/2 or 3/4 mi. S of Dyerville.

     sit´-se-tahl´-ko. A small creek on the W side of South Fork
     about 1/2 mi. S of Bull Cr. [Evidently Decker Cr.]

     s[=a]´-es´-kuk, "on top rock." A hill on the E side of South
     Fork 0.9 mi. S of Dyerville.

     lah´-s[=a]-cho´-te. A straight shoot of South Fork beginning
     at s[=a]´-es´-kuk Hill 0.9 mi. S of Dyerville. Lots of eels there
     in the spring.

     to-be´-ah. Schelling Camp Flat (lumber camp, garden, and
     orchard) on the E side of South Fork beginning 2.2 mi. and
     extending about 1/2 mi. to the S. [Evidently this is the present
     town of Weott.]

     [Illustration: Map 13. Place names of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.]

     nahn´-sin-cho´-ke. The big hill to be seen on the E side of
     South Fork 3 mi. S of Dyerville.

     s[=a]-ch[=o]s-te (s[=a]-cho-st[)a]), "vulva rock." A long
     gravel bar along both sides of the river and including a redwood
     flat 4 mi. S of Dyerville. Named for a mark on a rock resembling a
     woman's vulva, cho´-s[=a].

     che-[=o]s-cho´-te. A stretch of river 4.75 mi. S of Dyerville,
     including a small but good redwood flat. The name refers to foam on
     the water.

     s[=a]´-boo-i-chan´-te. A big perforated rock in the river at a
     sharp bend 5.1 mi. S of Dyerville.

     kah-tah´-be. A stretch along both sides of the river 7.5 mi.
     S of Dyerville. It includes the State Redwood Park office building
     and adjacent redwoods.

     ken´-tes-cho´-be. Myers Flat, a little over 8 mi. S of
     Dyerville, including Myers Roadhouse. The Indians say this place
     was never covered with timber.

     ses-che´-is-ke. A place 8.7 mi. S of Dyerville, above

     s[=a]-bug´-gah-nah´. A place 9 mi. S of Dyerville where the
     river goes around rocks. [Evidently Eagle Pt.] George Burt once
     lived here and his son Guy Burt was born here.

     tub´-bel-chin´-tah ch[=a]-gel-k[=o]k. A small creek 10 mi. S
     of Dyerville, entering South Fork from the E just S of a bend in
     the river. [Evidently Bridge Cr.]

     s[=o]l´-te-che. A place at the mouth of Elk Cr., on the E side
     of South Fork. Includes the eastern part of Bolling Grove.

     s[=o]l-te-k[=o]k. Elk Creek, entering South Fork from the E in
     Bolling Grove, 10.3 mi. S of Dyerville.

     sen-t[)e]^{ch}-be. A rock in the river at a small bend 11.2
     mi. S of Dyerville.

     ni´-te´-t[)e] el-lah´-t[)e], "dog drowned" ... A place where a
     new bridge is now (1923) being built across South Fork, 12 mi. S of
     Dyerville. [Evidently this refers to the bridge at Blair Grove.]

     suk´-ke-ch[=o]s kah´-me, "eagle pawn." A big flat on the W
     side of the river 12.5 mi. S of Dyerville.

     chah´-ni-che´. Another large flat on the W side of the river,
     13.5 mi. from Dyerville.

     sah-nah´-k[=o]k. Salmon Cr., entering South Fork from the W
     nearly opposite Miranda.

     kahs´-cho-boo´-ah´-me. This was a small settlement in a flat
     at Miranda, 14.5 mi. S of Dyerville.

     s[=a]-nan-sung´ (·s[=a]-nan-tsin´-kah). Bear Butte, a
     conspicuous peak on the W side of South Fork, about 18 mi. S of

     s[=a]´-chen-to´-te, "water against rock." A place in the river
     16 mi. S of Dyerville.

     k[)a]-kes´-k[=o]k (k[)e]-kes´-k[=o]k). Fish Cr., 16.9 mi. S of

     kin´-tes-tah´-te. A big flat, probably a mile long and very
     broad, on the W side of the river, 17.5 mi. S of Dyerville. Just N
     of Phillipsville but on the opposite side of the river.

     ket´-tin-tel´-be. A flat (now orchard and ranch) and village
     on the E side of South Fork, 18 mi. S of Dyerville, at a place now
     called Phillipsville. It comprises a fine redwood grove and a good
     camping place.

     s[)a]-be-y[)e]´. A flat on the E side of the river 0.7 mi. S
     of Phillipsville.

A mile south of Phillipsville there is a good view of Garberville Ridge,
s[)e]-chung´-kuk, a fine ridge, part timbered and part open grassy
hillside, which slopes west from Little Buck Mountain, n[=a]-ah-ki´-kah,
the highest point, some distance back on the east.

     to-be-y[)e], "prairie under." A small flat on the W side of
     the river 1 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     yen-nes´-be. A place 1.6 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     chig-gel´-e-yes´-ke. A place 1.9 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     s[)e]´-chin-k[=o]k´. A small stream probably 1.2 mi. S of
     Phillipsville. A possibility of error here. If the location is
     correct, the stream is probably Ohman Cr.

     s[)e]^{hl}-ki´-k[=o]k. A creek 2.1 mi. S of Phillipsville. The
     preceding location is probably an error and this is Ohman Cr.

     s[)e]-ki´-ke. The land S of s[)e]^{hl}-ki´-k[=o]k Creek,
     reaching to 2.5 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     s[)e]-tes´-k[=o]k, "hard rock creek." Rocky Glen Cr., 2.5 mi.
     S of Phillipsville.

     ki-tes´-be, "hard brush." A place 2.9 mi. S of Phillipsville.
     There is a small ranch and orchard there now (1923).

     chan-tan-che´. A place a little more than 3 mi. S of
     Phillipsville. There are two big rocks and a creek there.

     s[)e]-to´-be. A big rock facing a high bluff 4.3 mi. S of

     s[=a]-ken-nes´, "talking rock." A big rock on a creek on the W
     side of the river, 5.6 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     tuk´-ke-tahk. A beautiful open and partly wooded hill on the W
     side of the river 6 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     tuk´-[)a]-tah´-be. A place on the E side of the river 6 mi. S
     of Phillipsville. Named from tuk´-ke-tahk hill.

     tahs-ki´-k[=o]k, "white flag creek." Dean Canyon Cr., 6.4 mi.
     S of Phillipsville.

     tahs-ki´-ke. Village at the mouth of tahs-ki´-k[=o]k creek. It
     belongs to the To-kub´-be tribe.

     to´-che-be. A flat on the W side of the river 7.8 mi. S of

     bus´-ken-nes´, "cliff talking." A cliff or bluff opposite

     stuk´-kan-no´-be. A big semicircular grassy flat on the E side
     of the river beginning about 8 mi. S of Phillipsville. The present
     town of Redway.

     ahn´-chin-tah´-k[=o]k. Redwood Cr.

     se´-ken-t[)e]^{ch}-t[)e]. A place 9.5 mi. S of Phillipsville.

     sah-nah´-che-chel´-le. A place and creek 9.7 mi. S of

     bus-ki´-cho. A white bluff on the road 10 mi. S of

     k[=o]s-kun-tes´-kah. A sloping, grassy, open flat 10.3 mi. S
     of Phillipsville. There was a To-kub´-be village here.

     ko´-se-che´. The area on both sides of the river 10.6 mi. S of
     Phillipsville. Just N of the Garberville bridge across Bear Canyon.

     s[=a]-g[)e]´-ch[)e], "egg rock." A bold upright rock at the
     N end of the Garberville bridge across Bear Canyon; 10.6 mi. S of

     ken-tes´-che tahng-ah´-te. A beautiful deep valley on South
     Fork just SW of Garberville. The bridge across the river on the way
     to Briceland is in this valley.

     si-cho´-kuk. A large village of the To-kub´-be near the site
     of the bridge across South Fork on the way from Garberville to

     nahs-lin´-che. An area and village in a loop of South Fork a
     few miles S or SW of Garberville.

     ken´-nahl-lag´-gah-k[=o]k (kan´-no-lig´-ah-k[=o]k). East
     Branch of the South Fork of the Eel R.

     n[=a]-yahn´-kah. A hill on the W side of South Fork near the
     bridge over East Branch.

     kahs´-cho-so´-be. A place and village on South Fork about 4
     mi. S of Garberville and 3 or 4 mi. from the highway. Not in sight
     from the highway.

     kahs´-cho so´-ning-i´-be. A large redwood flat (Richardson
     Grove) on the W side of South Fork on the Humboldt side of the
     Humboldt-Mendocino County line.

_West of South Fork Eel_

  Bear Buttes            sa-nan-sin-kah
  Bear River             chahn´-k[=o]k
  Briceland              to-cho´-be
  Elk Ridge              chi-chin´-kah
  Mattole River mouth    tah´-che
  North Fork Mattole     nahn-tsin-tah´-k[=o]k
  Rainbow Peak           tsa-che-be, tsa-bahng´-um
  Rainbow Ridge          tsa-bung-ah
  Taylor Peak            nahn-tsin´-kah
  Upper Mattole          kun-sah´-ke

_On or near the Van Duzen River_

  Alton               chen´-n[)a]-che
  Bald Jesse Mt.      k[=o]ng-kel-tel´-kah
  Bridgeville         ahn´-sin-tah´-che-be´
  Buck Mt.            nahn´-tsin´-kah
  Carlotta            yah-hlahn´-che
  Chalk Mt.           s[=a]-til-bi´
  Chalk Mt. Ridge     n[)e]-chin´-tuk-kah,
  Fort Baker          s[=a]-sh[=a]-be
  Iaqua region        k[=o]ng-tel-kil´-k[=o]k
  Iaqua Buttes        s[)e]^{hl}-kus´-[)a]-kuk
                        ("two points")
  Larabee Buttes      yah-kah´-nik-kah
  Larabee Cr.         slahn´-ko
  Lawrence Cr.        yah-tlahn´-k[=o]k
  Lassik Buttes       tse´-nahn-tsin´-kah
  Lassik Pk.          ki´-chil-kahn-kah
  Little Larabee Cr.  so´-k[=o]k
  Metropolitan        yah-hlahn´-kuk
  Rohnerville         to-ti´-kah
  Rio Dell            ken-tel-cho´ (kin-tel´-te)
  Scotia              kahs-cho ken-tel´-te
  Showers Pass        s[=a]-ch[)a]-be
  Van Duzen R.        chin´-ne-kok (ken´-ne-kok)
  Van Duzen R. mouth  kin´-ne-ke
  Yager Cr.           yah-'hlahn´-k[=o]k
  Yagerville          chis-sis´-ahn´-tah


_Lolangkok Sinkyone._--The following notes on the Lolangkok Sinkyone are
taken verbatim from Merriam's notes. The informant was George Burt.

     The Lolahnkok did not fight much with other tribes but were
     sometimes attacked by the Ch[)e]-teg´-ge-kah of the region north of
     Round Valley [Pitch Wailaki]; and they think the Long Valley people
     also used to make raids on them to steal women.

     Chief Lassik, whose name is often used in a tribal sense,
     belonged to the Kittel´ tribe--a tribe reaching from Iaqua south to
     Dobbyn Creek [Nongatl].

     Chalk Mountain was only a few miles east of the boundary
     between the Kittel´ and the Lolahnkok, and the Lolahnkok were
     permitted to hunt there.

     _Shelter Cove Sinkyone._--Trees are felled by means of elkhorn
     chisels called beh-cho, and stone mauls called s[=a]´tah--a very
     tedious and laborious operation. When the tree has fallen, the logs
     are cut in lengths by the same process. Planks are split off from
     these logs by driving the elkhorn wedges into the ends of the logs.
     After several planks have been split off, one below the other,
     another set is started at right angles to the first.

     The dugout canoes are made of redwood logs dug out by means
     of the elkhorn chisels. After the greater part of the inside has
     been removed, fires are used to char the wood, which is then
     scraped away by the chisels. This is continued until the walls of
     the dugout are sufficiently thin. The fires are spread out thin in
     order not to burn too deeply at any one place.

     Buckskin is tanned with deer brains, rubbed on with a stick
     rolled in ashes, after which the hide is placed on warm ashes
     until dried. It is then soaked and rubbed until soft.

     Wild tobacco (_Nicotiana bigelovi_) was always used by the
     Bull Creek Sinkyone. It was originally found growing on burned-over
     places and the people planted the seeds in ashes, usually on a
     burned place.

     Buckeye nuts, called lah-s[)e]´, were cooked in a basket with
     hot stones after the manner of acorns. They were then mashed and
     kneaded into dough, which was buried for a while in fine sand.

     Wild Ginger (_Asarum_ sp.) is called tan-nas-bos´. It is good
     medicine for pain in the stomach. The leaves are pounded and soaked
     in cold water. The sick person drinks plenty of this water and
     vomits. After a little while he gets well and is hungry and eats.

     A species of _Angelica_ is called s[=o]l. If a girl holds off,
     rub s[=o]l on your hands, and if you get a chance rub her neck and
     she will give in. S[=o]l is strong medicine.

     An aromatic _Umbellifer_ (species not identified) is called
     s[=o]l´-che-but-tah´; the root, s[=o]l´-che. It is used for
     purification and as a disinfectant. The root is burned and the
     smoke wafted around to make the house more plentiful. It does not
     grow on Bull Creek or South Fork Eel River but grows on Rainbow
     Mountain and some of the other high ridges. The root is highly

     The Spotted Owl (_Strix occidentalis caurina_) is called
     kah-ko´. He is a bad bird. If he flies close to a person, the
     person will faint.

     The Dove (_Zenaidura_) is called bi´-yu. His grandmother was
     burned to death. Bi´-yu was asked to gamble and replied, "I'll
     gamble every winter; in spring and summer I'll cry." Now we always
     hear the Dove cry in summer.

     The Red-shafted Flicker (_Colaptes cafer_) is called
     mun´-chis-bul. He makes a rattling noise in the spring. He was told
     that by doing this he would make the horns of the deer grow. He was
     told also that when the deer became fat he would grow fat, but the
     people fooled him for he did not grow fat.

     The Yellow-bird (_Astragalinus tristis_) is called
     sin-sun-s[)e]-gahng-ti-ne tahs´-che, "to take away pain." If the
     old folks were suffering, they would get him to sing to take the
     pain away.

     The Kildeer (_Oxyechus vociferus_) is called ni´-til-yi´-che
     from the necklace, ni-tal-yah, on its throat. In the long ago time
     the water was very high and rough; big waves were coming in and
     the people were afraid to cross in their canoes, so they got the
     Kildeer to take them. He was a high person among the Water People
     and could handle a boat better than any of the others. The people
     talked about him and said he was the best and the only one to get
     them across. So he took them across and saved them.

     The Coyote (_Canis latrans_), called sh[)u]´-b[)e], and the
     Shrewmole (_Neürotrichus_ sp.), called ske´-cho, made the world and
     the people. The Coyote had a number of children. The Shrewmole said
     that when people died they should come back to live again. Coyote
     said, "No, there would be too many people; when they die they had
     better stay dead." The Shrewmole agreed. After a while Coyote's
     children took sick and died. He wanted them to come back to life,
     but the Shrewmole said, "No; you said there would be too many
     people and you wanted dead people to stay dead, so your children
     cannot come back." Then Coyote cried.

     The Raccoon (_Procyon lotor_) is called nah´-ke-gis´-chah.
     A long time ago he was a doctor. He was able to talk to persons
     suffering severe pains and could draw the pain out. He would dance
     and sing and pull out the pains and fall back. One time he took a
     flint out of a sick person.

     In the olden time the people tried to make the Elk (_Cervus
     roosevelti_), called y[=e]s´-cho, out of the Cottontail Rabbit
     (_Sylvilagus_ sp.). They put horns on his head and sent him into
     the brush, but the horns stuck in the bushes and he could not move.
     Then the people called him sti´-che and told him he must always
     stay in the brush.

     The Bat is called nah´-t[)a]-bahn´-se. He wears a robe of bear
     hide over his shoulders. A long time ago when the First People were
     at war they wanted the Bat to make peace and they hired him to make
     peace. The people told him to fix up good. He did so and said, "I
     am the one who can talk big." He sang ho-w[=a]´-nah han´-nah. The
     enemy agreed, and peace was made.

     Our people have songs for the Elk, Deer, Coon, Otter, Mink,
     Bat, and some other animals.

     Slugs (_Arion columbianus_) are called nah´-tos. To prepare
     [them] for eating, a slender stick is thrust through the head to
     hold the animal easily. It is then cut open lengthwise on the belly
     and the dark insides removed, after which it is dried. When wanted,
     it is roasted in hot ashes and eaten.


_Shelter Cove Sinkyone._--These notes are from Sally Bell of the
Briceland-Shelter Cove region.

     Acorns of the tanoak (_Lithocarpus densiflora_) form the
     principal vegetable food. Hazel nuts also are eaten.

     Among the berries used for food are those of the Elder,
     Manzanita, Blackberry, Thimbleberry, Strawberry, Huckleberry,
     Salal, wild Currant and Gooseberry.

     The sprouts of a species of _Angelica_ are eaten raw in spring
     and early summer.

     The bulb of the large red Tiger Lily is cooked and said to be
     very good. The same is true of the handsome _Brodiaea_ sp.

     The seeds of the Manroot (_Echinocystis_) are roasted and
     eaten. The seeds of _Godetia amoena_ are used for making pinole.

     Wild Tobacco does not grow along the coast and is not used.

     The Wood Sorrel (_Oxalis_) is used for poultices.

     Leaves of the narrow-leaf Iris (_Iris macrosiphon_) are used
     for cord and nets and are much better than the leaves of the
     broad-leaf species.


The Mattole occupied the drainage of the Mattole River below the mouth
of Upper North Fork and the coast from Davis Creek south to Spanish Flat.

The village lists of Merriam and Goddard provide a complete picture of
the Mattole settlements but almost nothing is known of them aside from
this. In the Handbook Kroeber reported (1925_a_, p. 142) that "not a
single item of concrete ethnology is on record regarding the Mattole,
other than the statement that they burned their dead." Almost nothing
has been learned since that time, but Nomland (1938) has published a
monograph on the neighboring Bear River group and the culture of the two
groups was no doubt much the same.

The territory of the Mattole lies wholly within the cold coastal
belt and consequently plant food was less abundant and no doubt less
important. The products of the rivers, when taken together with sea
mammals and other creatures caught in the ocean, provided an ample food

When Kroeber published the Handbook (1925_a_), he lumped the Mattole
proper with the Bear River group. Nomland (1938) and Goddard (1929)
showed that these two groups were distinct. This division is supported
by Merriam's data and I have therefore retained it.

Merriam appears to have spent a comparatively brief time among the
Mattole. The only informant mentioned for this group is a man called
Indian Joe Duncan, who is said to have lived at the mouth of the Mattole
River below Petrolia. Merriam seems to have visited the area in 1923.
His statement on these people, taken verbatim from his notes, follows.

     The Bett[=o]l´ or Pet´-t[=o]l´, as they call themselves,
     (commonly called Matt[=o]l´), inhabit the coast region from Davis
     Creek, about six miles south of Bear River, southerly to Spanish
     Flat, which is about 12 miles below the mouth of Mattole River.
     Their center of distribution appears to have been the Valley of
     Mattole River, at whose mouth the four or five survivors still

     They say that before the Whites came they numbered between 300
     and 500 persons.

     Their southern boundary, Spanish Flat, is the northern
     boundary of the Shelter Cove tribe, which reached thence southerly
     to or beyond Bear Harbor. The Matt[=o]l´ say that the Shelter Cove
     language is materially different from their own, and different also
     from that of the Briceland Tribe, and that the Briceland language
     is very hard to speak or understand. They declined to give the name
     of either of these tribes.

     The eastern boundary of the Matt[=o]l´ I was unable to locate
     exactly. They gave it as along or near the west base of Elk
     Mountain Ridge, including the Valley of Upper North Fork Mattole
     River. At the same time they gave the names of two 'tribes' or
     bands as inhabiting the Rainbow Ridge and Elk Ridge region. The
     Elk Ridge tribe they call S[)a]-bahng-kahng, the Rainbow Ridge
     people S[)e]-tso´-ik (from S[)e]-tso-[=e]k, Rainbow Peak). There is
     uncertainty as to the relations and geographic locations of these

     The tribe inhabiting the coast at Needle Rock they call
     E´-l[)e]-tung. It is the same as the Shelter Cove tribe.


According to Merriam's data, the people at Cooskie Creek in the southern
part of Mattole territory form a distinct band. This agrees with
Goddard's village data, and Goddard also assigns to this group some
of the villages on the upper Mattole. There is no evidence of further


Most of the information on villages of the Mattole is taken from
Goddard's notes. (See map 14.). In addition, there are a few data
recorded by Merriam. Below, Goddard's information is indicated by (G),
Merriam's by (M).

     1. sitc[=i]b[=i]' (named from sand bar?) (G). On the S side of
     Domingo Cr. nearly a mile from the surf. The county road leaves the
     coast at this point. Plenty of signs of occupation but no definite

     2. sesnoik[=o]', "rocks stand up creek" (G). About 1/2 mi. E
     of the line of the surf, close to the hill through which the stream
     in McNutt Gulch comes from the SE. A large quantity of cooking
     stones and shells have been exposed by the blowing away of the
     soil. Salmon run in the creek.

     3. sesn[=o]t, "rocks stand up" (G). N of a large rock which
     is 30 or 50 ft. higher than the surrounding sand. Another large
     rock stands 300 yds. W, with a chain of rocks and ledge running
     out into the surf. Many shells and stones mark the village site.
     This village stood in the middle of a 2-mi. stretch of sandy beach,
     which reaches from gotxenin to a mile N of this village.

     4. sedjildaxdiñ (G). Close up under the hill. The wind has
     carried away the soil, leaving a great pile of shells. Just S, a
     stream comes down the hillside with only a gulch [La Rue Gulch], no

     5. gotxenin (G). Known to white people as Mussel Rancheria. On
     a bench with Peter B. Gulch at the southern end and La Rue Gulch in
     the middle. A great quantity of shells were to be seen but no pits.
     Joe said the houses were scattered along for nearly a mile. Many
     rocks are in the surf.

     6. ne'bitt'a, "earth fold" (G). On a bench 1/2 mi. long in a
     cove a mile N of the mouth of Mattole R. There is a creek at the S
     end, a small gulch in the middle, and a larger one at the N end.
     These probably furnished water in winter. Joe said the houses were
     scattered along the whole length of the bench. [It is likely that
     this is part of no. 5.] Between 500 and 800 yds. from the shore is
     a large flat rock (tciyatcise) occupied by sea lions. The Indians
     used to swim to it and club the sea lions to death. They kept a
     fire going near a rock on shore to warm themselves afterward.

     7. seb[=i]ye (G). Perched on the steep mountainside just N of
     the mouth of the Mattole R. At the southern end two pits could be
     made out in the weeds. Slides had covered or taken away most of the
     evidences of occupation. The trail was evident and pieces of lumber
     were still lying about. The village was not burned, according to
     Joe. The burying place is 100 yds. N on a separate bench of the
     same mountainside.

     s[)a]-be´-ah (M). On the ocean beach 1 mi. N of the mouth of
     the Mattole.

     Goddard and Merriam do not give quite the same location for
     these villages but Merriam's description is vague and the names are
     evidently the same.

     [Illustration: Map 14. Villages and tribelets of the Mattole.]

     8. beken[=o]'adiñ (G). This was 300 yds. S of the mouth of
     the Mattole R. and 100 yds E of the present surf line. There is an
     elevation of broken shells and other refuse on the sandy beach. Joe
     Duncan remembers seeing the village when it was inhabited.

     9. lasaidûk (G). On the sand of the beach 1/3 mi. S of the
     mouth of Mattole R., the second village S of there. The wind has
     blown the sand and soil away exposing the shell fragments.

     10. dzindiñ (G). By the mouth of a small stream 3/4 mi. S of
     the mouth of the Mattole R.

     11. sastecdiñ (G). On a small bench N of a little stream a
     mile S of the mouth of the Mattole R. Fragments of shells were to
     be seen.

     12. senalindiñ (G). About a mile and a half S of the mouth of
     the Mattole R.; on a small flat with a point of land S of it and a
     rocky bluff to the E. Broken shells are to be seen. There are now a
     hut and corral on this flat. The point S, a part of Punta Gorda, is
     called "Windy Point"; sevinnagintcidin is the Indian name.

     13. kailistc[=i] (G). A flat of 3 or 4 ac. immediately N of
     the mouth of Four-mile Cr., about 2-1/2 mi. S of the mouth of the
     Mattole R.

     14. saitc[=i]bi^{=e=} (G). On a bench on the coast S of a bold
     headland. A small stream here [Lion Gulch] has a large delta of
     gravel. This was the southernmost of the villages of the Mattole R.
     tribelet. A house and barn said to belong to John Mackey are on a
     higher bench.

     15. bitc[=i]b[=i]' (G). On the N side of Cooskie Cr. (called
     k[=u]sk[=i]c by the Indians), 1/4 mi. from its mouth. Unlike
     most such streams, this one has something of a valley behind the
     bordering sea wall, through a gap in which it reaches the ocean.
     Salmon enter it. This was the northernmost village of the Cooskie

     koos-ke (ko^{ch}kshe) (M). A very large band and village
     ("hundreds of people") formerly on Cooskie Cr. on or near the coast
     2-1/2 mi. SE of Punta Gorda Lighthouse. Joe Duncan said these were
     the most warlike people of the region.

     16. dec[=i] (G). On a large flat in a cove on the coast,
     immediately N of Spanish Flat. A row of shallow but evident pits
     are to be seen 200 yds. S of the northern end of the flat.

     17. y[=i]nak[=i] (y[=i]natc[=i]) (G). On a flat, called
     Spanish Flat, 3/4 mi. long and 300 yds. wide between the ocean and
     the terrace. It has a creek at its southern end (Spanish Cr.),
     with a large deposit of gravel which has almost entirely buried a
     group of buildings. Plenty of evidence of Indian occupation but no
     decided pits. It is said to have been a very large village. The
     men of this village were killed by a band of white men who came
     down from the mouth of the Mattole R., which they had likewise
     occupied. An Indian ran down the coast to give warning but arrived
     too late. The women also were killed some years later.

     18. seyetc[=i] (G). On a bench at the W end of a flat on the N
     side of the Mattole R. about a mile from its mouth.

     19. sedanadaaib[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the E end of the same flat
     on which seyetc[=i] is situated. The site is now said to have been
     washed away.

     20. daxdeginkatik (G). On a rocky timbered point which is an
     extension of the hills N of the Mattole R. This point is 25 ft.
     higher than the main flat, called nestik. Several indistinct pits
     are still to be seen. The Goff buildings are close by and occupy
     part of the village site. This flat was plowed for the Indians in
     186..(?). There is water in a gulch W (Jim Goff Gulch).

     nes-te´-be (M). On the present Goff Ranch on a bench on the N
     side of the Mattole R., about 3 mi. upstream from the ocean.

     The names are different but the locations are identical, so
     these are no doubt the same village.

     21. daaib[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the SW part of the large flat W of
     Petrolia, on the S side of the river. It was here that the Indians
     settled when they came back from the reservation.

     seb´-bin-ne bug´-gah-be (M). An acorn camp on the S side of
     the Mattole R. a little below the present Hanson place, 3 mi. from
     the mouth of the river.

     The locations for these two villages are the same but the
     descriptions are obviously different. It may be that this was
     an acorn camp in pre-white times and was subsequently used as a
     village site when the preferred land had been taken by the settlers.

     22. bisyet'ob[=i]^{=e=}, "slide place" (G). On a point on the
     N side of the Mattole R. W of Petrolia, overlooking Wright's place.
     Buckeye and peppernut trees are growing there. It has fine exposure
     toward the S. There are pits still to be seen.

     23. tcegiltcexb[=i]^{=e=} (G). On the E bank of the North
     Fork of the Mattole R.; the site is now included in the village of
     Petrolia. It is said to have been a large village.

     24. s[=o]Lkaiye (G). On a large flat on the W side of the
     North Fork of the Mattole, E of the road to Ferndale. A white man's
     house, on a higher flat near the creek, has been burned. It was
     here the Indian village stood.

     25. djetxeniñ (G). On the N side of the North Fork of the
     Mattole just W of a creek flowing into it from the N. It is at the
     western end of a long crooked canyon. Under a point were five very
     large distinct pits. There were evidences of occupation on the
     point above (the creek is called Wild Goose Cr.?).

     26. djinsibbai, "elbow" (G). In the bed of the North Fork of
     McNutt Gulch. The inhabitants of sitc[=i]cb[=i] (no. 1) camped here
     in summer to hunt. Timber and brush.

     27. djibbedaxtûkkab[=i]^{=e=} (G). On a point on the S side of
     North Fork of Mattole R. Opposite djetxeniñ. Joe saw people living
     here when he ran away from the white man who was taking him away
     for a slave.

     28. natsinnadaat (G). At the junction of two streams which
     make up the North Fork of the Mattole (North Fork Mattole and East
     Branch, North Fork Mattole). The stream valleys are wide. The
     northern one (North Fork Mattole) is badly washed out, as is also
     the main valley of the combined streams. A group of ranch buildings
     belonging to Si Minor now occupies the village site, and Billy Wood
     once lived there. There was a pit on the W side of the stream from
     the N and two pits on the N side of the main stream 1/4 mi. below
     the junction.

     29. sedjegûnk[=o][-l]diñ, "right angle" (?) (G). On a flat on
     the N side of the Mattole R. E of the bridge. It is now occupied by
     John Evarts.

     30. djegaslinab[=i]^{=e=} (G). At the mouth of the creek
     flowing into the Mattole R. from the N, 3/4 mi. W of the county
     bridge SE of Petrolia (Conklin Cr.).

     31. da[-l]oidiñ, "wild grape place" (?) (G). At the mouth of
     a creek (Indian Cr.) flowing into the Mattole R. from the SE at
     the northern end of a flat nearly a mile long. Saw what may have
     been pits, one on each side of the road by the duck pond near the
     buildings belonging to Cummings. This was the northernmost village
     of the Cooskie tribelet.

     32. djan[=o]ldin (G). On a bench 1/8 mi. long and 200 yds.
     wide on the E side of Mattole R., which here flows N. It is at the

     33. saiq[=o]tLûndiñ (G). On a long flat bordering the eastern
     side of the Mattole R. Joe said the village was at the southern end
     of the flat, which is now owned by Lee Minor.

     34. g[=o]danindjaib[=i] (G). Just E of the mouth of Squaw Cr.,
     a large stream flowing into the Mattole R. from the S. The regular
     inhabitants were joined by others, who camped here to gather acorns.

     35. n[=o]willeneb[=i] (G). On a large flat on the E side of
     Mattole R. upstream from the mouth of Squaw Cr. Exact location of
     village uncertain. The name may be that of the section, not of the
     particular village.

     36. g[=o]nsakke (G). A large flat through which the Mattole R.
     flows toward the NW. Roscoe lives on the N side. Exact location of
     the village is uncertain.

     37. L[=o]itsiske (G). On a flat on the E side of the Mattole
     R. The river is here no distance from the road. "Joe got very angry
     when I wanted to look for pits."

     38. [=i]kediñ, "foot place" (G). On the N side of a small
     stream flowing into the Mattole R. from the E, at the SE side of
     a flat. There are two deep pits and several, less deep, on the E
     side of the wagon road. A large group of buildings are on a higher
     flat SE. There is a large flat on the W side of the river also. The
     whites killed all of the inhabitants while they were fishing for

     39. [-l][=i]gûcLûndiñ, "snakes many place" (G). Probably on
     the W side of the river where there is a large flat around which
     the river flows, keeping near the high bank on the E. The road runs
     along the eastern side of the river and climbs a considerable grade
     at the N.

     40. [-l][=o]n[=i]tc[=i], "middle of prairie" (G). On the S
     end of a flat on the E side of the Mattole R. Fifteen Indians were
     killed here by white people.

     41. n[=o]wilkediñ (gacdûlyaidiñ, "like a necktie") (G). Said
     to be situated between the Upper North Fork and the Mattole R.

     42. djegûllindiñ (G). On the W side of the stream coming into
     Mattole R. from the S close to the Humboldt Meridian (Honeydew
     Cr.). Indians may also have lived on the E side of this stream. The
     application of this name is uncertain.

Goddard also gives the following summer camps of the Mattole, which I
have not been able to locate.

     djindillegaxye. A flat on the S side of Mattole R., near its

     innaslaibi. A long level bench crossed by the county road N
     from Petrolia, 1-1/12 mi. from that place. Indians used to camp
     here to gather tarweeds. An Indian battleground.

     kuntcegilcannebi. Sec. 32, T. 1 S., R. 2 W. On the E side
     of the county road. The section lines given by Goddard are not

     sekexge. A sloping place on one of the branches of McNutt

_Upper Mattole villages._--The following village locations were given
to Goddard in 1908 by the Sinkyone named Charlie. Goddard did not
visit them so they cannot be accurately located. I am giving Goddard's
township and range locations, but these were made by guess from an
imperfect map, hence they must be used only with the greatest care.

     de'tci'. At the mouth of a big creek (de'kok) flowing into
     Mattole R. at Upper Mattole. Perhaps de'kok is Squaw Cr., mentioned
     in the Elk and Coyote stories. NW 1/4, sec. 30, T. 2 S., R. 1 W.

     ne'nûnyadûñ. On the E side of the river 3 mi. above de'tci'.
     There are two creeks there. This may be the village, and de'tci'
     the whole Upper Mattole flat. Notes say 3 mi. from Mattole, which
     is Charlie's name for Petrolia.

     k'atinta'. Above ne'nûnyadûñ on the Mattole R. at the mouth of
     kutsai'kok. NE 1/4, sec. 33, T. 2 S., R. 1 W.

     tcûlgûnnak'e'. Some distance above k'acinta' on Mattole R.

     tcintcûsk[=o]dûñ. On a hill on the E side of Mattole R.

     tcûst[=i]m[=i]'. On the W side of the Mattole R. on a big
     flat, S of tcintcûsk[=o]dûñ. No creek empties there.

     istannaladûñ. On a large flat on the Mattole R. No creek
     empties there.

     setûggûttc[=i]'. On the E side of the Mattole R. at the mouth
     of setuggukkok. Sec. 14, T. 3 S., R. 1 E.

     tceliñk[=i]'. On both sides of a small creek which enters
     a larger stream near the latter's junction from the E with the
     Mattole R. The valley of the river is wide at this point. A large
     group of buildings is now standing on this site. "I rode to this
     place in July, 1908, when hunting for Jack's place. The name was
     supplied by Charlie from my description." Sec. 31, T. 3 S., R. 2 E.

     Lenill[=i]mi', "flow together in." At the junction of two
     streams on the W side of the Mattole R. There were formerly many
     grizzlies there, and the Indians were afraid of them. This was the
     last village S of the Mattole R. Sec. 7. T. 4 S., R. 2 E.

Merriam gives a number of other village names with rather vague
locations. No doubt each of them corresponds to one of Goddard's, since
both men used the same informant, but I have been unable to identify the
villages either by location or name.

     tah-tah´-ke-ke. On a small flat on the S side of the Mattole
     R. about 1/4 mi. back from the ocean.

     tahn'-hr[=a]´-lah-be. At the mouth of the Mattole R. (on a
     lagoon near Indian Joe Duncan's place).

     yes-s[)a]-cheb´-be. On or near the site of an old barn S of
     the junction of the North Fork with the main Mattole R., near

     e-nah-sal-li´-be. On a flat on Mattole R., 1/2 or 3/4 mi. S of

     choo-wil^{ch}´-kah-be. On the North Fork of the Mattole R. at
     Petrolia. The name tek-ko-li-be is also given for a village on the
     site of present Petrolia.


This small group, occupying the entire drainage of Bear River and the
coast near its mouth, has been fairly well documented by ethnographers.
Aside from linguistic material, our chief source, a paper by Nomland
(1938), gives as complete an account as could be obtained at such a late
date. Although some villages are noted by Goddard (1929), Nomland, and
Merriam, they do not appear to have been recorded by any of the scholars
in a systematic fashion. The village count therefore is probably not

The resources of the Bear River group are substantially the same as
those of the Mattole, except that the salmon run is smaller.

Merriam's information on the Bear River tribe is limited but it helps to
augment the data now in print (Nomland, 1938; Goddard, 1929). Merriam's
informant among these people was an old woman named Mrs. Prince. She
came from Bear River, but at the time Merriam spoke to her (July and
September, 1921) she was living at the Rohnerville Reservation. She used
to visit her granddaughter, Ethel Hecker, at Scotia.

Merriam gives the following brief note about these people.

     Nek´-an-ni´ ... Athapaskan coast tribe formerly inhabiting
     Cape Mendocino and adjacent region from Bear River Hills southward
     to Mattole River, and reaching inland (easterly) to the headwaters
     of the Bear River. [Nek´-an-ni´ was] their own name for themselves.


All evidence would seem to indicate that the Bear River people
constitute a single tribelet as well as a single dialect group. Even the
village on Oil Creek (village no. 7) was evidently in the same political
division; Goddard (1929, p. 291) says: "There was, however, one village
at the mouth of Van Duzen creek which was allied to Bear river both in
its dialect and politically."


Some villages are given by Merriam (M), Nomland (1938) (N), and Goddard
(1929) (G), but most of the locations are not very certain.

     1. chal-ko´-chah (M). Name of the village N of the mouth of
     Bear R., used for both the place and the village.

     tc'alko´ (N). Largest and most western village in the area. It
     included the flat at the mouth of Bear R.

     Goddard mentions two villages as being on the ocean N of the
     mouth of Bear R. -- [-l]'adAlk'AsdAñ and goldElco'dAñ. He gives the
     word tc'alko as the word for Bear R. In Nomland's personal copy
     of Goddard's paper (1929) she has written the word "tchankok" as
     the word for Bear R. She gives the following explanation of the
     discrepancy (1938, p. 92): "In checking words given by Goddard with
     my Bear River informant, Nora Coonskin, it developed that most
     of his information (gotten from Nora's uncle, Peter) was not in
     accordance with hers. Upon close questioning, the latter told me
     that her uncle preferred to speak Mattole. I checked Peter's words
     with Isaac Duncan, my Mattole informant, and found this to be true."

     2. s[=a]-cho-tung (s[)e]-cho´-tah) (M). On the ocean on the S
     side of the mouth of Bear R.

     setcodAñ, "rock big" (G). By the lighthouse, a populous place.
     The present-day lighthouse stands about 2 mi. S of the mouth of
     Bear R.

     3. chil-sh[)e]ck (N). On the site of the present town of

     atcAnco'xEbi' (G). Said to have been where the store and hotel
     are at the town of Capetown.

     4. chil-en-ch[)e] (N). Near the present Morrison Ranch.

     chul´-l[)o]-ko (M). This was the name of the village at
     Morrison's, 5 or 6 mi. above the mouth of Bear R.

     5. sels-che'o-ch (N). About 3 or 4 mi. up the river from the
     Morrison place. The site is now marked by a large red rock. It may
     correspond to Goddard's sEtcixEbi, "rock stand in the water", which
     is not located.

     6. seht-lá (N). About 7 mi. up Bear R. from Capetown.

     7. ko-stah-che´ (k[=o]s-tah-che´) (M). Name of the camp on Oil

Each author gives some additional villages, which cannot be located.

     esta-kana (N). On the largest flat in the upper valley, Gear's

     IstE=g=nadaibi', "madrone stands place" (G).

     klaht-el-k[=o]s´-tah (M). Name of the village near the head of
     Bear R. (at least 15 or 20 mi. upstream). It was a large town with
     a big dance house.

     [-l]'adAlk'AsdAñ (G). Where a schoolhouse stands on Bear R.

     tlanko (N). Above chil-sheck.


At low tide in the spring the Bear River people waded out to lighthouse
rock to gather the eggs of seabirds--gulls, shags, and others. They
would climb up a sort of stairs in the steep rock, wrap the eggs in
buckskin, and let them down with long ropes.

The illustration (fig. 1, _c_) is of an old woman, about ninety years
old, from Bear River, sketched in the fall of 1921.


As stated earlier in the discussion of boundaries (p. 164) I have,
following Merriam's data, assigned the Whilkut different territory than
has heretofore been customary. In the present scheme they occupy the
drainage of Mad River from the mouth of North Fork Mad River to the
mouth of Bug Creek, the drainage of North Fork Mad River, and all the
drainage of Redwood Creek above the lower ten miles. The subdivisions of
the Whilkut are: Chilula Whilkut (Kroeber's Chilula) on lower Redwood
Creek, Kloki Whilkut (part of Kroeber's Whilkut) on upper Redwood Creek,
Mad River Whilkut (part of Kroeber's Whilkut) on Mad River above the
mouth of North Fork, and North Fork Whilkut (part of Kroeber's Wiyot) in
the drainage of North Fork Mad River.

Goddard (1914_a_) and Merriam together give a fairly complete picture of
the organization of villages and subgroups of the Whilkut but aside from
this we have next to nothing in the way of ethnographic information.
They were evidently closely akin to the Hupa in both language and
culture. With the Hupa they form a dialect group as against the Tolowa
on the north and the other California Athabascan groups on the south.

The territory of the Whilkut lies in the dense redwood forest of the
northern coast of California. Thus their economy was based primarily on
the produce of rivers, and this fact is reflected in the placement of
their villages.

Merriam has left a relatively complete record of his visits to the group
which I am calling Whilkut and which he called Hoil´-kut or How´-wil-kut
and M[=a]´-we-n[)o]k. (Merriam uses various spellings.) His first visit
to these people was in 1910. The following account is taken from his
California Journals for September 15, 1910.

     Talked with several Indians at Blue Lake. The boundary between
     the Pah-te-waht [Wiyot] of Lower Mad River, and the 'Hoil´-kut or
     Ho-il-let-ha of Redwood Valley lies along North Fork of Mad River
     near its mouth, between Korbel and Blue Lake. The Pah-te-waht I saw
     today live on Mad River at Blue Lake (on south edge of town), while
     the Hoi-let'ha live on the extreme northeast beyond the town and

Merriam's second visit there was in 1918 and the following quotation is
from the California Journals for August 11, 1918.

     Sunday, August 11, 1918 was foggy and misty in the forenoon;
     partly clear P.M. Took the early morning auto stage from Eureka
     to Korbel, but got off between Blue Lake and Korbel and went on
     an Indian hunt, landing back at Blue Lake without entering Korbel
     proper at all. Returned to Eureka in afternoon.

     Went particularly to get additional material from the Redwood
     Creek Indians ('How´-wil-kut´-ka or 'HWilkut tribe) who were living
     in this region when I was here in September 1910 (see Calif.
     Journals, Vol. 1, 90-93, Sept. 15, 1910). Tried to find O'Haniel
     Bailey and John Stevens of Redwood Creek, and Stevens' daughter
     Laura, from whom I got much information before. After a fruitless
     search over the old ground, learned that O'Haniel Bailey died
     several years ago; that John Steven is visiting in Hoopa Valley,
     and that his daughter Laura is married to a white man.

     But after a while I found two old men of the same tribe, who
     were born and raised at the Blue Lake rancheria 'Ko-tin´-net, the
     westernmost village of the H[)a]-whil´-kut-k[=a] tribe. They call
     themselves and their language by the same name, 'Ho-tin´-net [North
     Fork Whilkut]. One is blind and both are old. The blind man's name
     is Nelinjak; the other's Denbrook. They were eating breakfast of
     fried potatoes, dried fish, and coffee in their poor old shack.
     I got some good material from them and after some persuasion took
     their photographs.

     The blind one said he dreamed last night that a white man with
     a book was coming to see them.

     I got from them the names of some Pah-te-waht [Wiyot] villages
     on lower Mad River and about Arcata.

Merriam's third visit to this group was in 1920. The following account
is from his notes.

     About the middle of September, 1920, I visited the site of the
     old Hoilkut rancheria called T'chil-kahn´-ting (or T'ch-kahn´-ting)
     on the east side of Redwood Creek near the Berry ranch, about a
     quarter of a mile below the highway bridge on the road from Arcata
     to Willow Creek and Hoopa. It was then abandoned, the Indians
     having established another village on higher ground about a mile
     below, and like the old one, on the east side of the river.

     The old site is on an open sand and gravel bar or flat a
     little above high water mark and very near the river. The living
     houses were square--never round. The house excavations were
     about two feet deep. The excavation for the ceremonial house
     ("sweathouse") was sixteen or eighteen feet across and deeper than
     the others, averaging about three feet below the surface. The
     ground floor within was covered with large flattish pebbles. The
     building had fallen but I was told that it had a low gabled roof,
     with entrance toward the river (on the west side). Under the north
     end and still plainly visible was a ditch or flume to supply air
     and for a draft when starting the fire. The fireplace was in the

     The graveyard is on the downstream end of the same flat.

     The flat is in a forest of Douglas spruce, black and white
     oaks, maples, tree alders, and dogwood, with a dense undergrowth
     of hazel, spirea (_Spirea douglasii_), syringa (_Philadelphus
     lewisii_), huckleberry (_Vaccinium ovatum_), and the wild lilac
     (_Ceanothus integerrimus_). The "three-leaf" or "deer-foot"
     also called "sweet after death" (_Achlys triphylla_) is common
     throughout the shady forest.

     In the immediate neighborhood the large gray tree squirrel
     (_Sciurus griseus_) was common, the big gray ground-squirrel
     (_Citellus beecheyi_) was abundant, and a few red squirrels and
     chipmunks were running about.

     Ruffed grouse, mountain quail, and many pigeons were seen;
     also crested jays, robins, and flickers.

     A few days later I visited the modern inhabited rancheria,
     nearly two miles below the bridge. It is on a rather steep slope
     about 500 feet above the river.

     Among the Indians present were two very old men, the Wilson
     brothers, and a half-breed named Ned Woodward from Blue Lake, and
     his wife, the former widow of Nathaniel Bailey--with all of whom I
     had worked in previous years. With their help I checked my former
     vocabularies and added many words.

     At Blue Lake during the latter part of October of the same
     year I found a number of Indians, mainly Hoilkut, and obtained
     additional material, including village names from Ned Woodward.
     Worked also with others, especially the Hoilkut Chief, Frank Lowry,
     and his wife. She is a full blood with the characteristic chin
     tattooing consisting of three broad vertical bars with a narrow one
     on each side between the middle and outer ones. [See fig. 1, _a_,
     _b_ for different styles.] A married daughter had three children, a
     tiny girl and two boys--one of three and the other five, both big
     for their age.

Also of interest are Merriam's ideas about the position of the Whilkut
groups. The following excerpt, taken from his notes, is dated 1939, but
refers to a trip he made to Blue Lake in September, 1910.

     M[=a]´-we-n[)o]k [Mad River Whilkut] ... An Athapascan
     tribe on Mad River, reaching from the junction of North Fork
     with main Mad River near Korbel (where they came in contact with
     the Pah´-te´waht of Lower Mad River [a Wiyot subgroup] and the
     h'Whilkut of North Fork and Redwood Valley) upstream (southward)
     for many miles to the ranch of a white man named John Ahlgren,
     where their territory ended. This is on or near Bug Creek.

     It was told me by a h'Whilkut ('Hoilet´-hah) who stated
     further that the M[=a]´-we-n[)o]k spoke a language so similar to
     his own that he could understand most of their talk.

The statement in the last paragraph comes from an informant Merriam had
in Blue Lake in 1910. Merriam returned to the region in 1920 and at that
time spoke to a member of the Mad River Whilkut group itself. Presumably
the village list given for that group is derived from the second visit.

Merriam discusses the other Whilkut groups as follows.

     The Hoil´-kut or Redwood Creek Indians (commonly called
     Chilula, Hwilkut, or Whilkut) were until recent years one of the
     dominant Athapaskan tribes of Humboldt County in northwestern

     Their territory consisted of the whole valley of Redwood Creek
     and the adjacent mountains from a point on the creek 10 or 12 miles
     above its mouth to Chaparral Mountain at the head of the creek, and
     included also the North Fork of Mad River and a short stretch on
     the north side of the main Mad River between Blue Lake and Korbel.

     Their proper tribal name as spoken by themselves is
     Hoi^{ch}-let´-kah or Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut-k[)a], usually slurred
     to Hoil´-kut. They also call themselves Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut
     kew-yahn´-ne-ahm, meaning Redwood Acorn eaters.

     There are three divisions or subtribes, more or less distinct
     according to the point of view: Upper Redwood, Lower Redwood, and
     Blue Lakes or North Fork Mad River Indians. In their own language
     they are:

     1. The Ho-[=e]^{ch}-ke-e´-te (from Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut,
     "Redwood", and e´-te, "north"), the Northern or Lower Redwood
     Indians [Chilula Whilkut], inhabiting the valleys and adjacent
     slopes of Redwood Creek from its mouth upstream about 12 miles to
     the Tom Blair Ranch at the junction of Minor Creek--a distance in
     an air line of about 17.5 miles. Goddard thought this division was
     the whole tribe and called it Chilula, adopting the term from the
     Hoopa, Polikla [Yurok], and Nererner [Coast Yurok] Indians, who
     however apply it in a wider sense to both upper and lower divisions
     of the Redwood Creek tribe.

     2. The Ho-[=e]^{ch}-ki´-e-nok (from Ho-[=e]^{ch}-kut,
     "Redwood", and e´-nok, "south"), the Upper or Southern Redwoods
     [Kloki Whilkut], inhabiting the valley of Redwood Creek from Minor
     Creek (Tom Blair Ranch) up southerly to the head of the river, near
     Chaparral Mountain--a distance in an air line of nearly 20 miles.
     They also call themselves 'Klo-ke Ching´-ching-e´-nok, meaning
     "Prairie place south."

     3. The 'Ho^{ch}-tin´-net (or 'Ko-tin´-net), the Blue Lake and
     North Fork Mad River Indians [North Fork Whilkut], inhabiting the
     valley of North Fork Mad River from its head to Korbel and Blue
     Lake, and separated from the other divisions by a continuous lofty
     ridge 2,000 to 4,000 feet in altitude. At Blue Lake they had a
     large village called Kaw-cho´-sish-tin-tang.

     South of the 'Ho^{ch}-tin´-net are the M[=a]´-we-nok [Mad
     R. Whilkut], a related Athapaskan tribe inhabiting the valley of
     Mad River from the junction of North Fork near Korbel, southerly
     (upstream) to the Algrehn Ranch on Bug Creek--a distance in a
     straight line of about 21 miles. The 'Ho^{ch}-tin´-net and the
     M[=a]´-we-nok say that their languages are so similar that either
     can understand most of the words of the other.

     The Hoilkut do not reach the coast, being separated from it by
     a long mountain ridge, on the west side of which dwell two tribes
     belonging to widely different linguistic stocks--the Nererner (the
     southwestern division of the Polikla or Yurok) and the Pahtewaht
     (the northern division of the Humboldt Bay Soolahteluk [Wiyot]).

     The Hoilkut say that the coast tribe they call Teswan (the
     Nererner) owned the land fronting the ocean from Orick at the mouth
     of Redwood Creek south to Trinidad and extending up Redwood Creek
     for ten or twelve miles; and that farther south the Pahtewaht
     of the coast and lower Mad River owned the country up to Blue
     Lake--possibly to the mouth of North Fork Mad River--all of which
     agrees with what I have been told by members of these tribes.

     The Hoilkut state that their lowermost (northernmost)
     villages, Ha-wung´-ah-kut and No-l[)e]´-tin, were ten or twelve
     miles up from the mouth of the river. Below these they claim no
     territory. Above, they had twenty-three permanent villages.

     The language is uniform throughout Redwood Creek Valley except
     for one or two slight differences of pronunciation. Thus the first
     syllable of the tribal name as spoken by the Upper Redwoods is
     Hoi´^{ch}; by the Lower Redwoods, Ho-[=e]^{ch}.


Most of the village names in the lists following were recorded by
Merriam or Loud; some Chilula and Kloki Whilkut data from Goddard's
works are added.

_Mad River Whilkut villages._--All the names in this list were recorded
by either Merriam or Loud (1918), respectively designated by (M) and
(L). (See map 16.)

     1. ti-keo-tchun´-tin (M). Village on the site of present

     mis-ken[=e]'huten, "bluff-?-place" (L).

     The names are quite different but the locations are identical.
     One of them may be in error.

     2. djin[=a]kh[=o]e-ten (L). Name said to refer to a prairie.

     3. tolkai'e-ten (L). Name said to refer to shining gravel.

     4. dj'[=e]ndj[=e]e-ten, dj'[=e]ndj[=e]-whot (L). Name said to
     refer to a strong sweep of the wind at that place.

     5. me´-kaw^{ch}-ting, me-ke´-aw^{ch}-ting (M). Village at Jim
     Anderson's place about 3 mi. S of Korbel.

     6. [=a]rtes-slandj[=e][=o]lin-tin, "grasshopper-?-place" (L).
     Village at the mouth of Dry Cr.

     7. ka-tahs-lah-ting, 'ke-ah-tahs-lah-ting (M). Village on the
     S side of Cañon Cr. (in air line about 3.5 mi. S of Korbel).

     who'nt[=a], "houses" (L). Village at the mouth of Cañon Cr.

     8. whotsdj[=o]t[=a]che-tin (L). Name said to refer to a low
     prairie. The village is 3 or 4 mi. below Maple Cr., just below
     Foster Cr. There were three houses there.

     9. ts[=a]´-te-tis´-ting (M). Camp on Mad R. at Fala ranch, 10
     or 12 mi. S of Korbel. It was a camp for catching eels.

     ts[=e]-didis-ten (L). Village about 2 mi. below Maple Cr.
     There were ten or more houses there.

     10. til-chwah-hew'-a-kut, til-tchwa-h[)u]-ut (M). Village on
     Maple Cr. about 14 mi. (9 in air line) S of Korbel. Large village.

     tilch[=e]h[=u]ërkut, dilchërh[=u][=e]rkut (L). Village at the
     mouth of Maple Cr.

     11. hotint[=e]lime (L). Village at the mouth of Black
     Cr. The name is said to refer to a prairie near by, known as

     12. yin[=a]lin[=o]whot (L). Village at the mouth of Boulder
     Cr. Merriam also lists a village at this place but he does not give
     its name or other information about it.

     13. me´-m[)e]h (M). Village at Three Cabins on Mad R. about 3
     mi. above Maple Cr. On Tom Blair's Mad R. place.

     14. Village near Mountain View, about 3.5 mi. S of Three

     15. tseng-nah´-neng-ahl´-ting, tseng-nah´-neng-ah-ten, "rocks
     across the river" (M). Large village at John Ahlgren's place on or
     near Bug Cr. [This may be the village site shown in pl. 10, _b_.]

     16. ituke-n[=o]le´-tin, "up-waterfall-place" (L). Village on
     Foster Cr. The same name also given to a prairie half a mile up the
     creek from its mouth; ituk means "up," also "east."

_Chilula Whilkut villages._--The information on the villages and camps
of the Chilula Whilkut comes from Merriam's notes and from Goddard's
published material (1914). It appears that Merriam made a systematic
effort to check Goddard's material, thereby enhancing the value of their
combined work. (See map 15.)

[Illustration: Map 15. Villages of the Chilula Whilkut, North Fork
Whilkut, and Kloki Whilkut (see also map 16).]

     1. ho-wung´-ah-kut (M). In the Bald Hills N of Redwood Cr.
     Northernmost and lowest village.

     x[=o]wûnnakût (G). Village probably situated about a mile
     E of Redwood Cr. on a small flat S of a ridge along which the
     Trinidad trail used to run. A small creek a short distance S,
     entering Redwood Cr. from the E, would have furnished excellent
     salmon fishing. A depression resembling those characteristic of
     sweathouses was seen. Tom Hill's oldest brother used to live at
     this village, which was deserted many years ago, probably because
     of its nearness to the trail.

     2. no-l[)e]h´-ting (M). Village on Redwood Cr. about 12 mi.
     from the coast. The name means "falls."

     n[=o]lediñ, "waterfall place" (G). This former large village
     remained occupied until 1888, when the Hill family left it and
     moved to Hoopa V. The site is at the foot of a long glade which
     slopes toward the creek nearly a half-mile distant. A spring N of
     the village site supplies water. In the edge of the timber, which
     approaches the village site within a few yards on the N, are two
     large redwood trees, hollow, with large openings toward the S. In
     these trees families used to spend the winter. During our visit in
     1906 we spent a rainy afternoon in one of them in which a fire was
     maintained, the smoke escaping through the high opening in the side.

     The village derived its name and perhaps its existence from
     a hole, or waterfall, a short distance up the stream. The creek
     bed was formerly choked with huge boulders, causing a fall, which
     was jumped by the salmon with difficulty. The fishing for both
     salmon and lamprey eels, carried on with nets below the fall, was
     excellent. Since the village has been abandoned, several of these
     boulders have been displaced so a fall of only 3 ft. remains.

     3. y[=i]tsinneakûttciñ, "down hill on" (G). Camp site W of
     n[=o]lediñ, about halfway up the ridge W of Redwood Cr. The Indians
     from n[=o]lediñ used to camp there to gather the acorns of the tan
     oak, which are plentiful among the redwood trees.

     4. L[=o]tsx[=o]tdawillindiñ, "prairie water flows down place"
     (G). Summer camp about 1-1/2 mi. E of n[=o]lediñ and 1/2 mi. W of
     the crest of the ridge. A hollow redwood tree used to be used as a
     camping place.

     5. tcitdeelyediñ, "dancing place" (G). Glade on a ridge
     running toward the E near a branch of Roach Cr., a tributary of the
     Klamath. This camp was pointed out from a distance and its exact
     location is therefore uncertain. The Indians used to go there from
     n[=o]lediñ in the summer to gather seeds and in the fall for acorns.

     6. klo-tshim´-m[)e]y (M). Camp on Redwood Cr. 1 mi. above

     L[=o]tcimme, "small glade in" (G). A former village about a
     mile upstream from n[=o]lediñ and 75 yds. E of Redwood Cr., where
     it stood in an opening of about an acre. Obscure depressions like
     house pits were seen on the N side of the glade near a stream
     which provided drinking-water. A weir for lamprey eels used to be
     built in Redwood Cr. near by.

     7. ho^{ch}-tahn-ho-lah´-ting (M). On the E side of Redwood Cr.
     above klo-tshim´-m[)e]y. There is some doubt as to its location.

     8. king-keo´-'hli (king-keo´-h[)e]-l[=a]) (M). Summer camp on
     top of the hill or ridge in Bald Hills about a mile E of Jonathan
     Lyon's ranch house.

     kiñky[=o]lai, "big timber point" (G). Large and important
     former village situated on the eastern end of a ridge above
     Jonathan Lyon's ranch house and about a mile E of it. There is
     timber on the northern slope of the ridge. At the edge of the
     timber is a spring which supplied the village with water. Besides
     the sweathouse site, seventeen house pits were counted. This
     village was the home of the Socktish family, many of whom are now
     living with the Hupa. The head of the family at the time of the
     coming of white people was a man of influence and a noted warrior.
     His name was KiLtcil, "crazy." His wife was a Hupa woman and
     perhaps for that reason the family moved to Hoopa V.

     9. senalmatsdiñ, "stone round place" (G). Summer camp for
     gathering seeds in the glade on the S side of the main ridge E of

     10. tesaikut, "projects to water" (G). Camp ground frequented
     in the fall of the year for gathering tanoak acorns and hunting
     deer by the Indians living at n[=o]lediñ and kiñky[=o]lai. It is on
     the NE slope of the ridge W of Tully Cr.

     11. king-y[)e]-ke´-ke-ah-mung´-ah (king´-ke-kaw´-mung´-ah)
     (M). Village on the E side of Redwood Cr. at the mouth of Coyote
     Cr. a little above ho^{ch}-tahn-ho-lah´-ting, and a little above
     Lyon's place.

     kiñyûkky[=o]mûña, "big timber near" (G). This site was not
     visited. It is said to be on the N side of Coyote Cr. below a large
     rock. There are said to be house pits there. Tom Hill said this
     was the village where the people who lived at kiñky[=o]lai spent
     the colder months of the winter. It is unlikely that two permanent
     villages were maintained by the same families. Perhaps the site of
     kiñky[=o]lai is the more recent and it was formerly only a summer
     camping place.

     12. kitdiLwissakût, "fire drill on" (G). Camp used in the fall
     for gathering acorns and hunting. Situated near the corner of the
     Hoopa reservation in a glade sloping toward the S, near a spring.

     13. new-wil-tso´-me-ah, "coyote camp" (M). Spring and summer
     camp on Bald Hills Ridge.

     n[=u]wils[=o]lm[=i]ye, "ground in billows under" (G).
     Summer camping ground near a cold spring at the head of one of
     the branches of Coyote Cr. The Indians used to come here from

     14. ye-sin´-ning´-i-kut (e-tsin´-ning´-i-kut) (M).

     y[=i]sinniñ^{=e=} aikût, "down hill ridge runs on" (G). Site
     of a former village 1/2 mi. E of Redwood Cr. and about 500 ft.
     higher than the creek. It is S of the main ridge S of Coyote Cr.,
     at the western edge of a glade near a dry gulch. One pit was found.
     It is said that Tom Hill's father lived at this village and that it
     was not occupied at the time the white people came.

     15. tsin´-tse-lah´-ting (M). Village below Stoffer's and below

     tsinsilladiñ, "bones lie place" (G). Former village not far
     from Redwood Cr. on a small flat where the ground shows signs of
     having slid. Little Henry's family are said to have lived at this

     16. kittc[=u]namediñ, "its ear swimming place" (G). Summer
     camp on the W side of the main ridge, about 200 ft. below its
     junction with the E-W ridge N of Lacks Cr. There is a spring by a
     Douglas spruce which stands by itself.

     17. t[=o]'n-t[)e]-nahn´-ting (t[=o]n-din-nun-ting) (M). Old
     village on the E side of Redwood Cr. Ned Woodward, who was born
     here, tells me the village was on a side hill at or very near

     t[=o]ndinûndiñ, "water facing place" (G). Village site on the
     sloping hillside about 700 yds. E of Redwood Cr. and 400 yds. N of
     Lacks Cr. Seven house pits were found here. The guide, Dan Hill,
     did not know of these pits, but located a village of this name
     considerably nearer Redwood Cr. The Albers place, probably the
     first settlement in this region, is just S of this village, on a
     flat between Redwood Cr. and Lacks Cr.

     18. tcwûñxaladiñ, "dung stands up place" (G). On the western
     side of the main ridge near its crest. There is a spring in a small

     19. ming´-kah´-te-k[)e]´ (mung-kut´-te-k[)e]) (M). At Fort
     Camp at the mouth of ho-tah´^{ch}-ting Cr. (Lacks Cr.), between
     Lyon's and Stoffer's.

     miñkûtdekeyimantcintciñ, "lake opposite side" (G). Summer
     camp among the redwood trees across the creek from Albers' place,
     opposite the mouth of Lacks Cr.

     20. ho-tah´^{ch}-tin´-nek (ho´-nah^{ch}-tin-[)a]-k[)e] or
     ho-nah^{ch}-t[)e]-n[=a]´-k[)e]h), (M). Large village or summer
     camp right at Stoffer's on the ridge about a mile above (S of)
     t[=o]s-kahtch-ting (Cold Spring) and approximately midway between
     Bair's and Berry's. At Stoffer's, formerly Hooker's, there is
     a place called koo^{ch}-mit-tah^{ch} or kew^{ch}-mit-tah^{ch},
     meaning "between the alders," but it appears to be a place name

     21. e-nok´-k[)a]-no´-mit-s[)a] (M). Former village on the
     Howard place.

     y[=i]nûkan[=o]mittsediñ, "south door place" (G). Former large
     and important village, often mentioned in myths and tales by both
     the Hupa and the Chilula. Pits were found on a flat near the creek
     about 1/8 mi. SW of the Howard ranch buildings. Other pits were
     said to have been obliterated near the middle of this flat.

     22. tl[=o]^{ch}-t[=i]'k-hah-lah´-ting (M). Camp at an old
     schoolhouse 1 mi. S of e-nok´-k[)a]-no´-mit-s[)a].

     23. h[=o]n-t[)e]^{chl}-m[)e]´ (M). Camp on the E side of
     Redwood Cr. above Lacks Cr.

     x[=o]nteLme, "flat in" (G). Former village situated on a large
     flat on the E side of Redwood Cr. The village is said to have stood
     where the farm buildings formerly belonging to Beaver are located.
     Because this flat had been cultivated a long time no pits were

     24. klo-ch[)e]-k[=a] (M). Village on the E side of Redwood Cr.

     L[=o]tceke (G). Village which stood midway in a flat on the E
     side of Redwood Cr. near the stream. House pits were seen on the W
     side of the wagon road.

     25. klitch´-hoo-[)e]-nah´^{ch}-ting
     ('hlit-choo-[=a]-nah^{ch}-ten; sit-choo-[)e]-nah^{ch}-ting) (M).
     Former village about 3 mi. above Beaver's on the W side of Redwood
     Cr. above Lacks Cr.

     Littc[=u][w=]innau[w=]diñ, "dust flies place" (G). Site of a
     former village on a long flat on the W side of the creek. It is
     surrounded by timber, but receives the sun from the S. Little Henry
     was living on the E side of the creek at the time, and said it was
     his father's home.

     26. ki´-loo^{ch}-tah^{ch}-ting (M). Camp on
     the E side of Redwood Cr. about 1 mi. or less S of
     klitch'-hoo-[)e]-nah´^{ch}-ting, but on the opposite bank.

     kail[=u][w=]ta'diñ, "willows among place" (G). Said to have
     been a large village on a small flat about 1/4 mi. S of the last
     mentioned village. There were indications of 3 or 4 house pits.
     Molasses' wife said there was once a round dance house in this
     village, probably the same type as in the Upper Redwood and Mad
     River country.

     27. kuff-keo´-m[)e] (M). Camp on the W side of Redwood Cr.
     across from k[=i]'-loo^{ch}-tah^{ch}-ting.

     28. kail[=u][w=]tceñeLdiñ, "willows project place" (G). Former
     village, which stood at the northern end of a long flat. Two plain
     house pits, one of them containing stone implements, were seen.

     29. sik´-king´-choo-ma-tah´^{ch}-ting (M). Given as about 2
     mi. below Tom Bair's place on the E side of Redwood Cr. Merriam
     says he could not find anyone who knew of it.

     sikkiñtcwûñmitta'diñ (G). Village occupied in 1914. At the
     time of Goddard's visit, it was the home of Tom, a famous blind
     medicine man.

     30. h[=o]s-t[)a]´-ch[)e]-m[)e] (M). Village or camp on the W
     side of Redwood Cr. about 2 mi. above k[=i]´-loo^{ch}-tah^{ch}-ting.

     31. ke´-nah´-hung-tah´^{ch}-ting (M). Former big village on
     the E side of Redwood Cr. just below Minor Cr.

     kinnax[=o]nta'diñ, "Yurok village place" (G). Important former
     village on a flat bordering Redwood Cr. on the E, about 1/4 mi. N
     of Tom Bair's ranch house. Four shallow pits were found. A fight
     with the volunteer soldiers occurred at this village, in which one
     Indian was killed.

     32. ke-tan-nah´-tah^{ch}-ting (M). Former village on the site
     of Tom Bair's place.

     33. ho-un´-kut (M). Former village on the W side of Redwood
     Cr. about 1/2 mi. from ke-tan-nah´-tah^{ch}-ting but on the
     opposite side of the creek. The name is nearly the same as that of
     the lowermost village of the tribelet.

     34. tah^{ch}-ch[=a]-nahl´-ting (M). Large village on the E
     side of Redwood Cr. just below Tom Bair's, near the big barn and
     sheep corral.

     35. tahs-ung´-ch[=a]-kut (tah^{ch}-sahn-che-ting) (M). Former
     village about 200 yds. above tah^{ch}-ch[=a]-nahl´-ting on the E
     side of the creek.

There are also a number of villages for which the locations are
uncertain. The following names are from Merriam's notes, and the
villages are situated on or near the Bald Hills Ridge between villages 9
and 16.


     kahtch-wahn-to-ting. Summer camp.

     ke-wah´-ahn-tis-ting. Camp on the ridge at the line fence
     between Lyon's and Stoffer's ranches.

     tos-kahtch´-ting. Camp on the ridge at Cold Spring 1/2 mi.
     above ke-wah´-ahn-tis-ting.

     tah^{ch}mah-no-ah´-ting. Summer camp on Bald Hills Ridge.

One more village is given by both Merriam and Goddard, transcribed
dah´-sun´-chah-kut by the former and dasûntcakût by the latter. They
both say that it was supposed to have been near village no. 31. Goddard
thinks that it was a separate name for a part of village 31 "as is
customary in this region."

_Kloki Whilkut villages._--Most of the information on this group
comes from Merriam's notes. Goddard's account of the Chilula Indians
of Northeastern California (1914_a_) goes only as far as the first
two villages, which he maintains are part of the Lower Redwood group.
Merriam claims they belong to the Upper Redwood group. I have accepted
Merriam's version and these groups are rearranged on the basis of his
information. Goddard's Chilula Texts (1914_b_) mentions a few villages
of this group but no locations are given, so they have not been
included. (See maps 15 and 16.)

     36. mis´-m[)e]h (M). Former village on the E side of Redwood
     Cr. 1-1/2 mi. below kah´-kus-tah^{ch}-ting.

     misme, "slide in" (G). Former village situated near the creek
     on the E side. Many Indians were killed here by the white people.
     Perhaps that is why this village was not mentioned by some of the

     37. kah´-kus-tah^{ch}-ting (M). Former village on Redwood Cr.
     at the junction of Sweathouse Cr., whose name it bears. About 2 mi.
     below Berry Bridge.

     kaxûsta'diñ, "Philadelphus among place" (G). Former village of
     importance on a flat of about 2 ac., near the creek level on the E
     side. Four house pits were found on the N side of the flat and four
     others in a row about midway of the flat. Two other pits, one of
     them near the creek, were probably sweathouses. The flat is called
     "Sweathouse Flat" by white people. This village is considered by
     the Hupa the last of the villages of the x[=o]ilkûty[=i]dexoi,
     or Chilula. It was the last toward the S from which Indians were
     allowed to witness the Hupa dances. The Chilula also seem to accept
     this as their boundary.

     38. t'chil-kahn´-ting (t'ch^{[-l]}-kahn´-ting;
     chis-kahn´-ting) (M). Village on the E side of Redwood Cr. just
     under the Berry ranch and about 1/4 mi. below the old covered
     bridge near Berry's. The village is now moved to a higher point on
     the high slope 1/2 mi. farther S.

     39. e-nuk´-k[)a]-cheng´-tish-ting (M). Former village where
     the Berry ranch house now stands, on the high ground E of Redwood
     Cr. Bridge.

     40. es-tish´-chem´-m[)e]h (M). Former village on the E side of
     Redwood Cr. about 4 mi. above Berry Bridge.

     41. tsin´-tes-'ki´-m[)e]h (M). Village on the E side of
     Redwood Cr. a little below mes-t[)a]-tim´-teng.

     42. mes-t[)a]-tim´-teng (M). Former village on the E side of
     Redwood Cr. above es-tish´-chem´-m[)e]h.

     43. tah-nah´-nah-kut (M). Village on the E side back from the
     creek and above mes-t[)a]-tim´-teng.

     44. chim-mah´-non´-ah-kut (M). Former village on the E side of
     Redwood Cr. at Bonny Cragan's ranch.

     45. ni´-is-'kwahl´-l[)a]-kut (M). Former village at the head
     of Redwood Cr. The last and southernmost village of the group. A
     view of the territory here is shown in pl. 10, _d_.

Merriam lists for this group five other villages, which could not be
located. Presumably they are in correct sequence between village no. 44
and village no. 45.

     ts[=a]´-nah-ti´-[)a]-kut. Village on the E side of Redwood Cr.
     far up, near Chaparral Mt.

     'klesh-mah´-kut. Former village on the ridge on the E side of
     Redwood Cr.

     m[=a]´-m[=a]-[)a]-kut. Former big village on m[=a]´-ma-kut

     'klew-taw-m[)e]-ting. Former village on the E side of Redwood

     nahs-kah´-nah-kut. Former village high up on Redwood Cr.

_North Fork villages._--The information on this group comes from
Merriam's notes (M) and from Loud (1918) (L). (See map 15.)

[Illustration: Map 16. Villages of the Mad River Whilkut, the South Fork
Hupa, and Kloki Whilkut. (See also maps 15 and 17).]

     46. klokeche (L).

     47. kaw-cho'-sish-tin-tang (M). Large village at Blue L.

     48. me-k[=a]´-t[)a]-met (M). Village on North Fork Mad R.
     between Korbel and Riverside (nearer Riverside).

     mik[=e]time (L). Name said to refer to being behind North Fork
     of Mad R.

     49. k[=a]-tsi'-[)a]-too (M). Camp just below Big Rock at

     50. hoo-tso'-e-choo'-kah (M). Village (or camp) on the site of
     the present store at Korbel.

     51. ki'loo-whit´-teng (M). Fishing camp on North Fork Mad R.
     1/4 or 1/2 mi. above Korbel (where gum trees are, just below picnic

     52. kis-t[=a]'-[)a]-kut (M). Camp for winter fishing on North
     Fork Mad R. at Korbel picnic ground (Camp Bar) about 1 mi. above

     gestAkAt (L). Name said to refer to a deep fishing hole.

     53. noo-l[)e]h´-m[)e]h (M). Fishing camp at falls about 1/2
     mi. above Korbel picnic ground. Only one kind of salmon can get up
     these falls.

     54. ts[=e]-in[=a]t[=u]lwo-ten (L). tse, "sticks," which were
     left there after a prayer.

     55. khaiyame (L). Name said to refer to an eddy at the base of
     a waterfall.


The following note is taken verbatim from the Merriam files.

     The Nose Stick: The Redwood Hoi-let'-hah tell me that their
     tribe never perforated the nose during life, but when a person died
     they charred a piece of poison oak to make it strong, and sharpened
     it and bored a hole with it through the septum of the dead person's
     nose and then put handsome Dentalium shell money in the hole before
     burying the person.

     The Tol-lo-wah of Crescent City and Karok of Upper Klamath
     River (Orleans Bar to Happy Camp) were the only Indians the
     Redwoods knew who dared wear the nose shell when alive--the other
     tribes were afraid to do so.


The Hupa are the best known of the California Athabascan groups. They
live in the drainage area of the Trinity River from a short distance
above its mouth to a little above the mouth of South Fork Trinity and in
the drainage area of the South Fork Trinity up to the mouth of Grouse
Creek (pl. 10, _a_).

There have been a number of papers published on a variety of aspects
of Hupa life but the main sources of general ethnography are Goddard's
paper (1903_a_) and Kroeber's Hupa section in the Handbook (1925_a_,
pp. 128-137). The Hupa are the same, in many ways, as the Yurok, so the
sizable literature on that group is also useful.

The territory occupied by the Hupa differs in several respects from
that of the other Athabascan tribes. The elevation of their lands is
everywhere over 2,000 feet and in places rises to 4,000 or 5,000 feet.
Because of the elevation there is a good deal of snow in the mountains
surrounding the valley and this fact may have somewhat isolated the Hupa
from their Athabascan neighbors during the winter months, although it is
known that they were in close contact with some of the Whilkut.

The fish resources of the Hupa territory also constituted an important
distinction. The Trinity is the only river in the Athabascan area in
which there is both a spring and a fall run of salmon. This resource
must have been very important to the Hupa. It is significant that in the
many intensive studies of the Hupa there is no report of any summer camp
away from the river. The Hupa were evidently even more firmly attached
to their riverine environment than were the other Athabascans, and this
fact may well have been due to the double salmon run.

Merriam's estimate of the position of the Hupa, given below, is taken
verbatim from his notes.

     _The Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o or Hoopah._--The Hoopah proper,
     who call themselves not Hoopah but Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o, occupy
     the lower part of Trinity River and tributary streams from the
     mouth of South Fork Trinity northerly to Bull Creek--a distance of
     about 20 miles. On the west they extend to the summit of the long
     high mountain range known as The Bald Hills (altitude 4,000 ft.),
     which separates their territory from that of the Redwood Creek
     tribe, the 'Hwilkut [Chilula]. On the east they reach to the lofty
     mountain ridge culminating in Trinity Summit (altitude 6,500 ft.),
     the northern part of which separates the drainage area of Mill
     Creek from that of Redcap Creek; the southern part, the waters of
     Horse-Linto and Cedar creeks from those of the westerly branches of
     New River.

     Their territory, therefore, is difficult of access, being
     protected in all directions by ranges of mountains or deep canyons,
     while its western border is about 20 miles from the coast, easterly
     from Trinidad. The entire region, except the beautiful Hoopa
     Valley, 6 miles in length and a mile or two in breadth, where most
     of the villages are located, is mountainous and most of it densely
     forested. There are one or two small open stretches on other parts
     of Trinity River, and a few grassy slopes on some of the ridges;
     elsewhere the forest is continuous.

     The Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o are in contact with five tribes
     belonging to three linguistic stocks, namely: the Po-lik´-lah
     (often called "Yurok") on the north; the Kar´ok on the northeast;
     the Athapaskan E´-tahk-n[)a]-lin´-n[)a]-kah on the east [I have
     not been able to identify this group. According to Merriam's
     map and according to his own testimony (Merriam, 1930) the Hupa
     are bordered on the east by the Shastan Tlo-hom-tah-hoi; the
     Athapaskan Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a] [Southern Hupa] on the south, and
     the Athapaskan 'Hwilkut [Chilula] on the west.]

     _The Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a]._--(An Athapaskan tribe closely
     related to the Hoopah.) The territory of the Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a]
     lies directly south of the Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o or Hoopah proper,
     embracing the drainage basin of South Fork Trinity River from
     Grouse Creek to the junction of South Fork with the main Trinity,
     and including also the rather narrow strip between South Fork
     on the west and the main Trinity on the east as far up as Cedar
     Flat. At the mouth of South Fork they crossed the main Trinity
     and claimed a narrow strip two or three miles in length on the
     north side of the canyon where two of their villages were located,
     Ti´-koo-et-sil´-lah-kut on the high bench opposite the mouth of
     South Fork, and Me´-m[)e]h, on the site of the present Fountain
     Ranch about 1-1/2 miles east of the other. Their western boundary
     was the divide between the tributaries of South Fork Trinity and
     those of Redwood Creek (a little west of the courses of Madden
     Creek and Mosquito Creek). The eastern boundary was the deep canyon
     of Trinity River from the mouth of South Fork to Cedar Flat; the
     southern boundary, Grouse Creek and a line running from its mouth
     northeasterly and following Mill Creek to the main Trinity at Cedar
     Flat--thus including the Burnt Ranch country.

     The land of the Ts´[)a]-nung-wh[)a] is mountainous and
     forested, and the principal streams flow in deep canyons. It is
     roughly circular in outline, and of small extent, measuring in
     an air line hardly 15 miles in either direction--north-south or
     east-west. Nevertheless it seems to have been rather well populated
     for there were at least a dozen villages--all situated on high
     benches overlooking the canyons.

     Their language differs only slightly from that of the Hoopah.

     The Tsa-nung-wha were in contact with four tribes:
     the Tin´-nung-hen-n[=a]´-o or Hoopah on the north,
     E´-tahk-n[)a]-lin´-n[)a]-kah [Tlo-hom-tah-hoi] and Che-ma-re´-ko
     [Chimariko] on the northeast, the Che-ma-re´-ko on the east and
     south, the 'Hwi´l-kut [Chilula] on the west.

The following account of Merriam's first visit to the Hoopa Indian
Reservation is taken from his California Journal, Vol. 2, September 5,

     The present Hoopa Valley Indian Reservation Agency is built
     around a hollow square, formerly old Fort Gaston. In order to reach
     the agency we had to ford Trinity River, here more than a hundred
     feet broad, the agency being on the west or coast side. Purchased a
     number of sahah baskets.

     The night before coming down into Hoopah Valley we camped on
     Trinity Mountain where we found a colony of _Aplodontia_ [Mountain
     beaver], the Hoopah name of which is Nea't-saas.

     The range west of Hoopah Valley between Supply Creek canyon
     and Redwood Creek is 3,400 feet in altitude; in other words, 3,000
     feet above Hoopah Valley. This range is covered with a rather dense
     forest mainly of Douglas Fir, more or less mixed on the warmer
     slope with Ponderosa and Sugar Pines and Black, White, and Live
     Oaks, among which Madrones, Chinquapins, and Cedars occur.

     On the slope east of Hoopah Valley the splendid _Rhododendron
     californicum_ occurs. Here also two species of _Cornus_,
     _nuttalli_ and the black-berried _sessilis_, were seen, and in a
     gulch nearby we found the rather rare Lawson Cypress. On this range
     at an altitude of 3,250 feet is a stone pile around a post said to
     mark the west boundary of Hoopah Reservation.

     On this same range the coast Plume Fern is common and
     the ground over a considerable area is carpeted with delicate
     _Vancouveria hexandra_.

     At Redwood Creek we saw the beautiful ringed tail of a
     _Bassariscus_, which animal is said to be common here.

     The Redwood (_Sequoia sempervirens_) common along the coast
     pushes up Redwood River to a point about two miles below the Bair
     ranch. The man at the ranch, W. F. Boyce, told me that during
     the previous year he had trapped in the region 32 Black Bear, 21
     Coyotes, numerous Wildcats, 3 Panthers, and one Badger, besides
     killing any number of deer. Other mammals said to occur here in
     addition to Deer are Gray Fox, Otter, Fisher, Marten, Mink, big
     and little Skunks (_Mephitis_ and _Spilogale_) in addition to the
     Ring-tail _Bassariscus_, here called kil-how'^{ch}.

     One of the commonest trees in Redwood Valley is the Tan Oak
     (_Lithocarpus densiflora_), the bark of which is used for tanning.
     Madrones also are common, many of them four feet or more in

     The rare Cypress (_Chamaecyparis lawsoniana_) also occurs here
     but Douglas Fir is not only the dominant tree but grows to large
     size, thousands of them reaching diameters of five to seven feet.


Although the information on Hupa villages comes from extremely diverse
sources, there appears to be fair agreement among them. The basic
material comes from Goddard (1903), and this is for the most part
confirmed by Merriam and Curtis (1924, Vol. 13). In fact, Curtis' data
coincide so closely with Goddard's that they may have been derived from
Goddard's report. However, a few of Curtis' facts do not appear in
Goddard's work so we are probably justified in considering them primary.

Besides these sources, there is a list of village names by Powers (1877)
and also a manuscript map prepared by Gibbs in 1852, reproduced here as
pl. 9; the original is in the Bureau of American Ethnology. Although
this map is not particularly accurate and although the village names are
given in Yurok rather than in Hupa, it still has special value since the
number of houses is given for each village and we therefore have a check
on the data presented by Goddard.

In the following lists the sources are thus indicated: Merriam (M),
Goddard (G), and Curtis, 1924, Vol. 13, (C).

_Natinuwhe Villages (map 17)_

     1. hon-sah-tung (M). Former village on the E bank of the
     Trinity R. at the N end of Hoopa V.

     xonsadiñ (G), "deep water place." Near the beginning of the
     canyon on the right bank at the N end of the valley.

     honsading, "deep pool place" (C). On the E bank of the Trinity
     R. at the N end of Hoopa V.

     Powers (1877) gives hun-sa-tung and Gibbs gives okenope,
     corresponding to oknutl, the Yurok name. Gibbs says there were 9
     houses in the village while Goddard shows 11 houses.

     [Illustration: Map 17. Villages of the Hupa and South Fork
     Hupa (see also map 16).]

     2. dakisxankût (G). On the opposite side of the Trinity R.
     from xonsadiñ at the base of Bald Hill was a village, the site of
     which is now entirely grown up to trees and brush. Goddard shows 7
     houses here.

     takyishankut (C). On the W bank, opposite honsading.

     3. kin-choo-whu-kut (M). On the E side of the Trinity near the
     N end of Hoopa V. and just below the mouth of Mill Cr.

     kintc[=u]whwikût, "on a nose" (G). This village occupies a
     point of land on the E bank just below the mouth of Mill Cr. Eight
     houses are shown at this village.

     kinchuwhikut, "its nose upon" (C). On the E bank just below
     the mouth of Mill Cr.

     The Yurok name for this village is merpernertl (Kroeber, 1925).

     4. cha-en-ta-ko-ting, "flopped out" (M). Former village on the
     W bank of the Trinity R. a little above Socktish Cr.

     tceindeqotdiñ, "place where he was dug up" (G). This village
     was a short distance below meskût. Its name refers to a well-known
     myth (see Goddard, 1904). Goddard shows 12 houses at this village.

     cheindekhoting (C), "dug out place." On the W bank between
     miskut and the mouth of Socktish Cr.

     Powers (1877) gives the name chan-ta-ko-da for this village
     and its Yurok name is said to be kererwer (Kroeber, 1925).

     5. mis-kut (M). On the E side below Hostler Cr.

     meskût (G). This village was on the E side of the river and
     about a mile below takimiLdiñ. It "shows signs of once having been
     occupied by many houses." Nine of them are shown.

     miskut, "bluff upon" (C). On the E bank on a bluff midway
     between Mill Cr. and Hostler Cr.

     Powers (1877) gives mis-kut as the name of this village and
     Gibbs gives eh-grertsh, corresponding to the Yurok ergerits, and
     says that there were 6 houses here.

     6. tah-kah-mil-ting (M). The head village of the tribe,
     situated on the E bank of the Trinity a little above Hostler Cr.
     Contained a large ceremonial house.

     takimiLdiñ, "place of the acorn feast" (G). A short distance
     below Tsewenaldin on the E bank. It is known as the Hostler Ranch.
     This is the religious center for the whole valley. Here there
     still stand the xonta nikyao, "house big," and the taikuw nakyao,
     "sweathouse big." These are said to have been built by the people
     of long ago and to have sheltered the first dwellers in the valley;
     but inasmuch as they were burned by a party of Yurok in the early
     part of the last century, the statement is to be interpreted
     as applying to the foundations only. At this village were held
     the acorn feast and two of the important dances, and it was the
     starting-point for the third (cf. Goldschmidt and Driver, 1940).
     Goddard shows 14 houses in this village.

     takimilding, "cook-acorns place" (C). On the E bank a short
     distance above Hostler Cr. At the beginning of the acorn season the
     people of this village would gather a small quantity of nuts and
     prepare a feast of mush and salmon, which all the Hupa attended.
     The remnants of the feast were cast into the fire and the cooking
     stones were added to the accumulated heap of previous years. This
     is the present residence of the northern division of the Hupa,
     known as Hostler Ranch, and the ceremonial feast is still observed.
     A fishing weir was built in a long riffle near here.

     Powers (1877) gives hos-ler as the name of this village and
     Gibbs gives ople-goh, corresponding to Yurok oplego (Kroeber,
     1925), and says that there are 20 houses here.

     7. tsa-wun-al-mit-tung (M). Former village on the E side of
     the Trinity in the middle of the valley.

     tseweñaldiñ (G). This was a large settlement on the E bank
     about a mile below toLtsasdin. It is translated by English tongues
     into Senalton. There are many traces of houses here, but the people
     were all killed or scattered in the troubled times of the 'sixties.
     Six houses are shown here.

     tsewenalding, "rock inverted place" (C). This was on the E
     bank about 1/4 mi. above takimilding. The locality is now known as
     the Senalton Ranch.

     Gibbs gives the name olle-potl for this village, corresponding
     to the Yurok olepotl (Kroeber, 1925) and says there were 10 houses.

_Tinuheneu Villages (map 17)_

     8. tol-skots-a-tung (M). Former village on the W side of the
     Trinity S of the mouth of Supply Cr.

     t[=o]Ltsasdiñ (G). There are evidences of this village on
     the left bank a little S of the mouth of Supply Cr. It has long
     been deserted. A prison camp was maintained near this site by the

     toltsasding (C). At the N side of the mouth of Supply Cr. It
     was inhabited until about the time of the military occupancy.

     The Yurok name for this village is erlern (Kroeber, 1925).

     9. ma-til-le-tung (M). In the upper part of Hoopa V. on the E
     side of the Trinity, 2 mi. from the S end of the valley. It was the
     largest village but not the head village, tah-ka-mil-ting being the
     head town, ma-til-le-tung was the big boat ranch of the Hupa and
     was named for ma-til, dugout canoe.

     medildiñ, "place of boats" (G). Just below xowûñkût the river
     swings back to the W, meets a spur of the mountain, and then
     swings back to the E, forming a peninsula. Here, cut off from the
     rest of the valley, is medildiñ (Matilton Ranch). This village,
     with those to the S, forms the southern division of the Hupa
     people. This division manifests itself especially in religious

     medilding, "canoe place" (C). On the E bank of the Trinity R.
     about midway between Supply Cr. and Campbell Cr. It is the present
     settlement of the southern division and is known as the Matilton
     Ranch. The southern division fish weir is built in the river near

     mi-til-ti is the name attributed to this village by Powers
     (1877) and Gibbs gives the name kahtetl, which is its Yurok name
     (Kroeber, 1925). Gibbs says it had 28 houses whereas Goddard shows

     10. ho-wung-kut (M). A village of the southern division, S of
     ma-til-le-tung and 1 mi. from the S end of the valley on the W bank
     of the river.

     xowûñkût (G). About a mile downstream from Tish-Tang-A-Tang
     Cr. on the W bank of the river. Goddard shows 14 houses at this
     village. The site is now called Kentuck Ranch.

     howungkut (C). On the W bank about 1 mi. below Campbell Cr.

     This place is locally known as Kentuck Ranch. This appears to
     be the village called wang-kat by Powers (1877). Its Yurok name is
     pia'getl (Kroeber, 1925).

     11. tish-tahng-ah-tung (M). On the E bank of the Trinity R. at
     the S end of Hoopa V. proper.

     djictañadiñ (G). At the S end of the valley where the river
     emerges from the canyon is a point of land on the E side. This
     village, known locally as tish-tang-a-tang, was situated on this
     point. Just above this village Tish-Tang-A-Tang Cr. from the
     mountains on the E empties into the Trinity.

     djishtangading, "promontory place" (C). On the E bank opposite
     Campbell Cr.

     Powers (1877) calls this village Tish-tan-a-tan. According to
     Merriam's notes the Yurok name for it is Peht-sau-an and this is
     the name Gibbs uses for it. Gibbs says there are 9 houses here,
     whereas Goddard shows 13.

     12. 'has-lin-ting (M). On the E bank of lower Trinity R. 3 mi.
     above Hoopa V. proper. This is the uppermost village classed as

     xaslindiñ (G). About 3 mi. S of the valley proper on the E
     bank of the river at the mouth of a creek of the same name (Horse
     Linto Cr.). Nine houses are shown at this village.

     haslinding, "waterfall place" (C). On the E bank about 3 mi.
     above djishtangading and the same distance beyond the limits of the
     valley. The name is preserved in Horse Linto Cr.

     Powers (1877) calls this village hass-lin-tung. According to
     Kroeber (1925, p. 129), the Yurok name for this village is yati but
     Waterman (1920, p. 188) gives wo'xtoi. This last would correspond
     to Gibbs's wauch-ta, which is shown with an approximately correct
     location except that it is on the wrong side of the river. This
     village is said to have had six houses.

     13. seh-ach-pe-ya (Gibbs' map, pl. 9). This is no doubt a
     Yurok name, as are all those given by Gibbs, but no one else has
     recorded it. There are said to have been four houses here.

     14. wang-ulle-watl (Gibbs' map, pl. 9). Again this is probably
     a Yurok name. There are said to have been three houses.

     15. wang-ulle-wutle-kauh (Gibbs' map, pl. 9). This is probably
     a Yurok name. There is said to have been one house here. Kauh is a
     Yurok suffix meaning "opposite."

Gibbs also gives a town called weitspek on the W side of the Trinity
just below the mouth of South Fork. There are said to have been three
houses here. Merriam asked about this village and its existence was
denied by his informants.

_South Fork Hupa Villages (maps 16, 17)_

     16. hlah-tung (M). On both sides of the mouth of South Fork
     Trinity on high bench ground.

     17. til-tswetch-a-ki (M). On the W side of South Fork at the
     mouth of Madden Cr. An old important town. About a mile below

     18. chil^{ch}-tal-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork 1-1/2
     mi. above its mouth.

     19. os-tahn-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork 2-1/2 mi.
     above its mouth.

     20. 'hlit-choo^{ch}-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork 5 or
     6 mi. above its mouth.

     21. klo-kum-me (M). On the E side of South Fork about 8 mi.
     above its mouth (two above 'hlit-choo^{ch}-tung).

     22. tah-choo^{ch}-tung (M). On the E side of South Fork about
     10 or 12 mi. above its mouth.

     23. ti-koo-et-sil-la-kut (M). On the N side of the main
     Trinity on a bench opposite the mouth of South Fork, about 1-1/2
     mi. below Fountain Ranch.

     24. me-meh; me-a-meh (M). On the N side of the main Trinity on
     the site of the present Fountain Ranch about 1-1/2 mi. above the
     mouth of South Fork but on the opposite side of the river.

     25. hoi-ti sah-ahn-me (M). At Hennessy Ranch, Burnt Ranch
     (Post Office in 1921).

     26. e-nuk-kut-te-nan-tung (M). At McDonnell Ranch, Burnt
     Ranch. Name means "south slope place."

     27. tin-noo^{ch}-tung (M). At Cedar Flat. Easternmost village
     of the tribe, near or adjoining the territory of the Chimariko.


The following ethnographic data are taken verbatim from Merriam's notes.

     According to the Hoopah, as told me by James Chesbro of Burnt
     Ranch, the First People are called Kit-tung´-whi or Devil People.
     They used to fight and kill and eat one another. Later they turned
     into animals. After the Flood real (Indian) people came.

     In early days the Indians used to get drunk from inhaling
     the fumes of Indian tobacco (Min´-t[=a] itch´-wah) which by deep
     breathing they would take into the lungs. Their word for drunk is
     Ho-n[=a]^{ch}-w[)i]h^{ch}. The expression for "many people drunk"
     is Yah, ho-n[=a]^{ch}-w[)e]^{ch}.

     The word for an old person is Kis´-te-ahn; for an old object,

     There are two words for good: Chung-whoom for a good or kind
     person; and Noo-wh[=o]m for a good thing or object. A bad person is
     To choong-k[=o]m, "not good person"; while a thing that is not good
     is To noo^{ch}-k[=o]m, "not good thing."

     Chin-tahs, "slow", is said to mean also "heavy"; but the word
     given me for heavy is Nit-tahs´.

     The word Ho´-chit, meaning real or genuine, occurs frequently:
     Thus, deerskin tanned with the hair on is called Ho´-chit te,
     te being any blanket or toga. Similarly, the ordinary woman's
     apron made of pine nuts and braided grass is Ho´-che ke´-ah; the
     woman's hat, H[=o]-che k[=o]s´-tahn, or real hat; moccasins, Hoch
     y[=a]´-che-tahl; the bow, H[=o]-ch[)e] tsitch-ting; the stone
     arrow-point, H[=o]-ch[)e] tin-ti; Indian or wild tobacco, H[=o]-che
     Min´-t[=a]-itch´-wah; the elkhorn box or purse for valuables
     H[=o]´-che kin´-chah.

     The Hoopah say that their people did not use the nose-bone or
     nose-stick, but had a name for it, which is Hun-choo whang-i. They
     say these were worn by the Indians farther north.

     The women tattooed the chin, usually in three broad vertical
     bands similar to those of the Klamath River tribes. Tattoo marks
     are called Wil´-tahch´.

     Place names: All place names along the rivers were at one time
     the sites of villages or rancherias. The village always takes the
     name of the place.

     The name for house is H[=o]n´-tah or Hun´-tow; the ceremonial
     house, M[=a]´-min sin-til; the sweathouse, Tah´-'keo; the menstrual
     lodge, Mintch'; the brush wickiup, M[=a]´-nah-si; the brush blind
     or hut for concealing the hunter Kew´-wong wil´-min.

     They say that they never burned the dead, but buried them
     in graves dug exactly knee-deep by measure. The grave was called
     Hot-yung ho-sin. The body was fastened to a slab of wood of the
     proper length, and when laid in the grave was covered with the
     belongings of the dead person and then with earth.

     While they do not burn the bodies, they burn clothing and
     other belongings. But the Chemareko of Hyampom burn their dead.

     They believed in an evil spirit or Devil called Kit-tung´ hwoi.

     A peculiar custom was practised in extending a certain
     courtesy to an enemy who wanted to cross the river but had no boat.
     If a person having a canoe crossed the river, and his personal
     enemy found the canoe, he would go and sit down near it and await
     the return of the owner. When the owner came, he would back out
     into the stream and then push the bow ashore at the nearest point
     to his enemy, and the enemy would step in and sit down, neither
     speaking a word. The owner would then paddle across the stream to
     his own side, and the enemy would jump out and proceed without

     There were two kinds of doctors: the real doctor or shaman,
     sometimes known as "dance doctor," called Kit-ta tow, and the
     medicine doctor, who never danced, called Kim-mow-chil^{ch}-weh.

     Gambling Game: the common gambling game, Ke-now-we, was
     played with a bunch of slender sticks 7 or 8 inches long, called
     Hol-che-king. One of these, Hung ("ace" or "lucky stick"), has a
     black band around the middle. The game consists in guessing in
     which hand the opponent holds the marked stick. There are eleven
     points or guesses. One stick is given up at each wrong guess.

     Small hailstones are called Klew-hahn min-nah from Klew-hahn,
     "an eel," and min-nah, "eyes," from the resemblance of small
     hailstones to the white eyes of the eel. Big hailstones are

     An earthquake is Nin mah-ah tin-n[)i]^{ch}-chwit, meaning
     "turns over on edge of world."

     Money: The unit of value, which we call "money," consisted
     of the valuable kind of dentalium shells, long specimens of which
     reached from the base of the finger to the base of the terminal
     joint. This was called Ho´-che naht-te-ow or "real money." Small or
     broken dentalium shells, from half an inch to an inch in length,
     were called Mit-tatch, and were used for beads.

     Scalps of the great pileated woodpecker or cock-of-the-woods
     (_Ceophlaeus pileatus_), called Kis^{l}-t[=a]-ke-'keo, also passed
     as money.

     _Names of mammals and birds._--The Grizzly Bear had two names:
     M[)e]-ch[=a]-e-sahn and Me-kwo ah.

     The Mountain Lion or Cougar is called Min´-ning m[)i]^{ch}
     'hl[=a]-til-loo, meaning "kills with his face."

     They speak of a spotted Panther of large size called Kit-sah´,
     which has not been seen for a number of years. It used to make a
     great noise.

     They speak also of a Water Panther (mythical) called
     Ho-tsi´-tow, said to live in holes close to the water of lakes and
     pools, never in rivers or on land. Its head and shoulders were
     heavy and covered with long shaggy hair, but the hinder parts were
     nearly naked.

     The Otter is called 'Kl[=o]k-e-te-til-le, meaning "he likes

     The Weasel--and this is particularly interesting--is called
     Klew^{ch}-m[)u]-hung, meaning "snake's husband"--a term doubtless
     suggested by its snake-like form and actions.

     The Mole is called Min-ni´ [)e]-ting, meaning "eyeless"; the
     Bat Haht-la nah-mut, "night flyer."

     The Porcupine is 'K'yo. Its quills, usually dyed yellow, were
     used to ornament basket hats; and also to pierce the ears for
     earrings. When a quill was stuck lightly into the lobe of the ear,
     it would slowly work its way through.

     The common gray Ground Squirrel (_Citellus beecheyi_) is
     called Ts[)e] 'ket-yahng-a, meaning "rock sitting on."

     The Jack Rabbit, oddly enough, is called Nah^{ch}-ah-tah
     'hits-'hlah-hahn, meaning "dry ground deer."

     _A Hupa ceremonial gray fox skin._--The skin was _cased_
     (opened along the hind legs, the belly not slit lengthwise). The
     front feet had been cut off but the skin of each leg was slit in
     six or seven strands or narrow ribbons about three inches long.

     The skin had been turned inside out and decorated in places;
     then turned and left with fur outside. The skin of the hind legs
     was painted deep red. The tail also had been slit open on the
     underside and the skin painted with the same red paint, and a tuft
     of pure white feathers four inches long was sewed to its tip.

     The most surprising marking was a double ring or belt band of
     red and blue painted around the inside of the skin about two inches
     above the base of the tail (and therefore hidden when the skin was
     fur-side out). The two bands, each about half an inch wide, were in
     actual contact all the way around--the anterior one deep red, the
     posterior deep blue.

     The skin itself is of interest as being unmistakably the dark
     northwest form of the species _Urocyon cinereoargenteus_. The upper
     parts are very dark grizzled; the dorsal stripe from neck to tip of
     tail is almost pure black and the tail is about an inch broad. The
     flanks, inner-sides of legs, and undersides of tail are fulvous,
     palest on the belly. The specimen is an adult male.

     _Sayings about birds._--Dove (_Zenaidura_). Called Mi-yo.
     Mi-yo, the Dove, was a great gambler. He always gambled all winter.
     Once when gambling someone told him that his grandmother was dead.
     He said there would be plenty of time to cry next summer. So he
     kept on playing. When summer came he cried for his grandmother. And
     every summer we hear him crying for his grandmother.

     Hummingbird. Called Ko-sos. Ko-sos, the Hummingbird, was a
     war bird. His bill was like a long needle. With it he pierced his
     enemies. Once he told another bird to start from one end of the
     world and he would start from the other. They did this and met in
     the middle where they danced.

     _Notes on adjacent tribes._--Yin´-nah´-chin ("South People,"
     Chemar´eko). Extended from Hyampom northerly to Cedar Flat,
     easterly along main Trinity to Canyon Creek; and northerly between
     the high mountains that form the divide between French Creek and
     North Fork Trinity River on the west to Canyon Creek on the east,
     as far north as Rattlesnake Creek. (Previously learned from the
     Nor´-rel-muk of Hay Fork, a Wintoon Tribe, that the dividing line
     on the west between themselves and the Chemareko, called by them
     Hyembos, lay along Minor Creek.) Language wholly different from
     Hoopah. The Hoopah say that the presence of this tribe on Trinity
     River west of Cedar Bar, and on lower New River, is a comparatively
     recent intrusion.

     Klo´-m[)e]-tah´-wha ... Salmon River Indians. Ranges south
     over summit to Grizzly Creek and headwaters New River. Language
     wholly different.

     Ho-ning wil-tatch (meaning "tattooed faces") ... "Yuke" of
     Covelo region. Round Valley. Also called Devils, Kit-tung-whoi--a
     name applied to the First People, who finally turned into animals.
     Language wholly different.

     _Geography._--There used to be a great fall in Trinity River
     at a huge rock which stood in the middle of the river at Burnt
     Ranch. Below the fall was a big pool and eddy, which at the proper
     season was full of salmon. Everybody came here to catch salmon.

     Indians from several tribes met here and feasted and had a
     "big time." Finally a terrible earth slide came down the side of
     the canyon and moved the rock away. This destroyed the falls.

     This occurred during the boyhood of my informant. He tells
     me that besides the Hoopah the Indians who used to visit the pool
     below the falls for salmon were Poliklah from Wetchpek on Klamath
     River, 'Hwilkut from Redwood Creek, and Chemareko from Hyampom.
     They used to camp a little below the falls.

_Hoopa Geographic Names_

  Hoopa V.                          Nah-tin-noo
  Main Trinity R.                   Hahn
  Trinity R. "up and down"          Hahn-nuk-ki
  Bull Cr.                          Mis-tes-se ah-tung
                                      ("sliding place")
  Mill Cr.                          Mis-kut e-ta-e-tuk ne-lin-na-kah
                                      (correct name) and Tsol-tsah muk-kah
                                      (nickname from rock with female
  Socktish Cr.                      Chan-ta-kot ne-lin-na-kah
  Hostler Cr.                       Tsa-mit-tah ("between two rocks")
  Site of present settlement        Toos-kahts-tung-kah
    in Hoopa V.
  Campbell Cr.                      Tish-tah-ah-tung mu-mahn-chung
  Tish Tang A Tang Cr.              Tish-tahn-ah-tung ne-lin-nuk-kah
  Horse Linto Cr.                   Hahs-lin-nak-kak
  Raccoon Cr.                       Se^{ch}-ki-uk-kah ("white rock")
  Willow Cr.                        Ho-whah-chal-tung
  South Fork Trinity                'Hlal-tung (at junction with main
  South Fork Trinity                Ye-sin-ching-ki (whole river)
  Madden Cr.                        Tilch-wetch uk-kah
  New R.                            Ye-tok ne-lin-nuk-kah
  Forks of New R.                   Tsa-nah-ning-ah-tung
  Ironside Mt. (east of New         Tsen-nen-kut
    R. mouth)
  High Rocky Ridge (northwest       Ta-se-tahn-ne-kut
    of New R. mouth)
  Trinity Summit Ridge              Mung-kin-ne-kow-a-kut
  Berry Summit                      Ho-e^{ch}-kut mit-ta-kahn
  Redwood Cr.                       Ho-e^{ch}-kut ne-lin-nu-kah



The earliest serious effort to estimate the aboriginal population of
California was made by Powers (1877, pp. 415-416), who arrived at a
figure of 750,000 persons for the entire state. This effort was followed
in 1905 by a more sophisticated attempt on the part of C. Hart Merriam,
whose figure for the state was 260,000 persons. Merriam's figures were
based on an estimate of the population of the mission strip, from
Spanish data, and a gross extrapolation from that to the remainder of
the state.

The first attempt at population estimates in detail and with the use of
a variety of data was made by Kroeber (1925). The figure he got for the
whole state was 133,000 persons, and he still used that figure, although
with some reservations, as late as 1939 (see Kroeber, 1939, pp. 178-179).

The problem has recently been reopened by S. F. Cook. In 1943 he
published an evaluation of Kroeber's estimates, based on essentially
the same data, and the result was to increase the estimate by about
10 per cent. In the last two years Cook has begun a more intensive
investigation, the results thus far being new estimates for the San
Joaquin Valley (1955) and for the Northern California coast (1956). The
upshot of these last papers has been to double Kroeber's estimates in
the areas under consideration. The basis of the new estimate suggested
by Cook is a more intensive use of historical sources and readier
acceptance of the observations found there. He says, "Evidence of
misstatement should be looked for and, if found, should be discounted or
discredited. Otherwise it should be admitted at face value."

Kroeber has recognized the discrepancy between his estimates and those
based on historical statements. He agrees that, if the extrapolations
from the latter are accepted, the Merriam figure of 260,000 persons
would probably be more accurate. The difficulty there is that "if
we accept 260,000, one-quarter of all United States Indians were in
California; and this seems unlikely enough. Shall we then assume that
Mooney and practically all American anthropologists computed far too
low?" (1939, p. 179). Kroeber leaves the question unanswered but Cook's
recent work carries the implication that the answer is decidedly

The estimate in this paper of the population of the California
Athabascans agrees with Cook's results, raising Kroeber's estimates;
in fact, it goes even further than Cook in that direction. But the
estimates here, with one exception, have been based on village counts
by ethnographers rather than on historical data. The fact that the
estimates run so high tends to bear out Cook's contention that the
Kroeber estimates should be raised.

In basing population estimates on village counts there are several
sources of error. Among these are assumptions regarding the number of
persons per house and the number of houses per village. I believe that
all the assumptions I have made in this regard have been conservative
and therefore would not result in overestimates. The number of houses
per village can sometimes be calculated rather closely from the number
of house pits seen in the sites. That is, the houses can be calculated
closely if the assumption is correct that four-fifths of the number of
house pits in a site represents the number of simultaneously occupied
houses. Admittedly, this figure is rather speculative, but the best
opinions I have been able to get grant that it is probably conservative.

A more serious possible source of error concerns the question of which
and how many sites were simultaneously occupied. When there is a
complete village count, I have excluded from consideration known summer
villages, villages not on main salmon streams, and other villages of
doubtful status. Even so, the villages run about one per mile along the
salmon streams and the possibility presents itself of movement from site
to site, perhaps in response to varying fishing conditions. If this was
the practice, then the population estimates might have to be reduced by
half or even more. But there is no concrete evidence to support such a
theory and it is a fact that the Goddard material gives quite complete
information of this kind. Therefore, if the present calculation is an
overestimate, it is not a very great one.


_Wailaki (Eel and North Fork)._--The present list gives a total of 67
villages among the Eel River and North Fork Wailaki. For purposes of
calculating population I have excluded 13 of them (nos. 6, 9, 16, 31,
38, 40, 51, 57, 58, 59, 61, 66, 67) because they are summer camps in
the hills, rock shelters used only briefly, or specialized fish-drying
camps. These places do not seem to have been used simultaneously with
the main villages. This list appears to be a substantially complete
count from Horseshoe Bend south, but it is clear that neither Merriam
nor Goddard visited the area north of this, and the village count
suffers as a result. There are about 16 river-miles south of Horseshoe
Bend, including both the main Eel and North Fork, and there are 49 main
villages on this stretch, yielding an average of 3.1 per river-mile. If
we apply this figure to the 7 river-miles above Horseshoe Bend, we get
21.7 villages for that stretch rather than 5, as given by ethnographers.
We may reduce this figure to 15, because this stretch of the river
appears to offer a less desirable location (Goddard, 1923_a_, p. 107).

This calculation gives a total of 69 villages for the entire group,
considerably less than Cook's total of 87 (Cook, 1956, p. 104). The
reason for the difference is that Cook bases his estimate on Goddard's
data, with the territory of the Wailaki extending above Kekawaka Creek,
whereas I have taken Kekawaka Creek as the boundary.

The house count per site for this group must be extrapolated from
Goddard's house-pit counts (1923_a_, pp. 103, 105) on the sites of
two of the tribelets. This figure has been calculated by Cook, who
takes Goddard's house-pit count for 20 sites as "92 pits." For two
localities, however, Goddard specifies a certain number plus "several"
others. "If we allow 4 to represent 'several,' in each of these, then
the total number of pits is 100 and the average per site or village
is 5.0" (Cook, 1956, p. 104). Cook then reduces the figure by 20 per
cent to allow for the probability that not all the house pits represent
simultaneously occupied houses. His average number of houses per site is
4, which would not appear to be an overestimate. If we take this figure,
we have a total of 276 houses for the Wailaki as against Cook's figure
of 348, which was based on a greater area.

Cook takes 6 persons per house as the average density for the Wailaki.
This figure is arrived at in several ways. The figure of 7.5 per house
is well established for the Yurok and sets an upper limit for the
Wailaki area. Goddard appears to have based his population estimate on
a mean of 4.5 persons per house, almost certainly too low, and Cook
compromised at 6 per house. This figure is supported by independent
observation by Foster on the Round Valley Yuki (Cook, 1956, p. 107). The
social organization and the habitat of the Yuki and Wailaki are nearly
identical, so the population per house should be the same for both

Accepting the figure of 6 persons per house, we get a total population
of 1,656 for the Eel Wailaki and the North Fork Wailaki, as compared
with Cook's figure of 2,315 and Goddard's figure of between one and two

_Pitch Wailaki._--Goddard (1924) records 33 villages for the Pitch
Wailaki. For two of the four tribelets, the count is virtually complete.
For a third tribelet, the T'odannañkiyahañ, Goddard lists 6 villages and
indicates that there were probably more (1924, p. 225). If, to allow for
these possible villages, we add 5 to the total above, we get a total of
38 villages for three tribelets, or an average of 12.7 per tribelet.
Although the fourth tribelet, the Tchokotkiyahañ, had a poorer habitat
than the other three (Goddard, 1924, p. 222), we may assume that it had
at least 8 villages, an estimate which is probably conservative in view
of its extensive territory. We then get a total of 46 villages for the
Pitch Wailaki.

Goddard counted house pits in 22 village sites and got an average of
5 per site. If we reduce this to 4 to account for unoccupied pits, we
have an estimate of 184 houses for the Pitch Wailaki, as against 172
estimated by Cook. On the basis of 6 persons per house this gives a
population of 1,104 as against 1,032 by Cook and between 650 and 800 by

For all Wailaki combined we get a total of 2,760. Cook's figure
is 3,350, Kroeber's is 1,000, and Goddard's is between 1,650 and
2,800--average of 2,225. The difference between the figure presented
here and Cook's figure is mostly due to the adjustment I have made in
the Wailaki boundary from the one used by Goddard.

_Mattole._--The village lists of Merriam and Goddard give a total of 42
villages for the Mattole. I have excluded 5 of these from calculation of
population estimates, one because it is a summer camp and four others
because the frequency appears too great, in places along the coast, to
make simultaneous occupation likely. This leaves a total of 37, very
likely a conservative estimate since Goddard gives a number of names of
villages not located and therefore not included in our calculations.

Cook estimates 6 houses per village for the Mattole on the basis of
comparison with the Wiyot, Yurok, Tolowa, and Chilula. Goddard counted
house pits for a few sites of the Mattole and they appear to average
less than that. Not much reliance can be placed on this average, because
the sample was very small. However, the number of houses per site is
probably not as high as among the Yurok. I have compromised with a
figure of 5.4, the same as the estimate for the Sinkyone, the eastern
neighbors of the Mattole.

Cook takes Kroeber's Yurok figure of 7.5 persons per house in
calculating Mattole population. The social organization here is more
nearly like that of the southern Athabascans, so I have used 6 per
house. This figure gives a total population of 1,200 as against 840
figured by Cook for the Mattole exclusive of Bear River. The difference
here is due to the fact that Goddard's village lists were not available
to Cook. If they had been, he would have obtained a figure of 1,665, or
nearly double his actual estimate.

_Lolangkok Sinkyone._--For the Sinkyone on the northern part of the
South Fork of the Eel we have a nearly complete village count. South of
Larabee Creek Goddard and Merriam give a total of 46 villages. North
of Larabee Creek on the main Eel the village count is incomplete, but
Merriam gives 8 place names. That these place names represent village
names is clear from the Merriam place names farther south which can
be checked against Goddard's data. Together, these give a total of 54
villages but leave out the areas of Bull Creek and the upper Mattole
River. We may assume 5 villages in each of these, surely a conservative
estimate in view of the density of sites on Salmon Creek and South Fork.
We thus have an estimate of 64 villages for the Northern Sinkyone.

Goddard counted house pits in 24 of the sites he recorded. They come to
a total of 162 or 6.7 per village. If we reduce this by 20 per cent to
account for unoccupied pits, we get an average of 5.4 houses per site
or a total estimate of 346 houses among the Lolangkok Sinkyone. At 6
persons per house this estimate yields a total population of 2,076.

_Hupa._--In the present village list there are 11 villages in Hoopa
Valley and 16 above the valley on the main Trinity and on South Fork. Of
these sixteen, three have been rejected as being in Chimariko territory
(nos. 25, 26, 27). Cook has argued, reasonably, it appears, that the
villages in Hoopa Valley average 11 houses, whereas the villages above
the valley average 4.5 houses each. This average gives a total of 193
houses for the Hupa.

Cook has estimated that there is an average of 10 persons per house
among the Hupa. This figure is arrived at by the following line of
reasoning: according to a census taken in 1870 there was a total of 601
persons in 7 villages at that time, of which 232 were male and 359 were
female. This count indicates a disproportionate number of males and
Cook therefore calculates a population of twice the number of females,
or 718, as a more normal population. Goddard's data give the number of
houses for these villages as 92, a figure Cook takes as representing the
situation in 1850. This combination yields an average of 7.8 persons
per house. Since there had certainly been a decline in population
between 1850 and 1870, Cook proposes that the figure for the density of
population be raised to 10 persons per house.

But Goddard does not say what period his figures represent, so I
propose to follow a line of reasoning similar to that of Cook but to
use different figures. The number of houses for 6 villages in 1851 is
reported by Gibbs (see map, pl. 9). We may compare these to the 1870
population estimates as given by Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 131). If we
adjust for male attrition by calculating population as twice the female
population, or 640 (see table 1), we get a density per house of 7.8,
exactly the same figure that Cook gets.


_Hupa Population, 1870[1]_

                 |         |           |
  Village        |  Males  |  Females  |  Houses
  Honsading      |   25         30           9
  Miskut         |   32         49           6
  Takimitlding   |   51         74          20
  Tsewenalding   |   14         31          10
  Medilding      |   75        100          28
  Djishtangading |   14         36           9
  Total          |  211        320          82

[1] Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 131.

That there was a decline in population between 1850 and 1870 is agreed
by all authorities. This fact makes it very attractive to accept Cook's
proposed density of 10 persons per house for the Hupa in aboriginal
times. But there are two objections to this procedure. For one thing,
the population figures for 1870 may be inaccurate. In the census of
that year, there were reported 874 Indians of all tribes on the Hoopa
Reservation (Kroeber, 1925a, p. 131). But in the same year another
agent reported only 649 Indians on the reservation. This is a 25 per
cent reduction, and if we reduce the population estimate of 640 by 25
per cent, we get 480 as the estimate for 1870 and a density per house
of 5.9. If we raise the population of 480 to account for the 1850-1870
reduction, we are again close to the figure 7.5 persons per house. This
calculation is presented merely to indicate that the figures are not

The other objection to accepting Cook's proposed figure for density is
that the established figure for the Yurok is 7.5 persons per house.
According to Cook, this figure was based on an underlying assumption
that "the social family in the usual monogamous tribe included the
father, mother, children, and occasional close relatives" (Cook, 1956,
p. 99). As a matter of fact, Kroeber's estimate is not based on this
assumption but is an empirical estimate based on population counts
and house counts (Kroeber, 1925_a_, pp. 16-19), and the figure is
accepted wholeheartedly by Cook for the Yurok (1956, p. 83). But what
is certainly clear is that the social organization, house type, and
environment of the Hupa was virtually the same as that of the Yurok and
therefore the population density per house must have been the same. It
is therefore clear that we must accept either 7.5 persons per house or
10 persons per house as the population density for both the Hupa and the
Yurok, and the question becomes one of comparing the reliability of the
figures given for the Yurok with those given for the Hupa. Yurok figures
appear to be intrinsically more reliable and are also earlier and I have
therefore taken 7.5 persons per house as the density.

The population for the Hupa then comes to 1,475 as compared to 2,000
estimated by Cook and to less than 1,000 estimated by Kroeber.

_Whilkut._--The number of permanent villages among the Whilkut has
been estimated here at 69. This estimate excludes known summer camps
and other villages away from the main salmon streams. For the Chilula
Whilkut there are 23 villages. For the Kloki Whilkut there are 16
villages, including several which are not shown on the map but which
are listed by Merriam as being on upper Redwood Creek. Ten villages
have been taken from the North Fork Whilkut. Twenty villages are taken
from the Mad River Whilkut even though only 16 are given in the village
lists. Wherever both Merriam and Goddard worked the same area the
latter has recorded substantially more villages than the former. I have
therefore added 4 to the village count to make up for the presumptive
lack, thus bringing the total up to 69.

House-pit counts from the Chilula Whilkut are listed for six villages
by Kroeber (1925_a_, p. 138) as 17, 7, 4, 2, 4, 8, or an average of 7
per village. Kroeber reduces this average by a third, on the basis of
his estimates for the Yurok and Hupa, to arrive at a figure of 5 houses
per village. Cook (1956, p. 84) says the reduction should be only about
10 per cent, calculated on the basis of Waterman's study of the Yurok
(Waterman, 1920), and he compromises, making a reduction of a seventh to
use 6 as an average number of houses per village.

The sample used by Kroeber and Cook is so small that an estimate
based on it of the average number of house pits per village is liable
to considerable error. If we look at the figures for some of the
surrounding groups, we find an estimate of 11 houses per village for
the Hupa in Hoopa Valley, 4.5 for the Hupa outside the valley, 4 for
the Wailaki, 4.5 for the Wiyot (Cook, 1956, p. 102), and 5.4 for the
Lolangkok Sinkyone. The Whilkut terrain and culture is certainly more
nearly like the region outside Hoopa Valley than inside it, so we are
scarcely justified in estimating more than 5 houses per village.

On this basis we get a total of 345 houses for the Whilkut. Both Kroeber
and Cook use the Yurok figure of 7.5 persons per house in calculating
the population of this group. This figure may well be too high, and
perhaps it should be more nearly the same as the estimate for the
southern groups, but since I have no concrete evidence to support such a
contention, I have also used the Kroeber and Cook figure. This gives a
total population of 2,588 for the Whilkut.

Cook's figures for the groups which were formerly listed under the
Chilula and Whilkut were 800 and 1,300 making a total of 2,100.
Kroeber's figures were 600 and 400 for a total of 1,000. The difference
between Cook's figures and those given here is partly due to the fact
that Cook took the group on the North Fork of the Mad to be Wiyot,
whereas I have them as Whilkut. Also Cook made a reduction of a ninth
in his Mad River estimates because of the poor environment there. I
have not done this because the Mad River region does not seem to me
noticeably poorer than that along Redwood Creek.


For the six tribes just discussed, the ethnographic notes at our
disposal offer a means of estimating the population, but we have also
another basis for our calculations. Fishery was the most important
single factor in the California Athabascan economy, hence the fish
resources of the region undoubtedly exerted a marked influence on
population size. Therefore, before attempting to estimate the population
of the remaining groups, for which we have scanty ethnographic
information, I would like to present some data on the fish resources of
the region.

I have attempted to calculate the number of stream miles of fishing
available and thereby to form some estimate of the economic basis of
each of the groups. Most of my information comes from Mr. Almo J.
Cordone, Junior Aquatic Biologist of the California Department of
Fish and Game, who was kind enough to gather the relevant data from
the records of that organization. I have not included material on the
freshwater trout, which was apparently too scarce to be important, or
on the lamprey eel, on which we do not have sufficient information,
although it was of some importance, especially in the Eel River and its

The available stream miles of fishing may seem insufficient material
on which to base estimates of fish resources and unquestionably it
would be desirable to have some idea of the fish population per mile of
stream in order to estimate the food value of the resources available to
the people. On the other hand, this point may not be as crucial as it
seems, for apparently the fish population was not a governing factor in
the number of fish taken by the Indians. According to Rostlund (1952,
p. 17), the aboriginal fishermen of California did not even approach
overfishing. If this is so, then there must have been fish left uncaught
even in the smaller salmon streams and it would therefore seem that
one stream was nearly as good as another, if it carried salmon at all.
An exception would be the Trinity River and its tributaries, the only
streams in the Athabascan area with both spring and fall runs of salmon.
In other streams there is only a fall run.

The lists that follow include data, not only for the six tribes
previously discussed (Wailaki, Pitch Wailaki, Mattole, Lolangkok
Sinkyone, Hupa, and Whilkut), but also for the Nongatl, Kato, Shelter
Cove Sinkyone, Lassik, and Bear River groups. The fish species is
recorded, when it is known; when our source gives no identification of
species, however, the generic term is used.

_Available Stream Miles for Fishing in Tribal Territory_

KATO 29 mi.

     South Fork Eel R.--19 mi. Quantities of steelhead and silver
     salmon go up at least to Branscomb and King salmon go at least to
     Ten Mile Cr. (Dept. of Fish and Game).

     Hollow Tree Cr.--5 mi. There was fishing on this stream
     (Gifford, 1939, p. 304). Fish not specified, probably steelhead and

     Ten Mile Cr.--5 mi. This stream appears to be large enough
     for salmon and there were villages on it. Also the Fish and Game
     information for South Fork implies fish in the stream.

WAILAKI (Eel R. and North Fork Wailaki) 23 mi.

     Eel R.--16 mi. There are good runs of salmon as far up as Lake
     Pillsbury (Dept. of Fish and Game).

     North Fork Eel--7 mi. Salmon go up North Fork farther than 7
     mi. (see Pitch Wailaki).


     North Fork Eel--12 mi. See below.

     Casoose and Hulls creeks--3 mi. The Dept of Fish and Game
     states that salmon do not ascend North Fork above Asbill Cr. but
     Goddard's informant (see Pitch Wailaki Village no. 21) said that
     fish got up into Hulls and Casoose creeks, the mouths of which are
     above Asbill Cr. The Dept. of Fish and Game information may refer
     to a more recent situation.

LASSIK 25 mi.

     Eel R.--17 mi. (See Wailaki.)

     Dobbyn Cr.--8 mi. There would seem to have been fish in Dobbyn
     Cr., since it is a fair-sized stream and there were many villages
     on it.


     South Fork Eel--39 mi. There were a good many fish in South
     Fork as far up as Branscomb (Dept. of Fish and Game).

     Redwood Cr.--5 mi. According to Merriam the region around
     Redwood Cr. was a center for the Shelter Cove Sinkyone; therefore
     there must have been fish in the creek.

     Mattole R.--11 mi. There is a partial barrier to salmon at the
     community of Thorn but some fish get up even beyond this (Dept. of
     Fish and Game).

     East Branch, South Fork Eel--4 mi. King salmon and silver
     salmon go up at least to Squaw Cr. (3 mi.) and steelhead go up at
     least to Rancheria Cr. (4.5 mi., according to the Dept. of Fish and

     Sea Coast--8 mi. The Shelter Cove Sinkyone have 16 mi. of
     sea coast. The only reliable data on the density of sea coast
     population in relation to the riverine population are given by
     Kroeber (1925a, p. 116). According to his figures, the seashore is
     about half as productive as the rivers and I have therefore halved
     the sea coast mileage in the calculation of available fishing miles.


     Eel R.--27 mi. (See Wailaki.)

     South Fork Eel R.--16 mi. (See Kato.)

     Bull Cr.--6 mi. According to Merriam, there was a large
     settlement on Bull Cr. It could not have been supported without

     Salmon Cr.--5 mi. Goddard mentions fishing on at least part of
     this stream.

     Mattole R.--10 mi. The fish go beyond this stretch at least as
     far as Thorn (Dept. of Fish and Game).

MATTOLE 38.5 mi.

     Mattole R.--25 mi. The fish go considerably beyond here in the

     North Fork Mattole--5 mi. North Fork is a sizable stream and
     there were several villages along it, so it probably had fish in it.

     Sea Coast--8.5 mi. The Mattole have 17 mi. of sea coast. This
     has been halved in accordance with the principle stated above.


     Bear R.--18 mi. This figure is rather arbitrary since the
     information is poor for this stream. It is known that silver salmon
     and steelhead are caught there and that there is a fall run of King
     salmon (Dept. of Fish and Game).

     Sea Coast--3 mi. The Bear River group has 6 mi. of sea coast,
     halved for present purposes.

NONGATL 85 mi.

     Van Duzen R.--40 mi. Steelhead go up as far as Eaton Roughs
     (40 mi.). Silver salmon go up as far as Grizzly Cr. (21 mi.) and
     probably as far as Eaton Roughs. There are no data on King salmon
     but it is known that there is a fall run of them here. Information
     from Dept. of Fish and Game.

     Eel R.--5 mi. All 5 mi. of the Eel in Nongatl territory should
     provide excellent fishing.

     Larabee Cr.--20 mi. There is no direct information on this
     stream, but it is of considerable size and there were many villages
     at least 20 mi. up.

     Yager Cr.--20 mi. Again we have no direct information but
     there are many villages far up on this stream. Twenty miles of
     available fishing is probably a conservative estimate.

     Mad R.--0 mi. There is a long stretch of Mad R. in Nongatl
     territory but, according to the Dept. of Fish and Game, no fish go
     up so far.

WHILKUT 70 mi.

     Mad R.--27 mi. There is a 12-ft. falls at Bug Cr. which
     represents a nearly complete barrier to salmon. This means that
     there are salmon in nearly all the territory of the Mad R. Whilkut.

     North Fork Mad R.--8 mi. According to Merriam, there were
     fishing camps nearly this far up on North Fork.

     Redwood Cr.--35 mi. There is no direct information on this
     stream. I have attributed salmon to nearly its whole length because
     of the size of the stream and the large number of villages along
     its upper course.

HUPA 39 mi.

     Trinity R.--27 mi. There are fish in this whole stretch (Dept.
     of Fish and Game).

     South Fork Trinity--12 mi. There are known to be salmon in
     South Fork, and presumably they go up as far as the border of Hupa


_Area, Fishing Miles, and Population Estimates_

                     |          |      |         |         |
  Tribe[2]           |  Pop.    | Area | Ln Area | Fishing | Ln Fishing
                     | Estimate |      |         |  Miles  |   Miles
                     |          |      |         |         |
  Wailaki            |  1,656   | 296  |  5.69   |   23    |   3.14
  Pitch Wailaki      |  1,104   | 182  |  5.20   |   15    |   2.71
  Mattole            |  1,200   | 170  |  5.14   |   38.5  |   3.65
  Lolangkok Sinkyone |  2,076   | 294  |  5.68   |   63    |   4.14
  Hupa               |  1,475   | 424  |  6.05   |   39    |   3.66
  Whilkut            |  2,588   | 461  |  6.13   |   70    |   4.25
  Average            |  1,683   |      |  5.65   |         |   3.59

[2] Relatively complete village counts.


_Area and Fishing Miles_

                        |      |         |         |
  Tribe[3]              | Area | Ln Area | Fishing | Ln Fishing
                        |      |         |  Miles  |   Miles
                        |      |         |         |
  Kato                  | 225  |  5.42   |   29    |   3.37
  Bear River            | 121  |  4.80   |   21    |   3.04
  Lassik                | 389  |  5.96   |   25    |   3.22
  Nongatl               | 855  |  6.75   |   85    |   4.44
  Shelter Cove Sinkyone | 350  |  5.86   |   67    |   4.20

[3] Incomplete village counts.


From the preceding data we have obtained population estimates for
certain of the California Athabascan groups. If these estimates are
judged reliable, it would be desirable to use them as a basis for
estimating the population of the remaining groups. When a detailed
analysis of the ecological or demographical factors involved is lacking,
it is sometimes necessary to fall back on rather simplistic assumptions
to attain the desired end. Cook goes rather far in this direction, using
simply the average population density per square mile of the known
groups to estimate the population of the unknown groups.

It appears to this writer that a somewhat more satisfactory method of
estimation would be based on simple linear regression theory. It is
a fact that pertinent relationships in population studies can often
be expressed in terms of simple exponential functions or in linear
combinations of logarithms. Thus we might propose a relationship such as
the following:

  population = a + b (ln area)


  population = a + b (ln fishing miles)

where a and b are constants to be determined and ln is the logarithm to
the base e.

Of course we would not expect these relationships to be precise.
The lack of exactness might be due to the crudeness of the various
measurements involved or perhaps to the fact that population depends on
more than one such factor. To account in some way for the uncertainty,
we might make a further assumption and propose the following

  population = a + b (ln area) + X

  population = a + b (ln fishing miles) + X

where X has a normal probability distribution with mean = 0 and some
unknown variance = =s=^{2}. X is then, roughly speaking, the error
involved in each observation. That the error would be distributed
normally is quite reasonable under the circumstances. In situations
where the uncertainty of the observation is due to measurement error
or to a multiplicity of factors, the distribution obtained often
assumes a normal form or a form sufficiently normal so that the normal
distribution can be used as an approximation.

One additional assumption is necessary. We must assume that the sample
used is taken in a random fashion from the population to be studied. In
the present investigation, the sample is definitely not taken at random,
since we are using all groups for which we have population estimates
based on ethnographic information. The question is, then, whether this
selection of groups would result in some bias. For instance, the groups
for which we have ethnographic data might be the most numerous in the
first place and might thus cause us overestimate the population of
the remaining groups. On the whole, it would seem to me that there is
no such bias and that the assumption of a random sample is therefore
not misleading, at least in the direction of overestimation. If we now
consider each group for which we have no ethnographic data, we can see
whether the lack of such data is due to an initially small population or
to mere luck.

     Kato: The reason Kato population is being estimated in gross
     rather than from ethnographic data is that Goddard (1909, p. 67)
     obtained a list of more than 50 villages which are not available
     for calculation.

     Bear River: Here the lack of information is due simply to the
     fact that it was not collected. There have been several informants
     living until recently (see Nomland, 1938).

     Lassik: There was at least one good informant living until
     recently (Essene, 1942), but Merriam worked with her only briefly.
     Goddard evidently recorded a number of villages from this group,
     but his notes are lost.

     Nongatl: Goddard seems to have worked with at least two
     informants from this group, but he spent a very brief time in the
     area and some of his notes may have been lost.

     Shelter Cove Sinkyone: Several informants from this group have
     been alive until recently (see Nomland, 1935). No one saw fit to
     collect the appropriate data.

It is obvious from this summary that the main reason for our lack of
information on these groups is the loss of Goddard's notes. If those
were at hand, we would probably have complete information on the Kato,
the Lassik, and probably the Nongatl. The absence of data on the Bear
River and Shelter Cove Sinkyone is due to the ethnographers' oversight.
None of these groups, therefore, seem to have been selected because of
their small aboriginal population. If the following estimates are in
error because the sample is not a random one, then the error is probably
one of underestimate rather than overestimate.

Given the foregoing assumptions, the least squares estimate of the
normal regression line may be obtained with the following formula.

  P: population. A: area. F: fishing miles.

The equations of the lines are:

  P = a + b (ln A)

  P = a' + b' (ln F)

the estimate of b is (Bennett and Franklin, 1954, p. 224)

         =S=(X_{i} - [=X])(Y_{i} - [=Y])
  [^b] = -------------------------------
         =S=(X_{i} - X)^{2}

and of a is

  â = [=Y] - [^b][=X]

where X_{i} = ln A for each group with known population and Y_{i} = P
for each known group.

Similarly the estimate of b' is

          =S=(X_{i} - [=X])(Y_{i} - [=Y])
  [^b]' = -------------------------------
          =S=(X_{i} - [=X])^{2}

and of a' is

  â' = [=Y] - [^b]'[=X]

where X_i = ln F for each known group and Y_i = P for each known group.
These calculations are shown in table 4.


_Calculation of Regression Lines Shown in Figure 2_


                           Fishing Miles

  (X_i - [=X]) (Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])(Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])^2

     -.452        -.027               .012               .204
     -.882        -.579               .511               .778
      .058        -.483              -.028               .003
      .548         .393               .215               .300
      .068        -.208              -.014               .005
      .658         .905               .595               .433
      ----         ----              -----              -----
  Total.                             1.291              1.723


  (X_i - [=X]) (Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])(Y_i - [=Y]) (X_i - [=X])^2

      .041        -.027              -.001               .002
     -.445         .579               .258               .198
     -.514        -.483               .248               .264
      .034         .393               .013               .001
      .400        -.208              -.083               .160
      .484         .905               .438               .234
      ----         ----               ----               ----
  Total.                              .873               .859

The results are the following equations, which are shown, together with
the points from which they were calculated, on figure 2.

  P = 1.02 (ln A) - 4.06

  P = .75 (ln F) - 1.00

Thus, given either the area of a group or the fishing miles of a group
habitat, we may estimate its population. From the diagram in figure 2 it
appears that the estimates based on area have greater dispersion than
those based on fishing miles and are therefore less reliable. This fact
can best be made precise by using the above assumptions to obtain the
confidence intervals for each of the estimates. The confidence intervals
for the area estimates are given by the following formula (Bennett and
Franklin, 1954, p. 229).

                                      {1     (X_o - [=X])^2 }
  1.02 X_o - 4.06 ± t_[oc]S_a × [Sqrt]{- + -----------------}
                                      {6   =S=(X_i - [=X])^2}

where the symbols have the following values and meanings:

     [10.6] X_o: the log of the area of the group for which the
     population is being estimated.

     X_i: the log of the area of each of the groups for which the
     population is already known.

     [=X]: the average of the X_i.

     t_[oc]: the upper [oc]-point of the t-distribution (Bennett
     and Franklin, 1954, p. 696) where 1-[oc] is the confidence

              {1                              }
  S_a = [Sqrt]{- × =S=(Y_i + 4.06 - 1.02X_i)^2}
              {4                              }

     where Y_i is the population of each of the groups for which
     population is known. This is the estimated standard deviation of
     population where the estimate is made from area.

[Illustration: Fig. 2. Simple linear regression of population. _a_.
Regression of population on ln area. _b_. Regression of population on ln
fishing miles.]

The confidence intervals for the fishing-mile estimates may be obtained
in similar fashion--simply substituting the words fishing mile for area
and S_{f} for S_{a}.

For calculating the confidence intervals for area we have the following

  [=X] = 5.56

  t_{.2} = 1.533

  =S=(X_i - [=X])^2 = .859

  S_{a} = .3594

The calculations are shown in table 5.

The comparable quantities in calculating the confidence intervals for
fishing-mile estimates are:

  [=X] = 3.70

  t_{.2} = 1.533

  =S=(X_{i} - [=X])^2 = .932

  S_{f} = .394

The calculations are shown in table 6.


_Calculation of Confidence Intervals for Area_

  Column headings:

  A = X_{o}

  B = (X_{o} - [=X])

         (X_{o} - [=X])^2
  C = ---------------------
      =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)

            {1      (X_{o} - [=X])^2  }
  D = [Sqrt]{- + ---------------------}
            {6   =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)}

                        {1      (X_{o} - [=X])^2  }
  E = t_{.2}S_{a} × Sqrt{- + ---------------------}
                        {6   =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)}

  Tribe                 |  [A]    [B]    [C]     [D]      [E]
  Kato                  | 5.42   -.23   .0616    .4778   .263
  Bear River            | 4.80   -.83   .8510   1.0088   .556
  Lassik                | 5.96    .31   .1119    .5278   .291
  Nongatl               | 6.75   1.10  1.4086   1.2551   .692
  Shelter Cove Sinkyone | 5.86    .21   .0513    .4669   .257


Calculation of Fishing-Mile Estimates

  Column headings:

  A = X_{o}

  B = (X_{o} - [=X])

  C = ---------------------
      =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)

            {1      (X_{o} - [=X])^2  }
  D = [Sqrt]{- + ---------------------}
            {6   =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)}

                        {1      (X_{o} - [=X])^2  }
  E = t_{.2}S_{f} × Sqrt{- + ---------------------}
                        {6   =S=((X_{i} - [=X])^2)}

  Tribe                 |  [A]    [B]    [C]     [D]      [E]
  Kato                  | 3.37   -.22   .0281    .4414   .267
  Bear River            | 3.04   -.55   .1756    .5851   .353
  Lassik                | 3.22   -.37   .0795    .4962   .300
  Nongatl               | 4.44    .85   .4193    .7655   .462
  Shelter Cove Sinkyone | 4.20    .67   .2160    .6186   .374

The results of the calculations are given in table 7. The figures are
point estimates with 80 per cent confidence intervals. This means that
under the assumptions given earlier we expect that the tabled intervals
will contain the true population 8 times out of 10. I have accepted the
estimates derived from fishing miles because their confidence intervals
are a bit shorter on the average.


_Population Estimates and Confidence Intervals_

                        Fishing-mile             Area
  Tribe                   Estimate             Estimate
  Kato                 |1,523 ± 267        | 1,470 ± 263
  Bear River           |1,276 ± 353        |   840 ± 556
  Lassik               |1,411 ± 300        | 2,020 ± 291
  Nongatl              |2,325 ± 462        | 2,830 ± 692
  Shelter Cove Sinkyone|2,145 ± 374        | 1,920 ± 257

The question of whether the fishing-mile estimates yield shorter
confidence intervals than the area estimates brings up an entire range
of problems pertaining to economy, settlement pattern, and the like. The
obvious interpretation of the shorter confidence intervals would be that
the economy of the people in question depended more on fish and fishing
than on the general produce over the whole range of their territory. The
question then becomes one of quantitative expression--we would like to
have some index of the extent of dependence on various factors in the
economy. This might best be approached from the standpoint of analysis
of covariance, where we would obtain the "components of variance." This
technique is a combination of the methods of regression used in this
paper and those of the analysis of variance. It would evidently yield
sound indices of economic components, but it involves, for myself at
least, certain problems of calculation and interpretation which will
have to be resolved in the future.

Another problem of this kind turns on the question of which factors
are important in which area. Considering the State of California, for
instance, we might want to know about such factors as deer population,
water supply, the quantity of oak trees, etc. Any one of these factors
or any combination of them might be important in a particular area; the
problem of gathering the pertinent information then becomes crucial.
Moreover, because the situation has changed since aboriginal times, we
must combine modern information with available historic sources. S.
F. Cook has shown that energetic and imaginative use of these sources
yields very good results (e.g., Cook, 1955).

Finally, there is the problem of the assumptions we were required to
make in order to obtain our population estimates. Although many of
the assumptions in the present paper are difficult to assess, the two
which I would like to discuss here were particularly unyielding--the
assumptions of the number of persons per house and the assumptions of
the number of houses per village.

The question of how many persons there were per house has been dealt
with extensively by both Kroeber and Cook. There is also a great deal
of random information in the ethnographic and historical literature. I
believe there are enough data now at hand to provide realistic limits
within which we could work, at least for the State of California. This
information should be assembled and put into concise and systematic form
so that it would be available for use in each area. It would also be of
interest in itself from the standpoint of social anthropology.

For the number of houses per village we have also a considerable body of
information, but here we are faced with a slightly different problem.
It often happens that we know, from ethnographic information or from
archaeological reconnaissance, how many house pits there are in a
village site but do not know how many of the houses which these pits
represent were occupied simultaneously. In the present paper it has
been assumed that four-fifths of the house pits represents the number
of houses in the village occupied at any one time. This, however, is
simply a guess, and one has no way of knowing how accurate a guess. The
solution to this problem is simple but laborious. From each area of the
State a random sample of villages with recorded house counts should be
taken. Each of these village sites should then be visited and the house
pits counted. A comparison of the two sets of figures would give us a
perfectly adequate estimate, which could then be used subsequently over
the entire area.


_Population Estimates_

  Tribe        |Area |Fishing| Pop. |Area |Fishing-|Kroeber[5]| Cook[6]
               | (sq |       |Esti- |Den- |        |   mile   |
               | mi) | Miles | mate |sity |Density | Estimate |Estimate
  Kato[4]      | 225 |  29   | 1,523| 6.77|  52.5  |     500  |  1,100
  Wailaki      | 296 |  23   | 1,656| 5.59|  72.0  |     600  |  2,315
  Pitch Wailaki| 182 |  15   | 1,104| 6.07|  73.6  |     400  |  1,032
  Lassik[4]    | 389 |  25   | 1,411| 3.63|  56.4  |     500  |  1,500
  Shelter Cove | 350 |  67   | 2,145| 6.13|  32.0  |     375  |  1,450
    Sinkyone[4]|     |       |      |     |        |          |
  Lolangkok    | 294 |  63   | 2,076| 7.06|  33.0  |     375  |  1,450
  Sinkyone     |     |       |      |     |        |          |
  Mattole      | 170 |  38.5 | 1,200| 7.06|  31.2  |     350  |    840
  Bear River[4]| 121 |  21   | 1,276|10.55|  60.8  |     150  |    360
  Nongatl[4]   | 855 |  85   | 2,325| 2.72|  27.4  |     750  |  3,300
  Whilkut      | 461 |  70   | 2,588| 5.61|  37.0  |   1,000  |  2,100
  Hupa         | 424 |  39   | 1,475| 3.48|  37.8  |   1,000  |  2,000
  Total        |3,767| 475.5 |18,779| 4.99|  39.5  |   6,000  | 17,447

[4] The population figures for these groups are estimated in the gross
by the method indicated in the text.

[5] Kroeber, 1925_a_, p. 883. The breakdown has been changed somewhat to
accommodate boundary changes; the total remains the same. The population
density, according to Kroeber's figures, is 1.6 persons per sq. mi.

[6] Cook, 1956. The breakdown has been changed somewhat to accommodate
boundary changes; the total remains the same. The population density,
according to Cook's figures, is 4.6 persons per sq. mi.

The corpus of information provided by the methods outlined above would
be useful in two ways. First, it would clarify our definitions of the
economic factors in the lives of hunter-gatherers. Functional hypotheses
which postulate dependence of social factors on economy would be subject
to objective, quantitative tests of their validity.

Second, the corpus of information would afford a suitable basis for
inference from archaeological data. If we can determine what were the
major economic factors in the lives of a prehistoric people, then we
can make assertions about population, settlement pattern, and the
like. Conversely, information about population and settlement pattern
would imply certain facts about the economy. This technique has
already been developed to some extent. For instance, Cook and Heizer,
depending on assumptions derived from ethnographic data (Cook and
Treganza, 1950; Heizer, 1953; Heizer and Baumhoff, 1956), have made
inferences concerning village populations. These methods have such great
possibilities for the conjunctive approach in archaeology that their use
should be extended as much as possible.



The Tolowa are an Athabascan group living on the coast from a
short distance north of the mouth of the Klamath River to the
Oregon-California boundary. Information on this group has not been
included in the main body of the paper because the Tolowa are separated
from the other California Athabascan groups and belong more properly
with the Oregon Athabascans; It was thought, however, that Merriam's
data on the Tolowa should be recorded and they have therefore been
appended in this form. The following passages are taken verbatim from
Merriam's notes.


The following notes are from information given me by Sam Lopez and wife
and Lopez' father at the Mouth of Smith River, Del Norte County, Sept.
16-17, 1923.

_Name._--The tribe as a whole had no distinctive name for themselves
except Huss, the word for people. But they had definite names for
village areas. Those living at the mouth of Smith River call themselves
Hah´-wun-kwut; those at Burnt Ranch, about three miles south of
the mouth of Smith River, Yahnk´-tah-kut; those at Crescent City
Tah-ah´-ten--and so on.

_Location, boundaries, and neighbors._--The territory of the tribe
as a whole extends from Winchuk River (Um-sahng´-ten) on the
California-Oregon boundary south to Wilson Creek (Tah-ges^{hl}-ten)
about eight miles north of the mouth of Klamath River.

The coast tribe immediately north (on the Oregon side of the line) is
called Cheet or Che´-te. Their language differs materially from that of
the Hah´-wun-kwut, though most of the words could be understood. Only a
single woman survives.

The tribe on the south, from Wilson Creek to Klamath River, is called
Tah-che-ten-ne and Tet-le-mus (Polikla).

The tribe immediately east of the Cheet on the Oregon side of the
California-Oregon boundary is called Ka-Ka-sha. Another name, Choo-ne,
also was given but I am in doubt as to whether or not the same tribe
was meant. The Ka-ka-sha live near Waldo on the north side of the
Siskiyou Mountains and speak a language widely different from that of
the Hah´-wun-kwut. They are said to be lighter in color than the coast

_Dress and ornament._--The people used deer skin blankets called
Nah-hi-ne tanned with the hair on, and also blankets of rabbit skin,
called Wa-gah hahs-nis-te. Deer skins tanned with the hair on are called
Nah-ki-le. The breech cloth formerly worn by the men was called Rut-soo
and tat-es-tat. Moccasins, Kus-ki-a, of elk hide were worn by rich men.

The women wore a front apron called Sahng; and on dress occasions an
ornamented cloak-like skirt (Chah) that extended all the way around and
lapped over in front. They also wore basket hats, called Ki´-e-traht´
and necklaces, the general term for which is Ni-ta-kle-ah. On occasions
they wore ear pendants, Bus-shra-mes-lah, of elk or deer bone. Nose
bones or shells, Mish-mes-lah, were sometimes worn; those of rich
persons consisted of one of the long _Dentalium_ shells. The chin is
tattooed with three narrow vertical lines called Tah-ah rut^{hl}-tes.

_Houses._--The houses (Munt) were square and were built of planks or
slabs hewn from redwood trees and stood up vertically, as in the case
of those of the Klamath River Indians. The ceremonial houses are called
N[=a]´-stahs-m[=a]´-ne. They are square and have a ridge roof. During
important dances the front side is removed. The sweat house is called
Shes´-kl[)e] and is large enough to hold twenty people. It is square or
rectangular, and the ground floor is excavated to a depth of about four
feet. The roof is of hewn planks covered with earth.

_Money._--The ordinary medium of exchange or "money" (Trut) consisted
of shells of _Dentalium_, of which the valuable long ones are called
T[=a]´-tos, the commoner short ones Kle´-ah. Clam shell disks or buttons
are called Nah´-set.

_Treatment of dead._--The dead are buried in a grave (Ch[)e]´-slo). The
people assert that they never burned their dead. They say that a spirit
or ghost, called Nah-who´-tlan, goes out of the body after death and
becomes a ghost.

_Ceremonial dances._--Dances are called N[=a]´-stahs or Nesh-stahsh. A
puberty dance, Chahs´-stah w[=a]´-nish tahs, was held for the girls.
Other important dances are held. Some last 5 days; others last 10 days.

The ceremonial drums Hah´-et-sah differ radically from those of any
other California Indians known to me. They are large cooking baskets
about two feet in diameter. Only new baskets are used in order that they
may stand the drumming.

Rattles called Chah-p[=a]t´-chah are made of the small hoofs of deer.
Cocoon rattles were not used.

Whistles, called Tut´-tle-nik are made of large quill feathers of birds,
not of bone.

_The stick game._--The stick game is a feature of the people, as in most
California tribes. It consists of a number of slender sticks called
Not-tr[=a]´-le, of which one, called Chah-when´, is marked. The counters
are called Chun´; the man who keeps count, Chun-ting. A dressed buckskin
is stretched tightly on the ground between the players, and when the
game is called, the sticks are thrown down upon it.

_Baskets._--The basketry is of twined weave called Chet-too. The big
storehouse baskets, called Hawsh-tan, are closely woven and have a
shallow saucer-shape lid. The large open work burden basket is called
Tus, the large cooking basket, Met-too´-sil^{ch}, the small mush bowl
Hah´-tsah, the large shallow meal tray Mes-chet´-te-gah´, the large
open work shallow bowl Tre-kwahs´-tuk, the small open work plate or
platter Kah´-se, the subglobular choke-mouth trinket basket Net´-tah,
the milling basket Ki´-e-sut, the baby basket Kah´-yu, its shade
Ne´-whats-tah, the women's basket hat Ki´-e-traht´. There is also a
subglobular openwork basket called I´-[)a]-loo´ with an arched handle
for carrying on the arm.

The cooking bowls, mush baskets, and other small baskets are made
of spruce roots, 'Hre´, more or less covered with an overlay of
bear grass (_Xerophyllum_, called Too-t[)e]^{chl}) and maiden hair
fern (_Adiantum_) called Ke´-tsi-shah´-te, meaning Blue-jay knees,
because of the slender form and black color. The roots used in the
carrying baskets, baby baskets, and other coarse baskets are of hazel,
called 'Kun. The common black design in ordinary baskets consists
of Spruce roots that have been buried in dark mud and are called
Tah´-che-gut-kle-ah. They are ordinarily used in connection with the
bear grass (_Xerophyllum_).

_Fragments of Hahwunkwut myths._--Skum, Coyote man, made the world.

When the sun dropped down the Coon caught it up and it was hot, and
blackened the insides of his hands.

When the world first floated there was just one big white Redwood tree
called Kus-choo´-ke. A big Eagle was sitting on the tree and was king of
the world.

The Falcon (Tah´-tes) won the battle for the people.

_Hahwunkwut foods._--A large variety of foods are eaten: meat
(Ch[=a]´-sun) of elk and deer, both fresh and dried, salmon and
other fish, fresh and dried, marrow, tallow, salmon eggs (usually
smoke-dried), clams of several kinds, mussels, fish milt both dried and
fresh, acorn mush and bread, and a number of roots, berries, and other
parts of plants. Among the food berries are strawberries, blackberries,
salmon-berries, huckleberries, salal berries, elder berries and
manzanita berries.

Elder berries are mixed with blackberries and steamed in the ground
oven; manzanita berries are mashed and mixed with smoke-dried salmon

Two kinds of kelp are eaten.

Root masses of the brake fern (_Pteris aquilina_, called Tah´-sohn-ki)
are cooked in the ground oven. They are said to be like milk and have a
fine flavor.

Salt is not used.

Wild tobacco is called Yahn-s[)e]^{ch} yah-we and S[)e]^{ch}-yu. The
pipe is straight and is called A-chah.

_Hahwunkwut plant notes._--The Tree Maple (_Acer macrophyllum_) is
called Ch[=a]´-she. Its inner bark is used for the ordinary everyday
dress for women.

The Tanbark Oak is the dominant species in the northwest coast region
and its acorns (Sohng´-cheng) are largely eaten by the people. Acorn
meal before leaching is called Rut-ta-gaht. If it is allowed to become
mouldy, the bitter taste disappears so that it does not have to be
leached. Acorn bread cooked on hot ashes is called Ses^{hl}-te. The
ordinary mush is called Ma-guts-kush.

_Hahwunkwut animal notes._--The Bobcat (_Lynx rufus_) is called
Ne´-ti-us ah´-n[=a]. Its name is never mentioned in the presence of a
baby. If the mother sees one before the baby is born, the baby will have
fits and die.

The falcon or Duck Hawk (Tah´-tes) was a high personage among the First
People. He won the first battle for the Indians, standing on the first
Redwood Tree.

The California Condor (T[=a]-long-yi´-chah) is so big and powerful that
he can lift a whale. His name shows this as it is from the name of the
whale (T[=a]´-lah) and means "whale lifter."

The Dove (Sroo´-e-gun´-sah) cries for his grandmother, especially in the
spring of the year.

The Purple Finch is called Klah´-nis-me´-tit-le, meaning "many
brothers," because the birds go together in small flocks.

The Night Heron (Nah-gah´ che yahs´-se) is known as the "sickness bird."

_Hahwunkwut pits for catching elk and deer._--The Smith River
Hah-wun-kwut used to catch elk and deer in pits, called Song´-kit, dug
in the ground along the runways. These pits differ materially from those
of the Pit River Indians, being much shallower. No effort was made to
make them deep enough to prevent the captured animals from jumping out,
but an ingenious device was used to prevent them from jumping. The pits
were only a little deeper than the length of the legs of the elk, but
poles were placed across the top so that when the animal fell through,
the body would rest on the poles so his feet could not touch the ground.
This of course prevented him from jumping out.

When "set," the pits were lightly covered with slender sticks and
branches and leaves, to resemble the surrounding ground, but the cover
was so frail that an animal the size of a deer would at once break

_Smelt fishery._--At Ocean Shore, Smith River, Calif., July 21, 1934.
Vast numbers of smelt, a small surf fish, are caught in nets by the
Hawungkwut Indians. During a "run" at high tide flocks of sea gulls
hover over the incoming fish, thus making their approach known. The
Indians catch them with nets. After a preliminary drying on a circular
mat of brush called the nest, the smelt are transferred to the fish bed,
a long flat rectangular and slightly elevated area built up of sand and
capped with a layer of small smooth stones. On this they are left till
thoroughly dry.

_Massacres of Huss Indians by the whites._--There were three notable
killings by the whites.

The first killing took place at Burnt Ranch, three miles south of
the mouth of Smith River, at the rancheria called Yahnk-tah´-kut,
a name perpetuated by the district school house name. Here a large
number of Indians were caught during a ceremonial dance and ruthlessly
slaughtered. The Indians say this was the first killing.

The second killing was at the rancheria of [=A]´-choo-lik on the big
lagoon known as Lake Earl about three miles north of Crescent City [cf.
Drucker's etculet in Drucker, 1937, map 3]. The Indians were engaged in
gambling at the time.

The third killing was at the large village of Hah-wun-kwut [Xawun hwut,
Drucker, 1937, map 3] at the mouth of Smith River.

At the time of the Indian troubles in northwestern California Chief
Ki´-lis (named for Ki-o-lus the Willow tree) was chief of the
Hah´-wun-kwut tribe.

Three young men of the tribe were active in resenting the aggressions of
the whites and were said to have killed several of the early settlers.
They were very clever and neither the settlers nor the soldiers were
able to capture them. Finally the officer in charge of the troops at
Fort Dick (a log fort on Smith River, about three miles from the present
settlement called Smith River Corners) told Chief Ki´-lis that he would
be hung by the soldiers unless he captured the three young men in

It happened that the chief had two wives, who were sisters of the three
young men. The chief was in great trouble and called a meeting of his
head men. They said that if the people would contribute enough blood
money (which consists of the long Dentalium shells) they could pay the
two sisters the price necessary to atone for the killing in accordance
with the law of the tribe. The people agreed to this and raised the
necessary money. The nearest male relatives of the young men were chosen
to do the killing, but the young men could not be found.

One day when one of the chief's wives was getting mussels near the
mouth of Smith River one of the young men appeared and told her that he
and his brothers were hungry and wanted food. She designated a place
on the point of a nearby ridge where she said she would take food, and
it was agreed that the three brothers would come to get it in the late
afternoon or early evening. She then went home and told her husband,
Chief Ki-lis, who in turn notified the nearest relatives of the young
men; they went and concealed themselves near the spot. When the young
men came and were looking for the food their relatives fell upon them
and killed them. They were buried in the same place and the graves may
be seen there to this day.

The officer in charge of the troops was greatly pleased. He and his
soldiers arranged "a big time," giving the Indians plenty to eat and
also some blankets. This ended the "Indian war" in that region.

There is a small island called Stun-tahs ahn-kot (50 acres or more in
extent) in the lower part of Smith River, half or three-quarters of a
mile from its mouth. On some of the early maps it bears the name Ta´-les
after the chief. This island the officer gave to the Indians in the name
of the Government, telling them it would always be theirs, and gave the
chief a paper stating that it was given in return for killing the three
outlaw boys. Sometime afterward this paper was burned.

After the Indians had been driven to the Hoopa Reservation and had
come back, they were not allowed to go to their former rancheria
Hah´-wun-kwut, but were told to go to this island. Later the whites
claimed the island and did not let the Indians have it.

The present Indian settlement, a mile or two north of the mouth of
Smith River, was purchased for the Indians in or about 1908 by Agent
Kelsey of San Jose, and paid for by the Indian Office from a part of an
appropriation made by Congress for homeless California Indians. It is
occupied at present (1923) by ten or a dozen families.



A. L. Kroeber


The following data were got from Eben Tillotson at Hulls Valley, north
of Round Valley, on July 12, 1938.

A. Eben said he was a Wi·t'u·knó'm Yuki. This was a "tribe" speaking
a uniform dialect, having uniform customs, but embracing several
"tribelets." Their general territory was along main (or middle) Eel R.
where this runs from E to W, on both sides of it, and S of Round V. They
also owned Oklá·[)c] and Púnki·nipi·[t.] ("wormwood hole"), Poonkiny.
The subdivisions or tribelets were:

     [10.6] 1. U[)s]i·[)c]lAlhótno'm
     ("crayfish-creek-large-people") on Salt Cr., S of Middle Eel.

     2. Olkátno'm, at Henley or Hop ranch in S part of Round V.,
     where the road enters the flat of the valley. They owned S to the
     Middle Eel and down it to Dos Rios confluence.

     3. Alniuk'í·no'm, at W edge of Round V.

     4. Ontítno'm, E of Henley ranch in Round V.; also Eden V. to S.

B. The following were not grouped together by the informant, but agree
in having a southerly range:

     [10.6] 5. LAlkú·tno'm, around Outlet Cr.

     6. Tí·tAmno'm, eastward, across (S of Middle) Eel R., toward
     Sanhedrin Mt., W of the ridge which runs W of Gravelly V. Mountain
     people, without villages of size. Dixie Duncan was half of this

     7. Ki·[)c]ilú·kam is Gravelly V. The Huchnom roamed in that.

C. East of Hull's V., extending nearly to Hammerhorn Mt., but this was

     [10.6] 8. [vS]ipimA´lno'm, on a creek running from W into
     (S-flowing) Eel R.

     9. I·'mptí·tAmno'm, at an opening in the range--i·'mp is a
     gap. They were across the Eel, on its E side.

     10. Pi·lílno'm, beyond (farther E or SE?), at Kumpí·t, "salt
     hole," where salt was got, also at Snow Mt. These were Yuki, but
     "talked something like" Nomlaki Wintun (who adjoined them, across
     the main Coast Range watershed). Their language was about as
     different from Yuki as was Huchnom. They were "half Stony Creek"
     (along which lived Salt Pomo, then Hill Patwin, then Nomlaki).

     11. U·k'í·[)c]no'm (added later by informant), in Williams V.,
     "E" of Hull's V.

     12. A Yuki group at Twin Rock Cr.--Eben had forgotten their

D. The real Yuki, centering in Round V., and coming N into the foothills
only about as far as Ebley's Flat. To the N were the Onainó'm, Pitch
Indians, Athabascans, who owned Hull V. ("here") and adjoined the
[vS]ipimAlno'm (no. 8).

     [10.6] 13. Hákno'm, in Round V., around Agency, in the N side
     of the valley.

     14. Ukomnó'm, in middle of the valley. They did not own up
     into the mountains.

     15. At TotimAl, W of Covelo, were a people whose name Eben had

     16. At NW end of Round V., another group whose name he could
     not recall.

It will be seen that the informant's knowledge was fullest for the part
of Yuki territory S of Round V.

He thought that all the groups mentioned made the Taikomol and Hulk'ilAl
initiations and performances.

_Orthography Used_

  A           a mid-raised a, nasalized
  [t.]        retroflex or palatal t
  [vS]        sh
  [)c]        ch
  k' etc.     glottalized
  ·           long
  [-l]        surd l, Athabascan only
  =ê=         ng Athabascan

[Illustration: Map 18. Yuki "Tribes" according to Eben Tillotson.]



Onainó'm were the Pitch Indians, a people of the rugged mountains,
adjoining the [vS]ipimA´lno'm Yuki, and with Hull's Valley in their
range. They were "half Yuki and half Wailaki," and spoke both languages.

The TA´no'm were at Spy Rock on main Eel R. They were also half Yuki and
half Wailaki and bilingual. [But other Yuki cite them as Yuki who also
knew Wailaki.] TAno'm were: Nancy Dobie, Sally Duncan, and Tip.

These two groups did not make Taikomol or Hulk'ilAl rites [this agrees
with Handbook] but, probably knew about them from having seen them

Between the Pitch people and the TAno'm, in the Horse Ranch country,
lived the Ko'il, the Wailaki (proper). Most of the survivors of these
spoke Yuki also.


The following notes, mainly on Athabascans, were obtained at Round
Valley on July 13, 1938. Lucy Young, the informant, was born on Eel
River at Tseye[)s]ente[-l], opposite Alder Point. Though listed by the
Government as a Wailaki, she is actually what ethnologists call Lassik.
Her father was born 3 mi. from Alder Pt.; her mother, at Soldier Basin,
22 mi. NE. Her mother's first cousin was T'a·su's, known to the whites
as Lassik, from his Wintun name Lasek. He was chief for Alder Pt.,
Soldier Basin, (upper) Mad River. Mary Major, informant's contemporary,
is from Soldier Basin and of the same tribe.

The following were obtained as names of groups of people, though some of
them may be place names.

     Setelbai, "yellow rock," Alder Pt., etc.

     Nal[)s]a, "eat each other," downstream, around Fort Seward.

     Ko[)s]o-ya=ê=, "soaproot eaters," farther downstream and on
     Van Duzen R.

     Tena=ê=-keya, Mad R. Indians.

     Kentet[-l]a(=ê=), Kettenchow V., a flat with roots.

     Se[)c]([-l])enden-keya, at Zenia.

     Ka·snol-keya, S of Zenia, called Kikawake in Hayfork [Wintun].

     Tok'(a)-keya, South Fork of Eel Indians [Sinkyone].

     Saya=ê=, "lamprey eel eaters," the Spy Rock

     Wailaki [the Ko'il of Tillotson].

     Djeh-ya=ê=, "pinenut eaters," the Pitch Wailaki, on North Fork
     Eel R.

     [The outlook seems to have been chiefly downstream and inland.]


     [)C]iyin[)c]e, Yuki.

     Baikiha=ê=, Hayfork Wintu.

     Ya=ê=-keya, the Wintu from Weaverville to Redding; their own
     name was Poibos. The same name Ya=ê=-keya was applied also to the
     Cottonwood Creek Wintun, whom the Lassik met at Yolla Bolly Mt. to
     trade salt. [Wintu and Wintun were treated as one language.]

     Yitá·kena, people of lowest Eel R., the Wiyot.



  AA         American Anthropologist
  BAE-B      Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin
  SI-MC      Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous Collections
  UC         University of California Publications
    -AR      Anthropological Records
    -IA      Ibero-Americana
    -PAAE    American Archaeology and Ethnology

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Bennett, C. A., and N. L. Franklin

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Cook, S. F.

     1943. The Conflict between the California Indian and White
     Civilization: I. UC-IA 21, pp. 161-194.

     1955. The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley,
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     1956. The Aboriginal Population of the North Coast of
     California. UC-AR 16:81-130.

Cook, S. F., and A. E. Treganza

     1950. The Quantitative Investigation of Indian Mounds. UC-PAAE

Curtis, E. S.

     1924. The North American Indian. Vols. 13, 14.

Dixon, Roland B.

     1910. The Chimariko Indians and Language. UC-PAAE 5:293-380.

Drucker, Philip

     1937. The Tolowa and Their Southwest Oregon Kin. UC-PAAE

Du Bois, Cora

     1935. Wintu Ethnography. UC-PAAE 36:1-148.

Essene, Frank

     1942. Culture Element Distributions: XXI. Round Valley. UC-AR

Foster, George M.

     1944. A Summary of Yuki Culture. UC-AR 5:155-244.

Gifford, E. W.

     1939. The Coast Yuki. Anthropos, 34:292-375.

Goddard, Pliny E.

     1903_a_. Life and Culture of the Hupa. UC-PAAE 1:1-88.

     1903_b_. Kato Pomo not Pomo. AA 5:375-376.

     1904. Hupa Texts. UC-PAAE 1:89-377.

     1907. Lassik. In Handbook of American Indians. BAE-B 30.

     1909. Kato Texts. UC-PAAE 5:65-238.

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     1914_b_. Chilula Texts. UC-PAAE 10:289-379.

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     1923_b_. Wailaki Texts. International Journal of American
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     1929. The Bear River Dialect of Athapascan. UC-PAAE 24:291-324.

Goldschmidt, Walter

     1951. Nomlaki Ethnography. UC-PAAE 42:303-443.

Goldschmidt, W. R., and H. E. Driver

     1940. The Hupa White Deerskin Dance. UC-PAAE 35:103-142.

Heizer, R. F., ed.

     1953. The Archaeology of the Napa Region. UC-AR 12:225-358.

Heizer, R. F., and M. A. Baumhoff

     1956. California Settlement Patterns. _In_ Prehistoric
     Settlement Patterns in the New World. G. R. Willey, ed. Viking Fund
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Jepson, W. L.

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Kroeber, A. L.

     1925_a_. Handbook of the Indians of California. BAE-B 78.

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Merriam, C. Hart

     1905. The Indian Population of California. AA 7:594-606.

     1923. Application of the Athapaskan Term Nung-kahhl. AA

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     1930. The New River Indians Tlo-Hom-tah-hoi. AA 32:280-293.

     1955. Studies of California Indians. Univ. Calif. Press,
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Nomland, G. A.

     1935. Sinkyoni Notes. UC-PAAE 36:149-178.

     1938. Bear River Ethnography. UC-AR 2:91-124.

Nomland, G. A., and A. L. Kroeber

     1936. Wiyot Towns. UC-PAAE 35:39-48.

Powers, Stephen

     1877. Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. 3.
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Rostlund, Erhard

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     1920. Yurok Geography. UC-PAAE 16:177-314.




Map showing the lower Trinity River and locations of Hupa villages. The
map was made by George Gibbs, a member of the expedition of Colonel
Redick McKee in 1852. The village names shown are in the Yurok language.


Views of Athabascan territory. _a_. View of Hoopa Valley looking north.
Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1901, UCMA 15-2917. _b_. Big rock on Mad River
at Big Bend "taken from village site" (UCMA catalogue). Big Bend is in
the southern part of Mad River Whilkut territory. There is no record of
the site referred to. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3166. _c_.
Fishing place on Van Duzen River between Bridgeville and Old Fort Baker.
Nongatl informant Peter is shown on the rock. This spot is somewhere
among the villages shown on map 7. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA
15-3156. _d_. Rock on ridge of Snow Camp between Mad River and Redwood
Creek. It is about halfway between Kloki Whilkut village no. 45 and Mad
River Whilkut village no. 15 on map 17. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906,
UCMA 15-3165. _e_. Rock on Eel River near Blocksburg in southern Nongatl
territory. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3201. _f_. Indian house
at Blocksburg in southern Nongatl territory. Photo by P. E. Goddard,
1903, UCMA 15-3017.


Views of Athabascan territory, _a_. Model house (right) and sweathouse
made for Goddard by the Wailaki Captain Jim. Photo by P. E. Goddard,
1906, UCMA 15-3281. _b_. Eel River in Wailaki territory, looking from
the west. The mouth of North Fork Eel River is shown in the lower
right-hand corner. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3264. _c_.
Picture taken from the Blue Rock stage road to Cummings. This is the
hinterland of the Eel River Wailaki west of the Eel River. Photo by P.
E. Goddard, 1902, UCMA 15-3011. _d_. A view of Usal, the southernmost
village of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1902, UCMA
15-2922. _e_. A village site near Laytonville in Kato territory. The
village is not known. Photo by P. E. Goddard, 1906, UCMA 15-3146.

[Illustration: Plate 9. The lower Trinity River, showing the locations
of Hupa villages. Map by George Gibbs, 1852.]

[Illustration: Plate 10. Athabascan territory.]

[Illustration: Plate 11. Athabascan territory.]

       *       *       *       *       *

     Transcribers Notes:

     Obvious spelling and grammar errors corrected.

     P. 23 capital L in the middle of two Indian words. Proofer
     thought typo. However, I believe it was intentional.

     Greek text has been transliterated and enclosed in equal signs.

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