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Title: Life of Abraham Lincoln - Sixteenth President of the United States
Author: Crosby, Frank
Language: English
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“If this country cannot be saved without giving up the principle of
Liberty, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this
spot than surrender it.”
_From Mr. Lincoln’s Speech at Independence Hall, Philadelphia,
February 21, 1861._
“I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and
half free.”
_Springfield, Illinois, June, 1858._
“I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and
the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with
the original idea for which the Revolution was made.”
_Trenton, New Jersey, February 21, 1861._
“Having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure
purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear
and with manly hearts.”
_Message, July 5, 1861._
“In giving freedom to the slaves, we assure freedom to the free;
honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve.”
_Message, December 1, 1862._
“I hope peace will come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to
be worth the keeping in all future time.”
_Springfield Letter, August 26, 1863._
“The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here;
but it can never forget what the brave men, living and dead, did
here.”
_Speech at Gettysburg, November 19, 1863._
“I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation
Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is
free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the Acts of
Congress.”
_Amnesty Proclamation, December 8, 1863._
“I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that
events have controlled me.”
_Letter to A. G. Hodges, April 4, 1864._
“With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in
the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to
finish the work we are in.”
_Last Inaugural, March 4, 1865._
[Illustration]
LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
SIXTEENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
CONTAINING
HIS EARLY HISTORY AND POLITICAL CAREER; TOGETHER
WITH THE SPEECHES, MESSAGES, PROCLAMATIONS AND
OTHER OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF
HIS EVENTFUL ADMINISTRATION.
BY FRANK CROSBY,
MEMBER OF THE PHILADELPHIA BAR.
“LET ALL THE ENDS THOU AIM’ST AT BE THY COUNTRY’S,
THY GOD’S AND TRUTH’S; THEN IF THOU FALL’ST
THOU FALL’ST A BLESSED MARTYR.”
NEW YORK
INTERNATIONAL BOOK COMPANY
310-318 SIXTH AVENUE
DEDICATED
TO THE GOOD AND TRUE
OF THE NATION
REDEEMED--REGENERATED--DISENTHRALLED.
PREFACE.
An attempt has been made in the following pages to portray Abraham
Lincoln, mainly in his relations to the country at large during his
eventful administration.
With this view, it has not been deemed necessary to cumber the work
with the minute details of his life prior to that time. This period
has, therefore, been but glanced at, with a care to present enough to
make a connected whole. His Congressional career and his campaign with
Senator Douglas are presented in outline, yet so, it is believed, that
a clear idea of these incidents in his life can be obtained.
After the time of his election as President, however, a different
course of treatment has been pursued. Thenceforward, to the close of
his life, especial pains have been taken to present everything which
should show him as he was--the Statesman persistent, resolute, free
from boasting or ostentation, destitute of hate, never exultant,
guarded in his prophecies, threatening none at home or abroad,
indulging in no utopian dreams of a blissful future, moving quietly,
calmly, conscientiously, irresistibly on to the end he saw with
clearest vision.
Yet, even in what is presented as a complete record of his
administration, too much must not be expected. It is impossible, for
example, to thoroughly dissect the events of the great Rebellion in
a work like the present. Nothing of the kind has been attempted. The
prominent features only have been sketched; and that solely for the
purpose of bringing into the distinct foreground him whose life is
under consideration.
Various Speeches, Proclamations, and Letters, not vitally essential
to the unity of the main body of the work, yet valuable as affording
illustrations of the man--have been collected in the Appendix.
Imperfect as this portraiture must necessarily be, there is one
conciliatory thought. The subject needs no embellishment. It furnishes
its own setting. The acts of the man speak for themselves. Only such an
arrangement is needed as shall show the bearing of each upon the other,
the development of each, the processes of growth.
Those words of the lamented dead which nestle in our hearts so
tenderly--they call for no explanation. Potent, searching, taking hold
of our consciences, they will remain with us while reason lasts.
Nor will the people’s interest be but for the moment. The baptism of
blood to which the Nation has been called, cannot be forgotten for
generations. And while memories of him abide, there will inevitably be
associated with them the placid, quiet face, not devoid of mirth--its
patient, anxious, yet withal hopeful expression--the sure, elastic
step--the clearly cut, sharply defined speech of him, who, under
Providence, was to lead us through the trial and anguish of those
bitter days to the rest and refreshing of a peace, whose dawn only,
alas! he was to see.
Though this work may not rise to the height required, it is hoped that
it is not utterly unworthy of the subject. Such as it is--a labor of
love--it is offered to those who loved and labored with the patriot
and hero, with the earnest desire that it may not be regarded an
unwarrantable intrusion upon ground on which any might hesitate to
venture.
F. C.
_Philadelphia, June, 1865._
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD.
Preliminary--Birth of Abraham Lincoln--Removal from Kentucky--At
Work--Self Education--Personal Characteristics--Another Removal
--Trip to New Orleans--Becomes Clerk--Black Hawk War--Engages in
Politics--Successive Elections to the Legislature--Anti-Slavery
Protest--Commences Practice as a Lawyer--Traits of Character--
Marriage--Return to Politics--Election to Congress 13
CHAPTER II.
IN CONGRESS AND ON THE STUMP.
The Mexican War--Internal Improvements--Slavery in the
District of Columbia--Public Lands--Retires to Private Life--
Kansas-Nebraska Bill--Withdraws in Favor of Senator Trumbull--
Formation of Republican Party--Nominated for U. S. Senator--
Opening Speech of Mr. Lincoln--Douglas Campaign--The Canvass--
Tribute to the Declaration of Independence--Result of the Contest 19
CHAPTER III.
BEFORE THE NATION.
Speeches in Ohio--Extract from the Cincinnati Speech--Visits
the East--Celebrated Speech at the Cooper Institute, New
York--Interesting Incident 34
CHAPTER IV.
NOMINATED AND ELECTED PRESIDENT.
The Republican National Convention--Democratic Convention--
Constitutional Union Convention--Ballotings at Chicago--
The Result--Enthusiastic Reception--Visit to Springfield--
Address and Letter of Acceptance--The Campaign--Result
of the Election--South Carolina’s Movements--Buchanan’s
Pusillanimity--Secession of States--Confederate Constitution--
Peace Convention--Constitutional Amendments--Terms of the Rebels 60
CHAPTER V.
TO WASHINGTON.
The Departure--Farewell Remarks--Speech at Toledo--At
Indianapolis--At Cincinnati--At Columbus--At Steubenville--
At Pittsburgh--At Cleveland--At Buffalo--At Albany--At
Poughkeepsie--At New York--At Trenton--At Philadelphia--At
“Independence Hall”--Flag Raising--Speech at Harrisburg--
Secret Departure for Washington--Comments 67
CHAPTER VI.
THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.
Speeches at Washington--The Inaugural Address--Its Effect--
The Cabinet--Commissioners from Montgomery--Extracts from A.
H. Stephens’ Speech--Virginia Commissioners--Fall of Fort
Sumter 90
CHAPTER VII.
PREPARING FOR WAR.
Effects of Sumter’s Fall--President’s Call for Troops--
Response in the Loyal States--In the Border States--Baltimore
Riots--Maryland’s Position--President’s Letter to Maryland
Authorities--Blockade Proclamation--Additional Proclamation--
Comments Abroad--Second Call for Troops--Special Order for
Florida--Military Movements 108
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FIRST SESSION OF CONGRESS.
Opening of Congress--President’s First Message--Its Nature--
Action of Congress--Resolution Declaring the Object of the
War--Bull Run--Its Effect 117
CHAPTER IX.
CLOSE OF 1861.
Election of the Rebels--Davis’ Boast--McClellan appointed
Commander of Potomac Army--Proclamation of a National Fast--
Intercourse with Rebels Forbidden--Fugitive Slaves--Gen.
Butler’s Views--Gen. McClellan’s Letter from Secretary
Cameron--Act of August 6th, 1861--Gen. Fremont’s Order--
Letter of the President Modifying the Same--Instructions to
Gen. Sherman--Ball’s Bluff--Gen. Scott’s Retirement--Army of
the Potomac 137
CHAPTER X.
THE CONGRESS OF 1861-62.
The Military Situation--Seizure of Mason and Slidell--
Opposition to the Administration--President’s Message--
Financial Legislation--Committee on the Conduct of the War--
Confiscation Bill 148
CHAPTER XI.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
Situation of the President--His Policy--Gradual Emancipation--
Message--Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia--
Repudiation of Gen. Hunter’s Emancipation Order--Conference with
Congressmen from the Border Slave States--Address to the Same--
Military Order--Proclamation under the Conscription Act 171
CHAPTER XII.
THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN.
President’s War Order--Reason for the Same--Results in West
and South-west--Army of the Potomac--Presidential Orders--
Letter to McClellan--Order for Army Corps--The Issue of the
Campaign--Unfortunate Circumstances--President’s Speech
at Union Meeting--Comments--Operations in Virginia and
Maryland--In the West and South-west 181
CHAPTER XIII.
FREEDOM TO MILLIONS.
Tribune Editorial--Letter to Mr. Greeley--Announcement of the
Emancipation Proclamation--Suspension of the _Habeas Corpus_
in certain Cases--Order for Observance of the Sabbath--The
Emancipation Proclamation 190
CHAPTER XIV.
LAST SESSION OF THE THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS.
Situation of the Country--Opposition to the Administration--
President’s Message 199
CHAPTER XV.
THE TIDE TURNED.
Military Successes--Favorable Elections--Emancipation Policy--
Letter to Manchester (Eng.) Workingmen--Proclamation for a
National Fast--Letter to Erastus Corning--Letter to a Committee
on Recalling Vallandigham 226
CHAPTER XVI.
LETTERS AND SPEECHES.
Speech at Washington--Letter to Gen. Grant--Thanksgiving
Proclamation--Letter Concerning the Emancipation Proclamation--
Proclamation for Annual Thanksgiving--Dedicatory Speech at
Gettysburg 242
CHAPTER XVII.
THE THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
Organization of the House--Different Opinions as to
Reconstruction--Provisions for Pardon of Rebels--President’s
Proclamation of Pardon--Annual Message--Explanatory
Proclamation 263
CHAPTER XVIII.
PROGRESS.
President’s Speech at Washington--Speech to a New York
Committee--Speech in Baltimore--Letter to a Kentuckian--
Employment of Colored Troops--Davis’ Threat--General Order--
President’s Order on the Subject 275
CHAPTER XIX.
RENOMINATED.
Lieut. Gen. Grant--His Military Record--Continued Movements--
Correspondence with the President--Across the Rapidan--
Richmond Invested--President’s Letter to a Grant Meeting--
Meeting of Republican National Convention--The Platform--
The Nomination--Mr. Lincoln’s Reply to the Committee of
Notification--Remarks to Union League Committee--Speech at a
Serenade--Speech to Ohio Troops 285
CHAPTER XX.
RECONSTRUCTION.
President’s Speech at Philadelphia--Philadelphia Fair--
Correspondence with Committee of National Convention--
Proclamation of Martial Law in Kentucky--Question of
Reconstruction--President’s Proclamation on the Subject--
Congressional Plan 298
CHAPTER XXI.
PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864.
Proclamation for a Fast--Speech to Soldiers--Another Speech--
“To Whom it may Concern”--Chicago Convention--Opposition
Embarrassed--Resolution No. 2--McClellan’s Acceptance--
Capture of the Mobile Forts and Atlanta--Proclamation for
Thanksgiving--Remarks on Employment of Negro Soldiers--
Address to Loyal Marylanders 314
CHAPTER XXII.
RE-ELECTED
Presidential Campaign of 1864--Fremont’s Withdrawal--Wade
and Davis--Peace and War Democrats--Rebel Sympathizers--
October Election--Result of Presidential Election--Speech to
Pennsylvanians--Speech at a Serenade--Letter to a Soldier’s
Mother--Opening of Congress--Last Annual Message 325
CHAPTER XXIII.
TIGHTENING THE LINES.
Speech at a Serenade--Reply to a Presentation Address--Peace
Rumors--Rebel Commissioners--Instructions to Secretary
Seward--The Conference in Hampton Roads--Result--Extra
Session of the Senate--Military Situation--Sherman--
Charleston--Columbia--Wilmington--Fort Fisher--Sheridan--
Grant--Rebel Congress--Second Inauguration--Inaugural--
English Comment--Proclamation to Deserters 350
CHAPTER XXIV.
IN RICHMOND.
President Visits City Point--Lee’s Failure--Grant’s Movement--
Abraham Lincoln in Richmond--Lee’s Surrender--President’s
Impromptu Speech--Speech on Reconstruction--Proclamation Closing
Certain Ports--Proclamation Relative to Maritime Rights--
Supplementary Proclamation--Orders from the War Department--
The Traitor President 362
CHAPTER XXV.
THE LAST ACT.
Interview with Mr. Colfax--Cabinet Meeting--Incident--
Evening Conversation--Possibility of Assassination--Leaves
for the Theatre--In the Theatre--Precautions for the
Murder--The Pistol Shot--Escape of the Assassin--Death of
the President--Pledges Redeemed--Situation of the Country--
Effect of the Murder--Obsequies at Washington--Borne Home--
Grief of the People--At Rest 374
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE MAN.
Reasons for His Re-election--What was Accomplished--Leaning on
the People--State Papers--His Tenacity of Purpose--Washington
and Lincoln--As a Man--Favorite Poem--Autobiography--His Modesty
--A Christian--Conclusion 382
APPENDIX.
Mr. Lincoln’s Speeches in Congress and Elsewhere, Proclamations,
Letters, etc., not included in the Body of the Work.
Speech on the Mexican War, (In Congress, Jan. 12, 1848) 391
Speech on Internal Improvements, (In Congress, June 20, 1848)
403
Speech on the Presidency and General Politics, (In Congress,
July 27, 1848) 417
Speech in Reply to Mr. Douglas, on Kansas, the Dred Scott
Decision, and the Utah Question, (At Springfield, June 26,
1857) 431
Speech in Reply to Senator Douglas, (At Chicago, July 10, 1858) 442
Opening Passages of his Speech at Freeport 459
Letter to Gen. McClellan 464
Letter to Gen. Schofield Relative to the Removal of Gen. Curtis 466
Three Hundred Thousand Men Called For 466
Rev. Dr. McPheeters--President’s Reply to an Appeal for
Interference 468
An Election Ordered in the State of Arkansas 470
Letter to William Fishback on the Election in Arkansas 471
Call for Five Hundred Thousand Men 471
Letter to Mrs. Gurney 473
The Tennessee Test Oath 474
LIFE OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
CHAPTER I.
BOYHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD.
Preliminary--Birth of Abraham Lincoln--Removal from Kentucky--
At Work--Self Education--Personal Characteristics--Another
Removal--Trip to New Orleans--Becomes Clerk--Black Hawk War--
Engages in Politics--Successive Elections to the Legislature--
Anti-Slavery Protest--Commences Practice as a Lawyer--Traits of
Character--Marriage--Return to Politics--Election to Congress.
The leading incidents in the early life of the men who have most
decidedly influenced the destinies of our republic, present a striking
similarity. The details, indeed, differ; but the story, in outline, is
the same--“the short and simple annals of the poor.”
Of obscure parentage--accustomed to toil from their tender years--with
few facilities for the education of the school--the most struggled
on, independent, self-reliant, till by their own right hands they had
hewed their way to the positions for which their individual talents
and peculiarities stamped them as best fitted. Children of nature,
rather than of art, they have ever in their later years--amid scenes
and associations entirely dissimilar to those with which in youth and
early manhood, they were familiar--retained somewhat indicative of
their origin and training. In speech or in action--often in both--they
have smacked of their native soil. If they have lacked the grace of
the courtier, ample compensation has been afforded in the honesty of
the man. If their address was at times abrupt, it was at least frank
and unmistakable. Both friend and foe knew exactly where to find them.
Unskilled in the doublings of the mere politician or the trimmer, they
have borne themselves straight forward to the points whither their
judgment and conscience directed. Such men may have been deemed fit
subjects for the jests and sneers of more cultivated Europeans, but
they are none the less dear to us as Americans--will none the less take
their place among those whose names the good, throughout the world,
will not willingly let die.
Of this class, pre-eminently, was the statesman whose life and public
services the following pages are to exhibit.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Sixteenth President of the United States, son
of Thomas and Nancy Lincoln--the former a Kentuckian, the latter
a Virginian--was born February 12th, 1809, near Hodgenville, the
county-seat of what is now known as La Rue county, Kentucky. He had one
sister, two years his senior, who died, married, in early womanhood;
and his only brother, his junior by two years, died in childhood.
When nine years of age, he lost his mother, the family having, two
years previously, removed to what was then the territory of Indiana,
and settled in the southern part, near the Ohio river, about midway
between Louisville and Evansville. The thirteen years which the lad
spent here inured him to all the exposures and hardships of frontier
life. An active assistant in farm duties, he neglected no opportunity
of strengthening his mind, reading with avidity such instructive works
as he could procure--on winter evenings, oftentimes, by the light of
the blazing fire-place. As satisfaction for damage accidentally done to
a borrowed copy of Weems’ Life of Washington--the only one known to be
in the neighborhood--he pulled fodder for two days for the owner.
At twenty years of age, he had reached the height of nearly six feet
and four inches, with a comparatively slender yet uncommonly strong
muscular frame--a youthful giant among a race of giants. Morally, he
was proverbially honest, conscientious, and upright.
In 1830, his father again emigrated, halting for a year on the north
fork of the Sangamon river, Illinois, but afterwards pushing on to
Coles county, some seventy miles to the eastward, on the upper waters
of the Kaskaskia and Embarrass, where his adventurous life ended in
1851, he being in his seventy-third year. The first year in Illinois
the son spent with the father; the next he aided in constructing
a flat-boat, on which, with other hands, a successful trip to New
Orleans and back was made. This city--then the El Dorado of the Western
frontiersman--had been visited by the young man, in the same capacity,
when he was nineteen years of age.
Returning from this expedition, he acted for a year as clerk for
his former employer, who was engaged in a store and flouring mill
at New Salem, twenty miles below Springfield. While thus occupied,
tidings reached him of an Indian invasion on the western border of
the State--since known as the Black Hawk war, from an old Sac chief
of that name, who was the prominent mover in the matter. In New Salem
and vicinity, a company of volunteers was promptly raised, of which
young Lincoln was elected captain--his first promotion. The company,
however, having disbanded, he again enlisted as a private, and during
the three months’ service of this, his first short military campaign,
he faithfully discharged his duty to his country, persevering amid
peculiar hardships and against the influences of older men around him.
With characteristic humor and sarcasm, while commenting, in a
Congressional speech during the canvass of 1848, upon the efforts of
General Cass’s biographers to exalt their idol into a military hero, he
thus alluded to this episode in his life:
“By the way, Mr. Speaker, did you know I am a military hero? Yes, sir,
in the days of the Black Hawk war, I fought, bled, and came away.
Speaking of General Cass’s career, reminds me of my own. I was not
at Stillman’s defeat, but I was about as near it as Cass to Hull’s
surrender; and like him, I saw the place very soon afterward. It is
quite certain I did not break my sword, for I had none to break; but I
bent a musket pretty badly on one occasion. If Cass broke his sword,
the idea is, he broke it in desperation; I bent the musket by accident.
If General Cass went in advance of me in picking whortleberries, I
guess I surpassed him in charges upon the wild onions. If he saw any
live, fighting Indians, it was more than I did, but I had a good many
bloody struggles with the mosquitoes; and although I never fainted from
loss of blood, I can truly say I was often very hungry.
“Mr. Speaker, if I should ever conclude to doff whatever our Democratic
friends may suppose there is of black-cockade Federalism about me,
and, thereupon, they should take me up as their candidate for the
Presidency, I protest they shall not make fun of me as they have of
General Cass, by attempting to write me into a military hero.”
This bit of adventure over, Mr. Lincoln--who had determined to become a
lawyer, in common with most energetic, enterprising young men of that
period and section--embarked in politics, warmly espousing the cause
of Henry Clay, in a State at that time decidedly opposed to his great
leader, and received a gratifying evidence of his personal popularity
where he was best known, in securing an almost unanimous vote in his
own precinct in Sangamon county as a candidate for representative in
the State Legislature, although a little later in the same canvass
General Jackson, the Democratic candidate for the Presidency, led his
competitor, Clay, one hundred and fifty-five votes.
While pursuing his law studies, he engaged in land surveying as a
means of support. In 1834, not yet having been admitted to the bar--a
backwoodsman in manner, dress, and expression--tall, lank, and by no
means prepossessing--he was first elected to the Legislature of his
adopted State, being the youngest member, with a single exception.
During this session he rarely took the floor to speak, content to
play the part of an observer rather than of an actor. It was at this
period that he became acquainted with Stephen A. Douglas, then a recent
immigrant from Vermont, in connection with whom he was destined to
figure so prominently before the country.
In 1836, he was elected for a second term. During this session, he put
upon record, together with one of his colleagues, his views relative to
slavery, in the following protest, bearing date March 3d, 1837:--
“Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed
both branches of the General Assembly, at its present session, the
undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same.
“They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both
injustice and bad policy; but that the promulgation of abolition
doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils.
“They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power,
under the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of slavery in
the different States.
“They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power,
under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia;
but that the power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of
the people of said district.”
In 1838 and 1840, he was again elected and received the vote of his
party for the speakership. First elected at twenty-five, he had
been continued so long as his inclination allowed, and until by his
kind manners, his ability, and unquestioned integrity, he had won a
position, when but a little past thirty, as the virtual leader of his
party in Illinois. His reputation as a close and logical debater had
been established; his native talent as an orator had been developed;
his earnest zeal for his party had brought around him troops of
friends; while his acknowledged goodness of heart had knit many to
him, who, upon purely political grounds, would have held themselves
aloof.
While a member of the Legislature, he had devoted himself, as best he
could--considering the necessity he was under of eking out a support
for himself, and the demands made upon his time by his political
associates--to mastering his chosen profession, and in 1836 was
admitted to practice. Securing at once a good amount of business, he
began to rise as a most effective jury advocate, who could readily
perceive, and promptly avail himself of, the turning points of a
case. A certain quaint humor, withal, which he was wont to employ
in illustration--combined with his sterling, practical sense, going
straight to the core of things--stamped him as an original. Disdaining
the tricks of the mere rhetorician, he spoke from the heart to the
heart, and was universally regarded by those with whom he came in
contact as every inch a man, in the best and broadest sense of that
term. His thoughts, his manner, his address were eminently his own.
Affecting none of the cant of the demagogue, the people trusted him,
revered him as one of the best, if not the best, among them. Their
sympathies were his--their weal his desire, their interests a common
stock with his own.
Having permanently located himself at Springfield, the seat of Sangamon
county--which ever after he called his home--he devoted himself to the
practice of his profession, and on the 4th of November, 1842, married
Mary Todd, daughter of the Hon. Robert S. Todd of Lexington, Kentucky,
a lady of accomplished manners and refined social tastes.
Although he had determined to retire from the political arena and taste
the sweets which a life with one’s own family can alone secure, his
earnest wishes were at length overruled by the as earnest demands of
that party with the success of which he firmly believed his country’s
best interests identified, and in 1844 he thoroughly canvassed his
State in behalf of Clay--afterward passing into Indiana, and daily
addressing immense gatherings until the day of election. Over the
defeat of the great Kentuckian he sorrowed as one almost without hope;
feeling it, indeed, far more keenly than his generous nature would have
done, had it been a merely personal discomfiture.
Two years later, in 1846, Mr. Lincoln was persuaded to accept the Whig
nomination for Congress in the Sangamon district, and was elected by
an unprecedently large majority. Texas had meanwhile been annexed; the
Mexican war was in progress; the Tariff of 1842 had been repealed.
With the opening of the Thirtieth Congress--December 6th, 1847--Mr.
Lincoln took his seat in the lower house of Congress, Stephen A.
Douglas also appearing for the first time as a member of the Senate.
CHAPTER II.
IN CONGRESS AND ON THE STUMP.
The Mexican War--Internal Improvements--Slavery in the
District of Columbia--Public Lands--Retires to Private Life--
Kansas-Nebraska Bill--Withdraws in favor of Senator Trumbull--
Formation of Republican Party--Nominated for U. S. Senator--
Opening Speech of Mr. Lincoln--Douglas Campaign--The Canvass--
Tribute to the Declaration of Independence--Result of the Contest.
Mr. Lincoln was early recognized as one of the foremost of the Western
men upon the floor of the House. His Congressional record is that
of a Whig of those days. Believing that Mr. Polk’s administration
had mismanaged affairs with Mexico at the outset, he, in common with
others of his party, was unwilling, while voting supplies and favoring
suitable rewards for our gallant soldiers, to be forced into an
unqualified indorsement of the war with that country from its beginning
to its close.
Accordingly, December 22d, 1847, he introduced a series of resolutions
of inquiry concerning the origin of the war, calling for definite
official information, which were laid over under the rule, and never
acted upon. Upon a test question on abandoning the war, without any
material result accomplished, he voted with the minority in favor of
laying that resolution upon the table.
In all questions bearing upon the matter of internal improvements,
he took an active interest. He took manly ground in favor of the
unrestricted right of petition, and favored a liberal policy toward the
people in disposing of the public lands. He exerted himself during the
canvass of 1848, to secure the election of General Taylor, delivering
several effective campaign speeches in New England and the West.
At the second session of the Thirtieth Congress, he voted in favor of
laying upon the table a resolution instructing the Committee on the
District of Columbia to report a bill prohibiting the slave-trade in
the District, and subsequently read a substitute which he favored. This
substitute contained the form of a bill enacting that no person not
already within the District, should be held in slavery therein, and
providing for the gradual emancipation of the slaves already within the
District, with compensation to the owners, if a majority of the legal
voters of the District should assent to the act, at an election to be
holden for the purpose. It made an exception of the right of citizens
of the slave-holding States coming to the District on public business,
to “be attended into and out of said District, and while there, by the
necessary servants of themselves and their families.”
In regard to the grant of public lands to the new States, to aid in the
construction of railways and canals, he favored the interests of his
own constituents, under such restrictions as the proper scope of these
grants required.
Having declined to be a candidate for re-election, he retired once
more to private life, resuming the professional practice which had been
temporarily interrupted by his public duties, and taking no active part
in politics through the period of General Taylor’s administration, or
in any of the exciting scenes of 1850.
The introduction of the Kansas-Nebraska bill by Stephen A. Douglas, in
1854, aroused him from his repose, and summoned him once more to battle
for the right. In the canvass of that year, he was one of the most
active leaders of the anti-Nebraska movement, addressing the people
repeatedly from the stump, with all his characteristic earnestness and
energy, and powerfully aided in effecting the remarkable political
changes of that year in Illinois.
The Legislature that year having to choose a United States Senator, and
for the first time in the history of the State, the election of one
opposed to the Democratic party being within the reach of possibility,
Mr. Lincoln, although the first choice of the great body of the
opposition, with characteristic self-sacrificing disposition, appealed
to his old Whig friends to go over in a solid body to Mr. Trumbull,
a man of Democratic antecedents, who could command the full vote of
the anti-Nebraska Democrats; and the latter was consequently elected.
Mr. Lincoln was subsequently offered the nomination for Governor of
Illinois, but declined the honor in favor of Col. William H. Bissell,
who was elected by a decisive majority.
In the formation of the Republican party as such, Mr. Lincoln bore
an active and influential part, his name being presented, but
ineffectually, at the first National Convention of that party, for
Vice-President; laboring earnestly during the canvass of 1856, for the
election of General Fremont, whose electoral ticket he headed.
After Mr. Douglas had taken ground against Mr. Buchanan’s
administration relative to the so-called Lecompton Constitution of
Kansas, and had received the indorsement of the Democratic party of
Illinois--his re-election as Senator depending upon the result of the
State election in 1858--the Republican Convention of that year with
shouts of applause, unanimously resolved that Abraham Lincoln was “the
first and only choice of the Republicans of Illinois for the United
States Senate, as the successor of Stephen A. Douglas.” At the close of
the proceedings, he delivered the following speech, which struck the
key-note of his contest with Senator Douglas, one of the most exciting
and remarkable ever witnessed in this country:
“GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:--If we could first know where we
are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what
to do, and how to do it. We are now far on into the fifth year,
since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object, and confident
promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation
of that policy, that agitation had not only not ceased, but has
constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease, until
a crisis shall have been reached, and passed. ‘A house divided
against itself can not stand.’ I believe this Government can not
endure, permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the
Union to be dissolved--I do not expect the house to fall--but I do
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing,
or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the
further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest
in the belief that it is in course of ultimate extinction, or its
advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful
in all the States, old as well as new--North as well as South.
“Have we no tendency to the latter condition? Let any one who
doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal
combination--piece of machinery, so to speak--compounded of the
Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider
not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well
adapted, but also let him study the history of its construction,
and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the
evidences of design, and concert of action, among its chief
master-workers from the beginning.
“But, so far, Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by
the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the
point already gained, and give chance for more. The new year of
1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by
State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by
Congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle,
which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This
opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first
point gained.
“This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been
provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of
‘_squatter sovereignty_,’ otherwise called ‘_sacred right of
self-government_,’ which latter phrase, though expressive of the
only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this
attempted use of it as to amount to just this: that if any one man
choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object.
That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska Bill itself, in
the language which follows: ‘It being the true intent and meaning
of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State,
nor exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly
free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own
way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.’
“Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of ‘squatter
sovereignty,’ and ‘sacred right of self-government.’
“‘But,’ said opposition members, ‘let us be more specific--let us
_amend_ the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the
territory _may_ exclude slavery.’ ‘Not we,’ said the friends of the
measure; and down they voted the amendment.
“While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress, a law case,
involving the question of a negro’s freedom, by reason of his
owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then
a territory covered by the Congressional prohibition, and held him
as a slave--for a long time in each--was passing through the U. S.
Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both the Nebraska
Bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month
of May, 1854. The negro’s name was ‘Dred Scott,’ which name now
designates the decision finally made in the case.
“Before the then next Presidential election case, the law came
to, and was argued in the Supreme Court of the United States;
but the decision of it was deferred until _after_ the election.
Still, _before_ the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the
Senate, requests the leading advocate of the Nebraska Bill to state
_his opinion_ whether a people of a territory can constitutionally
exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answers, ‘That is
a question for the Supreme Court.’
“The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the
_indorsement_, such as it was, secured. That was the _second_ point
gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular
majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps,
was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing
President in his last annual message, as impressively as possible
echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the
indorsement.
“The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision, but
ordered a re-argument. The Presidential inauguration came, and
still no decision of the court; but the incoming President, in his
Inaugural Address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the
forthcoming decision, _whatever it might be_. Then, in a few days
came the decision.
“This was the third point gained.
“The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion
to make a speech at this capitol indorsing the Dred Scott
decision and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new
President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter
to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his
astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained. At
length a squabble springs up between the President and the author
of the Nebraska Bill on the mere question of fact, whether the
Lecompton Constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by
the people of Kansas; and, in that squabble, the latter declares
that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares
not whether slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand
his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or
voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of
the policy he would impress upon the public mind--the principle for
which he declares he has suffered much, and is ready to suffer to
the end.
“And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental
feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred
left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott
decision, ‘squatter sovereignty’ squatted out of existence, tumbled
down like temporary scaffolding--like the mould at the foundry,
served through one blast, and fell back into loose sand--helped to
carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint
struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution,
involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle
was made on a point--the right of a people to make their own
Constitution--upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.
“The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection
with Senator Douglas’s ‘care not’ policy, constitute the piece of
machinery in its present state of advancement. The working points
of that machinery are:
“First, That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no
descendant of such, can ever be a citizen of any State in the
sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States.
“This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every
possible event, of the benefit of this provision of the United
States Constitution, which declares that--‘The citizens of each
State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of
citizens in the several States.’
“Secondly, that ‘subject to the Constitution of the United States,’
neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery
from any United States Territory.
“This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the
Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property,
and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution
through all the future.
“Thirdly, that whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in
a free State makes him free, as against the holder, the United
States courts will not decide, but will leave it to be decided by
the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the
master.
“This point is made, not to be pressed immediately; but, if
acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at
an election, then, to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred
Scott’s master might lawfully do with Dred Scott, in the free State
of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one,
or one thousand slaves, in Illinois, or in any other free State.
“Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the
Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould
public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, not to care
whether slavery is voted down or voted up.
“This shows exactly where we now are, and partially also, whither
we are tending.
“It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back and
run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated.
Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than
they did when they were transpiring. The people were to be left
“perfectly free,” “subject only to the Constitution.” What the
Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not then see.
Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred
Scott decision afterward to come in, and declare that perfect
freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all.
“Why was the amendment expressly declaring the right of the people
to exclude slavery, voted down? Plainly enough now, the adoption of
it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision.
“Why was the court decision held up? Why even a Senator’s
individual opinion withheld till after the Presidential election?
Plainly enough now; the speaking out then would have damaged the
“_perfectly free_” argument upon which the election was to be
carried.
“Why the outgoing President’s felicitation on the indorsement? Why
the delay of a re-argument? Why the incoming President’s advance
exhortation in favor of the decision? These things look like the
cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse preparatory to
mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a
fall. And why the hasty after-indorsements of the decision, by the
President and others?
“We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the
result of pre-concert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers,
different portions of which we know have been gotten out, at
different times and places, and by different workmen--Stephen,
Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance--and when we see these
timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a
house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and
all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly
adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or
too few--not omitting even scaffolding--or, if a single piece be
lacking, we can see the place in the frame exactly fitted and
prepared to yet bring such piece in--in such a case, we find it
impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and
James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked
upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was
struck.
“It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, the people
of a State as well as Territory, were to be left ‘_perfectly
free_,’ ‘_subject only to the Constitution_.’ Why mention a State?
They were legislating for Territories, and not for or about States.
Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to
the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this
lugged into this merely territorial law? Why are the people of
a Territory and the people of a State therein lumped together,
and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being
precisely the same?
“While the opinion of the court, by Chief Justice Taney, in the
Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring
judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United
States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial Legislature, to
exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to
declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or
the people of a State, to exclude it. _Possibly_, this was a mere
_omission_; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had
sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in
the people of a State to exclude slavery from their limits, just
as Chase and Mace sought to get such declaration, in behalf of the
people of a Territory, into the Nebraska bill--I ask, who can be
quite sure that it would not have been voted down, in the one case
as it had been in the other.
“The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a
State over slavery, is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more
than once, using the precise idea, and almost the language, too,
of the Nebraska Act. On one occasion his exact language is, ‘except
in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the
United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of
slavery within its jurisdiction.’
“In what cases the power of the State is so restrained by the
United States Constitution, is left an open question, precisely
as the same question, as to the restraint on the power of the
Territories was left open in the Nebraska Act. Put that and that
together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may ere
long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring
that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State
to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be
expected if the doctrine of ‘care not whether slavery be voted down
or voted up,’ shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give
promise that such a decision can be maintained when made.
“Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike
lawful in all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is
probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the
present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall
lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on
the verge of making their State free; and we shall awake to the
reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave
State.
“To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty, is the work now
before all those who would prevent that consummation. That is what
we have to do. But how can we best do it?
“There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and
yet whisper softly, that Senator Douglas is the _aptest_ instrument
there is, with which to effect that object. They do not tell us,
nor has he told us, that he wishes any such object to be effected.
They wish us to infer all, from the facts that he now has a little
quarrel with the present head of the dynasty; and that he has
regularly voted with us, on a single point, upon which he and we
have never differed.
“They remind us that _he_ is a very _great man_, and that the
largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But ‘a
_living dog_ is better than a _dead lion_.’ Judge Douglas, if not
a _dead_ lion for this work, is at least a _caged_ and _toothless_
one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He don’t care
anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing the ‘public
heart’ to care nothing about it.
“A leading Douglas Democrat newspaper thinks Douglas’s superior
talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African
slave-trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade
is approaching? He has not said so. Does he _really_ think so? But
if it is, how can he resist it? For years he has labored to prove
it a _sacred right_ of white men to take negro slaves into the new
Territories. Can he possibly show that it is less a sacred right
to buy them where they can be bought cheapest? And, unquestionably
they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia.
“He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of
slavery to one of a mere right of property; and as such, how can
he oppose the foreign slave-trade--how can he refuse that trade in
that ‘property’ shall be ‘perfectly free’--unless he does it as a
_protection_ to the home production? And as the home _producers_
will probably not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a
ground of opposition.
“Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser
to-day than he was yesterday--that he may rightfully change when he
finds himself wrong. But can we for that reason run ahead and infer
that he will make any particular change, of which he himself has
given no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such
vague inferences?
“Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas’s position,
question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive
to him. Whenever, _if ever_, he and we can come together on
_principle_, so that our great cause may have assistance from his
great ability, I hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle.
“But clearly, he is not now with us--he does not pretend to be--he
does not promise ever to be. Our cause, then, must be intrusted to,
and conducted by its own undoubted friends--those whose hands are
free, whose hearts are in the work--who do care for the result.
“Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen
hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of
resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance
against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we
gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle
through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud and
pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now?--_now_--when
that same enemy is wavering, dissevered and belligerent?
“The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail--if we stand firm,
we shall not fail. _Wise counsels_ may _accelerate_ or _mistakes
delay_ it, but, sooner or later, the victory is _sure_ to come.”
In this most vigorously prosecuted canvass Illinois was stumped
throughout its length and breadth by both candidates and their
respective advocates, and the struggle was watched with interest by the
country at large. From county to county, from township to township, and
village to village the two champions travelled, frequently in the same
car or carriage, and in the presence of immense crowds of men, women,
and children--for the wives and daughters of the hardy yeomanry were
naturally interested--argued, face to face, the important points of
their political belief and contended nobly for the mastery.
In one of his speeches during this memorable campaign, Mr. Lincoln paid
the following tribute to the Declaration of Independence:--
“These communities, (the thirteen colonies,) by their
representatives in old Independence Hall, said to the world of men,
‘we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are born
equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with inalienable
rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.’ This was their majestic interpretation of the economy
of the universe. This was their lofty, and wise, and noble
understanding of the justice of the Creator to His creatures.
Yes, gentlemen, to all His creatures, to the whole great family
of man. In their enlightened belief, nothing stamped with the
Divine image and likeness was sent into the world to be trodden on,
and degraded, and imbruted by its fellows. They grasped not only
the race of men then living, but they reached forward and seized
upon the furthest posterity. They created a beacon to guide their
children and their children’s children, and the countless myriads
who should inhabit the earth in other ages. Wise statesmen as they
were, they knew the tendency of prosperity to breed tyrants, and
so they established these great self-evident truths that when, in
the distant future, some man, some faction, some interest, should
set up the doctrine that none but rich men, or none but white men,
or none but Anglo-Saxon white men, were entitled to life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness, their posterity might look up again
to the Declaration of Independence, and take courage to renew the
battle, which their fathers began, so that truth, and justice,
and mercy, and all the humane and Christian virtues might not be
extinguished from the land; so that no man would hereafter dare to
limit and circumscribe the great principles on which the temple of
liberty was being built.
“Now, my countrymen, if you have been taught doctrines conflicting
with the great landmarks of the Declaration of Independence; if
you have listened to suggestions which would take away from its
grandeur, and mutilate the fair symmetry of its proportions; if you
have been inclined to believe that all men are not created equal in
those inalienable rights enumerated by our chart of liberty, let
me entreat you to come back--return to the fountain whose waters
spring close by the blood of the Revolution. Think nothing of me,
take no thought for the political fate of any man whomsoever, but
come back to the truths that are in the Declaration of Independence.
“You may do any thing with me you choose, if you will but heed
these sacred principles. You may not only defeat me for the
Senate, but you may take me and put me to death. While pretending
no indifference to earthly honors, I _do claim_ to be actuated
in this contest by something higher than an anxiety for office.
I charge you to drop every paltry and insignificant thought for
any man’s success. It is nothing; I am nothing; Judge Douglas is
nothing. _But do not destroy that immortal emblem of humanity--the
Declaration of American Independence._”
In the election which closed this contest, the Republican candidate
received 126,084 votes; the Douglas Democrats, 121,940; and the
Lecompton Democrats, 5,091. Mr. Douglas was, however, re-elected
to the Senate by the Legislature, in which, owing to the peculiar
apportionment of the legislative districts his supporters had a
majority of eight in joint ballot.
CHAPTER III.
BEFORE THE NATION.
Speeches in Ohio--Extract from his Cincinnati Speech--Visits
the East--Celebrated Speech at the Cooper Institute, New York--
Interesting Incident.
The issue of this contest with Douglas, seemingly a defeat, was
destined in due time to prove a decisive triumph. Mr. Lincoln’s
reputation as a skillful debater and master of political fence was
secure, and admitted throughout the land. During the year ensuing
he again devoted himself almost exclusively to professional labors,
delivering, however, in the campaign of 1859, at the earnest
solicitation of the Republicans of Ohio, two most convincing speeches
in that State, one at Columbus, and the other at Cincinnati.
In his speech in the latter city, alluding to the certainty of a speedy
Republican triumph in the nation, Mr. Lincoln thus sketched what he
regarded as the inevitable results of such a victory:
“I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the
opposition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as
nearly as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison
treated you. We mean to leave you alone, and in no way interfere
with your institution; to abide by all and every compromise of
the Constitution; and, in a word, coming back to the original
proposition to treat you, so far as degenerated men (if we have
degenerated) may, imitating the example of those noble fathers,
Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you
are as good as we; that there is no difference between us other
than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recognize and
bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as
other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly.
We mean to marry your girls when we have a chance--the white ones
I mean--and I have the honor to inform you that I once did get a
chance in that way.
“I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when that
thing takes place, what you mean to do. I often hear it intimated
that you mean to divide the Union whenever a Republican, or any
thing like it, is elected President of the United States. [A voice,
‘That is so.’] ‘That is so,’ one of them says. I wonder if he is a
Kentuckian? [A voice, ‘He is a Douglas man.’] Well, then, I want to
know what you are going to do with your half of it? Are you going
to split the Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece? Or
are you going to keep it right alongside of us outrageous fellows?
Or are you going to build up a wall some way between your country
and ours, by which that movable property of yours can’t come
over here any more, and you lose it? Do you think you can better
yourselves on that subject, by leaving us here under no obligation
whatever to return those specimens of your movable property that
come hither? You have divided the Union because we would not do
right with you, as you think, upon that subject; when we cease to
be under obligations to do any thing for you, how much better off
do you think you will be? Will you make war upon us and kill us
all? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and as brave men
as live; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man for
man, as any other people living; that you have shown yourselves
capable of this upon various occasions; but, man for man, you are
not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there
are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If
we were fewer in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us;
if we were equal it would likely be a drawn battle; but being
inferior in numbers, you will make nothing by attempting to master
us.
“I say that we must not interfere with the institution of Slavery
in the States where it exists, because the Constitution forbids it,
and the general welfare does not require us to do so. We must not
withhold an efficient fugitive slave law because the Constitution
requires us, as I understand it, not to withhold such a law, but we
must prevent the outspreading of the institution, because neither
the constitution nor the general welfare requires us to extend it.
We must prevent the revival of the African slave-trade and the
enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave code. We must prevent
each of these things being done by either Congresses or Courts.
THE PEOPLE OF THESE UNITED STATES ARE THE RIGHTFUL MASTERS OF BOTH
CONGRESSES AND COURTS, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to
overthrow the men who pervert that Constitution.”
In the spring of 1860, Mr. Lincoln yielded to the urgent calls which
came to him from the East for his aid in the exciting canvasses then in
progress in that section, and spoke at various places in Connecticut,
New Hampshire, and Rhode Island, and also in New York city, and was
everywhere warmly welcomed by immense audiences.
Without doubt, one of the greatest speeches of his life was that
delivered by him in the Cooper Institute, in New York, on the 27th of
February, 1860, in the presence of a crowded assembly which received
him with the most enthusiastic demonstrations. We subjoin a full report
of this masterly analysis of men and measures. After being introduced
in highly complimentary terms by the venerable William Cullen Bryant,
who presided on the occasion, he proceeded:
“MR. PRESIDENT AND FELLOW CITIZENS OF NEW YORK:--The facts with
which I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar; nor
is there any thing new in the general use I shall make of them. If
there shall be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting
the facts, and the inferences and observations following that
presentation.
“In his speech last autumn, at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in _The
New York Times_, Senator Douglas said:
“‘Our fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live,
understood this question just as well, and even better than we do
now.’
“I fully indorse this and I adopt it as a text for this discourse.
I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and agreed starting
point for the discussion between Republicans and that wing of
Democracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry:
‘What was the understanding those fathers had of the questions
mentioned?’
“What is the frame of Government under which we live?
“The answer must be: ‘The Constitution of the United States.’ That
Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under
which the present Government first went into operation), and twelve
subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed
in 1789.
“Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution? I suppose
the ‘thirty-nine’ who signed the original instrument may be
fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present
Government. It is almost exactly true to say they framed it, and
it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the opinion
and sentiment of the whole nation at that time. Their names being
familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, need not now
be repeated.
“I take these ‘thirty-nine,’ for the present, as being ‘our fathers
who framed the Government under which we live.’
“What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers
understood just as well, and even better than we do now?
“It is this: Does the proper division of local from federal
authority, or any thing in the Constitution, forbid our Federal
Government control as to slavery in our Federal Territories?
“Upon this, Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the
negative. This affirmative and denial form an issue; and this
issue--this question--is precisely what the text declares our
fathers understood better than we.
“Let us now inquire whether the ‘thirty-nine,’ or any of them, ever
acted upon this question; and if they did, how they acted upon
it--how they expressed that better understanding.
“In 1784--three years before the Constitution--the United States
then owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other--the Congress
of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting
slavery in that Territory; and four of the ‘thirty-nine’ who
afterward framed the Constitution were in that Congress, and voted
on that question. Of these, Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh
Williamson voted for the prohibition--thus showing that, in their
understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor
any thing else, properly forbade the Federal Government to control
as to slavery in federal territory. The other of the four--James
McHenry--voted against the prohibition, showing that, for some
cause, he thought it improper to vote for it.
“In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the Convention
was in session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory
still was the only territory owned by the United States--the
same question of prohibiting slavery in the territory again came
before the Congress of the Confederation; and three more of the
‘thirty-nine’ who afterward signed the Constitution, were in that
Congress, and voted on the question. They were William Blount,
William Few, and Abraham Baldwin; and they all voted for the
prohibition--thus showing that, in their understanding, no line
dividing local from federal authority, nor any thing else, properly
forbids the Federal Government to control as to slavery in federal
territory. This time the prohibition became a law, being part of
what is now well known as the Ordinance of ’87.
“The question of federal control of slavery in the territories,
seems not to have been directly before the Convention which framed
the original Constitution; and hence it is not recorded that the
‘thirty-nine’ or any of them, while engaged on that instrument,
expressed any opinion on that precise question.
“In 1789, by the First congress which sat under the Constitution,
an act was passed to enforce the Ordinance of ’87 including the
prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill
for this act was reported by one of the ‘thirty-nine,’ Thomas
Fitzsimmons, then a member of the House of Representatives from
Pennsylvania. It went through all its stages without a word of
opposition, and finally passed both branches without yeas and nays,
which is equivalent to an unanimous passage. In this Congress there
were sixteen of the ‘thirty-nine’ fathers who framed the original
Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S.
Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William
Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Patterson, George Clymer,
Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carrol, James
Madison.
“This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local
from federal authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, properly
forbade Congress to prohibit slavery in the federal territory;
else both their fidelity to correct principle, and their oath to
support the Constitution, would have constrained them to oppose the
prohibition.
“Again, George Washington, another of the ‘thirty-nine,’ was then
President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed
the bill, thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing
that, in his understanding, no line dividing local from federal
authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, forbade the Federal
Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory.
“No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution,
North Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the country now
constituting the State of Tennessee; and a few years later Georgia
ceded that which now constitutes the States of Mississippi and
Alabama. In both deeds of cession it was made a condition by the
ceding States that the Federal Government should not prohibit
slavery in the ceded country. Besides this, slavery was then
actually in the ceded country. Under these circumstances, Congress,
on taking charge of these countries did not absolutely prohibit
slavery within them. But they did interfere with it--take control
of it--even there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized
the Territory of Mississippi. In the act of organization they
prohibited the bringing of slaves into the Territory, from any
place without the United States, by fine and giving freedom to
slaves so brought. This act passed both branches of Congress
without yeas and nays. In that Congress were three of the
‘thirty-nine’ who framed the original Constitution. They were John
Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably,
voted for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition to
it upon record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing local
from Federal authority, or any thing in the Constitution, properly
forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal
territory.
“In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country.
Our former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own
States; but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign
nation. In 1804, Congress gave a territorial organization to that
part of it which now constitutes the State of Louisiana. New
Orleans, lying within that part, was an old and comparatively
large city. There were other considerable towns and settlements,
and slavery was extensively and thoroughly intermingled with
the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, prohibit
slavery; but they did interfere with it--take control of it--in
a more marked and extensive way than they did in the case of
Mississippi. The substance of the provision therein made, in
relation to slaves, was:
“_First._ That no slave should be imported into the territory from
foreign parts.
“_Second._ That no slave should be carried into it who had been
imported into the United States since the first day of May, 1798.
“_Third._ That no slave should be carried into it, except by the
owner, and for his own use as a settler; the penalty in all the
cases being a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the
slave.
“This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congress
which passed it, there were two of the ‘thirty-nine.’ They were
Abraham Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of
Mississippi, it is probable they both voted for it. They would not
have allowed it to pass without recording their opposition to it,
if, in their understanding, it violated either the line proper
dividing local from Federal authority or any provision of the
Constitution.
“In 1819-20, came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes
were taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress,
upon the various phases of the general question. Two of the
‘thirty-nine’--Rufus King and Charles Pinckney--were members of
that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for slavery prohibition
and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as steadily voted
against slavery prohibition and against all compromises. By this
Mr. King showed that, in his understanding, no line dividing local
from Federal authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, was
violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory;
while Mr. Pinckney, by his votes, showed that in his understanding
there was some sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in
that case.
“The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the ‘thirty-nine,’
or of any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to
discover.
“To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784,
three in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and
two in 1819-20--there would be thirty-one of them. But this would
be counting John Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King,
and George Read, each twice, and Abraham Baldwin four times. The
true number of those of the ‘thirty-nine’ whom I have shown to have
acted upon the question, which, by the text they understood better
than we, is twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted
upon it in any way.
“Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our ‘thirty-nine’ fathers
who framed the government under which we live, who have, upon
their official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon
the very question which the text affirms they ‘understood just as
well, and even better than we do now;’ and twenty-one of them--a
clear majority of the ‘thirty-nine’--so acting upon it as to make
them guilty of gross political impropriety, and wilful perjury,
if, in their understanding, any proper division between local and
Federal authority, or any thing in the Constitution they had made
themselves, and sworn to support, forbade the Federal Government
to control as to slavery in the Federal territories. Thus the
twenty-one acted; and, as actions speak louder than words, so
actions under such responsibility speak still louder.
“Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of
slavery in the Federal Territories, in the instances in which they
acted upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not
known. They may have done so because they thought a proper division
of local from Federal authority, or some provision or principle of
the Constitution, stood in the way; or they may, without any such
question, have voted against the prohibition, on what appeared to
them to be sufficient grounds of expediency. No one who has sworn
to support the Constitution, can conscientiously vote for what he
understands to be an unconstitutional measure, however expedient
he may think it; but one may and ought to vote against a measure
which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time, he deems it
inexpedient. It, therefore, would be unsafe to set down even the
two who voted against the prohibition, as having done so because,
in their understanding, any proper division of local from Federal
authority, or any thing in the Constitution, forbade the Federal
Government to control as to slavery in Federal Territory.
“The remaining sixteen of the ‘thirty-nine,’ so far as I have
discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the
direct question of Federal control of slavery in the Federal
Territories. But there is much reason to believe that their
understanding upon that question would not have appeared different
from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested at
all.
“For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely
omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested, by any
person, however distinguished, other than the ‘thirty-nine’ fathers
who framed the original Constitution; and, for the same reason, I
have also omitted whatever understanding may have been manifested
by any of the ‘thirty-nine’ even, on any other phase of the
general question of slavery. If we should look into their acts and
declarations on those other phases, as the foreign slave-trade,
and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it would appear
to us that on the direct question of Federal control of slavery
in Federal Territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all,
would probably have acted just as the twenty-three did. Among
that sixteen were several of the most noted anti-slavery men of
those times--as Dr. Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Governeur
Morris--while there was not one now known to have been otherwise,
unless it may be John Rutledge, of South Carolina.
“The sum of the whole is, that of our ‘thirty-nine’ fathers who
framed the original Constitution, twenty-one--a clear majority
of the whole--certainly understood that no proper division of
local from Federal authority nor any part of the Constitution,
forbade the Federal Government to control slavery in the
Federal Territories, while all the rest probably had the same
understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our
fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the text affirms
that they understood the question better than we.
“But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the
question manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In
and by the original instrument, a mode was provided for amending
it; and, as I have already stated, the present frame of government
under which we live consists of that original, and twelve
amendatory articles framed and adopted since. Those who now insist
that Federal control of slavery in Federal territories violates
the Constitution, point us to the provisions which they suppose it
thus violates; and, as I understand, they all fix upon provisions
in these amendatory articles, and not in the original instrument.
The Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the
fifth amendment, which provides that ‘no person shall be deprived
of property without due process of law;’ while Senator Douglas and
his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth commandment,
providing that ‘the powers not granted by the Constitution are
reserved to the States respectively, and to the people.’
“Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by the first
Congress which sat under the Constitution--the identical Congress
which passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition
of slavery in the north-western territory. Not only was it the
same Congress, but they were the identical, same individual men
who, at the same time within the session, had under consideration,
and in progress toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments,
and this act prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation
then owned. The Constitutional amendments were introduced before,
and passed after the act enforcing the Ordinance of ’87; so that
during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the Ordinance, the
Constitutional amendments were also pending.
“That Congress, consisting in all of seventy-six members, including
sixteen of the framers of the original Constitution, as before
stated, were pre-eminently our fathers who framed that part of
the government under which we live, which is now claimed as
forbidding the Federal Government to control slavery in the Federal
Territories.
“Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day, to
affirm that the two things which that Congress deliberately
framed, and carried to maturity at the same time, are absolutely
inconsistent with each other? And does not such affirmation become
impudently absurd when coupled with the other affirmation, from
the same mouth, that those who did the two things alleged to be
inconsistent, understood whether they were really inconsistent,
better than we--better than he who affirms that they are
inconsistent.
“It is surely safe to assume that the ‘thirty-nine’ framers of the
original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress
which framed the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly
include those who may be fairly called ‘our fathers who framed the
government under which we live.’ And so assuming, I defy any man to
show that any one of them ever, in his whole life, declared that,
in his understanding, any proper division of local from Federal
authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal
government to control as to slavery in the Federal territories. I
go a step further. I defy any one to show that any living man in
the whole world ever did, prior to the beginning of the present
century (and I might almost say prior to the beginning of the last
half of the present century), declare that, in his understanding,
any proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of
the Constitution, forbade the Federal government to control as to
slavery in the Federal territories. To those who now so declare, I
give, not only ‘our fathers who framed the government under which
we live,’ but with them all other living men within the century in
which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall not be
able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them.
“Now, and here, let me guard a little against being misunderstood.
I do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever
our fathers did. To do so would be to discard all the lights of
current experience--we reject all progress--all improvement. What I
do say is, that if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our
fathers in any case, we should do so upon evidence so conclusive,
and argument so clear, that even their great authority, fairly
considered and weighed, cannot stand; and most surely not in a case
whereof we ourselves declare they understood the question better
than we.
“If any man, at this day, sincerely believes that a proper division
of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution,
forbids the Federal government to control as to slavery in the
Federal territories, he is right to say so, and to enforce his
position by all truthful evidence and fair argument which he can.
But he has no right to mislead others, who have less access to
history and less leisure to study it, into the false belief that
‘our fathers, who framed the government under which we live,’ were
of the same opinion, thus substituting falsehood and deception for
truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man, at this day,
sincerely believes ‘our fathers, who framed the government under
which we live,’ used and applied principles, in other cases, which
ought to have led them to understand that a proper division of
local from Federal authority, or some part of the Constitution,
forbids the Federal government to control as to slavery in the
Federal territories, he is right to say so. But he should, at the
same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that, in his
opinion, he understands their principles better than they did
themselves; and especially should he not shirk that responsibility
by asserting that they ‘understood the question just as well, and
even better than we do now.’
“But enough. Let all who believe that ‘our fathers, who framed the
government under which we live,’ understood this question just as
well, and even better than we do now,’ speak as they spoke, and act
as they acted upon it. This is all Republicans ask, all Republicans
desire, in relation to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so
let it be again marked, as an evil not to be extended, but to be
tolerated and protected only because of and so far as its actual
presence among us makes that toleration and protection a necessity.
Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it, be, not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans contend, and
with this, so far as I know or believe, they will be content.
“And now, if they would listen--as I suppose they will not--I would
address a few words to the Southern people.
“I would say to them: You consider yourselves a reasonable and
a just people; and I consider that, in the general qualities of
reason and justice, you are not inferior to any other people.
Still, when you speak of us Republicans, you do so only to
denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, as no better than
outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or murderers, but
nothing like it to ‘Black Republicans.’ In all your contentions
with one another, each of you deems an unconditional condemnation
of ‘Black Republicanism’ as the first thing to be attended to.
Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable
prerequisite--license, so to speak--among you to be admitted or
permitted to speak at all.
“Now can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause and to consider
whether this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves?
“Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be patient
long enough to hear us deny or justify.
“You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue; and
the burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what
is it? Why, that our party has no existence in your section--gets
no votes in your section. The fact is substantially true; but
does it prove the issue? If it does, then, in case we should,
without change of principle, begin to get votes in your section,
we should thereby cease to be sectional. You cannot escape this
conclusion; and yet, are you willing to abide by it? If you are,
you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional,
for we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will
then begin to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof
does not touch the issue. The fact that we get no votes in your
section is a fact of your making, and not of ours. And if there
be fault in that fact, that fault is primarily yours, and remains
so until you show that we repel you by some wrong principle or
practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle or practice,
the fault is ours; but this brings us to where you ought to have
started--to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If
our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the
benefit of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and
we with it, are sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as
such. Meet us, then, on the question of whether our principle, put
in practice, would wrong your section; and so meet it as if it were
possible that something may be said on our side. Do you accept the
challenge? No? Then you really believe that the principle which
our fathers, who framed the government under which we live, thought
so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse it again and again
upon their official oaths, is, in fact, so clearly wrong as to
demand your condemnation without a moment’s consideration.
“Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against
sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address.
Less than eight years before Washington gave that warning, he had,
as President of the United States, approved and signed an act of
Congress enforcing the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern
Territory, which act embodied the policy of the government upon
that subject, up to and at the very moment he penned that warning;
and about one year after he penned it he wrote Lafayette that he
considered that prohibition a wise measure, expressing, in the same
connection, his hope that we should some time have a confederacy of
free States.
“Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since
arisen upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your
hands against us, or in our hands against you? Could Washington
himself speak, would he cast the blame of that sectionalism upon
us, who sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate it? We
respect that warning of Washington, and we commend it to you,
together with his example pointing to the right application of it.
“But you say you are conservative--eminently conservative--while
we are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What
is conservatism? Is it not adherence to the old and tried against
the new and untried? We stick to, contend for, the identical
old policy on the point in controversy which was adopted by our
fathers who framed the government under which we live; while
you, with one accord, reject, and scout, and spit upon that old
policy, and insist upon substituting something new. True, you
disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute shall be.
You have considerable variety of new propositions and plans, but
you are unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of
the fathers. Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade;
some for a Congressional Slave-Code for the Territories; some for
Congress forbidding the Territories to prohibit slavery within
their limits; some for maintaining slavery in the Territories
through the Judiciary; some for the ‘gur-reat pur-rinciple’ that,
‘if one man would enslave another, no third man should object,’
fantastically called ‘Popular Sovereignty;’ but never a man
among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal
Territories, according to the practice of our fathers who framed
the government under which we live. Not one of all your various
plans can show a precedent or an advocate in the century within
which our government originated. Consider, then, whether your claim
of conservatism for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness
against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations.
“Again, you say we have made the slavery question more prominent
than it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more
prominent, but we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you,
who discarded the old policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still
resist, your innovation; and thence comes the greater prominence of
the question. Would you have that question reduced to its former
proportions? Go back to that old policy. What has been will be
again, under the same conditions. If you would have the peace of
the old times, re-adopt the precepts and policy of the old times.
“You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. We
deny it. And what is your proof? Harper’s Ferry! John Brown! John
Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single
Republican in his Harper’s Ferry enterprise. If any member of our
party is guilty in that matter, you know it, or you do not know
it. If you do know it, you are inexcusable to not designate the
man, and prove the fact. If you do not know it, you are inexcusable
to assert it, and especially to persist in the assertion after you
have tried and failed to make the proof. You need not be told that
persisting in a charge which one does not know to be true is simply
malicious slander.
“Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or
encouraged the Harper’s Ferry affair; but still insist that our
doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We
do not believe it. We know we hold to no doctrine, and make no
declarations which were not held to and made by our fathers who
framed the government under which we live. You never deal fairly by
us in relation to this affair. When it occurred, some important
State elections were near at hand, and you were in evident glee
with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you could get
an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and
your expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man
knew that, as to himself, at least, your charge was a slander,
and he was not much inclined by it to cast his vote in your
favor. Republican doctrines and declarations are accompanied with
a continual protest against any interference whatever with your
slaves, or with you about your slaves. Surely, this does not
encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common with our fathers,
who framed the government under which we live, declare our belief
that slavery is wrong; but the slaves do not hear us declare even
this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know
there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact,
generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their
hearing. In your political contest among yourselves, each faction
charges the other with sympathy with Black Republicanism; and then,
to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to simply
be insurrection, blood and thunder among the slaves.
“Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were before
the Republican party was organized. What induced the Southampton
insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three
times as many lives were lost as at Harper’s Ferry? You can
scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that
Southampton was got up by Black Republicanism. In the present state
of things in the United States, I do not think a general, or even a
very extensive slave insurrection, is possible. The indispensable
concert of action cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of
rapid communication; nor can incendiary free men, black or white,
supply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels;
but there neither are, nor can be supplied, the indispensable
connecting trains.
“Much is said by southern people about the affection of slaves for
their masters and mistresses; and a part of it, at least, is true.
A plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated
to twenty individuals before some one of them, to save the life of
a favorite master or mistress, would divulge it. This is the rule;
and the slave revolution in Hayti was not an exception to it, but a
case occurring under peculiar circumstances. The gunpowder plot of
British history, though not connected with the slaves, was more in
point. In that case, only about twenty were admitted to the secret;
and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the
plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted the calamity.
Occasional poisoning from the kitchen, and open or stealthy
assassinations in the field, and local revolts extending to a score
or so, will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery;
but no general insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in
this country for a long time. Whoever much fears, or much hopes,
for such an event, will be alike disappointed.
“In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, ‘It is
still in our power to direct the process of emancipation, and
deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degrees, as that the evil
will wear off insensibly; and their places be, _pari passu_, filled
up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force
itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up.’
“Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power of
emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia;
and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding
States only.
“The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of
restraining the extension of the institution--the power to insure
that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any American soil
which is now free from slavery.
“John Brown’s effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection.
It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in
which the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd
that the slaves, with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it
could not succeed. That affair, in its philosophy, corresponds
with the many attempts, related in history, at the assassination
of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods over the oppression
of a people till he fancies himself commissioned by Heaven to
liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little else
than in his own execution. Orsini’s attempt on Louis Napoleon, and
John Brown’s attempt at Harper’s Ferry were, in their philosophy,
precisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in
the one case, and on New England in the other, does not disprove
the sameness of the two things.
“And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of
John Brown, Helper’s book, and the like, break up the Republican
organization? Human action can be modified to some extent, but
human nature cannot be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling
against slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a
half of votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling--that
sentiment--by breaking up the political organization which rallies
around it. You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has
been formed into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if
you could, how much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which
created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some
other channel? What would that other channel probably be? Would the
number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation?
“But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of
your Constitutional rights.
“That has a somewhat reckless sound; but it would be palliated,
if not fully justified, were we proposing by the mere force of
numbers, to deprive you of some right plainly written down in the
Constitution. But we are proposing no such thing.
“When you make these declarations, you have a specific and
well-understood allusion to an assumed Constitutional right of
yours, to take slaves into the federal territories, and hold them
there as property, but no such right is specifically written in
the Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any
such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any
existence in the Constitution, even by implication.
“Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is, that you will destroy
the Government, unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the
Constitution as you please, on all points in dispute between you
and us. You will rule or ruin in all events.
“This, plainly stated, is your language to us. Perhaps you will say
the Supreme Court has decided the disputed Constitutional question
in your favor. Not quite so. But waiving the lawyer’s distinction
between dictum and decision, the Courts have decided the question
for you in a sort of way. The Courts have substantially said,
it is your Constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal
Territories, and to hold them there as property.
“When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it was
made in a divided Court by a bare majority of the Judges, and they
not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it;
that it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one
another about its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a
mistaken statement of fact--the statement in the opinion that ‘the
right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed
in the Constitution.’
“An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of
property in a slave is not distinctly and expressly affirmed in
it. Bear in mind the Judges do not pledge their judicial opinion
that such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution; but
they pledge their veracity that it is distinctly and expressly
affirmed there--‘distinctly’ that is, not mingled with anything
else--‘expressly’ that is, in words meaning just that, without the
aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other meaning.
“If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right
is affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be open
to others to show that neither the word ‘slave’ nor ‘slavery’ is
to be found in the Constitution, nor the word ‘property’ even,
in any connection with language alluding to the things slave, or
slavery, and that wherever in that instrument the slave is alluded
to, he is called a ‘person;’ and wherever his master’s legal right
in relation to him is alluded to, it is spoken of as ‘service or
labor due,’ as a ‘debt’ payable in service or labor. Also, it would
be open to show, by contemporaneous history, that this mode of
alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of them, was
employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution the idea that
there could be property in man.
“To show all this is easy and certain.
“When this obvious mistake of the Judges shall be brought to their
notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the
mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it?
“And then it is to be remembered that ‘our fathers, who framed
the Government under which we live’--the men who made the
Constitution--decided this same Constitutional question in our
favor, long ago--decided it without a division among themselves,
when making the decision; without division among themselves about
the meaning of it after it was made, and so far as any evidence is
left, without basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts.
“Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves
justified to break up this Government, unless such a court decision
as yours is shall be at once submitted to, as a conclusive and
final rule of political action.
“But you will not abide the election of a Republican President. In
that supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union; and then,
you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us!
“That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters
through his teeth, ‘stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and
then you will be a murderer!’
“To be sure, what the robber demanded of me--my money--was my own;
and I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no more my own than
my vote is my own; and threat of death to me, to extort my money,
and threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my vote, can
scarcely be distinguished in principle.
“A few words now to Republicans. It is exceedingly desirable that
all parts of this great Confederacy shall be at peace, and in
harmony, one with another. Let us Republicans do our part to have
it so. Even though much provoked, let us do nothing through passion
and ill-temper. Even though the southern people will not so much
as listen to us, let us calmly consider their demands, and yield
to them if, in our deliberate view of our duty, we possibly can.
Judging by all they say and do, and by the subject and nature of
their controversy with us, let us determine, if we can, what will
satisfy them?
“Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally
surrendered to them? We know they will not. In all their present
complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned.
Invasions and insurrections are the rage now. Will it satisfy
them if, in the future, we have nothing to do with invasions and
insurrections? We know it will not. We so know because we know we
never had any thing to do with invasions and insurrections; and yet
this total abstaining does not exempt us from the charge and the
denunciation.
“The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this: We
must not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them
that we do let them alone. This we know by experience, is no
easy task. We have been so trying to convince them from the very
beginning of our organization, but with no success. In all our
platforms and speeches we have constantly protested our purpose
to let them alone; but this has had no tendency to convince them.
Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they have never
detected a man of us in any attempt to disturb them.
“These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing, what
will convince them? This, and this only: cease to call slavery
_wrong_, and join them in calling it _right_. And this must be done
thoroughly--done in _acts_ as well as in _words_. Silence will not
be tolerated--we must place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas’s
new sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all
declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in
presses, in pulpits, or in private. We must arrest and return
their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure. We must pull down our
Free-State Constitutions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected
from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to
believe that all their troubles proceed from us.
“I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in this
way. Most of them would probably say to us, ‘Let us alone, do
nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery.’ But we do
let them alone--have never disturbed them--so that, after all,
it is what we say which dissatisfies them. They will continue to
accuse us of doing, until we cease saying.
“I am also aware they have not, as yet, in terms, demanded the
overthrow of our Free-State Constitutions. Yet those Constitutions
declare the wrong of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all
other sayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall
have been silenced, the overthrow of these Constitutions will be
demanded, and nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing
to the contrary, that they do not demand the whole of this just
now. Demanding what they do, and for the reason they do, they can
voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding, as
they do, that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating,
they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a
legal right and a social blessing.
“Nor can we justifiably withhold this, on any ground save our
conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words,
acts, laws, and constitutions against it, are themselves wrong, and
should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly
object to its nationality--its universality; if it is wrong, they
cannot justly insist upon its extension--its enlargement. All they
ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we
ask, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their
thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is the precise fact
upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as
they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition,
as being right; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to
them? Can we cast our votes with their view, and against our own?
In view of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can
we do this?
“Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone
where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from
its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will
prevent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and
to overrun us here in these Free States?
“If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our
duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of
those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously
plied and belabored--contrivances such as groping for some middle
ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a
man who should be neither a living man nor a dead man--such as a
policy of ‘dont care’ on a question about which all true men do
care--such as Union appeals beseeching true Union men to yield
to Disunionists, reversing the Divine rule, and calling, not the
sinners, but the righteous to repentance--such as invocations to
Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo
what Washington did.
“Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations
against us, not frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the
Government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have faith that
right makes might, and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to
do our duty as we understand it.”
It was during this visit to New York that the following incident
occurred, as related by a teacher in the Five-Points House of Industry,
in that city:
“Our Sunday-school in the Five-Points was assembled, one
Sabbath morning, a few months since, when I noticed a tall and
remarkable-looking man enter the room and take a seat among
us. He listened with fixed attention to our exercises, and his
countenance manifested such genuine interest that I approached him
and suggested that he might be willing to say something to the
children. He accepted the invitation with evident pleasure, and,
coming forward, began a simple address, which at once fascinated
every little hearer, and hushed the room into silence. His language
was strikingly beautiful, and his tones musical with intensest
feeling. The little faces around would droop into sad conviction as
he uttered sentences of warning, and would brighten into sunshine
as he spoke cheerful words of promise. Once or twice he attempted
to close his remarks, but the imperative shout of ‘Go on!’ ‘Oh,
do go on!’ would compel him to resume. As I looked upon the gaunt
and sinewy frame of the stranger, and marked his powerful head and
determined features, now touched into softness by the impressions
of the moment, I felt an irrepressible curiosity to learn something
more about him, and when he was quietly leaving the room I begged
to know his name. He courteously replied, ‘It is Abra’m Lincoln,
from Illinois!’”
CHAPTER IV.
NOMINATED AND ELECTED PRESIDENT.
The Republican National Convention--Democratic Convention--
Constitutional Union Convention--Ballotings at Chicago--The
Result--Enthusiastic Reception--Visit to Springfield--Address
and Letter of Acceptance--The Campaign--Result of the Election--
South Carolina’s Movements--Buchanan’s pusillanimity--Secession
of states--Confederate Constitution--Peace Convention--
Constitutional Amendments--Terms of the Rebels.
On the 16th of May, 1860, the Republican National Convention met at
Chicago, to present candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency.
The Democratic Convention had previously adjourned, after a stormy
session of some two weeks, at which it was apparent that, if Mr.
Douglas’s friends persisted in placing him in nomination, another
candidate would be presented by the wing opposed to his peculiar views
on the slavery question, and the great party would thus be disrupted.
Another convention, claiming to represent, in a peculiarly individual
manner, the party in favor of the Constitution and the Union, had met
at Baltimore and put in nomination John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward
Everett, of Massachusetts.
The aspect seemed favorable for the election of the Republican
candidates, and that convention, on the morning of the 18th of May--one
day having been spent in organizing and another in the adoption of
a platform of principles--amid the intense excitement of the twelve
thousand people inside of the “Wigwam” (as the building was styled in
which the body was in session), voted to proceed at once to ballot for
a candidate for President of the United States.
Seven names were formally presented in the following order: William H.
Seward, of New York; Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; William L. Dayton,
of New Jersey; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania; Salmon P. Chase, of
Ohio; Edward Bates, of Missouri; and John McLean, of Ohio.
On the first ballot Mr. Seward received 173 votes, Mr. Lincoln 102,
Mr. Cameron 50, Mr. Chase 49, Mr. Bates 48, Mr. Dayton 14, Mr. McLean
12, and there were 16 votes scattered among candidates not put in
nomination. For a choice, 233 votes were required.
On the second ballot (Mr. Cameron’s name having been withdrawn) the
vote for the several candidates was as follows: Mr. Seward 184, Mr.
Lincoln 181, Mr. Chase 42, Mr. Bates 35, Mr. Dayton 10, Mr. McLean 8,
scattering 4.
The third ballot was immediately taken, and, when the call of the roll
was ended, the footings were as follows: For Mr. Lincoln 231, Mr.
Seward 180, Mr. Chase 24, Mr. Bates. 22, all others 7. Immediately
before the result was announced, four Ohio delegates changed their
votes to Mr. Lincoln, giving him a majority.
The scene which followed--the wild, almost delirious outburst of
applause within and without the building, the congratulations, the
hand-shakings, the various manifestations of joy, continued with
scarcely any interruption for some three-quarters of an hour--was
probably never before witnessed in a popular assembly.
The nomination having been made unanimous, the ticket was completed by
the selection of Senator Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, as Vice-President.
The country then felt that the right man had for once been put in the
right place. As a man of the people, in cordial sympathy with the
masses, Mr. Lincoln enjoyed the unhesitating confidence of the sincere
friends of free labor, regardless of party distinctions. His tried
integrity and incorruptible honesty gave promise of a return to the
better days of the republic. Every man, laboring for the advancement
of his fellow, knew that in him humanity, irrespective of race or
condition, had a tried and trusty friend.
The committee, appointed to apprise him of his nomination, found him
at his home, in Springfield, a frame two-storied house, apparently
about thirty-five or forty feet square, standing at the corner of two
streets. After entering the parlor, which was very plainly furnished,
though in good taste, a brief address was made by the chairman of the
convention, upon the utterance of the first sentence of which a smile
played round Mr. Lincoln’s large, firm-set mouth, his eyes lit up, and
his face conveyed to those who then for the first time met him, an
impression of that sincere, loving nature which those who had known him
long and well had learned in some measure to comprehend and revere.
* * * * *
In response to this address, Mr. Lincoln said:
“MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE: I tender to you,
and through you to the Republican National Convention, and all
the people represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high
honor done me, which you now formally announce. Deeply, and
even painfully sensible of the great responsibility which is
inseparable from this high honor--a responsibility which I could
almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent men
and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before
the Convention, I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the
resolutions of the Convention, denominated the platform, and
without unnecessary and unreasonable delay, respond to you, Mr.
Chairman, in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found
satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I
will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you,
by the hand.”
In reply to the formal letter of the President of the Convention,
apprising him of the nomination, Mr. Lincoln addressed the following:
“_Springfield, Illinois_, May 23d, 1860.
“HON. GEORGE ASHMAN, _President of the Republican National
Convention_.
“SIR: I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention
over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in
the letter of yourself and others, acting as a Committee of the
Convention for that purpose.
“The declaration of principles and sentiments, which accompanies
your letter, meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to
violate, or disregard it, in any part.
“Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard
to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the
Convention; to the rights of all the States and Territories, and
people of the nation; to the inviolability of the Constitution, and
the perpetual union, harmony and prosperity of all, I am most happy
to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared
by the Convention,
“Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
The breach in the Democratic party, threatened at Charleston, was
subsequently effected by the nomination of Stephen A. Douglas
and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, by one wing, and of John C.
Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, by the other.
Although the election of Mr. Lincoln was, under the circumstances,
almost a foregone conclusion, yet the canvass which ensued was
acrimonious and vindictive in the extreme, the choicest selections from
the rank Billingsgate vocabularies being lavished on the head of Mr.
Lincoln and his supporters.
On the 6th of November, 1860, Mr. Lincoln received 1,866,452 votes,
securing the electoral votes of the States of Maine, New Hampshire,
Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, California, Oregon, and four votes of New Jersey, 180 in
all; Douglas, 1,375,157 votes, and the electoral votes of Missouri, and
three of New Jersey, 12 in all; Breckinridge, 847,953, and the votes of
Maryland, Delaware, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,
Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas, 72 in all; and
Bell, 590,631, and the votes of Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 39
in all.
And now was to be tested whether words were to ripen into
deeds--whether threats would be reduced to practice--whether, indeed,
there were madness enough in any State or States to attempt the life of
the republic. Unfortunately, a short space of time elapsed before all
doubts were at an end. Men were to be found--not confined to a single
State, but representatives of nearly, if not quite all--not to be
counted by scores or hundreds even, but by thousands, and soon by tens
of thousands--ready to lay their unhallowed hands upon the Union, the
ark of our nation’s glory and strength.
To South Carolina belongs the bold, bad eminence of taking the
initiation in this conspiracy against the interests of humanity. While
this State--doomed forever after to an ignominy from which centuries
of unquestioned loyalty cannot free her--was taking the requisite
steps toward secession, the then President, James Buchanan, with a
pusillanimity--to use no stronger term--which modern history certainly
has never paralleled, in his annual message, after having urged the
unconstitutionality of the proceeding, gave explicit notification that
he had no constitutional power to prevent the proposed measures being
hastened to successful completion. Neither, though appealed to, at a
still earlier day, by the veteran chief of the army, to occupy and hold
the United States on the Southern coast, could he find any warrant for
protecting and defending the national property.
Surely nothing more could the conspirators have desired. On the 20th of
December, 1860, South Carolina claims to secede--Government forts and
arsenals are seized, and placed under the protection of the flag of the
State. Georgia’s Governor lays hand on the United States forts on the
coast of that State, on the 3d of January, 1861; as did the Executive
of Alabama on the following day.
Events of a startling nature follow in rapid succession. On the 9th
of January, hostile shots are fired upon a vessel bringing tardy
reinforcements to Fort Sumter, and Mississippi assumes to put herself
out of the Union. Alabama, Florida, and Georgia are not laggard;
nor are Texas and Louisiana found wanting. Cabinet officers from
the slave States either resigned, after having aided the fell work
to their utmost, or remained only to hasten its consummation. A new
constitution, “temporary” in its nature, was declared by delegates from
the seven States then in rebellion, and a President and Vice-President
appointed.
Meanwhile a convention, composed of delegates from most of the Free
States, and from all the border Slave States, was striving, at
Washington, to heal existing difficulties by compromise. Of its members
some were acting in good faith, others were using it as a breakwater
for the States already in overt rebellion. A series of resolutions,
however, aiming at peace on the basis of a preserved Union was agreed
to by a majority, and the body adjourned on the 1st of March.
On the 11th of February, moreover, the National House of
Representatives unanimously adopted a resolution--shortly afterward
concurred in by the Senate--providing for an amendment to the
Constitution, forever prohibiting any Congressional legislation
interfering with slavery in any State. Some there were, too, who were
willing to concede almost every thing and surrender the long mooted
question of slavery in the territories by the adoption of the so-called
Crittenden resolutions, which were killed in cold blood by Southern
Senators.
But no concession, short of actual national degradation, would satisfy
the recusants. Jefferson Davis, the head of the “Confederacy,” on
placing himself at the head of the rebellion, at Montgomery, Alabama,
February 18th, modestly defined the position of himself and his
co-conspirators thus:
“If a just perception of neutral interest shall permit us peaceably
to pursue our separate political career, my most earnest desire will
have been fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the integrity of our
territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain for us with
firm resolve to appeal to arms, and invoke the blessing of Providence
on a just cause.”
This was at once clinched by a recommendation that “a well-instructed,
disciplined army, more numerous than would usually be required, on a
peace establishment,” should be at once organized and put in training
for the emergency.
CHAPTER V.
TO WASHINGTON.
The Departure--Farewell Remarks--Speech at Toledo--At
Indianapolis--At Cincinnati--At Columbus--At Steubenville--
At Pittsburgh--At Cleveland--At Buffalo--At Albany--At
Poughkeepsie--At New York--At Trenton--At Philadelphia--At
“Independence Hall”--Flag-raising--Speech at Harrisburg--Secret
Departure for Washington--Comments.
Thus matters stood--the air filled with mutterings of an approaching
storm--the most filled with a certain undefinable anxiety--the hearts
of many failing them through fear--when, on the morning of the 11th of
February, 1861, the President elect with his family, bade adieu to that
prairie home which, alas! he was never again to see.
* * * * *
The large throng which had assembled at the railway station on the
occasion of his departure, he addressed in words replete with the
pathos of every true manly nature:
“MY FRIENDS:--No one, not in my position, can appreciate the
sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I
am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century; here my
children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not
how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves upon me which
is, perhaps, greater than that which has devolved upon any other
man since the days of Washington. He never could have succeeded
except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times
relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid
which sustained him; and in the same Almighty being I place my
reliance for support, and I hope you, my friends, will all pray
that I may receive that Divine assistance, without which I can not
succeed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you all an
affectionate farewell.”
Along the route, multitudes gathered at the stations to greet him. At
Toledo, Ohio, in reply to repeated calls, he appeared on the platform
of the car and said:
“I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as
you are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as
some poet has expressed it, ‘Behind the cloud the sun is shining
still.’ I bid you an affectionate farewell.”
At Indianapolis, on the evening of the same day, in reply to an
official address of welcome, he gave the first direct public intimation
of his views concerning the absorbing topics of the day, in which
homely sense and cheerful pleasantry were blended with a skill beyond
the power of mere art:
“FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:--I am here to thank you
for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the very generous
support given by your State to that political cause, which, I
think, is the true and just cause of the whole country, and the
whole world. Solomon says, ‘there is a time to keep silence;’ and
when men wrangle by the mouth, with no certainty that they mean the
same thing while using the same words, it perhaps were as well if
they would keep silence.
“The words ‘coercion’ and ‘invasion’ are much used in these days,
and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we
can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use
them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not from
dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate
the things they would represent by the use of the words.
“What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of
an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and
with hostile intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it
would, and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were
forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and
retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on
foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where
they were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be
invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who
spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion,
understand that such things as these, on the part of the United
States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea
of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem
to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the
homeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their
view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular
marriage, but rather a sort of ‘free-love’ arrangement, to be
maintained on passional attraction.
“By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State?
I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union
by the Constitution, for that is a bond we all recognize. That
position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with
it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all
which is less than itself, and to ruin all which is larger than
itself. If a State and a County, in a given case, should be equal
in number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is
the State better than the County? Would an exchange of name be
an exchange of rights? Upon what principle, upon what rightful
principle, may a State, being no more than one-fiftieth part of
the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then
coerce a proportionally large sub-division of itself in the most
arbitrary way? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred
on a district or country with its people, by merely calling it a
State? Fellow citizens, I am not asserting any thing. I am merely
asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you
farewell.”
Proceeding to Cincinnati, he received a most enthusiastic welcome.
Having been addressed by the mayor of the city, and escorted by a
civic and military procession to the Burnet House, he addressed the
assemblage in these words:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS: I have spoken but once before this in Cincinnati.
That was a year previous to the late Presidential election. On that
occasion in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed
much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we,
as Republicans, would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that
they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas
for the Presidency than they could in any other way. They did not,
in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result
has come certainly as soon as ever I expected.
“I also told them how I expected they would be treated after they
should have been beaten, and now wish to call their attention to
what I then said:
“‘When we do, as we say we will, beat you, you perhaps want to
know what we will do with you. I will tell you--as far as I
am authorized to speak for the opposition--what we mean to do
with you. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can, as
Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We mean to leave
you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions; to
abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution. In a word,
coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, as far as
degenerate men--if we have degenerated--may, according to the
example of those noble fathers, Washington, Jefferson, and Madison.
We mean to remember that you are as good as we; that there is no
difference between us other than the difference of circumstances.
We mean to recognize and bear in mind always that you have as good
hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and
to treat you accordingly.’
“Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren: May I call you
such? In my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination
to retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good be assured
that the fault shall not be mine.”
On the next morning he left Cincinnati, and arrived at Columbus, where
he was received with every demonstration of enthusiasm. He visited the
Governor in the Executive Chamber, and was subsequently introduced to
the members of the Legislature in joint session, when he was formally
welcomed by the Lieutenant-Governor, to whom Mr. Lincoln responded in
these words:
“It is true, as has been said by the President of the Senate,
that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to
which the votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply
sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know, what
you all know, that without a name--perhaps without a reason why I
should have a name--there has fallen upon me a task such as did not
rest upon the Father of his Country. And so feeling, I cannot but
turn and look for the support without which it will be impossible
for me to perform that great task. I turn, then, and look to the
American people, and to that God who has never forsaken them.
“Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the
policy of the new Administration. In this, I have received from
some a degree of credit for having kept silence, from others
some depreciation. I still think I was right. In the varying and
repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, without a precedent
which could enable me to judge for the past, it has seemed fitting,
that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should
have gained a view of the whole field. To be sure, after all, I
would be at liberty to modify and change the course of policy as
future events might make a change necessary.
“I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It
is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is
nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we
look out there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain
different views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering
any thing. This is a most consoling circumstance, and from it I
judge that all we want is time and patience, and a reliance on that
God who has never forsaken this people.”
On the 14th of February, Mr. Lincoln proceeded to Pittsburgh. At
Steubenville, on the route, in reply to an address, he said:
“I fear the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded.
Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difficulties, as I am,
nothing shall be wanted on my part, if sustained by the American
people and God. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is
equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different
understanding of that instrument that causes difficulties. The only
dispute is ‘What are their rights?’ If the majority should not
rule who should be the judge? Where is such a judge to be found?
We should all be bound by the majority of the American people--if
not, then the minority must control. Would that be right? Would it
be just or generous? Assuredly not.” He reiterated, the majority
should rule. If he adopted a wrong policy, then the opportunity to
condemn him would occur in four years’ time. “Then I can be turned
out and a better man with better views put in my place.”
The next morning he left for Cleveland, but before his departure he
made an address to the people of Pittsburgh, in which he said:
“In every short address I have made to the people, and in every
crowd through which I have passed of late, some allusion has
been made to the present distracted condition of the country.
It is naturally expected that I should say something upon this
subject, but to touch upon it at all would involve an elaborate
discussion of a great many questions and circumstances, would
require more time than I can at present command, and would perhaps
unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully
developed themselves.
“The condition of the country, fellow-citizens, is an extraordinary
one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety and
solicitude. My intention is to give this subject all the
consideration which I possibly can before I speak fully and
definitely in regard to it, so that, when I do speak, I may be as
nearly right as possible. And when I do speak, fellow-citizens,
I hope to say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the
Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which will
in any way prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the
peace of the whole country. And, furthermore, when the time arrives
for me to speak on this great subject, I hope to say nothing
which will disappoint the reasonable expectations of any man, or
disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially
if their expectations have been based upon any thing which I may
have heretofore said.
“Notwithstanding the troubles across the river [the speaker,
smiling, pointed southwardly to the Monongahela river], there is
really no crisis springing from any thing in the Government itself.
In plain words, there is really no crisis except an artificial one.
What is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented
by our friends ‘over the river?’ Take even their own view of the
questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course
which they are pursuing. I repeat it, then, there is no crisis,
except such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent
men, aided by designing politicians. My advice, then, under such
circumstances, is to keep cool. If the great American people will
only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the trouble will
come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country
will be settled just as surely as all other difficulties of like
character which have originated in this government have been
adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession,
and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so
will this, and this great nation shall continue to prosper as
heretofore.”
He then referred to the subject of the tariff, and said:
“According to my political education, I am inclined to believe that
the people in the various portions of the country should have their
own views carried out through their representatives in Congress.
That consideration of the tariff bill should not be postponed until
the next session of the National Legislature. No subject should
engage your representatives more closely than that of the tariff.
If I have any recommendation to make, it will be that every man who
is called upon to serve the people, in a representative capacity,
should study the whole subject thoroughly, as I intend to do
myself, looking to all the varied interests of the common country,
so that, when the time for action arrives, adequate protection
shall be extended to the coal and iron of Pennsylvania, and the
corn of Illinois. Permit me to express the hope that this important
subject may receive such consideration at the hands of your
representatives that the interests of no part of the country may be
overlooked, but that all sections may share in the common benefits
of a just and equitable tariff.”
Mr. Lincoln, upon his arrival in Cleveland, adverted to the same
subject in the following terms:
“It is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the
Union and the Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests
with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed on my mind at
present. In a community like this, whose appearance testifies to
their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of liberty and
the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allusion is made to the
excitement at present existing in national politics. I think there
is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it is called, is
altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation, there
are differences of opinion in politics. There are differences
of opinion even here. You did not all vote for the person who
now addresses you. And how is it with those who are not here?
Have they not all their rights as they ever had? Do they not have
their fugitive slaves returned now as ever? Have they not the same
Constitution that they have lived under for seventy odd years? Have
they not a position as citizens of this common country, and have
we any power to change that position? What, then, is the matter
with them? Why all this excitement? Why all these complaints? As I
said before, this crisis is all artificial. It has no foundation in
fact. It was ‘argued up,’ as the saying is, and cannot be argued
down. Let it alone, and it will go down itself.”
On Saturday he proceeded to Buffalo, where he arrived at evening, and
was met by an immense concourse of citizens headed by Ex-President
Fillmore.
Arriving at the hotel, Mr. Lincoln was welcomed in a brief speech by
the acting chief magistrate, to which he made a brief reply, as follows:
“MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW CITIZENS:--I am here to thank you briefly
for this grand reception given to me not personally, but as the
representative of our great and beloved country. Your worthy Mayor
has been pleased to mention in his address to me, the fortunate and
agreeable journey which I have had from home--only it is rather
a circuitous route to the Federal Capitol. I am very happy that
he was enabled, in truth, to congratulate myself and company on
that fact. It is true, we have had nothing thus far to mar the
pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those who
assisted in giving the election to me; I say not alone, but by
the whole population of the country through which we have passed.
This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any other of
the distinguished candidates instead of myself, under the peculiar
circumstances, to say the least, it would have been proper for
all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an
evidence of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution,
the Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I
am unwilling, on any occasion, that I should be so meanly thought
of as to have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations
are tendered to me personally. They are tendered to the country,
to the institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the
liberties of the country for which these institutions were made
and created. Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope
that I may be able to relieve the country from the present, or, I
should say, the threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart
true to the work. For the ability to perform it, I trust in that
Supreme Being who has never forsaken this favored land, through the
instrumentality of this great and intelligent people. Without that
assistance I should surely fail; with it I cannot fail. When we
speak of the threatened difficulties to the country, it is natural
that it should be expected that something should be said by myself
with regard to particular measures. Upon more mature reflection,
however, I think,--and others will agree with me--that, when it is
considered that these difficulties are without precedent, and never
have been acted upon by any individual situated as I am, it is most
proper that I should wait and see the developments, and get all the
light possible, so that, when I do speak authoritatively, I may
be as near right as possible. When I shall speak authoritatively,
I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution, the
Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each
section of the country, and not to disappoint the reasonable
expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. In this
connection, allow me to say that you, as a portion of the great
American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up
to your sober convictions of right, to your obligations to the
Constitution, and act in accordance with those sober convictions,
and the clouds which now arise in the horizon will be dispelled,
and we shall have a bright and glorious future; and, when this
generation shall have passed away, tens of thousands shall inhabit
this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose
to address you at length. I have no voice for it. Allow me again to
thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you farewell.”
Mr. Lincoln then proceeded from Buffalo to Albany. Here he was met by
the Mayor, the City Councils, and the Legislative Committees, and was
conducted to the Capitol, where he was welcomed by Governor Morgan, and
responded briefly, as follows:
“GOVERNOR MORGAN:--I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit
the capital of the great Empire State of this nation, while on my
way to the Federal capital. I now thank you, and you, the people
of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty
and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire
State at this time contains a larger population than did the whole
of the United States of America at the time they achieved their
national independence; and I was proud to be invited to visit its
capital, to meet its citizens as I now have the honor to do. I
am notified by your governor that this reception is tendered by
citizens without distinction of party. Because of this, I accept it
the more gladly. In this country, and in any country where freedom
of thought is tolerated, citizens attach themselves to political
parties. It is but an ordinary degree of charity to attribute this
act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the
various parties, each man, in his own judgment, supposes he thereby
best advances the interests of the whole country. And when an
election is passed, it is altogether befitting a free people that,
until the next election, they should be one people. The reception
you have extended me to-day is not given to me personally. It
should not be so, but as the representative, for the time being, of
the majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any of
the more distinguished citizens, who received the support of the
people, this same honor should have greeted him that greets me this
day, in testimony of the unanimous devotion of the whole people
to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of
succeeding generations in this country. I have neither the voice
nor the strength to address you at any greater length. I beg you
will, therefore, accept my most grateful thanks for this manifest
devotion--not to me but to the institutions of this great and
glorious country.”
He was then conducted to the Legislative halls, where, in reply to an
address of welcome, he again adverted to the troubles of the country in
the following terms:
“MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF
NEW YORK:--It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may
say, feelings even of awe, perhaps greater than I have recently
experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of
this great State, the renown of its great men, who have stood in
this chamber, and have spoken their thoughts, all crowd around my
fancy, and incline me to shrink from an attempt to address you. Yet
I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which
you have invited me, and the still more generous manner in which
you have received me. You have invited me and received me without
distinction of party. I could not for a moment suppose that this
has been done in any considerable degree with any reference to
my personal self. It is very much more grateful to me that this
reception and the invitation preceding it were given to me as
the representative of a free people, than it could possibly have
been were they but the evidence of devotion to me or to any one
man. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock-modesty,
the humblest of all the individuals who have ever been elected
President of the United States, I yet have a more difficult task to
perform than any one of them has ever encountered. You have here
generously tendered me the support, the united support, of the
great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation--in behalf
of the President and of the future of the nation--in behalf of
the cause of civil liberty in all time to come--I most gratefully
thank you. I do not propose now to enter upon any expressions as
to the particular line of policy to be adopted with reference
to the difficulties that stand before us in the opening of the
incoming administration. I deem that it is just to the country, to
myself, to you, that I should see every thing, hear every thing,
and have every light that can possibly be brought within my reach
to aid me before I shall speak officially, in order that, when I
do speak, I may have the best possible means of taking correct and
true grounds. For this reason, I do not now announce any thing in
the way of policy for the new Administration. When the time comes,
according to the custom of the Government, I shall speak, and speak
as well as I am able for the good of the present and of the future
of this country--for the good of the North and of the South--for
the good of one and of the other, and of all sections of it. In
the meantime, if we have patience, if we maintain our equanimity,
though some may allow themselves to run off in a burst of passion,
I still have confidence that the Almighty Ruler of the Universe,
through the instrumentality of this great and intelligent people,
can and will bring us through this difficulty, as he has heretofore
brought us through all preceding difficulties of the country.
Relying upon this, and again thanking you, as I forever shall, in
my heart, for this generous reception you have given me, I bid you
farewell.”
At Albany, he was met by a delegation from the city authorities of New
York, and on the 19th started for that city. At Poughkeepsie, he was
welcomed by the Mayor of the city. Mr. Lincoln, in reply, said:
“I am grateful for this cordial welcome, and I am gratified
that this immense multitude has come together not to meet the
individual man, but the man who, for the time being, will humbly
but earnestly represent the majesty of the nation. These receptions
have been given me at other places, and, as here, by men of
different parties, and not by one party alone. It shows an earnest
effort on the part of all to save, not the country, for the country
can save itself, but to save the institutions of the country--those
institutions under which, for at least three-quarters of a
century, we have become the greatest, the most intelligent, and
the happiest people in the world. These manifestations show that
we all make common cause for these objects; that if some of us
are successful in an election, and others are beaten, those who
are beaten are not in favor of sinking the ship in consequence
of defeat, but are earnest in their purpose to sail it safely
through the voyage in hand, and, in so far as they may think there
has been any mistake in the election, satisfying themselves to
take their chance of setting the matter right the next time. That
course is entirely right. I am not sure--I do not pretend to be
sure--that in the election of the individual who has been elected
this term, the wisest choice has been made. I fear it has not. In
the purposes and in the principles that have been sustained, I
have been the instrument selected to carry forward the affairs of
this Government. I can rely upon you, and upon the people of the
country; and with their sustaining hand, I think that even I shall
not fail in carrying the Ship of State through the storm.”
The reception of President Lincoln in New York City was a most imposing
demonstration. Places of business were generally closed, and hundreds
of thousands were in the streets. On the next day, he was welcomed to
the city by Mayor Wood, and replied as follows:
“MR. MAYOR: It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my
acknowledgments for the reception given me in the great commercial
city of New York. I cannot but remember that this is done by
a people who do not, by a majority, agree with me in political
sentiment. It is the more grateful, because in this I see that,
for the great principles of our Government, the people are almost
unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at
this time, and of which your Honor has thought fit to speak so
becomingly and so justly, as I suppose, I can only say that I agree
in the sentiments expressed. In my devotion to the Union, I hope I
am behind no man in the nation. In the wisdom with which to conduct
the affairs tending to the preservation of the Union, I fear that
too great confidence may have been reposed in me; but I am sure I
bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever
bring me to willingly consent to the destruction of this Union,
under which not only the great commercial city of New York, but the
whole country, acquired its greatness, except it be the purpose
for which the Union itself was formed. I understand the ship to be
made for the carrying and the preservation of the cargo, and so
long as the ship can be saved with the cargo, it should never be
abandoned, unless it fails the possibility of its preservation,
and shall cease to exist, except at the risk of throwing overboard
both freight and passengers. So long, then, as it is possible that
the prosperity and the liberties of the people be preserved in this
Union, it shall be my purpose at all times to use all my powers to
aid in its perpetuation. Again thanking you for the reception given
me, allow me to come to a close.”
On the next day he left for Philadelphia. At Trenton he remained a few
hours, and visited both Houses of the Legislature. On being received in
the Senate, he thus addressed that body:
“MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF NEW
JERSEY:--I am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of
which I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that
New Jersey holds in our early history. In the early Revolutionary
struggle, few of the States among the old Thirteen had more of the
battle-fields of the country within its limits than old New Jersey.
May I be pardoned, if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back
in my childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got
hold of a small book, such a one as few of the younger members have
ever seen, ‘Weems’ Life of Washington.’ I remember all the accounts
there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties
of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so
deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing
of the river--the contest with the Hessians--the great hardships
endured at that time--all fixed themselves on my memory more than
any single revolutionary event; and you all know, for you have all
been boys, how these early impressions last longer than any others.
I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there must
have been something more than common that those men struggled for.
I am exceedingly anxious that that thing which they struggled
for--that something even more than National Independence--that
something that held out a great promise to all the people of the
world to all time to come--I am exceedingly anxious that this
Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the people, shall be
perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that
struggle was made, and I shall be most happy indeed, if I shall be
an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, His
almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great
struggle. You give me this reception, as I understand, without
distinction of party. I learn that this body is composed of a
majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment
in the choice of a Chief Magistrate, did not think I was the man. I
understand, nevertheless, that they came forward here to greet me
as the Constitutional President of the United States--as citizens
of the United States, to meet the man who, for the time being,
is the representative man of the nation, united by a purpose to
perpetuate the Union and liberties of the people. As such, I accept
this reception more gratefully than I could do did I believe it was
tendered to me as an individual.”
He then passed into the Chamber of the Assembly, and upon being
introduced by the Speaker, addressed that body as follows:
“MR. SPEAKER AND GENTLEMEN:--I have just enjoyed the honor of a
reception by the other branch of this Legislature, and I return to
you and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New
Jersey have given, through their chosen representatives, to me,
as the representative, for the time being, of the majesty of the
people of the United States. I appropriate to myself very little
of the demonstrations of respect with which I have been greeted.
I think little should be given to any man, but that it should be
a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I
understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the
people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from
those with whom I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to
be regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, the
Constitution, and the liberties of the people. You, Mr. Speaker,
have well said, that this is the time when the bravest and wisest
look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national
affairs. Under these circumstances, you will readily see why I
should not speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best
to pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of all the
information and all the time at my command, in order that when the
time arrives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to
take the ground which I deem the best and safest, and from which I
may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground
I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and
the whole country. I take it, I hope, in good temper--certainly
with no malice towards any section. I shall do all that may be in
my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties.
The man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am--none
who would do more to preserve it. But it may be necessary to put
the foot down firmly. And if I do my duty, and do right, you will
sustain me, will you not? Received, as I am, by the members of a
Legislature, the majority of whom do not agree with me in political
sentiments, I trust that I may have their assistance in piloting
the Ship of State through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it
is; for if it should suffer shipwreck now, there will be no pilot
ever needed for another voyage.”
On his arrival in Philadelphia, he was received with great enthusiasm,
and to an address from the Mayor Mr. Lincoln replied:
“MR. MAYOR AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA:--I appear before
you to make no lengthy speech but to thank you for this reception.
The reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the
individual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should
represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy
Mayor has said, that there is anxiety among the citizens of the
United States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that
this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens do not point us
to any thing in which they are being injured, or are about to be
injured; for which reason I have felt all the while justified in
concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country
at this time, is artificial. If there be those who differ with
me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial
difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial
panic may not do considerable harm; that it has done such I do not
deny. The hope that has been expressed by your Mayor, that I may be
able to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, is
most worthy of him; and happy indeed will I be if I shall be able
to verify and fulfil that hope. I promise you, in all sincerity,
that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a
head equal to that heart, will be for future times to determine.
It were useless for me to speak of details or plans now; I shall
speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak
then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak then,
it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall take
such grounds as I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony,
and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the
nation, and the liberty of these States and these people. Your
worthy Mayor has expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that
if it were convenient for me to remain with your city long enough
to consult your merchants and manufacturers; or, as it were, to
listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls
wherein the Constitution of the United States, and, I will add, the
Declaration of Independence, were originally framed and adopted.
I assure you and your Mayor, that I had hoped on this occasion,
and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing
inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred
walls. I never asked any thing that does not breathe from those
walls. All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings
that come forth from these sacred walls. May my right hand forget
its cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if ever
I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, now allow me to
bid you good-night.”
On the next morning Mr. Lincoln visited the old “Independence Hall,”
for the purpose of raising the national flag over it. Here he was
received with a warm welcome, and made the following address:
“I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here,
in this place, where were collected the wisdom, the patriotism,
the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions
under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my
hands is the task of restoring peace to the present distracted
condition of the country. I can say in return, sir, that all the
political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have
been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated and
were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling
politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the
Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the dangers
which were incurred by the men who assembled here, and framed and
adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the
toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army
who achieved that independence. I have often inquired of myself
what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy
so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation
of the colonies from the mother-land, but that sentiment in the
Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the
people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future
time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight
would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment
embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can
this country be saved upon this basis? If it can, I will consider
myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save
it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly
awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that
principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated
on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present
aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There is no
necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may
say, in advance, that there will be no blood shed unless it be
forced upon the government, and then it will be compelled to act in
self-defence.
“My friends, this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not
expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed
it was merely to do something towards raising the flag. I may,
therefore, have said something indiscreet. I have said nothing
but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of
Almighty God, to die by.”
The party then proceeded to a platform erected in front of the State
House, when the President-elect was invited to raise the flag. Mr.
Lincoln responded in a brief speech, stating his cheerful compliance
with the request, and alluded to the original flag of thirteen
stars, saying that the number had increased as time rolled on, and
we now became a happy and a powerful people, each star adding to its
prosperity. “The future,” he added, “is in the hands of the people. It
is on such an occasion as this that we can reason together, reaffirm
our devotion to the country and the principles of the Declaration of
Independence. Let us make up our mind, that when we do put a new star
upon our banner, it shall be a fixed one, never to be dimmed by the
horrors of war, but brightened by the contentment and prosperity of
peace. Let us go on to extend the area of our usefulness, add star upon
star, until their light shall shine upon five hundred millions of a
free and happy people.”
The President-elect then raised the flag to the top of the staff.
At half-past 9 o’clock the party left for Harrisburg. Both Houses of
the Legislature were visited by Mr. Lincoln, and to an address of
welcome he thus replied:
“I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks, in response
to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this
reception, and the generous words in which support has been
promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for
the overwhelming support it recently gave, not to me personally,
but the cause, which I think a just one, in the late election.
Allusion has been made to the fact--the interesting fact, perhaps
we should say--that I, for the first time, appear at the Capital
of the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the
Father of his Country, in connection with that beloved anniversary
connected with the history of this country. I have already gone
through one exceedingly interesting scene this morning in the
ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under the high conduct of gentlemen
there, I was, for the first time, allowed the privilege of standing
in Old Independence Hall, to have a few words addressed to me
there, and opening up to me an opportunity of expressing, with much
regret, that I had not more time to express something of my own
feelings, excited by the occasion, somewhat to harmonize and give
shape to the feelings that had been really the feelings of my whole
life. Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent
flag of the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the
honor of raising it to the head of its staff. And when it went
up I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my
own feeble arm; when, according to the arrangement, the cord was
pulled, and it flaunted gloriously to the wind without an accident,
in the bright glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help
hoping that there was in the entire success of that beautiful
ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor
could I help feeling then, as I often have felt, in the whole of
that proceeding, I was a very humble instrument. I had not provided
the flag; I had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its
place. I had applied but a very small portion of my feeble strength
in raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the
people who had arranged it; and if I can have the same generous
coöperation of the people of the nation, I think the flag of
our country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously. I recur for a
moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in regard to
what has been said about the military support which the General
Government may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in
a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I
recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the
possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use
of the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the
manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and
exceedingly gratified at your promise here to use that force upon
a proper emergency--while I make these acknowledgements, I desire
to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction,
that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them;
that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most
especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that, so far
as I have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any
wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine.
Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some
remark recently made by myself at Pittsburg, in regard to what is
supposed to be the especial interest of this great Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say, in regard to that matter,
that the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather
carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen
no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave
them precisely as they stand, adding only now, that I am pleased to
have an expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant
that they are satisfactory to you. And now, gentlemen of the
General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, allow me to
return you again my most sincere thanks.”
Arrangements had been made for his departure from Harrisburg on the
following morning; but the timely discovery of a plot to assassinate
him on his way through Baltimore--a plot in which several of the
leading citizens of that place were believed to be interested, although
the work was to be done by other hands--caused a change in the
schedule, and on the evening of the day on which he had been received
by the Legislature, he left on a special train for Philadelphia, and
thence proceeded in the sleeping-car attached to the regular midnight
train to Washington, where he arrived at an early hour on the morning
of the 23d.
As an evidence how little the extent to which unscrupulous men were
prepared to go, was understood at this time, it may be remarked that
not a few made themselves very merry over this midnight ride--a
leading pictorial even indulging itself in an attempt at a humorous
illustration of it, an act which, viewed in the light of a startling
event but little more than four years later, in which a native of the
same city was directly concerned, would hardly have been repeated.
CHAPTER VI.
THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.
Speeches at Washington--The Inaugural Address--Its Effect--
The Cabinet--Commissioners from Montgomery--Extract from A. H.
Stephens’s speech--Virginia Commissioners--Fall of Fort Sumter.
A few days after his arrival in Washington, the President elect was
waited upon by the Mayor and other municipal authorities, welcoming him
the city, to whom he made the following reply:
“Mr. MAYOR: I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities
of this city who accompany you, for this welcome. And as it is
the first time in my life since the present phase of politics
has presented itself in this country, that I have said anything
publicly within a region of country where the institution of
slavery exists, I will take this occasion to say that I think
very much of the ill feeling which has existed, and still exists,
between the people in the sections from whence I came and the
people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another.
I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr.
Mayor, and all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and
never have had, any other than as kindly feelings towards you as
towards the people of my own section. I have not now, nor never
have had, any disposition to treat you in any respect otherwise
than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to withhold
from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any
circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold
from my neighbors; and I hope, in a word, that when we shall become
better acquainted, and I say it with great confidence, we shall
like each other the more. I thank you for the kindness of this
reception.”
On the following evening, at the close of a serenade tendered him by
the Republican Association, he thus addressed the crowd:
“MY FRIENDS: I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid
to me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached
this city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing
from those under which any other man has ever reached it. I am
here for the purpose of taking an official position amongst the
people, almost all of whom were politically opposed to me, and are
yet opposed to me as I suppose. I propose no lengthy address to
you. I only propose to say, as I did on yesterday, when your worthy
Mayor and Board of Aldermen called upon me, that I thought much
of the ill feeling that has existed between you and the people of
your surroundings and that people from amongst whom I came, has
depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding.
“I hope that, if things shall go on as prosperously as I believe we
all desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something
of this misunderstanding, that I may be enabled to convince you,
and the people of your section of the country, that we regard you
as in all things our equals, and in all things entitled to the same
respect and the same treatment that we claim for ourselves; that
we are in nowise disposed, if it were in our power, to oppress you,
to deprive you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the
United States, or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard
to those rights, but are determined to give you, as far as lies in
our hands, all your rights under the Constitution--not grudgingly,
but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we
will become better acquainted, and be better friends. And now, my
friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks for
this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of
your good music, I bid you good-night.”
Never, in the history of the country, has the inaugural address of any
President been so anxiously awaited as was that of Mr. Lincoln. The
most of his countrymen, even in States whose loyalty to the Government
was beyond suspicion, were certain to be disappointed, whatever that
inaugural might prove to be. An impression prevailed, for which no good
grounds could be shown, that somehow, in some inexplicable way, this
particular address would operate as a panacea to heal the nation’s
malady. One class, who knew not the man, hoped, almost against hope,
that such concessions would be made to the rebels as would bridge
over existing difficulties, and restore the good old times when men
could vend their goods and principles--or what served them in lieu
thereof--without being annoyed by war or rumor of war. Another would
be satisfied with nothing short of the most positive and unqualified
denunciations of the rebels, coupled with the details in advance of
dealing with them. Still another were simply curious in the premises to
know what could be said. Whisperings, too, that the address would be
prevented by violence, and hints of assassination were heard here and
there.
All necessary precautions, however, having been taken to guard against
the latter contingencies, Mr. Lincoln appeared at the east front
of the capitol, and received, at the hour appointed, the oath of
office from Chief Justice Taney. Then followed, in a clear, steady
tone of voice, in the presence of more than ten thousand of his
fellow-citizens, the address:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES:--In compliance with a custom
as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address
you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by
the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President
before he enters on the execution of his office.
“I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss
those matters of administration about which there is no special
anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people
of the Southern States, that, by the accession of a Republican
Administration, their property and their peace and personal
security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable
cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to
the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their
inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him
who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches,
when I declare that ‘I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to
interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it
exists.’ I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no
inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so
with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made many similar
declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this,
they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to
themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now
read:
“‘_Resolved_, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of
the States, and especially the right of each State to order and
control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment
exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the
perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we
denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any
State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the
gravest of crimes.’
“I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so I only press
upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which
the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of
no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming
administration.
“I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the
Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given
to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as
cheerfully to one section as to another.
“There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives
from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written
in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:
“‘No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due.’
“It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by
those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive
slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.
“All members of Congress swear their support to the whole
Constitution--to this provision as well as any other. To the
proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms
of this clause ‘shall be delivered up,’ their oaths are unanimous.
Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not,
with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which
to keep good that unanimous oath?
“There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should
be enforced by National or by State authority; but surely that
difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be
surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to
others by which authority it is done; and should any one, in
any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely
unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
“Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards
of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be
introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as
a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by
law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which
guarantees that ‘the citizens of each State shall be entitled
to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several
States?’
“I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations,
and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any
hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify
particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest
that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private
stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand
unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity
in having them held to be unconstitutional.
“It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a
President under our National Constitution. During that period,
fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have in
succession administered the executive branch of the Government.
They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with
great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter
upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of four
years, under great and peculiar difficulties.
“A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is
now formidably attempted. I hold that in the contemplation of
universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States
is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the
fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert
that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic
law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express
provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure
forever, it being impossible to destroy it, except by some action
not provided for in the instrument itself.
“Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an
association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it,
as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties
who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it,
so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition
that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by
the history of the Union itself.
“The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed,
in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured
and continued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was
further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States
expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by
the Articles of the Confederation, in 1778; and, finally, in
1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing
the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. But if the
destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be
lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution
having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
“It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere
motion, can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and
ordinances to that effect, are legally void; and that acts of
violence within any State or States against the authority of the
United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to
circumstances.
“I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the
laws, the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I
shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon
me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all
the States. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on
my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable,
unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the
requisition, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.
“I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the
declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend
and maintain itself.
“In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there
shall be none unless it is forced upon the National authority.
“The power confided to me _will be used to hold, occupy, and
possess the property and plants belonging to the Government_, and
collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary
for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force
against or among the people anywhere.
“Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so
universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding
Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious
strangers among the people that object. While the strict legal
right may exist of the Government to enforce the exercise of these
offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly
impracticable withal, that I deem it best to forego, for the time,
the uses of such offices.
“The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all
parts of the Union.
“So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense
of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and
reflection.
“The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events
and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper;
and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised
according to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view
and hope of a peaceful solution of the National troubles and the
restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.
“That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek to
destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do
it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I need
address no word to them.
“To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak,
before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our
National fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its
hopes? Would it not be well to ascertain why we do it? Will you
hazard so desperate a step, while any portion of the ills you fly
from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills
you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from? Will
you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess
to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be
maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in
the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human
mind is so constituted, that no party can reach to the audacity of
doing this.
“Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly-written
provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the
mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any
clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of
view, justify revolution; it certainly would, if such right were a
vital one. But such is not our case.
“All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so
plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties
and prohibitions in the Constitution, that controversies never
arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with
a provision specifically applicable to every question which may
occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor
any document of reasonable length contain, express provisions for
all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered
by National or by State authorities? The Constitution does not
expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories?
The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this
class, spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide
upon them into majorities and minorities.
“If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the
Government must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the
Government but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a
minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they
make a precedent which, in turn, will ruin and divide them, for a
minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority
refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why not
any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily
secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim
to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now
being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such
perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new
Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy.
“A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and
limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of
popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a
free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy
or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible; the rule of a majority,
as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible. So that,
rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism, in some
form, is all that is left.
“I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional
questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny
that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties
to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also
entitled to a very high respect and consideration in all parallel
cases by all other departments of the Government; and while it is
obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given
case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that
particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never
become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could
the evils of a different practice.
“At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the
policy of the Government upon the vital question affecting the
whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the
Supreme Court, the instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation
between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased
to be their own masters, unless having to that extent practically
resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
“Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the
Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide
cases properly brought before them; and it is no fault of theirs
if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One
section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be
extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to
be extended; and this is the only substantial dispute; and the
fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the
suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced,
perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral
sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great
body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases,
and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be perfectly
cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of
the sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly
suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in
one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered,
would not be surrendered at all by the other.
“Physically speaking we can not separate; we can not remove our
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of
the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different
parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face
to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue
between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more
advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before?
Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can
treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can
among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and
when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you
cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse
are again upon you.
“This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people
who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing
government, they can exercise their constitutional right of
amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow
it. I can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and
patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National Constitution
amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully
recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject,
to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument
itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather
than oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act
upon it.
“I will venture to add, that to me the Convention mode seems
preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the
people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or
reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for
the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would
wish either to accept or refuse. I understand that a proposed
amendment to the Constitution (which amendment, however, I have
not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal
Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions
of States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid
misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not
to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding
such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no
objection to its being made express and irrevocable.
“The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people,
and they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the
separation of the States. The people themselves, also, can do
this if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to
do with it. His duty is to administer the present government as
it came to his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his
successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the
ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope
in the world? In our present differences is either party without
faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with
his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on
yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail
by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the
frame of the government under which we live, this same people have
wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief,
and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little
to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain
their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme
wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the government in
the short space of four years.
“My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole
subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.
“If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a
step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be
frustrated by taking time: but no good object can be frustrated by
it.
“Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old
Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the laws of
your own framing under it; while the new administration will have
no immediate power, if it would, to change either.
“If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the
right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for
precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a
firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land,
are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present
difficulties.
“In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine,
is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail
you.
“You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.
You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government;
while I shall have the most solemn one to ‘preserve, protect, and
defend’ it.
“I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not
be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our
bonds of affection.
“The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field
and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over
this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when
again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our
nature.”
One point was established, at least, by this inaugural, whatever
uncertainties might cluster about it--we had, at last, a Government. No
Buchanan ruled the hour. Loyal men of every shade breathed more freely.
At the same time, the whole drift was toward securing, if possible, an
honorable reconciliation. If, after this lucid, temperate statement
of the plans and purposes of the new Administration, the blow must
fall, which all wished to avoid, it was encouraging to feel--as every
one who heard Mr. Lincoln on that eventful day must have felt--that a
man was at the helm who had firm faith that the organic law, so far
from providing for the dissolution of the Union, had vitality and force
within itself sufficient to defend the nation against dangers from
within as well as from without.
The announcement of the President’s cabinet, likewise--composed, as it
was, of the ablest men in his own party, the majority of whom had been
deemed worthy of presentation as candidates for the high office which
he held--imparted confidence to all who wished well to the country. The
able pen of the Secretary of State was at once called into requisition
to communicate, through the newly appointed ministers abroad, the true
state of affairs to the European powers. As speedily as possible the
Departments were purged of disloyal officials, although the deceptions
and subterfuges which constituted a goodly portion of the stock in
trade of the rebellion rendered this a work of more time than was
satisfactory to many.
The Davis dynasty, at Montgomery, having, on the 9th of March, passed
an act to organize a Confederate army, two persons--one from Alabama
and the other from Georgia--announced themselves, three days later, as
“Confederate Commissioners,” accredited for the purpose of negotiating
a treaty. The President declined to recognize these “Commissioners,”
who were referred to a copy of his inaugural enclosed for a full
statement of his views.
On the 21st of March, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President
of the Montgomery traitors, up to that time regarded as one of the most
moderate--as he certainly was one of the ablest--of the conspirators,
in a speech at Savannah, silenced all questionings as to the intent of
himself and co-workers.
He said on that occasion:
“The new Constitution (that adopted at Montgomery) has put at
rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar
institutions--African slavery as it exists among us--the proper
status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the
immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution.
Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon
which the old Union would split. He was right. What was conjecture
with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended
the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be
doubted. The prevailing ideas, entertained by him and most of
the leading statesmen, at the time of the formation of the old
Constitution, were, that the enslavement of the African was in
violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle,
socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not
well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that
day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the
institution would be evanescent and pass away. * * *
“Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas.
Its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great
truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery,
subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal
condition. This, our new Government, is the first in the history
of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical, and
moral truth. * * * It is upon this, as I have stated, our social
fabric is firmly planted; and I can not permit myself to doubt the
ultimate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout
the civilized and enlightened world. * * * This stone, which was
rejected by the first builders, ‘is become the chief stone of the
corner’ in our new edifice.”
On the 13th of April, the President was waited upon by a committee from
a Convention of the State of Virginia, which Convention was discussing
the question whether to go with the States already in rebellion, or to
remain in the Union, for the sake of furthering the ends of the rebels.
The object of the visit, and its result, may be determined from Mr.
Lincoln’s response:
“GENTLEMEN:--As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in
session, you present me a preamble and resolution, in these words:
“‘WHEREAS, In the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty which
prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal
Executive intends to pursue towards the seceded States is extremely
injurious to the industrial and commercial interests of the
country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavorable to the
adjustment of the pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance
of the public peace; therefore,
“_Resolved_, That a committee of three delegates be appointed
to wait on the President of the United States, present to him
this preamble, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this
Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue
in regard to the Confederate States.’
“In answer, I have to say, that having, at the beginning of my
official term, expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was
able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there
is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what
that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having as
yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the
course marked out in the inaugural address. I commend a careful
consideration of the whole document as the best expression I can
give to my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now repeat, ‘The
power confided in me, will be used to hold, occupy, and possess
property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect
the duties and imposts; but beyond what is necessary for these
objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against
or among the people anywhere.’ By the words ‘property and places
belonging to the Government,’ I chiefly allude to the military
posts and property which were in possession of the government
when it came into my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in
pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from
these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter,
I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like
places which had been seized before the Government was devolved
upon me, and in any event I shall, to the best of my ability,
repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has
been assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United
States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to
have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war against
the Government justifies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need
to say that I consider the military forts and property, situated
within the States which claim to have seceded, as yet belonging to
the Government of the United States, as much as they did before the
supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall
not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion
of any part of the country--not meaning by this, however, that I
may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the
border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of
the inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any
other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I
now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification.”
Fort Sumter fell on the day following the reception of these
commissioners, after every effort, consistent with the means at the
disposal of the government, had been made to prevent what then seemed
a catastrophe. This action could bear but one interpretation. A
reconciliation of difficulties was utterly impracticable. An appeal
had been made to the sword. The power and authority of the United
States had been defied and insulted. No loyal man could now hesitate.
If, however, there were any who, even then, clung to the fallacy that
compromise could save us, Abraham Lincoln was not of the number.
CHAPTER VII.
PREPARING FOR WAR.
Effects of Sumter’s Fall--President’s Call for Troops--Response
in the Loyal States--In the Border States--Baltimore Riot--
Maryland’s Position--President’s Letter to Maryland Authorities--
Blockade Proclamation--Additional Proclamation--Comments Abroad--
Second Call for Troops--Special Order for Florida--Military
Movements.
Sumter fell, but the nation arose. With one mind the Free States
determined that the rebellion must be put down. All were ablaze with
patriotic fire. The traitors at heart, who lurked in the loyal States,
found it a wise precaution to float with the current. The shrewder ones
among them saw well how such a course would give them vantage-ground
when the reaction, which they hoped, and for which in secret they
labored, should come. But the great mass of the people would not have
admitted the possibility of any reaction--action was to continue the
order of the day until the business in hand was finished.
* * * * *
On the 15th of April, 1861, the President issued his first proclamation:
“WHEREAS, The laws of the United States have been for some time
past, and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed,
in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida,
Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to
be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or
by the powers vested in the marshals by law; now, therefore, I,
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, in virtue of the
power in me vested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought
fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the
several States of the Union to the aggregate number of seventy-five
thousand, in order to suppress said combinations and to cause the
laws to be duly executed.
“The details for this object will be immediately communicated to
the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to
all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to
maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence of our national
Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress
wrongs already long enough endured. I deem it proper to say that
the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth, will
probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have
been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will
be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any
devastation, any destruction of, or interference with property, or
any disturbance of peaceful citizens of any part of the country;
and I hereby command the persons composing the combinations
aforesaid, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective
abodes, within twenty days from this date.
“Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an
extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me
vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. The
Senators and Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble
at their respective chambers at twelve o’clock, noon, on Thursday,
the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and
determine such measures as in their wisdom, the public safety and
interest may seem to demand.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in
the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one,
and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
In response to this proclamation enthusiastic public meetings were
held throughout the loyal States; all party lines seemed obliterated;
enlistments were almost universal; Washington, which was at one time
in imminent danger, was soon considered amply defended. The majority
entertained no doubt that with the force summoned the rebellion would
be nipped in the bud; the more sagacious minority shook their heads,
and wished that a million of men had been asked.
An excellent opportunity was afforded to the border slave States for
pronouncing their election--whether to stand by the Government, or,
practically, to furnish aid and comfort to the rebels. Magoffin,
Governor of Kentucky, was soon heard from: “Kentucky will furnish
no troops,” said he, “for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister
Southern States.” Letcher, of Virginia: “The militia of Virginia
will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such case
or purpose as they have in view;” and on the 17th, the State was
dragooned into passing, in secret, an ordinance of secession, and
immediately commenced those warlike preparations, whose evil fruits
she was destined so soon and in so much sorrow to reap. The Executives
of Tennessee and North Carolina refused compliance; and those States,
together with Arkansas, went over to the “Confederacy.”
How was the call for troops received by the rebel conclave at
Montgomery? They laughed.
The first blood shed in the war was in the streets of Baltimore, on
the 19th of April. Massachusetts troops, passing through that city for
the defence of the common capitol, were attacked by a mob, instigated
and encouraged by men of property and social standing. The State
hung trembling in the balance between loyalty and treason. Had its
geographical position been other than it was, it would have undeniably
embraced the fortune of the South. Its Governor was, however, strongly
inclined to support the Government, although the peculiar circumstances
in which he was placed called for peculiar tact and dexterity in
management. It was seriously proposed that no more troops should be
sent through Baltimore.
* * * * *
The day following this attack, the President sent the following letter
in reply to a communication broaching this modest proposition:
“_Washington_, April 20th, 1861.
“GOVERNOR HICKS AND MAYOR BROWN:
“GENTLEMEN:--Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune, is
received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to
keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. For
the future, troops _must_ be brought here, but I make no point of
bringing them _through_ Baltimore.
“Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave
details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning in presence
of those gentlemen, ‘March them _around_ Baltimore, and not through
it.’
“I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will consider
this practical and proper, and that you will not object to it. By
this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will
be avoided, unless they go out of the way to seek it. I hope you
will exert your influence to prevent this. Now and ever, I shall
do all in my power for peace, consistently with the maintenance of
government.
“Your obedient servant,
“A. LINCOLN.”
To a delegation of rebel sympathizers from the same State, who demanded
a cessation of hostilities until Congress should assemble, and
accompanied their demand with the statement that seventy-five thousand
Marylanders would dispute the passage of any more United States troops
over the soil of that State, he quietly remarked that he presumed there
was room enough in the State to bury that number, and declined to
accede to their proposal. The Maryland imbroglio was, after no great
time, adjusted, and ample precautions taken to guard against any future
trouble in that quarter.
* * * * *
On the 19th of April, every port of the States in rebellion was
declared blockaded by the following proclamation:
“WHEREAS, An insurrection against the Government of the United
States has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia,
Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws
of the United States for the collection of the revenue can not be
efficiently executed therein conformably to that provision of the
Constitution which requires duties to be uniform throughout the
United States:
“AND WHEREAS, A combination of persons, engaged in such
insurrection, have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque
to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives,
vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully
engaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United
States:
“AND WHEREAS, An Executive Proclamation has already been issued,
requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to
desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose
of repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary
session to deliberate and determine thereon:
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to
the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property
of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations,
until Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said
unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have
further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports
within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United
States, and of the laws of nations in such cases provided. For this
purpose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance
and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with
a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach, or shall
attempt to leave any of the said ports, she will be duly warned by
the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse
on her register the fact and date of such warning; and if the same
vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port,
she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for
such proceedings against her and her cargo as prize, as may be
deemed advisable.
“And I hereby proclaim and declare, that if any person, under the
pretended authority of said States, or under any other pretence,
shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo
on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of
the United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
On the 27th of April, the following additional proclamation was issued:
“WHEREAS, For the reasons assigned in my proclamation of the 19th
instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South Carolina,
Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas was
ordered to be established; AND WHEREAS, since that date public
property of the United States has been seized, the collection of
the revenue obstructed, and duly commissioned officers of the
United States, while engaged in executing the orders of their
superiors, have been arrested and held in custody as prisoners,
or have been impeded in the discharge of their official duties,
without due legal process, by persons claiming to act under
authority of the States of Virginia and North Carolina, an
efficient blockade of the ports of these States will therefore also
be established.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this 27th day of April, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of
the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
This greatly affected the commercial interests of the European powers,
who made haste to announce that the blockade must be an effectual one,
in order to be respected; supposing, in common with the rebels, that
they were demanding what would prove to be an impossibility. To say
that they erred decidedly in this opinion, is but stating a matter
of general notoriety, and simply adds another to the list of serious
mistakes made, during the progress of the war, by the two European
nations most deeply interested in its issue.
It was soon perceived that more men would be needed in the field,
Davis, in a message to his Congress, having proposed “to organize and
hold in readiness for instant action, in view of the exigencies of
the country, an army of six hundred thousand men.” On the 3d of May,
accordingly, another call was made, in anticipation of its ratification
at the extra session of Congress, which ratification took place,
without opposition.
“WHEREAS, Existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate
measures for the protection of the national Constitution and
the preservation of the national Union by the suppression of the
insurrectionary combinations now existing in several States for
opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing the execution
thereof, to which end a military force, in addition to that
called forth by my Proclamation of the fifteenth day of April,
in the present year, appears to be indispensably necessary, now,
therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the
militia of the several States, when called into actual service,
do hereby call into the service of the United States forty-two
thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve for a period of three
years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service
as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm, and the
details of enrolment and organization will be made known through
the Department of War; and I also direct that the regular army of
the United States be increased by the addition of eight regiments
of infantry, one regiment of cavalry and one regiment of artillery,
making altogether a maximum aggregate increase of twenty-two
thousand seven hundred and fourteen officers and enlisted men,
the details of which increase will also be made known through the
Department of War; and I further direct the enlistment, for not
less than one nor more than three years, of eighteen thousand
seamen, in addition to the present force, for the naval service of
the United States. The details of the enlistment and organization
will be made known through the Department of the Navy. The call
for volunteers, hereby made, and the direction of the increase of
the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given,
together with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteers
and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to
Congress as soon as assembled.
“In the meantime, I earnestly invoke the coöperation of all
good citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual
suppression of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement of
constitutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration
of peace and order, and with those of happiness and prosperity
throughout our country.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this third day of May, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the
Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
On the 10th of May, 1861, the following proclamation was promulgated:
“Whereas, An insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by which
the lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the United
States are endangered.
“And Whereas, It is deemed proper that all needful measures should
be taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers of
the United States in the discharge of their public duties in the
State aforesaid:
“Now, therefore, be it known that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of
the United States, do hereby direct the commander of the forces
of the United States on the Florida coast to permit no person to
exercise any office or authority upon the islands of Key West, the
Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, which may be inconsistent with the laws
and Constitution of the United States, authorizing him at the same
time, if he shall find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of
_habeas corpus_, and to remove from the vicinity of the United
States fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this tenth day of May, in the
year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of
the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
Volunteers meanwhile presented themselves for the defence of the
country in numbers greater than could be accepted, and the strife was
who should secure the coveted distinction of a citizen soldier. An
early movement upon the rebel army in Virginia was contemplated, and it
was confidently anticipated that to advance was to put the enemies of
the Government to flight.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FIRST SESSION OF CONGRESS.
Opening of Congress--President’s First Message--Its Nature--
Action of Congress--Resolution Declaring the Object of the War--
Bull Run--Its Effect.
The first session of Congress during Mr. Lincoln’s Administration
commenced on the 4th of July, 1861, in pursuance of his call to that
effect. The following message was transmitted from the Executive:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES:--Having been convened on an extraordinary
occasion, as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not
called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning
of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions
of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspended
within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida, excepting only those of the
Post-office Department.
“Within these States, all the Forts, Arsenals, Dock-Yards,
Custom-Houses, and the like, including the movable and stationary
property in and about them, had been seized, and were held in open
hostility to this Government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor
and Jefferson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter in
Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been
put in improved condition, new ones had been built, and armed
forces had been organized, and were organizing, all avowedly with
the same hostile purpose.
“The forts remaining in possession of the Federal Government in
and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike
preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by
well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the
best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as, perhaps, ten to
one--a disproportionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had
somehow found their way into these States, and had been seized to
be used against the Government.
“Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had been
seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant seas,
leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of
the Government.
“Officers of the Federal Army had resigned in great numbers, and of
those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms against the
Government.
“Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to
sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance with this
purpose an ordinance had been adopted in each of these States,
declaring the States respectively to be separated from the National
Union. A formula for instituting a combined Government of those
States had been promulgated, and this illegal organization, in
the character of the ‘Confederate States,’ was already invoking
recognition, aid and intervention from foreign powers.
“Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an
imperative duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if
possible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal
Union, a choice of means to that end became indispensable. This
choice was made and was declared in the Inaugural Address.
“The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful
measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to
hold the public places and property not already wrested from the
Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on
time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance
of the mails, at Government expense, to the very people who were
resisting the Government, and it gave repeated pledges against
any disturbances to any of the people, or any of their rights, of
all that which a President might constitutionally and justifiably
do in such a case; every thing was forborne, without which it was
believed possible to keep the Government on foot.
“On the 5th of March, the present incumbent’s first full day in
office, a letter from Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter,
written on the 28th of February, and received at the War Department
on the 4th of March, was by that Department placed in his hands.
This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer,
that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the
time for its relief rendered necessary by the limited supply of
provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same,
with a force less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined
men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his
command, and their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures
of Major Anderson’s letter. The whole was immediately laid before
Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson
in his opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time,
consulting with other officers, both of the Army and Navy, and at
the end of four days came reluctantly but decidedly to the same
conclusion as before. He also stated at the same time that no such
sufficient force was then at the control of the Government, or
could be raised and brought to the ground, within the time when the
provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military
point of view, this reduced the duty of the Administration in the
case to the mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the
fort.
“It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under
the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity
under which it was to be done would not be fully understood; that
by many it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that
at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden
its adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition
abroad; that, in fact, it would be our national destruction
consummated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon
the garrison, and ere it would be reached, Fort Pickens might be
reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and
would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of Fort
Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to
be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn
into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take
the longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the
order was received just one week before the fall of Sumter. The
news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which
vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting
upon some quasi armistice of the late Administration, and of the
existence of which the present Administration, up to the time the
order was dispatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to
fix attention, had refused to land the troops. To now reinforce
Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter, was
impossible, rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions at the
latter named fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture the
Government had a few days before commenced preparing an expedition,
as well adapted as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which
expedition was intended to be ultimately used or not, according
to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was
now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward as had been
intended. In this contingency it was also resolved to notify the
Governor of South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would
be made to provision the fort, and that if the attempt should not
be resisted there would be no attempt to throw in men, arms or
ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon
the fort. This notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort
was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the
arrival of the provisioning expedition.
“It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort
Sumter, was in no sense, a matter of self-defense on the part of
the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort could
by no possibility commit aggression upon them; they knew they were
expressly notified that the giving of bread to the few brave and
hungry men of the garrison was all which would, on that occasion,
be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting so much, should
provoke more. They knew that this Government desired to keep the
garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain
visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from actual and
immediate dissolution; trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to time,
discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment, and they
assailed and reduced the fort, for precisely the reverse object,
to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus
force it to immediate dissolution; that this was their object the
Executive well understood, having said to them in the Inaugural
Address, ‘You can have no conflict without being yourselves the
aggressors.’ He took pains not only to keep this declaration
good, but also to keep the case so far from ingenious sophistry
as that the world should not misunderstand it. By the affair at
Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was
reached. Then and thereby the assailants of the Government began
the conflict of arms--without a gun in sight, or in expectancy,
to return their fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that
harbor years before, for their own protection, and still ready
to give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act,
discarding all else, they have forced upon the country the distinct
issue, immediate dissolution or blood, and this issue embraces more
than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole
family of man the question whether a Constitutional Republic or
Democracy, a Government of the people, by the same people, can or
can not maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic
foes. It presents the question whether discontented individuals,
too few in numbers to control the Administration according to
the organic law in any case, can always, upon the pretenses made
in this case, or any other pretenses, or arbitrarily without any
pretense, break up their Government, and thus practically put an
end to free government upon the earth. It forces us to ask, ‘Is
there in all republics this inherent and fatal weakness?’ ‘Must
a Government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its
own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?’ So viewing
the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power of the
Government, and so to resist the force employed for its destruction
by force for its preservation. The call was made, and the response
of the country was most gratifying, surpassing, in unanimity and
spirit, the most sanguine expectation. Yet none of the States,
commonly called Slave States, except Delaware, gave a regiment
through the regular State organization. A few regiments have
been organized within some others of those States by individual
enterprise, and received into the Government service. Of course
the seceded States so called, and to which Texas had been joined
about the time of the inauguration, gave no troops to the cause of
the Union. The Border States, so called, were not uniform in their
action, some of them being almost for the Union, while in others,
as in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, the Union
sentiment was nearly repressed and silenced. The course taken in
Virginia was the most remarkable, perhaps the most important. A
Convention, elected by the people of that State to consider this
very question of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at
the capitol of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell.
“To this body the people had chosen a large majority of professed
Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter many members
of that majority went over to the original disunion minority, and
with them adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the
Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great approval
of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the
Government’s resistance to that assault, is not definitely known.
Although they submitted the ordinance for ratification to a vote of
the people, to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month
distant, the Convention, and the Legislature, which was also in
session at the same time and place, with leading men of the State,
not members of either, immediately commenced acting as if the State
was already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations
vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United
States Armory at Harper’s Ferry, and the Navy Yard at Gosport,
near Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited into their State,
large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the
so-called seceded States.
“They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance with the
so-called Confederate States, and sent members to their Congress
at Montgomery, and finally they permitted the insurrectionary
Government to be transferred to their capitol at Richmond. The
people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to
make its nest within her borders, and this Government has no
choice left but to deal with it where it finds it, and it has the
less to regret as the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed
its protection. Those loyal citizens this Government is bound to
recognize and protect as being in Virginia. In the Border States,
so called, in fact the Middle States, there are those who favor
a policy which they call armed neutrality, that is, an arming of
those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way or the
disunion forces the other, over their soil. This would be disunion
completed. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an
impassable wall along the line of separation, and yet not quite an
impassable one, for under the guise of neutrality it would tie the
hands of the Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them,
to the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At
a stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession,
except only what proceeds from the external blockade. It would do
for the disunionists that which of all things they most desire,
feed them well, and give them disunion, without a struggle of their
own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation
to maintain the Union, and while very many who have favored it are
doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injurious in
effect.
“Recurring to the action of the Government, it may be stated that
at first a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia, and
rapidly following this, a proclamation was issued for closing the
ports of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature
of a blockade. So far all was believed to be strictly legal.
“At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose to
enter upon the practice of privateering.
“Other calls were made for volunteers, to serve three years, unless
sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular
army and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were
ventured upon under what appeared to be a popular demand and a
public necessity, trusting then, as now, that Congress would ratify
them.
“It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the
constitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the first call
for militia it was considered a duty to authorize the commanding
general, in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus; or, in other words,
to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes
and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to
the public safety. This authority has purposely been exercised,
but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of
what has been done under it are questioned, and the attention of
the country has been called to the proposition, that one who is
sworn to take care that the laws be faithfully executed should not
himself violate them. Of course some consideration was given to
the questions of power and propriety before this matter was acted
upon. The whole of the laws, which were required to be faithfully
executed, were being resisted, and failing of execution in nearly
one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of
execution, even had it been perfectly clear that, by use of the
means necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such
extreme tenderness of the citizen’s liberty that practically it
relieves more of the guilty than the innocent, should, to a very
great extent, be violated? To state the question more directly, are
all the laws but one to go unexecuted, and the Government itself
to go to pieces, lest that one be violated? Even in such a case
would not the official oath be broken, if the Government should be
overthrown when it was believed that disregarding the single law
would tend to preserve it?
“But it was not believed that this question was presented. It was
not believed that any law was violated. The provision of the
Constitution, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus
shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or
invasion, the public safety may require it, is equivalent to a
provision that such privilege may be suspended when, in cases of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It was
decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public
safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of
the writ, which was authorized to be made. Now, it is insisted
that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with this power.
But the Constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to
exercise the power; and as the provision was plainly made for a
dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed that the framers of the
instrument intended that in every case the danger should run its
course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling
of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case by the
rebellion. No more extended argument is now afforded, as an opinion
at some length will probably be presented by the Attorney-General.
Whether there shall be any legislation on the subject, and if so,
what, is subject entirely to the better judgment of Congress.
The forbearance of this Government had been so extraordinary,
and so long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape
their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our
National Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the
Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty
and rights of the United States are now everywhere practically
respected by foreign powers, and a general sympathy with the
country is manifested throughout the world.
“The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the
Navy, will give the information, in detail, deemed necessary and
convenient for your deliberation and action, while the Executive
and all the Departments will stand ready to supply omissions or to
communicate new facts considered important for you to know.
“It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making
this contest a short and decisive one; that you place at the
control of the Government for the work, at least 400,000 men and
$400,000,000; that number of men is about one-tenth of those of
proper ages within the regions where apparently all are willing to
engage, and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money
value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt
of $600,000,000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our
Revolution when we came out of that struggle, and the money value
in the country bears even a greater proportion to what it was then
than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive
now to preserve our liberties, as each had then to establish them.
“A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than
ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us
from the country, leaves no doubt that the material for the work
is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of legislation to
give it legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it
practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities
of the Government is to avoid receiving troops faster than it
can provide for them; in a word, the people will save their
Government if the Government will do its part only indifferently
well. It might seem at first thought to be of little difference
whether the present movement at the South be called secession or
rebellion. The movers, however, well understand the difference. At
the beginning they knew that they could never raise their treason
to any respectable magnitude by any name which implies violation
of law; they knew their people possessed as much of moral sense,
as much of devotion to law and order, and as much pride in its
reverence for the history and government of their common country,
as any other civilized and patriotic people. They knew they could
make no advancement directly in the teeth of these strong and noble
sentiments. Accordingly they commenced by an insidious debauching
of the public mind; they invented an ingenious sophism, which, if
conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps through all the
incidents of the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism
itself is that any State of the Union may, consistently with the
nation’s Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peacefully,
withdraw from the Union without the consent of the Union or of any
other State.
“The little disguise that the supposed right, is to be exercised
only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of its
justice, is too thin to merit any notice with rebellion. Thus
sugar-coated, they have been drugging the public mind of their
section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have
brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against
the Government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted
the farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who
could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This
sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its currency, from the
assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy
pertaining to a State, to each State of our Federal Union. Our
States have neither more nor less power than that reserved to
them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of them ever having
been a State out of the Union. The original ones passed into the
Union before they cast off their British Colonial dependence,
and the new ones came into the Union directly from a condition
of dependence, excepting Texas, and even Texas, in its temporary
independence, was never designated as a State. The new ones
only took the designation of States on coming into the Union,
while that name was first adopted for the old ones in and by the
Declaration of Independence. Therein the United Colonies were
declared to be _free_ and _independent_ States. But even then
the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one
another of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual
pledge and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterward,
abundantly show. The express plight of faith by each and all of
the original thirteen States in the Articles of Confederation two
years later that the Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive.
Having never been States either in substance or in name outside
of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of State rights,
asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself?
Much is said about the sovereignty of the States, but the word
even is not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed,
in any of the State constitutions. What is sovereignty in the
political sense of the word? Would it be far wrong to define it a
political community without a political superior? Tested by this,
no one of our States, except Texas, was a sovereignty, and even
Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union, by which
act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United States; and
the laws and treaties of the United States, made in pursuance
of States, have their status in the Union, made in pursuance of
the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law. The States have
their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status.
If they break from this, they can only do so against law and by
revolution. The Union and not themselves, separately procured
their independence and their liberty by conquest or purchase. The
Union gave each of them whatever of independence and liberty it
has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it
created them as States. Originally, some dependent Colonies made
the Union, and in turn the Union threw off their old dependence for
them, and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever
had a State constitution independent of the Union. Of course it is
not forgotten that all the new States formed their constitutions
before they entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, and
preparatory to coming into the Union. Unquestionably the States
have the powers and rights reserved to them in and by the National
Constitution.
“But among these surely are not included all conceivable powers,
however mischievous or destructive, but at most such only as
were known in the world at the time as governmental powers, and
certainly a power to destroy the Government itself had never
been known as a governmental, as a merely administrative power.
This relative matter of National power and State rights as a
principle, is no other than the principle of generality and
locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be conferred on the
whole General Government, while whatever concerns only the State
should be left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of
original principle about it. Whether the National Constitution,
in defining boundaries between the two, has applied the principle
with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are all bound
by that defining without question. What is now combatted is the
position that secession is consistent with the Constitution, is
lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express
law for it, and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads
to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased with money
the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is
it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding?
The nation paid very large sums in the aggregate, I believe nearly
a hundred millions, to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes.
Is it just that she shall now be off without consent, or without
any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the
benefit of these so-called seceding States, in common with the
rest. Is it just, either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the
remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present National debt
was contracted to pay the old debt of Texas. Is it just that she
shall leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State
may secede, so may another, and when all shall have seceded none
is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors? Did
we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their
money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders
to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others
choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they will promise
to remain. The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of
secession. They have assumed to make a National Constitution of
their own, in which, of necessity, they have either discarded or
retained the right of secession, as they insist exists in ours. If
they have discarded it, they thereby admit that on principle it
ought not to exist in ours; if they have retained it, by their own
construction of ours that shows that to be consistent, they must
secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way
of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust
object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon
which no Government can possibly endure. If all the States save one
should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is
presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would at once deny
the power, and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State
rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being
called driving the one out, should be called the seceding of the
others from that one, it would be exactly what the seceders claim
to do, unless, indeed, they made the point that the one, because
it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they
are a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are
subtle, and profound in the rights of minorities. They are not
partial to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks
from the preamble, calling itself, ‘We, the people.’ It may be
well questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the legally
qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in
favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union
men are the majority in many, if not in every one of the so-called
seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any
one of them. It is ventured to affirm this, even of Virginia and
Tennessee, for the result of an election held in military camps,
where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon,
can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At
such an election all that large class who are at once for the Union
and against coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. It
may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions
we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of
our whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now
have a striking and impressive illustration. So large an army as
the Government has now on foot was never before known, without a
soldier in it but who has taken his place there of his own free
choice. But more than this, there are many single regiments whose
members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all
the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful
or elegant, is known in the whole world, and there is scarcely one
from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a
Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer
the Government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the
army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this contest. But
it is so much better the reason why the Government which has
conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken
up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a Government,
would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that
he does it. What better he is likely to get in its stead, whether
the substitute will give, or be intended to give so much of good
to the people. There are some foreshadowings on this subject.
Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence
in which, unlike our good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit
the words, ‘all men are created equal.’ Why? They have adopted a
temporary National Constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike
our good old one signed by Washington, they omit, ‘We, the people,’
and substitute, ‘We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent
States.’ Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights
of men and the authority of the people? This is essentially a
people’s contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for
maintaining in the world that form and substance of Government
whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift
artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of
laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a
fair chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary
departures from necessity. This is the leading object of the
Government for whose existence we contend.
“I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and
appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the
Government’s hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army
and navy who have been favored with the offices, have resigned
and proved false to the hand which pampered them, not one common
soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. Great
honor is due to those officers who remained true despite the
example of their treacherous associates, but the greatest honor
and the most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness
of the common soldiers and common sailors. To the last man, so
far as known, they have successfully resisted the traitorous
efforts of those whose commands but an hour before they obeyed as
absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of plain people. They
understand without an argument that the destroying the Government
which was made by Washington means no good to them. Our popular
Government has often been called an experiment. Two points in
it our people have settled: the successful establishing and the
successful administering of it. One still remains. Its successful
maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow
it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those
who can fairly carry an election, can also suppress a rebellion;
that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets,
and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided,
there can be no successful appeal except to ballots themselves
at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace,
teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can
they take by a war, teaching all the folly of being the beginners
of a war.
“Lest there should be some uneasiness in the minds of candid
men as to what is to be the course of the Government toward the
Southern States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed,
the Executive deems it proper to say it will be his purpose then,
as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the laws, and that
he probably will have no different understanding of the powers
and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights
of the United States and the people under the Constitution than
that expressed in the Inaugural Address. He desires to preserve
the Government that it may be administered for all, as it was
administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have
a right to claim this of their Government, and the Government has
no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in
giving it there is any coercion, conquest or subjugation in any
sense of these terms.
“The Constitution provided, and all the States have accepted the
provision, ‘that the United States shall guarantee to every State
in this Union a Republican form of government,’ but if a State
may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also
discard the Republican form of Government. So that to prevent its
going out is an indispensable means to the end of maintaining the
guaranty mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the
indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory.
“It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty
of employing the war power. In defence of the Government forced
upon him, he could but perform this duty or surrender the existence
of the Government. No compromise by public servants could in this
case be a cure, not that compromises are not often proper, but
that no popular government can long survive a marked precedent,
that those who carry an election can only save the Government
from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which
the people gave the election. The people themselves and not their
servants can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.
“As a private citizen the Executive could not have consented that
these institutions shall perish, much less could he, in betrayal
of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided
to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to
count the chances of his own life in what might follow.
“In full view of his great responsibility, he has so far done
what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own
judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and
your actions may so accord with his as to assure all faithful
citizens who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain and
speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution and laws; and
having thus chosen our cause without guile, and with pure purpose,
let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with
manly hearts.
“July 4, 1861. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
This document, it will be observed, sets forth in temperate language
the facts bearing upon the rebellion in its then stage--facts so stated
that the common people could readily comprehend the exact situation of
affairs. Such a message, always in place, was never more needed than at
a juncture when--as seemed not altogether impossible to many--an appeal
might yet have to be made again and again to the great mass of the
people for men and money to maintain the unity of the nation. It may
be safely asserted, that the messages of none of our Presidents have
been so generally read and so thoroughly mastered by the average mind,
as those of Mr. Lincoln, himself the tribune of the people.
Congress granted five hundred millions in money, and directed a call
for five hundred thousand volunteers for the army; made provisions
for a popular national loan; revised the tariff; passed a direct tax
bill; adopted measures, moderate in their scope, for the confiscation
of rebel property; legalized the official acts of the President during
the emergency in which the country had been placed; and the House
of Representatives, with but two dissentients, passed the following
resolution:
“_Resolved, By the House of Representatives of the Congress of the
United States_, That the present deplorable civil war has been
forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States,
now in revolt against the Constitutional Government, and in arms
around the capital; that in this national emergency Congress,
banishing all feeling of mere passion or resentment, will recollect
only its duty to the whole country; that this war is not waged
on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of
conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of authorizing or interfering
with the rights or established institutions of the States, but
to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to
preserve the Union, with all the dignities, equality, and rights of
the several States unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects
are accomplished the war ought to cease.”
On the 21st of July, the Army of the Union, under the direct command
of General McDowell, and the general supervision of the veteran
Scott--from whose onward movement against the rebels in Virginia
so much had been expected--met with a serious reverse at Bull Run.
They went forth, exulting in victory as certain; they came back a
panic-stricken mob. For an instant, despondency took possession of
every loyal heart; all manner of vague fears seized the people;
Washington would be captured; the cause was lost.
It was but for an instant, however. The rebound came. Washington which
might easily have been captured and sacked, had the rebels known how to
improve their success, was securely fortified and amply garrisoned. One
did not then comprehend what now the most concede--that Bull Run was a
necessary discipline--a school in which all learned somewhat--though,
unfortunately, not all of us as much as we should. That came later.
CHAPTER IX.
CLOSE OF 1861.
Elation of the Rebels--Davis’s boast--McClellan appointed
Commander of Potomac Army--Proclamation of a National Fast--
Intercourse with rebels forbidden--Fugitive slaves--Gen. Butler’s
views--Gen. McClellan’s letter from Secretary Cameron--Act of
August 6th, 1861--Gen. Fremont’s order--Letter of the President
modifying the same--Instructions to Gen. Sherman--Ball’s Bluff--
Gen. Scott’s retirement--Army of the Potomac.
The victory of the conspirators at Bull Run, as was to have been
expected, elated them no little. Their President in his message was
supercilious and confident. Lauding the prowess and determination of
his confederates, he said:
“To speak of subjugating such a people, so united and determined, is
to speak in a language incomprehensible to them: to resist attack on
their rights or their liberties is with them an instinct. Whether this
war shall last one, or three, or five years, is a problem they leave
to be solved by the enemy alone. It will last till the enemy shall
have withdrawn from their borders; till their political rights, their
altars, and their homes are freed from invasion. Then, and then only,
will they rest from this struggle to enjoy in peace, the blessings
which, with the favor of Providence, they have secured by the aid of
their own strong hearts and steady arms.”
On the 25th of July, a new commander was assigned to the Army of
the Potomac, upon the warm recommendation of Gen. Scott; George B.
McClellan, who had already become favorably known from his conducting
a successful campaign in Western Virginia. With the extravagance so
characteristic of the American people, this commander--whose laurels
were yet to be won--was hailed as a young Napoleon, lauded to the
skies, and failure under him regarded as an utter impossibility.
And the General betook himself to the organizing, disciplining, and
supplying his army, to which large accessions were continually making
from week to week.
On the 12th day of August was issued the following proclamation:
“WHEREAS, A joint committee of both Houses of Congress has waited
on the President of the United States, and requested him to
‘recommend a day of public humiliation, prayer, and fasting, to
be observed by the people of the United States with religious
solemnities, and the offering of fervent supplications to Almighty
God for the safety and welfare of these States, His blessings on
their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace.’
“AND WHEREAS, It is fit and becoming in all people, at all times,
to acknowledge and revere the Supreme Government of God; to bow
in humble submission to his chastisements; to confess and deplore
their sins and transgressions, in the full conviction that the
fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and to pray, with all
fervency and contrition, for the pardon of their past offences, and
for a blessing upon their present and prospective action.
“AND WHEREAS, When our own beloved country, once, by the blessing
of God, united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted with faction
and civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize the hand
of God in this terrible visitation, and, in sorrowful remembrance
of our own faults and crimes as a nation, and as individuals, to
humble ourselves before Him, and to pray for His mercy--to pray
that we may be spared further punishment, though most justly
deserved; that our arms may be blessed and made effectual for the
re-establishment of law, order, and peace throughout the wide
extent of our country; and that the inestimable boon of civil and
religious liberty, earned under His guidance and blessing by the
labors and sufferings of our fathers, may be restored in all its
original excellence;
“_Therefore, I_, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
do appoint the last Thursday in September next as a day of
humiliation, prayer, and fasting for all the people of the nation.
And I do earnestly recommend to all the people, and especially to
all ministers and teachers of religion, of all denominations, and
to all heads of families, to observe and keep that day, according
to their several creeds and modes of worship, in all humility, and
with all religious solemnity, to the end that the united prayer
of the nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace, and bring down
plentiful blessings upon our country.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed, this 12th day of August,
A. D. 1861, and of the Independence of the United States of America
the eighty-sixth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
And four days later the following:
“WHEREAS, On the 15th day of April, the President of the United
States, in view of an insurrection against the laws, Constitution,
and Government of the United States, which had broken out
within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida,
Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the
provisions of an act entitled an act to provide for calling
forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress
insurrections and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in
force for that purpose, approved February 28th, 1795, did call
forth the militia to suppress said insurrection and cause the laws
of the Union to be duly executed--and the insurgents have failed
to disperse by the time directed by the President; AND WHEREAS,
such insurrection has since broken out and yet exists within the
States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; AND
WHEREAS, the insurgents in all the said States claim to act under
authority thereof, and such claim is not discarded or repudiated by
the persons exercising the functions of government in such State or
States, or in the part or parts thereof, in which such combinations
exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by said States.
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, in pursuance of the Act of Congress approved July 13th,
1861, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States
of Georgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas,
Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida, except the inhabitants of
that part of the State of Virginia lying west of the Allegheny
Mountains, and of such other parts of that State and the other
States hereinbefore named as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the
Union and the Constitution, or may be, from time to time occupied
and controlled by the forces of the United States engaged in the
dispersion of said insurgents, are in a state of insurrection
against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse
between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exception
aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and other parts of the
United States, is unlawful, and will remain unlawful until such
insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods
and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of the said
States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the
United States, without the special license and permission of the
President, through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding
to any of the said States, with the exception aforesaid, by land
or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same,
or conveying persons to and from the said States, with the said
exceptions, will be forfeited to the United States; and that, from
and after fifteen days from the issuing of this proclamation, all
ships and vessels belonging, in whole or in part, to any citizen
or inhabitant of any of the said States, with the said exceptions,
found at sea in any part of the United States, will be forfeited to
the United States; and I hereby enjoin upon all District Attorneys,
Marshals, and officers of the revenue of the military and naval
forces of the United States, to be vigilant in the execution of the
said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures
imposed or declared by it, leaving any party who may think himself
aggrieved thereby, to his application to the Secretary of the
Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the
said Secretary is authorized by law to grant, if in his judgment,
the special circumstances of any case shall require such a
remission.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done in the City of Washington, this, the 16th day of August, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one,
and of the Independence of the United States of America the
eighty-sixth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
The question as to the disposition to be made of the slaves of
rebel masters presented itself early in the contest, and it was at
once perceived that its settlement would be attended with no little
embarrassment.
As early as May 27th, 1861, General Butler, in command at Fortress
Monroe, had informed the War Department as to his views relative to
the fugitive slaves--that they were to be regarded as “contraband of
war”--and Secretary Cameron, under date of May 30th, had instructed
that commander neither to permit any interference by persons under
his command with the relations of persons held to service under the
laws of any State; nor, on the other hand, while such States remained
in rebellion, to surrender such persons to their alleged masters, but
to employ them in such service as would be most advantageous, keeping
an account of the value of their labor and the expenses of their
support--the question of their final disposition to be reserved for
future determination.
At about the same time, General McClellan, advancing into Western
Virginia to the aid of the loyal men of that section, used this
language in his address to the people:
“Notwithstanding all that has been said by the traitors to induce
you to believe that our advent among you will be signalized by
interference with your slaves, understand one thing clearly--not
only will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on
the contrary, with an iron hand, crush any attempt at insurrection
on their part.”
On the 8th of August, Secretary Cameron, in reply to a second letter
from General Butler upon the same subject, said:
“GENERAL:--The important question of the proper disposition to
be made of fugitives from service in the States in insurrection
against the Federal Government, to which you have again directed
my attention, in your letter of July 20th, has received my most
attentive consideration. It is the desire of the President that
all existing rights in all the States be fully respected and
maintained. The war now prosecuted on the part of the Federal
Government is a war for the Union, for the preservation of all the
Constitutional rights of the States and the citizens of the States
in the Union; hence no question can arise as to fugitives from
service within the States and Territories in which the authority
of the Union is fully acknowledged. The ordinary forms of judicial
proceedings must be respected by the military and civil authorities
alike for the enforcement of legal forms. But in the States wholly
or in part under insurrectionary control, where the laws of the
United States are so far opposed and resisted that they can not
be effectually enforced, it is obvious that the rights dependent
upon the execution of these laws must temporarily fail, and it is
equally obvious that the rights dependent on the laws of the States
within which military operations are conducted must necessarily be
subordinate to the military exigencies created by the insurrection,
if not wholly forfeited by the treasonable conduct of the parties
claiming them. To this the general rule of the right to service
forms an exception. The act of Congress approved August 6, 1861,
declares that if persons held to service shall be employed in
hostility to the United States, the right to their services shall
be discharged therefrom. It follows of necessity that no claim
can be recognized by the military authority of the Union to the
services of such persons when fugitives.
“A more difficult question is presented in respect to persons
escaping from the service of loyal masters. It is quite apparent
that the laws of the State under which only the service of such
fugitives can be claimed must needs be wholly or almost wholly
superseded, as to the remedies, by the insurrection and the
military measures necessitated by it; and it is equally apparent
that the substitution of military for judicial measures for the
enforcement of such claims must be attended by great inconvenience,
embarrassments and injuries. Under these circumstances, it seems
quite clear that the substantial rights of loyal masters are still
best protected by receiving such fugitives, as well as fugitives
from disloyal masters, into the service of the United States, and
employing them under such organizations and in such occupations as
circumstances may suggest or require. Of course a record should
be kept showing the names and descriptions of the fugitives, the
names and characters, as loyal or disloyal, of their masters, and
such facts as may be necessary to a correct understanding of the
circumstances of each case.
“After tranquility shall have been restored upon the return of
peace, Congress will doubtless properly provide for all the persons
thus received into the service of the Union, and for a just
compensation to loyal masters. In this way only, it would seem,
can the duty and safety of the Government and just rights of all
be fully reconciled and harmonized. You will, therefore, consider
yourself instructed to govern your future action in respect to
fugitives from service by the premises herein stated, and will
report from time to time, and at least twice in each month, your
action in the premises to this Department. You will, however,
neither authorize nor permit any interference by the troops under
your command with the servants of peaceable citizens in a house or
field, nor will you in any manner encourage such citizens to leave
the lawful service of their masters, nor will you, except in cases
where the public good may seem to require it, prevent the voluntary
return of any fugitive to the service from which he may have
escaped.”
The Act of Congress to which allusion has already been made, as
providing for the confiscation of the estates of persons in open
rebellion against the Government, limited the penalty to property
actually employed in the service of the rebellion, with the knowledge
and consent of its owners; and, instead of emancipating slaves thus
employed, left the disposition to be made of them to be determined by
the United States Courts, or by subsequent legislation.
General Fremont, in command of the Department of Missouri, in an order
dated August 30th, declaring martial law established throughout that
State, used the following language:
“Real and personal property of those who shall take up arms
against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have
taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared
confiscated to public use, and their slaves if any they have, are
hereby declared free men.”
This order violated the above-named act, and could only be justified
upon the ground of imperative military necessity. Some correspondence
which passed between the President and General Fremont upon this topic,
resulted in the following official letter, dated Washington, D. C.,
Sept. 11, 1861:
“MAJOR GENERAL JOHN C. FREMONT:--
“SIR,--Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d inst., is just
received. Assured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of
the necessities of your position than I could at this distance,
on seeing your proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general
objection to it; the particular clause however, in relation to the
confiscation of property and the liberation of slaves, appeared to
me to be objectionable in its non-conformity to the Act of Congress
passed the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects, and hence I
wrote you, expressing my wish that that clause should be modified
accordingly. Your answer just received expresses the preference on
your part that I should make an open order for the modification,
which I very cheerfully do. It is, therefore, ordered that the said
clause of the said proclamation be so modified, held and construed,
as to conform with, and not to transcend the provisions on the
same subject contained in the Act of Congress entitled ‘An Act to
confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes,’ approved
August 6, 1861, and that said Act be published at length with this
order.
“Your obedient servant,
“A. LINCOLN.”
In the instructions from the War Department to General Sherman, in
command of the land forces destined to operate on the South Carolina
coast, that commander was directed to govern himself relative to
this class of persons, by the principles of the letters addressed to
General Butler, exercising, however, his own discretion as to special
cases. If particular circumstances seemed to require it, they were
to be employed in any capacity, with such organization in squads,
companies, or otherwise, as should be by him deemed most beneficial to
the service. This, however, not to mean a general arming of them for
military service. All loyal masters were to be assured that Congress
would provide just compensation to them for any loss of the services of
persons so employed.
This phase--varying and indefinite--at that time did that question
present, which was at a later period to take, under the moulding hand
of the President, body and form clearly defined and unmistakable.
The battle of Ball’s Bluff--the first under the direction of the
new commander on the Potomac--fought October 21st was but Bull Run
repeated; happily, however, on a somewhat smaller scale. A convenient
scapegoat upon whom to throw the responsibility--General Stone--was
found, and the indignation of the country was measurably, and for the
time, appeased.
Directly after this affair, the veteran Scott having asked to be
relieved from active service, his request was granted in the following
highly complimentary order:
“_Executive Mansion, Washington_, Nov. 1, 1861.
“On the 1st day of November, A. D., 1861, upon his own application
to the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General
Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon
the list of retired officers of the Army of the United States,
without reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances.
“The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that
General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army,
while the President and the unanimous Cabinet express their own
and the nation’s sympathy in his personal affliction, and their
profound sense of the important public services rendered by him
to his country during his long and brilliant career, among which
will ever be gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to
the Constitution, the Union, and the flag, when assailed by a
parricidal rebellion.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
To General McClellan, now the ranking officer of the army, the duties
of General-in-chief were assigned by the President.
The autumnal months passed away--gorgeous and golden--men thought them
made for fighting, if fighting must be; but no fighting for the Army of
the Potomac--an occasional skirmish only--mainly reviews.
The winter months came--the dry season had passed. The Grand Army
being now thoroughly organized, disciplined, and equipped went--to
fight?--no--into winter quarters.
And the people, patient ever and forgiving, when inclination impels,
forgot Ball’s Bluff--forgot what they had hoped for--trusted in
the prudent caution of the general in command, and waited for the
springtide.
CHAPTER X.
THE CONGRESS OF 1861-2.
The Military Situation--Seizure of Mason and Slidell--Opposition
to the Administration--President’s Message--Financial
Legislation--Committee on the Conduct of the War--Confiscation
Bill.
At the time of the re-assembling of Congress, December 2d, 1861,
the military situation was by no means as promising as the liberal
expenditure of money and the earnest efforts of the Administration
toward a vigorous prosecution of the war might have led the people to
expect. True, the National Capitol had been protected, and Maryland,
West Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri had not, as had been at various
times threatened, been brought in subjection to the rebels. Nothing
more, however--though this would have been judged no little, had the
people been less sanguine of great results immediately at hand--than
this had been accomplished in the East; and in the West, large rebel
forces threatened Kentucky and Missouri, and the Mississippi river was
in their possession from its mouth to within a short distance of the
mouth of the Ohio.
The seizure of the emissaries, Mason and Slidell likewise--though
afterwards disposed of by the Government in such a way as to secure
the acquiescence of the nation--taken in connection with the position
assumed by the British Government--in every way unpalatable to the mass
of the people--seemed likely to entangle us in foreign complications
exceedingly undesirable at that juncture. It was generally believed
that England and France, while neutral on the surface, were in reality
affording very material aid and comfort to the rebel cause, our
commercial interests being very seriously impaired by the construction
which those powers saw fit to place upon their duties as neutrals.
Efforts, moreover, were making to organize a formidable party in
antagonism to the Administration, comprising the loose ends of every
class of malcontents; those who had always opposed the war, though for
a time cowed down by the outburst which followed the fall of Sumter;
those who were satisfied that no more progress had been made; those
who were inclined, constitutionally, to oppose any thing which any
Administration, under any circumstances, might do; those who were
beginning to tire of the war, and were ready to patch matters up in any
way, so only that it should come to an end; and those who were on the
alert for some chance whereby to make capital, political or pecuniary,
for their own dear selves.
As a whole, affairs were by no means a cheering aspect at the opening
of this Session.
That the President was fully alive to the true state of the case, the
views announced in the following message clearly show:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--In
the midst of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of
great gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant
harvests.
“You will not be surprised to learn that, in the peculiar exigences
of the times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been
attended with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own
domestic affairs.
“A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole
year, been engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Union.
A nation which endures factious domestic division, is exposed to
disrespect abroad; and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or
later, to invoke foreign intervention.
“Nations thus tempted to interfere, are not always able to resist
the counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition,
although measures adopted under such influences seldom fail to be
unfortunate and injurious to those adopting them.
“The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the
ruin of our country, in return for the aid and comfort which they
have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement
than they probably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the
insurgents have seemed to assume, that foreign nations, in this
case, discarding all moral, social and treaty obligations, would
act solely, and selfishly, for the most speedy restoration of
commerce, including, especially, the acquisition of cotton, those
nations appear, as yet, not to have seen their way to their objects
more directly, or clearly, through the destruction than through
the preservation of the Union. If we could dare to believe that
foreign nations are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am
quite sure a sound argument could be made to show them that they
can reach their aim more readily and easily by aiding to crush this
rebellion than by giving encouragement to it.
“The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting
foreign nations to hostility against us, as already intimated,
is the embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not
improbably, saw from the first, that it was the Union which made,
as well our foreign, as our domestic commerce. They can scarcely
have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion produces
the existing difficulty; and that one strong nation promises
more durable peace, and a more extensive, valuable and reliable
commerce, than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.
“It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign
States; because whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the
integrity of our country and the stability of our Government mainly
depend, not upon them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism and
intelligence of the American people. The correspondence itself,
with the usual reservations, is herewith submitted.
“I venture to hope it will appear that we have practiced prudence
and liberality toward foreign powers, averting causes of
irritation, and with firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.
“Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other
State, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic difficulties,
I recommend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for
maintaining the public defences on every side. While, under this
general recommendation, provision for defending our sea-coast line
readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same connection, ask the
attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is believed
that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with
harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points
upon these, would be of great importance to the National defence
and preservation. I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of
War, expressed in his report, upon the same general subject.
“I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessee
and Western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky,
and other faithful parts of the Union, by railroad. I therefore
recommend, as a military measure, that Congress provide for the
construction of such road as speedily as possible. Kentucky, no
doubt, will co-operate, and, through her Legislature, make the most
judicious selection of a line. The northern terminus must connect
with some existing railroad; and whether the route shall be from
Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon
to the Tennessee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some
still different line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the
General Government coöperating, the work can be completed in a very
short time; and when done, it will be not only of vast present
usefulness, but also a valuable permanent improvement, worth its
cost in all the future.
“Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and
having no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and
will be submitted to the Senate for their consideration.
“Although we have failed to induce some of the commercial powers
to adopt a desirable amelioration of the rigor of maritime war, we
have removed all obstructions from the way of this humane reform,
except such as are merely of temporary and accidental occurrence.
“I invite your attention to the correspondence between Her
Britannic Majesty’s Minister, accredited to this Government, and
the Secretary of State, relative to the detention of the British
ship Perthshire, in June last, by the United States steamer
Massachusetts, for a supposed breach of the blockade. As this
detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehension of the
facts, and as justice requires that we should commit no belligerent
act not founded in strict right, as sanctioned by public law, I
recommend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable
demand of the owners of the vessel for her detention.
“I repeat the recommendation of my predecessor, in his annual
message to Congress in December last, in regard to the disposition
of the surplus which will probably remain after satisfying the
claims of the American citizens against China, pursuant to the
awards of the commissioners under the act of the 3d of March,
1859. If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to carry that
recommendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be given
for investing the principal, over the proceeds of the surplus
referred to, in good securities, with a view to the satisfaction
of such other just claims of our citizens against China as are not
unlikely to arise hereafter in the course of our extensive trade
with that empire.
“By the act of the 5th of August last, Congress authorized the
President to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend
themselves against and to capture pirates. This authority has
been exercised in a single instance only. For the more effectual
protection of our extensive and valuable commerce, in the Eastern
seas especially, it seems to me that it would also be advisable
to authorize the commanders of sailing vessels to recapture any
prizes which pirates may make of United States vessels and their
cargoes, and the consular courts, now established by law in Eastern
countries, to adjudicate the cases, in the event that this should
not be objected to by the local authorities.
“If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer in
withholding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty
of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling,
however, to inaugurate a novel policy in regard to them without
the approbation of Congress, I submit for your consideration the
expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a charge d’affaires
near each of those new States. It does not admit of doubt that
important commercial advantages might be secured by favorable
treaties with them.
“The operations of the treasury during the period which has elapsed
since your adjournment, have been conducted with signal success.
The patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the
Government the large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much
of the national loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial
classes, whose confidence in their country’s faith, and zeal for
their country’s deliverance from present peril, have induced them
to contribute to the support of the Government the whole of their
limited acquisitions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations to
economy in disbursement, and energy in action.
“The revenue from all sources, including loans, for the financial
year ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was eighty-six million
eight hundred and thirty-five thousand nine hundred dollars and
twenty-seven cents, and the expenditures for the same period,
including payments on account of the public debt, were eighty-four
million five hundred and seventy-eight thousand eight hundred and
thirty-four dollars and forty-seven cents; leaving a balance in
the treasury on the 1st of July of two million two hundred and
fifty-seven thousand sixty-five dollars and eighty cents. For
the first quarter of the financial year, ending on the 30th of
September, 1861, the receipts from all sources, including the
balance of the 1st of July, were one hundred and two million five
hundred and thirty-two thousand five hundred and nine dollars and
twenty-seven cents, and the expenses ninety-eight million two
hundred and thirty-nine thousand seven hundred and thirty-three
dollars and nine cents; leaving a balance on the 1st of October,
1861, of four million two hundred and ninety-two thousand seven
hundred and seventy-six dollars and eighteen cents.
“Estimates for the remaining three-quarters of the year, and for
the financial year 1863, together with his views of ways and means
for meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted
to Congress by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to
know that the expenditures made necessary by the rebellion are not
beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the
same patriotism which has thus far sustained the Government will
continue to sustain it till peace and Union shall again bless the
land.
“I respectfully refer to the report of the Secretary of War for
information respecting the numerical strength of the Army, and for
recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency and
the well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted
to his care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the
people has proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of
troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized
me to call into the field.
“I refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make
allusion to the creditable degree of discipline already attained by
our troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition of the entire
army.
“The recommendation of the Secretary for an organization of the
militia upon a uniform basis is a subject of vital importance to
the future safety of the country, and is commended to the serious
attention of Congress.
“The large addition to the regular army, in connection with the
defection that has so considerably diminished the number of its
officers, gives peculiar importance to his recommendation for
increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity of the
Military Academy.
“By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide
chaplains for hospitals occupied by volunteers. This subject was
brought to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a
letter, one copy of which, properly addressed, has been delivered
to each of the persons, and at the dates respectively named and
stated, in a schedule, containing also the form of the letter,
marked A, and herewith transmitted.
“These gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated,
at the times respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored
faithfully therein ever since. I therefore recommend that they be
compensated at the same rate as chaplains in the army. I further
suggest that general provision be made for chaplains to serve at
hospitals, as well as with regiments.
“The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents in detail the
operations of that branch of the service, the activity and energy
which have characterized its administration, and the results of
measures to increase its efficiency and power. Such have been the
additions, by construction and purchase, that it may almost be
said a navy has been created and brought into service since our
difficulties commenced.
“Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than
ever before assembled under our flag have been put afloat, and
performed deeds which have increased our naval renown.
“I would invite special attention to the recommendation of
the Secretary for a more perfect organization of the Navy by
introducing additional grades in the service.
“The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the
suggestions submitted by the Department will, it is believed, if
adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded to promote harmony, and
increase the efficiency of the Navy.
“There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court--two
by the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by the
resignation of Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making
nominations to fill these vacancies for reasons which I will now
state. Two of the outgoing judges resided within the States now
overrun by revolt; so that if successors were appointed in the
same localities, they could not now serve upon their circuits;
and many of the most competent men there probably would not take
the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the
Supreme Bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments
northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on
the return of peace; although I may remark that to transfer to the
North one which has heretofore been in the South would not, with
reference to territory and population, be unjust.
“During the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean, his
circuit grew into an empire--altogether too large for any one judge
to give the courts therein more than a nominal attendance--rising
in population from one million four hundred and seventy thousand
and eighteen, in 1830, to six million one hundred and fifty-one
thousand four hundred and five, in 1860.
“Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present
judicial system. If uniformity was at all intended, the system
requires that all the States shall be accommodated with circuit
courts, attended by supreme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin,
Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas, California, and Oregon,
have never had any such courts. Nor can this well be remedied
without a change in the system; because the adding of judges to
the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all parts of
the country, with circuit courts, would create a court altogether
too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it
be one, will increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit
courts are useful, or they are not useful; if useful, no State
should be denied them; if not useful, no State should have them.
Let them be provided for all, or abolished as to all.
“Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would
be an improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court
be of convenient number in every event. Then, first, let the
whole country be divided into circuits of convenient size, the
supreme judges to serve in a number of them corresponding to their
own number, and independent circuit judges be provided for all
the rest. Or, secondly, let the supreme judges be relieved from
circuit duties, and circuit judges provided for all the circuits.
Or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving
the judicial functions wholly to the district courts, and an
independent Supreme Court.
“I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the
present condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress
will be able to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences
and evils which constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical
administration of them. Since the organization of the Government,
Congress has enacted some five thousand acts and joint resolutions,
which fill more than six thousand closely printed pages, and are
scattered through many volumes. Many of these acts have been drawn
in haste and without sufficient caution, so that their provisions
are often obscure in themselves, or in conflict with each other, or
at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult for even the
best informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute law
really is.
“It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made
as plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a
compass as may consist with the fulness and precision of the will
of the legislature and the perspicuity of its language. This well
done, would, I think, greatly facilitate the labors of those whose
duty it is to assist in the administration of the laws, and would
be a lasting benefit to the people, by placing before them in a
more accessible and intelligible form, the laws which so deeply
concern their interests and their duties.
“I am informed by some whose opinions I respect, that all the acts
of Congress now in force, and of a permanent and general nature,
might be revised and re-written, so as to be embraced in one volume
(or at most, two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size. And I
respectfully recommend to Congress to consider the subject, and, if
my suggestion be approved, to devise such plan as to their wisdom
shall seem most proper for the attainment of the end proposed.
“One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection,
is the entire suppression, in many places, of all the ordinary
means of administering civil justice by the officers and in the
forms of existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in
all insurgent States; and as our armies advance upon and take
possession of parts of those States the practical evil becomes more
apparent. There are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens of
other States may apply for the enforcement of their lawful claims
against citizens of the insurgent States; and there is a vast
amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have estimated it
as high as two hundred million dollars, due in large part, from
insurgents in open rebellion to loyal citizens, who are even now
making great sacrifices in the discharge of their patriotic duty,
to support the Government.
“Under these circumstances, I have been urgently solicited to
establish by military power, courts to administer summary justice
in such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had
any doubt that the end proposed--the collection of the debts--was
just and right in itself, but because I have been unwilling to go
beyond the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power.
But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the anomalous
occasion, and therefore I refer the whole matter to Congress, with
the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration of
justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories
as may be under the control of this Government, whether by a
voluntary return to allegiance and order, or by the power of our
arms. This, however, not to be a permanent institution, but a
temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary courts
can be re-established in peace.
“It is important that some more convenient means should be
provided, if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the
Government, especially in view of their increased number by
reason of the war. It is as much the duty of Government to render
prompt justice against itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to
administer the same between private individuals. The investigation
and adjudication of claims, in their nature, belong to the judicial
department; besides, it is apparent that the attention of Congress
will be more than usually engaged for some time to come with great
national questions. It was intended, by the organization of the
Court of Claims, mainly to remove this branch of business from
the halls of Congress; but while the court has proved to be an
effective and valuable means of investigation, it in a great degree
fails to effect the object of its creation for want of power to
make its judgments final.
“Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the
subject, I commend to your careful consideration whether this power
of making judgments final may not properly be given to the court,
reserving the right of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme
Court, with such other provisions as experience may have shown to
be necessary.
“I ask attention to the report of the Postmaster General, the
following being a summary statement of the condition of the
department:
“The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June
30th, 1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of seven
hundred thousand dollars for the transportation of ‘free mail
matter,’ was nine million forty-nine thousand two hundred and
ninety-six dollars and forty cents, being about two per cent. less
than the revenue for 1860.
“The expenditures were thirteen million six hundred and six
thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine dollars and eleven cents,
showing a decrease of more than eight per cent. as compared with
those of the previous year, and leaving an excess of expenditure
over the revenue for the last fiscal year of four million five
hundred and fifty-seven thousand four hundred and sixty-two dollars
and seventy-one cents.
“The gross revenue for the year ending June 30th, 1863, is
estimated at an increase of four per cent. on that of 1861, making
eight million six hundred and eighty-three thousand dollars, to
which should be added the earnings of the department in carrying
free matter, viz: seven hundred thousand dollars, making nine
million three hundred and eighty-three thousand dollars.
“The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at twelve million
five hundred and twenty-eight thousand dollars, leaving an
estimated deficiency of three million one hundred and forty-five
thousand dollars to be supplied from the treasury, in addition to
the permanent appropriation.
“The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of
this District across the Potomac river, at the time of establishing
the capital here, was eminently wise, and consequently that the
relinquishment of that portion of it which lies within the State of
Virginia was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your consideration
the expediency of regaining that part of the District, and
the restoration of the original boundaries thereof, through
negotiations with the state of Virginia.
“The report of the Secretary of the Interior, with the accompanying
documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the
public business pertaining to that department. The depressing
influences of the insurrection have been specially felt in the
operations of the Patent and General Land Offices. The cash
receipts from the sales of public lands during the past year have
exceeded the expenses of our land system only about two hundred
thousand dollars. The sales have been entirely suspended in the
Southern States, while the interruptions to the business of the
country, and the diversions of large numbers of men from labor to
military service, have obstructed settlements in the new States and
Territories of the North-west.
“The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months
about one hundred thousand dollars, rendering a large reduction of
the force employed necessary to make it self-sustaining.
“The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by
the insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon
the casualties of the existing war, have already been made. There
is reason to believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls,
and in receipt of the bounty of the Government, are in the ranks of
the insurgent army, or giving them aid and comfort. The Secretary
of the Interior has directed a suspension of the payment of the
pensions of such persons upon the proof of their disloyalty. I
recommend that Congress authorize that officer to cause the names
of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls.
“The relations of the Government with the Indian tribes have been
greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the Southern
Superintendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country
south of Kansas is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and
Arkansas. The agents of the United States appointed since the
4th of March for this superintendency have been unable to reach
their posts, while the most of those who were in office before
that time have espoused the insurrectionary cause, and assume to
exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commissions from the
insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that a
portion of those Indians have been organized as a military force,
and are attached to the army of the insurgents. Although the
Government has no official information upon this subject, letters
have been written to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several
prominent chiefs, giving assurance of their loyalty to the United
States, and expressing a wish for the presence of Federal troops
to protect them. It is believed that upon the repossession of the
country by the Federal forces the Indians will readily cease all
hostile demonstrations, and resume their former relations to the
Government.
“Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has
not a department, nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned
to it in the Government. While it is fortunate that this great
interest is so independent in its nature as to not have demanded
and extorted more from the Government, I respectfully ask Congress
to consider whether something more can not be given voluntarily
with general advantage.
“Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture,
commerce, and manufactures, would present a fund of information of
great practical value to the country. While I make no suggestion
as to details, I venture the opinion that an agricultural and
statistical bureau might profitably be organized.
“The execution of the laws for the suppression of the African
slave-trade has been confided to the Department of the Interior.
It is a subject of gratulation that the efforts which have been
made for the suppression of this inhuman traffic have been recently
attended with unusual success. Five vessels being fitted out for
the slave-trade have been seized and condemned. Two mates of
vessels engaged in the trade, and one person in equipping a vessel
as a slaver, have been convicted and subjected to the penalty of
fine and imprisonment, and one captain, taken with a cargo of
Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest
grade of offence under our laws, the punishment of which is death.
“The Territories of Colorado, Dakota, and Nevada, created by the
last Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has
been inaugurated therein under auspices especially gratifying, when
it is considered that the leaven of treason was found existing in
some of these new countries when the Federal officers arrived there.
“The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the
security and protection afforded by organized government, will
doubtless invite to them a large immigration when peace shall
restore the business of the country to its accustomed channels.
I submit the resolutions of the Legislature of Colorado, which
evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of the Territory. So
far, the authority of the United States has been upheld in all the
Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend
their interests and defence to the enlightened and generous care of
Congress.
“I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the
interests of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been
the cause of much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and
as they have no representative in Congress, that body should not
overlook their just claims upon the Government.
“At your late session a joint resolution was adopted authorizing
the President to take measures for facilitating a proper
representation of the industrial interests of the United States
at the exhibition of the industry of all nations, to be holden
in London in the year 1862. I regret to say I have been unable
to give personal attention to this subject--a subject at once so
interesting in itself, and so extensively and intimately connected
with the material prosperity of the world. Through the Secretaries
of State and of the Interior a plan, or system, has been devised,
and partly matured, and which will be laid before you.
“Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled ‘An act to
confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes,’ approved
August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the labor
and service of certain other persons have become forfeited; and
numbers of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on
the United States, and must be provided for in some way. Besides
this, it is not impossible that some of the States will pass
similar enactments for their own benefit respectively, and by
operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon
them for disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide
for accepting such persons from such States according to some
mode of valuation, in lieu, _pro tanto_, of direct taxes, or upon
some other plan to be agreed on with such States, respectively;
that such persons, on such acceptance by the General Government,
be at once deemed free; and, that, in any event, steps be taken
for colonizing both classes (or the one first mentioned, if the
other shall not be brought into existence) at some place or places
in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider,
too, whether the free colored people already in the United States
could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such
colonization.
“To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring
of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to
be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced the
acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of
constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one with us.
The power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, who, however,
in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his scruples on the plea of
great expediency. If it be said that the only legitimate object
of acquiring territory is to furnish homes for white men, this
measure effects that object, for the emigration of colored men
leaves additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr.
Jefferson, however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana
more on political and commercial grounds than on providing room for
population.
“On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money
with the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount
to absolute necessity--that without which the Government itself
cannot be perpetuated?
“The war continues. In considering the policy to be adopted for
suppressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and careful that
the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate
into a violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have,
therefore, in every case thought it proper to keep the integrity
of the Union prominent as the primary object of the contest on
our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military
importance to the more deliberate action of the legislature.
“In the exercise of my best discretion, I have adhered to the
blockade of the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting
in force, by proclamation, the law of Congress enacted at the late
session for closing those ports.
“So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the
obligations of law, instead of transcending, I have adhered to the
act of Congress to confiscate property used for insurrectionary
purposes. If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed, its
propriety will be duly considered. The Union must be preserved; and
hence all indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in
haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may
reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable.
“The inaugural address at the beginning of the administration,
and the message to Congress at the late special session, were
both mainly devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the
insurrection and consequent war have sprung. Nothing now occurs
to add or subtract to or from the principles or general purposes
stated and expressed in those documents.
“The last ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired
at the assault upon Fort Sumter; and a general review of what
has occurred since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully
uncertain then is much better defined and more distinct now; and
the progress of events is plainly in the right direction. The
insurgents confidently claimed a strong support from north of
Mason and Dixon’s line, and the friends of the Union were not free
from apprehension on the point. This, however, was soon settled
definitely, and on the right side. South of the line, noble little
Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made to _seem_
against the Union. Our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were
burned, and railroads torn up within her limits, and we were many
days, at one time, without the ability to bring a single regiment
over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges and railroads are
repaired and open to the Government; she already gives seven
regiments to the cause of the Union and none to the enemy; and her
people, at a regular election, have sustained the Union by a larger
majority and a larger aggregate vote than they ever before gave
to any candidate or any question. Kentucky, too, for some time in
doubt, is now decidedly, and, I think, unchangeably, ranged on the
side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet, and I believe
can not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three
States of Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, neither of which would
promise a single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not
less than forty thousand in the field for the union; while of their
citizens certainly not more than a third of that number, and they
of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms against
it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closes on
the Union people of Western Virginia, leaving them masters of their
own country.
“An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating
the narrow peninsular region, constituting the counties of Accomac
and Northampton, and known as the eastern shore of Virginia,
together with some contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down
their arms; and the people there have renewed their allegiance to,
and accepted the protection of the old flag. This leaves no armed
insurrectionist north of the Potomac or east of the Chesapeake.
“Also we have obtained a footing at each of the isolated points,
on the southern coast, of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island,
near Savannah, and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general
accounts of popular movements, in behalf of the Union, in North
Carolina and Tennessee.
“These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing
steadily and certainly southward.
“Since your last adjournment, Lieut.-Gen. Scott has retired from
the head of the army. During his long life, the nation has not been
unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully,
ably and brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far
back in our history, when few of the now living had been born, and
thenceforward continually, I can not but think we are still his
debtors. I submit, therefore, for your consideration, what further
mark of recognition is due to him, and to ourselves, as a grateful
people.
“With the retirement of Gen. Scott came the Executive duty of
appointing, in his stead, a General-in-chief of the army. It is
a fortunate circumstance that neither in council nor country
was there, so far as I know, any difference of opinion as to
the proper person to be selected. The retiring chief repeatedly
expressed his judgment in favor of Gen. McClellan for the position,
and in this the nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence.
The designation of Gen. McClellan is, therefore, in considerable
degree, the selection of the country as well as of the Executive;
and hence there is better reason to hope there will be given him
the confidence and cordial support thus, by fair implication,
promised, and without which he can not, with so full efficiency,
serve the country.
“It has been said that one bad General is better than two good
ones; and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an
army is better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by
two superior ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other.
“And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged
_can_ have none but a common end in view, and _can_ differ only as
to the choice of means. In a storm at sea, no one on board _can_
wish the ship to sink, and yet, not unfrequently, all go down
together because too many will direct and no single mind can be
allowed to control.
“It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if
not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular
government--the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of
this is found in the most grave and maturely-considered public
documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In
those documents we find the abridgment of the existing right of
suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate
in the selection of public officers, except the legislative, boldly
advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of
the people in government is the source of all political evil.
Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from
the power of the people.
“In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to
omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning
despotism.
“It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should
be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point,
with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which
I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place _capital_ on
an equal footing with, if not above _labor_, in the structure
of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in
connection with capital--that nobody labors unless somebody else,
owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. This
assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital
shall _hire_ laborers, and thus induce them to work by their
own consent, or _buy_ them, and drive them to it without their
consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that
all laborers are either _hired_ laborers, or what we call slaves.
And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is
fixed in that condition for life.
“Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as
assumed; nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for
life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions
are false, and all inferences from them are groundless.
“Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only
the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not
first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much
the higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as
worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that
there is, and probably always will be, a relation between labor and
capital producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that
the whole labor of community exists within that relation. A few men
own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their
capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority
belong to neither class--neither work for others nor have others
working for them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the
whole people, of all colors, are neither slaves nor masters, while
in the Northern a large majority are neither hirers nor hired.
Men, with their families--wives, sons, and daughters--work for
themselves, on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops,
taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no favors of
capital, on the one hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the
other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons
mingle their own labor with capital--that is, they labor with their
own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them; but this
is only a mixed, and not a distinct class. No principle stated is
disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.
“Again, as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any
such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition
for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few
years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent,
penniless beginner in the world, labors for wages awhile, saves a
surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself, then labors
on his own account another while, and at length hires another
new beginner to help him. This is the just, and generous, and
prosperous system, which opens the way to all--gives hope to all,
and consequent energy, and progress, and improvement of condition
to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those
who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch
aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of
surrendering a political power which they already possess, and
which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of
advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and
burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost.
“From the first taking of our National Census to the last are
seventy years; and we find our population at the end of the period
eight times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of
those other things which men deem desirable has been even greater.
We thus have at one view what the popular principle, applied to
Government through the machinery of the States and the Union, has
produced in a given time, and also what if firmly maintained, it
promises for the future. There are already among us those who, if
the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hundred and
fifty millions. The struggle _of_ to-day is not altogether _for_
to-day; it is for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence
all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task
which events have devolved upon us.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861.”
At this session, provision was made for the issue of legal tender
notes, and an internal revenue bill was matured, for the purposing of
increasing largely the receipts of the Treasury, affording a basis for
the payment of interest on authorized loans, and insuring confidence in
the National currency.
A Congressional committee on the conduct of the war was also appointed,
the evidence obtained by which was submitted to the President for his
consideration and eventually given to the public.
A confiscation bill was passed, with a special provision for
conditional pardon and amnesty, limiting the forfeiture of real estate
to the lifetime of its rebel owners.
CHAPTER XI.
THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
Situation of the President--His Policy--Gradual Emancipation
Message--Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia--
Repudiation of General Hunter’s Emancipation Order--Conference
with Congressmen from the Border Slave States--Address to the
same--Military Order--Proclamation under the Confiscation Act.
What was to be the final disposition of the question of slavery could
not be thrust aside. The intimate connection of this institution with
our military operations, was perpetually forcing it upon the attention
of the nation. This subject had, since it had been rendered patent to
all, that it was to be no holiday struggle in which we were engaged,
but a life and death grapple with desperate and determined foes, been
ever present to Mr. Lincoln’s mind. His action was, however, to a
certain extent, not suffered to be independent. Could he have boldly
assumed the initiative, assured that the great mass of the people were
at his back, he could have acted far otherwise than he was necessitated
to act, considering the delicate nature of the question, the utter lack
of precedents, the intertwining of interests, the dangers resulting
from a single misstep, the divisions on this point, existing in the
ranks even of his own political supporters, and the conflicting
views held by men whose loyalty and devotion to the country were
unimpeachable.
He chose not to go far ahead of popular indications; he deemed it the
wiser statesmanship, in the existing state of affairs, to keep in the
lead but a little, feeling, so to speak, his way along--making haste
slowly. That this would dissatisfy many of his political friends he
well knew; but he, upon mature deliberation, decided that it was for
the interest of the country, and that to that consideration everything
else must yield.
On the 6th of March, 1862, he sent to the Congress the following
message concerning this question, the resolution embodied in which, was
passed by both Houses:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--I
recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable
bodies, which shall be substantially as follows:
“_Resolved_, That the United States ought to coöperate with any
State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving
to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its
discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and
private, produced by such change of system.
“If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the
approval of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it
does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States
and people immediately interested, should be at once distinctly
notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to
accept or reject it. The Federal Government would find its highest
interest in such a measure as one of the most efficient means
of self-preservation. The leaders of the existing insurrection
entertain the hope that this Government will ultimately be forced
to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected
region, and that all the slave States north of such part will then
say, ‘the Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we
now choose to go with the southern section.’ To deprive them of
this hope substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of
emancipation completely deprives them of it as to all the States
initiating it. The point is not that _all_ the States tolerating
slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation, but
that, while the offer is equally made to all, the more northern
shall, by such initiation, make it certain to the more southern
that in no event will the former ever join the latter in their
proposed confederacy. I say ‘initiation,’ because in my judgment,
gradual, and not sudden emancipation, is better for all. In the
mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with the
census tables and treasury reports before him, can readily see for
himself how very soon the current expenditures of this war would
purchase, at fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State.
Such a proposition on the part of the general Government sets up
no claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere with slavery
within State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of
the subject in each case to the State and its people immediately
interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice
with them.
“In the annual message last December, I thought fit to say, ‘the
Union must be preserved; and hence all indispensable means must be
employed.’ I said this not hastily, but deliberately. War has been
made, and continues to be an indispensable means to this end. A
practical re-acknowledgment of the national authority would render
the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease. If, however,
resistance continues, the war must also continue, and it is
impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend, and all
the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indispensable, or
may obviously promise great efficiency toward ending the struggle,
must and will come.
“The proposition now made, though an offer only, I hope it may be
esteemed no offence to ask whether the pecuniary consideration
tendered would not be of more value to the States and private
persons concerned, than are the institutions and property in it, in
the present aspect of affairs.
“While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution
would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical
measure, it is recommended in the hope that it would soon
lead to important practical results. In full view of my great
responsibility to my God and to my country, I earnestly beg the
attention of Congress and the people to the subject.
“March 6, 1862. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
A bill abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia having passed
both Houses of Congress early in April, the President, in communicating
his approval of the measure, judged it necessary to accompany the same
with the following message:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--The
act entitled ‘An act for the release of certain persons held to
service or labor in the District of Columbia,’ has this day been
approved and signed.
“I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congress
to abolish slavery in this District, and I have ever desired to
see the National Capital freed from the institution in some
satisfactory way. Hence there has never been, in my mind, any
question upon the subject except the one of expediency, arising in
view of all the circumstances. If there be matters within and about
this act which might have taken a course or shape more satisfactory
to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. I am gratified
that the two principles of compensation and colonization are both
recognized and practically applied in the act.
“In the matter of compensation it is provided that claims may be
presented within ninety days from the passage of the act, ‘but not
thereafter,’ and there is no saving for minors, _femes-covert_,
insane or absent persons. I presume this is an omission by mere
oversight, and I recommend that it be supplied by an amendatory or
supplemental act.
“April 16, 1862. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
The President’s repudiation, by the following proclamation, of an
emancipation order of General Hunter, was conclusive evidence that he
was determined to keep the control of this vexed question in his own
hands, and to suffer no military commander to exercise jurisdiction
over it:
“WHEREAS, There appears in the public prints what purports to be
a proclamation of Major-General Hunter, in the words and figures
following, to wit:
‘Head-Quarters, Department of the South,
‘_Hilton Head, S. C._, May 9th, 1862.
‘GENERAL ORDERS No. 11.
‘The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina,
comprising the Military Department of the South, having
deliberately declared themselves no longer under the protection of
the United States of America, and having taken up arms against the
said United States, it becomes a military necessity to declare them
under martial law. This was accordingly done on the twenty-fifth
day of April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a free country
are altogether incompatible. The persons in these three States,
Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, heretofore held as slaves,
are therefore declared forever free.
‘DAVID HUNTER, _Major-General Commanding_.
‘Official:
‘ED. W. SMITH, _Acting Assistant Adjutant-General_.’
“AND WHEREAS, The same is producing some excitement and
misunderstanding,
“_Therefore_, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
proclaim and declare that the government of the United States had no
knowledge or belief of an intention, on the part of General Hunter, to
issue such a proclamation, nor has it yet any authentic information
that the document is genuine; and further, that neither General Hunter
nor any other commander or person has been authorized by the government
of the United States to make proclamation declaring the slaves of
any State free, and that the supposed proclamation now in question,
whether genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such
declaration.
“I further make known, that whether it be competent for me as
commander-in-chief of the army and navy to declare the slaves of any
State or States free, and whether at any time, or in any case, it shall
become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government
to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my
responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified
in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. These are
totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies
and camps.
“On the sixth day of March last, by a special message, I recommended
to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be substantially as
follows:
“_Resolved_, That the United States ought to coöperate with any State
which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such
State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to
compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
change of system.’
“The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large
majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic,
definite and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people
most immediately interested in the subject matter. To the people of
these States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue; I beseech you
to make the arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be
blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged
consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and
partisan politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common
object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The
change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not
rending or wrecking any thing. Will you not embrace it? So much good
has not been done by one effort in all past time, as in the Providence
of God it is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not
have to lament that you have neglected it.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this nineteenth day of May, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the
Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
A short time before the adjournment of Congress, while the country
was in a state of great despondency, owing to the miscarriage of the
Peninsular Campaign, the President, knowing that whatever measures
events should point out as necessary to put down the rebellion must be
adopted, and anticipating that a blow directed at the institution of
slavery would, probably, at no distant period have to be dealt, invited
the Senators and Representatives of the Border Slave States to a
conference, for the purpose of preparing their minds for the happening
of such a contingency. On this occasion he read to them the following
carefully prepared address, to which he received an approving response
from but nine of the twenty-nine:
“GENTLEMEN:--After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shall
have no opportunity of seeing you for several months. Believing
that you of the Border States held more power for good than any
other equal number of members, I feel it a duty which I can not
justifiably waive to make this appeal to you.
“I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in
my opinion, if you all had voted for the resolution in the
gradual emancipation message of last March, the war would now be
substantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of
the most potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States which
are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that in no event will
the States you represent ever join their proposed Confederacy, and
they can not much longer maintain the contest. But you can not
divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with them so long
as you show a determination to perpetuate the institution within
your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have overwhelmingly
done, and, nothing daunted, they still claim you as their own.
You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever
before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever.
“Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration,
and I trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is
exclusively your own, when, for the sake of the whole country, I
ask, ‘Can you, for your States, do better than to take the course I
urge?’ Discarding _punctilio_ and maxims adapted to more manageable
times, and looking only to the unprecedentedly stern facts of our
case, can you do better in any possible event? You prefer that
the constitutional relations of the States to the nation shall
be practically restored without disturbance of the institution;
and, if this were done, my whole duty in this respect, under the
Constitution and my oath of office, would be performed. But it is
not done, and we are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents
of the war can not be avoided. If the war continues long, as it
must if the object be not sooner attained, the institution in your
States will be extinguished by mere friction and abrasion--by the
mere incidents of the war. It will be gone, and you will have
nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already.
How much better for you and for your people to take the step which
at once shortens the war, and secures substantial compensation
for that which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event! How
much better to thus save the money which else we sink forever in
the war! How much better to do it while we can, lest the war, ere
long, render us pecuniarily unable to do it! How much better for
you, as seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out
that without which the war could never have been, than to sink both
the thing to be sold and the price of it, in cutting one another’s
throats!
“I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once
to emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can
be obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be
large enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the
freed people will not be so reluctant to go.
“I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned--one which
threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong. An
instance of it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He
was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less for
his agreeing with me in the general wish that all men everywhere
could be freed. He proclaimed all men free within certain States,
and I repudiated the proclamation. He expected more good and less
harm from the measure than I could believe would follow. Yet, in
repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to many
whose support the country can not afford to lose. And this is not
the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me, and
is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relieve me, and,
much more, can relieve the country in this important point.
“Upon these considerations, I have again begged your attention to
the Message of March last. Before leaving the Capitol, consider
and discuss it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen,
and as such, I pray you consider this proposition, and, at the
least, commend it to the consideration of your States and people.
As you would perpetuate popular government for the best people in
the world, I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. Our
common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and
boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of
government saved to the world, its beloved history and cherished
memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully assured and
rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any others,
the privilege is given to assure that happiness, and swell that
grandeur, and to link your own names therewith forever.”
On the twenty-second of July, the following order was issued:
“WAR DEPARTMENT, _Washington_, July 22d, 1862.
“_First._ Ordered that military commanders within the States of
Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, in an ordinary manner seize and
use any property, real or personal, which may be necessary or
convenient for their several commands, for supplies, or for other
military purposes; and that while property may be destroyed for
proper military objects, none shall be destroyed in wantonness or
malice.
“_Second._ That military and naval commanders shall employ as
laborers, within and from said States, so many persons of African
descent as can be advantageously used for military or naval
purposes, giving them reasonable wages for their labor.
“_Third._ That, as to both property, and persons of African
descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail
to show quantities and amounts, and from whom both property and
such persons shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation
can be made in proper cases; and the several departments of this
government shall attend to and perform their appropriate parts
toward the execution of these orders.
“By order of the President.
“EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.”
And on the twenty-fifth of July, by proclamation, the President
warned all persons to cease participating in aiding, countenancing,
or abetting the rebellion, and to return to their allegiance, under
penalty of the forfeitures and seizures provided by an act “to suppress
insurrections, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate
the property of rebels, and for other purposes,” approved July 17th,
1862.
CHAPTER XII.
THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN.
President’s War Order--Reason for the same--Results in West and
South-west--Army of the Potomac--Presidential Orders--Letter
to McClellan--Order for Army Corps--The Issue of the Campaign--
Unfortunate Circumstances--President’s Speech at Union Meeting--
Comments--Operations in Virginia and Maryland--In the West and
South-west.
Early in 1862 appeared the following:
“_Executive Mansion, Washington_, January 27th, 1862.
[President’s General War Order, No. 1.]
“ORDERED, That the 22d day of February, 1862, be the day for a
general movement of the land and naval forces of the United States
against the insurgent forces.
“That especially the Army at and about Fortress Monroe, the Army
of the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia, the Army near
Mumfordsville, Kentucky, the Army and Flotilla at Cairo, and a
Naval force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready for a movement on that
day.
“That all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective
commanders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey
additional orders when duly given.
“That the Heads of Departments, and especially the Secretaries
of War and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the
General-in-chief, with all other commanders and subordinates of
land and naval forces, will severally be held to their strict and
full responsibilities for the prompt execution of this order.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
In thus resuming whatever of his constitutional duties as
Commander-in-chief of the army and navy might have been temporarily
devolved upon others, and directing immediate and energetic aggressive
measures, the President only acted as the exponent of the popular
feeling, which had become manifest, of dissatisfaction at the
apparently inexcusable want of action in military affairs.
In the West and South-west followed the successful battle at Mill
Spring, Kentucky; the capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, compelling
the evacuation of Nashville, and ridding Kentucky of any organized
rebel force; the hardly contested, but successful battle of Pea Ridge,
Arkansas, relieving Missouri, in a great degree; victory for our arms
wrested from the jaws of defeat at Shiloh; and the occupation of New
Orleans, giving control of the Mouth of the Mississippi.
What at the East?--Roanoke Island.
Touching the movements of the Army of the Potomac, to which the country
looked so expectantly for grand results, efficiently officered,
thoroughly disciplined, and splendidly equipped as it was known or
supposed to be, the first difficulty was to fix upon a plan. For the
purpose of leading the attention of its General to something like a
definite decision however, the order of January 27th was succeeded by
the following:
“_Executive Mansion, Washington_, January 31st, 1862.
“ORDERED, That all the disposable force of the Army of the
Potomac, after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be
formed into an expedition for the immediate object of seizing and
occupying a point upon the railroad south-westward of what is known
as Manassas Junction; all details to be in the discretion of the
Commander-in-chief, and the expedition to move before, or on the
twenty-second day of February next.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
General McClellan objecting to this movement and earnestly urging a
plan of advance upon Richmond by the Lower Rappahannock with Urbana as
a base, the President addressed him the following letter:
“_Executive Mansion, Washington_, February 3d, 1862.
“MY DEAR SIR:--You and I have distinct and different plans for
a movement of the Army of the Potomac; yours to be done by the
Chesapeake, up the Rappahannock to Urbana, and across land to the
terminus of the railroad on the York river; mine to move directly
to a point on the railroad south-west of Manassas.
“If you will give satisfactory answers to the following questions,
I shall gladly yield my plan to yours:
“First. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure of
_time_ and _money_ than mine?
“Second. Wherein is a victory _more certain_ by your plan than mine?
“Third. Wherein is a victory _more valuable_ by your plan than mine?
“Fourth. In fact, would it not be _less_ valuable in this that it
would break no great line of the enemy’s communications, while mine
would?
“Fifth. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult
by your plan than mine?
“Yours, truly, A. LINCOLN.
“MAJOR-GENERAL MCCLELLAN.”
Which plain, practical questions were never directly answered.
This army being without any organization into Army Corps, the
President, on the 8th of March, as a movement was about to be made
toward Manassas, issued a peremptory order to the Commanding General
to attend forthwith to such organization, naming the Corps and their
Commanders, according to seniority of rank.
On the same day, the President, who had, against his own judgment,
yielded the plan for an advance upon Richmond which should at the same
time cover Washington, wise through experience, issued the following:
“_Executive Mansion, Washington_, March 8th, 1862.
“ORDERED. That no change of the base of operations of the Army of
the Potomac shall be made without leaving in and about Washington
such a force as, in the opinion of the General-in-chief and the
commanders of Army Corps, shall leave said city entirely secure.
“That no more than two Army Corps (about fifty thousand troops) of
said Army of the Potomac shall be moved _en route_ for a new base
of operations until the navigation of the Potomac, from Washington
to the Chesapeake Bay, shall be freed from the enemy’s batteries,
and other obstructions, or until the President shall hereafter give
express permission.
“That any movement as aforesaid, _en route_ for a new base of
operations, which may be ordered by the General-in-chief, and
which may be intended to move upon Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to
move upon the bay as early as the 18th of March, instant, and the
General-in-chief shall be responsible that it moves as early as
that day.
“ORDERED, That the Army and Navy coöperate in an immediate
effort to capture the enemy’s batteries upon the Potomac between
Washington and the Chesapeake Bay.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General.”
Finally--after delays manifold, correspondence voluminous, discussions
heated, and patience nearly worn threadbare--commenced that military
movement, which has passed into history as the American Peninsular
Campaign; by virtue of which, commencing about the middle of March,
1862, a large body of finely disciplined troops--their numbers varying,
according to various accounts, from one hundred thousand nine hundred
and seventy, to one hundred and twenty-one thousand five hundred
men--left Alexandria for Richmond, _via_ Yorktown, and succeeded, after
sanguinary battles, swamp sickness, severe exposures, and terrible
hardships, in returning (how many of them?) to Alexandria _via_
Harrison’s Landing, by about the middle of August, 1862.
That campaign was the most disastrous drawback of the war, not merely
in the loss of men, nor in the failure to reach the end aimed at, but
mainly in its enervating effect upon the supporters of the Government.
It was Bull Run over again, only immensely magnified, indefinitely
prolonged. Fortune seemed determined never to favor our Eastern braves.
Into the details of that campaign it is needless to enter here. Every
schoolboy knows them by heart, so far as they are spread upon the
record. Equally idle is it to attempt a criticism upon the campaign in
a military point of view. That has been already done to a nauseating
extent; yet will, doubtless, continue to be done while the reader lives.
No details, nor military criticism therefore here. But that President
Lincoln may fairly be presented in his relations to this campaign,
certain observations must be made. And this is the place to make them.
Conceding to General McClellan all the ability, patriotism, and bravery
which have been claimed for him by his warmest admirers, there still
remain some unfortunate circumstances connected with him, by reason of
which--even though he, personally, were responsible for no single one
of them--not all the ability, patriotism, and bravery of a Napoleon,
Tell, and Bayard combined, could have secured in his person what this
country needed for the rooting out of the great rebellion.
It was unfortunate for him that, at the very outset--when so little was
known of him, when he had done so little--sycophantic flatterers should
have exalted him at once into a great military chieftain. Peculiarly
unfortunate was this, considering that the changeable American people
were to pass upon him and his actions--that people, in their relations
to their leading men, with their “Hosannas” to-day and their “Crucify
him’s” to-morrow. The sequel of “going up like a rocket” is not
generally supposed to be particularly agreeable.
It was unfortunate for him that the opinion obtained, in the minds of
many, impartial and competent to judge, that, in his case, caution had
passed the bounds of prudence and run mad. There are emergencies when
every thing must be risked that nothing be lost.
It was unfortunate for him that he was made the especial pet of those
individuals who were most clamorous against an Administration which,
whatever its short comings, every candid man knew was earnestly intent
upon ending the war upon such a basis as could alone, in its judgment,
secure permanent peace. If a subordinate general could not agree with
his superiors, or content himself with matters purely military, he
should have declined to remain in the service.
It was unfortunate for him that his especial friends sought, in print,
and public speech, and private conversation, to create the impression
that the President did not desire that he should succeed, owing
to a fear that he might prove a formidable competitor at the next
Presidential election. Peculiarly unfortunate, when one remembers that
this President had, at the outbreak of the war, put at the head of
three important military departments three of the most decided of his
political opponents--Patterson, Butler, and McClellan--that no man ever
occupied the Presidential chair, unless it be its first occupant, who
had less selfishness and more disinterestedness in his composition than
President Lincoln.
It was unfortunate for him that such desperate efforts were made by
his supporters to fasten the responsibility for admitted failures upon
other parties. This began at Ball’s Bluff, as has already been noted.
The Secretary of War was dragged in, as well as the President, in
connection with the Peninsular Campaign. As to this last, nothing more
to the point can be adduced than the words of a man, whose honesty and
truthfulness were known wherever he was known--Abraham Lincoln--in a
characteristic speech made by him at a Union meeting in Washington,
August 6th, 1862, when the issue of the campaign was certain:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I believe there is no precedent for my appearing
before you on this occasion; but it is also true that there is
no precedent for your being here yourselves, and I offer, in
justification of myself and of you, that, upon examination, I have
found nothing in the Constitution against it. I, however, have an
impression that there are younger gentlemen who will entertain you
better, and better address your understanding than I will or could,
and therefore I propose but to detain you a moment longer.
“I am very little inclined on any occasion to say any thing unless
I hope to produce some good by it. The only thing I think of just
now not likely to be better said by some one else is a matter
in which we have heard some other persons blamed for what I did
myself. There has been a very widespread attempt to have a quarrel
between General McClellan and the Secretary of War. Now, I occupy
a position that enables me to observe, that at least these two
gentlemen are not nearly so deep in the quarrel as some pretending
to be their friends. General McClellan’s attitude is such that,
in the very selfishness of his nature, he cannot but wish to be
successful, and I hope he will--and the Secretary of War is in
precisely the same situation. If the military commanders in the
field cannot be successful, not only the Secretary of War, but
myself, for the time being the master of them both, can not be but
failures. I know that General McClellan wishes to be successful,
and I know he does not wish it any more than the Secretary of
War for him, and both of them together no more than I wish it.
Sometimes we have a dispute about how many men General McClellan
has had, and those who would disparage him say that he has had a
very large number, and those who would disparage the Secretary of
War insist that General McClellan has had a very small number.
The basis for this is, there is always a wide difference, and on
this occasion perhaps a wider one, between the grand total on
McClellan’s rolls and the men actually fit for duty; and those who
would disparage him talk of the grand total on paper, and those who
would disparage the Secretary of War talk of those at present fit
for duty. General McClellan has sometimes asked for things that
the Secretary of War did not give him. General McClellan is not to
blame for asking what he wanted and needed, and the Secretary of
War is not to blame for not giving when he had none to give. And I
say here, as far as I know, the Secretary of War has withheld no
one thing at any time in my power to give him. I have no accusation
against him. I believe he is a brave and able man, and I stand
here, as justice requires me to do, to take upon myself what has
been charged on the Secretary of War, as withholding from him. I
have talked longer than I expected to, and now I avail myself of my
privilege of saying no more.”
It was unfortunate for him that the precedents were so numerous in
American history for making a successful military man President. This
must have embarrassed him no little, and tempted him into much of that
correspondence which otherwise he would have avoided. Had it not been
for these fatal precedents, he, assuredly, would not have leisurely
seated himself at Harrison’s Landing to write to the President a
lengthy homily on affairs of State at a moment when it was doubtful
whether he would long have an army of which he could be General in
command.
Finally, it was unfortunate for him that he had not, when learning to
command, learned also to obey. This would have spared himself and the
country and the cause several entirely superfluous inflictions.
Whoever would form a correct estimate of President Lincoln’s connection
with the Peninsular campaign and its commander, must bear these facts
in mind. Aside from all considerations of a purely military nature,
they are indispensable in reaching an unbiassed decision.
What dogged the heels of the unfortunate campaign must be briefly told.
Vigorous orders from Pope, “headquarters in the saddle,” turned into
most melancholy bombast by his failure, occasioned either by want of
brains or willful lack of coöperation; a rebel invasion of Maryland;
the battle of South Mountain gained under McClellan; Antietam, not the
victory it might have been, for which a ream of reasons were given; the
withdrawal of the rebels; Government hard at work urging McClellan to
follow; supersedure of the latter by the President, who survived his
cabinet in clinging to him; appointment of Burnside, much against his
wishes; another defeat at Fredericksburg; and the Army of the Potomac
in winter-quarters again.
Such is the summary in the East for A. D. 1862.
In the West, the year closed with the opening of the battle of
Murfreesboro and Vicksburg still held out against all our attempts to
take it.
CHAPTER XIII.
FREEDOM TO MILLIONS.
Tribune Editorial--Letter to Mr. Greeley--Announcement of the
Emancipation Proclamation--Suspension of the _Habeas Corpus_
in certain cases--Order for Observance of the Sabbath--The
Emancipation Proclamation.
An editorial article having appeared in the _New York Tribune_, in
the month of August, 1862, in the form of a letter addressed to the
President, severely criticising his action relative to the question
of slavery--a letter written in ignorance of the fact that a definite
policy had already been matured, which would be announced at a suitable
moment--Mr. Lincoln responded as follows:
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, Aug. 22, 1862.
HON. HORACE GREELEY--_Dear Sir_: I have just read yours of the
19th, addressed to myself through the _New York Tribune_. If there
be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may know to
be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them. If there be in
it any inference which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not
now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an
impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old
friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.
“As to the policy I ‘seem to be pursuing,’ as you say, I have not
meant to leave any one in doubt.
“I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the
Constitution. The sooner the National authority can be restored,
the nearer the Union will be ‘the Union as it was.’ If there be
those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same
time _save_ Slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those
who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time
_destroy_ Slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object
in this struggle _is_ to save the Union, and is _not_ either to
save or destroy Slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing
_any_ slave, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing _all_
the slaves, I would do it; and if I could do it by freeing some and
leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery
and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this
Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do _not_ believe it
would help to save the Union. I shall do _less_ whenever I shall
believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do _more_
whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall
try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt
new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views. I have
here stated my purpose according to my view of _official_ duty, and
I intend no modification of my oft-expressed _personal_ wish that
all men, every where, could be free.
“Yours, A. LINCOLN.”
What that policy was, every manly heart learned with delight when the
following Proclamation appeared, the most important state-paper ever
penned by any American President:
“I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America,
and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby
proclaim and declare, that hereafter, as heretofore, the war
will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the
constitutional relation between the United States and the people
thereof, in those States in which that relation is, or may be,
suspended or disturbed; that it is my purpose, upon the next
meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical
measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection
of all the Slave States, so-called, the people whereof may not
then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States
may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily
adopt, the immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within
their respective limits, and that the effort to colonize persons
of African descent, with their consent, upon the continent or
elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the government
existing there, will be continued; that on the first day of
January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or any
designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in
rebellion against the United States, SHALL BE THEN, THENCEFORWARD
AND FOREVER, FREE, and the Executive Government of the United
States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no
act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts
they may make for their actual freedom; that the Executive will, on
the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the
States, and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof
respectively shall be in rebellion against the United States; and
the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day
be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States
by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the
qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall,
in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed
conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof have not
been in rebellion against the United States.
“That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress, entitled,
‘An act to make an additional article of war,’ approved March 13,
1862, and which act is in the words and figures following:
“‘_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America, in Congress assembled_, That hereafter
the following shall be promulgated as an additional Article of War
for the government of the Army of the United States, and shall be
observed and obeyed as such.
“‘_Article --._ All officers or persons of the military or naval
service of the United States, are prohibited from employing any
of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of
returning fugitives from service or labor who may have escaped from
any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due;
and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of
violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.
“‘_Section 2._ And be it further enacted, That this act shall take
effect from and after its passage.’
“Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, ‘An act
to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to
seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes,’
approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and
figures following:
“‘_Section 9._ And be it further enacted, That all slaves of
persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the
government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid
or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge
within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such
persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the
government of the United States, and all slaves of such persons
found on (or being within) any place occupied by rebel forces and
afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall
be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their
servitude, and not again held as slaves.
“_Section 10._ And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping
into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any
of the States, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or
hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against
the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make
oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive
is alleged to be due, is his lawful owner, and has not been in
arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in
any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in
the military or naval service of the United States shall, under
any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the
claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person,
or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being
dismissed from the service.
“And I do hereby enjoin upon, and order all persons engaged in the
military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey
and enforce within their respective spheres of service, the act and
sections above recited.
“And the executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of
the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout
the rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional
relation between the United States and their respective States and
people, if the relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be
compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including
the loss of slaves.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-second day of
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the
eighty-seventh.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
This herald of freedom to millions was, of course, intensely disliked
by those who omitted no opportunity to cavil at the Administration. As
efforts were making--not entirely without success--to embarrass the
Government in securing the necessary reinforcements for the army, and
certain lewd fellows of the baser sort holding themselves in readiness
to take advantage of the bitter prejudices existing in the minds of
a portion of the people against the negroes among us, the following
proclamation was issued two days later, that no one might plead
ignorance of results, if such treasonable practices should be persisted
in:
“WHEREAS, It has become necessary to call into service, not only
volunteers, but also portions of the militia of the States by
draft, in order to suppress the insurrection existing in the United
States, and disloyal persons are not adequately restrained by the
ordinary processes of law from hindering this measure, and from
giving aid and comfort in various ways to the insurrection:
“Now, therefore, be it ordered:
“_First._ That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary
measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, their
aiders and abettors, within the United States, and all persons
discouraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia drafts,
or guilty of any disloyal practice affording aid and comfort to
the rebels against the authority of the United States, shall be
subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punishment by
courts-martial or military commission.
“_Third._ That the writ of _habeas corpus_ is suspended in respect
to all persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter during the
rebellion shall be imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military
prison, or other place of confinement, by any military authority or
by the sentence of any court-martial or military commission.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-fourth day of
September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the
eighty-seventh.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
It would be paying but a poor compliment to the sagacity which prompted
this proclamation, if one were not obliged to say that it was
exceedingly distasteful to many. Truth, however, compels us to add that
the evils aimed at ceased, to a very great extent, shortly after its
appearance.
The following order, issued November 16th, 1862, is but one among the
many evidences of that deep and earnest reverence for Christianity
which formed a noticeable feature, not only in most of Mr. Lincoln’s
official papers, but also in the character of the man:
“The President, Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, desires
and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath, by the officers
and men in the military and naval service. The importance, for man
and beast, of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of
Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming deference to the best
sentiment of a Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine
will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and navy be reduced to
the measure of strict necessity.
“The discipline and character of the National forces should not
suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperiled, by the profanation
of the day or name of the Most High. ‘At this time of public
distress,’ adopting the words of Washington in 1776, ‘men may find
enough to do in the service of God and their country, without
abandoning themselves to vice and immorality.’ The first general
order issued by the Father of his Country, after the Declaration of
Independence, indicates the spirit in which our institutions were
founded and should ever be defended: ‘The General hopes and trusts
that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes
a Christian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberties of
his country.’
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
On the 1st day of January, 1863, appeared that proclamation which was
to supplement that of September 22d, 1862, crowning with complete
fullness that great work and giving it health and being:
“WHEREAS, On the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was
issued by the President of the United States, containing, among
other things, the following, to wit:
“That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves
within any State, or any designated part of a State the people
whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall
be thenceforward and forever free, and the Executive Government
of the United States, including the military and naval authority
thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons,
and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them,
in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
“That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by
proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in
which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion
against the United States, and the fact that any State, or the
people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented
in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto
at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such
State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong
countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the
United States.
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-chief
of the Army and Navy of the United States, in time of actual armed
rebellion against the authority and Government of the United
States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for repressing said
rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance
with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period
of one hundred days from the day of the first above-mentioned
order designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the
people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the
United States, the following, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana,
except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St.
John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne,
Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the city
of New Orleans, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South
Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, except the forty-eight
counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of
Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann,
and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and
which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if
this proclamation were not issued.
“And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said
designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward
shall be free; and that the Executive Government of the United
States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will
recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.
“And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to
abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence, and
I recommend to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor
faithfully for reasonable wages.
“And I further declare and make known that such persons of suitable
condition will be received into the armed service of the United
States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places,
and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.
“And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke
the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of
Almighty God.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of
the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
CHAPTER XIV.
LAST SESSION OF THE THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS.
Situation of the Country--Opposition to the Administration--
President’s Message.
Dark days for the friends of freedom in this country were those at
the close of 1862. Prior to the autumn of that year the elections
had shown a popular indorsement of the acts of the Administration.
Then came a change. The three leading States--New York, Ohio, and
Pennsylvania--through manifestations and misrepresentations which it is
unnecessary here to detail, had been induced to give majorities against
the Government. Not the least singular of the many remarkable instances
of inconsistency which our political annals afford, was furnished in
the State first-named, which had actually elected a “Peace” man as its
Governor, on the platform of “a more vigorous prosecution of the war.”
The failure of the Peninsular Campaign was charged upon the President.
The war, it was asserted, had been perverted from its original purpose.
It was no longer waged to preserve the Union, but to free the slave;
or, in the more elegant phraseology of the day, it had become “a nigger
war.” With the ignorant and unthinking such statements passed as
truths.
The number of those who, never having invested any principle in the
struggle, had become tired of the war, had largely increased. The
expectation of a draft--or a “conscription,” as it better suited the
objects of the disaffected to term it--which was passed at the next
session of Congress, made the lukewarm love of many to wax cold.
Newspapers and stump-speakers had the hardihood to demand peace upon
any terms. It was even claimed that an opposition majority had been
secured in the lower House of the next Congress. Their representatives
in the Congress of 1862 began to re-assume those airs of insolence and
defiance which they had previously found it convenient to lay aside for
the time.
Dark days, indeed, when the Thirty-seventh Congress assembled for its
last session, on the 1st of December, 1862.
Yet there was one who never faltered in purpose, however discouraging
the prospect; one, who, assured that he was right, was determined
to follow the right, wherever it might lead him. And, though his
careworn expression and anxious look told plainly how the fearful
responsibilities of his office weighed upon him, he had ever a cheerful
word, a happy illustration, a kindly smile, or a look of sympathy for
those with whom he came in contact.
* * * * *
The essential portions of his Annual Message on this occasion are given
below:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Since
your last annual assembling, another year of health and bountiful
harvests has passed. And, while it has not pleased the Almighty to
bless us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the
best light He gives us, trusting that, in His own good time and
wise way, all will yet be well....
“If the condition of our relations with other nations is less
gratifying than it has usually been at former periods, it is
certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted
as we are, might reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June
last there were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers
which, at the beginning of our domestic difficulties, so unwisely
and unnecessarily, as we think, recognized the insurgents as a
belligerent, would soon recede from that position, which has proved
only less injurious to themselves than to our own country. But the
temporary reverses which afterward befell the National arms, and
which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad, have
hitherto delayed that act of simple justice.
“The civil war, which has so radically changed, for the moment,
the occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily
disturbed the social condition, and affected very deeply the
prosperity of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce
that has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a
century. It has, at the same time, excited political ambitions and
apprehensions which have produced a profound agitation throughout
the civilized world. In this unusual agitation we have forborne
from taking part in any controversy between foreign States, and
between parties or factions in such States. We have attempted
no propagandism, and acknowledged no revolution. But we have
left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its
own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by
foreign nations with reference less to its own merits, than to its
supposed, and often exaggerated, effects and consequences resulting
to those nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of
this Government, even if it were just, would certainly be unwise.
“The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the
slave-trade, has been put into operation, with a good prospect
of complete success. It is an occasion of special pleasure to
acknowledge that the execution of it, on the part of Her Majesty’s
Government, has been marked with a jealous respect for the
authority of the United States, and the rights of their moral and
loyal citizens....
“Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of
African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such
colonization, as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other
parties, at home and abroad--some from interested motives, others
upon patriotic considerations, and still others influenced by
philanthropic sentiments--have suggested similar measures; while,
on the other hand, several of the Spanish-American republics have
protested against the sending of such colonies to their respective
territories. Under these circumstances I have declined to move
any such colony to any State, without first obtaining the consent
of its Government, with an agreement on its part to receive and
protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen; and I have,
at the same time, offered to the several States situated within
the tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with them,
subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the
voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective
territories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and
humane. Liberia and Hayti are, as yet, the only countries to which
colonists of African descent from here, could go with certainty of
being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such
persons, contemplating colonization, do not seem so willing to
migrate to those countries, as to some others, nor so willing as
I think their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among
them in this respect is improving; and that, ere long, there will
be an augmented and considerable migration to both these countries,
from the United States....
“I have favored the project for connecting the United States with
Europe by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend
the telegraph from San Francisco, to connect by a Pacific telegraph
with the line which is being extended across the Russian Empire.
“The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions,
have remained undisturbed by the civil war; and they are exhibiting
such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some
of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as States, and
be constitutionally admitted into the Federal Union.
“The immense mineral resources of some of those territories
ought to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in
that direction would have a tendency to improve the revenues of
the Government, and diminish the burdens of the people. It is
worthy of your serious consideration whether some extraordinary
measures to promote that end can not be adopted. The means which
suggests itself as most likely to be effective, is a scientific
exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories, with a
view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign
countries--results which can not fail to be auspicious.
“The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent
consideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and
naval operations required for the suppression of the rebellion,
have hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual
in similar circumstances; and the public credit has been fully
maintained. The continuance of the war, however, and the increased
disbursements made necessary by the augmented forces now in the
field, demand your best reflections as to the best modes of
providing the necessary revenue, without injury to business, and
with the least possible burdens upon labor.
“The suspension of specie payments by the banks, soon after the
commencement of your last session, made large issues of United
States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of
the troops, and the satisfaction of other just demands, be so
economically or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of
Congress, securing the receivability of these notes for loans and
internal duties, and making them a legal tender for other debts,
has made them a universal currency; and has satisfied, partially
at least, and for the time, the long felt want of an uniform
circulating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in
discounts and exchanges.
“A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period
compatible with due regard to all interests concerned, should ever
be kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always
injurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible
point, will always be a leading purpose in wise legislation.
Convertibility, prompt and certain convertibility into coin, is
generally acknowledged to be the best and the surest safeguard
against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of
United States notes, payable in coin, and sufficiently large for
the wants of the people, can be permanently, usefully and safely
maintained.
“Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision
for the public wants can be made, and the great advantages of a
safe and uniform currency secured?
“I know of none which promises so certain results, and is, at the
same time, so unobjectionable, as the organization of banking
associations, under a general Act of Congress, well guarded
in its provisions. To such associations the Government might
furnish circulating notes, on the security of the United States
bonds deposited in the treasury. These notes, prepared under the
supervision of proper officers, being uniform in appearance and
security, and convertible always into coin, would at once protect
labor against the evils of a vicious currency, and facilitate
commerce by cheap and safe exchanges.
“A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would
compensate the United States for the preparation and distribution
of the notes, and a general supervision of the system, and would
lighten the burden of that part of the public debt employed
as securities. The public credit, moreover, would be greatly
improved, and the negotiation of new loans greatly facilitated by
the steady market demand for Government bonds which the adoption of
the proposed system would create.
“It is an additional recommendation of the measure of considerable
weight, in my judgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible,
all existing interests, by the opportunity offered to existing
institutions to reörganize under the act, substituting only the
secured uniform national circulation for the local and various
circulation, secured and unsecured, now issued by them.
“The receipts into the treasury, from all sources, including loans,
and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on
the 30th June, 1862, were $583,885,247 06, of which sum $49,056,397
62 were derived from customs $1,795,331 73 from the direct tax;
from public lands, $152,203 77; from miscellaneous sources,
$931,787 64 from loans in all forms, $529,692,460 50. The remainder
$2,257,065 80, was the balance from last year.
“The disbursements during the same period were for Congressional,
Executive, and Judicial purposes, $5,939,009 29; for foreign
intercourse, $1,339,710 35; for miscellaneous expenses, including
the mints, loans, post office deficiencies, collection of revenue,
and other like charges, $14,129,771 50; for expenses under the
Interior Department, $3,102,985 52; under the War Department,
$394,368,407 36; under the Navy Department, $42,674,569 69; for
interest on public debt, $13,190,324 45; and for payment of public
debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan, and redemptions
$96,096,922 09; making an aggregate of $570,841,700 25, and leaving
a balance in the treasury on the first day of July, 1862, of
$13,043,546 81.
“It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922 09, expended for
reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also
in the loans made, may be properly deducted, both from receipts
and expenditures, leaving the actual receipts for the year,
$487,788,324 97; and the expenditures $474,744,778 16....
“On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by the
Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted.
“In accordance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph
of that paper, I now respectfully call your attention to what may
be called ‘compensated emancipation.’
“A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people
and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain
durability. ‘One generation passeth away and another generation
cometh, but the earth abideth forever.’ It is of the first
importance to duly consider, and estimate, this ever-enduring part.
That portion of the earth’s surface which is owned and inhabited by
the people of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of
one national family; and it is not well adapted for two or more.
Its vast extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are
of advantage, in this age, for one people, whatever they might
have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs and intelligence have
brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united
people.
“In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total
inadequacy of disunion, as a remedy for the differences between the
people of the two sections. I did so in language which I can not
improve, and which, therefore, I beg to repeat:
“‘One section of our country believes Slavery is _right_, and
ought to be extended, while the other believes it is _wrong_ and
ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute.
The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the
suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced,
perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral
sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great
body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both
cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, can not be
perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases _after_ the
separation of the sections, than before. The foreign slave-trade,
now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without
restriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only
partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
“‘Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall
between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the
presence, and beyond the reach of each other; but the different
parts of our country can not do this. They cannot but remain face
to face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue
between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse
more advantageous, or more satisfactory, _after_ separation than
_before_? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make
laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens,
than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not
fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain
on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to
terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
“‘There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a National
boundary, upon which to divide. Trace through, from east to west,
upon the line between the free and slave country, and we shall
find a little more than one-third of its length are rivers, easy
to be crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly,
upon both sides; while nearly all its remaining length are merely
surveyors’ lines, over which people may walk back and forth without
any consciousness of their presence. No part of this line can be
made any more difficult to pass, by writing it down on paper, or
parchment, as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it
comes, gives up, on the part of the seceding, the fugitive slave
clause, along with all other constitutional obligations upon the
section seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation
would ever be made to take its place.
“But there is another difficulty. The great interior region,
bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by the British Dominions,
west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along which
the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which includes part
of Virginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana,
Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota,
and The territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado,
already has above ten millions of people, and will have fifty
million within fifty years, if not prevented by any political folly
or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the country owned
by the United States--certainly more than one million of square
miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would
have more than seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the
map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of
the Republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it; the
magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the
Pacific, being the deepest, and also the richest, in undeveloped
resources. In the production of provisions, grains, grasses,
and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is
naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascertain from
the statistics the small proportion of the region which has, as
yet, been brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly
increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed with
the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has no
sea-coast, touches no ocean any where. As part of one nation, its
people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New
York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by
San Francisco. But separate our common country into two nations,
as designed by the present rebellion, and every man of this great
interior region is thereby cut off from some one or more of these
outlets, not, perhaps, by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing
and onerous trade regulations.
“And this is true, _wherever_ a dividing or boundary line may be
fixed. Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it
south of Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains,
that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of
it, and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of
it, except upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them.
These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to the
well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast
interior region. _Which_ of the three may be the best, is no proper
question. All are better than either; and all, of right, belong to
that people, and to their successors forever. True to themselves,
they will not ask _where_ a line of separation shall be, but will
vow, rather, that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal
regions less interested in these communications to, and through
them, to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must
have access to this Egypt of the West, without paying toll at the
crossing of any National boundary.
“Our National strife springs not from our permanent part; not from
the land we inhabit; not from our National homestead. There is no
possible severing of this, but would multiply, and not mitigate,
evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands
union, and abhors separation. In fact it would, ere long, force
reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separation might
have cost.
“Our strife pertains to ourselves--to the passing generations of
men; and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever with the
passing of one generation.
“In this view, I recommend the adoption of the following resolution
and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States:
“_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled_, (two-thirds of both
Houses concurring,) That the following articles be proposed to the
Legislatures (or conventions) of the several States as amendments
to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which
articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Legislatures
(or conventions), to be valid as part or parts of the said
Constitution, viz.:
“_Article --._ Every State, wherein Slavery now exists, which shall
abolish the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first
day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand and nine
hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States as
follows, to wit:
“The President of the United States shall deliver, to every such
States, bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate
of ---- per cent. per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate
sum of ---- for each slave shown to have been therein, by the
eighth census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to
such State by installments, or in one parcel, at the completion of
the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual,
or at one time, within such State; and interest shall begin to
run upon any such bond, only from the proper time of its delivery
as aforesaid. Any State, having received bonds as aforesaid, and
afterward re-introducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall
refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value
thereof, and all interest paid thereon.
“_Article --._ All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom
by the chances of the war, at any time before the end of the
rebellion, shall be forever free; but all owners of such, who shall
not have been disloyal, shall be compensated for them, at the same
rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery,
but in such way, that no slave shall be twice accounted for.
“_Article --._ Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise
provide for colonizing free colored persons, with their own
consent, at any place or places without the United States.
“I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some
length. Without slavery, the rebellion could never have existed;
without slavery, it could not continue.
“Among the friends of the Union, there is great diversity of
sentiment, and of policy, in regard to slavery, and the African
race among us. Some would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish
it suddenly, and without compensation; some would abolish it
gradually, and with compensation; some would remove the freed
people from us, and some would retain them with us; and there are
yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversities, we waste
much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we
should harmonize, and act together. This would be compromise; but
it would be compromise among the friends, and not with the enemies
of the Union. These articles are intended to embody a plan of such
mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed
that emancipation will follow, at least in several of the States.
“As to the first article, the main points are: first, the
emancipation; secondly, the length of time for consummating
it--thirty-seven years; and thirdly, the compensation.
“The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of
perpetual slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate
their dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the
evils of sudden derangement--in fact, from the necessity of any
derangement--while most of those whose habitual course of thought
will be disturbed by the measure, will have passed away before its
consummation. They will never see it. Another class will hail the
prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time.
They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves.
But it really gives them much. It saves them from the vagrant
destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in
localities where their numbers are very great; and it gives the
inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be free forever. The
plan leaves to each State, choosing to act under it, to abolish
slavery now, or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate
time, or by degrees extending over the whole or any part of the
period; and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also
provides for compensation, and, generally, the mode of making it.
This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of
those who favor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who
are to receive the compensation. Doubtless, some of those who are
to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet the measure is both
just and economical. In a certain sense, the liberation of slaves
is the destruction of property--property acquired by descent, or
by purchase, the same as any other property. It is no less true
for having been often said, that the people of the South are not
more responsible for the original introduction of this property,
than are the people of the North; and when it is remembered how
unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the profits of
dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say, that the South
has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If,
then, for a common object, this property is to be sacrificed, is it
not just that it be done at a common charge?
“And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can
preserve the benefits of the Union by this means, than we can by
the war alone, is it not also economical to do it? Let us consider
it then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since
compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider
whether, if that measure had been promptly accepted, by even some
of the slave States, the same sum would not have done more to close
the war, than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would
save money, and, in that view, would be a prudent and economical
measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay _something_ as it is
to pay _nothing_; but it is easier to pay a _large_ sum, than it
is to pay a _larger_ one. And it is easier to pay any sum _when_
we are able, than it is to pay it _before_ we are able. The war
requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate
sum necessary for compensated emancipation, of course, would be
large. But it would require no ready cash; nor the bonds even,
any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and
probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven
years. At that time we shall probably have a hundred millions of
people to share the burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as
now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be
expected to continue for a long time after that period, as rapidly
as before; because our territory will not have become full. I do
not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase
which we have maintained, on an average, from our first National
census, in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a
population of one hundred and three million, two hundred and eight
thousand, four hundred and fifteen. And why may we not continue
that ratio far beyond that period? Our abundant room--our broad
National homestead--is our ample resource. Were our territory as
limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population
could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born,
as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born
away. But such is not our condition. We have two millions nine
hundred and sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe has three
millions and eight hundred thousand, with a population averaging
seventy-three and one-third persons to the square mile. Why may not
our country, at some time, average as many? Is it less fertile? Has
it more waste surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or
other causes? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage?
If, then, we are, at some time, to be as populous as Europe, how
soon? As to when this _may_ be, we can judge by the past and the
present, as to when it _will_ be, if ever, depends much on whether
we maintain the Union. Several of our States are already above the
average of Europe--seventy-three and a third to the square mile.
Massachusetts has one hundred and fifty-seven; Rhode Island, one
hundred and thirty-three; Connecticut, ninety-nine; New York and
New Jersey, each, eighty. Also two other great States, Pennsylvania
and Ohio, are not far below, the former having sixty-three and the
latter fifty-nine. The States already above the European average,
except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, since passing
that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal to some
other parts of our country, in natural capacity for sustaining a
dense population.
“Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population
and ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as
follows:
1790 3,929,827
1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent. ratio of increase
1810 7,239,814 36.45 “ “
1820 9,638,131 33.13 “ “
1830 12,866,020 33.49 “ “
1840 17,069,453 32.67 “ “
1850 23,191,876 35.87 “ “
1860 31,443,790 35.58 “ “
“This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent. in
population through the seventy years from our first to our last
census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at one
of these seven periods, is either two per cent. below, or two
per cent. above, the average, thus showing how inflexible, and,
consequently, how reliable, the law of increase, in our case is.
Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results:
1870 42,423,341
1880 56,967,216
1890 76,677,872
1900 103,208,415
1910 138,918,526
1920 186,984,335
1930 251,680,914
“These figures show that our country _may_ be as populous as Europe
now is, at some point between 1920 and 1930--say about 1925--our
territory, at seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile,
being the capacity to contain 217,186,000.
“And we _will_ reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish
the chance, by the folly and evil of disunion, or by long and
exhausting war, springing from the only great element of National
discord among us. While it can not be foreseen exactly how much one
huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would
retard population, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt
that the extent of it would be very great and injurious.
“The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace,
insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth
of the country. With these, we should pay all the emancipation
would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we should
pay our other debt, without it. If we had allowed our old National
debt to run at six per cent. per annum, simple interest, from the
end of our Revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying any
thing on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe
less upon that debt now, than each man owed upon it then; and this
because our increase of men, through the whole period, has been
greater than six per cent.; has run faster than the interest upon
the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its
population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its
debt.
“This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is
justly due; but it shows the great importance of time in this
connection--the great advantage of a policy by which we shall
not have to pay until we number a hundred millions, what, by a
different policy, we would have to pay now, when we number but
thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much
harder to pay for the war, than will be a dollar for emancipation
on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no
precious life. It will be a saving of both.
“As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to
return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some
of them, doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners;
and hence, provision is made in this article for compensating such.
“The third article relates to the future of the freed people.
It does not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in
colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarded as
objectionable, on the one hand, or on the other, in so much as it
comes to nothing, unless by the mutual consent of the people to be
deported, and the American voters, through their representatives in
Congress.
“I can not make it better known than it already is, that I strongly
favor colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection
urged against free colored persons remaining in the country, which
is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.
“It is insisted that their presence would injure, and displace
white labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper
time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In
times like the present, men should utter nothing for which they
would not willingly be responsible through time and in eternity.
Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more
white labor by being free, than by remaining slaves? If they
stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they
leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers.
Logically, there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation,
even without deportation, would, probably enhance the wages of
white labor, and, very surely, would not reduce them. Thus, the
customary amount of labor would still have to be performed; the
freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion
of it, and very probably, for a time, would do less, leaving
an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into
greater demand, and, consequently, enhancing the wages of it. With
deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white
labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity
in the market--increase the demand for it, and you increase the
price of it. Reduce the supply of black labor, by colonizing the
black laborer out of the country, and, by precisely so much you
increase the demand for, and wages of, white labor.
“But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth, and
cover the whole land. Are they not already in the land? Will
liberation make them any more numerous? Equally distributed among
the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored
to seven whites. Could the one, in any way, greatly disturb the
seven? There are many communities now, having more than one free
colored person to seven whites; and this without any apparent
consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the
States of Maryland and Delaware, are all in this condition. The
District has more than one free colored to six whites; and yet,
in its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has never
presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its
grievances. But why should emancipation South send the freed people
North? People, of any color, seldom run, unless there be something
to run from. _Heretofore_, colored people, to some extent, have
fled North from bondage; and _now_, perhaps, from both bondage
and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be
adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters
will give them wages, at least until new laborers can be procured;
and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor for the
wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial climes,
and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can
be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, in any event, can
not the North decide for itself, whether to receive them?
“Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case has there
been any irruption of colored people northward, because of the
abolishment of slavery in this District last spring?
“What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the
whites, in the District, is from the census of 1860, having no
reference to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by
the Act of Congress abolishing slavery here.
“The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that
a restoration of the National authority would be accepted without
its adoption.
“Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of
September 22d, 1862, be stayed because of the _recommendation_
of this plan. Its timely _adoption_, I doubt not, would bring
restoration, and thereby stay both.
“And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress
provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt
emancipation, before this plan shall have been acted upon, is
hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the
plan, and the same arguments apply to both.
“This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of,
but in addition to, all others for restoring and preserving
the National authority throughout the Union. The subject is
presented exclusively in its economical aspect. The plan would,
I am confident, secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more
permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all it would
cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of
payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of
the war, if we rely solely upon force. It is much--very much--that
it would cost no blood at all.
“The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot
become such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of
Congress, and, afterward, three-fourths of the States. The
requisite three-fourths of the States, will necessarily include
seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will
give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation, at no very
distant day, upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance
would end the struggle now, and save the Union forever.
“I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper
addressed to the Congress of the nation, by the Chief Magistrate
of the nation. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors;
nor that many of you have more experience than I, in the conduct
of public affairs. Yet I trust that, in view of the great
responsibility resting upon me, you will perceive no want of
respect to yourselves, in any undue earnestness I may seem to
display.
“Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would
shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of
blood? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority
and national prosperity, and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is
it doubted that we here--Congress and Executive--can secure its
adoption? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest
appeal from us? Can we, can they, by any other means, so certainly
or so speedily, assure these vital objects? We can succeed only
by concert. It is not, ‘Can _any_ of us _imagine_ better?’ but,
‘Can we _all_ do better?’ Object whatsoever is possible, still the
question recurs, ‘Can we do better?’ The dogmas of the quiet past
are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high
with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case
is new, so we must think anew, and act anew. We must disinthrall
ourselves, and then we shall save our country.
“Fellow-citizens, _we_ can not escape history. We of this Congress
and this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves.
No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or
another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light
us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We _say_
we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this.
We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how
to save it. We--even _we here_--hold the power, and bear the
responsibility. In _giving_ freedom to the _slave_, we _assure_
freedom to the _free_--honorable alike in what we give and what we
preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope
of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way
is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way which, if followed, the
world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.
Dec. 1, 1862. “ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
CHAPTER XV.
THE TIDE TURNED.
Military Successes--Favorable Elections--Emancipation Policy--
Letter to Manchester (England) Workingmen--Proclamation for a
National Fast--Letter to Erastus Corning--Letter to a Committee
on recalling Vallandigham.
It had been decreed by a kind Providence that the year 1863 was to mark
a turn in the almost unbroken line of reverses which the Union army had
experienced for some time previous.
True, Hooker, who had superseded Burnside in command of the Army of
the Potomac, had been signally repulsed at Chancellorsville; but this
was more than compensated by the decided victory achieved by the same
troops, under Meade, over the rebels at Gettysburg. Grant, by the
capture of Vicksburg, and the surrender of Port Hudson, which was
the inevitable result, had opened the Mississippi to the Gulf, and
completely severed the bastard confederacy. We moreover secured East
Tennessee, and by the victories of Lookout Mountain and Missionary
Ridge, and the repulse of a rebel attempt to retake Knoxville, paved
the way for an offensive movement into the vitals of Georgia.
The sober, second thought of the people was manifest. Vallandigham in
Ohio, who for his treasonable practices had been tried by Burnside’s
order, convicted, and ordered South to his friends, but who had been
suffered to return _via_ Canada, and was put forward as the exponent
of “Democracy” in Ohio, was shelved by some one hundred thousand
majority. Pennsylvania, likewise, more than redeemed herself. In fact
every loyal State--except New Jersey--showed decided majorities for the
Administration.
In this election, be it remembered, the emancipation policy of the
President had entered largely as an element of discussion; and the
results were the more gratifying as it established conclusively, that
however unfavorable early indications might have been, the great pulse
of the people beat in unison with freedom for man as man. If in a
contest like that in which the nation was then engaged, all merely
mercenary considerations could be overlooked, deep-rooted prejudices
mastered, and long withheld rights cheerfully granted, there would be,
indeed, strong grounds to hope for the progress of our race.
At the beginning of the year, the President received a gratifying
evidence of the appreciation in which his efforts for freedom were
held, in a testimonial of sympathy and confidence from the workingmen
of Manchester, England; to which address he made the following reply:
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, January 19, 1863.
“TO THE WORKINGMEN OF MANCHESTER:--I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of the address and resolutions which you sent me on the
eve of the new year.
“When I came, on the 4th of March, 1861, through a free and
constitutional election, to preside in the Government of the United
States, the country was found at the verge of civil war. Whatever
might have been the cause, or whosesoever the fault, one duty,
paramount to all others, was before me, namely, to maintain and
preserve at once the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal
Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key
to all the measures of administration which have been, and to all
which will hereafter be pursued. Under our frame of government and
my official oath, I could not depart from this purpose if I would.
It is not always in the power of governments to enlarge or restrict
the scope of moral results which follow the policies that they may
deem it necessary, for the public safety, from time to time to
adopt.
“I have understood well that the duty of self-preservation rests
solely with the American people. But I have, at the same time, been
aware that the favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a
material influence in enlarging and prolonging the struggle with
disloyal men in which the country is engaged. A fair examination of
history has seemed to authorize a belief that the past action and
influences of the United States were generally regarded as having
been beneficial toward mankind. I have, therefore, reckoned upon
the forbearance of nations. Circumstances--to some of which you
kindly allude--induced me especially to expect that, if justice and
good faith should be practised by the United States, they would
encounter no hostile influence on the part of Great Britain. It
is now a pleasant duty to acknowledge the demonstration you have
given of your desire that a spirit of peace and amity toward this
country may prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected
and esteemed in your own country only more than she is by the
kindred nation which has its home on this side of the Atlantic.
“I know, and deeply deplore, the sufferings which the workingmen at
Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis.
It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to
overthrow this Government, which was built upon the foundation
of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest
exclusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain
the favor of Europe. Through the action of our disloyal citizens,
the workingmen of Europe have been subjected to severe trial, for
the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under these
circumstances, I can not but regard your decisive utterances upon
the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism, which has
not been surpassed in any age or in any country. It is indeed an
energetic and reinspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth,
and of the ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity and
freedom. I do not doubt that the sentiments you have expressed will
be sustained by your great nation; and, on the other hand, I have
no hesitation in assuring you that they will excite admiration,
esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the
American people. I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore,
as an augury that, whatever else may happen, whatever misfortune
may befall your country or my own, the peace and friendship which
now exist between the two nations will be, as it shall be my desire
to make them, perpetual.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
On the 30th of March the following proclamation was issued in pursuance
of a request to that effect from the Senate:
“WHEREAS, The Senate of the United States, devoutly recognizing
the supreme authority and just government of Almighty God in all
the affairs of men and of nations, has by a resolution requested
the President to designate and set apart a day for National prayer
and humiliation;
“AND WHEREAS, It is the duty of nations, as well as of men, to own
their dependence upon the overruling power of God, to confess their
sins and transgressions in humble sorrow yet with assured hope that
genuine repentance will lead to mercy and pardon, and to recognize
the sublime truth announced in the Holy Scriptures, and proven by
all history, that those nations only are blessed whose God is the
Lord;
“And, insomuch as we know that, by His Divine law, nations, like
individuals, are subjected to punishments and chastisements in this
world, may we not justly fear that the awful calamity of civil war,
which now desolates the land, may be but a punishment inflicted
upon us for our presumptuous sins, to the needful end of our
National reformation as a whole people? We have been the recipients
of the choicest bounties of Heaven. We have been preserved, these
many years, in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers,
wealth and power, as no other nation has ever grown. But we have
forgotten God. We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved
us in peace, and multiplied and enriched and strengthened us;
and we have vainly imagined, in the deceitfulness of our hearts,
that all these blessings were produced by some superior wisdom
and virtue of our own. Intoxicated with unbroken success, we have
become too self-sufficient to feel the necessity of redeeming and
preserving grace, too proud to pray to the God that made us!
“It behooves us, then, to humble ourselves before the offended
Power, to confess our National sins, and to pray for clemency and
forgiveness.
“Now, therefore, in compliance with the request, and fully
concurring in the views of the Senate, I do, by this my
proclamation, designate and set apart Thursday, the thirteenth
day of April, 1863, as a day of National humiliation, fasting
and prayer. And I do hereby request all the people to abstain on
that day from their ordinary secular pursuits, and to unite, at
their several places of public worship and their respective homes,
in keeping the day holy to the Lord, and devoted to the humble
discharge of the religious duties proper to that solemn occasion.
“All this being done in sincerity and truth, let us then rest
humbly in the hope, authorized by the Divine teachings, that the
united cry of the Nation will be heard on high, and answered with
blessings, no less than the pardon of our National sins, and
restoration of our now divided and suffering country to its former
happy condition of unity and peace.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, on this thirtieth day of March, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three,
and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
The following letter, which belongs in this place, will explain itself:
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, June 13th, 1863.
“HON. ERASTUS CORNING and others--_Gentlemen_:--Your letter of May
19th, inclosing the resolutions of a public meeting held at Albany,
New York, on the 16th of the same month, was received several days
ago.
“The resolutions, as I understand them, are resolvable into two
propositions--first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the
cause of the Union, to secure peace through victory, and to support
the Administration in every constitutional and lawful measure to
suppress the rebellion; and, secondly, a declaration of censure
upon the Administration for supposed unconstitutional action, such
as the making of military arrests. And from the two propositions
a third is deduced, which is, that the gentlemen composing the
meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain our common
Government and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as they
may conceive, of any Administration. This position is eminently
patriotic, and as such I thank the meeting and congratulate the
nation for it. My own purpose is the same; so that the meeting and
myself have a common object, and can have no difference, except in
the choice of means or measures for effecting that object.
“And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if
there were no apprehension that more injurious consequences
than any merely personal to myself might follow the censures
systematically cast upon me for doing what, in my view of duty, I
could not forbear. The resolutions promise to support me in every
constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion, and
I have not knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly employ, any
other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert and argue that
certain military arrests and proceedings following them, for which
I am ultimately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they are
not. The resolutions quote from the Constitution the definition of
treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guaranties therein
provided for the citizen on trial for treason, and on his being
held to answer for capital, or otherwise infamous crimes; and in
criminal prosecutions, his right to a speedy and public trial by
an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve, ‘that these safeguards
of the rights of the citizen against the pretensions of arbitrary
power were intended more _especially_ for his protection in times
of civil commotion.’
“And, apparently to demonstrate the proposition, the resolutions
proceed: ‘They were secured substantially to the English people
_after_ years of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our
Constitution at the _close_ of the Revolution. Would not the
demonstration have been better if it could have been truly said
that these safeguards had been adopted and applied _during_ the
civil wars and _during_ our Revolution, instead of _after_ the
one and at the _close_ of the other? I, too, am devotedly for
them _after_ civil war, and _before_ civil war, and at all times,
‘except when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety
may require’ their suspension. The resolutions proceed to tell
us that these safeguards ‘have stood the test of seventy-six
years of trial, under our republican system, under circumstances
which show that, while they constitute the foundation of all free
government, they are the elements of the enduring stability of
the Republic.’ No one denies that they have so stood the test up
to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we except a certain
occurrence at New Orleans; nor does any one question that they
will stand the same test much longer after the rebellion closes.
But these provisions of the Constitution have no application to
the case we have in hand, because the arrests complained of were
not made for treason--that is, not for _the_ treason defined in
the Constitution, and upon conviction of which the punishment is
death--nor yet were they made to hold persons to answer for any
capital or otherwise infamous crimes; nor were the proceedings
following, in any constitutional or legal sense, ‘criminal
prosecutions.’ The arrests were made on totally different grounds,
and the proceedings following accorded with the grounds of the
arrest. Let us consider the real case with which we are dealing,
and apply to it the parts of the Constitution plainly made for such
cases.
“Prior to my installation here, it had been inculcated that any
State had a lawful right to secede from the National Union, and
that it would be expedient to exercise the right whenever the
devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a President to
their own liking. I was elected contrary to their liking, and
accordingly, so far as it was legally possible, they had taken
seven States out of the Union, and had seized many of the United
States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all
before I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done any
official act whatever. The rebellion thus began soon ran into
the present civil war; and, in certain respects, it began on
very unequal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been
preparing for it for more than thirty years, while the Government
had taken no steps to resist them. The former had carefully
considered all the means which could be turned to their account. It
undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them that, in their
own unrestricted efforts to destroy Union, Constitution, and law
together, the Government would, in a great degree, be restrained
by the same Constitution and law from arresting their progress.
Their sympathizers pervaded all departments of the Government,
and nearly all communities of the people. From this material,
under cover of ‘liberty of speech,’ ‘liberty of the press,’ and
‘_habeas corpus_,’ they hoped to keep on foot among us a most
efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers, and aiders and
abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew that in times
such as they were inaugurating, by the Constitution itself, the
‘_habeas corpus_’ might be suspended; but they also knew they had
friends who would make a question as to _who_ was to suspend it;
meanwhile, their spies and others might remain at large to help on
their cause. Or if, as has happened, the Executive should suspend
the writ, without ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting
innocent persons might occur, as are always likely to occur in such
cases, and then a clamor could be raised in regard to this which
might be, at least, of some service to the insurgent cause. It
needed no very keen perception to discover this part of the enemy’s
programme, so soon as, by open hostilities, their machinery was put
fairly in motion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the
guaranteed rights of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong
measures which by degrees I have been forced to regard as being
within the exceptions of the Constitution, and as indispensable to
the public safety. Nothing is better known to history than that
courts of justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. Civil
courts are organized chiefly for trials of individuals, or, at
most, a few individuals acting in concert, and this in quiet times,
and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. Even in times
of peace, bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently grow too
numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. But what
comparison, in numbers, have such bands ever borne to the insurgent
sympathizers even in many of the loyal States? Again, a jury too
frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the panel,
than to hang the traitor. And yet, again he who dissuades one man
from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the
Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in battle.
Yet this dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted as to be no
defined crime of which any civil court would take cognizance.
“Ours is a case of rebellion--so called by the resolution before
me--in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and
the provision of the Constitution that ‘the privilege of the writ
of _habeas corpus_ shall not be suspended unless when, in cases
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it,’ is
_the_ provision which specially applies to our present case. This
provision plainly attests the understanding of those who made the
Constitution, that ordinary courts of justice are inadequate to
‘cases of rebellion’--attests their purpose that, in such cases,
men may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary
rules, would discharge. _Habeas corpus_ does not discharge men who
are proved to be guilty of defined crime; and its suspension is
allowed by the Constitution on purpose that men may be arrested and
held who can not be proved to be guilty of defined crime, ‘when,
in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require
it.’ This is precisely our present case--a case of rebellion,
wherein the public safety _does_ require the suspension. Indeed,
arrests by process of courts, and arrests in cases of rebellion, do
not proceed altogether upon the same basis. The former is directed
at the small percentage of ordinary and continuous perpetration
of crime; while the latter is directed at sudden and extensive
uprisings against the Government, which at most will succeed or
fail in no great length of time. In the latter case arrests are
made, not so much for what has been done as for what probably would
be done. The latter is more for the preventive and less for the
vindictive than the former. In such cases the purposes of men are
much more easily understood than in cases of ordinary crime. The
man who stands by and says nothing when the peril of his Government
is discussed, can not be misunderstood. If not hindered, he is sure
to help the enemy; much more, if he talks ambiguously--talks for
his country with ‘buts,’ and ‘ifs’ and ‘ands.’ Of how little value
the constitutional provisions I have quoted will be rendered, if
arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been
committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples. General
John C. Breckinridge, General Robert E. Lee, General Joseph E.
Johnston, General John B. Magruder, General William B. Preston,
General Simon B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now
occupying the very highest places in the rebel war service,
were all within the power of the Government since the rebellion
began, and were nearly as well known to be traitors then as now.
Unquestionably, if we had seized and held them, the insurgent
cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had then committed
any crime defined by law. Every one of them, if arrested, would
have been discharged on _habeas corpus_, were the writ allowed to
operate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time not
unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few
arrests rather than too many.
“By the third resolution, the meeting indicate their opinion
that military arrests may be constitutional in localities
where rebellion actually exists, but that such arrests are
unconstitutional in localities where rebellion or insurrection does
_not_ actually exist. They insist that such arrests shall not be
made ‘outside of the lines of necessary military occupation and the
scenes of insurrection.’ Inasmuch, however, as the Constitution
itself makes no such distinction, I am unable to believe that there
_is_ any such constitutional distinction. I concede that the class
of arrests complained of can be constitutional only when, in cases
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require them; and
I insist that in such cases they are Constitutional _wherever_ the
public safety does require them; as well in places to which they
may prevent the rebellion extending, as in those where it may be
already prevailing; as well where they may restrain mischievous
interference with the raising and supplying of armies to suppress
the rebellion, as where the rebellion may actually be; as well
where they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where
they would prevent mutiny in the army; equally constitutional
at all places where they will conduce to the public safety, as
against the dangers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular
case mentioned by the meeting. It is asserted, in substance, that
Mr. Vallandigham was, by a military commander, seized and tried
‘for no other reason than words addressed to a public meeting, in
criticism of the course of the Administration, and in condemnation
of the military orders of the general.’ Now, if there be no mistake
about this; if this assertion is the truth and the whole truth;
if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that
the arrest was wrong. But the arrest, as I understand, was made
for a very different reason. Mr. Vallandigham avows his hostility
to the war on the part of the Union; and his arrest was made
because he was laboring, with some effect, to prevent the raising
of troops; to encourage desertion from the army, and to leave the
rebellion without an adequate military force to suppress it. He
was not arrested because he was damaging the political prospects
of the Administration, or the personal interests of the commanding
general, but because he was damaging the army, upon the existence
and vigor of which the life of the nation depends. He was warring
upon the military, and this gave the military constitutional
jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Vallandigham was not
damaging the military power of the country, then this arrest was
made on mistake of fact, which I would be glad to correct on
reasonably satisfactory evidence.
“I understand the meeting whose resolutions I am considering to be
in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military force--by armies.
Long experience has shown that armies cannot be maintained unless
desertions shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. The
case requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction, this
punishment. Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts,
while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to
desert? This is none the less injurious when effected by getting
a father, or brother, or friend, into a public meeting, and there
working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier
boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration
of a contemptible Government, too weak to arrest and punish him
if he shall desert. I think that in such a case to silence the
agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a
great mercy.
“If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error
lies in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when,
in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them,
which would not be constitutional when, in the absence of rebellion
or invasion, the public safety does _not_ require them; in other
words, that the Constitution is not, in its application, in all
respects the same--in cases of rebellion or invasion involving
the public safety, as it is in time of profound peace and public
security. The Constitution itself makes the distinction; and I can
no more be persuaded that the Government can constitutionally take
no strong measures in time of rebellion, because it can be shown
that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than
I can be persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine
for a sick man, because it can be shown not to be good food for a
well one. Nor am I able to appreciate the danger apprehended by
the meeting, that the American people will, by means of military
arrests during the rebellion, lose the right of public discussion,
the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial
by jury, and _habeas corpus_, throughout the indefinite peaceful
future, which I trust lies before them, any more than I am able
to believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for
emetics, during temporary illness, as to persist in feeding upon
them during the remainder of his healthful life.
“In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you
request of me, I can not overlook the fact that the meeting speak
as ‘Democrats.’ Nor can I, with full respect for their known
intelligence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which
they prepared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that
this occurred by accident, or in any way other than that they
preferred to designate themselves ‘Democrats’ rather than ‘American
Citizens.’ In this time of National peril, I would have preferred
to meet you on a level one step higher than any party platform;
because I am sure that, from such more elevated position, we could
do better battle for the country we all love than we possibly
can from those lower ones where, from the force of habit, the
prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the future, we are
sure to expend much of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault
with and aiming blows at each other. But, since you have denied
me this, I will yet be thankful for the country’s sake, that not
all Democrats have done so. He on whose discretionary judgment
Mr. Vallandigham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having
no old party affinity with me; and the judge who rejected the
constitutional view expressed in these resolutions, by refusing to
discharge Mr. Vallandigham on _habeas corpus_, is a Democrat of
better days than these, having received his judicial mantle at the
hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all those Democrats
who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding their blood on the
battle-field, I have learned that many approve the course taken
with Mr. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of a single one
condemning it. I can not assert that there are none such.
“And the name of Jackson recalls an incident of pertinent history:
After the battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty
of peace had been concluded was well known in the city, but before
official knowledge of it had arrived, Gen. Jackson still maintained
martial or military law. Now that it could be said the war was
over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from the
first, grew more furious. Among other things, a Mr. Louiallier
published a denunciatory newspaper article. Gen. Jackson arrested
him. A lawyer by the name of Morrel procured the United States
Judge Hall to issue a writ of _habeas corpus_ to relieve Mr.
Louiallier. Gen. Jackson arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A
Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that ‘it
was a dirty trick.’ Gen. Jackson arrested him. When the officer
undertook to serve the writ of _habeas corpus_, Gen. Jackson took
it from him, and sent him away with a copy. Holding the judge in
custody a few days, the general sent him beyond the limits of his
encampment, and set him at liberty, with an order to remain till
the ratification of peace should be regularly announced, or until
the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more
elapsed, the ratification of a treaty of peace was regularly
announced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few
days more, and the judge called Gen. Jackson into court and fined
him $1,000 for having arrested him and the others named. The
general paid the fine, and there the matter rested for nearly
thirty years, when Congress refunded principal and interest. The
late Senator Douglas, then in the House of Representatives, took a
leading part in the debates, in which the constitutional question
was much discussed. I am not prepared to say whom the journals
would show to have voted for the measure.
“It may be remarked: First, that we had the same Constitution then
as now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we
have a case of rebellion; and, thirdly, that the permanent right
of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and of
the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the _habeas
corpus_, suffered no detriment whatever by that conduct of Gen.
Jackson, or its subsequent approval by the American Congress.
“And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know
whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. While
I can not shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a
general rule, the commander in the field is the better judge of
the necessity in any particular case. Of course, I must practise a
general directory and revisory power in the matter.
“One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that
arbitrary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract
those who should be united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am
specifically called on to discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this
as, at least, a fair appeal to me on the expediency of exercising
a constitutional power which I think exists. In response to such
appeal, I have to say, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr.
Vallandigham had been arrested--that is, I was pained that there
should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him--and that
it will afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I
can, by any means, believe the public safety will not suffer by
it. I further say that, as the war progresses, it appears to me,
opinion and action which were in great confusion at first, take
shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity
for strong dealing with them gradually decreases. I have every
reason to desire that it should cease altogether; and far from
the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who,
like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the
Government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress
the rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to
be required by the public safety.
“A. LINCOLN.”
Mr. Lincoln, having been waited upon by a Committee of Ohio
“Democrats,” who urged him to recall Vallandigham, whom they sought to
exalt as a “martyr to popular rights,” addressed the following reply,
the quiet sarcasm of which is not the least of its many good points:
“Washington, June 29, 1863.
“GENTLEMEN:--The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic State
Convention, which you present me, together with your introductory
and closing remarks, being, in position and argument, mainly the
same as the resolutions of the Democratic meeting at Albany, New
York, I refer you to my response to the latter as meeting most of
the points in the former.
“This response you evidently used in preparing your remarks, and
I desire no more than that it be used with accuracy. In a single
reading of your remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in
matter which I suppose you took from that paper. It is where you
say, ‘The undersigned are unable to agree with you in the opinion
you have expressed that the Constitution is different in time of
insurrection or invasion from what it is in time of peace and
public security.’
“A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have not
expressed the opinion you suppose. I expressed the opinion that
the Constitution is different _in its application_ in cases of
rebellion or invasion involving the public safety, from what it is
in times of profound peace and public security. And this opinion I
adhere to, simply because, by the Constitution itself, things may
be done in the one case which may not be done in the other.
“I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, but I must
respectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault
should you ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that
I ‘opposed, in discussions before the people, the policy of the
Mexican War.’
“You say: ‘Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon the
power of Congress to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_, and yet
the other guaranties of personal liberty would remain unchanged.’
Doubtless, if this clause of the Constitution, improperly called,
as I think, a limitation upon the power of Congress, were expunged,
the other guaranties would remain the same; but the question is,
not how those guaranties would stand with that clause _out_ of the
Constitution, but how they stand with that clause remaining in it,
in case of rebellion or invasion involving the public safety. If
the liberty could be indulged in expunging that clause, letter and
spirit, I really think the constitutional argument would be with
you.
“My general view on this question was stated in the Albany
response, and hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as
seems to me, the benefit of the writ of _habeas corpus_ is the
great means through which the guaranties of personal liberty are
conserved and made available in the last resort; and corroborative
of this view is the fact that Mr. Vallandigham, in the very case in
question, under the advice of able lawyers, saw not where else to
go but to the _habeas corpus_. But by the Constitution the benefit
of the writ of _habeas corpus_ itself may be suspended, when, in
case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.
“You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may
override all the guaranteed rights of individuals, on the plea of
conserving the public safety--when I may choose to say the public
safety requires it. This question, divested of the phraseology
calculated to represent me as struggling for an arbitrary personal
prerogative, is either simply a question _who_ shall decide, or
an affirmation that _nobody_ shall decide, what the public safety
does require in cases of rebellion or invasion. The Constitution
contemplates the question as likely to occur for decision, but
it does not expressly declare who is to decide it. By necessary
implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, the decision is
to be made from time to time; and I think the man whom, for
the time, the people have, under the Constitution, made their
Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, is the man who holds the
power and bears the responsibility of making it. If he uses the
power justly, the same people will probably justify him; if he
abuses it, he is in their hands, to be dealt with by all the modes
they have reserved to themselves in the Constitution.
“The earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in
times of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with in accordance with
the rules for criminal trials and punishments in times of peace,
induces me to add a word to what I said on that point in the Albany
response. You claim that men may, if they choose, embarrass those
whose duty it is to combat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt
with only in turn as if there were no rebellion. The Constitution
itself rejects this view. The military arrests and detentions
which have been made, including those of Mr. Vallandigham,
which are not different in principle from the other, have been
for _prevention_, and not for _punishment_--as injunctions to
stay injury, as proceedings to keep the peace--and hence, like
proceedings in such cases and for like reasons, they have not been
accompanied with indictments, or trial by juries, nor in a single
case by any punishment whatever beyond what is purely incidental
to the prevention. The original sentence of imprisonment in Mr.
Vallandigham’s case was to prevent injury to the military service
only, and the modification of it was made as a less disagreeable
mode to him of securing the same prevention.
“I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr.
Vallandigham. Quite surely nothing of this sort was or is intended.
I was wholly unaware that Mr. Vallandigham was, at the time of his
arrest, a candidate for the Democratic nomination for Governor,
until so informed by your reading to me the resolutions of the
convention. I am grateful to the State of Ohio for many things,
especially for the brave soldiers and officers she has given, in
the present national trial, to the armies of the Union.
“You claim, as I understand, that, according to my own position in
the Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham should be released; and this
because, as you claim, he has not damaged the military service by
discouraging enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise;
and that if he had, he should have been turned over to the civil
authorities under the recent Act of Congress. I certainly do
not _know_ that Mr. Vallandigham has specifically and by direct
language advised against enlistments and in favor of desertions and
resistance to drafting. We all know that combinations, armed, in
some instances, to resist the arrest of deserters, began several
months ago; that more recently the like has appeared in resistance
to the enrollment preparatory to a draft; and that quite a number
of assassinations have occurred from the same _animus_. These had
to be met by military force, and this again has led to bloodshed
and death. And now, under a sense of responsibility more weighty
and enduring than any which is merely official, I solemnly declare
my belief that this hindrance of the military, including maiming
and murder, is due to the cause in which Mr. Vallandigham has been
engaged, in a greater degree than to any other cause; and it is
due to him personally in a greater degree than to any other one man.
“These things have been notorious, known to all, and of course
known to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps I would not be wrong to say
they originated with his especial friends and adherents. With
perfect knowledge of them he has frequently, if not constantly,
made speeches in Congress and before popular assemblies; and if it
can be shown that, with these things staring him in the face, he
has ever uttered a word of rebuke or counsel against them, it will
be a fact greatly in his favor with me, and one of which, as yet,
I am totally ignorant. When it is known that the whole burden of
his speeches has been to stir up men against the prosecution of
the war, and that in the midst of resistance to it he has not been
known in any instance to counsel against such resistance, it is
next to impossible to repel the inference that he has counselled
directly in favor of it.
“With all this before their eyes, the convention you represent have
nominated Mr. Vallandigham for Governor of Ohio, and both they and
you have declared the purpose to sustain the National Union by all
constitutional means; but, of course, they and you, in common,
reserve to yourselves to decide what are constitutional means, and,
unlike the Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that, in
your opinion, an army is a constitutional means of saving the Union
against a rebellion, or even to intimate that you are conscious
of an existing rebellion being in progress with the avowed object
of destroying that very Union. At the same time, your nominee for
Governor, in whose behalf you appeal, is known to you, and to
the world, to declare against the use of an army to suppress the
rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages desertion,
resistance to the draft, and the like, because it teaches those who
incline to desert and to escape the draft, to believe it is your
purpose to protect them, and to hope that you will become strong
enough to do so.
“After a personal intercourse with you, gentlemen of the Committee,
I can not say I think you desire this effect to follow your
attitude; but I assure you that both friends and enemies of the
Union look upon it in this light. It is a substantial hope, and by
consequence, a real strength to the enemy. If it is a false hope,
and one which you would willingly dispel, I will make the way
exceedingly easy. I send you duplicates of this letter, in order
that you, or a majority of you, may, if you choose, indorse your
names upon one of them, and return it thus indorsed to me, with
the understanding that those signing are thereby committed to the
following propositions, and to nothing else:
“1. That there is now a rebellion in the United States, the object
and tendency of which is to destroy the National Union; and that,
in your opinion, an army and navy are constitutional means for
suppressing that rebellion.
“2. That no one of you will do any thing which, in his own
judgment, will tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease,
or lessen the efficiency of the Army and Navy, while engaged in the
effort to suppress that rebellion; and--
“3. That each of you will, in his sphere, do all he can to have the
officers, soldiers, and seamen of the Army and Navy, while engaged
in the effort to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and
otherwise well provided and supported.
“And with the further understanding that upon receiving the letter
and names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which
publication shall be, within itself, a revocation of the order in
relation to Mr. Vallandigham.
“It will not escape observation that I consent to the release of
Mr. Vallandigham upon terms not embracing any pledge from him or
from others as to what he will or will not do. I do this because
he is not present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to
speak for him; and hence I shall expect that on returning he would
not put himself practically in antagonism with the position of his
friends. But I do it chiefly because I thereby prevail on other
influential gentlemen of Ohio to so define their position as to be
of immense value to the army--thus more than compensating for the
consequences of any mistake in allowing Mr. Vallandigham to return,
so that, on the whole, the public safety will not have suffered by
it. Still, in regard to Mr. Vallandigham and all others, I must
hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as the public service may seem
to require.
“I have the honor to be respectfully, yours, etc.,
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
CHAPTER XVI.
LETTERS AND SPEECHES.
Speech at Washington--Letter to General Grant--Thanksgiving
Proclamation--Letter concerning the Emancipation Proclamation--
Proclamation for Annual Thanksgiving--Dedicatory Speech at
Gettysburg.
On the evening of the 4th of July, 1863, having been serenaded by many
of the citizens of Washington, jubilant over the defeat of the rebels
at Gettysburg, the President acknowledged the compliment thus:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am very glad indeed to see you to-night,
and yet I will not say I thank you for this call; but I do most
sincerely thank Almighty God for the occasion on which you have
called. How long ago is it--eighty odd years--since, on the 4th of
July, for the first time in the history of the world, a nation,
by its representatives, assembled and declared as a self-evident
truth, ‘that all men are created equal?’ That was the birthday
of the United States of America. Since then, the 4th of July
has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two men most
distinguished in the framing and support of the Declaration, were
Thomas Jefferson and John Adams--the one having penned it, and the
other sustained it the most forcibly in debate--the only two, of
the fifty-five who signed it, who were elected Presidents of the
United States. Precisely fifty years after they put their hands to
the paper, it pleased Almighty God to take both from this stage of
action. This was indeed an extraordinary and remarkable event in
our history. Another President, five years after, was called from
this stage of existence on the same day and month of the year; and
now, on this last 4th of July just passed, when we have a gigantic
rebellion, at the bottom of which is an effort to overthrow the
principle that all men were created equal, we have the surrender of
a most powerful position and army on that very day. And not only
so, but in a succession of battles in Pennsylvania, near to us,
through three days, so rapidly fought that they might be called
one great battle, on the 1st, 2d, and 3d of the month of July, and
on the 4th the cohorts of those who opposed the declaration that
all men are created equal, ‘turned tail’ and run. Gentlemen, this
is a glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech; but I am not
prepared to make one worthy of the occasion. I would like to speak
in terms of praise due to the many brave officers and soldiers
who have fought in the cause of the Union and liberties of their
country from the beginning of the war. These are trying occasions,
not only in success, but for the want of success. I dislike to
mention the name of one single officer, lest I might do wrong to
those I might forget. Recent events bring up glorious names, and
particularly prominent ones; but these I will not mention. Having
said this much, I will now take the music.”
The following letter, addressed to General Grant after the capture of
Vicksburg, gives an insight into the transparent candor and frankness
of the President.
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, July 13th, 1863.
“MAJOR-GENERAL U. S. GRANT--_My Dear General_: I do not remember
that you and I ever met personally. I write this now as a grateful
acknowledgment of the almost inestimable service you have done the
country. I write to say a word further. When you first reached the
vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do what you finally
did--march the troops across the neck, run the batteries with the
transports, and thus go below; and I never had any faith, except
a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass
expedition, and the like, could succeed. When you got below, and
took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, and vicinity, I thought you should
go down the river and join General Banks, and when you turned
northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it was a mistake. I now
wish to make the personal acknowledgment, that you were right and I
was wrong.
“Yours, truly,
“A. LINCOLN.”
The following was issued in commemoration of the victories at
Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and Gettysburg:
“BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.--A
PROCLAMATION.--It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the
supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe
to the Army and Navy of the United States, on the land and on the
sea, victories so signal and so effective as to furnish reasonable
grounds for augmented confidence that the Union of these States
will be maintained, their Constitution preserved, and their peace
and prosperity permanently secured; but these victories have
been accorded, not without sacrifice of life, limb, and liberty,
incurred by brave, patriotic, and loyal citizens. Domestic
affliction, in every part of the country, follows in the train of
these fearful bereavements. It is meet and right to recognize and
confess the presence of the Almighty Father, and the power of his
hand equally in these triumphs and these sorrows.
“Now, therefore, be it known, that I do set apart Thursday, the
6th day of August next, to be observed as a day for National
Thanksgiving, praise, and prayer; and I invite the people of the
United States to assemble on that occasion in their customary
places of worship, and in the form approved by their own
consciences, render the homage due to the Divine Majesty, for the
wonderful things he has done in the Nation’s behalf, and invoke
the influence of his Holy Spirit, to subdue the anger which has
produced, and so long sustained, a needless and cruel rebellion; to
change the hearts of the insurgents; to guide the counsels of the
Government with wisdom adequate to so great a National emergency,
and to visit with tender care, and consolation, throughout the
length and breadth of our land, all those who, through the
vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles, and sieges, have been
brought to suffer in mind, body, or estate; and finally, to lead
the whole nation through paths of repentance and submission to the
Divine will, back to the perfect enjoyment of union and fraternal
peace.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of July, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
The following letter, written in August, 1863, in answer to an
invitation to attend a meeting of unconditional Union men held in
Illinois, gives at length the President’s views at that time on his
Emancipation proclamation:
“EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, August 26th, 1863.
“MY DEAR SIR:--Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of
unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois
on the third day of September, has been received. It would be
very agreeable to me thus to meet my old friends at my own home;
but I cannot just now be absent from this city so long as a
visit there would require. The meeting is to be of all those who
maintain unconditional devotion to the Union; and I am sure that
my old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I do,
the nation’s gratitude to those other noble men whom no partisan
malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation’s life. There
are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say:--You
desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how
can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways:--First,
to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to
do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are
not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against
this. If you are, you should say so, plainly. If you are not for
force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable
compromise. I do not believe that any compromise embracing the
maintenance of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads
to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion is
its military--its army. That army dominates all the country and
all the people within its range. Any offer of any terms made by
any man or men within that range in opposition to that army is
simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no
power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were
made with them. To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and
peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame and
proclaim a compromise embracing the restoration of the Union. In
what way can that compromise be used to keep General Lee’s army out
of Pennsylvania? General Meade’s army can keep Lee’s army out of
Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately drive it out of existence.
But no paper compromise to which the controllers of General Lee’s
army are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an effort at
such compromise we would waste time which the enemy would improve
to our disadvantage, and that would be all. A compromise, to be
effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel
army, or with the people, first liberated from the domination of
that army by the success of our army. Now, allow me to assure you
that no word or intimation from the rebel army, or from any of
the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has
ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and intimations
to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you
that if any such propositions shall hereafter come, it shall not
be rejected and kept secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself
to be the servant of the people, according to the bond of service,
the United States Constitution; and that, as such, I am responsible
to them. But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the
negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you
and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could
be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted
nor proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your
view, provided you are for the Union. I suggested compensated
emancipation, to which you replied that you wished not to be
taxed to buy negroes. But I have not asked you to be taxed to buy
negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation,
to save the Union exclusively by other means.
“You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps would have
it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently.
I think that the Constitution invests its Commander-in-chief with
the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so
much, is, that the slaves are property. Is there, has there ever
been, any question that by the law of war, property, both of
enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed
whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world
over, destroy enemies’ property when they cannot use it; and even
destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents
do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except
a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions
are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and
female. But the proclamation, as law, is valid or is not valid. If
it is not valid it needs no restriction. If it is valid it cannot
be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some
of you profess to think that its retraction would operate favorably
for the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the
issue? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress
the rebellion before the proclamation was issued, the last one
hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice, that it
was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their
allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us
since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know as fully as
one can know the opinions of others, that some of the commanders
of our armies in the field, who have given us our most important
victories, believe the emancipation policy and the aid of colored
troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion,
and that at least one of those important successes could not have
been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among
the commanders holding these views are some who have never had
any affinity with what is called abolitionism or with ‘republican
party politics,’ but who hold them purely as military opinions.
I submit their opinions as being entitled to some weight against
the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks
are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in
good faith. You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some
of them seem to be willing to fight for you--but no matter. Fight
you, then, exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation
on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall
have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to
continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare
that you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your
struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should
cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy
in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought
that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just
so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does
it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, act
upon motives. Why should they do any thing for us if we will do
nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be
prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And
the promise being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The
Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great
North-west for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up
they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their
way right and left. The Sunny South, too, in more colors than one,
also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history was jotted
down in black and white. The joy was a great national one, and let
none be banned who bore an honorable part in it; and, while those
who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is
not all. It is hard to say that any thing has been more bravely
and better done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro’, Gettysburg, and
on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam’s web feet be
forgotten. At all the waters’ margins they have been present--not
only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also
up the narrow, muddy bayou; and wherever the ground was a little
damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the
great Republic--for the principles by which it lives and keeps
alive--for man’s vast future--thanks to all. Peace does not appear
so far distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to
stay: and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time.
It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no
successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who
take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost.
And then there will be some black men who can remember that, with
silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well poised
bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation;
while I fear that there will be some white men unable to forget
that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have striven
to hinder it. Still let us not be over sanguine of a speedy final
triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means,
never doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us
the rightful result.
“Yours very truly, ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
Desirous of inaugurating the custom of setting apart each year a common
day throughout the land for thanksgiving and prayer, Mr. Lincoln issued
the following:
“BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.--A
PROCLAMATION:--The year that is drawing towards its close has been
filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies.
To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are
prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been
added which are of so extraordinary a nature that they can not
fail to even penetrate and soften the heart which is habitually
insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God. In the
midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which
has sometimes seemed to invite and provoke the aggressions of
foreign States, peace has been preserved with all nations, order
has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and
harmony has prevailed everywhere, except in the theatre of military
conflict. While that theatre has been greatly contracted by the
advancing armies and navies of the Union, the needful diversion of
wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the
national defence, has not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the
ship. The axe has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and
the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals,
have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has
steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made
in the camp, the siege, and the battle-field; and the country,
rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is
permitted to expect a continuance of years, with a large increase
of freedom. No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand
worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the
Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins,
hath nevertheless remembered mercy.
“It hath seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly,
devoutly, and gratefully acknowledged, as with one heart and
voice, by the whole American people. I do, therefore, invite my
fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those
who are at sea, and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to
set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day
of thanksgiving and prayer to our beneficent Father, who dwelleth
in the heavens. And I recommend to them that, while offering up
the ascriptions justly due to him for such signal deliverances and
blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our National
perverseness and disobedience, commend to his tender care all
those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers, in
the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged,
and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty hand to
heal the wounds of the nation, and to restore it, as soon as may
be consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of
peace, harmony, tranquillity, and union.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this, the third day of October,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three,
and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
On the 19th of November, 1863, President Lincoln delivered the
following dedicatory address upon the occasion of consecrating a
National Cemetery at Gettysburg, for the secure rest of those brave men
who yielded up their lives in behalf of their country during the three
days’ battle at that place:
“Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this
continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in
a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so
conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great
battle-field of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion of it
as the final resting-place of those who here gave their lives that
that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we
should do this.
“But in a larger sense we can not dedicate, we can not consecrate,
we can not hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who
struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or
detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say
here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us,
the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work
that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us
to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that
from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for
which they here gave the last full measure of devotion--that we
here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain, that
the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that
the government of the people, by the people, and for the people,
shall not perish from the earth.”
CHAPTER XVII.
THE THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS.
Organization of the House--Different Opinions as to
Reconstruction--Provisions for Pardon of Rebels--President’s
Proclamation of Pardon--Annual Message--Explanatory Proclamation.
Upon the assembling of the Thirty-eighth Congress, December 7th,
1863--that Congress, in the lower branch of which the Opposition had
counted upon a majority--the supporters of the Government found no
difficulty in electing their candidates for Speaker by a majority of
twenty, nor a radical anti-slavery man as Chaplain, albeit against the
latter was offered as candidate an Episcopalian Bishop, nameless here,
who had had the effrontery since the outbreak of the war to appear
before the public as a defender of the institution upon Christian
principles.
With the success of our arms--movements toward an organization of the
local governments in the States of Tennessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas
being in progress--the difficult question as to the principles upon
which such reorganization should be effected presented itself for
settlement.
Some took the ground that, by virtue of their rebellion, the disloyal
States had lapsed into mere territorial organizations, and should
remain in that condition until again admitted into the Union.
Others contended that this would be, in effect, to recognise
secession, and maintained that, whatever might have been the acts of
the inhabitants of any State, the State as such still constituted an
integral member of the Union, entitled to all privileges as such,
whenever a sufficient number of loyal citizens chose to exercise the
right of suffrage--the General Government seeing to it, as was its
duty under the Constitution, that a republican form was guarantied. As
to what number of loyal inhabitants should suffice, opinions differed.
Congress had provided, by an act approved July 17, 1862:
That the President is hereby authorized, at any time hereafter, by
proclamation, to extend to persons who may have participated in the
existing rebellion in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty,
with such exceptions, and at such time, and on such conditions, as he
may deem expedient for the public welfare.
In accordance with this authority, the following proclamation was
issued by Mr. Lincoln, by which it appeared he held himself pledged,
before the world and to the persons immediately affected by it, to
make an adherence to the policy of emancipation, inaugurated by him, a
condition precedent to any act of clemency to be exercised by himself:
“WHEREAS, In and by the Constitution of the United States, it is
provided that the President ‘shall have power to grant reprieves
and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases
of impeachment;’ and whereas, a rebellion now exists whereby the
loyal State Governments of several States have for a long time
been subverted, and many persons have committed and are now guilty
of treason against the United States; and whereas, with reference
to said rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by Congress
declaring forfeitures and confiscation of property and liberation
of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated; and also
declaring that the President was thereby authorized at any time
thereafter, by proclamation, to extend to persons who may have
participated in the existing rebellion, in any State or part
thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times
and on such conditions as he may deem expedient for the public
welfare; and whereas, the Congressional declaration for limited
and conditional pardon accords with well-established judicial
exposition of the pardoning power; and whereas, with reference
to said rebellion, the President of the United States has issued
several proclamations, with provisions in regard to the liberation
of slaves; and whereas, it is now desired by some persons
heretofore engaged in said rebellion, to resume their allegiance
to the United States, and to reinaugurate loyal State Governments
within and for their respective States; therefore,
“I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim,
declare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or by
implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as
hereinafter excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted to them
and each of them, with restoration of all rights of property,
except as to slaves, and in property cases where rights of third
parties shall have intervened, and upon the condition that every
such person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward
keep and maintain said oath inviolate; and which oath shall be
registered for permanent preservation, and shall be of the tenor
and effect following, to wit:
“‘I, ---- ----, do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God,
that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect and defend
the Constitution of the United States, and the Union of the
States thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and
faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing
rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not
repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of
the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and
faithfully support all proclamations of the President made during
the existing rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so
far as not modified or declared void by decision of the Supreme
Court. So help me God.’
“The persons excepted from the benefits of the foregoing
provisions are all who are, or shall have been, civil or diplomatic
officers or agents of the so-called Confederate Government; all
who have left judicial stations under the United States to aid
the rebellion; all who are, or shall have been, military or naval
officers of the said so-called Confederate Government, above the
rank of colonel in the army, or of lieutenant in the navy; all who
left seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion; all
who resigned commissions in the Army or Navy of the United States,
and afterward aided the rebellion; and all who have engaged in
any way in treating colored persons, or white persons in charge
of such, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which
persons may have been found in the United States service as
soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity.
“And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that whenever,
in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi,
Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, and North
Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one-tenth in number
of the votes cast in such State at the Presidential election of
the year of our Lord 1860, each having taken the oath aforesaid,
and not having since violated it, and being a qualified voter
by the election law of the State existing immediately before
the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall
re-establish a State Government which shall be republican, and in
nowise contravening said oath, such shall be recognized as the true
Government of the State, and the State shall receive thereunder
the benefits of the constitutional provision which declares that
‘the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union
a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them
against invasion; and on application of the Legislature, or the
Executive, (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against
domestic violence.’
“And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that any
provision which may be adopted by such State Government in
relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize
and declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education,
and which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrangement, with
their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless
class, will not be objected to by the National Executive. And it
is suggested as not improper, that, in constructing a loyal State
Government in any State, the name of the State, the boundary,
the subdivisions, the Constitution, and the general code of
laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to
the modifications made necessary by the conditions hereinbefore
stated, and such others, if any, not contravening said conditions,
and which may be deemed expedient by those framing the new State
Government.
“To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this
proclamation, so far as it relates to State Governments, has no
reference to States wherein loyal State Governments have all the
while been maintained. And for the same reason, it may be proper to
further say that whether members sent to Congress from any State
shall be admitted to seats constitutionally, rests exclusively with
the respective Houses, and not to any extent with the Executive.
And still further, that this proclamation is intended to present
the people of the States wherein the National authority has been
suspended, and loyal State Governments have been subverted, a mode
in and by which the National authority and loyal State Governments
may be re-established within said States, or in any of them; and,
while the mode presented is the best the Executive can suggest,
with his present impressions, it must not be understood that no
other possible mode would be acceptable.
“Given under my hand at the city of Washington, the eighth day of
December, A. D. 1863, and of the Independence of the United States
of America the eighty-eighth.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
The Annual Message sent in to Congress on the 9th day of December,
omitting matters of but temporary interest--is as follows:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES:--Another year of health and sufficiently abundant
harvests, has passed. For these, and especially for the improved
condition of our National affairs, our renewed and profoundest
gratitude to God is due.
“We remain in peace and friendship with foreign powers.
“The efforts of disloyal citizens of the United States to involve
us in foreign wars, to aid an inexcusable insurrection, have been
unavailing. Her Britannic Majesty’s Government, as was justly
expected, have exercised their authority to prevent the departure
of new hostile expeditions from British ports. The Emperor
of France has, by a like proceeding, promptly vindicated the
neutrality which he proclaimed at the beginning of the contest.
Questions of great intricacy and importance have arisen, out of the
blockade and other belligerent operations, between the Government
and several of the maritime powers, but they have been discussed,
and, as far as was possible, accommodated in a spirit of frankness,
justice, and mutual good will. It is especially gratifying that
our prize courts, by the impartiality of their adjudications, have
commanded the respect and confidence of maritime powers.
“The supplementary treaty between the United States and Great
Britain for the suppression of the African slave-trade, made on
the 17th of February last, has been duly ratified, and carried
into execution. It is believed that, so far as American ports and
American citizens are concerned, that inhuman and odious traffic
has been brought to an end....
“Incidents occurring in the progress of our civil war have forced
upon my attention the uncertain state of international questions
touching the rights of foreigners in this country and of United
States citizens abroad. In regard to some Governments, these
rights are at least partially defined by treaties. In no instance,
however, is it expressly stipulated that, in the event of civil
law, a foreigner residing in this country, within the lines of the
insurgents, is to be exempted from the rule which classes him as a
belligerent, in whose behalf the Government of his country can not
expect any privileges or immunities distinct from that character.
I regret to say, however, that such claims have been put forward,
and, in some instances, in behalf of foreigners who have lived in
the United States the greater part of their lives.
“There is reason to believe that many persons born in foreign
countries, who have declared their intention to become citizens,
or who have been fully naturalized, have evaded the military duty
required of them by denying the fact, and thereby throwing upon
the Government the burden of proof. It has been found difficult or
impracticable to obtain this proof, from the want of guides to the
proper sources of information. These might be supplied by requiring
clerks of courts, where declarations of intention may be made or
naturalizations effected, to send, periodically, lists of the names
of the persons naturalized, or declaring their intention to become
citizens, to the Secretary of the Interior, in whose Department
those names might be arranged and printed for general information.
“There is also reason to believe that foreigners frequently
become citizens of the United States for the sole purpose of
evading duties imposed by the laws of their native countries, to
which, on becoming naturalized here, they at once repair, and,
though never returning to the United States, they still claim the
interposition of this Government as citizens. Many altercations
and great prejudices have heretofore arisen out of this abuse. It
is, therefore, submitted to your serious consideration. It might
be advisable to fix a limit, beyond which no citizen of the
United States residing abroad may claim the interposition of his
Government.
“The right of suffrage has often been assumed and exercised
by aliens, under pretences of naturalization, which they have
disavowed when drafted into the military service. I submit the
expediency of such an amendment of the law as will make the fact
of voting an estoppel against any plea of exemption from military
service, or other civil obligation, on the ground of alienage....
“The condition of the several organized Territories is generally
satisfactory, although Indian disturbances in New Mexico have
not been entirely suppressed. The mineral resources of Colorado,
Nevada, Idaho, New Mexico, and Arizona, are proving far richer than
has been heretofore understood. I lay before you a communication
on this subject from the Governor of New Mexico. I again submit
to your consideration the expediency of establishing a system for
the encouragement of immigration. Although this source of national
wealth and strength is again flowing with greater freedom than for
several years before the insurrection occurred, there is still a
great deficiency of laborers in every field of industry, especially
in agriculture and in our mines, as well of iron and coal as of the
precious metals. While the demand for labor is thus increased here,
tens of thousands of persons, destitute of remunerative occupation,
are thronging our foreign consulates, and offering to emigrate to
the United States if essential, but very cheap, assistance can be
afforded them. It is easy to see that, under the sharp discipline
of civil war, the nation is beginning a new life. This noble effort
demands the aid, and ought to receive the attention and support, of
the Government.
“Injuries, unforeseen by the Government and unintended, may, in
some cases, have been inflicted on the subjects or citizens of
foreign countries, both at sea and on land, by persons in the
service of the United States. As this Government expects redress
from other powers when similar injuries are inflicted by persons
in their service upon citizens of the United States, we must be
prepared to do justice to foreigners. If the existing judicial
tribunals are inadequate to this purpose, a special court may
be authorized, with power to hear and decide such claims of the
character referred to as may have arisen under treaties and
the public law. Conventions for adjusting the claims by joint
commission, have been proposed to some Governments, but no definite
answer to the propositions has yet been received from any.
“In the course of the session, I shall probably have occasion
to request you to provide indemnification to claimants where
decrees of restitution have been rendered, and damages awarded by
admiralty courts, and in other cases, where this Government may be
acknowledged to be liable in principle, and where the amount of
that liability has been ascertained by an informal arbitration.
“The proper officers of the Treasury have deemed themselves
required, by the law of the United States upon the subject, to
demand a tax upon the incomes of foreign consuls in this country.
While such demand may not, in strictness, be in derogation of
public law, or perhaps of any existing treaty between the United
States and a foreign country, the expediency of so far modifying
the act as to exempt from tax the income of such consuls as are
not citizens of the United States, derived from the emoluments of
their office, or from property not situated in the United States,
is submitted to your serious consideration. I make this suggestion
upon the ground that a comity which ought to be reciprocated
exempts our consuls, in all other countries, from taxation to the
extent thus indicated. The United States, I think, ought not to be
exceptionally illiberal to international trade and commerce.
“The operations of the Treasury during the last year have been
successfully conducted. The enactment by Congress of a National
Banking Law has proved a valuable support of the public credit; and
the general legislation in relation to loans has fully answered the
expectations of its favorers. Some amendments may be required to
perfect existing laws; but no change in their principles or general
scope is believed to be needed.
“Since these measures have been in operation, all demands on
the Treasury, including the pay of the Army and Navy, have been
promptly met and fully satisfied. No considerable body of troops,
it is believed, were ever more amply provided and more liberally
and punctually paid; and it may be added that by no people were the
burdens incident to a great war ever more cheerfully borne.
“The receipts during the year from all sources, including loans and
the balance in the Treasury at its commencement, were $901,125,674
86, and the aggregate disbursements, $895,796,630 65, leaving a
balance on the 1st of July, 1863, of $5,329,044 21. Of the receipts
there were derived from customs, $69,059,642 40; from internal
revenue, $37,640,787 95; from direct tax, $1,485,103 61; from
lands, $167,617 17; from miscellaneous sources, $3,046,615 35; and
from loans, $776,682,361 57; making the aggregate, $901,125,674
86. Of the disbursements, there were, for the civil service,
$23,253,922 08; for pensions and Indians, $4,216,520 79; for
interest on public debt, $24,729,846 51; for the War Department,
$599,298,600 83; for the Navy department, $63,211,105 27; for
payment of funded and temporary debt, $181,086,635 07; making the
aggregate, $895,796,630 65; and leaving the balance of $5,329,044
21. But the payment of funded and temporary debt, having been made
from moneys borrowed during the year, must be regarded as merely
nominal payments, and the moneys borrowed to make them as merely
nominal receipts; and their amount, $181,086,635 07, should
therefore be deducted both from receipts and disbursements. This
being done, there remain as actual receipts, $720,039,039 79; and
the actual disbursements, $714,709,995 58, leaving the balance as
already stated.
“The actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter,
and the estimated receipts and disbursements for the remaining
three-quarters, of the current fiscal year 1864, will be shown in
detail by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to which I
invite your attention. It is sufficient to say here that it is not
believed that actual results will exhibit a state of the finances
less favorable to the country than the estimates of that officer
heretofore submitted; while it is confidently expected that at the
close of the year both disbursements and debt will be found very
considerably less than has been anticipated.
“The report of the Secretary of War is a document of great
interest. It consists of--
“1. The military operations of the year, detailed in the report of
the General-in-Chief.
“2. The organization of colored persons into the war service.
“3. The exchange of prisoners, fully set forth in the letter of
General Hitchcock.
“4. The operations under the act for enrolling and calling out the
National forces, detailed in the report of the Provost Marshal
General.
“5. The organization of the Invalid Corps; and,
“6. The operation of the several departments of the Quartermaster
General, Commissary General, Paymaster General, Chief of Engineers,
Chief of Ordnance, and Surgeon General.
“It has appeared impossible to make a valuable summary of this
report, except such as would be too extended for this place, and
hence I content myself by asking your careful attention to the
report itself.
“The duties devolving on the Naval branch of the service during
the year, and throughout the whole of this unhappy contest, have
been discharged with fidelity and eminent success. The extensive
blockade has been constantly increasing in efficiency, and the Navy
has expanded; yet on so long a line it has so far been impossible
to entirely suppress illicit trade. From returns received at the
Navy Department, it appears that more than one thousand vessels
have been captured since the blockade was instituted, and that the
value of prizes already sent in for adjudication, amounts to over
thirteen million dollars.
“The naval force of the United States consists, at this time, of
five hundred and eighty-eight vessels, completed and in the course
of completion, and of these seventy-five are iron-clad or armored
steamers. The events of the war give an increased interest and
importance to the Navy, which will probably extend beyond the war
itself.
“The armored vessels in our Navy, completed and in service, or
which are under contract and approaching completion, are believed
to exceed in number those of any other Power. But while these
may be relied upon for harbor defence and coast service, others,
of greater strength and capacity, will be necessary for cruising
purposes, and to maintain our rightful position on the ocean.
“The change that has taken place in naval vessels and naval warfare
since the introduction of steam as a motive power for ships-of-war,
demands either a corresponding change in some of our existing
navy-yards, or the establishment of new ones, for the construction
and necessary repairs of modern naval vessels. No inconsiderable
embarrassment, delay, and public injury have been experienced
from the want of such Governmental establishments. The necessity
of such a navy-yard, so furnished, at some suitable place upon
the Atlantic seaboard, has, on repeated occasions, been brought
to the attention of Congress by the Navy Department, and is again
presented in the report of the Secretary which accompanies this
communication. I think it my duty to invite your special attention
to this subject, and also to that of establishing a yard and
depot for naval purposes upon one of the Western rivers. A naval
force has been created on those interior waters, and under many
disadvantages, within little more than two years, exceeding in
numbers the whole naval force of the country at the commencement of
the present Administration. Satisfactory and important as have been
the performances of the heroic men of the Navy at this interesting
period, they are scarcely more wonderful than the success of our
mechanics and artisans in the production of war vessels, which has
created a new form of naval power.
“Our country has advantages superior to any other nation in our
resources of iron and timber, with inexhaustible quantities of fuel
in the immediate vicinity of both, and all available and in close
proximity to navigable waters. Without the advantage of public
works, the resources of the nation have been developed, and its
power displayed, in the construction of a navy of such magnitude,
which has, at the very period of its creation, rendered signal
service to the Union.
“The increase of the number of seamen in the public service, from
seven thousand five hundred men in the spring of 1861, to about
thirty-four thousand at the present time, has been accomplished
without special legislation or extraordinary bounties to promote
that increase. It has been found, however, that the operation
of the draft, with the high bounties paid for army recruits, is
beginning to affect injuriously the naval service, and will, if not
corrected, be likely to impair its efficiency, by detaching seamen
from their proper vocation and inducing them to enter the army. I
therefore respectfully suggest that Congress might aid both the
army and naval services by a definite provision on this subject,
which would at the same time be equitable to the communities more
especially interested.
“I commend to your consideration the suggestions of the Secretary
of the Navy in regard to the policy of fostering and training
seamen, and also the education of officers and engineers for the
naval service. The Naval Academy is rendering signal service in
preparing midshipmen for the highly responsible duties which in
after-life they will be required to perform. In order that the
country should not be deprived of the proper quota of educated
officers for which legal provision has been made at the Naval
School, the vacancies caused by the neglect or omission to make
nominations from the States in insurrection have been filled by the
Secretary of the Navy. The school is now more full and complete
than at any former period, and in every respect entitled to the
favorable consideration of Congress.
“During the past fiscal year the financial condition of the Post
Office Department has been one of increasing prosperity, and I am
gratified in being able to state that the actual postal revenue
has nearly equaled the entire expenditures; the latter amounting
to $11,314,206 84, and the former to $11,163,789 59, leaving a
deficiency of but $150,411 25. In 1860, the year immediately
preceding the rebellion, the deficiency amounted to $5,656,705
49, the postal receipts of that year being $2,645,722 19 less
than those of 1863. The decrease since 1860 in the annual amount
of transportation has been only about twenty-five per cent., but
the annual expenditure on account of the same has been reduced
thirty-five per cent. It is manifest, therefore, that the Post
Office Department may become self-sustaining in a few years, even
with the restoration of the whole service.
“The quantity of land disposed of during the last and the first
quarter of the present fiscal years was 3,841,549 acres, of which
161,911 acres were sold for cash, 1,456,514 acres were taken up
under the homestead law, and the residue disposed of under laws
granting lands for military bounties, for railroad and other
purposes. It also appears that the sale of public lands is largely
on the increase.
“It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest
statesmen that the people of the United States had a higher and
more enduring interest in the early settlement and substantial
cultivation of the public lands than in the amount of direct
revenue to be derived from the sale of them. This opinion has
had a controlling influence in shaping legislation upon the
subject of our National domain. I may cite, as evidence of this,
the liberal measures adopted in reference to actual settlers;
the grants to the States of the overflowed lands within their
limits; in order to their being reclaimed and rendered fit for
cultivation; the grants to railway companies of alternate sections
of land upon the contemplated lines of their roads, which, when
completed, will so largely multiply the facilities for reaching
our distant possessions. This policy has received its most signal
and beneficent illustration in the recent enactment granting
homesteads to actual settlers. Since the 1st day of January last,
the before-mentioned quantity of 1,456,514 acres of land have
been taken up under its provisions. This fact and the amount of
sales furnish gratifying evidence of increasing settlement upon
the public lands, notwithstanding the great struggle in which the
energies of the Nation have been engaged, and which has required so
large a withdrawal of our citizens from their accustomed pursuits.
“The measures provided at your last session for the removal of
certain Indian tribes, have been carried into effect. Sundry
treaties have been negotiated which will, in due time, be submitted
for the constitutional action of the Senate. They contain
stipulations for extinguishing the possessory rights of the
Indians to large and valuable tracts of lands. It is hoped that
the effect of these treaties will result in the establishment of
permanent friendly relations with such of these tribes as have
been brought into frequent and bloody collision with our outlying
settlements and emigrants. Sound policy and our imperative duty
to these wards of the Government demand our anxious and constant
attention to their material well-being, to their progress in the
arts of civilization, and above all, to that moral training which,
under the blessing of Divine Providence, will confer upon them the
elevated and sanctifying influences, the hopes and consolations of
the Christian faith.
“When Congress assembled a year ago, the war had already lasted
nearly twenty months; and there had been many conflicts on both
land and sea, with varying results. The rebellion had been pressed
back into reduced limits; yet the tone of public feeling and
opinion, at home and abroad, was not satisfactory. With other
signs, the popular elections, then just past, indicated uneasiness
among ourselves, while, amid much that was cold and menacing,
the kindest words coming from Europe were uttered in accents of
pity that we were too blind to surrender a hopeless cause. Our
commerce was suffering greatly by a few armed vessels built upon
and furnished from foreign shores; and we were threatened with such
additions from the same quarter as would sweep our trade from the
sea and raise our blockade. We had failed to elicit from European
Governments any thing hopeful upon this subject. The preliminary
Emancipation Proclamation, issued in September, was running its
assigned period to the beginning of the new year. A month later the
final proclamation came, including the announcement that colored
men of suitable condition would be received into the war service.
The policy of emancipation, and of employing black soldiers, gave
to the future a new aspect, about which hope, and fear, and doubt
contended in uncertain conflict. According to our political system,
as a matter of civil administration, the General Government had
no lawful power to effect emancipation in any State; and for a
long time it had been hoped that the rebellion could be suppressed
without resorting to it as a military measure. It was all the while
deemed possible that the necessity for it might come, and that,
if it should, the crisis of the contest would then be presented.
It came, and as was anticipated, it was followed by dark and
doubtful days. Eleven months having now passed, we are permitted to
take another review. The rebel borders are pressed still further
back, and by the complete opening of the Mississippi the country
dominated by the rebellion is divided into distinct parts, with no
practical communication between them. Tennessee and Arkansas have
been substantially cleared of insurgent control, and influential
citizens in each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the
beginning of the rebellion, now declare openly for emancipation
in their respective States. Of those States not included in the
Emancipation Proclamation, Maryland and Missouri, neither of which,
three years ago, would tolerate any restraint upon the extension of
slavery into new Territories, only dispute now as to the best mode
of removing it within their own limits.
“Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full
one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service,
about one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks;
thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labor from the
insurgent cause, and supplying the places which otherwise must be
filled with so many white men. So far as tested, it is difficult to
say they are not as good soldiers as any. No servile insurrection,
or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the measures of
emancipation and arming the blacks. These measures have been
much discussed in foreign countries, and contemporary with such
discussion the tone of public sentiment there is much improved.
At home the same measures have been fully discussed, supported,
criticised, and denounced, and the annual elections following are
highly encouraging to those whose official duty it is to bear the
country through this great trial. Thus we have the new reckoning.
The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is
past.
“Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a
resumption of the National authority within the States wherein
that authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue
a proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On
examination of this proclamation it will appear, as is believed,
that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the
Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man is
coerced to take it. The man is only promised a pardon in case
he voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the
Executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute
discretion; and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is
fully established by judicial and other authorities.
“It is also proffered that if, in any of the States named, a
State Government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such
Government shall be recognized and guarantied by the United
States, and that under it the State shall, on the constitutional
conditions, be protected against invasion and domestic violence.
The constitutional obligation of the United States to guarantee
to every State in the Union a republican form of government, and
to protect the State, in the cases stated, is explicit and full.
But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State
Government set up in this particular way? This section of the
Constitution contemplates a case wherein the element within a State
favorable to republican government, in the Union, may be too feeble
for an opposite and hostile element external to or even within
the State; and such are precisely the cases with which we are now
dealing.
“An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State Government,
constructed in whole, or in preponderating part, from the very
element against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected,
is simply absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the
opposing element, so as to build only from the sound; and that test
is a sufficiently liberal one, which accepts as sound whoever will
make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness.
“But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the
political body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the
United States, and to the Union under it, why also to the laws and
proclamations in regard to slavery? Those laws and proclamations
were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the
suppression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect,
there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment
they have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they
were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish
a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding
breach of faith. I may add at this point that, while I remain in
my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the
Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person
who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the
acts of Congress. For these and other reasons, it is thought best
that support of these measures shall be included in the oath; and
it is believed the Executive may lawfully claim it in return for
pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has clear
constitutional power to withhold altogether, or grant upon the
terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should
be observed, also, that this part of the oath is subject to the
modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme judicial
decision.
“The proposed acquiescence of the National Executive in any
reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people,
is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and
destitution which must, at best, attend all classes by a total
revolution of labor throughout whole States. It is hoped that the
already deeply afflicted people in those States may be somewhat
more ready to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to this
extent, this vital matter be left to themselves; while no power
of the National Executive to prevent an abuse, is abridged by the
proposition.
“The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political
framework of the States on what is called reconstruction, is made
in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will
save labor, and avoid great confusion.
“But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This question is
beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed
too long or be taken too soon. In some States the elements for
resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive, apparently
for want of a rallying point--a plan of action. Why shall A adopt
the plan of B, rather than B that of A? And if A and B should
agree, how can they know but that the General Government here will
reject their plan? By the proclamation a plan is presented which
may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they are
assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them
to act sooner than they otherwise would.
“The objection to a premature presentation of a plan by the
National Executive consists in the danger of committals on points
which could be more safely left to further developments. Care has
been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassment from
this source. Saying that, on certain terms, certain classes will be
pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that other classes
or other terms will never be included. Saying that reconstruction
will be accepted, if presented in a specific way, it is not said it
will never be accepted in any other way.
“The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of
the States, not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are
matters of profound congratulation. And while I do not repeat in
detail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject,
my general views and feelings remain unchanged; and I trust that
Congress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important
steps to a great consummation.
“In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose
sight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To
that power alone can we look, yet for a time, to give confidence
to the people in the contested regions that the insurgent power
will not again overrun them. Until that confidence shall be
established, little can be done anywhere for what is called
reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be directed to
the Army and Navy, who have thus far borne their harder part so
nobly and well. And it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving
the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do also
honorably recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel,
who compose them, and, to whom, more than to others, the world must
stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated,
enlarged, and perpetuated.
Dec. 8, 1863.
“Abraham Lincoln.”
On the twenty-sixth of March, 1864, the following proclamation,
explanatory of the one issued on the eighth of December, 1863, was
published:
“WHEREAS, It has become necessary to define the cases in which
insurgent enemies are entitled to the benefits of the Proclamation
of the President of the United States, which was made on the 8th
day of December, 1863, and the manner in which they shall proceed
to avail themselves of these benefits;
“AND WHEREAS, The objects of that proclamation were to suppress the
insurrection and to restore the authority of the United States;
“AND WHEREAS, The amnesty therein proposed by the President was
offered with reference to these objects alone;
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do hereby proclaim and declare that the said proclamation
does not apply to the cases of persons who, at the time when they
seek to obtain the benefits thereof, by taking the oath thereby
prescribed, are in military, naval or civil confinement or custody,
or under bonds or on parole of the civil, military or naval
authorities or agents of the United States, as prisoners of war, or
persons detained for offences of any kind, either before or after
conviction; and that on the contrary, it does apply only to those
persons who, being at large and free from any arrest, confinement
or duress, shall voluntarily come forward and take the said oath,
with the purpose of restoring peace and establishing the national
authority.
“Prisoners excluded from the amnesty offered in the said
proclamation may apply to the President for clemency, like
all other offenders, and their application will receive due
consideration.
“I do further declare and proclaim that the oath prescribed in the
aforesaid proclamation of the 8th of December, 1863, may be taken
and subscribed to before any commanding officer, civil, military
or naval, in the service of the United States, or any civil or
military officer of a State or Territory not in insurrection, who,
by the laws thereof, may be qualified for administering oaths.
“All officers who receive such oaths are hereby authorized to
give certificates thereon to the persons respectively by whom
they are made, and such officers are hereby required to transmit
the original records of such oaths at as early a day as may be
convenient to the Department of State, where they will be deposited
and remain in the archives of the Government.
“The Secretary of State will keep a register thereof, and will, on
application, in proper cases, issue certificates of such records in
the customary form of official certificates.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-sixth day of March, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and
of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
CHAPTER XVIII.
PROGRESS.
President’s Speech at Washington--Speech to a New York Committee--
Speech In Baltimore--Letter to a Kentuckian--Employment of
Colored Troops--Davis’s Threat--General Order--President’s Order
on the Subject.
On the night of the eighteenth of March, 1864, in response to a call
from the multitude at a fair held in the Patent Office at Washington,
in aid of an organization for the relief of Union soldiers everywhere,
Mr. Lincoln spoke as follows:
“LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I appear, to say but a word. This
extraordinary war in which we are engaged falls heavily upon all
classes of people, but the most heavily upon the soldier. For it
has been said, ‘All that a man hath will he give for his life;’
and, while all contribute of their substance, the soldier puts his
life at stake, and often yields it up in his country’s cause. The
highest merit, then, is due to the soldier.
“In this extraordinary war, extraordinary developments have
manifested themselves, such as have not been seen in former wars;
and among these manifestations nothing has been more remarkable
than these fairs for the relief of suffering soldiers and their
families. And the chief agents in these fairs are the women of
America. I am not accustomed to the use of the language of eulogy;
I have never studied the art of paying compliments to women; but
I must say, that, if all that has been said by orators and poets,
since the creation of the world, in praise of women, were applied
to the women of America, it would not do them justice for their
conduct during this war. I will close by saying, God bless the
women of America!”
Three days later, a committee appointed by the Workingmen’s Democratic
Republican Association of New York waited on the President, and
presented him with an address informing him that he had been elected a
member of that organization. After the chairman had stated the object
of the visit, Mr. Lincoln made the following reply:
“GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--The honorary membership in your
Association so generously tendered is gratefully accepted. You
comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing rebellion
means more and tends to more than the perpetuation of African
slavery--that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all working
people. Partly to show that the view has not escaped my attention,
and partly that I cannot better express myself, I read a passage
from the message to Congress in December, 1861:
“‘It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely,
if not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular
government--the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of
this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public
documents, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In
those documents we find the abridgement of the existing right of
suffrage, and the denial to the people of all right to participate
in the selection of public officers, except the legislative body,
boldly advocated with labored arguments, to prove that large
control of the people in government is the source of all political
evil. Monarchy is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the
power of the people. In my present position, I could scarcely be
justified were I to omit raising my voice against this approach of
returning despotism.
“‘It is not needed or fitting here that a general argument should
be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point,
with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which
I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place _capital_ on
an equal footing with, if not above, _labor_ in the structure of
the Government. It is assumed that labor is available only in
connection with capital; that nobody labors unless somebody else
owning capital somehow, by use of it, induces him to labor.
“‘This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that
capital shall _hire_ laborers, and thus induce them to work by
their own consent, or _buy them_ and drive them to it without their
consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that
all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves.
And, further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer
is fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no such relation
between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such thing
as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired
laborer. Both of these assumptions are false, and all inferences
from them are groundless.
“‘Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the
fruit of labor, and never could have existed if labor had not first
existed. Labor is the support of capital, and deserves much the
higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy
of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is,
and probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital
producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole
labor of a community exists within that relation. A few men own
capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with that capital
hire or buy another few to labor for them.
“‘A large majority belong to neither class--neither work for others
nor have others working for them. In most of the Southern States
a majority of the whole people, of all colors, are neither slaves
nor masters, while, in the Northern States, a large majority are
neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families--wives, sons, and
daughters--work for themselves on their farms, in their houses, and
in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking
no favors of capital on the one hand nor of hired laborers or
slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number
of persons mingle their own labor with capital--that is, they labor
with their own hands and also buy or hire others to labor for them;
but this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle
stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.
“‘Again. As has already been said, there is not of necessity any
such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition
for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few
years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent,
penniless beginner in the world labors for wages awhile, saves a
surplus with which to buy tools or lands for himself, then labors
on his own account another while, and at length hires another
new beginner to help him. This is the just, and generous, and
prosperous system which opens the way to all--gives hope to all,
and consequent energy, and progress, and improvement to all. No men
living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from
poverty--none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have
not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political
power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will
surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all
of liberty shall be lost.’
“The views then expressed remain unchanged--nor have I much to
add. None are so deeply interested to resist the present rebellion
as the working people. Let them beware of prejudices working
disunion and hostility among themselves. The most notable feature
of a disturbance in your city last summer, was the hanging of
some working people by other working people. It should never be
so. The strongest bond of human sympathy, outside of the family
relation, should be one uniting all working people, of all nations,
tongues, and kindreds. Nor should this lead to a war upon property
or the owners of property. Property is the fruit of labor;
property is desirable; is a positive good in the world. That some
should be rich, shows that others may become rich, and hence is
just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who
is houseless pull down the house of another, but let him labor
diligently and build one for himself; thus, by example, assuring
that his own shall be safe from violence when built.”
And in Baltimore--that Baltimore through which, in February, 1861, he
had been compelled to pass by stealth, to avoid the assassin, on his
way to his inauguration--on the 18th of April, 1864, the anniversary
eve of that murder of loyal citizens armed in defence of their
imperilled country--Mr. Lincoln spoke at a similar Fair, and spoke,
too, of slavery, as of an institution practically annihilated in
Maryland.
Truly some advance had been made during those three years, so pregnant
with events!
“LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--Calling it to mind that we are in
Baltimore, we cannot fail to note that the world moves. Looking
upon the many people I see assembled here to serve as they best
may the soldiers of the Union, it occurs to me that three years
ago those soldiers could not pass through Baltimore. I would say,
blessings upon the men who have wrought these changes, and the
ladies who have assisted them. This change which has taken place in
Baltimore, is part only of a far wider change that is taking place
all over the country.
“When the war commenced, three years ago, no one expected that it
would last this long, and no one supposed that the institution of
slavery would be materially affected by it. But here we are. The
war is not yet ended, and slavery has been very materially affected
or interfered with. So true is it that man proposes and God
disposes.
“The world is in want of a good definition of the word liberty. We
all declare ourselves to be for liberty, but we do not all mean the
same thing. Some mean that a man can do as he pleases with himself
and his property. With others, it means that some men can do as
they please with other men and other men’s labor. Each of these
things are called liberty, although they are entirely different. To
give an illustration: A shepherd drives the wolf from the throat
of his sheep when attacked by him, and the sheep, of course,
thanks the shepherd for the preservation of his life; but the wolf
denounces him as despoiling the sheep of his liberty--especially if
it be a black sheep.
“This same difference of opinion prevails among some of the people
of the North. But the people of Maryland have recently been doing
something to properly define the meaning of the word, and I thank
them from the bottom of my heart for what they have done and are
doing.
“It is not very becoming for a President to make a speech at
great length, but there is a painful rumor afloat in the country,
in reference to which a few words shall be said. It is reported
that there has been a wanton massacre of some hundreds of colored
soldiers at Fort Pillow, Tennessee, during a recent engagement
there, and it is fit to explain some facts in relation to the
affair. It is said by some persons that the Government is not, in
this matter, doing its duty. At the commencement of the war, it
was doubtful whether black men would be used as soldiers or not.
The matter was examined into very carefully, and after mature
deliberation, the whole matter resting as it were with himself, he,
in his judgment, decided that they should.
“He was responsible for the act to the American people, to a
Christian nation, to the future historian, and above all, to his
God, to whom he would have, one day, to render an account of
his stewardship. He would now say that in his opinion the black
soldier should have the same protection as the white soldier, and
he would have it. It was an error to say that the Government was
not acting in the matter. The Government has no direct evidence to
confirm the reports in existence relative to this massacre, but
he himself believed the facts in relation to it to be as stated.
When the Government does know the facts from official sources, and
they prove to substantiate the reports, retribution will be surely
given.”
Mr. Lincoln’s policy upon the question of slavery, is tersely presented
in the following letter written by him to a Kentuckian, dated Executive
Mansion, Washington, April 4, 1864.
“A. G. HODGES, ESQ., Frankfort, Ky.:
“MY DEAR SIR:--You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I
verbally said the other day in your presence, to Governor Bramlette
and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows:
“I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is
wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think and feel. And
yet, I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon
me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and
feeling. It was in the oath I took, that I would, to the best of
my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the
United States. I could not take the office without taking the
oath. Nor was it my view, that I might take an oath to get power,
and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that
in ordinary civil administration, this oath even forbade me to
practically indulge my primary, abstract judgment, on the moral
question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times, and
in many ways. And I aver that, to this day, I have done no official
act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on
slavery.
“I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the
Constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty
of preserving, by every indispensable means, the Government--that
Nation--of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it
possible to lose the Nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
“By general law, life and limb must be protected: yet often a limb
must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given
to save a limb. I feel that measures, otherwise unconstitutional,
might become lawful, by becoming indispensable to the preservation
of the Constitution, through the preservation of the Nation. Right
or wrong, I assumed this ground and now avow it. I could not feel
that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the
Constitution, if to save slavery or any minor matter, I should
permit the wreck of Government, Country and Constitution, all
together. When early in the war, Gen. Fremont attempted military
emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an
indispensable necessity. When a little later, Gen. Cameron, then
Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,
because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When,
still later, Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again
forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity
had come.
“When, in March, and May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and
successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated
emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military
emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by
that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my
best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering
the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand
upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I
hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely
confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it, in
our foreign relations; none in our home popular sentiment; none in
our white military force--no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the
contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand
soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about
which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men, and we
could not have had them without the measure.
“And now, let any Union man who complains of the measure, test
himself, by writing down in one line that he is for subduing the
rebellion by force of arms, and in the next that he is for taking
these one hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and
placing them where they would be, but for the measure he condemns.
If he can not face his cause so stated, it is only because he can
not face the truth.
“I add a word, which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling
this tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim
not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events
have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years’ struggle, the
Nation’s condition is not what either party or any man devised or
expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending, seems
plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills
also that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall
pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history
will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and
goodness of God.
“Yours truly,
“A. LINCOLN.”
The results of the employment of negro soldiers--a measure which, at
the time it was first announced, caused no little commotion among
the over-sensitive in the loyal States, and was looked upon with
disfavor by many white soldiers, as well--as shown in the above letter,
precluded further arguments upon the question.
The Davis combination at Richmond, having announced that none of the
immunities recognized under the laws of war would be granted to colored
soldiers or their officers, General Orders No. 100, under date of April
24, 1863, “previously approved by the President,” promulgating general
instructions for the government of our armies, was issued, containing
the following:
“The law of nations knows of no distinction of color; and if an
enemy of the United States should enslave and sell any captured
persons of their army, it would be a case for the severest
retaliation, if not redressed upon complaint. The United States
cannot retaliate by enslavement; therefore, death must be the
retaliation for this crime against the law of nations.
“All troops of the enemy known or discovered to give no quarter in
general, or to any portion of the army, will receive none.”
The following order of the President, issued by him as
Commander-in-chief, and communicated to the entire army deals with this
subject alone:
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, July 30, 1863.
“It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its
citizens of whatever class, color or condition, and especially to
those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service.
The law of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried
on by civilized powers, prohibit no distinction as to color in the
treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave
any captured person, on account of his color, and for no offence
against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime
against the civilization of the age.
“The Government of the United States will give the same protection
to all its soldiers; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one
because of his color, the offence shall be punished by retaliation
upon the enemy’s prisoners in our possession.
“It is therefore ordered, that for every soldier of the United
States killed in violation of the laws of war, a rebel soldier
shall be executed; and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold
into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the
public works, and continued at such labor until the one shall be
released and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
CHAPTER XIX.
RENOMINATED.
Lieut. Gen. Grant--His Military Record--Continued Movements--
Correspondence with the President--Across the Rapidan--Richmond
Invested--President’s Letter to a Grant Meeting--Meeting of
Republican National Convention--The Platform--The Nomination--
Mr. Lincoln’s Reply to the Committee of Notification--Remarks to
Union League Committee--Speech at a Serenade--Speech to Ohio
Troops.
In 1864, those grand military combinations were planned and had their
commencement which were to give the quietus to that gigantic rebellion,
which, as we had been gravely and repeatedly assured by patronizing
foreigners and ill-wishers of the Republic here at home, could never
be subdued--to which, they being judges, the United States would
eventually be forced to succumb.
On the 2nd of March, the President approved a bill, passed by Congress
on the 26th of February, reviving the grade of Lieutenant-General
in the Army, to which position he at once nominated, and the Senate
unanimously confirmed, Ulysses S. Grant, then Major-General.
Like the President, Gen. Grant sprang from “plain people;” arose from
humble circumstances, and had none of those advantages of birth, or
family connections, or large estate, which have so often furnished
such material leverage for men who have attained distinction. Entering
the army as Colonel of an Illinois regiment, on the point of being
disbanded, which within a month he had made noticeable for its
discipline and character, even when compared with those noteworthy
regiments which Illinois has furnished; promoted to the grade of
Brigadier-General; preventing, by the battle of Belmont--criticised
at the time, but, like many other engagements, little understood--the
reinforcement of the rebels in Southern Missouri by troops from
Columbus; seizing, with a strong force, which he had quietly gathered
near Smithland, almost at one fell swoop, Forts Henry and Donelson--a
rebel army, with artillery, and material, being captured in each;
starting the till then defiant rebels on a run from Kentucky and
Tennessee, which did not end until they reached Corinth; next fighting
the battle of Shiloh, a critical point of the war, with Sherman as
Chief Lieutenant--Shiloh, of which he said, at the close of the first
day’s fight, when every thing seemed against us, “Tough work to-day,
but we’ll beat them to-morrow;” superseded by Buell, patiently sitting
at the long, unprofitable siege of Corinth, until he was transferred
to Vicksburg, which in due time greeted him with the surrender of
another rebel army, reopening the Father of Waters to navigation; then
Chattanooga, which he ordered Thomas to hold fast, and not to give up,
if he starved--and it was not given up, and East Tennessee was freed
from rebels; these had been the prominent points of Grant’s military
career during the rebellion up to the time when he was summoned to the
command of all the armies then engaged in its suppression.
On the 9th of March, being upon official business at Washington, the
General was invited to the White House, and addressed as follows by the
President, who handed him his commission:
“GENERAL GRANT:--The expression of the nation’s approbation of what
you have already done, and its reliance on you for what remains
to do in the existing great struggle, is now presented with this
commission, constituting you Lieutenant-General of the Army of the
United States.
“With this high honor devolves on you an additional responsibility.
As the country herein trusts you, so, under God, it will sustain
you. I scarcely need add, that with what I here speak for the
country, goes my own hearty personal concurrence.”
Sherman having been left in command in the south-west, with
instructions to capture Atlanta, the vital point in Georgia, commenced
that grand series of flanking movements, which, for a time, seemed to
occasion intense satisfaction to the rebels, whose commander, Johnston,
upon all occasions had Sherman exactly where he wished him; while
Grant--taciturn, cool, and collected, with no set speeches, no flourish
of reviews--proceeded with the difficult task which he had taken in
hand--the annihilation or capture of Lee’s army, the mainstay of the
rebels’ military resources, and the occupation of Richmond.
On the 30th of April, the President addressed the following letter to
the new Commander:
“LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT:--Not expecting to see you before the
spring campaign opens, I wish to express in this way my entire
satisfaction with what you have done up to this time, so far as I
understand it. The particulars of your plan I neither know, nor
seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant; and pleased with
this, I wish not to obtrude any restraints or constraints upon you.
While I am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of our
men in great numbers shall be avoided, I know that these points are
less likely to escape your attention than they would be mine.
“If there be any thing wanting which is in my power to give, do
not fail to let me know it. And now, with a brave army and a just
cause, may God sustain you!
“Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN.”
To which the General, from Culpepper Court House, Va., on the 1st of
May, thus replied:
“TO THE PRESIDENT:--Your very kind letter is just received. The
confidence you express for the future and satisfaction for the
past, in my military administration, is acknowledged with pride. It
shall be my earnest endeavor that you and the country shall not be
disappointed.
“From my first entrance into the volunteer service of the country
to the present day, I have never had cause of complaint, have never
expressed or implied a complaint against the Administration, or the
Secretary of War, for throwing any embarrassment in the way of my
vigorously prosecuting what appeared to be my duty.
“Indeed, since the promotion which placed me in command of all the
armies, and in view of the great responsibility and importance of
success, I have been astonished at the readiness with which every
thing asked for has been yielded, without even an explanation being
asked. Should my success be less than I desire and expect, the
least I can say is, the fault is not with you.
“Very truly, your obedient servant,
“U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.”
Beginning at the right end--profiting by the experience of
others--wasting no time nor strength in mere display--promptly
breaking up, as an essential preliminary, the cliques and cabals which
had so long hindered the usefulness of the Army of the Potomac--when
the Lieutenant-General was at last ready, he moved across the Rapidan,
was attacked impetuously by Lee with his whole army before he had
fairly posted his own--“Any other man,” said Mr. Lincoln, “would
have been on this side of the Rapidan after the first three days’
fighting”--still fought--moved by the left flank--fought on--prepared,
after six days very heavy work, as he telegraphed the President, “to
fight it out on that line, if it took all summer”--outgeneralled Lee
at Spottsylvania Court House--secured his position--and held it till
the contemplated movements in other quarters should place the prize he
aimed at within his grasp.
Holding his ground, undeterred by an attempted diversion, in July,
in the shape of a rebel raid toward Washington and an invasion
of Maryland--a favorite summer pastime, in those days, for the
Confederates--he bided his time, his teeth fixed, and the utmost
efforts of his wily opponent could not induce him to relax that grim
hold. Richmond papers sneered and scolded and abused--proved that he
ought to have acted entirely otherwise--asseverated that he was no
strategist, but simply a lucky blunderer, a butcher on a vast scale;
and rebel sympathizers in the North served up, in talk and print,
approved re-hashes of the same staple, and were in the highest dudgeon
that General McClellan was not recalled instanter to save the Capital
at least, if not to take Richmond. But Grant still held on--the teeth
still set--and could not be moved.
While this campaign was progressing, the President addressed the
following letter to the Committee of Arrangements of a mass meeting
in New York, which had been called as a testimonial of confidence in
General Grant, and of satisfaction that his efforts had been crowned
with so large a measure of success:
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, June 3d, 1864.
“GENTLEMEN:--Your letter inviting me to be present at a mass
meeting of the loyal citizens to be held at New York on the
4th instant, for the purpose of expressing gratitude to
Lieutenant-General Grant for his signal services, was received
yesterday. It is impossible for me to attend. I approve,
nevertheless, whatever may tend to strengthen and sustain General
Grant and the noble armies now under his direction. My previous
high estimate of General Grant has been maintained and heightened
by what has occurred in the remarkable campaign he is now
conducting; while the magnitude and difficulty of the task before
him do not prove less than I expected. He and his brave soldiers
are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust that at your
meeting you will so shape your good words that they may turn to men
and guns moving to his and their support.
“Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.”
On the 7th of June, the Republican National Convention met at Baltimore
for the purpose of nominating candidates for the Presidency and
Vice-Presidency.
For some time prior to the assembling of this body, the popular
voice had pronounced decidedly in favor of the renomination of Mr.
Lincoln. State Legislatures, mass meetings, State Conventions, the
large majority of the loyal press demanded that the man, to whose
election, constitutionally effected, the rebels had refused to submit
and who, during three years of the most arduous labors, had evinced
his patriotism, his ability, and his integrity, should have the
satisfaction of seeing the work commenced by himself as President
brought to a successful completion while an incumbent of the same high
office.
A few, however, in the ranks of the loyal and patriotic, were not
satisfied that the good work, whose consummation they so ardently and
perhaps, impatiently, desired, had been pushed forward as vigorously
and earnestly as it might have been under other auspices. A portion
of these favored the postponement of the Convention till a later day,
after the fourth of July ensuing, in the expectation that the country
would be in a better condition to judge whether, indeed, Mr. Lincoln
was the best man for the place. Another portion had already assembled
at Chicago and put in nomination, upon a platform devoted mainly to
criticisms of Mr. Lincoln’s Administration without any practical or
pertinent suggestion as to the points wherein improvement was to be
made, General Fremont for the Presidency and General Cochrane as
Vice-President. The former had therefore resigned his commission in the
army, not having been in active service for some time, and accepted the
nomination conditionally that the Baltimore Convention nominated no
other candidate than Mr. Lincoln.
This opposition, however, was more apparent than real. The general
feeling throughout the country was to support that man heartily who
should secure the nomination of the Republican Convention, waiving all
minor questions for the sake of the common weal.
On the second day, the convention adopted by acclamation the following
platform:
“_Resolved_, That it is the highest duty of every American citizen
to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the Union
and the paramount authority of the Constitution and laws of the
United States; and that, laying aside all differences of political
opinion, we pledge ourselves as Union men, animated by a common
sentiment, and aiming at a common object, to do every thing in
our power to aid the Government in quelling by force of arms the
rebellion now raging against its authority, and in bringing to the
punishment due to their crimes, the rebels and traitors arrayed
against it.
“_Resolved_, That we approve the determination of the Government of
the United States not to compromise with rebels, nor to offer any
terms of peace except such as may be based upon an ‘unconditional
surrender’ of their hostility and a return to their just allegiance
to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and that we call
upon the Government to maintain this position and to prosecute the
war with the utmost possible vigor to the complete suppression
of the rebellion, in full reliance upon the self-sacrifice, the
patriotism, the heroic valor, and the undying devotion of the
American people to their country and its free institutions.
“_Resolved_, That, as Slavery was the cause, and now constitutes
the strength, of this rebellion, and as it must be always and
everywhere hostile to the principles of republican government,
justice and the national safety demand its utter and complete
extirpation from the soil of the Republic; and that we uphold and
maintain the acts and proclamations by which the Government, in its
own defence, has aimed a death-blow at this gigantic evil. We are
in favor, furthermore, of such an amendment to the Constitution, to
be made by the people in conformity with its provisions, as shall
terminate and forever prohibit the existence of Slavery within the
limits of the jurisdiction of the United States.
“_Resolved_, That the thanks of the American people are due to the
soldiers and sailors of the army and of the navy, who have perilled
their lives in defence of their country, and in vindication of the
honor of the flag; that the Nation owes to them some permanent
recognition of their patriotism and their valor, and ample and
permanent provision for those of their survivors who have received
disabling and honorable wounds in the service of the country; and
that the memories of those who have fallen in its defence shall be
held in grateful and everlasting remembrance.
“_Resolved_, That we approve and applaud the practical wisdom, the
unselfish patriotism, and unswerving fidelity to the Constitution
and the principles of American liberty, with which Abraham Lincoln
has discharged, under circumstances of unparalleled difficulty, the
great duties and responsibilities of the presidential office; that
we approve and indorse, as demanded by the emergency, and essential
to the preservation of the Nation, and as within the Constitution,
the measures and acts which he has adopted to defend the Nation
against its open and secret foes; that we approve especially the
Proclamation of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers
of men heretofore held in Slavery; and that we have full confidence
in his determination to carry these and all other constitutional
measures essential to the salvation of the country into full and
complete effect.
“_Resolved_, That we deem it essential to the general welfare that
harmony should prevail in the National councils, and we regard
as worthy of public confidence and official trust those only who
cordially indorse the principles contained in those resolutions,
and which should characterize the administration of the Government.
“_Resolved_, That the Government owes to all men employed in its
armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full protection
of the laws of war; and that any violation of these laws or of the
usages of civilized nations in the time of war by the Rebels now in
arms, should be made the subject of full and prompt redress.
“_Resolved_, That the foreign immigration, which in the past has
added so much to the wealth and development of resources and
increase of power to this Nation, the asylum of the oppressed of
all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and
just policy.
“_Resolved_, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of the
railroad to the Pacific.
“_Resolved_, That the national faith pledged for the redemption of
the public debt must be kept inviolate, and that for this purpose
we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the public
expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation; that it
is the duty of every loyal State to sustain the credit and promote
the use of the national currency.
“_Resolved_, That we approve the position taken by the Government
that the people of the United States can never regard with
indifference the attempt of any European power to overthrow by
force, or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any republican
government on the Western Continent; and that they will view with
extreme jealousy, as menacing to the peace and independence of this
our country the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds
for monarchical governments, sustained by a foreign military force
in near proximity to the United States.”
Upon the first ballot for a candidate for President, ABRAHAM LINCOLN
received the vote of every State, except Missouri, whose delegates
voted for Gen. Grant. The nomination having, on motion of a Missourian,
been made unanimous, a scene of the wildest enthusiasm followed, the
whole convention being on their feet shouting, and the band playing
“Hail Columbia.”
For Vice-President, the following names were presented: Andrew Johnson,
of Tennessee; Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine; Gen. L. H. Rousseau, of
Kentucky; and Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York.
As the vote proceeded, it was soon apparent that ANDREW JOHNSON was to
be the nominee; and before the result was announced the various States
whose delegations had been divided, commenced changing their votes, and
went unanimously for Mr. Johnson, amid the greatest enthusiasm.
On the 9th of June, Mr. Lincoln was waited on by a committee of the
convention, and notified of his nomination by the chairman, ex-Governor
Dennison, of Ohio, who, in the course of his address, said:
“I need not say to you, sir, that the Convention, in thus
unanimously nominating you for re-election, but gave utterance to
the almost universal voice of the loyal people of the country.
To doubt of your triumphant election would be little short of
abandoning the hope of a final suppression of the rebellion and the
restoration of the Government over the insurgent States. Neither
the Convention nor those represented by that body entertained any
doubt as to the final result, under your administration, sustained
by the loyal people, and by our noble army and gallant navy.
Neither did the Convention, nor do this Committee doubt the speedy
suppression of this most wicked and unprovoked rebellion.”
In reply the President said:
“MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE:--I will neither
conceal my gratification nor restrain the expression of my
gratitude that the Union people, through their Convention, in the
continued effort to save and advance the nation, have deemed me
not unworthy to remain in my present position. I know no reason
to doubt that I shall accept the nomination tendered; and yet,
perhaps, I should not declare definitely before reading and
considering what is called the platform.
“I will say now, however, that I approve the declaration in favor
of so amending the Constitution as to prohibit slavery throughout
the nation. When the people in revolt, with the hundred days
explicit notice that they could within those days resume their
allegiance without the overthrow of their institutions, and that
they could not resume it afterward, elected to stand out, such an
amendment of the Constitution as is now proposed became a fitting
and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union cause.
“Such alone can meet and cover all cavils. I now perceive its
importance, and embrace it. In the joint name of Liberty and Union
let us labor to give it legal form and practical effect.”
On the following day, in reply to a congratulatory address from a
deputation of the National Union League, the President said:
“GENTLEMEN:--I can only say in response to the remarks of your
Chairman, I suppose, that I am very grateful for the renewed
confidence which has been accorded to me, both by the Convention
and by the National League. I am not insensible at all to the
personal compliment there is in this; yet I do not allow myself to
believe that any but a small portion of it is to be appropriated as
a personal compliment to me.
“The Convention and the Nation, I am assured, are alike animated
by a higher view of the interests of the country for the present
and the great future, and that part I am entitled to appropriate
as a compliment is only that which I may lay hold of, as being the
opinion of the Convention and the League, that I am not entirely
unworthy to be entrusted with the place I have occupied for the
last three years.
“I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude that I am the
best man in the country; but I am reminded in this connection, of
the story of an old Dutch farmer, who remarked to a companion once,
that ‘it was not best to swop horses when crossing streams.’”
Prolonged and tumultuous laughter followed this last characteristic
remark, given with that telling force which only those who had the
privilege of meeting Mr. Lincoln in his moments of relaxation and
semi-_abandon_ can appreciate.
Having been serenaded, on the 9th, by the delegation from Ohio, he
addressed the assemblage as follows:
“GENTLEMEN:--I am very much obliged to you for this compliment. I
have just been saying, and will repeat it, that the hardest of all
speeches I have to answer is a serenade. I never knew what to say
on such occasions.
“I suppose you have done me this kindness in connection with the
action of the Baltimore Convention, which has recently taken place,
and with which, of course, I am very well satisfied. What we want
still more than Baltimore Conventions or Presidential elections, is
success under General Grant.
“I propose that you constantly bear in mind that the support you
owe to the brave officers and soldiers in the field is of the very
first importance, and we should therefore lend all our energies to
that point.
“Now, without detaining you any longer, I propose that you help
me to close up what I am now saying with three rousing cheers for
General Grant and the officers and soldiers under his command.”
And the cheers were given with a will, the President leading off and
waving his hat with as much earnestness as the most enthusiastic
individual present.
To a regiment of Ohio troops, one hundred days men, volunteers for the
emergency then upon the country, who called, on the 11th, upon Mr.
Lincoln, he spoke as follows:
“SOLDIERS:--I understand you have just come from Ohio--come to help
us in this the nation’s day of trial, and also of its hopes. I
thank you for your promptness in responding to the call for troops.
Your services were never needed more than now. I know not where you
are going. You may stay here and take the places of those who will
be sent to the front; or you may go there yourselves. Wherever you
go, I know you will do your best. Again I thank you. Good-bye.”
CHAPTER XX.
RECONSTRUCTION.
President’s Speech at Philadelphia--Philadelphia Fair--
Correspondence with Committee of National Convention--Proclamation
of Martial Law in Kentucky--Question of Reconstruction--
President’s Proclamation on the subject--Congressional Plan.
On the 16th of June, the President was present at a Fair held in
Philadelphia in aid of that noble organization, the United States
Sanitary Commission, which was productive of so much good during
the war, placing as it did, the arrangements for the care and
comfort of our brave boys on a basis which no nation--not France,
not England, though experienced in war, and generally of admirable
promptitude in availing themselves of all facilities to its successful
prosecution--had ever before been able to secure.
On the occasion of this visit, Philadelphia witnessed one of her
largest crowds. Not less than fifteen thousand people were straining to
get a glimpse of their beloved President at one and the same moment.
After the customary hand-shaking, borne by the victim with contagious
good humor, a collation was served, at the close of which, in
acknowledgment of a toast to his health, drank with the heartiest
sincerity by all present, the President said:
“I suppose that this toast is intended to open the way for me to
say something. War at the best is terrible; and this of ours in its
magnitude and duration is one of the most terrible the world has
ever known. It has deranged business totally in many places, and
perhaps in all.
“It has destroyed property, destroyed life, and ruined homes.
It has produced a national debt and a degree of taxation
unprecedented in the history of this country. It has caused
mourning among us until the heavens may almost be said to be hung
in black. And yet it continues. It has had accompaniments not
before known in the history of the world.
“I mean the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, with their labors
for the relief of the soldiers, and the Volunteer Refreshment
Saloon, understood better by those who hear me than by myself.
These Fairs, too, first began at Chicago, then held in Boston,
Cincinnati, and other cities.
“The motive and object which lies at the bottom of them is worthy
of the most that we can do for the soldier who goes to fight the
battles of his country. By the fair and tender hand of woman is
much, very much, done for the soldier, continually reminding him of
the care and thought of him at home. The knowledge that he is not
forgotten is grateful to his heart.
“And the view of these institutions is worthy of thought. They are
voluntary contributions, giving proof that the national resources
are not at all exhausted, and that the national patriotism will
sustain us through all. It is a pertinent question--when is this
war to end?
“I do not wish to name a day when it will end, lest the end should
not come at the given time. We accepted this war, and did not
begin it. We accepted it for an object; and when that object is
accomplished, the war will end; and I hope to God it will never end
until that object is accomplished.
“We are going through with our task, so far as I am concerned, if
it takes us three years longer. I have not been in the habit of
making predictions, but I am almost tempted now to hazard one. I
will. It is that Grant is this evening in a position, with Meade
and Hancock of Pennsylvania, where he can never be dislodged by the
enemy until Richmond is taken.
“If I shall discover that General Grant may be facilitated in the
capture of Richmond by rapidly pouring to him a large number of
armed men at the briefest notice, will you go? [Cries of ‘Yes.’]
Will you march on with him? [Cries of ‘Yes, yes.’]
“Then I shall call upon you when it is necessary.”
The following correspondence passed between Mr. Lincoln and the
Committee of the National Convention relative to his nomination:
“New York, June 14, 1864.
“HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN:
“SIR:--The National Union Convention, which assembled in Baltimore
on June 7, 1864, has instructed us to inform you that you were
nominated with enthusiastic unanimity, for the Presidency of the
United States for four years from the 4th of March next.
“The resolutions of the Convention, which we have already had the
honor of placing in your hands, are a full and clear statement of
the principles which inspired its action, and which, as we believe,
the great body of Union men in the country heartily approve.
Whether those resolutions express the national gratitude to our
soldiers and sailors, or the national scorn of compromise with
rebels, and consequent dishonor; or the patriotic duty of Union and
success; whether they approve the Proclamation of Emancipation, the
Constitutional amendment, the employment of former slaves as Union
soldiers, or the solemn obligation of the Government promptly to
redress the wrongs of every soldier of the Union, of whatever color
or race; whether they declare the inviolability of the pledged
faith of the nation, or offer the national hospitality to the
oppressed of every land, or urge the union, by railroad, of the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans; whether they recommend public economy
and a vigorous taxation, or assert the fixed popular opposition
to the establishment of avowed force of foreign monarchies in the
immediate neighborhood of the United States, or declare that those
only are worthy of official trust who approve unreservedly the
views and policy indicated in the resolutions--they were equally
hailed with the heartiness of profound conviction.
“Believing with you, sir, that this is the people’s war for the
maintenance of a government which you have justly described as ‘of
the people, by the people, for the people,’ we are very sure that
you will be glad to know, not only from the resolutions themselves,
but from the singular harmony and enthusiasm with which they were
adopted, how warm is the popular welcome of every measure in
the prosecution of the war, which is as vigorous, unmistakable,
and unfaltering as the National purpose itself. No right, for
instance, is so precious and sacred to the American heart as that
of personal liberty. Its violation is regarded with just, instant,
and universal jealousy. Yet in this hour of peril every faithful
citizen concedes that, for the sake of National existence and
the common welfare, individual liberty may, as the Constitution
provides in case of rebellion, be sometimes summarily constrained,
asking only with painful anxiety that in every instance, and to the
least detail, that absolutely necessary power shall not be hastily
or unwisely exercised.
“We believe, sir, that the honest will of the Union men of the
country was never more truly represented than in this Convention.
Their purpose we believe to be the overthrow of armed rebels in the
field, and the security of permanent peace and Union by liberty
and justice under the Constitution. That these results are to
be achieved amid cruel perplexities, they are fully aware. That
they are to be reached only by cordial unanimity of counsel, is
undeniable. That good men may sometimes differ as to the means and
the time, they know. That in the conduct of all human affairs the
highest duty is to determine, in the angry conflict of passion,
how much good may be practically accomplished, is their sincere
persuasion. They have watched your official course, therefore, with
unflagging attention; and amid the bitter taunts of eager friends
and the fierce denunciations of enemies, now moving too fast for
some, now too slowly for others, they have seen you throughout this
tremendous contest patient, sagacious, faithful, just, leaning upon
the heart of the great mass of the people, and satisfied to be
moved by its mighty pulsation.
“It is for this reason that, long before the Convention met, the
popular instincts had plainly indicated you as its candidate;
and the Convention, therefore, merely recorded the popular will.
Your character and career proves your unswerving fidelity to
the cardinal principles of American Liberty and of the American
Constitution. In the name of that Liberty and Constitution, sir, we
earnestly request your acceptance of this nomination; reverently
commending our beloved country, and you, its Chief Magistrate, with
all its brave sons who, on sea and land, are faithfully defending
the good old American cause of equal rights, to the blessings of
Almighty God, we are, sir, very respectfully, your friends and
fellow-citizens.
“WILLIAM DENNISON, _Ohio_, Chairman.
“_And signed by the Committee._”
* * * * *
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, June 27th, 1863.
“Hon. WILLIAM DENNISON and others:
“_A Committee of the National Union Convention_:
“GENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 14th inst., formally notifying
me that I had been nominated by the Convention you represent for
the Presidency of the United States for four years from the 4th
of March next, has been received. The nomination is gratefully
accepted, as the Resolutions of the Convention--called the
Platform--are heartily approved.
“While the resolution in regard to the supplanting of Republican
Government upon the Western Continent is fully concurred in, there
might be misunderstanding were I not to say that the position of
the Government in relation to the action of France in Mexico,
as assumed through the State Department and endorsed by the
Convention, among the measures and acts of the Executive, will be
faithfully maintained so long as the state of facts shall leave
that position pertinent and applicable.
“I am especially gratified that the soldiers and seamen were not
forgotten by the Convention, as they forever must and will be
remembered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote
their lives.
“Thanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which you
have communicated the nomination and other proceedings of the
Convention, I subscribe myself,
“Your obedient servant, ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
On the 5th of July, appeared the following proclamation, ordering
martial law in Kentucky:
“WHEREAS, By a proclamation, which was issued on the 15th day of
April, 1861, the President of the United States announced and
declared that the laws of the United States had been for some time
past, and then were, opposed and the execution thereof obstructed,
in certain States therein mentioned, by combinations too powerful
to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or
by the power vested in the marshals by law; and,
“WHEREAS, Immediately after the issuing of the said proclamation,
the land and naval force of the United States were put into
activity to suppress the said insurrection and rebellion; and,
“WHEREAS, The Congress of the United States, by an act approved on
the 3d day of March, 1863, did enact that during the said rebellion
the President of the United States, whenever in his judgment
the public safety may require it, is authorized to suspend the
privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ in any case throughout
the United States, or any part thereof; and,
“WHEREAS, The said insurrection and rebellion still continues,
endangering the existence of the Constitution and Government of the
United States; and,
“WHEREAS, The military forces of the United States are now actively
engaged in suppressing the said insurrection and rebellion in
various parts of the States where the said rebellion has been
successful in obstructing the laws and public authorities,
especially in the States of Virginia and Georgia; and,
“WHEREAS, On the 15th day of September last, the President of the
United States duly issued his proclamation, wherein he declared
that the privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ should be
suspended throughout the United States, in cases where, by the
authority of the President of the United States, the military,
naval, and civil officers of the United States, or any of them,
hold persons under their command or in their custody either as
prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or
officers, soldiers, or seamen, enrolled, or drafted, or mustered,
or enlisted in, or belonging to, the land or naval forces of the
United States, or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable
to military law or the rules and articles of war, or the rules
and regulations prescribed for the military or naval service by
authority of the President of the United States, or for resisting
a draft, or for any other offence against the military or naval
service; and,
“WHEREAS, Many citizens of the State of Kentucky have joined the
forces of the insurgents, have on several occasions entered the
said State of Kentucky in large force, and not without aid and
comfort furnished by disaffected and disloyal citizens of the
United States residing therein, have not only greatly disturbed the
public peace, but have overborne the civil authorities and made
flagrant civil war, destroying property and life in various parts
of the State; and,
“WHEREAS, It has been made known to the President of the United
States by the officers commanding the National armies, that
combinations have been formed in the said State of Kentucky, with a
purpose of inciting the rebel forces to renew the said operations
of civil war within the said State, and thereby to embarrass the
United States armies now operating in the said States of Virginia
and Georgia, and even to endanger their safety;
“Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United
States, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution
and laws, do hereby declare, that in my judgment the public safety
especially requires that the suspension of the privilege of the
writ of _habeas corpus_, so proclaimed in the said proclamation of
the fifteenth of September, 1863, be made effectual, and be duly
enforced in and throughout the said State of Kentucky, and that
martial law be for the present ordered therein. I do therefore
hereby require of the military officers in the said State that the
privilege of the writ of _habeas corpus_ be effectually suspended
within the said State, according to the aforesaid proclamation, and
that martial law be established therein, to take effect from the
date of this proclamation, the said suspension and establishment of
martial law to continue until this proclamation shall be revoked or
modified, but not beyond the period when the said rebellion shall
have been suppressed or come to an end. And I do hereby require
and command as well military officers as all civil officers and
authorities existing or found within the said State of Kentucky,
to take notice of this proclamation and to give full effect to the
same. The martial law herein proclaimed, and the things in that
respect herein ordered, will not be deemed or taken to interfere
with the holding of elections, or with the proceedings of the
Constitutional Legislature of Kentucky, or with the administration
of justice in the courts of law existing therein between citizens
of the United States in suits or proceedings which do not affect
the military operations or the constituted authorities of the
Government of the United States.
“In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this fifth day of July, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of
the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
The question as to what principles should be adopted in reconstructing
the rebel States, as fast as the insurrection within their limits
should be suppressed, had already, as remarked upon a former page,
presented itself as one to be met and disposed of. Congress having, at
almost the last moment of its session, passed a bill intended to meet
this case, the President issued the following proclamation, on the
9th of July, practically approving the same and accepting its spirit,
but making exception in the case of Louisiana and Arkansas, which
States had been reorganized according to the spirit and intent of a
previous proclamation, making the will of one-tenth of the voters of a
State sufficient for its return to allegiance--the bill under notice
requiring the votes of a majority:
“WHEREAS, At the last session, Congress passed a bill to guarantee
to certain States whose Governments have been usurped or
overthrown, a republican form of government, a copy of which is
hereunto annexed; and,
“WHEREAS, The said bill was presented to the President of the
United States for his approval, less than one hour before the _sine
die_ adjournment of said session, and was not signed by him; and,
“WHEREAS, The said bill contains, among other things, a plan for
restoring the States in rebellion to the proper practical relation
in the Union, which plan presents the sense of Congress upon that
subject, and which plan it is now thought fit to lay before the
people for their consideration:
“Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United
States, do proclaim, declare, and make known, that, while I am, as
I was in December last, when by proclamation I propounded a plan
for restoration, unprepared, by a formal approval of this bill,
to be inflexibly committed to any single plan of restoration,
and while I am also unprepared to declare that the Free State
Constitutions and Governments already adopted and installed in
Arkansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held for naught,
thereby repelling and discouraging the loyal citizens who have set
up the same, as to further effort, or to declare a constitutional
competency in Congress to establish slavery in States, but am at
the same time sincerely hoping and expecting that a constitutional
amendment abolishing slavery throughout the nation may be adopted;
nevertheless I am fully satisfied with the system of restoration
contained in the bill as one very proper plan for the loyal people
of any State choosing to adopt it, and that I am and at all times
shall be prepared to give the Executive aid and assistance to any
such people, so soon as the military resistance to the United
States shall have been suppressed in any such State, and the people
thereof shall have sufficiently returned to their obedience to the
Constitution and the laws of the United States, in which cases
military Governors will be appointed, with directions to proceed
according to the bill.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this eighth day of July, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
The following is the bill, a copy of which was annexed to the
proclamation:
“A BILL to guarantee to certain States whose Governments have been
overthrown or usurped, a Republican form of Government.
“_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America, in Congress assembled_, That in
the States declared in rebellion against the United States, the
President shall, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,
appoint for each a Provisional Governor, whose pay and emoluments
shall not exceed those of a Brigadier-General of Volunteers, who
shall be charged with the civil administration of such State, until
a State Government therein shall be recognized as hereinafter
provided.
“SECTION 2. _And be it further enacted_, That so soon as the
military resistance to the United States shall have been suppressed
in any such State, and the people thereof shall have sufficiently
returned to their obedience to the Constitution and laws of the
United States, the Provisional Governor shall direct the Marshal
of the United States, as speedily as may be, to name a sufficient
number of deputies, and to enroll all white male citizens of
the United States, resident in the State, in their respective
counties, and to require each one to take the oath to support
the Constitution of the United States, and in his enrollment
to designate those who take and those who refuse to take that
oath, which rolls shall be forthwith returned to the Provisional
Governor; and if the persons taking that oath shall amount to
a majority of the persons enrolled in the State, he shall, by
proclamation, invite the loyal people of the State to elect
delegates to a Convention, charged to declare the will of the
people of the State, relative to the reëstablishment of a State
Government subject to, and in conformity with the Constitution of
the United States.
“SECTION 3. That the Convention shall consist of as many members
as both Houses of the last Constitutional State Legislature,
apportioned by the Provisional Governor among the counties,
parishes, or districts of the State, in proportion to the white
population returned as electors by the Marshal, in compliance with
the provisions of this Act. The Provisional Governor shall, by
proclamation, declare the number of delegates to be elected by each
county, parish, or election district; name a day of election not
less than thirty days thereafter; designate the place of voting in
each county, parish, or election district, conforming as nearly as
may be convenient, to the places used in the State elections next
preceding the rebellion; appoint one or more Commissioners to hold
the election at each place of voting, and provide an adequate force
to keep the peace during the election.
“SECTION 4. That the delegates shall be elected by the loyal white
male citizens of the United States, of the age of twenty-one
years, and resident at the time in the county, parish, or election
district in which they shall offer to vote, and enrolled as
aforesaid, or absent in the military service of the United States,
and who shall take and subscribe the oath of allegiance to the
United States in the form contained in the Act of Congress of
July 2, 1862; and all such citizens of the United States who are
in the military service of the United States, shall vote at the
head-quarters of their respective commands, under such regulations
as may be prescribed by the Provisional Governor for the taking and
return of their votes; but no person who has held or exercised any
office, civil or military, State or Confederate, under the rebel
usurpation, or who has voluntarily borne arms against the United
States, shall vote or be eligible to be elected as delegate at such
election.
“SECTION 5. That the said Commissioners, or either of them, shall
hold the election in conformity with this Act, and so far as may
be consistent therewith, shall proceed in the manner used in the
State prior to the rebellion. The oath of allegiance shall be taken
and subscribed on the poll-book in the form above described, but
every person known by or proved to the Commissioners to have held
or exercised any office, civil or military, State or Confederate,
under the rebel usurpation, or to have voluntarily borne arms
against the United States, shall be excluded, though he offer to
take the oath; and in case any person who shall have borne arms
against the United States shall offer to vote, he shall be deemed
to have borne arms voluntarily, unless he shall prove the contrary
by the testimony of a qualified voter. The poll-book, showing the
name and oath of each voter, shall be returned to the Provisional
Governor by the Commissioner of elections, or the one acting, and
the Provisional Governor shall canvass such return, and declare the
person having the highest number of votes elected.
“SECTION 6. That the Provisional Governor shall, by proclamation,
convene the delegates elected as aforesaid, at the Capital of the
State, on a day not more than three months after the election,
fixing at least thirty days’ notice of such day. In case the
said Capital shall in his judgment be unfit, he shall in his
proclamation appoint another place. He shall preside over the
deliberations of the Convention, and administer to each delegate,
before taking his seat in the Convention, the oath of allegiance to
the United States in the form above prescribed.
“SECTION 7. That the Convention shall declare, on behalf of the
people of the State, their submission to the Constitution and laws
of the United States, and shall adopt the following provisions,
hereby prescribed by the United States in the execution of the
Constitutional duty to guarantee a republican form of government to
every State, and incorporate them in the Constitution of the State;
that is to say:
“_First._ No person who has held or exercised any office, civil or
military, except offices merely ministerial, and military offices
below the grade of Colonel, State or corporate, under the usurping
power, shall vote for, or be a member of the Legislature, or
Governor.
“_Second._ Involuntary servitude is forever prohibited, and the
freedom of all persons is guaranteed in said State.
“_Third._ No debt, State or corporate, created by or under the
sanction of the usurping power, shall be recognized or paid by the
State.
“SECTION 8. That when the Convention shall have adopted these
provisions, it shall proceed to reëstablish a republican form of
Government, and ordain a Constitution containing these provisions,
which, when adopted, the Convention shall, by ordinance, provide
for submitting to the people of the State entitled to vote under
this law, at an election to be held in the manner prescribed by
the Act for the election of delegates, but at a time and place
named by the Convention, at which Election the said Electors, and
none others, shall vote directly for or against such Constitution
and form of State government; and the returns of said election
shall be made to the Provisional Governor, who shall canvass the
same in the presence of the electors, and if a majority of the
votes cast shall be for the Constitution and form of government,
he shall certify the same, with a copy thereof, to the President
of the United States, who, after obtaining the assent of Congress
shall, by proclamation, recognize the government so established,
and none other, as the Constitutional Government of the State, and
from the date of such recognition, and not before, Senators, and
Representatives, and Electors for President and Vice-President may
be elected in such State, according to the laws of the State and of
the United States.
“SECTION 9. That if the Convention shall refuse to reëstablish
the State Government on the conditions aforesaid, the Provisional
Governor shall declare it dissolved; but it shall be the duty
of the President, whenever he shall have reason to believe
that a sufficient number of the people of the State entitled
to vote under this Act, in number not less than a majority of
those enrolled, as aforesaid, are willing to reëstablish a State
Government on the conditions aforesaid, to direct the Provisional
Governor to order another election of delegates to a Convention
for the purpose and in the manner prescribed in this Act, and
to proceed in all respects as hereinbefore provided, either to
dissolve the Convention, or to certify the State Government
reëstablished by it to the President.
“SECTION 10. That, until the United States shall have recognized
a republican form of State Government, the Provisional Governor
in each of said States shall see that this Act, and the laws of
the United States, and other laws of the State in force when the
State Government was overthrown by the rebellion, are faithfully
executed within the State; but no law or usage whereby any person
was heretofore held in involuntary servitude shall be recognized
or enforced by any Court or officer in such State, and the laws
for the trial and punishment of white persons shall extend to all
persons, and jurors shall have the qualifications of voters under
this law for delegates to the Convention. The President shall
appoint such officers provided for by the laws of the State when
its government was overthrown as he may find necessary to the civil
administration of the State, all which officers shall be entitled
to receive the fees and emoluments provided by the State laws for
such officers.
“SECTION 11. That, until the recognition of a State Government, as
aforesaid, the Provisional Governor shall, under such regulations
as he may prescribe, cause to be assessed, levied, and collected,
for the year eighteen hundred and sixty-four, and every year
thereafter, the taxes provided by the laws of such State to be
levied during the fiscal year preceding the overthrow of the
State Government thereof, in the manner prescribed by the laws of
the State, as nearly as may be; and the officers appointed, as
aforesaid, are vested with all powers of levying and collecting
such taxes, by distress or sale, as were vested in any officers
or tribunal of the State Government aforesaid for those purposes.
The proceeds of such taxes shall be accounted for to the
Provisional Governor, and be by him applied to the expenses of the
administration of the laws in such State, subject to the direction
of the President, and the surplus shall be deposited in the
Treasury of the United States, to the credit of such State, to be
paid to the State upon an appropriation therefor, to be made when
a republican form of government shall be recognized therein by the
United States.
“SECTION 12. That all persons held to involuntary servitude
or labor in the States aforesaid, are hereby emancipated and
discharged therefrom, and they and their posterity shall be
forever free. And if any such persons or their posterity shall
be restrained of liberty, under pretence of any claim to such
service or labor, the Courts of the United States shall, on _habeas
corpus_, discharge them.
“SECTION 13. That if any person declared free by this Act, or any
law of the United States, or any proclamation of the President,
be restrained of liberty, with intent to be held in or reduced to
involuntary servitude or labor, the person convicted before a Court
of competent jurisdiction of such Act, shall be punished by fine of
not less than one thousand five hundred dollars, and be imprisoned
for not less than five or more than twenty years.
“SECTION 14. That every person who shall hereafter hold or exercise
any office, civil or military, except offices merely ministerial,
and military offices below the grade of Colonel, in the rebel
service, State or Corporate, is hereby declared not to be a citizen
of the United States.”
CHAPTER XXI.
PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864.
Proclamation for a Fast--Speech to Soldiers--Another Speech--
“To Whom It may Concern”--Chicago Convention--Opposition
Embarrassed--Resolution No. 2--McClellan’s Acceptance--Capture
of the Mobile Forts and Atlanta--Proclamation for Thanksgiving
Remarks on Employment of Negro Soldiers--Address to Loyal
Marylanders.
On the 7th of July the following proclamation for a National Fast
appeared:
“WHEREAS, The Senate and House of Representatives, at their last
session, adopted a concurrent resolution which was approved on the
third day of July instant, and which was in the words following:
“‘That the President of the United States is requested to appoint a
day of humiliation and prayer by the people of the United States;
that he request his constitutional advisers at the head of the
Executive Departments to unite with him, as Chief Magistrate of the
Nation, at the city of Washington, and the members of Congress,
and all magistrates, all civil, military and naval officers, all
soldiers, sailors, and marines, with all loyal and law-abiding
people, to convene at their usual places of worship, or wherever
they may be, to confess and to repent of their manifold sins; to
implore the compassion and forgiveness of the Almighty, that, if
consistent with His will, the existing rebellion may be speedily
suppressed, and the supremacy of the Constitution and laws of the
United States may be established throughout all the States; to
implore Him, as the Supreme Ruler of all the world, not to destroy
us as a people, nor suffer us to be destroyed by the hostility or
connivance of other nations, or by obstinate adhesion to our own
counsels, which may be in conflict with His eternal purposes, and
to implore him to enlighten the mind of the Nation to know and
to do his will, humbly believing that it is not in accord ever
with his will that our place should be maintained as a wicked
people among the family of nations; to implore him to grant to our
armed defenders and the masses of the people that courage, power
of resistance, and endurance necessary to secure that result;
to implore him in his infinite goodness to soften the hearts,
enlighten the minds, and quicken the consciences of those in
rebellion, that they may lay down their arms and speedily return to
their allegiance to the United States, that they may not be utterly
destroyed, that the effusion of blood may be stayed, and that unity
and fraternity may be restored, and peace established throughout
all our borders.’
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, cordially concurring with the Congress of the United States
in the penitential and pious sentiments expressed in the aforesaid
resolution, and heartily approving of the devotional design and
purpose thereof, do hereby appoint the first Thursday of August
next, to be observed by the people of the United States as a day of
National humiliation and prayer.
“I do hereby further invite and request the heads of the Executive
Department of this Government, together with all legislators, all
Judges and magistrates, and all other persons exercising authority
in the land, whether civil, military, or naval, and all soldiers,
seamen and marines in the National service, and all other loyal
and law-abiding people of the United States, to assemble in their
professed places of public worship on that day, and there to render
to the Almighty and merciful Ruler of the universe such homage
and such confessions, and to offer him such supplications, as the
Congress of the United States have in their aforesaid resolution so
solemnly, so earnestly, and so reverently recommended.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington, this, the seventh day of July, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and
of the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
To some Ohio volunteers, about to return home at the expiration of
their term of service, who had called upon the President to pay him
their respects, he spoke, on the 18th of August, thus:
“SOLDIERS: You are about to return to your homes and your friends,
after having, as I learn, performed in camp a comparatively short
term of duty in this great contest. I am greatly obliged to you and
to all who have come forward at the call of their country.
“I wish it might be more generally and universally understood what
the country is now engaged in. We have, as all will agree, a free
Government, where every man has a right to be equal with every
other man. In this great struggle, this form of government and
every form of human rights is endangered if our enemies succeed.
There is more involved in this contest than is realized by every
one. There is involved in this struggle the question whether
your children and my children shall enjoy the privileges we have
enjoyed. I say this, in order to impress upon you, if you are not
already so impressed, that no small matter should divert us from
our great purpose.
“There may be some inequalities in the practical working of
our system. It is fair that each man shall pay taxes in exact
proportion for the value of his property; but if we should wait,
before collecting a tax, to adjust the taxes upon each man in exact
proportion to every other man, we should never collect any tax at
all. There may be mistakes made somewhere; things may be done
wrong, which the officers of Government do all they can to prevent
mistakes.
“But I beg of you, as citizens of this great Republic, not to let
your minds be carried off from the great work we have before us.
This struggle is too large for you to be diverted from it by any
small matter. When you return to your homes, rise up to the height
of a generation of men, worthy of a free government, and we will
carry out the great work we have commenced. I return you my sincere
thanks, soldiers, for the honor you have done me this afternoon.”
And again, on the 22d of August, under similar circumstances:
“SOLDIERS:--I suppose you are going home to see your families and
friends. For the services you have done in this great struggle in
which we are engaged, I present you sincere thanks for myself and
the country.
“I almost always feel inclined, when I say any thing to soldiers,
to impress upon them, in a few brief remarks, the importance of
success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for all
time to come, that we should perpetuate for our children’s children
that great and free Government which we have enjoyed all our lives.
I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours.
I happen temporarily to occupy this big White House. I am a living
witness that any one of your children may look to come here as my
father’s child has.
“It is in order that each one of you may have, through this free
Government which we have enjoyed, an open field and a fair chance
for your industry, enterprise, and intelligence; that you may all
have equal privileges in the race of life, with all its desirable
human aspirations; it is for this that the struggle should be
maintained, that we may not lose our birthrights--not only for one,
but for two or three years. The nation is worth fighting for, to
secure such an unquestionable jewel.”
During the excitement accompanying the rebel attempts upon the National
Capitol, during the month of July, heretofore noticed, representations
were made to the President that certain individuals, professing to
represent the rebel leaders, were in Canada, anxious to enter into
negotiations, with a view to the restoration of peace.
In response to this suggestion, Mr. Lincoln issued the following
paper, which was very unsatisfactory to those who affected to believe
that peace could be secured upon any basis short of the recognition
of the Southern Confederacy unless the rebels in arms were thoroughly
defeated, dated, Executive Mansion, Washington, July 18, 1864.
“TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.--Any proposition which embraces the
restoration of peace, the integrity of the Union, and the
abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with authority
that can control the armies now at war against the United States,
will be received and considered by the Executive Government of
the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other
substantial and collateral points, and the bearers thereof shall
have safe conduct both ways.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
This ended that attempt to divide the supporters of the Administration.
On the 29th of August, 1864, assembled at Chicago the National
Convention of the Democratic party. This had been preceded by a “Mass
Peace Convention,” at Syracuse, on the 18th of August, at which it had
been resolved, among other things, that it was the duty of the Chicago
Convention to give expression to a beneficent sentiment of peace
and to declare as the purpose of the Democratic party, if it should
recover power, to cause the desolating war to cease by the calling of a
National Convention, in which all the States should be represented in
their sovereign capacity; and that, to that end, an immediate armistice
should be declared of sufficient duration to give the States and the
people ample time and opportunity to deliberate upon and finally
conclude a form of Union.
There were two factions represented at Chicago: one, unqualifiedly in
favor of peace at any price, upon any terms, with any concessions; the
other, disposed to take every possible advantage of the mistakes of the
Administration, but not possessed of effrontery sufficient to pronounce
boldly for a cessation of hostilities in any and every event.
Thus embarrassed, what was left of the still great Democratic
party--that party which had swayed the country for so many years, and
whose disruption in 1860 was the immediate occasion of the war that
ensued--determined to do what it never before, in all its history, had
ventured upon. It essayed to ride, at one and the same time, two horses
going in diametrically opposite directions.
To conciliate whatever feeling in favor of a prosecution of the war
there might be in their ranks, without at the same time going too
far in that direction, and to secure as many soldiers’ votes as
possible, they put in nomination for the Presidency, Gen. McClellan.
To neutralize this apparent tendency toward war, they associated the
General with George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, as a candidate for the
Vice-Presidency--a man, who, during his entire Congressional career as
member of the National House of Representatives, had avowed himself and
voted as a Peace-at-any-price individual, from the very outset.
The bane and antidote having thus been blended, as only political
chemists would have attempted, the candidates were placed upon a
platform, the second resolution of which was as follows:
“_Resolved_, That this Convention does explicitly declare, as the
sense of the American people, that, after four years of failure
to restore the Union by the experiment of war, during which under
the pretence of a military necessity or war power higher than the
Constitution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in every
part, and public liberty and private right alike trodden down,
and the material prosperity of the country essentially impaired,
justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare demand that
immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, with
a view to an ultimate Convention of all the States, or other
peaceable means, to the end that at the earliest practicable moment
peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal Union of the
States.”
This accomplished, the Convention adjourned, having provided for its
indefinite existence by empowering its chairman to reconvene it,
whenever, in his judgment, it should be thought necessary.
McClellan accepted the nomination, happy to know that when it was
made, the record of his public life was kept in view. In his letter of
acceptance, he talked all around the peace proposition, ignored the
idea of a cessation of hostilities, and went for the whole Union. The
document, though sufficiently general and indefinite to answer the
purpose, failed to satisfy the ultra-peace men of his party.
Thus, in the midst of a civil war, unparalleled in the world’s
history, the extraordinary spectacle was presented of a great people
entering with earnestness upon a political campaign, one of whose
issues--indeed, the main one--was as to the continuance of that war,
with all its hardships and burdens.
Just after the adjournment of the Chicago Convention Sherman’s
occupation of Atlanta and the capture of the forts in the harbor of
Mobile, were announced, seeming to intimate that the war had not been,
up to that time, wholly a failure. The thanks of the Nation were
tendered by the President to the officers and men connected with these
operations, national salutes ordered, and the following proclamation
issued, dated September 3d, 1864.
“The signal success that Divine Providence has recently vouchsafed
to the operations of the United States fleet and army in the
harbor of Mobile, and the reduction of Fort Powell, Fort Gaines,
and Fort Morgan, and the glorious achievements of the army under
Major-General Sherman, in the State of Georgia, resulting in the
capture of the city of Atlanta, call for devout acknowledgment of
the Supreme Being in whose hands are the destinies of nations.
“It is therefore requested that on next Sunday, in all places
of worship in the United States, thanksgiving be offered to Him
for His mercy in preserving our national existence against the
insurgent rebels who have been waging a cruel war against the
Government of the United States for its overthrow, and also that
prayer be made for Divine protection to our brave soldiers and
their leaders in the field, who have so often and so gallantly
perilled their lives in battling with the enemy, and for blessing
and comfort from the Father of Mercies to the sick, wounded, and
prisoners, and to the orphans and widows of those who have fallen
in the service of their country, and that He will continue to
uphold the Government of the United States against all the efforts
of public enemies and secret foes.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
Mr. Lincoln’s views relative to the employment of negroes as soldiers
were again and fully expressed about this time in a conversation with
leading gentlemen from the West. On that occasion he said:
“The slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man that
the rebel armies cannot be destroyed by Democratic strategy. It
would sacrifice all the white men of the North to do it. There
are now in the service of the United States nearly two hundred
thousand able-bodied colored men, most of them under arms,
defending and acquiring Union territory. The Democratic strategy
demands that these forces be disbanded, and that the masters be
conciliated by restoring them to slavery. The black men, who
now assist Union prisoners to escape, are to be converted into
our enemies, in the vain hope of gaining the good-will of their
masters. We shall have to fight two nations instead of one.
“You can not conciliate the South, if you guarantee to them
ultimate success; and the experience of the present war proves
their success is inevitable, if you fling the compulsory labor of
millions of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give
our enemies such military advantages as insure success, and then
depend upon coaxing, flattery, and concession to get them back
into the Union? Abandon all the forts now garrisoned by black men,
take two hundred thousand men from our side and put them in the
battle-field or corn-field against us, and we would be compelled to
abandon the war in three weeks.
“We have to hold territory in inclement and sickly places; where
are the Democrats to do this? It was a free fight; and the field
was open to the War Democrats to put down this rebellion by
fighting against both master and slave, long before the present
policy was inaugurated.
“There have been men base enough to propose to me to return to
slavery our black warriors of Port Hudson and Olustee, and thus win
the respect of the masters they fought. Should I do so, I should
deserve to be damned in time and eternity. Come what will, I will
keep my faith with friend and foe. My enemies pretend I am now
carrying on this war for the sole purpose of abolition. So long
as I am President, it shall be carried on for the sole purpose of
restoring the Union. But no human power can subdue this rebellion
without the use of the Emancipation policy, and every other policy
calculated to weaken the moral and physical forces of the rebellion.
“Freedom has given us two hundred thousand men raised on Southern
soil. It will give us more yet. Just so much it has subtracted
from the enemy; and, instead of checking the South, there are now
evidences of a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the
rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the
country that the destruction of slavery is not necessary to the
restoration of the Union. I will abide the issue.”
On the 19th of October, the President having been serenaded by the
loyal Marylanders of the District of Columbia, said:
“I am notified that this is a compliment paid me by the loyal
Marylanders resident in this district. I infer that the adoption of
the new Constitution for the State furnishes the occasion, and that
in your view the extirpation of slavery constitutes the chief merit
of the new Constitution.
“Most heartily do I congratulate you, and Maryland, and the Nation,
and the world upon the event. I regret that it did not occur two
years sooner, which, I am sure, would have saved to the nation more
money than would have met all the private loss incident to the
measure; but it has come at last, and I sincerely hope its friends
may fully realize all their anticipations of good from it, and that
its opponents may, by its effects, be agreeably and profitably
disappointed.
“A word upon another subject: Something said by the Secretary of
State in his recent speech at Auburn, has been construed by some
into a threat that, if I shall be beaten at the election, I will
between then and the end of my constitutional term do what I may
be able to ruin the Government. Others regard the fact that the
Chicago Convention adjourned, not _sine die_, but to meet again,
if called to do so by a particular individual, as the ultimatum of
a purpose that, if the nominee shall be elected, he will at once
seize control of the Government.
“I hope the good people will permit themselves to suffer no
uneasiness on either point. I am struggling to maintain the
Government, not to overthrow it. I therefore say that, if I shall
live, I shall remain President until the fourth of March. And
whoever shall be constitutionally elected, therefore, in November,
shall be duly installed as President on the fourth of March; and
that, in the interval, I shall do my utmost that whoever is to hold
the helm for the next voyage, shall start with the best possible
chance to save the ship.
“This is due to our people, both on principle and under the
Constitution. Their will, constitutionally expressed, is the
ultimate law for all. If they should deliberately resolve to have
immediate peace, even at the loss of their country and their
liberties, I know not the power or the right to resist them. It is
their own business, and they must do as they please with their own.
“I believe, however, that they are all resolved to preserve their
country and their liberty; and in this, in office or out of it, I
am resolved to stand by them. I may add, that in this purpose--to
save the country and its liberties--no class of people seem so
nearly unanimous as the soldiers in the field and the seamen
afloat. Do they not have the hardest of it? Who shall quail, when
they do not? God bless the soldiers and seamen and all their brave
commanders!”
CHAPTER XXII.
RE-ELECTED.
Presidential Campaign of 1864--Fremont’s Withdrawal--Wade
and Davis--Peace and War Democrats--Rebel Sympathizers--
October Election--Result of Presidential Election--Speech to
Pennsylvanians--Speech at a Serenade--Letter to a Soldier’s
Mother--Opening of Congress--Last Annual Message.
The Presidential campaign of 1864, was, in several of its aspects,
an anomaly. The amount of low blackguard and slang dealt out against
the Administration, was perhaps to have been expected in a land
where personal abuse seems to have become regarded as so vital an
accompaniment of a National Election, that its absence in any exciting
canvass would give rise to grave fears that positive Constitutional
requirements had been disregarded.
Though freedom, in such instances, far too often is wrested into the
vilest abuse, it was in truth passing strange that an Administration
should be so violently assailed by its opponents as despotic and
tyrannical, when the very fact that such strictures and comments were
passed upon it, without let or hindrance, by word of mouth and on the
printed page, afforded a proof that the despotism, if such there were,
was either too mild or too weak to enforce even a decent treatment of
itself and its acts. It is safe to say, that, within the limits of
that section with which we were under any circumstances to establish
harmonious and peaceful relations, according to the requirements
of the opposition, not one speech in a hundred, not one editorial
in a thousand, would have been permitted under precisely similar
circumstances.
General Fremont withdrew his name shortly after the Chicago
nominations, that he might not distract and divide the friends of the
Union. In his letter of withdrawal he said:
“The policy of the Democratic party signifies either separation,
or reëstablishment, with slavery. The Chicago platform is
simply separation. General McClellan’s letter of acceptance, is
reëstablishment with slavery.... The Republican candidate, on the
contrary, is pledged to the reëstablishment of Union without slavery.”
Senator Wade and Henry Winter Davis, who had joined in a manifesto to
the people, bitterly denunciatory of the President’s course in issuing
his reconstruction proclamation, entered manfully into the canvass in
behalf of the Baltimore nominees. The ranks of the supporters of the
Government closed steadily up, and pressed on to a success, of which
they could not, with their faith in manhood and republican principles,
suffer themselves to doubt.
The Opposition were not entirely in accord. It was a delicate position
in which the full-blooded Peace Democrat found himself, obliged as
he was to endorse a man whose only claim for the nomination was
the reputation which he had made as a prominent General engaged
in prosecuting an “unnatural, unholy war.” Nor did it afford much
alleviation to his distress to remember that this candidate had been
loudly assailed in the Convention as the first mover in the matter of
arbitrary arrests, against which a sturdy outcry had long been raised
by himself and friends. It was unpleasant, moreover, not to be able
to forget that the same candidate had been the first to suggest a
draft--or “conscription,” as your true peace man would call it: that
measure so full of horrors, against which unconstitutional act such an
amount of indignation had been expended.
Nor was the situation of the War Democrat, if he were indeed honestly
and sincerely such, much better. He could not shut his eyes to the
fact, that his candidate’s military record, whatever else it might have
established, did not evince very remarkable vigor and celerity in his
movements, as compared with other Generals then and since prominently
before the public. Even had he blundered energetically, in that there
would have been some consolation. The thought, not unpleasant to the
Pendletonian, of the possibility of the General’s death during his term
of office, stirred up certain other thoughts which he would rather have
avoided.
However, it must be said, that, taken as a whole, the Opposition came
up to the work more vigorously than might have been supposed, and
carried on their campaign in as blustering and defiant a style as if
victory were sure to perch upon their banners. There was the usual
amount of cheap enthusiasm, valiant betting, and an unusual amount,
many thought, of cheating--at least, the results of investigations at
Baltimore and Washington, conducted by a military tribunal, to a casual
observer appeared to squint in that direction.
Richmond papers were, for a marvel, quite unanimous in the desire
that Mr. Lincoln should not be reëlected. The rebel Vice-President
declared that the Chicago movement was “the only ray of light which
had come from the North during the war.” European sympathizers with
the rebellion, likewise, were opposed to Mr. Lincoln’s reëlection, and
their organs on the Continent and in the provinces did their best to
abuse him shockingly.
The State elections in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Indiana, occurring in
October, created much consternation in the opposition ranks--that in
the latter State particularly, which had been set down positively as
upon their side, but insisted, upon that occasion, in common with the
first two in pronouncing unequivocally in favor of the Administration
candidates.
The result could no longer be doubtful. Yet the most of the supporters
of McClellan kept up their talk, whatever their thoughts may have been.
No opportunity for talk, even, was afforded when the results of the
election of November 8th became known. Abraham Lincoln and Andrew
Johnson--whom an opposition journal, with rarest refinement and
graceful courtesy, concentrating all its malignity into the intensest
sentence possible, had characterized as “a rail-splitting buffoon and
a boorish tailor, both from the backwoods, both growing up in uncouth
ignorance”--these men of the people carried every loyal State, except
Kentucky, New Jersey, and Delaware, the vote of soldiers in service
having been almost universally given to them.
Of the four million, thirty-four thousand, seven hundred and
eighty-nine votes cast, Mr. Lincoln received, according to official
returns, two million, two hundred and twenty-three thousand, and
thirty-five; a majority on the aggregate popular vote, of four hundred
and eleven thousand, two hundred and eighty-one.
The President elect by a plurality in 1860, he was reëlected in 1864 by
a majority decisive and unmistakable.
Having been serenaded early in the morning following his reëlection,
by Pennsylvanians then in Washington, he thus gave utterance to his
feelings:
“FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--Even before I had been informed
by you that this compliment was paid me by loyal citizens of
Pennsylvania friendly to me, I had inferred that you were of
that portion of my countrymen who think that the best interests
of the nation are to be subserved by the support of the present
administration. I do not pretend to say that you, who think so,
embrace all the patriotism and loyalty of the country; but I do
believe, and I trust without personal interest, that the welfare
of the country does require that such support and indorsement be
given. I earnestly believe that the consequences of this day’s
work if it be as you assume, and as now seems probable, will be to
the lasting advantage if not to the very salvation of the country.
I cannot, at this hour, say what has been the result of the
election, but whatever it may be, I have no desire to modify this
opinion: that all who have labored to-day in behalf of the Union
organization, have wrought for the best interest of their country
and the world, not only for the present, but for all future ages.
I am thankful to God for this approval of the people; but while
deeply grateful for this mark of their confidence in me, if I know
my heart, my gratitude is free from any taint of personal triumph.
I do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to me. It is no
pleasure to me to triumph over any one, but I give thanks to the
Almighty for this evidence of the people’s resolution to stand by
free government and the rights of humanity.”
When the result was definitely known, at a serenade given in his honor
on the night of November 10th, by the various Lincoln and Johnson Clubs
of the District, he said:
“It has long been a grave question whether any Government, not
too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough
to maintain its existence in great emergencies. On this point the
present rebellion brought our Government to a severe test, and a
Presidential election occurring in a regular course during the
rebellion, added not a little to the strain.
“If the loyal people united were put to the utmost of their
strength by the rebellion, must they not fail when divided and
partially paralyzed by a political war among themselves? But
the election was a necessity--we can not have free government
without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego
or postpone a national election, it must fairly claim to have
already conquered and ruined us. The strife of the election is
but human nature practically applied to the facts of the case.
What has occurred in this case must ever recur in similar cases.
Human nature will not change. In any future great national trial,
compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong,
as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, therefore, study
the incidents of this, as philosophy to learn wisdom from; and none
of them as wrongs to be revenged.
“But the election, along with its incidental and undesirable
strife, has done good too. It has demonstrated that a people’s
government can sustain a national election in the midst of a great
civil war. Until now it has not been known to the world that this
was a possibility. It shows also how sound and how strong we still
are. It shows that, even among the candidates of the same party, he
who is most devoted to the Union, and most opposed to treason, can
receive most of the people’s votes. It shows also, to the extent
yet known, that we have more men now than we had when the war
began. Gold is good in its place; but living, brave, and patriotic
men are better than gold.
“But the rebellion continues; and now that the election is over,
may not all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to
save our common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall
strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have
been here I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man’s bosom.
While I am duly sensible to the high compliment of a reëlection,
and duly grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God for having directed
my countrymen to a right conclusion, as I think, for their good,
it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any other man may be
disappointed by the result.
“May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in
this same spirit toward those who have? And now let me close by
asking three hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen and
their gallant and skilful commanders.”
As indicative of Mr. Lincoln’s warmth and tenderness of heart the
following letter will be read with interest. It was addressed to a poor
widow, in Boston, whose sixth son, then recently wounded, was lying in
a hospital and bears date November 21st, 1864.
“DEAR MADAM:--I have been shown in the files of the War Department
a statement of the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts, that you
are the mother of five sons who have died gloriously on the field
of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be any word of
mine, which should attempt to beguile you from the grief of a
loss so overwhelming; but I cannot refrain from tendering to you
the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic
they died to save. I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage
the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished
memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be
yours, to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.
“Yours very sincerely and respectfully,
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
The Thirty-eighth Congress commenced its second session on the 5th of
December, 1864. On the following day Mr. Lincoln transmitted what was
to be his last annual message:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:--Again
the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our profoundest
gratitude to Almighty God.
“The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory.
“Mexico continues to be a theatre of civil war. While our political
relations with that country have undergone no change, we have
at the same time strictly maintained neutrality between the
belligerents.
“At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a
competent engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the
river San Juan and the port of San Juan. It is a source of
much satisfaction that the difficulties, which for a moment
excited some political apprehension, and caused a closing of the
inter-oceanic transit route, have been amicably adjusted, and that
there is a good prospect that the route will soon be re-opened with
an increase of capacity and adaptation.
“We could not exaggerate either the commercial or the political
importance of that great improvement. It would be doing injustice
to an important South American State not to acknowledge the
directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the United
States of Columbia has entered into intimate relation with this
Government. A Claim Convention has been constituted to complete the
unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.
“The new liberal Constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect
with the universal acquiescence of the people, the Government under
it has been recognised, and diplomatic intercourse with it has been
opened in a cordial and friendly spirit.
“The long-deferred Avis Island claim has been satisfactorily
paid and discharged. Mutual payments have been made of the
claims awarded by the late Joint Commission for the settlement
of claims between the United States and Peru. An earnest and
candid friendship continues to exist between the two countries;
and such efforts as were in my power have been used to prevent
misunderstanding, and avert a threatened war between Peru and Spain.
“Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chili, the
Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador,
and Hayti. During the past year, no differences of any kind have
arisen with any of these Republics. And, on the other hand, their
sympathies with the United States are constantly expressed with
cordiality and earnestness.
“The claims arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig
Macedonian, in 1821, have been paid in full by the Government of
Chili.
“Civil war continues in the Spanish port of San Domingo, apparently
without prospect of an early close.
“Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and
it gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in
that Republic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American
influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the
United States.
“I solicit your authority to promise to the Republic a gunboat,
at a moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by
instalments. Such a vessel is needed for the safety of that State
against the native African races, and in Liberian hands it would be
more effective in arresting the African slave-trade than a squadron
in our own hands.
“The possession of the least authorized naval force would stimulate
a generous ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which we
should manifest by furnishing it would win forbearance and favor
toward the colony from all civilized nations. The proposed overland
telegraph between America and Europe by the way of Behring Strait
and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress at the last
session, has been undertaken under very favorable circumstances by
an association of American citizens, with the cordial good will and
support as well of this Government as of those of Great Britain and
Russia.
“Assurances have been received from most of the South American
States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and their
readiness to coöperate in constructing lines tributary to that
world-encircling communication.
“I learn with much satisfaction that the noble design of a
telegraphic communication between the eastern coast of America and
Great Britain has been renewed with full expectation of its early
accomplishment.
“Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the
country will be able to resume with energy and advantage her former
high career of commerce and civilization. Our very popular and
able representative in Egypt died in April last.
“An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary
incumbent and the Government of the Pacha, resulted in a suspension
of intercourse. The evil was promptly corrected on the arrival
of the successor in the consulate, and our relations with Egypt
as well as our relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely
satisfactory.
“The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China, has at
last been suppressed with the coöperating good offices of this
Government and of the other Western Commercial States. The judicial
consular establishment has become very difficult and onerous, and
it will need legislative requisition to adapt it to the extension
of our commerce, and to the more intimate intercourse which has
been instituted with the Government and people of that vast empire.
“China seems to be accepting with hearty good-will the conventional
laws which regulate commerce and social intercourse among the
Western nations.
“Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan, and the anomalous form
of its Government, the action of that Empire in performing treaty
stipulations is inconsistent and capricious. Nevertheless good
progress has been effected by the Western Powers, moving with
enlightened concert. Our own pecuniary claims have been allowed, or
put in course of settlement, and the Inland Sea has been reopened
to Commerce.
“There is reason also to believe that these proceedings have
increased rather than diminished the friendship of Japan toward the
United States.
“The ports of Norfolk, Fernandino, and Pensacola have been opened
by proclamation.
“It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider whether it
is not safer and more profitable to themselves as well as just to
the United States, to resort to these and other open ports, than it
is to pursue, through many hazards and at vast cost, a contraband
trade with other ports which are closed, if not by actual military
operations, at least by a lawful and effective blockade.
“For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the
Executive, under the laws of nations, to exclude enemies of the
human race from an asylum in the United States. If Congress should
think that proceedings in such cases lack the authority of law, or
ought to be further regulated by it, I recommend that provision
be made for effectually preventing foreign slave-traders from
acquiring domicil and facilities for their criminal occupation in
our country.
“It is possible that if this were a new and open question, the
maritime powers, with the light they now enjoy, would not concede
the privileges of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the
United States, destitute as they are and always have been, equally
of ships, and of ports and harbors.
“Disloyal enemies have been neither less assiduous nor more
successful during the last year than they were before that time,
in their efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil our
country in foreign wars. The desire and determination of the
maritime States to defeat that design are believed to be as sincere
as, and cannot be more earnest than our own.
“Nevertheless, unforseen political difficulties have arisen,
especially in Brazilian and British ports, and on the Northern
boundary of the United States, which have required and are likely
to continue to require the practice of constant vigilance, and a
just and conciliatory spirit on the part of the United States,
as well as of the nations concerned and their Governments.
Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with Great
Britain, in the adjustment of the claims of the Hudson’s Bay
and Puget Sound Agricultural Companies in Oregon, and are now
proceeding to the execution of the trust assigned to them.
“In view of the insecurity of life in the region adjacent to the
Canadian border by recent assaults and depredations committed by
inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it has
been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of
six months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing
arrangements with Great Britain, the United States must hold
themselves at liberty to increase their naval armament upon the
lakes, if they shall find that proceeding necessary.
“The condition of the Border will necessarily come into
consideration in connection with the continuing or modifying the
rights of transit from Canada through the United States, as well
as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established
by the Reciprocity Treaty of the 5th of June, 1864. I desire,
however, to be understood while making this statement that the
Colonial authorities are not deemed to be intentionally unjust or
unfriendly toward the United States; but, on the contrary, there
is every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial
Government, they will take the necessary measures to prevent new
incursions across the border.
“The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of
immigration has, as far as was possible, been put into operation.
“It seems to need an amendment which will enable the officers
of the Government to prevent the practice of frauds against the
immigrants while on their way and on their arrival in the ports,
so as to secure them here a free choice of avocations and place of
settlement.
“A liberal disposition toward this great National policy is
manifested by most of the European States, and ought to be
reciprocated on our part by giving the immigrants effective
National protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the
principal replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence
to repair the ravages of internal war, and its wastes of National
strength and health.
“All that is necessary is, to secure the flow of that stream in its
present fullness, and to that end, the Government must, in every
way, make it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose
involuntary military service upon those who come from other lands
to cast their lot in our country.
“The financial affairs of the Government have been successfully
administered. During the last year the legislation of the last
session of Congress has beneficially affected the revenue,
although sufficient time has not yet elapsed to experience the
full effect of several of the provisions of the act of Congress
imposing increased taxation. The receipts during the year, from all
sources, upon the basis of warrants signed by the Secretary of the
Treasury, including loans and the balance in the Treasury on the
first day of July, 1863, were $1,394,796,007 62, and the aggregate
disbursements, upon the same basis, were $1,298,056,101 89, leaving
a balance in the Treasury, as shown by warrants, of $96,739,905
73. Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the
public debt redeemed, and the amount of issues in substitution
therefor, and the actual cash operations of the Treasury were:
Receipts, $3,075,646 77; disbursements, $865,734,087 76; which
leaves a cash balance in the Treasury of $18,842,558 71. Of the
receipts, there were derived from customs, $102,316,152 99; from
lands, $588,333 29; from direct taxes, $475,648 96; from internal
revenues, $109,741,134 10; from miscellaneous sources, $47,511,448;
and from loans applied to actual expenditures, including former
balance, $623,443,929 13. There were disbursed for the civil
service, $27,505,599 46; for pensions and Indians, $7,517,930 97;
for the War Department, $60,791,842 97; for the Navy Department,
$85,733,292 79; for interest of the public debts, $53,685,421 69;
making an aggregate of $865,234,081 86, and leaving a balance in
the Treasury of $18,842,558 71, as before stated.
“For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter,
and the estimated receipts and disbursements for the three
remaining quarters of the current fiscal year, and the general
operations of the Treasury in detail, I refer you to the report of
the Secretary of the Treasury.
“I concur with him in the opinion, that the proportion of the
moneys required to meet the expenses consequent upon the war
derived from taxation, should be still further increased; and I
earnestly invite your attention to this subject, to the end that
there may be such additional legislation as shall be required to
meet the just expectations of the Secretary.
“The public debt, on the first day of May last, as appears by the
books of the Treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489 49. Probably,
should the war continue for another year, that amount may be
increased by not far from five hundred millions. Held, as it is
for the most part, by our own people, it has become a substantial
branch of national, though private property.
“For obvious reasons, the more nearly this property can be
distributed among all the people, the better. To forward general
distribution, greater inducements to become owners, might, perhaps,
with good effect and without injury, be presented to persons of
limited means. With this view, I suggest whether it might not be
both expedient and competent for Congress to provide that a limited
amount of some future issue of public securities might be held, by
any _bonâ fide_ purchaser, exempt from taxation and from seizure
for debt, under such restrictions and limitations as might be
necessary to guard against abuse of so important a privilege. This
would enable prudent persons to set aside a small annuity against a
possible day of want.
“Privileges like these would render the possession of such
securities, to the amount limited, most desirable to every person
of small means who might be able to save enough for the purpose.
The great advantage of citizens being creditors as well as debtors,
is obvious. Men readily perceive that they cannot be much
oppressed by a debt which they owe to themselves.
“The public debt on the first day of July last, although somewhat
exceeding the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to
Congress at the commencement of last session, falls short of the
estimate of that office made in the succeeding December as to
its probable amount at the beginning of this year, by the sum of
$3,995,079 33. This fact exhibits a satisfactory condition and
conduct of the operations of the Treasury.
“The National banking system is proving to be acceptable to
capitalists and the people. On the 25th day of November, five
hundred and eighty-four National Banks had been organized, a
considerable number of which were conversions from State banks.
Changes from the State system to the National system are rapidly
taking place, and it is hoped that very soon there will be in
the United States no banks of issue not authorized by Congress,
and no bank-note circulation not secured by the government. That
the government and the people will derive general benefit from
this change in the banking system of the country can hardly be
questioned.
“The National system will create a reliable and permanent influence
in support of the national credit, and protect the people against
losses in the use of paper money. Whether or not any further
legislation is advisable for the suppression of State bank issues,
it will be for Congress to determine. It seems quite clear that the
Treasury cannot be satisfactorily conducted unless the government
can exercise restraining power over the bank-note circulation of
the country.
“The Report of the Secretary of War, and the accompanying
documents, will detail the campaigns of the armies in the field
since the date of the last annual Message, and also the operations
of the several administrative bureaus of the War Department during
the last year.
“It will also specify the measures deemed essential for the
national defence, and to keep up and supply the requisite military
force.
“The Report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive
and satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that department and of
the naval service. It is a subject of congratulation and laudable
pride to our countrymen, that a navy of such vast proportions has
been organized in so brief a period and conducted with so much
efficiency and success.
“The general exhibits of the Navy, including vessels under
construction, on the first of December, 1864, shows a total of 671
vessels, carrying 4,610 guns, and 510,396 tons--being an actual
increase during the year over and above all losses by shipwreck
or in battle, of 83 vessels, 167 guns, and 42,427 tons. The total
number at this time in the naval service, including officers, is
about 51,000. There have been captured by the Navy during the
year, 324 vessels, and the whole number of naval captures since
hostilities commenced is 1,379, of which 267 are steamers. The
gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property,
thus far reported, amount to $14,396,250 51.
“A large amount of such proceeds is still under adjudication and
yet to be reported. The total expenditures of the Navy Department,
of every description, including the cost of the immense squadrons
that have been called into existence, from the 4th of March, 1861,
to the 1st of November, 1864, are $238,647,262 35. Your favorable
consideration is invited to the various recommendations of the
Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a navy yard and
suitable establishment for the construction and repair of iron
vessels, and the machinery and armature for our ships, to which
reference was made in my last annual message.
“Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the
report in relation to the legislation of Congress at its last
session in respect to prizes on our inland waters.
“I cordially concur in the recommendation of the Secretary as to
the propriety of creating the new rank of Vice-admiral in our naval
service.
“Your attention is invited to the report of the Postmaster-General,
for a detailed account of the operations and financial condition of
the Post-Office Department. The postal revenues for the year ending
June 30, 1864, amounted to $12,438,253 78, and the expenditures
to $12,644,786 20; the excess of expenditures over receipts being
$206,532 42.
“The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of
special grants by the Government in aid of the establishment of new
lines of ocean mail steamships, and the policy he recommends for
the development of increased commercial intercourse with adjacent
and neighboring countries, should receive the careful consideration
of Congress.
“It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of
population, improvement and governmental institutions over the new
and unoccupied portions of our country have scarcely been checked,
much less impeded or destroyed by our great civil war, which,
at first glance, would seem to have absorbed almost the entire
energies of the Nation.
“The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been
completed in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is
firmly established in the mountains which once seemed a barren and
uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those which
have grown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
“The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of
prosperity and growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of their
great distance and the interruption of communication with them by
Indian hostilities, have been only partially organized; but it is
understood that those difficulties are about to disappear, which
will permit their governments, like those of the others, to go into
speedy and full operation.
“As intimately connected with and promotive of this material
growth of the Nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the
valuable information and important recommendation relating to the
public lands, Indian affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral
discoveries contained in the report of the Secretary of the
Interior, which is herewith transmitted, and which report also
embraces the subjects of the patents, pensions, and other topics of
public interest pertaining to his Department.
“The quantity of public land disposed of during the five quarters
ending on the 30th of September last, was 4,221,342 acres, of
which 1,538,614 acres were entered under the Homestead law. The
remainder was located with military land warrants, agricultural
script certified to States for railroads, and sold for cash. The
cash received from sales and location fees was $1,019,446. The
income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was
$678,007 21, against $136,077 95, received during the preceding
year. The aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has
been equal to the quantity disposed of, and there are open to
settlement about 133,000,000 acres of surveyed land.
“The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific
States by railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon
with a vigor that gives assurance of success, notwithstanding
the embarrassments arising from the prevailing high prices of
materials and labor. The route of the main line of the road has
been definitely located for one hundred miles westward from the
initial point at Omaha City, Nebraska, and a preliminary location
of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from Sacramento
eastward to the great bend of Mucker river, in Nevada. Numerous
discoveries of gold, silver and cinnabar mines have been added
to the many heretofore known, and the country occupied by the
Sierra Nevada and Rocky Mountains and the subordinate ranges now
teems with enterprising labor which is richly remunerative. It is
believed that the products of the mines of precious metals in that
region have, during the year reached, if not exceeded, $100,000,000
in value.
“It was recommended in my last annual message, that our Indian
system be remodeled. Congress, at its last session, acting upon
the recommendation, did provide for reorganizing the system in
California, and it is believed that under the present organization
the management of the Indians there will be attended with
reasonable success. Much yet remains to be done to provide for the
proper government of the Indians in other parts of the country,
to render it secure for the advancing settler and to provide
for the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary reiterates his
recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress is invited.
“The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to
invalid soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and to the widows,
orphans and dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle,
or died of disease contracted, or of wounds received in the service
of their country, have been diligently administered.
“There have been added to the pension rolls during the year ending
the thirtieth day of June last, the names of 16,770 invalid
soldiers, and of 271 disabled seamen, making the present number of
army invalid pensioners 22,767, and of navy invalid pensioners 712.
Of widows, orphans and mothers, 22,198 have been placed on the army
pension rolls, and 248 on the navy rolls.
“The present number of Army pensioners of this class is 25,433, and
of Navy pensioners 793. At the beginning of the year, the number
of revolutionary pensioners was 1,430. Only twelve of them were
soldiers, of whom seven have since died. The remainder are those
who, under the law, receive pensions because of relationship to
revolutionary soldiers.
“During the year ending the thirtieth of June, 1864, $4,504,616 92
have been paid to pensioners of all classes.
“I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent
institutions of the District of Columbia, which have hitherto been
established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for
information concerning them, and in relation to the Washington
Aqueduct, the Capitol, and other matters of local interest to the
report of the Secretary.
“The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its
present energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself
to the great and vital interest it was intended to advance. It
is peculiarly the People’s Department, in which they feel more
directly concerned than in any other, I commend it to the continued
attention and fostering care of Congress.
“The war continues. Since the last annual message, all the
important lines and positions then occupied by our forces have been
maintained, and our armies have steadily advanced, thus liberating
the regions left in the rear, so that Missouri, Kentucky,
Tennessee, and parts of other States have again produced reasonably
fair crops.
“The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the
year, is General Sherman’s attempted march of three hundred miles
directly through insurgent regions. It tends to show a great
increase of our relative strength, that our General-in-chief should
feel able to confront and hold in check every active force of the
enemy, and yet to detach a well-appointed, large army to move on
such an expedition. The result not being yet known, conjecture in
regard to it is not here indulged.
“Important movements have also occurred during the year to the
effect of moulding society for ductility in the Union. Although
short of complete success, it is much in the right direction
that twelve thousand citizens in each of the States of Arkansas
and Louisiana, have organized loyal State governments with free
Constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to maintain and
administer them.
“The movement in the same direction, more extensive, though less
definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee, should not be
overlooked.
“But Maryland presents the example of complete success. Maryland
is secure to liberty and union for all the future. The genius of
rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul spirit,
being driven out, it may seek to tear her but it will rule her no
more.
“At the last Session of Congress, a proposed amendment of the
Constitution abolishing slavery throughout the United States,
passed the Senate, but failed, for lack of the requisite two-thirds
vote in the House of Representatives. Although the present is the
same Congress, and nearly the same members, and without question
on the patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to
recommend the consideration and passage of the measure at the
present session.
“Of course the abstract question is not changed, but an intervening
election shows almost certainly that the next Congress will pass
the measure, if this does not. Hence there is only a question of
time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States for
their action; and as it is to go at all events, may we not agree
that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election
has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes
any further than as an additional element to be considered. Their
judgment may be affected by it.
“It is the voice of the people, now for the first time heard upon
the question. In a great national crisis like ours, unanimity of
action among those seeking a common end is very desirable, almost
indispensable, and yet an approach to such unanimity is attainable,
only as some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority,
simply because it is the will of the majority.
“In this case, the common end is the maintenance of the Union,
and among the means to secure that end, such will, through the
election, is most clearly declared in favor of such Constitutional
Amendment. The most reliable indication of public purpose in this
country is derived through our popular election. Judging by the
recent canvass and its result, the purpose of the people within the
loyal States to maintain the integrity of the Union was never more
firm nor more nearly unanimous than now.
“The extraordinary calmness and good order with which the millions
of voters met and mingled at the polls, give strong assurance of
this. Not only those who supported the ‘Union Ticket,’ so called,
but a great majority of the opposing party also, may be fairly
claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the same purpose. It is
an unanswerable argument to this effect that no candidate to any
office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the
avowal that he was for giving up the Union.
“There has been much impugning of motives, and heated controversy
as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause,
but in the distinct issue of Union or no Union, the politicians
have shown their distinctive knowledge that there is no diversity
among the people. In affording the people a fair opportunity of
showing one to another and to the world this firmness and unanimity
of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the National
cause.
“The election has exhibited another fact not less valuable to be
known in the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most
important branch of the national resources, that of living men.
While it is melancholy to reflect that the war has filled so many
graves, and carried mourning to so many hearts, it is some relief
to know that, compared with the surviving, the fallen have been
so few. While corps, and divisions, and brigades, and regiments
have formed, and fought and dwindled, and gone out of existence,
a great majority of the men who composed them are still living.
The same is true of the naval service. The election returns prove
this. So many votes could not else be found. The States regularly
holding elections, both now and four years ago, to wit California,
Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine,
Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New
Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode
Island, Vermont, West Virginia, and Wisconsin, cast 3,982,011 votes
now against 3,870,222 then, to which are to be added 33,762 cast
now in the new States of Kansas and Nevada, which States did not
vote in 1860; thus swelling the aggregate to 4,075,773, and the net
increase during the three years and a half of war to 145,751.
“To this, again, should be added the number of all soldiers in
the field from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware,
Indiana, Illinois, and California, who, by the laws of those
States, could not vote away from their homes, and which number
cannot be less than ninety thousand. Nor yet is this all. The
number in organized territories is triple now what it was four
years ago, while thousands, white and black, join us as the
National army forces back the insurgent lines. So much is shown,
affirmatively and negatively, by the election.
“It is not natural to inquire how the increase has been produced,
or to show that it would have been greater but for the war, which
is partially true; the important fact remaining demonstrated, that
we have more men now than we had when the war began; that we are
not exhausted, nor in process of exhaustion; that we are gaining
strength, and may, if need be, maintain the contest indefinitely.
This as to men.
“National resources are now more complete and abundant than ever;
the National resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe,
inexhaustible. The public purpose to reëstablish and maintain the
National authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable.
The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose. On careful
consideration of all the evidence accessible, it seems to me that
no attempts at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result
in any good.
“He would accept of nothing short of the severance of the Union.
His declarations to this effect are explicit and oft-repeated. He
does not attempt to deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive
ourselves. We cannot voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the
issue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can
only be tried by war, and decided by victory.
“If we yield, we are beaten; if the Southern people fail him, he is
beaten--either way, it would be the victory and defeat following
war. What is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent cause,
is not necessarily true of those who follow. Although he cannot
reaccept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know, already desire
peace and reunion. The number of such may increase.
“They can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms
and submitting to the National authority under the Constitution.
After so much, the Government could not, if it would, maintain war
against them. The loyal people would not sustain, or allow it. If
questions should remain, we would adjust them by the peaceful means
of legislation, conference, courts, and votes.
“Operating only in constitutional and lawful channels, some certain
and other possible questions are and would be beyond the Executive
power to adjust; for instance, the admission of members into
Congress, and whatever might require the appropriation of money.
“The Executive power itself would be really diminished by the
cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of forfeiture,
however, would still be within Executive control. In what spirit
and temper this control would be exercised, can be fairly judged of
by the past. A year ago general pardon and amnesty upon specified
terms were offered to all except certain designated classes, and it
was at this same time made known that the excepted classes were
still within contemplation of special clemency.
“During the year many availed themselves of the general provision,
and many more would, only that the sign of bad faith in some led to
such precautionary measures as rendered the practical power less
easy and certain. During the same time, also, special pardons have
been granted to individuals of excepted classes, and no voluntary
individual application has been denied.
“Thus, practically, the door has been for a full year open to all,
except such as were not in condition to make free choice; that is,
such as were in custody or under constraint. It is still so open to
all; but the time may come, probably will come, when public duty
shall demand that it be closed, and that, in lieu, more vigorous
measures than heretofore shall be adopted.
“In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the National
authority, on the part of the insurgents, as the only indispensable
condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I
retract nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the
declaration made a year ago, that while I remain in my present
position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation
Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free
by the terms of that proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress.
“If the people should, by whatever mode, or means, make it an
Executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I, must
be their instrument to perform it.
“In stating a single condition of peace, I mean simply to say that
the war will cease on the part of the Government whenever it shall
have ceased on the part of those who began it.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
CHAPTER XXIII.
TIGHTENING THE LINES.
Speech at a Serenade--Reply to a Presentation Address--Peace
Rumors--Rebel Commissioners--Instructions to Secretary Seward--
The Conference in Hampton Roads--Result--Extra Session of the
Senate--Military Situation--Sherman--Charleston--Columbia--
Wilmington--Fort Fisher--Sheridan--Grant--Rebel Congress--
Second Inauguration--Inaugural--English Comment--Proclamation to
Deserters.
As illustrative of the genial, pleasant manner of the President, take
the following, in response to a serenade, December 6th, 1864:
“FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I believe I shall never be old
enough to speak without embarrassment when I have nothing to talk
about. I have no good news to tell you, and yet I have no bad news
to tell. We have talked of elections until there is nothing more
to say about them. The most interesting news we now have is from
Sherman. We all know where he went in at, but I can’t tell where he
will come out at. I will now close by proposing three cheers for
General Sherman and his army.”
On the 24th of January, 1865, having been made the recipient of a
beautiful vase of skeleton leaves, gathered from the battle-field of
Gettysburg, which had been subscribed for at the great Sanitary Fair,
held in Philadelphia during the previous summer, in reply to the warmly
sympathetic and appreciative address of the Chairman of the Committee
entrusted with the presentation, he said:
“REVEREND SIR, AND LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--I accept, with emotions
of profoundest gratitude, the beautiful gift you have been pleased
to present to me. You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge
it. So much has been said about Gettysburg and so well said, that
for me to attempt to say more may perhaps, only serve to weaken the
force of that which has already been said.
“A most graceful and eloquent tribute was paid to the patriotism
and self-denying labors of the American ladies, on the occasion of
the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, by our
illustrious friend, Edward Everett, now, alas! departed from earth.
His life was a truly great one, and, I think, the greatest part of
it was that which crowned its closing years.
“I wish you to read, if you have not already done so, the glowing,
and eloquent, and truthful words which he then spoke of the women
of America. Truly the services they have rendered to the defenders
of our country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering, can
never be estimated as they ought to be.
“For your kind wishes to me, personally, I beg leave to render you,
likewise, my sincerest thanks. I assure you they are reciprocated.
And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God bless you all.”
* * * * *
With the opening of the new year, the air--as often before--was filled
with rumors that the insurgents were anxious to negotiate for peace.
Some there were, even among Mr. Lincoln’s friends and supporters, who
were apprehensive that his “To whom it may concern” announcement of
the previous year, was somewhat too curt and blunt. Without claiming
to have as good an opportunity as the President for judging in the
premises, they could not yet divest themselves of the idea that
something definite and tangible might result from an interview with
representatives from rebeldom; if nothing more, at least a distinct
understanding that no peace could be attained, without separation,
unless it were conquered.
Thoroughly familiar with the designs and purposes of the leading rebels
as Mr. Lincoln was, and well aware that any such attempt must prove
futile, he was nevertheless determined that no valid ground for censure
should be afforded by himself, in case a favorable opening presented
itself.
Accordingly, when he learned--as he did during the last week of
January, from his friend, Francis P. Blair, who had visited Richmond,
with the President’s permission--that the managers there were desirous
of sending certain persons as commissioners to learn from the United
States Government upon what terms an adjustment of difficulties
could be made, and that A. H. Stephens, of Georgia, R. M. T. Hunter,
of Virginia, and J. A. Campbell, of Alabama, had been sent through
the enemy’s lines by Davis for the purpose of a conference upon the
subject, Mr. Lincoln, not choosing that the commissioners should visit
Washington, entrusted the matter to Secretary Seward, furnishing him
with the following letter of instructions, dated Executive Mansion,
Washington, January 31st, 1865:
“HON. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State:--You will proceed to
Fortress Monroe, Virginia, there to meet and informally confer with
Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on the basis of my letter
to F. P. Blair, Esq., of January 18, 1865, a copy of which you have.
“You will make known to them that three things are indispensable,
to wit:
“1. The restoration of national authority throughout all the States.
“2. No receding by the Executive of the United States, on the
slavery question, from the position assumed thereon in the late
annual message to Congress, and in preceding documents.
“3. No cessation of hostilities short of an end of the war and the
disbanding of all forces hostile to the Government.
“You will inform them that all propositions of theirs not
inconsistent with the above, will be considered and passed upon in
a spirit of sincere liberality.
“You will hear all they may choose to say, and report it to me.
“You will not assume to definitely consummate any thing.
“Yours truly, A. LINCOLN.”
On the 2d of February, the President himself left for the point
designated, and on the morning of the 3d, attended by Mr. Seward,
received Messrs. Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell, on board a United
States steamer anchored in Hampton Roads.
The conference that ensued was altogether informal. There was no
attendance of Secretaries, clerks, or witnesses. Nothing was written
or read. The conversation, although earnest and free, was calm and
courteous and kind, on both sides. The Richmond party approached
the discussion rather indirectly, and at no time did they make
categorical demands or tender formal stipulations or absolute refusals;
nevertheless, during the conference, which lasted four hours, the
several points at issue between the Government and the insurgents
were distinctly raised and discussed fully, intelligently, and in an
amicable spirit. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to favor was
a postponement of the question of separation, upon which the war was
waged, and a mutual direction of the efforts of the Government as well
as those of the insurgents, to some extraneous policy or scheme for a
season, during which passions might be expected to subside, and the
armies be reduced, and trade and intercourse between the people of both
sections be resumed.
It was suggested by them that through such postponement we might have
immediate peace, with some, not very certain, prospect of an ultimate
satisfactory adjustment of political relations between the Government
and the States, section or people engaged in conflict with it. The
suggestion, though deliberately considered, was nevertheless regarded
by the President as one of armistice or truce, and he announced that we
could agree to no cessation or suspension of hostilities except on the
basis of the disbandonment of the insurgent forces, and the restoration
of the national authority throughout all the States in the Union
collaterally, and in subordination to the proposition which was thus
announced.
The anti-slavery policy of the United States was reviewed in all its
bearings, and the President announced that he must not be expected to
depart from the positions he had heretofore assumed in his proclamation
of emancipation and other documents, as these positions were reiterated
in his annual message.
It was further declared by the President that the complete restoration
of the national authority everywhere was an indispensable condition of
any assent on our part to whatever form of peace might be proposed.
The President assured the other party that while he must adhere to
these positions he would be prepared, so far as power was lodged
with the Executive, to exercise liberality. Its power, however, is
limited by the Constitution, and when peace should be made Congress
must necessarily act in regard to appropriations of money and to the
admission of representatives from the insurrectionary States.
The Richmond party were then informed that Congress had, on the 31st
of January, adopted, by a constitutional majority, a joint resolution
submitting to the several States the proposition to abolish slavery
throughout the Union, and that there was every reason to expect that it
would soon be accepted by three-fourths of the States, so as to become
a part of the national organic law.
The conference came to an end by mutual acquiescence, without producing
an agreement of views upon the several matters discussed, or any of
them.
On the following morning the President and Secretary returned to
Washington, and shortly afterward, in compliance with a resolution to
that effect, Congress was informed in detail of all that had led to the
interview and its issue.
Thus was spiked the last gun bearing upon the terms on which the
rebels would consent to peace. Whatever might have been the impression
previously it was then well understood that to the armies in the field
then converging toward Richmond, and not to the Executive of the
nation, resort was to be had for peace upon any basis which loyal men
would indorse.
On the 17th of February, in accordance with the general custom at the
expiration of a Presidential term, the Senate was convened in active
session by the following proclamation:
“WHEREAS, objects of interest to the United States require that the
Senate should be convened at twelve o’clock on the fourth of March
next, to receive and act upon such communications as may be made to
it on the part of the Executive--
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, have considered it to be my duty to issue this my
proclamation, declaring that an extraordinary occasion requires
the Senate of the United States to convene for the transaction of
business, at the Capitol, in the city of Washington, on the fourth
day of March next, at twelve o’clock at noon on that day, of which
all who shall at that time be entitled to act as members of that
body are hereby required to take notice.
“Given under my hand and the seal of the United States, at
Washington, the 17th day of February, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the Independence of
the United States of America, the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
At this time, the military situation was very interesting to every
friend of the Union, whatever might have been the feelings it created
among those who had so long been in arms against the Government.
Sherman had “come out” at Savannah, capturing it and presenting it
as a Christmas gift to the nation, after an extraordinary march from
Atlanta--which he had deprived of all power for harm--directly through
the heart of Georgia; a march as to which the rebel journalists made
ludicrous efforts to be oracular in advance, predicting all manner of
mishaps from the Georgia militia and the various “lions” in his way.
Thomas had fallen back leisurely to Nashville, forcing Hood, his
antagonist, who had supplanted Johnston on account of his fighting
qualities, to the loss of almost his entire army in a sanguinary battle
which occurred near that city, Thomas being the attacking party. With
the remnants of his discomfited force, the fighting general had fallen
back, where was not definitely known, but evidently to some secure
support.
Sherman having recuperated his army, had left Savannah and marched
into South Carolina, where, according to the beforenamed veracious
chroniclers, he was to flounder in bogs and quagmires, at the mercy
of his valorous foes. He floundered on, truly--floundered, so as to
flank Charleston, that nursery and hot-bed of treason, which had so
long insulted the land--and compel its hurried evacuation; floundered,
so as to capture and occupy Columbia, the capital of the Palmetto
State; floundered, so as to threaten Raleigh, the capital of North
Carolina; and at the time of which we write, had at last floundered to
Goldsborough, where he had effected a connection with another column,
which had pierced to that point after the capture of Wilmington, North
Carolina, the pet port of disinterested blockade-runners--a capture
rendered certain by the storming of Fort Fisher, commanding the
entrance to its harbor, in connection with which one Major-General was
made and another unmade--whether the latter result was brought about
with or without the coöperation of the commander of the naval part of
the expedition, it boots not here to inquire.
Whither Sherman would flounder next became to all rebeldom a question
of the very deepest interest. Davis having been compelled by his
Congress to assign the discarded Johnston to a command, and Lee to
the command of all the rebel armies, Johnston was dispatched to head
Sherman off, should he be insane enough to attempt to move any nearer
Richmond--a species of insanity to which, it must be confessed, he had
shown a marked tendency.
Sheridan, too, having chased Early up and out of the Shenandoah
Valley--that Early the one of whom his troops were wont to remark,
that his principal business seemed to be “to trade Confederate cannon
for Yankee whiskey”--had been raiding around Richmond in whatsoever
direction he listed, severing communications, gobbling up supplies, and
creating a general consternation.
And still the bull-dog’s teeth were firmly fastened in his victim. Not
twistings, nor squirmings, nor strugglings, nor counterbites could do
more than to defer--and that but for a short time--the inevitable.
The rebel congress, at the very last moment of its last session, had
squeezed through a bill for arming the slaves, and Davis had grimly
wished them a safe and pleasant journey to their respective homes. It
was too late, both for the slaves and the homes.
Meantime, on Saturday, March 4th--a day which opened unpropitiously, so
far as the elements were concerned, but which redeemed itself before
noontide, becoming bright and cheerful--at the hour appointed, the oath
of office was for the second time administered to Mr. Lincoln--not,
however, by the same Chief Justice, for Roger B. Taney slept with his
fathers, and in his place stood Salmon P. Chase--after which, on a
staging erected at the eastern portico of the Capitol, he read in a
clear, distinct voice, his second inaugural, occupying not more than
ten minutes in the act:
“FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:--At this second appearing to take the oath of
the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended
address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat
in detail of a course to be pursued seemed very fitting and
proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public
declarations have constantly been called forth on every point and
phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and
engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be
presented.
“The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends,
is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust,
reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope
for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. On the
occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were
anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all
sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered
from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without
war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it,
without war; seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects
by negotiation.
“Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather
than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather
than let it perish, and the war came.
“One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not
distributed generally over the Union, but located in the southern
part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful
interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of
the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest was
the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by war,
while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict
the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected the
magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither
anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease, even before
the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph
and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same
Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes his aid against
the other. It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a
just God’s assistance in wringing his bread from the sweat of other
men’s faces. But let us judge not, that we be not judged.
“The prayer of both should not be answered. That of neither has
been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. ‘Woe unto
the world because of offences, for it must needs be that offences
come, but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh.’ If we shall
suppose that American slavery is one of these offences which, in
the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued
through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he
gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due
to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any
departure from those Divine attributes which the believers in a
living God always ascribe to him?
“Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge
of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue
until all the wealth piled by the bondman’s two hundred and fifty
years of unrequited toil shall be sunk and until every drop of
blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the
sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must
be said, that the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous
altogether.
“With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in
the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to
finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care
for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his
orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
peace among ourselves and with all nations.”
Of this address--which was of course made the subject for the coarsest
comments of those who enjoyed nought so much as aiding the pack that
hounded Mr. Lincoln while living--an English journal, second to none
in ability and judgment, and leader of the better class of thinkers in
that country, thus spoke:
“It is the most remarkable thing of the sort, ever pronounced by
any President of the United States from the first day until now.
Its Alpha and its Omega is _Almighty God_, the God of justice and
the Father of mercies, who is working out the purposes of his love.
It is invested with a dignity and pathos, which lift it high above
every thing of the kind, whether in the Old World or the New.
The whole thing puts us in mind of the best men of the English
Commonwealth; there is, in fact, much of the old prophet about it.”
On the 16th of March, in accordance with an Act of Congress, grace was
extended to deserters by the following proclamation:
“WHEREAS, The twenty-first section of the act of Congress,
approved on the 3d instant, entitled ‘an act to amend the several
acts heretofore passed to provide for the enrolling and calling
out of the National forces, and for other purposes,’ requires
that, in addition to the other lawful penalties of the crime
of desertion from the military or naval service, ‘all persons
who have deserted the military or naval service of the United
States, who shall not return to the said service or report
themselves to a provost-marshal within sixty days after the
proclamation hereinafter mentioned, shall be deemed and taken
to have voluntarily relinquished and forfeited their rights to
become citizens; and such deserters shall be forever incapable of
holding any office of trust or profit under the United States,
or of exercising any rights of citizens thereof; and all persons
who shall hereafter desert the military or naval service, and all
persons who, being duly enrolled, shall depart the jurisdiction
of the district in which he is enrolled, or go beyond the limits
of the United States, with the intent to avoid any draft into the
military or naval service duly ordered, shall be liable to the
penalties of this section. And the President is hereby authorized
and required forthwith, on the passage of this act, to issue
his proclamation setting forth the provisions of this section,
in which proclamation the President is requested to notify all
deserters returning within sixty days, as aforesaid, that they
shall be pardoned on condition of returning to their regiments and
companies, or to such other organizations as they may be assigned
to, unless they shall have served for a period of time, equal to
their original term of enlistment’--
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do issue this my proclamation, as required by said act,
ordering and requiring all deserters to return to their proper
posts, and I do hereby notify them that all deserters who shall
within sixty days from the date of this proclamation, viz.: on or
before the tenth day of May, 1865, return to service, or report
themselves to a provost-marshal, shall be pardoned, on condition
that they return to their regiments and companies or such other
organizations as they may be assigned to, and serve the remainder
of their original terms of enlistment, and, in addition thereto, a
period equal to the time lost by desertion.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the
seal of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the city of Washington, this eleventh day of March, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of
the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
CHAPTER XXIV.
IN RICHMOND.
President Visits City Point--Lee’s Failure--Grant’s Movement--
Abraham Lincoln in Richmond--Lee’s Surrender--President’s
Impromptu Speech--Speech on Reconstruction--Proclamation Closing
Certain Ports--Proclamation Relative to Maritime Rights--
Supplementary Proclamation--Orders from the War Department--The
Traitor President.
On the afternoon of the 23d of March, 1865, the President, accompanied
by Mrs. Lincoln, his youngest son, and a few invited guests, left
Washington for an excursion to City Point. The trip was taken under
advice of his medical attendant, his health having become somewhat
impaired by his unremitting attention to the pressing duties of his
office.
A desperate attempt had been made by Lee to break through the lines
surrounding him. Assaulting our right centre, he had been repulsed with
a severe loss.
Shortly after, Grant determined that the moment had arrived for his
advance. A movement was ordered along the entire line--Petersburg
fell--Richmond was abandoned in hot haste--and Lee’s routed army
“driven to the wall.”
During the progress of the movement, the President forwarded, from time
to time, the particulars--pressed on to the evacuated Capital--entered
it, conspicuous amid the sweeping mass of men, women, and children,
black, white, and yellow, running, shouting, dancing, swinging
their caps, bonnets, and handkerchiefs--passed on to the deserted
mansion of the rebel chief, cheer upon cheer going up from the
excited multitude--there held a levee--left the same evening for City
Point--and soon afterward returned to Washington.
Lee, hemmed in on every side, soon after surrendered; the terms of
capitulation, which were dictated by the magnanimous President, and
dated Appomattox Court House, April ninth, 1865, being as follows:
“GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE, ARMY C. S.:--In accordance with the
substance of my letter to you of the 8th inst., I propose to
receive the surrender of the army of Northern Virginia on the
following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and men to be
made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer designated
by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as
you may designate, the officers to give their individual paroles
not to take up arms against the Government of the United States
until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander
to sign a like parole for the men of their commands. The arms,
artillery, and public property to be parked and stacked, and turned
over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not
embrace the side arms of the officers, nor their private horses or
baggage. This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return
to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so
long as they observe their parole and the laws in force where they
may reside.
“Very respectfully,
“U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.”
Johnston was next in order; and toward him Sherman was in motion.
The night following the President’s arrival in Washington, the workmen
of the Navy-yard formed in procession, marched to the White House, in
front of which thousands were assembled, bands playing, and the entire
throng alive with excitement.
Repeated calls having been made for him, he appeared at the window, on
the entrance door, calm amid the tumult, and was greeted with cheers
and waving of hats.
Comparative silence having been secured, he said:
“MY FRIENDS:--I am very greatly rejoiced that an occasion has
occurred so pleasurable that the people can’t restrain themselves.
I suppose that arrangements are being made for some sort of formal
demonstration--perhaps this evening or to-morrow night. If there
should be such a demonstration, I, of course, will have to respond
to it; and I will have nothing to say if you dribble it out of me.
“I see you have a band. I propose now closing up by requesting you
to play a certain piece of music, or a tune--I thought ‘Dixie’ one
of the best tunes I ever heard.
“I had heard that our adversaries over the way had attempted to
appropriate it. I insisted yesterday we had fairly captured it! I
presented the question to the Attorney General, and he gave it as
his opinion that it is our lawful prize. I ask the band to give us
a good turn upon it.”
The band accordingly played “Dixie,” with extraordinary vigor, when
“three cheers and a tiger” were given, followed by the tune of “Yankee
Doodle.” The President then proposed three rousing cheers for Grant and
all under his command--and next, three cheers for the Navy and all its
forces.
The President then retired, amid cheers, the tune of “Hail Columbia,”
and the firing of cannon.
On the night of the eleventh of April, the Executive Departments,
including the President’s House, as also many places of business and
private residences, were illuminated, and adorned with transparencies
and national flags; bon-fires blazed in various parts of the city; and
rockets were fired.
In response to the unanimous call of the thousands of both sexes who
surrounded the Executive Mansion, Mr. Lincoln appeared at an upper
window, and when the cheering with which he was greeted had subsided,
spoke as follows in his last public speech:
“FELLOW-CITIZENS:--We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in
gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond,
and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, give hope of
a righteous and speedy peace, whose joyous expression cannot be
restrained.
“In the midst of this, however, He, from whom all blessings flow,
must not be forgotten. A call for a National Thanksgiving is being
prepared, and will be duly promulgated.
“Nor must those, whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing,
be overlooked--and their honors must not be parcelled out. With
others I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of
transmitting much of the good news to you, but no part of the
honor, or praise, or execution, is mine. To General Grant, his
skilful officers and brave men, all belongs. The gallant Navy stood
ready, but was not in reach to take an active part. By these recent
successes the reinauguration of the national authority, and the
reconstruction, which has had a large share of thought from the
first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention.
“It is fraught with great difficulty. Unlike the case of a war
between independent nations, there is no authorized organ for us
to treat with. No one man has authority to give up the rebellion
for any other man. We simply must begin with and mould from
disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional
embarrassment, that we the loyal people, differ amongst ourselves
as to the mode, manner, and measure of reconstruction.
“As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks
upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot
properly offer an answer; for, spite of this precaution, however,
it comes to my knowledge that I am much censured from some
supposed agency in setting up and seeking to sustain the new State
Government of Louisiana. In this I have done just so much and no
more than the public knows. In the annual Message of December,
1863, and the accompanying Proclamation, I presented a plan of
reconstruction, as the phrase goes, which I promised, if adopted by
any State, should be acceptable to and sustained by the Executive
Government of the nation.
“I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might
possibly be acceptable; and I also distinctly protested that the
Executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be
admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was in
advance submitted to the then Cabinet, and as distinctly approved
by every member of it.
“One of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection,
apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the theretofore excepted
parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the suggestion
about apprenticeship for freed people; and that I should omit
the protest against my own power in regard to the admission of
members of Congress; but even he approved every part and parcel
of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the
action of Louisiana. The new Constitution of Louisiana, declaring
emancipation for the whole State, particularly applies the
proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt
apprenticeship for freed people, and it is silent--as it could not
well be otherwise--about the admission of members to Congress; so
that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully
approved the plan.
“The message went to Congress, and I received many commendations
of the plan, written and verbal, and not a single objection to
it by any professed emancipationist came to my knowledge until
after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had
begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had
corresponded with different persons supposed to be interested
in seeking a reconstruction of a State Government for Louisiana.
When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached
New Orleans, and General Banks wrote me that he was confident
the people, with his military coöperation, would reconstruct
substantially on that plan, I wrote him and some of them to try it.
They tried it, and the result is known.
“Such only has been my agency in getting up the Louisiana
Government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before
stated; but, as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall
treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I shall be
convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public interest. But I
have not yet been so convinced.
“I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an
able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has
not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the
seceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would,
perhaps, add astonishment to his regret were he to learn that
since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to make that
a question, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon
it, as it appears to me that question has not been, nor yet is, a
practically material one, and that any discussion of it while it
thus remains practically material could have no effect other than
the mischievous one of dividing our friends.
“As yet, whatever it may become hereafter, that question is bad,
as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all, a
merely pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded
States, so-called, are out of their proper practical relation with
the Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and
military, in regard to those States, is to again get them into
that proper practical relation. I believe it is not only possible,
but in fact easier to do this without deciding or even considering
whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than with it;
finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly immaterial
whether they had ever been abroad.
“Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restoring the
proper practical relations between these States and the Union, and
each forever after, innocently indulge his own opinion whether in
doing the acts he brought the States from without into the Union,
or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of
it.
“The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the new
Louisiana Government rests, would be more satisfactory to all if
it contained 50,000, 30,000, or even 20,000, instead of only about
12,000, as it does.
“It is also unsatisfactory to some that the elective franchise is
not given to the colored men. I would myself prefer that it were
conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our
cause as soldiers. Still the question is not whether the Louisiana
Government, as it stands, is quite all that is desirable. The
question is, will it be wiser to take it as it is, and help to
improve it, or to reject and disperse it? Can Louisiana be brought
into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining
or by discarding her new State Government?
“Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore slave State of
Louisiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the
rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized
a State government, adopted a free State constitution, giving
the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and
empowering the Legislature to confer the elective franchise upon
the colored man. Their Legislature has already voted to ratify the
Constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress, abolishing
slavery throughout the Nation. These twelve thousand persons are
thus fully committed to the Union, and to perpetual freedom in
the State--committed to the very beings and nearly all the things
the Nation wants--and they ask the Nation’s recognition and its
assistance to make good their committal. Now, if we reject and
spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We,
in fact, say to the white man, ‘You are worthless, or worse; we
will neither help you nor be helped by you.’ To the blacks we say,
‘This cup of liberty which your old masters there hold to your lips
we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering
the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined
way when, where, and how.’ If this course, by discouraging and
paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring
Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so
far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize
and sustain the new Government of Louisiana, the converse of all
this is made true.
“We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the twelve thousand
to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it,
and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it, to a
complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for
him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring to the same
end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not
attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it
than by running backward over them? Concede that the new Government
of Louisiana is only what it should be, as the egg is to the fowl,
we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg, than by smashing
it. [Laughter.]
“Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject our vote in favor of
the proposed amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this
proposition, it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of
those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to
validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this,
further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable,
and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification
by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and
unquestionable.
“I repeat the question. Can Louisiana be brought into proper
practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by
discarding her new State Government? What has been said of
Louisiana will apply severally to other States; yet so great
peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and
sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and
unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible
plan can safely be prescribed. As to details and collaterals,
such an exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new
entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible.
“In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty
to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am
considering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action
will be proper.”
On the 11th of April, also, appeared the following proclamation:
“WHEREAS, By my proclamation of the 19th and 27th days of April,
1861, the ports of the United States of Virginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
and Texas were declared to be subject to blockade, but whereas the
said blockade has, in consequence of actual military occupation
by this Government, since then been conditionally set aside or
released in respect to the ports of Norfolk and Alexandria, in the
State of Virginia, Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, Port
Royal, in the State of South Carolina, Pensacola and Fernandina, in
the State of Florida, and New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana;
and whereas, by the 4th section of the act of Congress approved on
the 13th of July, 1861, entitled ‘an act further to provide for
the collection of duties on imports, and for other purposes,’ the
President, for the reasons therein set forth, is authorized to
close certain ports of entry.
“Now, therefore, be it known that I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of
the United States, do hereby proclaim that the ports of Richmond,
Tappahannock, Cherry Stone, Yorktown, and Petersburg, in Virginia;
of Camden, Elizabeth City, Edenton, Plymouth, Washington, Newbern,
Ocracoke, and Wilmington, in North Carolina; of Charleston,
Georgetown, and Beaufort, in South Carolina; of Savannah, St.
Marys, Brunswick, and Darien, in Georgia; of Mobile, in Alabama; of
Pearl river, Shieldsboro’, Natchez, and Vicksburg, in Mississippi;
of St. Augustine, Key West, St. Marks, Port Leon, St. Johns,
Jacksonville, and Apalachicola, in Florida; of Teche and Franklin,
in Louisiana; of Galveston, La Salle, Brazos de Santiago, Point
Isabel, and Brownsville, in Texas, are hereby closed, and all
rights of importation, warehousing, and other privileges shall, in
respect to the ports aforesaid, cease until they shall again have
been opened by order of the President; and if, while said ports are
so closed, any ship or vessel from beyond the United States, or
having on board any articles subject to duties, shall attempt to
enter any such port, the same, together with its tackle, apparel,
furniture, and cargo, shall be forfeited to the United States.
“In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington this eleventh day of April, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of
the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-ninth.
“Abraham Lincoln.
“William H. Seward, Secretary of State.”
And on the same day the following:
“WHEREAS, for some time past vessels-of-war of the United
States have been refused in certain foreign ports privileges and
immunities to which they were entitled by treaty, public law,
or the comity of nations, at the same time that vessels-of-war
of the country wherein the said privileges and immunities have
been withheld have enjoyed them fully and uninterruptedly in
ports of the United States, which condition of things has not
always been forcibly resisted by the United States, although,
on the other hand, they have not at any time failed to protest
against and declare their dissatisfaction with the same. In the
view of the United States no condition any longer exists which
can be claimed to justify the denial to them by any one of said
nations of customary naval rights, such as has heretofore been so
unnecessarily persisted in--
“Now, therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United
States, do hereby make known that if after a reasonable time
shall have elapsed for intelligence of this proclamation to have
reached any foreign country in whose ports the said privileges
and immunities shall have been refused as aforesaid, they shall
continue to be so refused, then and thenceforth the same privileges
and immunities shall be refused to the vessels-of-war of that
country in the ports of the United States; and this refusal shall
continue until war-vessels of the United States shall have been
placed upon an entire equality in the foreign ports aforesaid with
vessels of other countries. _The United States, whatever claim or
pretence may have existed heretofore, are now at least entitled to
claim and concede an entire and friendly equality of rights and
hospitalities with all maritime nations._
“In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the city of Washington this eleventh day of April, in the
year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and
of the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
And, on the twelfth April, the following supplementary proclamation:
“WHEREAS, By my proclamation of this date the port of Key West, in
the State of Florida, was inadvertently included among those which
are not open to commerce:
“Now, therefore, be it known that I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of
the United States, do hereby declare and make known that the said
port of Key West is and shall remain open to foreign and domestic
commerce, upon the same conditions by which that commerce has
hitherto been governed.
“In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the City of Washington this eleventh day of April, in the
year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of
the Independence of the United States of America, the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
The light in which the administration regarded the position of affairs
can best be judged from the following official bulletin from the War
Department, bearing date April thirteenth, 1865:
“This Department, after mature consideration and consultation with
the Lieutenant-General upon the results of the recent campaigns,
has come to the following determination, which will be carried into
effect by appropriate orders, to be immediately issued:
“_First._ To stop all drafting and recruiting in the loyal States.
“_Second._ To curtail purchases for arms, ammunition,
quartermaster’s and commissary supplies, and reduce the expenses of
the military establishment and its several branches.
“_Third._ To reduce the number of general and staff officers to the
actual necessities of the service.
“_Fourth._ To remove all military restrictions upon trade and
commerce, so far as may be consistent with the public safety.
“As soon as these measures can be put in operation, it will be made
known by public orders.
“EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War.”
The Traitor President, who, on the fifth of April, had issued a
proclamation to the effect that he should hold on to Virginia--where
was he at this time?
CHAPTER XXV.
THE LAST ACT.
Interview with Mr. Colfax--Cabinet Meeting--Incident--Evening
Conversation--Possibility of Assassination--Leaves for the
Theatre--In the Theatre--Precautions for the Murder--The Pistol
Shot--Escape of the Assassin--Death of the President--Pledges
Redeemed--Situation of the Country--Effect of the Murder--
Obsequies at Washington--Borne Home--Grief of the People--At
Rest.
On the morning of Friday, April fourteenth, 1865, after an interesting
conversation with his eldest son, Robert, a captain on General Grant’s
staff, relative to the surrender of Lee, with the details of which the
son was familiar, the President, hearing that Schuyler Colfax, Speaker
of the House of Representatives, was in the Executive Mansion, invited
the latter to a chat in the reception-room, and during the following
hour the talk turned upon his future policy toward the rebellion--a
matter which he was about to submit to his Cabinet.
After an interview with John P. Hale, then recently appointed Minister
to Spain, as well as with several Senators and Representatives, a
Cabinet meeting was held, at eleven o’clock, General Grant being
present, which proved to be one of the most satisfactory and important
consultations held since his first inauguration. The future policy
of the Administration was harmoniously and unanimously agreed upon,
and upon the adjournment of the meeting the Secretary of War remarked
that the Government was then stronger than at any period since the
commencement of the rebellion.
It was afterwards remembered that at this meeting the President turned
to General Grant and asked him if he had heard from General Sherman.
General Grant replied that he had not, but was in hourly expectation of
receiving dispatches from him, announcing the surrender of Johnston.
“Well,” said the President, “you will hear very soon now and the news
will be important.”
“Why do you think so?” said the General.
“Because,” said Mr. Lincoln, “I had a dream last night, and ever since
the war began I have invariably had the same dream before any very
important military event has occurred.” He then instanced Bull Run,
Antietam, Gettysburg, etc., and said that before each of these events
he had had the same dream, and turning to Secretary Welles, said:
“It is in your line, too, Mr. Welles. The dream is that I saw a ship
sailing very rapidly, and I am sure that it portends some important
national event.”
In the afternoon, a long and pleasant conversation was held with
eminent citizens from Illinois.
In the evening, during a talk with Messrs. Colfax and Ashman--the
latter of whom presided at the Chicago Convention, in 1860--speaking
about his trip to Richmond, when the suggestion was made that there
was much uneasiness at the North while he was at what had been the
rebel capital, for fear that some traitor might shoot him, Mr. Lincoln
reportively replied, that he would have been alarmed himself, if any
other person had been President and gone there, but that, as for
himself, he did not feel in any danger whatever.
This possibility of an assassination had been presented before to the
President’s mind, but it had not occasioned him a moment’s uneasiness.
A member of his Cabinet one day said to him, “Mr. Lincoln, you are not
sufficiently careful of yourself. There are bad men in Washington. Did
it never occur to you that there are rebels among us who are bad enough
to attempt your life?” The President stepped to a desk and drew from a
pigeon-hole a package of letters. “There,” said he, “every one of these
contains a threat to assassinate me. I might be nervous, if I were to
dwell upon the subject, but I have come to this conclusion: there are
opportunities to kill me every day of my life, if there are persons
disposed to do it. It is not possible to avoid exposure to such a fate,
and I shall not trouble myself about it.”
Upon the evening alluded to, while conversing upon a matter of business
with Mr. Ashman, he saw that the latter was surprised at a remark which
he had made, when, prompted by his well-known desire to avoid any thing
offensive, he immediately said, “You did not understand me, Ashman:
I did not mean what you inferred, and I will take it all back, and
apologize for it.” He afterward gave Mr. A. a card, admitting himself
and friend for a further conversation early in the morning.
Turning to Mr. Colfax, he said, “You are going with Mrs. Lincoln and me
to the theatre, I hope.” The President and General Grant had previously
accepted an invitation to be present that evening at Ford’s Theatre,
but the General had been obliged to leave for the North. Mr. Lincoln
did not like to entirely disappoint the audience, as the announcement
had been publicly made, and had determined to fulfil his acceptance.
Mr. Colfax, however, declining on account of other engagements, Mr.
Lincoln said to him, “Mr. Sumner has the gavel of the Confederate
Congress, which he got at Richmond to hand to the Secretary of War.
But I insisted then that he must give it to you; and you tell him for
me to hand it over.” Mr. Ashman alluded to the gavel, still in his
possession, which he had used at Chicago; and about half an hour after
the time they had intended to leave for the theatre, the President and
Mrs. Lincoln rose to depart, the former reluctant and speaking about
remaining at home a half hour longer.
At the door he stopped and said, “Colfax, do not forget to tell
the people in the mining regions, as you pass through them, what I
told you this morning about the development when peace comes, and I
will telegraph you at San Francisco.” Having shaken hands with both
gentlemen and bidden them a pleasant good-bye, the President with his
party left for the theatre.
The box occupied by them was on the second tier above the stage, at
the right of the audience, the entrance to it being by a door from the
adjoining gallery. One, who had planned Mr. Lincoln’s assassination
with extraordinary precautions against any failure, having effected
an entrance by deceiving the guard, found himself in a dark corridor,
of which the wall made an acute angle with the door. The assassin had
previously gouged a channel from the plaster and placed near by a stout
piece of board, which he next inserted between the wall and the panel
of the door.
Ingress then being rendered impossible, he next turned toward the
entrances to the President’s box, two in number, as the box by a
sliding partition could, at pleasure, be converted into two. The door
at the bottom of the passage was open; that nearer the assassin was
closed. Both had spring-locks, but their screws had been carefully
loosened so as to yield to a slight pressure, if necessary.
Resort was had to the hither door, in which a small hole had been
bored, for the purpose of securing a view of the interior of the box,
the door first described having first been fastened, and the discovery
made that the occupants had taken seats as follows: the President in
the arm-chair nearest the audience, Mrs. Lincoln next, then, after
a considerable space, a Miss Clara Harris in the corner nearest the
stage, and a Major H. R. Rathbone on a lounge along the further wall.
The play was, “Our American Cousin.” While all were intent upon its
representation, the report of a pistol first announced the presence
of the assassin, who uttered the word “Freedom!” and advanced toward
the front. The Major having discerned the murderer through the smoke,
and grappled with him, the latter dropped his pistol and aimed with a
knife at the breast of his antagonist, who caught the blow in the upper
part of his left arm, but was unable to detain the desperado, though he
immediately seized him again. The villain, however, leaped some twelve
feet down upon the open stage, tangling his spur in the draped flag
below the box and stumbling in his fall.
Recovering himself immediately, he flourished his dagger, shouted “_Sic
semper tyrannis_” and “_The South is avenged_,” retreated successfully
through the labyrinth of the theatre--perfectly familiar to him--to his
horse in waiting below. Between the deed of blood and the escape there
was not the lapse of a minute. The hour was about half-past ten. There
was but one pursuer, and he from the audience, but he was outstripped.
The meaning of the pistol-shot was soon ascertained. Mr. Lincoln had
been shot in the back of the head, behind the left ear, the ball
traversing an oblique line to the right ear. He was rendered instantly
unconscious, and never knew friends or pain again. Having been conveyed
as soon as possible to a house opposite the theatre, he expired there
the next morning, April fifteenth, 1865, at twenty-two minutes past
seven o’clock, attended by the principal members of his Cabinet and
other friends, from all of whom the heart-rending spectacle drew
copious tears of sorrow. Mrs. Lincoln and her son Robert were in an
adjoining apartment--the former bowed down with anguish, the latter
strong enough to sustain and console her. A disconsolate widow and two
sons now constituted the entire family. Soon after nine o’clock, the
body was removed to the White House under military escort.
Thus ended the earthly career of Abraham Lincoln, sixteenth President
of the United States, on the threshold of his fifty-seventh year and
second Presidential term.
“_Sic semper tyrannis!_” And this the justification for the murder of a
ruler who had
“---- borne his faculties so meek, had been
So clear in his great office, that his virtues
Will plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against
The deep damnation of his taking-off.”
“The South avenged!” And by the cold-blooded murder of the best friend
that repentant rebels ever had--of one who had long withstood the
pressing appeals of his warmest personal and political friends for less
lenity and more rigor in dealing with traitors.
It was written in the decrees of the Immutable that he should fall by
the bullet--not, indeed, on the battle-field, whose sad suggestings
he had so often, and so tenderly, lovingly heeded--but in the midst
of his family, while seeking relief from the cares of state--and by a
murderer’s hand!--the first President to meet such a fate--thenceforth
our martyr-chief!
But sorrow was tempered with mercy. He did not fall until a benignant
Providence had permitted him to enjoy a foretaste, at least, of the
blessings which he had been instrumental in conferring upon the land he
loved so well.
The pledges of his first Inaugural Address had been amply
redeemed--those pledges which so many declared impossible of
fulfilment, which not a few mocked as beyond human power to accomplish.
The power confided to him had been successfully used “to hold, occupy,
and possess the property and places belonging to the Government.” No
United States fort at the time of his fall flaunted treason in the eyes
of the land. The day of his murder the old flag had been flung to the
breeze from Sumter with ceremonies befitting the joyous occasion, by
the very hands that four years before had been compelled to lower it
to arrogant traitors; and friends of freedom for man, irrespective of
color or race, walked the streets of Charleston--a city of desolation,
a skeleton of its former self--jubilant that, since God so willed it,
in His own good time, Freedom was National and Slavery but a thing of
the past.
When he fell, the Nation, brought by the stern necessities of direful
war to the discharge of duties befitting a better manhood, passing by
all projects for an emancipation of slaves, which should be merely
gradual, not content even that such emancipation had been proclaimed
as a measure of military necessity, had spoken in favor of such an
amendment of the Constitution as should forever prohibit any claim of
property in man. Though the final consummation of that great measure
had not been reached when our President was removed, it was given him
to feel assured that the end was not distant, was even then close at
hand.
When he fell, that body of traitors which had assumed to be a
Government had fled, one scarcely knew whither, with whatever
of ill-gotten gains their greedy hands could grasp--their main
army captive, the residue of their military force on the point of
surrendering. From what had been their capital, in the mansion
appropriated to the special use of the chiefest among the conspirators,
he had been permitted to send words of greeting to the nation.
When he fell, treason throughout the land lay gasping, dying.
It needed not that dismal, dreary, mid-April day to intensify the
sorrow. As on the wings of lightning the news sped through the
land--“the President is Shot”--“is dying”--“is dead”--men knew scarcely
how to credit the tale. When the fearful certainty came home to each,
strong men bowed themselves and wept--maid and matron joined in the
plaint. With no extraneous prompting, with no impulse save that of
the heart alone, the common grief took on a common garb. Houses were
draped--the flag of our country hung pensive at half-mast--portraitures
of the loved dead were found on all.
And dreary as was the day when first the tidings swept through the
country, patriot hearts were drearier still. It was past analysis. It
was as if chaos and dread night had come again.
Meanwhile the honored dead lay in state in the country’s capitol.
On that dreamy, hazy nineteenth of April--suggesting, were it not for
the early green leaves, the fresh springing grass, the glad spring
caroling of birds, “that sweet autumnal summer which the Indian loved
so well”--on that day when sleep wooed one even in the early morn, his
obsequies were celebrated in the country’s metropolis.
And throughout the land, minute guns were fired, bells tolled, business
suspended, and the thoughtful betook themselves to prayer, if so be
that what verily seemed a curse might pass from us.
Thence the funeral _cortege_ moved to the final resting-place--the
remains of a darling son, earlier called, accompanying those of the
father--by the route the President had taken when first he had been
summoned to the chair of State. Before half of the mournful task was
done, came tidings that the assassin had been sent to his final account
by the avenger’s hand, gurgling out, as his worthless life ebbed away,
“useless! useless!”
As the sad procession wended its way, where hundreds had gathered in
’61, impelled by mere curiosity or by partisan sympathy, thousands
gathered, four years later, through affection, through reverence,
through deep, abiding sorrow.
Flowers beautified the lifeless remains--dirges were sung--the people’s
great heart broke out into sobs and sighing.
And so, home to the prairie they bore him whom, when first he was
called, the Nation knew not--whom, mid the storms and ragings of those
years of civil war, they had learned, had loved, to call father and
friend.
In the Oak Ridge Cemetery, in his own Springfield, on the fourth of
May, 1865, they laid him to rest, at the foot of a knoll, in the most
beautiful part of the ground, over which forest trees--rare denizens of
the prairie--look lovingly.
There all that is mortal of ABRAHAM LINCOLN reposes.
“The immortal?” Hail, and farewell!
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE MAN.
Reasons for His Re-election--What was Accomplished--Leaning on
the People--State Papers--His Tenacity of Purpose--Washington
and Lincoln--As a Man--Favorite Poem--Autobiography--His
Modesty--A Christian--Conclusion.
What shall be said, in summing up, of Abraham Lincoln as a statesman
and a man? That from such humble beginnings, in circumstances so
adverse, he rose to be the Chief Magistrate of one of the leading
countries of the world, would were it in any other country, be
evidence of ability of the very highest order.
Here, however, so many from similar surroundings have achieved similar
results that this fact of itself does not necessarily unfold the man
clearly and fully to us. He might have been put forward for that high
station as a skillful and accomplished politician, from whose elevation
hosts of partisans counted upon their own personal advancement and
profit. Or he might have been a successful general; or one possessing
merely negative qualities, with no salient points, all objectionable
angularities rounded off till that desirable availability, which has at
times been laid hold of for the Presidency had been reached; or, yet
again, one who had for a long time been in the front ranks of an old
and triumphant party, and, therefore, as such matters have been managed
with us, admitted to have strong claims upon such party; or, lastly,
one who, having for many years schemed and plotted and labored, in
season and out of season, for the nomination, at last achieved it.
For such Presidents have been furnished us. But he was neither. And yet
the highest point to which an American may aspire he reached. Clearly,
then, there must have been something of strength and of worth in the
man.
He was reëlected, the first President since Jackson to whom that honor
had been accorded. And thirty-two years had passed--eight Presidential
terms--since Jackson’s reëlection. He was, moreover, reëlected by a
largely increased vote.
The years covered by his administration were the stormiest in American
history, “piled high,” as he himself said, “with difficulties.” No
President was ever more severely attacked, more unsparingly denounced
than he. None more belittled than he. And yet he was triumphantly
reëlected. Why? For the same reason that first brought him before the
country.
Primarily and mainly because the mass of the people had unbounded
confidence in his honesty and devotion to principle. Though these
qualities, it is pleasant to say, have been by no means rare in our
Presidents, yet Abraham Lincoln seemed so to speak, so steeped and
saturated in them that a hold was thereby obtained upon the common
mind, the like of which no other President since Washington had
secured. The bitterest opponent of his policy was constrained, if
candid, to admit, if not the existence of these qualities, at least the
prevailing popular belief in their existence.
What shall be said of him as a statesman?
That he found the fabric of our National Government rocking from turret
to foundation stone--that he left it, after four years of strife such
as, happily, the world rarely witnesses, firmly fixed, and sure; this
should serve in some sort, as an answer.
But might not this be owing, or principally so, to the ability of the
counsellors whom he gathered about him? Beyond a doubt the meed of
praise is to be shared. Yet we should remember that few Presidents have
so uniformly acted of and for themselves in matters of state policy,
as did Mr. Lincoln. Upon many questions the opinions of his Cabinet
were sought--a Cabinet representing the various shades of thought, the
various stages of progress, through which the people, of whom they
were the exponents, were passing from year to year--after obtaining
which, he would act. But, in most instances, perhaps, he struck out for
himself, after careful, conscientious reflection, launching his policy
upon unknown seas, quietly assured that truth was with him and that he
could not be mistaken. Nor was he often.
Having to feel his way along, for the most part--groping in the
dark--he could not push on so fast and far as to leave the people out
of breath or staring far in his rear. Still, it must not be understood
that he never acted against what was plainly the popular will. The
man was not of that mould. Unquestionably in his dealings with the
two leading European powers he often acted in direct opposition to
the popular wish. Nothing would have been easier than for him to have
brought a foreign war upon the country; and in such action, for a time
at least, he would have been sustained by the mass of the people. So,
too, as to vindictive measures towards the rebels. By adopting these
he would, oftentimes, have been in harmony with the general wish
for vengeance and retaliation. In both these instances--to name no
others--he chose to act counter to the current sentiment. More politic,
with a more piercing outlook than the mass, he saw the end from the
beginning, and in the one case chose to overlook what was, to his mind,
grossly wrong, and in the other, to stand up for the general interests
of humanity through all time rather than to cater to the desire of the
hour, natural and, perhaps, pardonable though it was.
What is meant is this--that, in the complications in which the country
was involved, he invariably acted, where expediency simply and not
principle was concerned, so as to feel sure that the body of the people
were with him. If failure were to result, he would have them feel that
the responsibility for it rested as much upon them as upon him. He
earnestly endeavored to point out what he judged the better way and to
bring the people to his conviction; but, if they relucted, he waited
till they should have advanced where, or nearly where, he was. This was
generally felt, and it added largely to the confidence reposed in him.
By means of it, a general acquiescence was procured in many measures
earlier than could have been gained by any other course. We Americans
are a peculiar people in some respects. We dislike to be led by any
man. Nay, we stoutly deny that we are. We are not--when we see the
leading strings.
Mr. Lincoln’s state papers in their structure and composition were
not always what a critical scholar would have desired. Some would say
they were presented quite too often in undress. The people are not
profound critics. They could comprehend every word. They felt that
they were addressed as fellow-citizens. The ordinarily formal and
stilted official documents came from his plain pen a talk to them by
the fireside. He said, moreover, exactly what he meant and as he meant,
in his own clear cogent way, void of verbiage, homely often but always
the outgrowth of a profound intelligent conviction. And, generally,
he struck home. His were the words to which “the common pulse of man
keeps time.” How studded are his papers with lucid illustration; how
transparently honest and candid, like the man, their author!
His tenacity of purpose was marked. Signing that immortal proclamation,
which made him the Liberator of America, on the afternoon of January
1st, 1863, after hours of New Year’s hand-shaking, he said to friends
that night--“The signature looks a little tremulous, for my hand was
tired, but my resolution was firm. I told them in September, if they
did not return to their allegiance and cease murdering our soldiers,
I would strike at this pillar of their strength. And now the promise
shall be kept; and not one word of it will I ever recall.” In all the
varying scenes through which as our leader he passed, avoiding the
extremes of sudden exultation or deep depression, calm and quiet,
and resolute and determined, he kept on his course, with duty as his
guiding star, an unwarped conscience his prompter. Feeling always that
he bore his life in his hands, in the perilous position in which he was
placed, as well as he who went forth to do duty in the battle-field, he
faltered not, swerved not, compromised not, retracted not, apologized
not, but pursued his way with an inflexibility as rare as it is grand
and inspiring. Others might doubt--not he. He saw the end toward which
the nation and himself must strive. That was ever present to him, and
toward that he ever worked. His mission as President was, as he so
often and so pointedly stated, to save the Union. And he saved it.
There may be those who will contend that such a result might have been
reached by other means than those he was impelled to employ. That is
theory. He reduced his to practice. For himself, he could work only in
his own harness; and patiently, persistently, painfully he worked on
till the goal was reached.
Well has Washington been styled the Father of his Country. Yet this
arose from veneration rather than from love; for the most felt such an
impassable gulf between themselves and the patriot-hero, that to them
he appeared of quite another order of beings than themselves.
Abraham Lincoln was both Saviour and Father; for he preserved whatever
was most valuable in the old and created a new order of things
possessing an inherent dignity and importance which the old never had.
And such titles the people bestow upon him through love.
The characteristics of the man stood prominently out in the statesman.
He had not one garb as an official and another as a citizen. No
change marked his transit from the chat of the drawing-room to the
consultation of cabinet. What he was in the one situation he was in the
other. His peculiar humor was not, as those who least knew him judged,
his habitual disposition. More of melancholy and sadness centred in him
than most were aware. His favorite poem--given below for the sufficient
reason that it was his favorite--attests the vein of pensiveness which
was in him. “There is one poem,” he remarked in conversation, “that is
almost continually present with me: it comes in my mind whenever I have
relief from thought and care.”
Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud?
Like a swift, fleeting meteor, a fast-flying cloud,
A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave,
Man passeth from life to his rest in the grave.
The leaves of the oak and the willow shall fade,
Be scattered around and together be laid;
And the young and the old, and the low and the high,
Shall moulder to dust and together shall lie.
The infant a mother attended and loved;
The mother that infant’s affection who proved;
The husband that mother and infant who blessed,
Each, all, are away to their dwellings of Rest.
The maid on whose cheek, on whose brow, in whose eye
Shone beauty and pleasure--her triumphs are by;
And the memory of those who loved her and praised,
Are alike from the minds of the living erased.
The hand of the king that the sceptre hath borne;
The brow of the priest that the mitre hath worn;
The eye of the sage and the heart of the brave,
Are hidden and lost in the depth of the grave.
The peasant whose lot was to sow and to reap;
The herdsman, who climbed with his goats up the steep;
The beggar, who wandered in search of his bread,
Have faded away like the grass that we tread.
The saint who enjoyed the communion of heaven,
The sinner who dared to remain unforgiven,
The wise and the foolish, the guilty and just,
Have quietly mingled their bones in the dust.
So the multitude goes, like the flowers or the weed
That withers away to let others succeed;
So the multitude comes, even those we behold,
To repeat every tale that has often been told.
For we are the same our fathers have been;
We see the same sights our fathers have seen--
We drink the same stream and view the same sun--
And run the same course our fathers have run.
The thoughts we are thinking our fathers would think;
From the death we are shrinking our fathers would shrink,
To the life we are clinging they also would cling;
But it speeds for us all, like a bird on the wing.
They loved, but the story we cannot unfold;
They scorned, but the heart of the haughty is cold;
They grieved, but no wail from their slumber will come;
They joyed, but the tongue of their gladness is dumb.
They died, aye! they died; and we things that are now,
Who walk on the turf that lies over their brow,
Who make in their dwelling a transient abode,
Meet the things that they met on their pilgrimage road.
Yea! hope and despondency, pleasure and pain,
We mingle together in sunshine and rain;
And the smile and the tear, the song and the dirge,
Still follow each other, like surge upon surge.
’Tis the wink of an eye, ’tis the draught of a breath;
From the blossom of health to the paleness of death,
From the gilded saloon to the bier and the shroud--
Oh why should the spirit of mortal be proud?
No one was more modest than he. Look at the record of his life as
furnished by himself, in 1858, for Lanman’s Dictionary of Congress:
“Born February 12, 1809, in Hardin county, Kentucky.
“Education Defective.
“Profession a lawyer.
“Have been a captain of volunteers in the Black Hawk war.
“Postmaster at a very small office.
“Four times a member of the Illinois Legislature.
“And was a member of the lower House of Congress.
“Yours, etc.,
A. LINCOLN.”
With no self-conceit, a pupil in the school of events, he was never
ashamed to confess himself a learner, and as such he grew and ripened.
Equable in his temperament, never wrathful or passionate, none need
have been his enemy, unless such an one were intended for an enemy of
the human race. Mild and forgiving, he never allowed the unmerited
abuse which was heaped upon him to affect in the least his intercourse
or dealings with its authors. His very failings leaned to mercy’s side.
There is scarcely a hamlet in the loyal States that does not contain
some witness of his clemency and lenity. One of the most touching
incidents connected with his obsequies at Washington was the placing
on his coffin of a wreath of flowers, sent from Boston by the sister
of a young man whom he had pardoned when sentenced to death for some
military offence.
Honored as a private citizen, happy in his domestic relations,
successful as a statesman, he was, moreover, an avowed Christian. He
often said that his reliance in the gloomiest hours was on his God, to
whom he appealed in prayer, although he had never become a professor
of religion. To a clergyman who asked him if he loved his Saviour, he
replied:
“When I was first inaugurated I did not love him; when God took my son
I was greatly impressed, but still I did not love him; but when I stood
upon the battle-field of Gettysburg I gave my heart to Christ, and I
can now say I do love the Saviour.”
Attention has already been called to the reverential spirit which
pervades his official papers; and this was the index of the man.
Leaving home, he invoked the prayers of his townsmen and friends;
during the excitements of his Washington life, he leaned upon a more
than human arm; against his pure moral character not even his bitterest
enemy could truthfully utter a word.
Such--imperfectly sketched, and at best but in rude outline--was
Abraham Lincoln. The manner of his death invests his name with a
tragic interest. This will be but temporary. But the more the man as
he was is known, the more completely an insight is obtained into his
true character, the more his private and public life is studied, the
more carefully his acts are weighed, the higher will he rise in the
estimation of all whose esteem is desirable. Coming years will detract
nought from him. He has passed into history. There no lover of honesty
and integrity, no admirer of firmness and resolution, no sympathizer
with conscientious conviction, no friend of man need fear to leave--
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
APPENDIX.
MR. LINCOLN’S SPEECHES IN CONGRESS AND ELSEWHERE, PROCLAMATIONS,
LETTERS, ETC., NOT INCLUDED IN THE BODY OF THE WORK.
SPEECH ON THE MEXICAN WAR.
(_In Committee of the Whole House, January 12, 1848._)
Mr. Lincoln addressed the Committee as follows:
“MR. CHAIRMAN:--Some, if not all, of the gentlemen on the other
side of the House, who have addressed the Committee within the
last two days, have spoken rather complainingly, if I have
rightly understood them, of the vote given a week or ten days
ago, declaring that the war with Mexico was unnecessarily and
unconstitutionally commenced by the President. I admit that such
a vote should not be given in mere party wantonness, and that the
one given is justly censurable, if it have no other or better
foundation. I am one of those who joined in that vote; and did
so under my best impression of the _truth_ of the case. How I
got this impression, and how it may possibly be removed, I will
now try to show. When the war began, it was my opinion that all
those who, because of knowing too _little_, or because of knowing
too _much_, could not conscientiously approve the conduct of the
President (in the beginning of it), should, nevertheless, as good
citizens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least
till the war should be ended. Some leading Democrats, including
ex-President Van Buren, have taken this same view, as I understand
them; and I adhered to it, and acted upon it, until since I
took my seat here; and I think I should still adhere to it, were
it not that the President and his friends will not allow it to
be so. Besides, the continual effort of the President to argue
every silent vote given for supplies into an indorsement of the
justice and wisdom of his conduct; besides that singularly candid
paragraph in his late message, in which he tells us that Congress,
with great unanimity (only two in the Senate and fourteen in the
House dissenting) had declared that ‘by the act of the Republic
of Mexico a state of war exists between that Government and the
United States;’ when the same journals that informed him of this,
also informed him that, when that declaration stood disconnected
from the question of supplies, sixty-seven in the House, and not
fourteen, merely, voted against it; besides this open attempt to
prove by telling the _truth_, what he could not prove by telling
the _whole truth_, demanding of all who will not submit to be
misrepresented, in justice to themselves, to speak out; besides all
this, one of my colleagues [Mr. Richardson], at a very early day in
the session, brought in a set of resolutions, expressly indorsing
the original justice of the war on the part of the President.
Upon these resolutions, when they shall be put on their passage,
I shall be _compelled_ to vote; so that I can not be silent if I
would. Seeing this, I went about preparing myself to give the vote
understandingly, when it should come. I carefully examined the
President’s messages, to ascertain what he himself had said and
proved upon the point. The result of this examination was to make
the impression, that, taking for true all the President states as
facts, he falls far short of proving his justification; and that
the President would have gone further with his proof, if it had not
been for the small matter that the _truth_ would not permit him.
Under the impression thus made I gave the vote before mentioned. I
propose now to give, concisely, the process of the examination I
made, and how I reached the conclusion I did.
“The President, in his first message of May, 1846, declares that
the soil was _ours_ on which hostilities were commenced by Mexico;
and he repeats that declaration, almost in the same language, in
each successive annual message--thus showing that he esteems that
point a highly essential one. In the importance of that point I
entirely agree with the President. To my judgment, it is the _very
point_ upon which he should be justified or condemned. In his
message of December, 1846, it seems to have occurred to him, as is
certainly true, that title, ownership to soil, or any thing else,
is not a simple fact, but is a conclusion following one or more
simple facts; and that it was incumbent upon him to present the
facts from which he concluded the soil was ours on which the first
blood of the war was shed.
“Accordingly, a little below the middle of page twelve, in the
message last referred to, he enters upon that task; forming an
issue and introducing testimony, extending the whole to a little
below the middle of page fourteen. Now, I propose to try to show
that the whole of this--issue and evidence--is, from beginning to
end, the sheerest deception. The issue, as he presents it, is in
these words: ‘But there are those who, conceding all this to be
true, assume the ground that the true western boundary of Texas
is the Nueces, instead of the Rio Grande; and that, therefore, in
marching our army to the east bank of the latter river, we passed
the Texan line, and invaded the territory of Mexico.’ Now, this
issue is made up of two affirmatives and no negative. The main
deception of it is, that it assumes as true that _one_ river or the
_other_ is necessarily the boundary, and cheats the superficial
thinker entirely out of the idea that _possibly_ the boundary is
somewhere _between_ the two, and not actually at either. A further
deception is, that it will let in _evidence_ which a true issue
would exclude. A true issue made by the President would be about as
follows: ‘I say the soil _was ours_ on which the first blood was
shed; there are those who say it was not.’
“I now proceed to examine the President’s evidence, as applicable
to such an issue. When that evidence is analyzed it is all included
in the following propositions:
“1. That the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisiana, as
we purchased it of France in 1803.
“2. That the Republic of Texas always _claimed_ the Rio Grande as
her western boundary.
“3. That, by various acts, she had claimed it _on paper_.
“4. That Santa Anna, in his treaty with Texas, recognized the Rio
Grande as her boundary.
“5. That Texas _before_, and the United States _after_ annexation,
had _exercised_ jurisdiction _beyond_ the Nueces, _between_ the two
rivers.
“6. That our Congress _understood_ the boundary of Texas to extend
beyond the Nueces.
“Now for each of these in its turn:
“His first item is, that the Rio Grande was the western boundary
of Louisiana, as we purchased it of France in 1803; and, seeming
to expect this to be disputed, he argues over the amount of nearly
a page to prove it true; at the end of which he lets us know that,
by the treaty of 1819, we sold to Spain the whole country, from
the Rio Grande eastward to the Sabine. Now, admitting for the
present, that the Rio Grande was the boundary of Louisiana, what,
under heaven, had that to do with the _present_ boundary between
us and Mexico? How, Mr. Chairman, the line that once divided your
land from mine can _still_ be the boundary between us _after_ I
have sold my land to you, is, to me, beyond all comprehension. And
how any man, with an honest purpose only of proving the truth,
could ever have _thought_ of introducing such a fact to prove such
an issue, is equally incomprehensible. The outrage upon common
_right_, of seizing as our own what we have once sold, merely
because it _was_ ours _before_ we sold it, is only equaled by the
outrage on common _sense_ of any attempt to justify it.
“The President’s next piece of evidence is, that ‘The Republic
of Texas always _claimed_ this river (Rio Grande) as her western
boundary.’ That is not true, in fact. Texas _has_ claimed it,
but she has not _always_ claimed it. There is, at least, one
distinguished exception. Her State Constitution--the public’s
most solemn and well-considered act; that which may, without
impropriety, be called her last will and testament, revoking all
others--makes no such claim. But suppose she had always claimed it.
Has not Mexico always claimed the contrary? So that there is but
_claim_ against _claim_, leaving nothing proved until we get back
of the claims, and find which has the better _foundation_.
“Though not in the order in which the President presents his
evidence, I now consider that class of his statements, which are,
in substance, nothing more than that Texas has by various acts
of her Convention and Congress, claimed the Rio Grande as her
boundary--_on paper_. I mean here what he says about the fixing
of the Rio Grande as her boundary, in her old Constitution (not
her State Constitution), about forming congressional districts,
counties, etc. Now, all this is but naked _claim_; and what I have
already said about claims is strictly applicable to this. If I
should claim your land by word of mouth, that certainly would not
make it mine; and if I were to claim it by a deed which I had made
myself, and with which you had nothing to do, the claim would be
quite the same in substance, or rather in utter nothingness.
“I next consider the President’s statement that Santa Anna, in
his _treaty_ with Texas, recognized the Rio Grande as the western
boundary of Texas. Besides the position so often taken that Santa
Anna, while a prisoner of war--a captive--_could_ not bind Mexico
by a treaty, which I deem conclusive; besides this, I wish to say
something in relation to this treaty so called by the President,
with Santa Anna. If any man would like to be amused by a sight at
that _little_ thing, which the President calls by that _big_ name,
he can have it by turning to Niles’ Register, volume 50, page 386.
And if any one should suppose that Niles’ Register is a curious
repository of so mighty a document as a solemn treaty between
nations, I can only say that I learned, to a tolerable degree of
certainty, by inquiry at the State Department, that the President
himself never saw it anywhere else. By the way, I believe I should
not err if I were to declare, that during the first ten years of
the existence of that document, it was never by anybody _called_
a treaty; that it was never so called till the President, in his
extremity, attempted, by so calling it, to wring something from it
in justification of himself in connection with the Mexican war. It
has none of the distinguishing features of a treaty. It does not
call itself a treaty. Santa Anna does not therein assume to bind
Mexico; he assumes only to act as President, Commander-in-chief
of the Mexican army and navy; stipulates that the then present
hostilities should cease, and that he would not _himself_ take up
arms, nor _influence_ the Mexican people to take up arms, against
Texas, during the existence of the war of independence. He did
not recognize the independence of Texas; he did not assume to put
an end to the war, but clearly indicated his expectation of its
continuance; he did not say one word about boundary, and most
probably never thought of it. It _is_ stipulated therein that the
Mexican forces should evacuate the territory of Texas, _passing
to the other side of the Rio Grande_; and in another article it
is stipulated, that to prevent collisions between the armies, the
Texan army should not approach nearer than five leagues--of _what_
is not said--but clearly, from the object stated, it is of the Rio
Grande. Now, if this is a treaty recognizing the Rio Grande as a
boundary of Texas, it contains the singular feature of stipulating
that Texas shall not go within five leagues of _her own_ boundary.
“Next comes the evidence that Texas before annexation, and the
United States afterward, exercising jurisdiction beyond the
Nueces, and _between_ the two rivers. This actual _exercise_ of
jurisdiction is the very class or quality of evidence we want.
It is excellent so far as it goes; but does it go far enough?
He tells us it went _beyond_ the Nueces, but he does not tell
us it went _to_ the Rio Grande. He tells us jurisdiction was
exercised _between_ the two rivers, but he does not tell us
it was exercised over _all_ the territory between them. Some
simple-minded people think it possible to cross one river and go
beyond it, without going all the way to the next; that jurisdiction
may be exercised _between_ two rivers without covering _all_
the country between them. I know a man, not very unlike myself,
who exercises jurisdiction over a piece of land between the
Wabash and the Mississippi; and yet so far is this from being
_all_ there is between those rivers, that it is just one hundred
and fifty-two feet long by fifty wide, and no part of it much
within a hundred miles of either. He has a neighbor between him
and the Mississippi--that is, just across the street, in that
direction--whom, I am sure, he could neither _persuade_ nor _force_
to give up his habitation; but which, nevertheless he could
certainly annex, if it were to be done, by merely standing on his
own side of the street and claiming it, or even sitting down and
writing a deed for it.
“But next, the President tells us, the Congress of the United
States _understood_ the State of Texas they admitted into the
Union to extend _beyond_ the Nueces. Well, I suppose they did--I
certainly so understand it--but how _far_ beyond? That Congress
did _not_ understand it to extend clear to the Rio Grande, is
quite certain by the fact of their joint resolutions for admission
expressly leaving all questions of boundary to future adjustment.
And, it may be added, that Texas herself is proved to have had the
same understanding of it that our Congress had, by the fact of the
exact conformity of her new Constitution to those resolutions.
“I am now through the whole of the President’s evidence; and it
is a singular fact, that if any one should declare the President
sent the army into the midst of a settlement of Mexican people,
who had never submitted, by consent or by force to the authority
of Texas or of the United States, and that _there_, and _thereby_,
the first blood of the war was shed, there is not one word in
all the President has said which would either admit or deny
the declaration. In this strange omission chiefly consists the
deception of the President’s evidence--an omission which, it does
seem to me, could scarcely have occurred but by design. My way
of living leads me to be about the courts of justice; and there
I have sometimes seen a good lawyer, struggling for his client’s
neck, in a desperate case, employing every artifice to work round,
befog, and cover up with many words some position pressed upon him
by the prosecution, which he _dared_ not admit, and yet _could_
not deny. Party bias may help to make it appear so; but, with all
the allowance I can make for such bias, it still does appear to me
that just such and from just such necessity, are the President’s
struggles in this case.
“Some time after my colleague (Mr. Richardson) introduced the
resolutions I have mentioned, I introduced a preamble, resolution,
and interrogatories, intended to draw the President out, if
possible, on this hitherto untrodden ground. To show their
relevancy, I propose to state my understanding of the true rule
for ascertaining the boundary between Texas and Mexico. It is,
that _wherever_ Texas was _exercising_ jurisdiction was hers; and
wherever Mexico was exercising jurisdiction was hers: and that
whatever separated the actual exercise of jurisdiction of the one
from that of the other, was the true boundary between them. If,
as is probably true, Texas was exercising jurisdiction along the
western bank of the Nueces, and Mexico was exercising it along
the eastern bank of the Rio Grande, then _neither_ river was
the boundary, but the uninhabited country between the two was.
The extent of our territory in that region depended not on any
_treaty-fixed_ boundary (for no treaty had attempted it), but on
revolution. Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the
power, have the _right_ to rise up and shake off the existing
government, and form a new one that suits them better. This is a
most valuable, a most sacred right--a right which, we hope and
believe, is to liberate the world. Nor is this right confined to
cases in which the whole people of an existing government may
choose to exercise it. Any portion of such people that _can_ may
revolutionize, and make their _own_ of so much of their territory
as they inhabit. More than this, a _majority_ of any portion
of such people may revolutionize, putting down a _minority_,
intermingled with, or near about them, who may oppose their
movements. Such minority was precisely the case of the Tories of
our own Revolution. It is a quality of revolutions not to go by old
lines, or old laws; but to break up both and make new ones. As to
the country now in question, we bought it of France in 1803, and
sold it to Spain in 1819, according to the President’s statement.
After this, all Mexico, including Texas, revolutionized against
Spain; and still later, Texas revolutionized against Mexico. In my
view, just so far as she carried her revolution, by obtaining the
_actual_, willing or unwilling submission of the people, so _far_
the country was hers, and no further.
“Now, sir, for the purpose of obtaining the very best evidence
as to whether Texas had actually carried her revolution to the
place where the hostilities of the present war commenced, let
the President answer the interrogatories I proposed, as before
mentioned, or some other similar ones. Let him answer fully, fairly
and candidly. Let him answer with _facts_, and not with arguments.
Let him remember he sits where Washington sat; and, so remembering,
let him answer as Washington would answer. As a nation _should_
not, and the Almighty _will_ not, be evaded, so let him attempt no
evasion, no equivocation. And if, so answering, he can show that
the soil was ours where the first blood of the war was shed--that
it was not within an inhabited country, or, if within such, that
the inhabitants had submitted themselves to the civil authority of
Texas, or of the United States, and that the same is true of the
site of Fort Brown--then I am with him for his justification. In
that case, I shall be most happy to reverse the vote I gave the
other day. I have a selfish motive for desiring that the President
may do this; I expect to give some votes, in connection with the
war, which, without his so doing, will be of doubtful propriety,
in my own judgment, but which will be free from the doubt if he
does so. But if he _can not or will not_ do this,--if, on any
pretence, or no pretence, he shall refuse or omit it,--then I shall
be fully convinced, of what I more than suspect already, that he
is deeply conscious of being in the wrong; that he feels the blood
of this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to heaven against
him; that he ordered General Taylor into the midst of a peaceful
Mexican settlement, purposely to bring on a war; that originally
having some strong motive--what I will not stop now to give my
opinion concerning--to involve the two countries in a war, and
trusting to escape scrutiny by fixing the public gaze upon the
exceeding brightness of military glory--that attractive rainbow
that rises in showers of blood--that serpent’s eye that charms to
destroy--he plunged into it, and has swept _on_ and _on_, till,
disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which Mexico might
be subdued, he now finds himself he knows not where. How like the
half insane mumbling of a fever dream is the whole war part of
the late message! At one time telling us that Mexico has nothing
whatever that we can get but territory; at another, showing us how
we can support the war by levying contributions on Mexico. At one
time urging the national honor, the security of the future, the
prevention of foreign interference, and even the good of Mexico
herself, as among the objects of the war; at another, telling
us that, ‘to reject indemnity by refusing to accept a cession of
territory, would be to abandon all our just demands, and to wage
the war, bearing all its expenses, _without a purpose or definite
object_.’ So, then, the national honor, security of the future, and
everything but territorial indemnity, may be considered the _no
purposes_ and _indefinite_ objects of the war! But having it now
settled that territorial indemnity is the only object, we are urged
to seize, by legislation here, all that he was content to take a
few months ago, and the whole province of Lower California to boot,
and to still carry on the war--to take _all_ we are fighting for,
and _still_ fight on. Again, the President is resolved, under all
circumstances, to have full territorial indemnity for the expenses
of the war; but he forgets to tell us how we are to get the
_excess_ after those expenses shall have surpassed the value of the
_whole_ of the Mexican territory. So, again, he insists that the
separate national existence of Mexico shall be maintained; but he
does not tell us _how_ this can be done after we shall have taken
_all_ her territory. Lest the question I here suggest be considered
speculative merely, let me be indulged a moment in trying to show
they are not.
“The war has gone on some twenty months; for the expenses of which,
together with an inconsiderable old score, the President now claims
about one-half of the Mexican territory, and that by far the better
half, so far as concerns our ability to make any thing out of it.
It is comparatively uninhabited; so that we could establish land
offices in it, and raise some money in that way. But the other half
is already inhabited, as I understand it, tolerably densely for the
nature of the country; and all its lands, or all that are valuable,
already appropriated as private property. How, then, are we to make
any thing out of these lands with this incumbrance on them, or how
remove the incumbrance? I suppose no one will say that we shall
kill the people, or drive them out, or make slaves of them, or
even confiscate their property? How, then, can we make much out of
this part of the territory? If the prosecution of the war has, in
expenses, already equalled the _better_ half of the country, how
long its future prosecution will be in equalling the less valuable
half is not a _speculative_ but a _practical_ question, pressing
closely upon us; and yet it is a question which the President seems
never to have thought of.
“As to the mode of terminating the war and securing peace, the
President is equally wandering and indefinite. First, it is to be
done by a more vigorous prosecution of the war in the vital parts
of the enemy’s country; and, after apparently talking himself tired
on this point, the President drops down into a half despairing
tone, and tells us, that ‘with a people distracted and divided by
contending factions, and a government subject to constant changes,
by successive revolutions, _the continued success of our arms
may fail to obtain a satisfactory peace_.’ Then he suggests the
propriety of wheedling the Mexican people to desert the counsels
of their own leaders, and, trusting in our protection, to set
up a government from which we can secure a satisfactory peace,
telling us that ‘_this may become the only mode of obtaining such a
peace_.’ But soon he falls into doubt of this too, and then drops
back on to the already half abandoned ground of ‘more vigorous
prosecution.’ All this shows that the President is in no wise
satisfied with his own positions. First, he takes up one, and, in
attempting to argue us into it, he argues himself _out_ of it;
then seizes another, and goes through the same process; and then,
confused at being able to think of nothing new, he snatches up the
old one again, which he has some time before cast off. His mind,
tasked beyond its power, is running hither and thither, like some
tortured creature on a burning surface, finding no such position on
which it can settle down and be at ease.
“Again, it is a singular omission in this message, that it nowhere
intimates _when_ the President expects the war to terminate. At
its beginning, General Scott was, by this same President driven
into disfavor, if not disgrace, for intimating that peace could
not be conquered in less than three or four months. But now at the
end of about twenty months, during which time our arms have given
us the most splendid successes--every department, and every part,
land and water, officers and privates, regulars and volunteers,
doing all that men could do, and hundreds of things which it had
ever before been thought that men could _not_ do; after all this,
this same President gives us a long message without showing us that
_as to the end_, he has himself even an imaginary conception. As
I have before said, he knows not where he is. He is a bewildered,
confounded, and miserably-perplexed man. God grant he may be able
to show that there is not something about his conscience more
painful than all his mental perplexity.”
* * * * *
SPEECH ON INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS.
(_In Committee of the Whole House, June 20, 1848._)
Mr. Lincoln said:
“MR. CHAIRMAN:--I wish at all times in no way to practice any fraud
upon the House or the Committee, and I also desire to do nothing
which may be very disagreeable to any of the members. I therefore
state, in advance, that my object in taking the floor is to make a
speech on the general subject of internal improvements; and if I
am out of order in doing so I give the Chair an opportunity of so
deciding, and I will take my seat.”
The Chair.--“I will not undertake to anticipate what the gentleman
may say on the subject of internal improvements. He will,
therefore, proceed in his remarks, and if any question of order
shall be made, the Chair will then decide it.”
Mr. Lincoln.--“At an early day of this session the President sent
to us what may properly be termed an internal improvement veto
message. The late Democratic Convention which sat at Baltimore, and
which nominated General Cass for the Presidency, adopted a set of
resolutions, now called the Democratic platform, among which is one
in these words:
“‘That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government
the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal
improvements.’
“General Cass, in his letter accepting the nomination, holds this
language:
“‘I have carefully read the resolutions of the Democratic National
Convention, laying down the platform of our political faith, and I
adhere to them as firmly as I approve them cordially.’
“These things, taken together, show that the question of internal
improvements is now more distinctly made--has become more intense,
than at any former period. It can no longer be avoided. The
veto message and the Baltimore resolution I understand to be,
in substance, the same thing; the latter being the more general
statement, of which the former is the amplification--the bill of
particulars. While I know there are many Democrats, on this floor
and elsewhere, who disapprove that message, I understand that all
who shall vote for General Cass will thereafter be considered
as having approved it, as having indorsed all its doctrines. I
suppose all, or nearly all, the Democrats will vote for him. Many
of them will do so, not because they like his position on this
question, but because they prefer him, being wrong in this, to
another, whom they consider further wrong on other questions. In
this way the internal improvement Democrats are to be, by a sort
of forced consent, carried over, and arrayed against themselves
on this measure of policy. General Cass, once elected, will not
trouble himself to make a Constitutional argument, or, perhaps,
any argument at all, when he shall veto a river or harbor bill. He
will consider it a sufficient answer to all Democratic murmurs, to
point to Mr. Polk’s message, and to the “Democratic platform.” This
being the case, the question of improvements is verging to a final
crisis; and the friends of the policy must now battle, and battle
manfully, or surrender all. In this view, humble as I am, I wish to
review, and contest as well as I may, the general positions of this
veto message. When I say _general_ positions, I mean to exclude
from consideration so much as relates to the present embarrassed
state of the Treasury, in consequence of the Mexican war.
“Those general positions are: That internal improvements ought not
to be made by the General Government:
“1. Because they would overwhelm the treasury;
“2. Because, while their _burdens_ would be general, their
_benefits_ would be _local_ and _partial_, involving an obnoxious
inequality;
“3. Because they would be unconstitutional;
“4. Because the States may do enough by the levy and collection of
tonnage duties; or, if not,
“5. That the Constitution may be amended.
“‘Do nothing at all, lest you do something wrong,’ is the sum
of these positions--is the sum of this message; and this, with
the exception of what is said about Constitutionality, applying
as forcibly to making improvements by State authority as by the
national authority. So that we must abandon the improvements of the
country altogether, by any and every authority, or we must resist
and repudiate the doctrines of this message. Let us attempt the
latter.
“The first position is, that a system of internal improvement would
overwhelm the treasury.
“That, in such a system, there is a _tendency_ to undue expansion,
is not to be denied. Such tendency is founded in the nature of the
subject. A member of Congress will prefer voting for a bill which
contains an appropriation for his district, to voting for one which
does not; and when a bill shall be expanded till every district
shall be provided for, that it will be too greatly expanded is
obvious. But is this any more true in Congress than in a State
Legislature? If a member of Congress must have an appropriation
for his district, so a member of a Legislature must have one for
his county; and if one will overwhelm the national treasury, so
the other will overwhelm the State treasury. Go where we will,
the difficulty is the same. Allow it to drive us from the halls
of Congress, and it will just as easily drive us from the State
Legislatures. Let us, then, grapple with it, and test its strength.
Let us, judging of the future by the past, ascertain whether there
may not be, in the discretion of Congress, a sufficient power to
limit and restrain this expansive tendency within reasonable and
proper bounds. The President himself values the evidence of the
past. He tells us that at a certain point of our history, more
than two hundred millions of dollars had been _applied for_, to
make improvements, and this he does to prove that the treasury
would be overwhelmed by such a system. Why did he not tell us how
much was _granted_? Would not that have been better evidence?
Let us turn to it, and see what it proves. In the message, the
President tells us that ‘during the four succeeding years, embraced
by the administration of President Adams, the power not only
to appropriate money, but to apply it, under the direction and
authority of the General Government, as well to the construction
of roads as to the improvement of harbors and rivers, was fully
asserted and exercised.’
“This, then, was the period of greatest enormity. These, if any,
must have been the days of the two hundred millions. And how much
do you suppose was really expended for improvements during those
four years? Two hundred millions? One hundred? Fifty? Ten? Five?
No, sir, less than two millions. As shown by authentic documents,
the expenditures on improvements during 1825, 1826, 1827 and 1828,
amounted to $1,879,627 01. These four years were the period of Mr.
Adams’ administration, nearly, and substantially. This fact shows
that when the power to make improvements was ‘fully asserted and
exercised,’ the Congress _did_ keep within reasonable limits; and
what _has_ been done it seems to me, _can_ be done again.
“Now for the second position of the message, namely, that the
burdens of improvements would be _general_, while their _benefits_
would be _local_ and _partial_, involving an obnoxious inequality.
That there is some degree of truth in this position I shall not
deny. No commercial object of Government patronage can be so
exclusively _general_, as not to be of some peculiar _local_
advantage; but on the other hand, nothing is so _local_ as not to
be of some general advantage. The navy, as I understand it, was
established, and is maintained, at a great annual expense, partly
to be ready for war, when war shall come, but partly also, and
perhaps chiefly, for the protection of our commerce on the high
seas. This latter object is, for all I can see, in principle, the
same as internal improvements. The driving a pirate from the track
of commerce on the broad ocean, and the removing a snag from its
more narrow path in the Mississippi river, can not, I think, be
distinguished in principle. Each is done to save life and property,
and for nothing else. The navy, then, is the most general in its
benefits of all this class of objects; and yet even the navy is of
some peculiar advantage to Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia,
New York and Boston, beyond what it is to the interior towns of
Illinois. The next most general object I can think of, would be
improvements on the Mississippi river and its tributaries. They
touch thirteen of our States--Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky,
Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois,
Indiana, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Iowa. Now, I suppose it will not be
denied, that these thirteen States are a little more interested in
improvements on that great river than are the remaining seventeen.
These instances of the navy, and the Mississippi river show clearly
that there is something of local advantage in the most general
objects. But the converse is also true. Nothing is so _local_
as not to be of some _general_ benefit. Take, for instance, the
Illinois and Michigan canal. Considered apart from its effects,
it is perfectly local. Every inch of it is within the State of
Illinois. That canal was first opened for business last April. In a
very few days we were all gratified to learn, among other things,
that sugar had been carried from New Orleans, through the canal,
to Buffalo, in New York. This sugar took this route, doubtless,
because it was cheaper than the old route. Supposing the benefit in
the reduction of the cost of carriage to be shared between seller
and buyer, the result is, that the New Orleans merchant sold his
sugar a little _dearer_, and the people of Buffalo sweetened their
coffee a little _cheaper_ than before; a benefit resulting _from_
the canal, not to Illinois, where the canal _is_, but to Louisiana
and New York, where the canal is _not_. In other transactions
Illinois will, of course, have her share, and perhaps the larger
share too, in the benefits of the canal; but the instance of the
sugar clearly shows that the _benefits_ of an improvement are by no
means confined to the particular locality of the improvement itself.
“The just conclusion from all this is, that if the nation refuse to
make improvements of the more general kind, because their benefits
may be somewhat local, a State may for the same reason, refuse to
make an improvement of a local kind, because its benefits may be
somewhat general. A State may well say to the Nation: ‘If you will
do nothing for me, I will do nothing for you.’ Thus it is seen,
that if this argument of ‘inequality’ is sufficient anywhere, it is
sufficient everywhere, and puts an end to improvements altogether.
I hope and believe, that if both the Nation and the States would,
in faith, in their respective spheres, do what they could in the
way of improvements, what of inequality might be produced in one
place might be compensated in another and that the sum of the
whole might not be very unequal. But suppose, after all, there
should be some degree of inequality: inequality is certainly never
to be embraced for its own sake; but is every good thing to be
discarded which may be inseparably connected with some degree of
it? If so, we must discard all government. This Capitol is built
at the public expense, for the public benefit; but does any one
doubt that it is of some peculiar local advantage to the property
holders and business people of Washington? Shall we remove it for
this reason? And if so, where shall we set it down, and be free
from the difficulty? To make sure of our object shall we locate
it nowhere, and leave Congress hereafter to hold its sessions as
the loafer lodged, ‘in spots about?’ I make no special allusion
to the present President when I say, there are few stronger cases
in this world of ‘burden to the many, and benefit to the few’--of
‘inequality’--than the Presidency itself is by some thought to be.
An honest laborer digs coal at about seventy cents a day, while the
President digs abstractions at about seventy dollars a day. The
_coal_ is clearly worth more than the _abstractions_, and yet what
a monstrous inequality in the prices! Does the President, for this
reason, propose to abolish the Presidency? He _does_ not, and he
_ought_ not. The true rule, in determining to embrace or reject any
thing, is not whether it have _any_ evil in it, but whether it have
more of evil than of good. There are few things _wholly_ evil or
_wholly_ good; almost every thing, especially of government policy,
is an inseparable compound of the two; so that our best judgment
of the preponderance between them is continually demanded. On this
principle the President, his friends, and the world generally, act
on most subjects. Why not apply it, then, upon this question? Why,
as to improvements, magnify the _evil_, and stoutly refuse to see
any good in them?
“Mr. Chairman, on the third position of the message (the
Constitutional question) I have not much to say. Being the man
I am, and speaking when I do, I feel that in any attempt at an
original, Constitutional argument, I should not be, and ought
not to be, listened to patiently. The ablest and the best of men
have gone over the whole ground long ago. I shall attempt but
little more than a brief notice of what some of them have said.
In relation to Mr. Jefferson’s views, I read from Mr. Polk’s veto
message:
“‘President Jefferson, in his message to Congress in 1806,
recommended an amendment of the Constitution, with a view to apply
an anticipated surplus in the treasury ‘to the great purposes of
the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects
of public improvements as it may be thought proper to add to the
Constitutional enumeration of the Federal powers.’ And he adds: ‘I
suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by consent of the States,
necessary because the objects now recommended are not among those
enumerated in the Constitution, and to which it permits the public
moneys to be applied.’ In 1825, he repeated, in his published
letters, the opinion that no such power had been conferred upon
Congress.’
“I introduce this, not to controvert, just now, the Constitutional
opinion, but to show, that on the question of _expediency_, Mr.
Jefferson’s opinion was against the present President--that this
opinion of Mr. Jefferson, in one branch at least, is, in the hands
of Mr. Polk, like McFingal’s gun:
“‘Bears wide and kicks the owner over.’
“But, to the Constitutional question. In 1826, Chancellor Kent
first published his Commentaries on American Law. He devoted a
portion of one of the lectures to the question of the authority of
Congress to appropriate public moneys for internal improvements.
He mentions that the question had never been brought under judicial
consideration, and proceeds to give a brief summary of the
discussions it had undergone between the legislative and executive
branches of the Government. He shows that the legislative branch
had usually been _for_, and the executive _against_, the power,
till the period of Mr. J. Q. Adams’ administration; at which point
he considers the executive influence as withdrawn from opposition,
and added to the support of the power. In 1844, the Chancelor
published a new edition of his Commentaries, in which he adds some
notes of what had transpired on the question since 1826. I have not
time to read the original text, or the notes, but the whole may
be found on page 267, and the two or three following pages of the
first volume of the edition of 1844. As what Chancellor Kent seems
to consider the sum of the whole, I read from one of the notes:
“‘Mr. Justice Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution of
the United States, vol. 2, page 429-440, and again, page 519-538,
has stated at large the arguments for and against the proposition
that Congress have a Constitutional authority to lay taxes, and
to apply the power to regulate commerce, as a means directly to
encourage and protect domestic manufactures; and, without giving
any opinion of his own on the contested doctrine, he has left the
reader to draw his own conclusion. I should think, however, from
the arguments as stated, that every mind which has taken no part
in the discussions, and felt no prejudice or territorial bias on
either side of the question, would deem the arguments in favor of
the Congressional power vastly superior.’
“It will be seen, that in this extract, the power to make
improvements is not directly mentioned; but by examining the
context, both of Kent and of Story, it will appear that the power
mentioned in the extract and the power to make improvements, are
regarded as identical. It is not to be denied that many great and
good men have been _against_ the power; but it is insisted that
quite as many, as great, and as good, have been _for_ it; and
it is shown that, on a full survey of the whole, Chancelor Kent
was of opinion that the arguments of the latter were _vastly_
superior. This is but the opinion of a man; but who was that man?
He was one of the ablest and most learned lawyers of his age, or
of any other age. It is no disparagement to Mr. Polk, nor, indeed,
to any one who devotes much time to politics, to be placed far
behind Chancelor Kent as a lawyer. His attitude was most favorable
to correct conclusions. He wrote coolly and in retirement. He
was struggling to rear a durable monument of fame; and he well
knew that _truth_ and thoroughly sound reasoning were the only
sure foundations. Can the party opinion of a party President, on
a law question, as this purely is, be at all compared or set in
opposition to that of such a man, in such an attitude as Chancelor
Kent?
“This Constitutional question will probably never be better settled
than it is, until it shall pass under judicial consideration; but
I do think that no man who is clear on this question of expediency
need feel his conscience much pricked upon this.
“Mr. Chairman, the President seems to think that enough may be
done in the way of improvements, by means of tonnage duties, under
State authority, with the consent of the General Government. Now,
I suppose this matter of tonnage duties is well enough in its own
sphere. I suppose it may be efficient, and perhaps _sufficient_,
to make slight improvements and repairs in harbors already in use,
and not much out of repair. But if I have any correct general idea
of it, it must be wholly inefficient for any generally beneficent
purposes of improvement. I know very little, or rather nothing at
all, of the practical matter of levying and collecting tonnage
duties; but I suppose one of its principles must be, to lay a duty,
for the improvement of any particular harbor, _upon the tonnage
coming into that harbor_. To do otherwise--to collect money in
_one_ harbor to be expended in improvements in _another_--would be
an extremely aggravated form of that inequality which the President
so much deprecates. If I be right in this, how could we make any
entirely new improvements by means of tonnage duties? How make a
road, a canal, or clear a greatly obstructed river? The idea that
we could, involves the same absurdity of the Irish bull about the
new boots: ‘I shall never git ‘em on,’ says Patrick, ’till I wear
’em a day or two, and stretch ’em a little.’ We shall never make
a canal by tonnage duties, until it shall already have been made
awhile, so the tonnage can get into it.
“After all, the President concludes that possibly there may be some
great objects of improvements which can not be effected by tonnage
duties, and which, therefore, may be expedient for the General
Government to take in hand. Accordingly, he suggests, in case any
such be discovered, the propriety of amending the Constitution.
Amend it for what? If, like Mr. Jefferson, the President thought
improvements _expedient_ but not Constitutional, it would be
natural enough for him to recommend such an amendment; but hear
what he says in this very message:
“‘In view of these portentous consequences, I can not but think
that this course of legislation should be arrested, even were there
nothing to forbid it in the fundamental laws of our Union.’
“For what, then, would _he_ have the Constitution amended? With
_him_ it is a proposition to remove _one_ impediment, merely to
be met by _others_, which, in his opinion, can not be removed--to
enable Congress to do what, in his opinion, they ought not to do if
they could.”
[Here Mr. Meade, of Virginia, inquired if Mr. L. understood the
President to be opposed, on grounds of expediency, to any and every
improvement?]
To which Mr. Lincoln answered: “In the very part of his message
of which I am now speaking, I understand him as giving some vague
expressions in favor of some possible objects of improvement; but,
in doing so, I understand him to be directly in the teeth of his
own arguments in other parts of it. Neither the President, nor
any one, can possibly specify an improvement, which shall not be
clearly liable to one or another of the objections he has urged on
the score of expediency; I have shown, and might show again, that
no work--no object--can be so general, as to dispense its benefits
with precise equality; and this inequality is chief among the
‘portentous consequences’ for which he declares that improvements
should be arrested. No, sir; when the President intimates that
something in the way of improvements may properly be done by the
General Government, he is shrinking from the conclusions to which
his own arguments would force him. He feels that the improvements
of this broad and goodly land are a mighty interest; and he is
unwilling to confess to the people, or perhaps to himself, that
he has built an argument which, when pressed to its conclusion,
entirely annihilates this interest.
“I have already said that no one who is satisfied of the expediency
of making improvements need be much uneasy in his conscience about
its Constitutionality. I wish now to submit a few remarks on the
general proposition of amending the Constitution. As a General
rule, I think we would do much better to let it alone. No slight
occasion should tempt us to touch it. Better not take the first
step, which may lead to a habit of altering it. Better rather
habituate ourselves to think of it as unalterable. It can scarcely
be made better than it is. New provisions would introduce new
difficulties, and thus create and increase appetite for further
change. No, sir; let it stand as it is. New hands have never
touched it. The men who made it have done their work, and have
passed away. Who shall improve on what _they_ did?
“Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of reviewing this message in the
least possible time, as well as for the sake of distinctness, I
have analyzed its arguments as well as I could, and reduced them
to the propositions I have stated. I have now examined them in
detail. I wish to detain the committee only a little while longer,
with some general remarks on the subject of improvements. That the
subject is a difficult one, can not be denied. Still, it is no
more difficult in Congress than in the State legislatures, in the
counties or in the smallest municipal districts which everywhere
exist. All can recur to instances of this difficulty in the case of
county roads, bridges, and the like. One man is offended because a
road passes over his land; and another is offended because it does
_not_ pass over his; one is dissatisfied because the bridge, for
which he is taxed, crosses the river on a different road from that
which leads from his house to town; another can not bear that the
county should get in debt for these same roads and bridges; while
not a few struggle hard to have roads located over their lands, and
then stoutly refuse to let them be opened, until they are first
paid the damages. Even between the different wards and streets
of towns and cities, we find this same wrangling and difficulty.
Now, these are no other than the very difficulties against which,
and out of which, the President constructs his objections of
‘inequality,’ ‘speculation,’ and ‘crushing the Treasury.’ There is
but a single alternative about them--they are _sufficient_, or they
are _not_. If sufficient, they are sufficient _out_ of Congress
as well as _in_ it, and there is the end. We must reject them as
insufficient, or lie down and do nothing by any authority. Then,
difficulty though there be, let us meet and overcome it.
‘Attempt the end, and never stand to doubt;
Nothing so hard, but search will find it out.’
“Determine that the thing can and shall be done, and then we shall
find the way. The tendency to undue expansion is unquestionably
the chief difficulty. How to do _something_, and still not to do
_too much_, is the desideratum. Let each contribute his mite in
the way of suggestion. The late Silas Wright, in a letter to the
Chicago Convention, contributed his, which was worth something; and
I now contribute mine, which may be worth nothing. At all events,
it will mislead nobody, and therefore will do no harm. I would
not borrow money. I am against an overwhelming, crushing system.
Suppose that at each session, Congress shall first determine _how
much_ money can, for that year, be spared for improvements; then
apportion that sum to the most _important_ objects. So far all is
easy; but how shall we determine which _are_ the most important?
On this question comes the collision of interests. _I_ shall be
slow to acknowledge that _your_ harbor or _your_ river is more
important than _mine_, and _vice versa_. To clear this difficulty,
let us have that same statistical information which the gentleman
from Ohio [Mr. Vinton] suggested at the beginning of this session.
In that information we shall have a stern, unbending basis of
_facts_--a basis in nowise subject to whim, caprice, or local
interest. The pre-limited amount of means will save us from doing
_too much_, and the statistics will save us from doing what we do
in _wrong places_. Adopt and adhere to this course, and, it seems
to me, the difficulty is cleared.
“One of the gentlemen from South Carolina (Mr. Rhett) very much
deprecates these statistics. He particularly objects, as I
understand him, to counting all the pigs and chickens in the land.
I do not perceive much force in the objection. It is true, that if
every thing be enumerated, a portion of such statistics may not be
very useful to this object. Such products of the country as are to
be _consumed_ where they are _produced_, need no roads and rivers,
no means of transportation, and have no very proper connection with
this subject. The _surplus_, that which is produced in _one_ place
to be consumed in _another_; the capacity of each locality for
producing a _greater_ surplus; the natural means of transportation,
and their susceptibility of improvement; the hindrances, delays,
and losses of life and property during transportation, and the
causes of each, would be among the most valuable statistics in
this connection. From these it would readily appear where a given
amount of expenditure would do the most good. These statistics
might be equally accessible, as they would be equally useful, to
both the Nation and the States. In this way, and by these means,
let the nation take hold of the larger works, and the States the
smaller ones; and thus, working in a meeting direction, discreetly,
but steadily and firmly, what is made unequal in one place may be
equalized in another, extravagance avoided, and the whole country
put on that career of prosperity, which shall correspond with its
extent of territory, its natural resources, and the intelligence
and enterprise of its people.”
* * * * *
SPEECH ON THE PRESIDENCY AND GENERAL POLITICS.
(_Delivered in the House, July 27, 1848._)
GENERAL TAYLOR AND THE VETO POWER.
“Mr. SPEAKER:--Our Democratic friends seem to be in great distress
because they think our candidate for the Presidency don’t suit
_us_. Most of them can not find out that General Taylor has any
principles at all; some, however, have discovered that he has
_one_, but that that one is entirely wrong. This one principle
is his position on the veto power. The gentleman from Tennessee
(Mr. Stanton) who has just taken his seat, indeed, has said
there is very little if any difference on this question between
General Taylor and all the Presidents; and he seems to think it
sufficient detraction from General Taylor’s position on it, that
it has nothing new in it. But all others whom I have heard speak
assail it furiously. A new member from Kentucky (Mr. Clarke) of
very considerable ability, was in particular concern about it.
He thought it altogether novel and unprecedented for a President,
or a Presidential candidate, to think of approving bills whose
Constitutionality may not be entirely clear to his own mind. He
thinks the ark of our safety is gone, unless Presidents shall
always veto such bills as, in their judgment, may be of _doubtful_
Constitutionality. However clear Congress may be of their authority
to pass any particular act, the gentleman from Kentucky thinks the
President must veto it if _he_ has _doubts_ about it. Now I have
neither time nor inclination to argue with the gentleman on the
veto power as an original question; but I wish to show that General
Taylor, and not he, agrees with the earliest statesmen on this
question. When the bill chartering the first Bank of the United
States passed Congress, its Constitutionality was questioned;
Mr. Madison, then in the House of Representatives, as well as
others, had opposed it on that ground. General Washington, as
President, was called on to approve or reject it. He sought and
obtained, on the Constitutional question, the separate written
opinions of Jefferson, Hamilton, and Edmund Randolph, they then
being respectively Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury,
and Attorney General. Hamilton’s opinion was for the power; while
Randolph’s and Jefferson’s were both against it. Mr. Jefferson,
in his letter dated February 15th, 1791, after giving his opinion
decidedly against the Constitutionality of that bill, closed with
the paragraph which I now read:
“‘It must be admitted, however, that unless the President’s mind,
on a view of every thing which is urged for and against this bill,
is tolerably clear that it is unauthorized by the Constitution; if
the pro and the con hang so even as to balance his judgment, a just
respect for the wisdom of the Legislature would naturally decide
the balance in favor of their opinion; it is chiefly for cases
where they are clearly misled by error, ambition, or interest,
that the Constitution has placed a check in the negative of the
President.’
“General Taylor’s opinion, as expressed in his Allison letter, is
as I now read:
“‘The power given by the veto is a high conservative power; but,
in my opinion, should never be exercised, except in cases of clear
violation of the Constitution, or manifest haste and want of
consideration by Congress.
“It is here seen that, in Mr. Jefferson’s opinion, if, on the
Constitutionality of any given bill, the President _doubts_, he
is not to veto it, as the gentleman from Kentucky would have him
to do, but is to defer to Congress and approve it. And if we
compare the opinions of Jefferson and Taylor, as expressed in these
paragraphs, we shall find them more exactly alike than we can often
find any two expressions having any literal difference. None but
interested fault-finders, can discover any substantial variation.
“But gentlemen on the other side are unanimously agreed that Gen.
Taylor has no other principle. They are in utter darkness as to
his opinions on any of the questions of policy which occupy the
public attention. But is there any doubt as to what he will _do_
on the prominent question, if elected? Not the least. It is not
possible to know what he will or would do in every imaginable case;
because many questions have passed away, and others doubtless will
arise which none of us have yet thought of; but on the prominent
questions of currency, tariff, internal improvements, and Wilmot
proviso, General Taylor’s course is at least as well defined as is
General Cass’s. Why, in their eagerness to get at General Taylor,
several Democratic members here have desired to know whether, in
case of his election, a bankrupt law is to be established. Can
they tell us General Cass’s opinion on this question? (Some member
answered, ‘He is against it.’) Aye, how do you know he is? There is
nothing about it in the platform, nor elsewhere, that I have seen.
If the gentleman knows any thing which I do not, he can show it.
But to return: General Taylor, in his Allison letter says:
“‘Upon the subject of the tariff, the currency, the improvement of
our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the will of the
people, as expressed through their Representatives in Congress,
ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive.’
“Now, this is the whole matter--in substance, it is this: The
people say to General Taylor, ‘If you are elected shall we have a
National bank?’ He answers, ‘_Your_ will, gentlemen, not _mine_.’
‘What about the tariff?’ ‘Say yourselves.’ ‘Shall our rivers and
harbors be improved?’ ‘Just as you please.’ ‘If you desire a bank,
an alteration of the tariff, internal improvements, any or all, I
will not hinder you; if you do not desire them, I will not attempt
to force them on you. Send up your members of Congress from the
various districts, with opinions according to your own, and if they
are for these measures, or any of them, I shall have nothing to
oppose; if they are not for them, I shall not, by any appliances
whatever, attempt to dragoon them into their adoption.’ Now, can
there be any difficulty in understanding this? To you, Democrats,
it may not seem like principle; but surely you can not fail to
perceive the position plain enough. The distinction between it and
the position of your candidate is broad and obvious, and I admit
you have a clear right to show it is wrong, if you can; but you
have no right to pretend you can not see it at all. We see it, and
to us it appears like principle, and the best sort of principle at
that--the principle of allowing the people to do as they please
with their own business. My friend from Indiana (Mr. C. B. Smith)
has aptly asked, ‘Are you willing to trust the people?’ Some of
you answered, substantially, ‘We are willing to trust the people;
but the President is as much the representative of the people as
Congress.’ In a certain sense, and to a certain intent, he is the
representative of the people. He is elected by them, as well as
Congress is. But can he, in the nature of things, know the wants
of the people as well as three hundred other men coming from all
the various localities of the Nation? If so, where is the propriety
of having a Congress? That the Constitution gives the President a
negative on legislation, all know; but that this negative should be
so combined with platforms and other appliances as to enable him,
and, in fact, almost compel him, to take the whole of legislation
into his own hands, is what we object to--is what General Taylor
objects to--and is what constitutes the broad distinction between
you and us. To thus transfer legislation is clearly to take it from
those who understand with minuteness the interests of the people,
and give it to one who does not and can not so well understand it.
I understand your idea, that if a Presidential candidate avow his
opinion upon a given question, or rather upon all questions, and
the people, with full knowledge of this, elect him, they thereby
distinctly approve all those opinions. This, though plausible, is
a most pernicious deception. By means of it measures are adopted
or rejected, contrary to the wishes of the whole of one party,
and often nearly half of the other. The process is this: Three,
four, or half a dozen questions are prominent at a given time; the
party selects its candidate, and he takes his position on each of
these questions. On all but one his positions have already been
indorsed at former elections, and his party fully committed to
them; but that one is new, and a large portion of them are against
it. But what are they to do? The whole are strung together, and
they must take all or reject all. They can not take what they like
and leave the rest. What they are already committed to, being the
majority, they shut their eyes and gulp the whole. Next election,
still another is introduced in the same way. If we run our eyes
along the line of the past, we shall see that almost, if not quite,
all the articles of the present Democratic creed have been at
first forced upon the party in this very way. And just now, and
just so, opposition to internal improvements is to be established
if Gen. Cass shall be elected. Almost half the Democrats here
are for improvements, but they will vote for Cass, and if he
succeeds, their votes will have aided in closing the doors against
improvements. Now, this is a process which we think is wrong. We
prefer a candidate who, like Gen. Taylor, will allow the people to
have their own way regardless of his private opinion; and I should
think the internal-improvement Democrats at least, ought to prefer
such a candidate. He would force nothing on them which they don’t
want, and he would allow them to have improvements, which their own
candidate, if elected, will not.
“Mr. Speaker, I have said Gen. Taylor’s position is as well defined
as is that of Gen. Cass. In saying this, I admit I do not certainly
know what he would do on the Wilmot proviso. I am a Northern
man, or, rather, a Western free State man, with a constituency I
believe to be, and with personal feelings I know to be, against the
extension of slavery. As such, and with what information I have,
I hope, and _believe_, Gen. Taylor, if elected, would not veto
the proviso; but I do not _know_ it. Yet, if I knew he would, I
still would vote for him. I should do so, because, in my judgment,
his election alone can defeat Gen. Cass; and because, _should_
slavery thereby go into the territory we now have, just so much
will certainly happen by the election of Cass; and, in addition,
a course of policy leading to new wars, new acquisitions of
territory, and still further extensions of slavery. One of the two
is to be President; which is preferable?
“But there is as much doubt of Cass on improvements as there is
of Taylor on the proviso. I have no doubt myself of Gen. Cass on
this question, but I know the Democrats differ among themselves as
to his position. My internal improvement colleague (Mr. Wentworth)
stated on this floor the other day, that he was satisfied Cass was
for improvements, because he had voted for all the bills that he
(Mr. W.) had. So far so good. But Mr. Polk vetoed some of these
very bills; the Baltimore Convention passed a set of resolutions,
among other things, approving these vetoes, and Cass declares, in
his letter accepting the nomination, that he has carefully read
these resolutions, and that he adheres to them as firmly as he
approves them cordially. In other words, Gen. Cass voted for the
bills, and thinks the President did right to veto them; and his
friends here are amiable enough to consider him as being on one
side or the other, just as one or the other may correspond with
their own respective inclinations. My colleague admits that the
platform declares against the Constitutionality of a general system
of improvement, and that Gen. Cass indorses the platform; but he
still thinks Gen. Cass is in favor of some sort of improvements.
Well, what are they? As he is against _general_ objects, those he
is _for_, must be _particular_ and _local_. Now, this is taking the
subject precisely by the wrong end. _Particularity_--expending the
money of the _whole_ people for an object which will benefit only a
_portion_ of them, is the greatest real objection to improvements,
and has been so held by Gen. Jackson, Mr. Polk, and all others,
I believe, till now. But now, behold, the objects most general,
nearest free from this objection, are to be rejected, while those
most liable to it are to be embraced. To return: I can not help
believing that Gen. Cass, when he wrote his letter of acceptance,
well understood he was to be claimed by the advocates of both sides
of this question, and that he then closed the door against all
further expressions of opinion, purposely to retain the benefits of
that double position. His subsequent equivocation at Cleveland, to
my mind, proves such to have been the case.
“One word more, and I shall have done with this branch of the
subject. You Democrats, and your candidate, in the main are in
favor of laying down, in advance, a platform--a set of party
positions, as a unit; and then of enforcing the people, by every
sort of appliance, to ratify them, however unpalatable some of them
may be. We, and our candidate, are in favor of making Presidential
elections and the legislation of the country distinct matters; so
that the people can elect whom they please, and afterward legislate
just _as_ they please, without any hindrance, save only so much as
may guard against infractions of the Constitution, undue haste,
and want of consideration. The difference between us is clear as
noonday. That we are right we can not doubt. We hold the true
Republican position. In leaving the people’s business in their
hands we can not be wrong. We are willing, and even anxious, to go
to the people on this issue.
“But I suppose I can not reasonably hope to convince you that we
have any principles. The most I can expect is, to assure you that
we think we have, and are quite contented with them. The other day,
one of the gentlemen from Georgia (Mr. Iverson), an eloquent man,
and a man of learning, so far as I can judge, not being learned
myself, came down upon us astonishingly. He spoke in what the
Baltimore _American_ calls the ‘scathing and withering style.’ At
the end of his second severe flash I was struck blind, and found
myself feeling with my fingers for an assurance of my continued
physical existence. A little of the bone was left, and I gradually
revived. He eulogized Mr. Clay in high and beautiful terms, and
then declared that we had deserted all our principles, and had
turned Henry Clay out, like an old horse, to root. This is terribly
severe. It can not be answered by argument; at least, I can not
so answer it. I merely wish to ask the gentleman if the Whigs are
the only party he can think of, who sometimes turn old horses out
to root? Is not a certain Martin Van Buren an old horse which your
own party have turned out to root? and is he not rooting a little
to your discomfort about now? But in not nominating Mr. Clay, we
deserted our principles, you say. Ah! in what? Tell us, ye men
of principles what principle we violated? We say you did violate
principle in discarding Van Buren, and we can tell you how. You
violated the primary, the cardinal, the one great living principle
of all Democratic representative government--the principle that
the representative is bound to carry out the known will of his
constituents. A large majority of the Baltimore Convention of 1844
were, by their constituents, instructed to procure Van Buren’s
nomination if they could. In violation, in utter, glaring contempt
of this, you rejected him--rejected him, as the gentlemen from
New York (Mr. Birdsall), the other day expressly admitted, for
_availability_--that same ‘general availability’ which you charge
upon us, and daily chew over here, as something exceedingly odious
and unprincipled. But the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Iverson),
gave us a second speech yesterday, all well considered and put down
in writing, in which Van Buren was scathed and withered a ‘few’
for his present position and movements. I can not remember the
gentlemen’s precise language, but I do remember he put Van Buren
down, down, till he got him where he was finally to ‘stink’ and
‘rot.’
“Mr. Speaker, it is no business or inclination of mine to defend
Martin Van Buren. In the war of extermination now waging between
him and his old admirers, I say, devil take the hindmost--and the
foremost. But there is no mistaking the origin of the breach;
and if the curse of ‘stinking’ and ‘rotting’ is to fall on the
first and greatest violaters of principle in the matter, I
disinterestedly suggest, that the gentleman from Georgia and his
present co-workers are bound to take it upon themselves.”
Mr. Lincoln then proceeded to speak of the objections against Gen.
Taylor as a mere military hero; retorting with effect, by citing the
attempt to make out a military record for Gen. Cass; and referring, in
a bantering way, to his own services in the Black Hawk war, as already
quoted. He then said:
“While I have Gen. Cass in hand, I wish to say a word about his
political principles. As a specimen, I take the record of his
progress on the Wilmot Proviso. In the Washington Union, of March
2, 1847, there is a report of the speech of Gen. Cass, made the day
before in the Senate, on the Wilmot Proviso, during the delivery of
which, Mr. Miller, of New Jersey, is reported to have interrupted
him as follows, to wit:
“‘Mr. Miller expressed his great surprise at the change in the
sentiments of the Senator from Michigan, who had been regarded as
the great champion of freedom in the North-west of which he was a
distinguished ornament. Last year the Senator from Michigan was
understood to be decidedly in favor of the Wilmot Proviso; and, as
no reason had been stated for the change, he (Mr. Miller) could not
refrain from the expression of his extreme surprise.’
“To this Gen. Cass is reported to have replied as follows, to wit:
“Mr. Cass said, that the course of the Senator from New Jersey was
most extraordinary. Last year he (Mr. Cass) should have voted for
the proposition had it come up. But circumstances had altogether
changed. The honorable Senator then read several passages from the
remarks as given above, which he had committed to writing, in order
to refute such a charge as that of the Senator from New Jersey.’
“In the ‘remarks above committed to writing,’ is one numbered 4, as
follows, to wit:
“‘4th. Legislation would now be wholly imperative, because no
territory hereafter to be acquired can be governed without an act
of Congress providing for its government. And such an act, on its
passage, would open the whole subject, and leave the Congress,
called on to pass it, free to exercise its own discretion,
entirely uncontrolled by any declaration found in the statute book.’
“In Niles’ Register, vol. 73, page 293, there is a letter of
General Cass to A. O. P. Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee dated
December 24, 1847, from which the following are correct extracts:
“‘The Wilmot Proviso has been before the country some time. It has
been repeatedly discussed in Congress, and by the public press. I
am strongly impressed with the opinion that a great change has been
going on in the public mind upon this subject--in my own as well as
others; and that doubts are resolving themselves into convictions,
that the principle it involves should be kept out of the National
Legislature, and left to the people of the Confederacy in their
respective local Governments.
“‘Briefly, then, I am opposed to the exercise of any jurisdiction
by Congress over this matter; and I am in favor of leaving the
people of any territory which may be hereafter acquired, the right
to regulate it themselves, under the general principles of the
Constitution. Because,
“‘1. I do not see in the Constitution any grant of the requisite
power to Congress; and I am not disposed to extend a doubtful
precedent beyond its necessity--the establishment of territorial
governments when needed--leaving to the inhabitants all the rights
compatible with the relations they bear to the Confederation.’
“These extracts show that, in 1846, General Cass was for the
Proviso _at once_; that, in March, 1847, he was still for it,
_but not just then_; and that in December, 1847, he was _against_
it altogether. This is a true index to the whole man. When the
question was raised in 1846, he was in a blustering hurry to
take ground for it. He sought to be in advance, and to avoid the
uninteresting position of a mere follower, but soon he began to see
glimpses of the great Democratic ox-gad waving in his face, and to
hear indistinctly, a voice saying, ‘back,’ ‘back, sir,’ ‘back a
little.’ He shakes his head and bats his eyes, and blunders back to
his position of March, 1847; but still the gad waves, and the voice
grows more distinct, and sharper still--‘back, sir!’ ‘back, I say!’
‘further back!’ and back he goes to the position of December, 1847;
at which the gad is still, and the voice soothingly says--‘So!’
‘Stand still at that.’
“Have no fears, gentlemen, of your candidate; he exactly suits you,
and we congratulate you upon it. However much you may be distressed
about _our_ candidate, you have all cause to be contented and happy
with your own. If elected, he may not maintain all, or even any of
his positions previously taken; but he will be sure to do whatever
the party exigency, for the time being, may require; and that is
precisely what you want. He and Van Buren are the same ‘manner of
men;’ and like Van Buren, he will never desert _you_ till you first
desert _him_.”
After referring at some length to extra “charges” of General Cass upon
the Treasury, Mr. Lincoln continued:--
“But I have introduced General Cass’s accounts here, chiefly to
show the wonderful physical capacities of the man. They show that
he not only did the labor of several men at the same _time_, but
that he often did it, at several _places_ many hundred miles apart,
_at the same time_. And at eating, too, his capacities are shown to
be quite as wonderful. From October, 1821, to May, 1822, he ate ten
rations a day in Michigan, ten rations a day here, in Washington,
and nearly five dollar’s worth a day besides, partly on the road
between the two places. And then there is an important discovery in
his example--the art of being paid for what one eats, instead of
having to pay for it. Hereafter, if any nice young man shall owe
a bill which he can not pay in any other way, he can just board
it out. Mr. Speaker, we have all heard of the animal standing in
doubt between two stacks of hay, and starving to death; the like
of that would never happen to General Cass. Place the stacks a
thousand miles apart, he would stand stock-still, midway between
them, and eat them both at once; and the green grass along the line
would be apt to suffer some too, at the same time. By all means
make him President, gentlemen. He will feed you bounteously--if
if--there is any left after he shall have helped himself.
“But as General Taylor, is, par excellence, the hero of the Mexican
war; and, as you Democrats say we Whigs have always opposed the
war, you think it must be very awkward and embarrassing for us to
go for General Taylor. The declaration that we have always opposed
the war, is true or false accordingly as one may understand the
term ‘opposing the war.’ If to say ‘the war was unnecessarily and
unconstitutionally commenced by the President,’ be opposing the
war, then the Whigs have very generally opposed it. Whenever they
have spoken at all, they have said this; and they have said it
on what has appeared good reason to them: The marching an army
into the midst of a peaceful Mexican settlement, frightening the
inhabitants away, leaving their growing crops and other property
to destruction, to _you_ may appear a perfectly amiable, peaceful,
unprovoking procedure; but it does not appear so to _us_. So to
call such an act, to us appears no other than a naked, impudent
absurdity, and we speak of it accordingly. But if, when the war had
begun, and had become the cause of the country, the giving of our
money and our blood, in common with yours, was support of the war,
then it is not true that we have always opposed the war. With few
individual exceptions, you have constantly had our votes here for
all the necessary supplies. And, more than this, you have had the
services, the blood, and the lives of our political brethren in
every trial, and on every field. The beardless boy and the mature
man--the humble and the distinguished, you have had them. Through
suffering and death, by disease and in battle, they have endured,
and fought, and fallen with you. Clay and Webster each gave a son,
never to be returned. From the State of my own residence, besides
other worthy but less known Whig names, we sent Marshall, Morrison,
Baker, and Hardin; they all fought, and one fell, and in the fall
of that one, we lost our best Whig man. Nor were the Whigs few in
number, or laggard in the day of danger. In that fearful, bloody,
breathless struggle at Buena Vista, where each man’s hard task was
to beat back five foes, or die himself, of the five high officers
who perished, four were Whigs.
“In speaking of this, I mean no odious comparison between the
lion-hearted Whigs and Democrats who fought there. On other
occasions, and among the lower officers and privates on _that_
occasion, I doubt not the proportion was different. I wish to do
justice to all. I think of all those brave men as Americans, in
whose proud fame, as an American, I too have a share. Many of them,
Whigs and Democrats, are my constituents and personal friends; and
I thank them--more than thank them--one and all, for the high,
imperishable honor they have conferred on our common State.
“But the distinction between the cause of the _President_ in
beginning the war, and the cause of the _country_ after it was
begun, is a distinction which you can not perceive. To _you_, the
President and the country seem to be all one. You are interested
to see no distinction between them; and I venture to suggest
that _possibly_ your interest blinds you a little. We see the
distinction, as we think, clearly enough; and our friends, who have
fought in the war, have no difficulty in seeing it also. What those
who have fallen would say, were they alive and here, of course
we can never know; but with those who have returned there is no
difficulty. Colonel Haskell and Major Gaines, members here, both
fought in the war; and one of them underwent extraordinary perils
and hardships; still they, like all other Whigs here, vote on
the record that the war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally
commenced by the President. And even General Taylor himself, the
noblest Roman of them all, has declared that, as a citizen, and
particularly as a soldier, it is sufficient for him to know that
his country is at war with a foreign nation, to do all in his power
to bring it to a speedy and honorable termination, by the most
vigorous and energetic operations, without inquiring about its
justice, or any thing else connected with it.
“Mr. Speaker, let our Democratic friends be comforted with the
assurance that we are content with our position, content with our
company, and content with our candidate; and that although they, in
their generous sympathy, think we ought to be miserable, we really
are not, and that they may dismiss the great anxiety they have on
_our_ account.”
* * * * *
SPEECH IN REPLY TO MR. DOUGLAS, ON KANSAS, THE DRED SCOTT DECISION, AND
THE UTAH QUESTION.
(_Delivered at Springfield, Ill., June 26, 1857._)
“FELLOW-CITIZENS:--I am here, to-night, partly by the invitation
of some of you, and partly by my own inclination. Two weeks ago
Judge Douglas spoke here, on the several subjects of Kansas, the
Dred Scott decision, and Utah. I listened to the speech at the
time, and have read the report of it since. It was intended to
controvert opinions which I think just, and to assail (politically,
not personally) those men who, in common with me, entertain those
opinions. For this reason I wished then, and still wish to make
some answer to it which I now take the opportunity of doing.
“I begin with Utah. If it prove to be true, as is probable, that
the people of Utah are in open rebellion against the United States,
then Judge Douglas is in favor of repealing their territorial
organization, and attaching them to the adjoining States for
judicial purposes. I say, too, if they are in rebellion, they ought
to be somehow coerced to obedience; and I am not now prepared to
admit or deny, that the Judge’s mode of coercing them is not as
good as any. The Republicans can fall in with it, without taking
back any thing they have ever said. To be sure, it would be a
considerable backing down by Judge Douglas, from his much vaunted
doctrine of self-government for the territories; but this is only
additional proof of what was very plain from the beginning, that
that doctrine was a mere deceitful pretence for the benefit of
slavery. Those who could not see that much in the Nebraska act
itself, which forced Governors, and Secretaries, and Judges on the
people of the territories, without their choice or consent, could
not be made to see, though one should rise from the dead.
“But in all this, it is very plain the Judge evades the only
question the Republicans have ever pressed upon the Democracy in
regard to Utah. That question the Judge well knew to be this: ‘If
the people of Utah shall peacefully form a State Constitution
tolerating polygamy, will the Democracy admit them into the Union?’
There is nothing in the United States Constitution or law against
polygamy; and why is it not a part of the Judge’s ‘sacred right of
self-government’ for the people to have it, or rather to keep it,
if they choose? These questions, so far as I know, the Judge never
answers. It might involve the Democracy to answer them either way
and they go unanswered.
“As to Kansas. The substance of the Judge’s speech on Kansas, is
an effort to put the Free State men in the wrong for not voting
at the election of delegates to the Constitutional Convention. He
says: ‘There is every reason to hope and believe that the law will
be fairly interpreted and impartially executed, so as to insure
to every bona fide inhabitant the free and quiet exercise of the
elective franchise.’
“It appears extraordinary that Judge Douglas should make such a
statement. He knows that, by the law, no one can vote who has
not been registered; and he knows that the Free State men place
their refusal to vote on the ground that but few of them have been
registered. It is possible this is not true, but Judge Douglas
knows it is asserted to be true in letters, newspapers, and public
speeches, and borne by every mail, and blown by every breeze to the
eyes and ears of the world. He knows it is boldly declared, that
the people of many whole counties, and many whole neighborhoods
in others, are left unregistered; yet he does not venture to
contradict the declaration, or to point out how they can vote
without being registered; but he just slips along, not seeming to
know there is any such question of fact, and complacently declares,
‘There is every reason to hope and believe that the law will be
fairly and impartially executed, so as to insure to every bona fide
inhabitant the free and quiet exercise of the elective franchise.’
“I readily agree that if all had a chance to vote, they ought to
have voted. If, on the contrary, as they allege, and Judge Douglas
ventures not particularly to contradict, few only of the Free State
men had a chance to vote, they were perfectly right in staying from
the polls in a body.
“By the way, since the Judge spoke, the Kansas election has come
off. The Judge expressed his confidence that all the Democrats in
Kansas would do their duty--including ‘Free State Democrats’ of
course. The returns received here, as yet, are very incomplete;
but, so far as they go, they indicate that only about one-sixth
of the registered voters, have really voted; and this, too, when
not more, perhaps, than one-half of the rightful voters have been
registered, thus showing the thing to have been altogether the
most exquisite farce ever enacted. I am watching with considerable
interest, to ascertain what figure ‘the Free State Democrats’ cut
in the concern. Of course they voted--all Democrats do their
duty--and of course they did not vote for Slave State candidates.
We soon shall know how many delegates they elected, how many
candidates they have pledged to a free State, and how many votes
were cast for them.
“Allow me to barely whisper my suspicion, that there were no
such things in Kansas as ‘Free State Democrats’--that they were
altogether mythical, good only to figure in newspapers and speeches
in the free States. If there should prove to be one real, living
free State Democrat in Kansas, I suggest that it might be well
to catch him, and stuff and preserve his skin, as an interesting
specimen of that soon to be extinct variety of the genus Democrat.
“And now, as to the Dred Scott decision. That decision declares two
propositions--first, that a negro cannot sue in the United States
Courts; and secondly, that Congress can not prohibit slavery in the
Territories. It was made by a divided court--dividing differently
on the different points. Judge Douglas does not discuss the merits
of the decision, and in that respect, I shall follow his example,
believing I could no more improve upon McLean and Curtis, than he
could on Taney.
“He denounces all who question the correctness of that decision, as
offering violent resistance to it. But who resists it? Who has, in
spite of the decision, declared Dred Scott free, and resisted the
authority of his master over him?
“Judicial decisions have two uses--first, to absolutely determine
the case decided; and secondly to indicate to the public how other
similar cases will be decided when they arise. For the latter use,
they are called ‘precedents’ and ‘authorities.’
“We believe as much as Judge Douglas (perhaps more) in obedience
to, and respect for the judicial department of Government. We think
its decisions on Constitutional questions, when fully settled,
should control, not only the particular cases decided, but the
general policy of the country subject to be disturbed only by
amendments of the Constitution, as provided in that instrument
itself. More than this would be revolution. But we think the Dred
Scott decision is erroneous. We know the court that made it has
often overruled its own decisions, and we shall do what we can to
have it overrule this. We offer no resistance to it.
“Judicial decisions are of greater or less authority as precedents,
according to circumstances. That this should be so, accords both
with common sense, and the customary understanding of the legal
profession.
“If this important decision had been made by the unanimous
concurrence of the judges, and without any apparent partisan
bias, and in accordance with legal public expectation, and with
the steady practice of the departments, throughout our history,
and had been in no part based on assumed historical facts which
are not really true; or, if wanting in some of these, it had been
before the court more than once, and had there been affirmed and
re-affirmed through a course of years, it then might be, perhaps
would be, factious, nay, even revolutionary, not to acquiesce in it
as a precedent.
“But when, as is true, we find it wanting in all these claims to
the public confidence, it is not resistance, it is not factious,
it is not even disrespectful, to treat it as not having yet quite
established a settled doctrine for the country. But Judge Douglas
considers this view awful. Hear him:
“‘The courts are the tribunals prescribed by the Constitution and
created by the authority of the people to determine, expound, and
enforce the law. Hence, whoever resists the final decision of
the highest judicial tribunal, aims a deadly blow to our whole
Republican system of government--a blow which, if successful,
would place all our rights and liberties at the mercy of passion,
anarchy and violence. I repeat, therefore, that if resistance
to the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, in a
matter like the points decided in the Dred Scott case, clearly
within their jurisdiction as defined by the Constitution, shall
be forced upon the country as a political issue, it will become a
distinct and naked issue between the friends and enemies of the
Constitution--the friends and enemies of the supremacy of the laws.’
“Why, this same Supreme Court once decided a national bank to
be Constitutional; but General Jackson, as President of the
United States, disregarded the decision, and vetoed a bill for
a re-charter, partly on Constitutional ground, declaring that
each public functionary must support the Constitution, ‘as he
understands it.’ But hear the General’s own words. Here they are,
taken from his veto message:
“‘It is maintained by the advocates of the bank, that its
Constitutionality, in all its features, ought to be considered as
settled by precedent, and by the decision of the Supreme Court. To
this conclusion I can not assent. Mere precedent is a dangerous
source of authority, and should not be regarded as deciding
questions of Constitutional power, except where the acquiescence
of the people and the States can be considered as well settled. So
far from this being the case on this subject, an argument against
the bank might be based on precedent. One Congress, in 1791,
decided in favor of a bank; another, in 1811, decided against it.
One Congress, in 1815, decided against a bank; another, in 1816,
decided in its favor. Prior to the present Congress, therefore,
the precedents drawn from that source were equal. If we resort to
the States, the expression of legislative, judicial, and executive
opinions against the bank have been probably to those in its favor
as four to one. There is nothing in precedent, therefore, which,
if its authority were admitted, ought to weigh in favor of the act
before me.’
“I drop the quotations merely to remark, that all there ever was,
in the way of precedent up to the Dred Scott decision, on the
points therein decided, had been against that decision. But hear
General Jackson further:
“‘If the opinion of the Supreme Court covered the whole ground of
this act, it ought not to control the co-ordinate authorities of
this Government. The Congress, the Executive and the Court, must
each for itself be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution.
Each public officer, who takes an oath to support the Constitution,
swears that he will support it as he understands it, and not as it
is understood by others.’
“Again and again have I heard Judge Douglas denounce that bank
decision, and applaud General Jackson for disregarding it. It
would be interesting for him to look over his recent speech, and
see how exactly his fierce philippics against us for resisting
Supreme Court decisions, fall upon his own head. It will call to
mind a long and fierce political war in this country, upon an issue
which, in his own language, and, of course, in his own changeless
estimation, was ‘a distinct issue between the friends and the
enemies of the Constitution,’ and in which war he fought in the
ranks of the enemies of the Constitution.
“I have said, in substance, that the Dred Scott decision was, in
part, based on assumed historical facts which were not really true,
and I ought not to leave the subject without giving some reasons
for saying this; I, therefore, give an instance or two, which I
think fully sustain me. Chief Justice Taney, in delivering the
opinion of the majority of the Court, insists at great length, that
negroes were no part of the people who made, or for whom was made,
the Declaration of Independence, or the Constitution of the United
States.
“On the contrary, Judge Curtis, in his dissenting opinion, shows
that in five of the then thirteen States, to wit: New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey, and North Carolina, free
negroes were voters, and, in proportion to their numbers, had the
same part in making the Constitution that the white people had.
He shows this with so much particularity as to leave no doubt of
its truth; and as a sort of conclusion on that point, holds the
following language:
“‘The constitution was ordained and established by the people of
the United States, through the action, in each State, of those
persons who were qualified by its laws to act thereon in behalf
of themselves and all other citizens of the State. In some of the
States, as we have seen, colored persons were among those qualified
by law to act on the subject. These colored persons were not only
included in the body of ‘the people of the United States,’ by whom
the Constitution was ordained and established; but in at least five
of the States they had the power to act, and, doubtless, did act,
by their suffrages, upon the question of its adoption.’
“Again, Chief Justice Taney says: ‘It is difficult, at this day to
realize the state of public opinion in relation to that unfortunate
race, which prevailed in the civilized and enlightened portions of
the world at the time of the Declaration of Independence, and when
the Constitution of the United States was framed and adopted.’ And
again, after quoting from the Declaration, he says: ‘The general
words above quoted would seem to include the whole human family,
and if they were used in a similar instrument at this day, would be
so understood.’
“In these the Chief Justice does not directly assert, but plainly
assumes, as a fact, that the public estimate of the black man is
more favorable now than it was in the days of the Revolution.
This assumption is a mistake. In some trifling particulars, the
condition of that race has been ameliorated; but as a whole,
in this country, the change between then and now is decidedly
the other way; and their ultimate destiny has never appeared so
hopeless as in the last three or four years. In two of the five
States--New Jersey and North Carolina--that then gave the free
negro the right of voting, the right has since been taken away;
and in the third--New York--it has been greatly abridged; while it
has not been extended, so far as I know, to a single additional
State, though the number of the States has more than doubled. In
those days, as I understand, masters could, at their own pleasure,
emancipate their slaves; but since then such legal restraints have
been made upon emancipation as to amount almost to prohibition. In
those days ‘Legislatures held the unquestioned power to abolish
slavery in their respective States; but now it is becoming quite
fashionable for State Constitutions to withhold that power from the
Legislatures. In those days by common consent, the spread of the
black man’s bondage to the new countries was prohibited; but now,
Congress decides that it will not continue the prohibition--and
the Supreme Court decides that it could not if it would. In those
days our Declaration of Independence was held sacred by all, and
thought to include all; but now, to aid in making the bondage
of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed, sneered at,
construed, hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise
from their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the
powers of earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon is after
him; ambition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology of the
day is fast joining the cry. They have him in his prison-house;
they have searched his person, and left no prying instrument with
him. One after another they have closed the heavy iron doors upon
him; and now they have him, as it were, bolted in with a lock of a
hundred keys, which can never be unlocked without the concurrence
of every key; the keys in the hands of a hundred different men, and
they scattered to a hundred different and distant places; and they
stand musing as to what invention, in all the dominions of mind and
matter, can be produced to make the impossibility of his escape
more complete than it is.
“It is grossly incorrect to say or assume, that the public estimate
of the negro is more favorable now than it was at the origin of the
Government.
“Three years and a half ago, Judge Douglas brought forward his
famous Nebraska bill. The country was at once in a blaze. He
scorned all opposition, and carried it through Congress. Since then
he has seen himself superseded in a Presidential nomination, by
one indorsing the general doctrine of his measure, but at the same
time standing clear of the odium of its untimely agitation, and its
gross breach of national faith; and he has seen that successful
rival Constitutionally elected, not by the strength of friends, but
by the division of his adversaries, being in a popular minority
of nearly four hundred thousand votes. He has seen his chief aids
in his own State, Shields and Richardson, politely speaking,
successively tried, convicted, and executed, for an offence not
their own, but his. And now he sees his own case, standing next on
the docket for trial.
“There is a natural disgust, in the minds of nearly all white
people, to the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the
white and black races; and Judge Douglas evidently is basing his
chief hope upon the chances of his being able to appropriate the
benefit of this disgust to himself. If he can, by much drumming
and repeating, fasten the odium of that idea upon his adversaries,
he thinks he can struggle through the storm. He, therefore, clings
to this hope, as a drowning man to the last plank. He makes an
occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the Dred Scott
decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the Declaration
of Independence includes ALL men, black as well as white, and
forthwith he boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and
proceeds to argue gravely that all who contend it does do so only
because they want to vote, eat and sleep, and marry with negroes.
He will have it that they can not be consistent else. Now, I
protest against the counterfeit logic which concludes that because
I do not want a black woman for a slave I must necessarily want
her for a wife. I need not have her for either. I can just leave
her alone. In some respects she certainly is not my equal; but in
her natural right to eat the bread she earns with her own hands,
without asking leave of any one else, she is my equal, and the
equal of all others.
“Chief Justice Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott case, admits
that the language of the Declaration is broad enough to include the
whole human family; but he and Judge Douglas argue that the authors
of that instrument did not intend to include negroes, by the fact
that they did not at once actually place them on an equality with
the whites. Now, this grave argument comes to just nothing at all,
by the other fact, that they did not at once, or ever afterward,
actually place all white people on an equality with one another.
And this is the staple argument of both the Chief Justice and the
Senator for doing this obvious violence to the plain, unmistakable
language of the Declaration.
“I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include
_all_ men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal _in all
respects_. They did not mean to say all were equal in color, size,
intellect, moral developments, or social capacity. They defined
with tolerable distinctness in what respects they did consider all
men created equal--equal with ‘certain inalienable rights, among
which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.’ This they
said, and this meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious
untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor
yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In
fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to
declare the _right_, so that the _enforcement_ of it might follow
as fast as circumstances should permit.”
* * * * *
SPEECH IN REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS.
(_At Chicago, on the evening of July 10, 1858._)
“MY FELLOW-CITIZENS: On yesterday evening, upon the occasion of the
reception given to Senator Douglas, I was furnished with a seat
very convenient for hearing him, and was otherwise very courteously
treated by him and his friends, for which I thank him and them.
During the course of his remarks my name was mentioned in such a
way as, I suppose, renders it at least not improper that I should
make some sort of reply to him. I shall not attempt to follow him
in the precise order in which he addressed the assembled multitude
upon that occasion, though I shall perhaps do so in the main.
“There was one question to which he asked the attention of the
crowd, which I deem of somewhat less importance--at least of
propriety for me to dwell upon--than the others, which he brought
in near the close of his speech, and which I think it would not
be entirely proper for me to omit attending to, and yet if I were
not to give some attention to it now, I should probably forget it
altogether. While I am upon this subject, allow me to say that I do
not intend to indulge in that inconvenient mode sometimes adopted
in public speaking, of reading from documents; but I shall depart
from that rule so far as to read a little scrap from his speech,
which notices this first topic of which I shall speak--that is,
provided I can find it in the paper. [Examines the morning’s paper.]
“‘I have made up my mind to appeal to the people against the
combination that has been made against me! the Republican leaders
having formed an alliance, an unholy and unnatural alliance,
with a portion of unscrupulous federal office-holders. I intend
to fight that allied army wherever I meet them. I know they
deny the alliance, but yet these men who are trying to divide
the Democratic party for the purpose of electing a Republican
Senator in my place, are just as much the agents and tools of the
supporters of Mr. Lincoln. Hence I shall deal with this allied army
just as the Russians dealt with the allies at Sebastopol--that is,
the Russians did not stop to inquire, when they fired a broadside,
whether it hit an Englishman, a Frenchman, or a Turk. Nor will
I stop to inquire, nor shall I hesitate, whether my blows shall
hit these Republican leaders or their allies, who are holding the
federal offices and yet acting in concert with them.’
“Well, now, gentlemen, is not that very alarming? Just to think of
it! right at the outset of his canvass, I, a poor, kind, amiable,
intelligent gentleman, I am to be slain in this way. Why, my
friends, the Judge, is not only, as it turns out, not a dead lion,
nor even a living one--he is the rugged Russian Bear!
“But if they will have it--for he says that we deny it--that there
is any such alliance as he says there is--and I don’t propose
hanging very much upon this question of veracity--but if he will
have it that there is such an alliance--that the Administration men
and we are allied, and we stand in the attitude of English, French
and Turk, he occupying the position of the Russian, in that case,
I beg that he will indulge us while we barely suggest to him that
these allies took Sebastopol.
“Gentlemen, only a few more words as to this alliance. For my part,
I have to say, that whether there be such an alliance, depends,
so far as I know, upon what may be a right definition of the term
_alliance_. If for the Republican party to see the other great
party to which they are opposed divided among themselves, and not
try to stop the division and rather be glad of it--if that is an
alliance, I confess I am in; but if it is meant to be said that
the Republicans had formed an alliance going beyond that, by which
there is contribution of money or sacrifice of principle on the one
side or the other so far as the Republican party is concerned, if
there be any such thing, I protest that I neither know any thing
of it, nor do I believe it. I will, however, say--as I think this
branch of the argument is lugged in--I would, before I leave it,
state, for the benefit of those concerned, that one of those same
Buchanan men did once tell me of an argument that he made for his
opposition to Judge Douglas. He said that a friend of our Senator
Douglas had been talking to him, and had among other things said to
him: ‘Why, you don’t want to beat Douglas?’ ‘Yes,’ said he, ‘I do
want to beat him, and I will tell you why. I believe his original
Nebraska Bill was right in the abstract, but it was wrong in the
time that it was brought forward. It was wrong in the application
to a Territory in regard to which the question had been settled;
it was brought forward in a time when nobody asked him; it was
tendered to the South when the South had not asked for it, but when
they could not well refuse it; and for this same reason he forced
that question upon our party; it has sunk the best men all over the
nation, everywhere; and now when our President, struggling with the
difficulties of this man’s getting up, has reached the very hardest
point to turn in the case, his deserts him, and I _am_ for putting
him where he will trouble us no more.’
“Now, gentlemen, that is not my argument--that is not my argument
at all. I have only been stating to you the argument of a Buchanan
man. You will judge if there is any force in it.
“Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! Let us for
a moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty.
What is popular sovereignty? We recollect that in an early period
in the history of this struggle, there was another name for the
same thing--_Squatter Sovereignty_. It was not exactly Popular
Sovereignty, but Squatter Sovereignty. What do those terms mean?
What do those terms mean when used now? And vast credit is taken
by our friend, the Judge, in regard to his support of it, when he
declares the last years of his life have been, and all the future
years of his life shall be, devoted to this matter of popular
sovereignty. What is it? Why it is the sovereignty of the people!
What was Squatter Sovereignty? I suppose if it had any significance
at all it was the right of the people to govern themselves, to be
sovereign in their own affairs while they were squatted down in a
country not their own, while they had squatted on a Territory that
did not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs to the
people who inhabit it--when it belonged to the nation--such right
to govern themselves was called ‘Squatter Sovereignty.’
“Now I wish you to mark. What has become of that Squatter
Sovereignty? What has become of it? Can you get any body to tell
you now that the people of a Territory have any authority to
govern themselves, in regard to this mooted question of slavery,
before they form a State Constitution? No such thing at all,
although there is a general running fire, and although there has
been a hurrah made in every speech on that side, assuming that
policy had given the people of a Territory the right to govern
themselves upon this question; yet the point is dodged. To-day it
has been decided--no more than a year ago it was decided by the
Supreme Court of the United States, as is insisted upon to-day,
that the people of a Territory have no right to exclude slavery
from a Territory, that if any one man chooses to take slaves into
a Territory, all of the rest of the people have no right to keep
them out. This being so, and this decision being made one of the
points that the Judge approved, and one in the approval of which
he says he means to keep me down--_put_ me down I should not say,
for I have never been up. He says he is in favor of it, and sticks
to it, and expects to win his battle on that decision, which says
that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty; but that any
one man may take slaves into a Territory, and all the other men
in the Territory may be opposed to it, and yet by reason of the
Constitution they can not prohibit it. When that is so, how much is
left of this vast matter of Squatter Sovereignty I should like to
know? [A voice--‘It is all gone.’]
“When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people
to make a Constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854.
It was a Territory yet, without having formed a Constitution, in
a very regular way, for three years. All this time negro slavery
could be taken in by any few individuals, and by that decision
of the Supreme Court, which the Judge approves, all the rest of
the people can not keep it out; but when they come to make a
Constitution they may say they will not have slavery. But it is
there; they are obliged to tolerate it some way, and all experience
shows it will be so--for they will not take negro slaves and
absolutely deprive the owners of them. All experience shows this to
be so. All that space of time that runs from the beginning of the
settlement of the Territory until there is sufficiency of people
to make a State Constitution--all that portion of time popular
sovereignty is given up. The seal is absolutely put down upon it by
the Court decision, and Judge Douglas puts his on the top of that,
yet he is appealing to the people to give him vast credit for his
devotion to popular sovereignty.
“Again, when we get to the question of the right of the people
to form a State Constitution as they please, to form it with
slavery or without slavery--if that is any thing new, I confess
I don’t know it. Has there ever been a time when any body said
that any other than the people of a Territory itself should form
a Constitution? What is now in it that Judge Douglas should have
fought several years of his life, and pledge himself to fight
all the remaining years of his life for? Can Judge Douglas find
any body on earth that said that any body else should form a
Constitution for a people? [A voice, ‘Yes.’] Well, I should like
you to name him; I should like to know who he was. [Same voice,
‘John Calhoun.’]
“No, Sir, I never heard of even John Calhoun saying such a
thing. He insisted on the same principle as Judge Douglas; but
his mode of applying it in fact, was wrong. It is enough for my
purpose to ask this crowd, when ever a Republican said any thing
against it? They never said any thing against it, but they have
constantly spoken for it; and whosoever will undertake to examine
the platform, and the speeches of responsible men of the party,
and of irresponsible men, too, if you please, will be unable to
find one word from anybody in the Republican ranks, opposed to
that Popular Sovereignty which Judge Douglas thinks that he has
invented. I suppose that Judge Douglas will claim in a little
while, that he is the inventor of the idea that the people should
govern themselves; that nobody ever thought of such a thing until
he brought it forward. We do remember, that in that old Declaration
of Independence, it is said that ‘We hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure
these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed.’ There is the origin
of the Popular Sovereignty. Who, then, shall come in at this day
and claim that he invented it”?
After referring, in appropriate terms, to the credit claimed by Douglas
for defeating the Lecompton policy, Mr. Lincoln proceeds:
“I defy you to show a printed resolution passed in a Democratic
meeting--I take it upon myself to defy any man to show a printed
resolution of a Democratic meeting, large or small, in favor of
Judge Trumbull, or any of the five to one Republican who beat the
bill. Every thing must be for the Democrats! They did every thing,
and the five to the one that really did the thing, they snub over,
and they do not seem to remember that they have an existence upon
the face of the earth.
“Gentlemen, I fear that I shall become tedious. I leave this branch
of the subject to take hold of another. I take up that part of
Judge Douglas’s speech in which he respectfully attended to me.
“Judge Douglas made two points upon my recent speech at
Springfield. He says they are to be the issues of this campaign.
The first one of these points he bases upon the language in a
speech which I delivered at Springfield, which I believe I can
quote correctly from memory. I said there that ‘we are now far on
in the fifth year since a policy was instituted for the avowed
object, and with the confident promise of putting an end to slavery
agitation; under the operation of that policy, that agitation had
not only not ceased, but had constantly augmented. I believe it
will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed.
A house divided against itself can not stand. I believe this
Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free.
I do not expect the Union to be dissolved’--I am quoting from my
speech--‘I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it
will cease to be divided. It will come all one thing or the other.
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the spread of it, and
place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is
in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it
forward until it shall have become alike lawful in all the States,
North as well as South.’
“In this paragraph which I have quoted in your hearing, and to
which I ask the attention of all, Judge Douglas thinks he discovers
great political heresy. I want your attention particularly to what
he has inferred from it. He says I am in favor of making all the
States of this Union uniform in all their internal regulations;
that in all their domestic concerns I am in favor of making them
entirely uniform. He draws this inference from the language I have
quoted to you. He says that I am in favor of making war by the
North upon the South for the extinction of slavery; that I am also
in favor of inviting, as he expresses it, the South to a war upon
the North, for the purpose of nationalizing slavery. Now, it is
singular enough, if you will carefully read that passage over, that
I did not say that I was in favor of any thing in it. I only said
what I expected would take place. I made a prediction only--it may
have been a foolish one perhaps. I did not even say that I desired
that slavery should be put in course of ultimate extinction. I do
say so now, however, so there need be no longer any difficulty
about that. It may be written down in the next speech.
“Gentlemen, Judge Douglas informed you that this speech of mine
was probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was. I am not
master of language; I have not a fine education; I am not capable
of entering into a disquisition upon dialects, as I believe you
call it; but I do not believe the language I employed bears any
such construction as Judge Douglas puts upon it. But I don’t care
about a quibble in regard to words. I know what I meant, and I will
not leave this crowd in doubt, if I can explain it to them, what I
really meant in the use of that paragraph.
“I am not, in the first place, unaware that this Government has
endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I know that. I
am tolerably well acquainted with the history of the country, and
I know that it has endured eighty-two years, half slave and half
free. I _believe_--and that is what I meant to allude to there--I
_believe_ it has endured, because during all that time, until the
introduction of the Nebraska bill, the public mind did rest all
the time in the belief that slavery was in course of ultimate
extinction. That was what gave us the rest that we had through
that period of eighty-two years; at least, so I believe. I have
always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist. I have
been an Old Line Whig. I have always hated it, but I have always
been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the
Nebraska Bill began. I always believed that everybody was against
it, and that it was in course of ultimate extinction. [Pointing to
Mr. Browning, who stood near by:] Browning thought so; the great
mass of the Nation have rested in the belief that slavery was in
the course of ultimate extinction. They had reason so to believe.
“The adoption of the Constitution and its attendant history led
the people to believe so; and that such was the belief of the
framers of the Constitution itself. Why did those old men, about
the time of the adoption of the Constitution, decree that slavery
should not go into the new territory, where it had not already
gone? Why declare that within twenty years the African slave-trade,
by which slaves are supplied, might be cut off by Congress? Why
were all these acts? I might enumerate more of such acts--but
enough. What were they but a clear indication that the framers of
the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate extinction of
that institution? And now, when I say, as I said in this speech
that Judge Douglas has quoted from, when I say that I think the
opponents of slavery will resist the further spread of it, and
place it where the public mind shall rest with the belief that it
is in course of ultimate extinction, I only mean to say, that they
will place it where the founders of this Government originally
placed it.
“I have said a hundred times, and I have no inclination to take
it back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no
inclination in the people of the free States to enter into the
slave States, and to interfere with the question of slavery at all.
I have said that always. Judge Douglas has heard me say it--if not
quite a hundred times, at least as good as a hundred times; and
when it is said that I am in favor of interfering with slavery
where it exists, I know that it is unwarranted by any thing I have
ever intended, and, as I believe, by any thing I have ever said.
If, by any means, I have ever used language which could fairly be
so construed (as, however, I believe I never have), I now correct
it.
“So much, then, for the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I
am in favor of setting the sections at war with one another. I know
that I never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind
can infer any such thing from any thing I have ever said.
“Now in relation to his inference that I am in favor of a general
consolidation of all the local institutions of the various States.
I will attend to that for a little while, and try to inquire, if
I can, how on earth it could be that any man could draw such an
inference from any thing I said. I have said, very many times, in
Judge Douglas’s hearing, that no man believed more than I in the
principle of self-government; that it lies at the bottom of all my
ideas of just government, from beginning to end. I have denied that
his use of that term applies properly. But for the thing itself, I
deny that any man has ever gone ahead of me in his devotion to the
principle, whatever he may have done in efficiency in advocating
it. I think that I have said it in your hearing--that I believe
each individual is naturally entitled to do as he pleases with
himself and with the fruit of his labor, so far as it in no wise
interferes with any other man’s rights--that each community, as
a State, has a right to do exactly as it pleases with all the
concerns within that State that interfere with the right of no
other State, and that the General Government, upon principle, has
no right to interfere with any thing other than that general class
of things that does concern the whole. I have said that at all
times. I have said as illustrations, that I do not believe in the
right of Illinois to interfere with the cranberry laws of Indiana,
the oyster laws of Virginia, or the liquor laws of Maine. I have
said these things over and over again, and I repeat them here as my
sentiments....
“So much then as to my disposition--my wish--to have all the State
Legislatures blotted out, and to have one consolidated government,
and a uniformity of domestic regulations in all the States; by
which I suppose it is meant, if we raise corn here, we must make
sugar-cane grow here too, and we must make those which grow North
grow in the South. All this I suppose he understands I am in
favor of doing. Now, so much for all this nonsense--for I must
call it so. The Judge can have no issue with me on a question of
established uniformity in the domestic regulations of the States.
“A little now on the other point--the Dred Scott decision. Another
of the issues he says that is to be made with me, is upon his
devotion to the Dred Scott decision, and my opposition to it.
“I have expressed heretofore, and I now repeat my opposition to the
Dred Scott decision, but I should be allowed to state the nature of
that opposition, and I ask your indulgence while I do so. What is
fairly implied by the term Judge Douglas has used, ‘resistance to
the decision?’ I do not resist it. If I wanted to take Dred Scott
from his master, I would be interfering with property, and that
terrible difficulty that Judge Douglas speaks of, of interfering
with property would arise. But I am doing no such thing as that,
but all that I am doing is refusing to obey it as a political rule.
If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question
whether slavery should be prohibited in a new Territory, in spite
of the Dred Scott decision, I would vote that it should.
“That is what I would do. Judge Douglas said last night, that
before the decision he might advance his opinion, and it might
be contrary to the decision when it was made; but _after_ it was
made he would abide by it until it was reversed. Just so! We let
this property abide by the decision, but we will try to reverse
that decision. [Loud applause.] We will try to put it where Judge
Douglas will not object, for he says he will obey it until it is
reversed. Some body has to reverse that decision, since it was
made, and we mean to reverse it, and we mean to do it peaceably.
“What are the uses of decisions of courts? They have two uses. As
rules of property they have two uses. First--they decide upon the
question before the court. They decide in this case that Dred Scott
is a slave. Nobody resists that. Not only that, but they say to
everybody else, that persons standing just as Dred Scott stands,
is as he is. That is, they say that when a question comes up upon
another person, it will be so decided again unless the court
decides in another way, unless the court overrules its decision.
Well, we mean to do what we can to have the court decide the other
way. That is one thing we mean to try to do.
“The sacredness that Judge Douglas throws around this decision,
is a degree of sacredness that has never been before thrown
around any other decision. I have never heard of such a thing.
Why, decisions apparently contrary to that decision, or that good
lawyers thought were contrary to that decision, have been made
by that very court before. It is the first of the kind; it is an
_astonisher_ in legal history. It is a new wonder of the world. It
is based upon falsehoods in the main as to the facts--allegation
of facts upon which it stands are not facts at all in many
instances, and no decision made on any question--the first instance
of a decision made under so many unfavorable circumstances--thus
placed, has ever been held by the profession as law, and it has
always needed confirmation before the lawyers regarded it as
settled law. But Judge Douglas will have it that all hands must
take this extraordinary decision, made under these extraordinary
circumstances, and give their vote in Congress in accordance with
it, yield to it and obey it in every possible sense. Circumstances
alter cases. Do not gentlemen here remember the case of that same
Supreme Court, twenty-five or thirty years ago, deciding that a
National Bank was Constitutional? I ask, if somebody does not
remember that a National Bank was declared to be Constitutional?
Such is the truth, whether it be remembered or not. The Bank
charter ran out, and a re-charter was granted by Congress. That
re-charter was laid before General Jackson. It was urged upon him,
when he denied the Constitutionality of the Bank, that the Supreme
Court had decided that it was Constitutional; and that General
Jackson then said that the Supreme Court had no right to lay down a
rule to govern a co-ordinate branch of the Government, the members
of which had sworn to support the Constitution--that each member
had sworn to support that Constitution as he understood it. I will
venture here to say, that I have heard Judge Douglas say that he
approved of General Jackson for that act. What has now become of
all his tirade about ‘resistance to the Supreme Court?’ * * *
“We were often--more than once, at least--in the course of Judge
Douglas’s speech last night, reminded that this Government was made
for white men--that he believed it was made for white men. Well,
that is putting it into a shape in which no one wants to deny it;
but the Judge then goes into his passion for drawing inferences
that are not warranted. I protest, now, and forever, against that
counterfeit logic which presumes that because I did not want a
negro woman for a slave, I do necessarily want her for a wife.
My understanding is that I need not have her for either; but, as
God made us separate, we can leave one another alone, and do one
another much good thereby. There are white men enough to marry all
the white women, and enough black men to marry all the black women,
and in God’s name let them be so married. The Judge regales us with
the terrible enormities that take place by the mixture of races;
that is the inferior race bears the superior down. Why, Judge, if
you do not let them get together in the Territories they won’t mix
there.
“Now, it happens that we meet together once every year, some time
about the Fourth of July, for some reason or other. These Fourth of
July gatherings I suppose have their uses. If you will indulge me,
I will state what I suppose to be some of them.
“We are now a mighty nation; we are thirty, or about thirty millions
of people, and we own and inhabit about one-fifteenth part of the
dry land of the whole earth. We run our memory back over the pages
of history for about eighty-two years, and we discover that we were
then a very small people in point of numbers, vastly inferior to
what we are now, with a vastly less extent of country, with vastly
less of every thing we deem desirable among men--we look upon the
change as exceedingly advantageous to us and to our posterity,
and we fix upon something that happened away back, as in some way
or other being connected with this rise of posterity. We find a
race of men living in that day whom we claim as our fathers and
grandfathers; they were iron men; they fought for the principle
that they were contending for; and we understood that by what
they then did it has followed that the degree of prosperity which
we now enjoy has come to us. We hold this annual celebration to
remind ourselves of all the good done in this process of time,
of how it was done and who did it, and how we are historically
connected with it; and we go from these meetings in better humor
with ourselves--we feel more attached the one to the other, and
more firmly bound to the country we inhabit. In every way we are
better men in the age, and race, and country in which we live,
for these celebrations. But after we have done all this, we have
not yet reached the whole. There is something else connected
with it. We have, besides these--men descended by blood from our
ancestors--those among us perhaps, half our people, who are not
descendants at all of these men; they are men who have come from
Europe--German, Irish, French, and Scandinavian--men that have
come from Europe themselves, or whose ancestors have come hither
and settled here, finding themselves our equals in all things.
If they look back through this history to trace their connection
with those days by blood, they find they have none; they cannot
carry themselves back into that glorious epoch and make themselves
feel that they are part of us; but when they look through that old
Declaration of Independence, they find that those old men say that
‘we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal,’ and then they feel that that moral sentiment, taught on
that day, evidences their relation to those men, that it is the
father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right
to claim it as though they were blood of the blood and flesh of the
flesh of the men who wrote that Declaration, and so they are. That
is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of
patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those
patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds
of men throughout the world.
“Now, sirs, for the purpose of squaring things with this idea of
‘don’t care if slavery is voted up or voted down,’ for sustaining
the Dred Scott decision, for holding that the Declaration of
Independence did not mean any thing at all, we have Judge Douglas
giving his exposition of what the Declaration of Independence
means, and we have him saying that the people of America are
equal to the people of England. According to his construction,
you Germans are not connected with it. Now I ask you in all
soberness, if all these things, if indulged in, if ratified, if
confirmed and indorsed, if taught to our children and repeated
to them, do not tend to rub out the sentiment of liberty in the
country, and to transform this Government into a government of some
other form. These arguments that are made, that the inferior race
are to be treated with as much allowance as they are capable of
enjoying; that as much is to be done for them as their condition
will allow--what are these arguments? They are the arguments
that Kings have made for enslaving the people in all ages of the
world. You will find that all the arguments in favor of King-craft
were of this class; they always bestrode the necks of the people,
not that they wanted to do it, but because the people were better
off for being ridden. That is their argument, and this argument
of the Judge is the same old serpent that says: You work, and I
eat, you toil and I will enjoy the fruits of it. Turn it whatever
way you will--whether it come from the mouth of a King, an excuse
for enslaving the people of his country, or from the mouth of men
of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of another race,
it is all the same old serpent, and I hold if that course of
argumentation that is made for the purpose of convincing the public
mind that we should not care about this, should be granted, it does
not stop with the negro. I should like to know if, taking this old
Declaration of Independence, which declares that all men are equal
upon principle, you begin making exceptions to it, where you will
stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why not another say
it does not mean some other man? If that declaration is not the
truth, let us get the statute book, in which we find it, and tear
it out! Who is so bold as to do it? If it is not true, let us tear
it out! [cries of ‘no, no,’]; let us stick to it then; let us stand
firmly by it then.
“It may be argued that there are certain conditions that make
necessities and impose them upon us, and to the extent that a
necessity is imposed upon a man, he must submit to it. I think that
was the condition in which we found ourselves when we established
this Government. We had slaves among us; we could not get our
Constitution unless we permitted them to remain in slavery; we
could not secure the good we did secure if we grasped for more; and
having, by necessity, submitted to that much, it does not destroy
the principle that is the charter of our liberties. Let that
charter stand as our standard.
“My friend has said to me that I am a poor hand to quote Scripture.
I will try it again, however. It is said in one of the admonitions
of our Lord: ‘As your Father in heaven is perfect, be ye also
perfect.’ The Saviour, I suppose, did not expect that any human
creature could be perfect as the Father in Heaven; but He said:
‘As your Father in Heaven is perfect, be ye also perfect.’ He set
that up as a standard, and he who did most toward reaching that
standard, attained the highest degree of moral perfection. So I say
in relation to the principle that all men are created equal, let it
be as nearly reached as we can. If we cannot give freedom to every
creature, let us do nothing that will impose slavery upon any other
creature. Let us then turn this Government back into the channel in
which the framers of the Constitution originally placed it. Let us
stand firmly by each other. If we do not do so we are turning in
the contrary direction, that our friend Judge Douglas proposes--not
intentionally--as working in the traces tends to make this one
universal slave nation. He is one that runs in that direction, and
as such I resist him.
“My friends, I have detained you about as long as I desired to
do, and I have only to say, let us discard all this quibbling
about this man and the other man--this race and that race and the
other race being inferior, and therefore they must be placed in an
inferior position--discarding our standard that we have left us.
Let us discard all these things, and unite as one people throughout
this land, until we shall once more stand up declaring that all men
are created equal.
“My friends, I could not, without launching off upon some new
topic, which would detain you too long, continue to-night. I thank
you for this most extensive audience that you have furnished me
to-night. I leave you, hoping that the lamp of liberty will burn in
your bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt that all men are
created free and equal.”
* * * * *
OPENING PASSAGES OF HIS SPEECH AT FREEPORT.
“LADIES AND GENTLEMEN:--On Saturday last, Judge Douglas and myself
first met in public discussion. He spoke one hour, I an hour and a
half, and he replied for half an hour. The order is now reversed. I
am to speak an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to reply
for half an hour. I propose to devote myself during the first hour
to the scope of what was brought within the range of his half-hour
speech at Ottawa. Of course there was brought within the scope of
that half-hour’s speech something of his own opening speech. In
the course of that opening argument Judge Douglas proposed to me
seven distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour and a half,
I attended to some other parts of his speech, and incidentally,
as I thought, answered one of the interrogatories then. I then
distinctly intimated to him that I would answer the rest of his
interrogatories on condition only that he should agree to answer as
many for me. He made no intimation at the time of the proposition,
nor did he in his reply allude at all to that suggestion of mine.
I do him no injustice in saying that he occupied at least half of
his reply in dealing with me as though I had _refused_ to answer
his interrogatories. I now propose that I will answer any of the
interrogatories, upon condition that he will answer questions from
me not exceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity to
respond. The judge remains silent. I now say that I will answer his
interrogatories, whether he answers mine or not; and that after I
have done so, I shall propound mine to him.
“I have supposed myself, since the organization of the Republican
party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound as a party man by the
platforms of the party, then and since. If in any interrogatories
which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope of what is within these
platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but
myself.
“Having said thus much, I will take up the judge’s interrogatories
as I find them printed in the Chicago _Times_, and answer them
_seriatim_. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have
copied the interrogatories in writing, and also my answers to them.
The first one of these interrogatories is in these words:
Question 1. “‘I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he
did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive
Slave law?’
Answer. “I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the
unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law.
Q. 2. “‘I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as
he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into
the Union, even if the people want them?’
A. “I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission
of any more slave States into the Union.
Q. 3. “‘I want to know whether he stands pledged against the
admission of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution as
the people of that State may see fit to make?’
A. “I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State
into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of that
State may see fit to make.
Q. 4. “‘I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?’
A. “I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia.
Q. 5. “‘I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the
prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States?’
A. “I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade
between the different States.
Q. 6. “‘I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit
slavery in all the Territories of the United States, North as well
as South of the Missouri Compromise line?’
A. “I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the
_right_ and _duty_ of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the
United States Territories.
Q. 7. “‘I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the
acquisition of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited
therein?’
A. “I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory;
and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose such
acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition would or
would not agitate the slavery question among ourselves.
“Now, my friends, it will be perceived upon an examination of these
questions and answers, that so far I have only answered that I
was not _pledged_ to this, that or the other. The judge has not
framed his interrogatories to ask me any thing more than this, and
I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and
have answered truly that I am not _pledged_ at all upon any of the
points to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to hang upon
the exact form of his interrogatory. I am rather disposed to take
up at least some of these questions, and state what I really think
upon them.
“As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave law, I have
never hesitated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say, that I
think, under the Constitution of the United States, the people of
the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Slave law.
Having said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the
existing Fugitive Slave law, further than that I think it should
have been framed so as to be free from some of the objections that
pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasmuch
as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or
modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as
a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery.
“In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the
admission of any more Slave States into the Union, I state to
you very frankly that I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put
in a position of having to pass upon that question. I should be
exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave
State admitted into the Union; but I must add, that if slavery
shall be kept out of the Territories during the Territorial
existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall,
having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt
the Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a
slave Constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the
institution among them, I see no alternative if we own the country,
but to admit them into the Union.
“The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the second,
it being, as I conceive, the same as the second.
“The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. In relation to that, I have my mind very
distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad to see slavery
abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe that Congress
possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet as a member
of Congress, I should not with my present views, be in favor of
_endeavoring_ to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
unless it would be upon these conditions: _First_, that the
abolition should be gradual; _second_, that it should be on a vote
of the majority of qualified voters in the District; and _third_,
that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these
three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see
Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in the
language of Henry Clay, ‘sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon
our nation.’
“In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that
as to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade between
the different States, I can truly answer, as I have, that I am
_pledged_ to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not
given that mature consideration that would make me feel authorized
to state a position so as to hold myself entirely bound by it.
In other words, that question has never been prominently enough
before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have the
Constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had
sufficient time to bring myself to a conclusion upon that subject;
but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to
Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion
that Congress does possess the Constitutional power to abolish
slave-trading among the different States, I should still not be in
favor of the exercise of that power unless upon some conservative
principle as I conceive it, akin to what I have said in relation to
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.
“My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited
in all Territories of the United States, is full and explicit
within itself, and can not be made clearer by any comments of
mine. So I suppose in regard to the question whether I am opposed
to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first
prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by
way of illustration, or making myself better understood, than the
answer which I have placed in writing.
“Now in all this, the judge has me, and he has me on the record.
I suppose he had flattered himself that I was really entertaining
one set of opinions for one place and another set for another
place--that I was afraid to say at one place what I uttered at
another. What I am saying here I suppose I say to a vast audience
as strongly tending to Abolitionism as any audience in the State
of Illinois, and I believe I am saying that which, if it would be
offensive to any persons and render them enemies to myself, would
be offensive to persons in this audience.”
* * * * *
LETTER TO GENERAL McCLELLAN.
“WASHINGTON, April 9, 1862.
“MY DEAR SIR: Your dispatches, complaining that you are not
properly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very
much.
“Blenker’s division was withdrawn from you before you left here,
and you know the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought,
acquiesced in it--certainly not without reluctance.
“After you left, I ascertained that less than twenty thousand
unorganized men, without a single field battery, were all you
designed to be left for the defence of Washington and Manassas
Junction, and part of this even was to go to Gen. Hooker’s old
position. General Banks’ corps, once designated for Manassas
Junction, was diverted and tied up on the line of Winchester and
Strasburgh, and could not leave it without again exposing the Upper
Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. This presented, or
would present, when McDowell and Sumner should be gone, a great
temptation to the enemy to turn back from the Rappahannock and
sack Washington. My explicit order that Washington should, by the
judgment of all the commanders of army corps, be left entirely
secure, had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove me to
detain McDowell.
“I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to
leave Banks at Manassas Junction: but when that arrangement was
broken up, and nothing was substituted for it, of course I was
constrained to substitute something for it myself. And allow me to
ask, do you really think I should permit the line from Richmond,
_via_ Manassas Junction, to this city, to be entirely open, except
what resistance could be presented by less than twenty thousand
unorganized troops? This is a question which the country will not
allow me to evade.
“There is a curious mystery about the number of troops now with
you. When I telegraphed you on the 6th, saying you had over a
hundred thousand with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary
of War a statement taken, as he said, from your own returns, making
one hundred and eight thousand then with you and _en route_ to
you. You say you will have but eighty-five thousand when all _en
route_ to you shall have reached you. How can the discrepancy of
twenty-three thousand be accounted for?
“As to General Wool’s command, I understand it is doing for you
precisely what a like number of your own would have to do if that
command was away.
“I suppose the whole force which has gone forward for you is with
you by this time. And if so, I think it is the precise time for
you to strike a blow. By delay, the enemy will relatively gain
upon you--that is, he will gain faster by fortifications and
reinforcement than you can by reinforcements alone. And once more
let me tell you, it is indispensable to you that you strike a blow.
I am powerless to help this. You will do me the justice to remember
I always insisted that going down the bay in search of a field,
instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only shifting, and not
surmounting a difficulty; that we would find the same enemy, and
the same or equal intrenchments, at either place. The country will
not fail to note, is now noting, that the present hesitation to
move upon an intrenched enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated.
“I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to
you in greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller
purpose to sustain you, so far as, in my most anxious judgment, I
consistently can. But you must act.
“Yours, very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
“Maj.-Gen. MCCLELLAN.”
* * * * *
LETTER TO GEN. SCHOFIELD RELATIVE TO THE REMOVAL OF GEN. CURTIS.
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, May 27, 1863.
“Gen. J. M. SCHOFIELD--_Dear Sir_: Having removed Gen. Curtis and
assigned you to the command of the Department of the Missouri, I
think it may be of some advantage to me to state to you why I did
it. I did not remove Gen. Curtis because of my full conviction that
he had done wrong by commission or omission. I did it because of a
conviction in my mind that the Union men of Missouri, constituting,
when united, a vast majority of the people, have entered into a
pestilent, factious quarrel among themselves, Gen. Curtis, perhaps
not of choice, being the head of one faction, and Gov. Gamble that
of the other. After months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it
seemed to grow worse and worse, until I felt it my duty to break it
up somehow, and as I could not remove Gov. Gamble, I had to remove
Gen. Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I wish you to undo
nothing merely because Gen. Curtis or Gov. Gamble did it, but to
exercise your own judgment, and do right for the public interest.
Let your military measures be strong enough to repel the invaders
and keep the peace, and not so strong as to unnecessarily harass
and persecute the people. It is a difficult _role_, and so much
more will be the honor if you perform it well. If both factions, or
neither, shall abuse you, you will probably be about right. Beware
of being assailed by one and praised by the other.
“Yours, truly, A. LINCOLN.”
* * * * *
THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN CALLED FOR.
“WHEREAS, The term of service of part of the volunteer forces
of the United States will expire during the coming year; and
_whereas_, in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it
is deemed expedient to call out three hundred thousand volunteers,
to serve for three years or the war--not, however, exceeding three
years.
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States
and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the
militia of the several States when called into actual service,
do issue this my proclamation, calling upon the Governors of the
different States to raise and have enlisted into the United States
service, for the various companies and regiments in the field from
their respective States, their quotas of three hundred thousand men.
“I further proclaim that all the volunteers thus called out and
duly enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium and bounty, as
heretofore communicated to the Governors of States by the War
Department, through the Provost-Marshal General’s office, by
special letters.
“I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call,
as well as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly
credited and deducted from the quotas established for the next
draft.
“I further proclaim that, if any State shall fail to raise the
quota assigned to it by the War Department under this call; then a
draft for the deficiency in said quota shall be made in said State,
or on the districts of said State, for their due proportion of
said quota, and the said draft shall commence on the fifth day of
January, 1864.
“And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation shall
interfere with existing orders, or with those which may be issued
for the present draft in the States where it is now in progress or
where it has not yet been commenced.
“The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by the
War Department, through the Provost-Marshal General’s office, due
regard being had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by
volunteering or drafting, and the recruiting will be conducted in
accordance with such instructions as have been or may be issued by
that department.
“In issuing this proclamation I address myself not only to the
Governors of the several States, but also to the good and loyal
people thereof, invoking them to lend their cheerful, willing
and effective aid to the measures thus adopted, with a view to
reinforce our victorious armies now in the field and bring our
needful military operations to a prosperous end, thus closing
forever the fountains of sedition and civil war.
“In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
“Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of October,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three,
and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WM. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
* * * * *
REV. DR. M’PHEETERS--THE PRESIDENT’S REPLY TO AN APPEAL FOR
INTERFERENCE.
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, December 23, 1863.
“I have just looked over a petition signed by some three dozen
citizens of St. Louis, and their accompanying letters, one by
yourself, one by a Mr. Nathan Ranney, and one by a Mr. John D.
Coalter, the whole relating to the Rev. Dr. McPheeters. The
petition prays, in the name of justice and mercy, that I will
restore Dr. McPheeters to all his ecclesiastical rights.
“This gives no intimation as to what ecclesiastical rights are
withdrawn. Your letter states that Provost Marshal Dick, about
a year ago, ordered the arrest of Dr. McPheeters, pastor of the
Vine-street Church, prohibited him from officiating, and placed
the management of affairs of the church out of the control of the
chosen trustees; and near the close you state that a certain course
‘would insure his release.’ Mr. Ranney’s letter says: ‘Dr. Samuel
McPheeters is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, but can not
preach the gospel!’ Mr. Coalter, in his letter, asks: ‘Is it not a
strange illustration of the condition of things, that the question
who shall be allowed to preach in a church in St. Louis shall be
decided by the President of the United States?’
“Now, all this sounds very strangely; and, withal, a little as if
you gentlemen making the application do not understand the case
alike--one affirming that this doctor is enjoying all the rights
of a civilian, and another pointing out to me what will secure his
_release_! On the second of January last, I wrote to Gen. Curtis
in relation to Mr. Dick’s order upon Dr. McPheeters; and, as I
suppose the Doctor is enjoying all the rights of a civilian, I
only quote that part of the letter which relates to the church. It
was as follows: ‘But I must add that the United States Government
must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When
an individual, in a church or out of it, becomes dangerous to the
public interest, he must be checked; but the churches, as such,
must take care of themselves. It will not do for the United States
to appoint trustees, supervisors, or other agents for the churches.’
“This letter going to Gen. Curtis, then in command, I supposed, of
course, it was obeyed, especially as I heard no further complaint
from Dr. Mc. or his friends for nearly an entire year. I have never
interfered, nor thought of interfering, as to who shall or shall
not preach in any church; nor have I knowingly or believingly
tolerated any one else to interfere by my authority. If any one is
so interfering by color of my authority, I would like to have it
specifically made known to me.
“If, after all, what is now sought is to have me put Dr. Mc. back
over the heads of a majority of his own congregation, that, too,
will be declined. I will not have control of any church on any side.”
“A. LINCOLN.”
* * * * *
AN ELECTION ORDERED IN THE STATE OF ARKANSAS.
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, January 20, 1864.
“MAJ. GEN. STEELE: Sundry citizens of the State of Arkansas
petition me that an election may be held in that State, at
which to elect a Governor; that it be assumed at that election,
and henceforward, that the Constitution and laws of the State,
as before the rebellion, are in full force, except that the
Constitution is so modified as to declare that there shall be
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except in the punishment
of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; that
the General assembly may make such provisions for the freed people
as shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom, and provide
for their education, and which may yet be construed as a temporary
arrangement, suitable to their condition as a laboring, landless,
and homeless class; that said election shall be held on the 28th
of March, 1864, at all the usual places of the State, or all such
as voters may attend for that purpose; that the voters attending
at 8 o’clock in the morning of said day may choose judges and
clerks of election for such purpose; that all persons qualified
by said Constitution and laws, and taking the oath presented in
the President’s proclamation of December 8, 1863, either before
or at the election, and none others, may be voters; that each
set of judges and clerks may make returns directly to you on or
before the --th day of ---- next; that in all other respects said
election may be conducted according to said Constitution and laws;
that on receipt of said returns, when five thousand four hundred
and six votes shall have been cast, you can receive said votes
and ascertain all who shall thereby appear to have been elected;
that on the -- day of ---- next, all persons so appearing to have
been elected, who shall appear before you at Little Rock, and take
the oath, to be by you severally administered, to support the
Constitution of the United States, and said modified Constitution
of the State of Arkansas, may be declared by you qualified and
empowered to immediately enter upon the duties of the offices to
which they shall have been respectively elected.
“You will please order an election to take place on the 28th of
March, 1864, and returns to be made in fifteen days thereafter.
“A. LINCOLN.”
Later, the President wrote the following letter:
“WILLIAM FISHBACK, ESQ.: When I fixed a plan for an election in
Arkansas, I did it in ignorance that your Convention was at the
same work. Since I learned the latter fact, I have been constantly
trying to yield my plan to theirs. I have sent two letters to Gen.
Steele, and three or four dispatches to you and others, saying that
he (Gen. Steele) must be master, but that it will probably be best
for him to keep the Convention on its own plan. Some single mind
must be master, else there will be no agreement on anything; and
Gen. Steele, commanding the military, and being on the ground, is
the best man to be that master. Even now citizens are telegraphing
me to postpone the election to a later day than either fixed by the
Convention or me. This discord must be silenced.
“A. LINCOLN.”
* * * * *
CALL FOR FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN.
“WHEREAS, By the Act approved July 4, 1864, entitled ‘An Act
further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out
the National Forces, and for other purposes,’ it is provided that
the President of the United States may, at his discretion, at any
time hereafter, call for any number of men as volunteers, for the
respective terms of one, two, or three years, for military service,
and ‘that in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town,
township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a
county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of
fifty days after such call, then the President shall immediately
order a draft for one year to fill such quota, or any part thereof,
which may be unfilled.’
“AND WHEREAS, The new enrollment heretofore ordered is so far
completed as that the aforementioned Act of Congress may now be
put in operation for recruiting and keeping up the strength of the
armies in the field, for garrisons, and such military operations
as may be required for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion
and restoring the authority of the United States Government in the
insurgent States.
“Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do issue this, my call, for five hundred thousand
volunteers for the military service; provided, nevertheless, that
all credits which may be established under Section Eight of the
aforesaid Act, on account of persons who have entered the naval
service during the present Rebellion, and by credits for men
furnished to the military service in excess of calls heretofore
made for volunteers, will be accepted under this call for one, two,
or three years, as they may elect, and will be entitled to the
bounty provided by the law for the period of service for which they
enlist.
“And I hereby proclaim, order, and direct, that immediately after
the fifth day of September, 1864, being fifty days from the date
of this call, a draft for troops to serve for one year, shall be
held in every town, township, ward of a city, precinct, election
district, or a county not so subdivided, to fill the quota which
shall be assigned to it under this call, or any part thereof which
may be unfilled by volunteers on the said fifth day of September,
1864.
“In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of
Washington, this eighteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord,
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence
of the United States the eighty-ninth.
“By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
“WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.”
* * * * *
LETTER TO MRS. GURNEY.
This letter was written by the President prior to his re-election
to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, an American lady, the widow of the late
well-known Friend and philanthropist, Joseph John Gurney, one of the
wealthiest bankers of London.
“MY ESTEEMED FRIEND: I have not forgotten, probably never shall
forget, the very impressive occasion when yourself and friends
visited me on a Sabbath forenoon two years ago. Nor had your kind
letter, written nearly a year later, ever been forgotten. In all
it has been your purpose to strengthen my reliance in God. I am
much indebted to the good Christian people of the country for their
constant prayers and consolations, and to no one of them more than
to yourself. The purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must
prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive
them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible
war, long before this, but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise.
We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom and our own errors therein;
meanwhile we must work earnestly in the best lights He gives us,
trusting that so working still conduces to the great ends He
ordains. Surely, He intends some great good to follow this mighty
convulsion which no mortal could make, and no mortal could stay.
“Your people--the Friends--have had, and are having very great
trials, on principles and faith opposed to both war and oppression.
They can only practically oppose oppression by war. In this hard
dilemma, some have chosen one horn and some the other.
“For those appealing to me on conscientious grounds I have done and
shall do the best I could, and can, in my own conscience under my
oath to the law. That you believe this, I doubt not, and believing
it, I shall still receive for our country and myself your earnest
prayers to our father in Heaven.
“Your sincere friend,
“A. LINCOLN.”
* * * * *
THE TENNESSEE TEST OATH.
“_Executive Mansion_, Washington, D. C.,
Saturday, October 22, 1864
“MESSRS. WM. B. CAMPBELL, THOMAS A. R. NELSON, JAMES T. P. CARTER,
JOHN WILLIAMS, A. BLIZZARD, HENRY COOPER, BAILIE PEYTON, JOHN
LILLYETT, EMERSON ETHERIDGE, AND JOHN D. PERRYMAN.
“GENTLEMEN: On the fifteenth day of this month, as I remember, a
printed paper manuscript, with a few manuscript interlineations, called
a protest, with your names appended thereto, and accompanied by another
printed paper, purporting to be a proclamation by ANDREW JOHNSON,
Military Governor of Tennessee, and also a manuscript paper purporting
to be extracts from the code of Tennessee, were laid before me.”
[The protest is here recited, and also the proclamation of GOV.
JOHNSON, dated September 30, to which it refers, together with a list
of the counties in East, Middle, and West Tennessee; also extracts
from the code of Tennessee in relation to electors of President and
Vice President, qualifications of voters for members of the General
Assembly, and places of holding elections and officers of popular
elections.]
“At the time these papers were presented as before stated, I had
never seen either of them, nor heard of the subject to which they
relate, except in a general way, only one day previously.
“Up to the present moment, nothing whatever upon the subject has
passed between GOV. JOHNSON, or any one else connected with the
proclamation and myself.
“Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the subject
such brief consideration as I have been able to do, in the midst of
so many pressing duties.
“My conclusion is, that I can have nothing to do with the matter,
either to sustain the plan as the Convention and GOV. JOHNSON have
initiated it, or to modify it as you demand. By the Constitution
and laws the President is charged with no duty in the Presidential
election in any State. Nor do I, in this case, perceive any
military reason for his interference in the matter.
“The movement set a-foot by the Convention and GOV. JOHNSON does
not, as seems to be assumed by you, emanate from the National
Executive.
“In no proper sense can it be considered other than as an
independent movement of at least a portion of the loyal people of
Tennessee.
“I do not perceive in the plan any menace, or violence, or coercion
toward any one.
“GOV. JOHNSON, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee has the
right to form any political plan he chooses, and as Military
Governor it is his duty to keep the peace among and for the loyal
people of the State.
“I cannot discern that by his plan he purposes any more--but you
object to the plan.
“Leaving it alone will be your perfect security against it. It is
not proposed to force you into it.
“Do as you please on your own account peaceably and loyally, and
GOV. JOHNSON will not molest you, but will protect you against
violence so far as in his power.
“I presume that the conducting of a Presidential election in
Tennessee, in strict accordance with the old code of the State, is
not now a possibility.
“It is scarcely necessary to add, that if any election shall be
had, and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for
President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong
not to the military agents nor yet to the Executive Department, but
exclusively to another department of the Government, to determine
whether they are entitled to be counted in conformity with the
Constitution and laws of the United States.
“Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to
interfere in any way with any Presidential election.
“ABRAHAM LINCOLN.”
THE END.
Transcriber’s Notes:
The original book contained many unprinted characters. Those omissions
are too numerous to enumerate here, and have been silently corrected
unless more than one alternative existed. Those exceptions are noted
below.
Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant
preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.
Simple typographical errors were corrected.
Unbalanced and mismatched single- and double-quotation marks remedied
only when the correction was unambiguous.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. Inconsistent
hyphenation retained unless there was a predominant preference for one
form.
Text mostly uses “any thing” but sometimes uses “anything”.
Text uses both “Chancelor” and “Chancellor”.
Page 44: “the tenth commandment” probably should be “amendment”.
Page 56: “rule of political action.” should end with a question mark,
not with a period.
Page 195 does not have a “Second” order.
Page 244: “acknowledgment” in “as a grateful acknowledgment” was
misprinted. It was spelled correctly in Lincoln’s original handwritten
letter and that spelling is used here.
Page 376: “reportively replied” was incompletely printed with empty
space before “portively”. Transcriber added “re” as it seemed to be the
best fit.
Page 386: “homely often” was incompletely printed with empty space
before “omely”. Transcriber added “h” as it seemed to be the best fit.
Page 409: “_wholly_ good; almost every” originally had a period after
“good”. Changed here to a semi-colon, but perhaps the following word
should have been capitalized instead, as “Almost”.
Page 413: “[Here Mr. Meade ... every improvement?]” was missing a
closing square bracket. Added by Transcriber based on context.
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