The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, Volume I (of 2)

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Title: The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, Volume I (of 2)
Author: Tyerman, Luke
Language: English
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* * * * *

NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION, UNABRIDGED,

IN THREE VOLUMES. _Price 7s. 6d. each volume._

_ELEGANTLY BOUND IN CLOTH, WITH ENGRAVED PORTRAITS._

THE LIFE AND TIMES

OF THE

REV. JOHN WESLEY, M.A.

_BY THE REV. L. TYERMAN._

"It deserves the praise, not only of being the fullest biography
of Wesley, but also of being eminently painstaking, veracious,
and trustworthy."--_The Edinburgh Review._

"Mr. Tyerman's volumes constitute by far the most exhaustive, as
they are certainly the bulkiest, and from many points of view
the most interesting, of the lives of Wesley. Mr. Tyerman's
judgment is usually characterised by great clearness and good
sense; his pen seems to be always governed by the desire to be
fair and impartial, and for the first time our libraries receive
a full and comprehensive memoir of the great religious teacher
and ecclesiastical statesman."--_The British Quarterly Review._

"The most copious account of the great evangelist's life and
labours, and the noblest literary tribute to his memory, which
has yet been offered to the world."--_Methodist Recorder._

"The narratives of travel through England, Scotland, and
Ireland, the records of evangelistic labour, the gradual
building up of Wesleyanism as a system, form a history of great
interest, and allure the reader on from chapter to chapter,
with all the attraction of a romance. We cannot doubt that
Mr. Tyerman's work, so rich and abundant in materials, will
henceforth be regarded as the standard life of Wesley."--_The
Evangelical Magazine._

"We are thankful for a new and carefully revised edition of
this very laborious, interesting, and important work, the value
of which is great and obvious. The portraits as now rendered,
are very striking and self-evidencing, and of real historical
value."--_Wesleyan Methodist Magazine._

"This is the most truthful, full, accurate, and painstaking of
all the lives of Wesley."--_The Methodist._

LONDON:
HODDER & STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.

[Illustration: REV^D. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, B.A.
AGED 24
Engraved by J Cochran]

THE LIFE

OF THE

REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD,

B.A., OF PEMBROKE COLLEGE, OXFORD.

REV. L. TYERMAN,

AUTHOR OF

"THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE REV. SAMUEL WESLEY, M.A., RECTOR OF EPWORTH;"
"THE LIFE AND TIMES OF THE REV. JOHN WESLEY, M.A.;"
AND "THE OXFORD METHODISTS."

_IN TWO VOLUMES._

VOL I.

London:

HODDER AND STOUGHTON,

27, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.

MDCCCLXXVI.

Hazell Watson, and Viney, Printers, London and Aylesbury.

PREFACE.

Every one who wishes to understand and rightly estimate the
Methodist movement of the last century, must, not only read the
lives of the two Wesleys, but also, make himself acquainted
with the history of Whitefield, and the career of the Methodist
contemporaries of the illustrious trio.

John Wesley was Methodism's founder, and Charles its
hymnologist. John Clayton became a man of mark among the High
Church clergymen of the Episcopal Communion. James Hervey
belonged to the Evangelical section of the Church of England,
and, by his writings, influenced not a few of the country's
aristocracy. Benjamin Ingham, by his preaching, left a deep
impress on Yorkshire, and other parts of the North of England.
John Gambold rendered inestimable service, in moderating and
correcting the extravagances of the Moravian Brotherhood. Thomas
Broughton gave an impetus to the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, which is felt to the present day. Richard Hutchins,
as Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford, helped to mould the
character of students, who afterwards rose to great distinction.
To each of these distinguished men, Providence assigned a sphere
of unusual usefulness. They moved in different orbits, but all
were made a blessing to the world.

George Whitefield was pre-eminently the outdoor preacher;--the
most popular evangelist of the age;--a roving revivalist,--who,
with unequalled eloquence and power, spent above thirty years
in testifying to enormous crowds, in Great Britain and America,
the gospel of the grace of God. Practically, he belonged to
no denomination of Christians, but was the friend of all. His
labours, popularity, and success were marvellous, perhaps
unparalleled. All churches in England, Wales, Scotland, and
the British settlements in America, were permanently benefited
by his piety, his example, and the few great truths which he
continually preached; whilst the Methodism organised by his
friend Wesley--especially in the northern counties of the
kingdom--was, by his itinerant services, promoted to a far
greater extent than the Methodists have ever yet acknowledged.

The world has a right to know all that can be told of such a
man. To say nothing of almost innumerable sketches, at least
half a dozen lives of Whitefield have been already published.
If the reader asks why I have dared to add to the number of
these biographies? I answer, because I possessed a large amount
of biographical material which previous biographers had not
employed, and much of which seems to have been unknown to them.
This is not an empty boast, as will be evident to every one who
compares the present work with the lives of Whitefield which
have preceded it.

In collecting materials for the "Life and Times of Wesley,"
and for the "Oxford Methodists," I met with much concerning
Whitefield; and, since then, I have spared neither time, toil,
nor money in making further researches relating to the great
evangelist. With the exception of a few instances, all of which
are acknowledged, my facts are taken from original sources; and,
though to say so may savour of vanity, I believe there is now
no information concerning Whitefield, of any public importance,
which is not contained in the present volumes.

I have been obliged to employ a few of Whitefield's letters,
which I had previously published in the "Life and Times of
Wesley." This was unavoidable; but the repetition is extremely
limited, and is never used except when justice made it necessary.

Whitefield was a Calvinist: I am an Arminian; but the book is
not controversial. Whitefield's sentiments and language have
been honestly and truly quoted; and I have not attempted to
refute his theological opinions. On such subjects, men, at
present, must agree to differ.

The Life is not written with special regard to the interests of
any Church whatever,--Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Independent,
Baptist, or even Methodist. Whitefield, indeed, called himself a
member and minister of the Church of England; but, in reality,
he belonged to the Church Catholic. He loved all who loved Jesus
Christ, and was always ready to be their fellow-labourer. It
is right to add, however, that, as a matter of fact, I have
felt bound to shew that the friendship between Whitefield and
the Wesleys was much more loving and constant than it has been
represented by previous biographers; and that Whitefield's
services to Methodism were more important than the public
generally have imagined.

Without the least desire to depreciate any of the lives of
Whitefield already published, I may be allowed to say, they are
not without errors. Instead, however, of confuting the errors,
one by one, as I have met with them, I have, as a rule, not
noticed them; but have simply narrated facts, bearing on the
respective cases, without comment and without colouring.

The foot-notes are more numerous than I like, and this has
prevented my adding to their number by giving _all_ the
references for the statements I have made; but, if the
truthfulness of any statement be called in question, it will
be an easy task to adduce the authority in support of it. For
the notices of American ministers and gentlemen, I am chiefly
indebted to the "Biographical and Historical Dictionary" of the
Rev. William Allen, D.D., President of Bowdoin College, and
Member of the Historical Society of Maine, New Hampshire, and
New York.

The book is neither artistic nor philosophic. I have merely done
my utmost to collect information concerning Whitefield, and
have related the facts as clearly, concisely, and honestly as I
could. I have also, as far as possible, acted upon the principle
of making Whitefield his own biographer. Perhaps, I ought to
apologise for the introduction of such lengthened details
concerning the first few years of Whitefield's public life.
Apart from being influenced by the fact, that, it was during
this eventful period that Whitefield's character was formed,
and his unique mission among men determined, I was wishful to
give to the Christian Church, at least, the _substance_ of his
Journals--Journals which, unlike those of his friend Wesley,
have never been republished, and which, in consequence of their
rareness, are almost quite unknown.

The two portraits are copied from original engravings, which Dr.
Gillies, Whitefield's friend and first biographer, pronounced
the most exact likenesses of the great preacher ever published.

Whitefield's power was not in his talents, nor even in his
oratory, but in his piety. In some respects, he has had no
successors; but in prayer, in faith, in religious experience, in
devotedness to God, and in a bold and steadfast declaration of
the few great Christian truths which aroused the churches and
created Methodism,--he may have many. May Whitefield's God raise
them up, and thrust them out! The Church and the world greatly
need them.

L. TYERMAN.

STANHOPE HOUSE, CLAPHAM PARK, S.W.
_October 16th, 1876._

GENERAL CONTENTS.

WHITEFIELD'S BOYHOOD.

1714 TO 1732.

PAGE

Whitefield's Genealogy--Autobiography--Birth--Wickedness--St.
Mary de Crypt School--Tapster--Religious Feelings--
Reformation--Dr. Adams--Sin and Penitence--An Orator 1-13

WHITEFIELD AT COLLEGE.

1732 TO 1735.

Oxford Methodists--Pembroke College--Dr. Johnson--Whitefield a
Servitor--Law's 'Serious Call'--Joins Oxford Methodists--
Charles Wesley--Satanic Temptations--Introduced to John
Wesley--Two Converts--Whitefield's Conversion--Religion of
Oxford Methodists--The New Birth--Whitefield at Gloucester,
etc. 14-34

WHITEFIELD ORDAINED.

MAY 1735 TO JUNE 1736.

Ten Months' Interval--How spent--Efforts to be useful--Books
read--Stage Entertainments--Visiting a Prisoner--Letter to
Wesley--Anxiety respecting Ministerial Office--A Dream--Rev.
Thomas Cole--Bishop Benson--Sir John Philips--Preparing for
Ordination--Ordained--Whitefield's Autobiography 35-46

COMMENCEMENT OF MINISTRY.

1736.

A grand Day--First Sermon--Personal Appearance--Plain
Speaking--Work at Oxford--First Visit to London--Letter
to Wesley--Unknown Oxford Methodists--At Dummer--Resolves
to go to Georgia--Letter to Charles Wesley 47-63

A YEAR OF PREACHING.

1737.

Whitefield's Popularity--Pious Clergymen--Dissenting
Ministers--Abounding Wickedness--Dr. Isaac Watts--Infidelity--
State of Dissenting Churches--National Impiety--Whitefield at
Bristol--In London--At Stonehouse--Crowded Congregations--First
Publication--New Birth--Rev. John Hutton--Preaching in London
Churches--Opposition--Intercourse with Dissenters--First
_extempore_ Prayer--Picture taken--Marvellous commotion--
Charity Schools--"Lecture Churches"--Charles Wesley--Poem on
Whitefield--_Weekly Miscellany_--"The Oxford Methodists"--
Whitefield and the Wesleys--Sermons published--The almost
Christian--Terrific Preaching--Original Sin--Profane Swearing--
First Farewell Sermon--Ignorant of Justification by Faith
only--Preface to "Forms of Prayer" 64-105

FIRST VISIT TO AMERICA.

1738.

Collections for Poor of Georgia--Whitefield's Cargo--Notable
Day--Embarks for Georgia--At Gravesend--At Margate--At
Deal--Wesley's return to England--Eternity of Hell's
Torments--At Gibraltar--Publication of Journal--Sermon on
Drunkenness--Incidents of the Voyage--Ill of Fever--Farewell
Sermon on Shipboard--America--The Indians--Georgia--Carolina--
Emigrants to Georgia--First Services at Savannah--Tomo Chici--
Charles Delamotte--Schools opened--Work at Savannah--The
Saltzburghers--Visit to Frederica--Dead Infidel--Departure from
Savannah--Reasons for return to England--Storms at Sea--Pastoral
Epistle--Lands in Ireland--Bishop Burscough--Archbishop
Boulter--Arrives in England--At Manchester--The Wesley
Brothers--Churches closed--Hostile Publications--Last Week
of 1738 106-154

COMMENCEMENT OF OUTDOOR PREACHING.

JANUARY TO AUGUST, 1739.

Lovefeast at Fetter Lane--Conference at Islington--Ordained a
Priest--Aristocratic Hearers--The Seward Family--Howell
Harris--Scene at St. Margaret's, Westminster--Susannah Wesley
on Whitefield--At Bath--At Bristol--The Poet Savage--Bristol
Prison--Chancellor of Bristol Diocese--Letter to Bishop Butler--
Religious Societies at Bristol--Begins Outdoor Preaching--First
Visit to Wales--Interview with Howell Harris--Rev. Griffith
Jones--Kingswood--Whitefield invites Wesley to Bristol--
Kingswood School begun--Again in Wales--At Gloucester--
Cheltenham--Benjamin Seward--Dean Kinchin--Vice-Chancellor of
Oxford--At Islington--Dr. Trapp--Rev. Robert Seagrave--Outdoor
Preaching in London--Newspaper Abuse--Contemporaneous
Opinions of Whitefield--Reasons for Whitefield's Popularity--
Joseph Humphreys--Joseph Periam--Itinerating--In London--
Whitefield's Journals--Answer to Dr. Trapp--In Kent--
Moravians--Scene in a Public House--Specimens of Preaching--
The Wesleys become Outdoor Preachers--A Notable Sermon--Another
Philippic--William Delamotte--William Seward--Letter
to Wesley--Rev. Josiah Tucker--Dr. Skerret--Dr. Byrom--Ebenezer
Blackwell--Constables and Magistrates--Whitefield
and Wesley at Bristol--Letter to Bishop Benson--Quaker at
Thornbury--Mayor of Basingstoke--A Friendly Quaker--Rev.
Ralph Erskine--Last Sermons--Whitefield's Calvinism--Extracts
from his Sermons--The _Weekly Miscellany_--The _Craftsman_--Rev.
William Law and Dr. Warburton--Countess of Hertford--Pamphlets
for and against Whitefield--Bishop Gibson's Pastoral
Letter--Whitefield's Answer--Sermons Published--Extracts from
them--Spiritual Pride--Catholic Spirit--Innocent Diversions--
Self-righteousness--Entreaties--Whitefield's Oratory. 155-306

SECOND VISIT TO AMERICA.

AUGUST 1739 TO MARCH 1741.

Whitefield asks Charles Wesley to be his Successor--
Whitefield's Fellow-Voyagers--Letter to Ebenezer Blackwell--
Extracts from other Letters--Letter to the Religious Societies--
Arrival in America--Pennsylvania--Philadelphia--The Tennent
Family--Whitefield at New York--Return to Philadelphia--Log
College--Letter to Ralph Erskine--Gilbert Tennent--Scene in a
Church--Leaving Philadelphia--Benjamin Franklin--Journey
through Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas--Arrival at
Savannah--The Orphan House--Stephens's Journal--Letters to
Ralph Erskine and Gilbert Tennent--Letter to Slave-Owners--Plan
of Orphan House--At Charleston--Commissary Garden--Oglethorpe
snubs Whitefield--Letter to Wesley--Whitefield's Courtship--In
Philadelphia--Franklin's Account of Whitefield--Great Work in
Philadelphia--New Meeting House--Large Scheme--Letter to
Ebenezer Blackwell--Itinerating--Many Adversaries--Moravian
Settlement of Nazareth--William Seward--Enormous Labours--
Marvellous Movements--Results in Philadelphia--Letter to William
Seward--Missionary Advice--Calvinian Controversy--The Orphans
Praying--Philip Henry Molther--Letters to Rev. G. Stonehouse,
William Delamotte, and Wesley--Whitefield, practically, a
Dissenter--Whitefield in Commissary Garden's Court--Whitefield
out of Court--Reformation at Charleston--Election and Final
Perseverance--Letter to Bishop of London--Rev. Nathaniel Clap--
Boston--Labours in New England--"Washington's Elm"--Governor
Belcher--Letter by Charles Wesley--Sinless Perfection--William
Delamotte--A Week's Work--Whitefield's Preaching in New England--
Gilbert Tennent--Results in Boston--Visit to Jonathan Edwards--
Whitefield on New England--"The Querists"--Letters--Whitefield
and Wesley--Orphan-house Family--Jonathan Barber--The Savannah
Club--Hugh Bryan--Whitefield before Magistrates--His influence
in America--Hostile Publications--Nixon's Prophecy 307-458

WHITEFIELD'S RETURN TO ENGLAND IN 1741.

MARCH TO JULY, 1741.

Letters--Wesley's Sermon on "Free Grace"--A Trying Time--Trouble
at Kingswood--Letter to Wesley--First Methodist Newspaper--Old
Friends divided--A Scene at the Foundery--Whitefield in
Distress--Good News from America--Whitefield and Charles
Wesley--Charles Wesley and the Calvinists--London Tabernacle--
Rev. Daniel Rowlands--"Outward Enemies"--Help in Time of Need--
Collections for Orphan House--Plan of action--Letter to
Students 459-496

FIRST VISIT TO SCOTLAND.

AUGUST TO NOVEMBER, 1741.

Ebenezer and Ralph Erskine--"The Associate Presbytery"--The
Sins of Scotland--The Erskines and the Methodists--Whitefield
and the Erskines--Rupture with the Associate Presbytery--"A
Warning," by Rev. Adam Gibb--"Act of the Associate Presbytery"--
Aristocratic Friends--Letter to David Erskine--Tour in
Scotland--Earl of Leven and Melville--Collections in Scotland--
Strange Scene--Anecdotes--Religious Results in Scotland. 497-529

SEVEN MONTHS IN ENGLAND.

NOVEMBER 1741 TO JUNE, 1742.

Whitefield's Marriage--His Wife--Christian Perfection--Good News
from America--Racy Letter--The Welsh Evangelists--The Orphan
House--Wesley's Publications--Calvinistic Controversy--Success--
Whitefield's Journals and Letters--Letter to Lady Mary
Hamilton--Desire for Christian Union--Scenes in Moorfields--
Charles Square, Hoxton--Rev. John Meriton--Man of one
Busine 530-561

THE LIFE

THE REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, B.A.

_WHITEFIELD'S BOYHOOD._

1714 to 1732.

George Whitefield was born in the Bell Inn, Gloucester, on the
16th day of December (O.S.), 1714.

His genealogy, as given by his first biographer, Dr. Gillies, is
brief, but not without interest:--

"The Rev. Mr. Samuel Whitefield, great-grandfather of George,
was born at Wantage, and was rector of North Ledyard,[1]
in Wiltshire. He removed afterwards to Rockhampton, in
Gloucestershire. He had five daughters--two of whom were
married to clergymen, Mr. Perkins and Mr. Lovingham; and
two sons--Samuel, who succeeded his father in the cure of
Rockhampton, and died without issue; and Andrew, who was a
private gentleman, and lived retired upon his estate. Andrew had
fourteen children, of whom Thomas was the eldest.

[1] There is no North Ledyard in Wilts. Is Liddiard meant?

"Thomas was first bred to the employment of a wine-merchant
in Bristol, but afterwards kept the Bell Inn, in the city of
Gloucester. In Bristol he married Elizabeth Edwards, who was
related to the Blackwells and the Dimours of that city; by whom
he had six sons and one daughter.

"Elizabeth, the daughter, was twice reputably married at
Bristol. John lies interred with the family in St. Mary de Crypt
Church, in Gloucester. Joseph died an infant. Andrew settled in
trade at Bristol, and died in the twenty-eighth year of his age.
James was captain of a ship, and died suddenly at Bath. George
was the youngest of the family, and, at his death, left two
surviving brothers, Thomas and Richard.

"The father died in December, 1716, when George was only two
years old. The mother continued a widow seven years, and was
then married to Mr. Longden, an ironmonger in Gloucester, by
whom she had no issue. She died in December, 1751, in the
seventy-first year of her age."

So much for pedigree. Though Whitefield's ancestry was far from
aristocratic, it was not ignoble.

Nothing is known of the years of Whitefield's boyhood, except
what is furnished by himself. In the year 1740, he published an
octavo pamphlet of seventy-six pages, entitled "A Short Account
of God's Dealings with the Reverend Mr. George Whitefield, A.B.,
Late of Pembroke College, Oxford: from his Infancy to the Time
of his entering into Holy Orders." This was written on board the
_Elizabeth_, during his first voyage to America, and contains not
a few unguarded and objectionable expressions--expressions which
brought upon him the ridicule of his enemies, and which he himself
afterwards regretted. In 1756, he "revised, corrected, and abridged"
this imprudent publication; and, in the Preface, confessed that
"many mistakes were rectified," and "many passages, that were justly
exceptionable, erased."

In the present work, Whitefield, as far as possible, is made to
be his own biographer; and though, perhaps, it is scarcely fair
to print again what he himself erased, yet, as the sentences and
paragraphs which he subsequently omitted were the occasion of many
of the virulent attacks made upon him by his earliest opponents,
these attacks cannot be properly understood without the text from
which they had their origin.

Besides this, the publication in question is now extremely scarce.
Not one in a thousand of Whitefield's admirers has ever seen it.
It has never been re-published in its entirety since it was first
issued, in the year 1740. It exhibits, not only Whitefield's
honesty, but his weaknesses and faults, at the early age of
twenty-five; and, without it, the reader cannot have a full and
correct conception of Whitefield's character at the commencement of
his marvelous and illustrious career.

For such reasons, the pamphlet of 1740 is here given in its
completeness, without abridgment and without revision. The words and
passages, however, which he himself, in 1756, altered or erased,
will be marked by being enclosed in brackets, or by notes.

Another remark must be added. What Whitefield says of his boyhood's
wickedness must be received with caution. To exalt the grace of God
in his conversion, he seemed desirous to magnify his own depravity
and sin. Without intentional exaggeration, he, perhaps, makes
himself worse than he really was. At all events, the following
extract from his preface deserves attention:--

"In the accounts of good men which I have read, I have observed
that the writers of them have been partial. They have given us
the bright, but not the dark side of their character. This, I
think, proceeded from a kind of pious fraud, lest mentioning
persons' faults should encourage others in sin. It cannot, I
am sure, proceed from the wisdom which cometh from above. The
sacred writers give an account of their failings as well as
their virtues. Peter is not ashamed to confess that, with oaths
and curses, he thrice denied his Master; nor do the Evangelists
make any scruple of telling us, that out of Mary Magdalene Jesus
Christ cast seven devils.

"I have, therefore, endeavoured to follow their good example. I
have simply told what I was by nature, as well as what I am by
grace. I am not over cautious as to any supposed consequences,
since none can be hurt by these but such as hold the truth in
unrighteousness. To the pure all things will be pure.

"As I have often wished, when in my best frames, that the first
years of my life might be put down as a blank, and had no more
in remembrance, so I could almost wish now to pass them over
in silence. But as they will, in some degree, illustrate God's
dealings with me in my riper years, I shall, as I am able, give
the following brief account of them."

After this exordium, which the reader will find useful in
interpreting what follows, Whitefield proceeds with the first
section of his autobiography.

"I was born in Gloucester, in the month of December, 1714. [My
father and mother kept the Bell Inn. The former died when I was
two years old; the latter is now alive, and has often told me
how she endured fourteen weeks' sickness after she brought me
into the world; but was used to say, even when I was an infant,
that she expected more comfort from me than any other of her
children. This, with the circumstance of my being born in an
inn, has been often of service to me in exciting my endeavours
to make good my mother's expectations, and so follow the example
of my dear Saviour, who was born in a manger belonging to an inn.

"My very infant years must necessarily not be mentioned; yet,
I can remember such early stirrings of corruption in my heart,
as abundantly convinces me that I was conceived and born in
sin,--that in me dwelleth no good thing by nature, and that if
God had not freely prevented me by His grace, I must have been
for ever banished from His presence.]

"I can truly say, I was froward from my mother's womb. I was so
brutish as to hate instruction, and used purposely to shun all
opportunities of receiving it. I can date some very early acts
of uncleanness. [I soon gave pregnant proofs of an impudent
temper.] Lying, filthy talking, and foolish jesting I was much
addicted to [even when very young]. Sometimes I used to curse,
if not swear. Stealing from my mother I thought no theft at all,
and used to make no scruple of taking money out of her pocket
before she was up. I have frequently betrayed my trust, and
have more than once spent money I took in the house, in buying
fruits, tarts, etc., to satisfy my sensual appetite. Numbers
of Sabbaths have I broken, and generally used to behave myself
very irreverently in God's sanctuary. Much money have I spent in
plays, and in the common entertainments of the age. Cards and
reading romances were my heart's delight. Often have I joined
with others in playing roguish tricks, but was generally, if not
always, _happily detected_. For this, I have often since, and do
now, bless and praise God.

"It would be endless to recount the sins and offences of my
younger days. They are more in number than the hairs of my head.
My heart would fail me at the remembrance of them, was I not
assured that my Redeemer liveth, ever to make intercession for
me. However the young man in the Gospel might boast how he had
kept the commandments from his youth, with shame and confusion
of face I confess that I have broken them all from my youth.
Whatever foreseen fitness for salvation others may talk of and
glory in, I disclaim any such thing. If I trace myself from my
cradle to my manhood, I can see nothing in me but a fitness to
be damned. [I speak the truth in Christ, I lie not.] If the
Almighty had not prevented me by His grace, and wrought most
powerfully upon my soul, quickening me by His free Spirit when
dead in trespasses and sins, I had now been either sitting
in darkness and in the shadow of death, or condemned, as the
due reward of my crimes, to be for ever lifting up my eyes in
torments.

"But such was the free grace of God to me, that though
corruption worked so strongly in my soul, and produced such
early and bitter fruits, yet I can recollect very early movings
of the blessed Spirit upon my heart, sufficient to satisfy me
that God loved me with an everlasting love, and separated me
even from my mother's womb for the work to which He afterwards
was pleased to call me.

"I had some early convictions of sin; and once, I remember, when
some persons, as they frequently did, made it their business
to tease me, I immediately retired to my room, and kneeling
down, with many tears, prayed over that psalm wherein David so
often repeats these words--'_But in the name of the Lord will I
destroy them._' I was always fond of being a clergyman, and used
frequently to imitate the ministers reading prayers, etc. Part
of the money I used to steal from my parent I gave to the poor,
and some books I privately took from others, for which I have
since restored fourfold, I remember were books of devotion.

"My mother was very careful of my education, and always kept me
in my tender years [for which I never can sufficiently thank
her] from intermeddling in the least with the public business.

"About the tenth year of my age, it pleased God to permit my
mother to marry a second time. It proved what the world would
call an unhappy match as for temporals, but God overruled it for
good. [It set my brethren upon thinking more than otherwise they
would have done, and made an uncommon impression upon my own
heart in particular.]

"When I was about twelve, I was placed at a school called St.
Mary de Crypt, in Gloucester--the last grammar school I ever
went to. Having a good elocution and memory, I was remarked
for making speeches before the Corporation, at their annual
visitation.[2] But I cannot say I felt any drawings of God
upon my soul for a year or two, saving that I laid out some
of the money that was given me, on one of those forementioned
occasions, in buying Ken's 'Manual for Winchester Scholars'--a
book that had much affected me when my brother used to read it
in my mother's troubles, and which, for some time after I bought
it, was of great benefit to my soul.

[2] St. Mary de Crypt is a parish in the city of Gloucester, and
is so called from a large vault under the body of the church.
In connection with the church, and on the north side of it,
stands St. Mary de Crypt School, founded by "John Coke, Esq.,"
and his "Lady Joane Coke," about the beginning of the sixteenth
century. The master of the school had to be chosen by the mayor,
the recorder, and the senior aldermen of the city. In 1712, two
years before Whitefield's birth, a salary of £30 a year was
allowed to the head-master, and £16 a year to the usher. There
was also an annual allowance to several magistrates of the
city for visiting the school once a year; the mayor and four
burgesses of Worcester were made overseers, with an allowance of
seven nobles for their charges; and if the mayor and magistrates
of Gloucester were guilty of neglect, they had to forfeit £10
to the mayor and magistrates of Worcester. The school also had
two exhibitions for the maintenance of two scholars at Pembroke
College for eight years--the scholars to be elected by the
mayor, the six senior aldermen, and the head-master of the
school. (" Ancient and Present State of Gloucestershire," by Sir
Robert Atkyns, 1712; and "The Gloucester Guide," 1792.)

"During the time of my being at school, I was very fond of
reading plays, and have kept from school for days together to
prepare myself for acting them. My master, seeing how mine and
my schoolfellows' vein ran, composed something of this kind for
us himself, and caused me to dress myself in girl's clothes,
which I had often done, to act a part before the Corporation.
The remembrance of this has often covered me with confusion of
face, and I hope will do so, even to the end of my life.

["And I cannot but here observe, with much concern of mind, how
this way of training up youth has a natural tendency to debauch
the mind, to raise ill passions, and to stuff the memory with
things as contrary to the Gospel of Jesus Christ as light to
darkness, heaven to hell. However, though the first thing I had
to repent of was my education in general, yet I must always
acknowledge my particular thanks are due to my master, for the
great pains he took with me and his other scholars, in teaching
us to speak and write correctly.]

"Before I was fifteen, having, as I thought, made a sufficient
progress in the classics, and, at the bottom, longing to be set
at liberty from the confinement of a school, I one day told my
mother, 'Since her circumstances would not permit her to give
me an University education, more learning I thought would spoil
me for a tradesman; and, therefore, I judged it best not to
learn Latin any longer.' She at first refused to consent, but my
corruptions soon got the better of her good nature. Hereupon,
for some time, I went to learn to write only. But my mother's
circumstances being much on the decline, and being tractable
that way, I from time to time began to assist her occasionally
in the public-house, till at length I put on my blue apron and
my snuffers,[3] washed mops, cleaned rooms, and, in one word,
became professed and common drawer for nigh a year and a half.

[3] In those days gas was a thing unknown, and of course candles
required "snuffers."

"[But He who was with David when he was following the sheep big
with young, was with me even here. For] notwithstanding I was
thus employed in a common inn, and had sometimes the care of the
whole house upon my hands, yet I composed two or three sermons,
and dedicated one of them in particular to my elder brother. One
time, I remember, I was much pressed to self-examination, and
found myself very unwilling to look into my heart. Frequently I
read the Bible when sitting up at night. Seeing the boys go by
to school has often cut me to the heart. And a dear youth, now
with God, would often come entreating me, when serving at the
bar, to go to Oxford. My general answer was, 'I wish I could.'

"After I had continued about a year in this servile employment,
my mother was obliged to leave the inn. My brother, who had been
bred up for the business, married; whereupon all was made over
to him; and, I being accustomed to the house, it was agreed that
I should continue there as an assistant. [But God's thoughts
were not as our thoughts.

"By His good Providence] it happened that my sister-in-law and I
could by no means agree; [and at length the resentment grew to
such an height, that my proud heart would scarce suffer me to
speak to her for three weeks together. But notwithstanding I was
much to blame, yet I used to retire and weep before the Lord, as
Hagar when flying from her mistress Sarah--little thinking that
God by this means was forcing me out of the public business, and
calling me from drawing wine for drunkards, to draw water out
of the wells of salvation for the refreshment of His spiritual
Israel.]

"After continuing for a long while under this burden of mind, I
at length resolved, thinking my absence would make all things
easy, to go away. Accordingly, by the advice of my brother and
consent of my mother, I went to see my elder brother, then
settled at Bristol.

"Here God was pleased to give me great foretastes of His
love,[4] and fill me with such unspeakable raptures,
particularly once in St. John's Church, that I was carried out
beyond myself. I felt great hungerings and thirstings after the
blessed Sacrament, and wrote many letters to my mother, telling
her I would never go into the public employment again. Thomas
à Kempis was my great delight, and I was always impatient till
the bell rang to call me to tread the courts of the Lord's
house. But in the midst of these illuminations, something surely
whispered, 'This will not last.'

[4] "Great sensible devotion,"--Edit. 1756.

"And, indeed, so it happened. For--oh that I could write it in
tears of blood!--when I left Bristol, as I did in about two
months, and returned to Gloucester, I changed my devotion with
my place. Alas! all my fervour went off: I had no inclination to
go to church, or draw nigh unto God. In short, my heart, though
I had so lately tasted of His love, was far from Him.

"However, I had so much religion left, as to persist in my
resolution not to live in the inn; and therefore my mother gave
me leave, though she had but a little income, to have a bed upon
the ground, and live at her house, till Providence should point
out a place for me.

"Having now, as I thought, nothing to do, it was a proper season
for Satan to tempt me. Much of my time I spent in reading plays,
and in sauntering from place to place. I was careful to adorn
my body, but took little pains to deck and beautify my soul.
Evil communications with my old schoolfellows soon corrupted
my good manners. By seeing their evil practices, the sense of
the Divine presence[5] I had vouchsafed unto me insensibly wore
off my mind, and I at length fell into abominable secret sin,
the dismal effects of which I have felt, and groaned under ever
since.

[5] "All sense of religion."--Edit. 1756.

"[But God, whose gifts and callings are without repentance,
would let nothing pluck me out of His hands, though I was
continually doing despite to the Spirit of Grace. He saw me with
pity and compassion, when lying in my blood. He passed by me;
He said unto me, Live; and even gave me some foresight of His
providing for me.

"One morning, as I was reading a play to my sister, said I, 'God
intends something for me which we know not of. As I have been
diligent in business, I believe many would gladly have me for
an apprentice, but every way seems to be barred up, so that I
think God will provide for me some way or other that we cannot
apprehend.'

"How I came to say these words I know not. God afterwards
showed me they came from Him.] Having thus lived with my mother
for some considerable time, a young student, who was once my
schoolfellow, and then a servitor of Pembroke College, Oxford,
came to pay my mother a visit. Amongst other conversation,
he told her how he had discharged all college expenses that
quarter, and received a penny. Upon that my mother immediately
cried out, 'This will do for my son.' Then, turning to me, she
said, 'Will you go to Oxford, George?' I replied, 'With all
my heart.' Whereupon, having the same friends that this young
student had, my mother, without delay, waited on them. They
promised their interest to get me a servitor's place in the same
college. She then applied to my old master, who much approved of
my coming to school again.

"In about a week I went and re-entered myself, [and being grown
much in stature, my master addressed me thus: 'I see, George,
you are advanced in stature, but your better part must needs
have gone backwards.' This made me blush. He set me something to
translate into Latin; and though I had made no application to my
classics for so long a time, yet I had but one inconsiderable
fault in my exercises. This, I believe, somewhat surprised my
master then, and has afforded me matter of thanks and praise
ever since.

"Being re-settled at school, I spared no pains to go forward in
my book.] God was pleased to give me His blessing, and I learned
much faster than I did before. But all this while I continued in
[secret] sin; and, at length, got acquainted with such a set of
debauched, abandoned, atheistical youths, that if God, by His
free, unmerited, and especial grace, had not delivered me out
of their hands, I should long since have sat in the scorner's
chair [and made a mock at sin]. By keeping company with them,
my thoughts of religion grew more and more like theirs. I went
to public service only to make sport and walk about. I took
pleasure in their lewd conversation. I began to reason as they
did [and to ask why God had given me passions, and not permitted
me to gratify them? Not considering that God did not originally
give us these _corrupt_ passions, and that He had promised help
to withstand them, if we would ask it of Him. In short, I soon
made a great proficiency in the school of the devil. I affected
to look rakish], and was in a fair way of being as infamous as
the worst of them.

"But, oh stupendous love! God even here stopped me, when running
on in a full career to hell. For, just as I was upon the brink
of ruin, He gave me such a distaste of their principles and
practices, that I discovered them to my master, who soon put a
stop to their proceedings.

"Being thus delivered out of the snare of the devil, I began
to be more and more serious, and felt God, at different times,
working powerfully and convincingly upon my soul. One day in
particular, as I was coming downstairs, and overheard my friends
speaking well of me, God so deeply convinced me of hypocrisy,
that, though I had formed frequent but ineffectual resolutions
before, yet I had then power given me over my secret and darling
sin. Notwithstanding, some time after being overtaken in liquor,
as I have been twice or thrice in my lifetime, Satan gained his
usual advantage over me again,--an experimental proof to my poor
soul, how that wicked one makes use of men as machines, working
them up to just what he pleases [when by intemperance they have
chased away the Spirit of God from them].

"Being now near the seventeenth year of my age, I was resolved
to prepare myself for the holy sacrament, which I received on
Christmas Day. I began now to be more and more watchful over my
thoughts, words, and actions. I kept the following Lent, fasting
Wednesday and Friday, thirty-six hours together. My evenings,
when I had done waiting upon my mother, were generally spent
in acts of devotion, reading 'Drelincourt on Death,' and other
practical books, and I constantly went to public worship twice a
day. Being now upper-boy, by God's help, I made some reformation
amongst my schoolfellows. I was very diligent in reading and
learning the classics, and in studying my Greek Testament, but
was not yet convinced of the absolute unlawfulness of playing at
cards, and of reading and seeing plays, though I began to have
some scruples about it.

"Near this time, I dreamed that I was to see God on Mount Sinai,
but was afraid to meet Him. This made a great impression upon
me; and a gentlewoman to whom I told it said, 'George, this is a
call from God.'

["Still I grew more serious after this dream; but yet hypocrisy
crept into every action. As once I affected to look more rakish,
I now strove to appear more grave than I really was. However, an
uncommon concern and alteration were visible in my behaviour,
and I often used to find fault with the lightness of others.

"One night, as I was going on an errand for my mother, an
unaccountable but very strong impression was made upon my heart
that I should preach quickly. When I came home, I innocently
told my mother what had befallen me; but she, like Joseph's
parents when he told them his dream, turned short upon me,
crying out, 'What does the boy mean? Pri'thee hold thy tongue,'
or something to that purpose. God has since shown her from whom
that impression came.]

"For a twelvemonth, I went on in a round of duties, receiving
the sacrament monthly, fasting frequently, attending constantly
on public worship, and praying often more than twice a day in
private. One of my brothers used to tell me he feared this
would not hold long, and that I should forget all when I came
to Oxford. This caution did me much service, for it set me
upon praying for perseverance; and, under God, the preparation
I made in the country was a preservative against the manifold
temptations which beset me at my first coming to that seat of
learning.

"Being now near eighteen years old, it was judged proper for
me to go to the University. God had [sweetly] prepared my way.
The friends before applied to recommended me to the master of
Pembroke College. Another friend took up £10 upon bond, which
I have since repaid, to defray the first expense of entering;
and the master,[6] contrary to all expectations, admitted the
servitor immediately."

[6] Dr. Adams was now master of Pembroke College. This amiable and
excellent man was the friend of Dr. Johnson, and died at Gloucester,
Whitefield's birthplace, where a monument is erected to his memory,
with the following inscription:--"Sacred to the memory of William
Adams, D.D., Master of Pembroke College, Oxford, Prebendary of
this Cathedral, and Archdeacon of Llandaff. Ingenious, Learned,
Eloquent, he ably defended the truth of Christianity; Pious,
Benevolent, and Charitable, he successfully inculcated its sacred
precepts. Pure, and undeviating in his own conduct, he was tender
and compassionate to the failings of others. Ever anxious for the
welfare and happiness of mankind, he was on all occasions forward
to encourage works of public utility and extensive beneficence. In
the government of the College, over which he presided, his vigilant
attention was uniformly exerted to promote the important objects of
the institution; whilst the mild dignity of his deportment inspired
esteem, gratitude, and affection. Full of days, and matured in
virtue, he died January 13, 1789, aged 82."

Thus ends Whitefield's history of his own boyhood. His confession of
youthful wickedness is more minute than profitable. It was scarcely
wise for a young evangelist of twenty-five, who had attained an
unexampled popularity, and thereby brought upon himself the rancour
of envious observers, to print such an enumeration of juvenile
sins and follies. Indeed, the wisdom of doing this may be justly
questioned in any case. A man may and ought to confess to God; but
he is under no obligation to confess to men like himself. As already
stated, the foregoing details would not have been reproduced in the
present work, had it not been that this was necessary to exhibit
the imprudent ingenuousness of the youthful preacher, and to show
that his own unguarded writings fairly exposed him to some of the
bitter pamphleteering with which he was soon attacked. Augustine
had written similar Confessions, and so also had Jean Jacques
Rousseau; but the world is none the better because Augustine and
Rousseau made the world their father confessor. Whitefield's enemies
were not slow to use the advantage against him with which he had
furnished them; and, even nine years after the publication of his
pamphlet, he had to pay a penalty for some of its well-meant, but
inconsiderate expressions. "Mr. Whitefield's account of God's
dealings with him," said Dr. Lavington, Bishop of Exeter, "is such
a boyish, ludicrous, filthy, nasty, and shameless relation of
himself, as quite defiles paper, and is shocking to decency and
modesty. 'Tis a perfect jakes of uncleanness."[7] The reader, with
the "account" unabridged before him, can easily form an opinion of
the truthfulness, or rather free-tongued censure, of Whitefield's
episcopal castigator. Whitefield assigned a reason for what he did;
and, though the sufficiency of that reason may not be admitted, yet
all will give Whitefield credit for sincerity and good intentions,
and no spiritually minded man will laugh at the penitential spirit
which the confessions unquestionably evince.

[7] "Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared." Part II.

As in the case of many others, Whitefield's boyhood was a strange
admixture of sin and penitence. At intervals, we find the boy a
liar, a petty thief, a pretended rake, a dandy, and almost an
infidel; and then we find him spending his scantily collected pence
in buying the manual of Bishop Ken; composing sermons; delighting
in Thomas à Kempis; reading books like Drelincourt's "Christian
Defence against the Fears of Death;" promoting a reformation
of manners among the boys in the school of St. Mary de Crypt;
religiously watching over his own thoughts, words, and actions;
praying in private; worshipping in public; receiving the sacrament
once a month; and, during Lent and at other times, frequently
fasting for eighteen hours together. The Oxford Methodists, of whom
perhaps he had never heard, were now approaching the very climax of
their ascetic practices; and the quondam tapster of the Bell Inn,
Gloucester, by a strange experience, was prepared to join them. Bad
companions had nearly ruined him; but now his companions were to be
of another sort.

In the midst of all his wickedness and youthful frolics, Whitefield
displayed an undauntedness which helped to make him what he
afterwards became. His educational advantages were not great. Unlike
the Wesleys, his home was not favourable to his mental improvement.
The public-house in which he was born and bred was widely different
from the Epworth parsonage. Practically he was fatherless whilst
the Wesley brothers had for a father a man who, though sometimes
improvident in attending convocations and in the publishing of
books, had, in learning, but few superiors, and, as a clergyman of
the Church of England, was excelled by none. Whitefield's mother
was, evidently, an affectionate, sensible, and worthy woman;
but, in most respects, immeasurably inferior to Susannah Wesley.
Besides having had the unspeakable advantages of their Epworth
home-education, John Wesley was privileged to spend five years and
a half at the Charterhouse, London; and his brother Charles about
the same length of time in the equally famed school of Westminster.
On the other hand, Whitefield had no education, worth mentioning,
until he was twelve years old; from twelve to fifteen he spent in
the school of St. Mary de Crypt, partly in acquiring learning and
partly in acting plays; from fifteen to seventeen, he was chiefly
employed as tapster in his mother's tavern; and then came the
turning-point of his existence. After listening to the story of
the poor servitor of Pembroke College, who, by serving others, had
paid all his college expenses, and had saved a penny, Whitefield's
mother said, "George, will _you_ go to Oxford?" "Yes," said George,
"with all my heart." And, within a week, he was again at the school
of St. Mary de Crypt; and, within a year, an undergraduate of an
Oxford college. George's decision, prompt action, and hard-working
ambition displayed pluck, not unworthy of the man, who, in later
years, braved brutal mobs with heroic boldness, and who, when the
present comforts of oceanic travelling were things unthought about,
again and again crossed the turbulent Atlantic; and, constrained by
the love of Christ his Saviour, tramped American woods and swamps,
seeking sinners, and trying to save them.

One other fact is noticeable. From childhood George Whitefield was
an orator. A hundred and fifty years ago dramatic performances
appear to have been an important part of the education of the
public schools of England. Thus it was in the Westminster School,
where Charles Wesley was "put forward to act dramas," because of
his lively cleverness; and thus it was at St. Mary de Crypt,
Gloucester, where Whitefield, on account of his "good elocution and
memory," was "remarked for making speeches before the Corporation
at their annual visitation;" and where the master of the school
composed dramatical pieces in which Whitefield and his schoolfellows
might display their histrionic genius and powers. The marvellously
exciting eloquence of Whitefield was not so much an acquirement as a
gift of nature; and this helps to explain his inordinate delight in
theatrical literature, previous to his conversion.

_WHITEFIELD AT COLLEGE._

1732 TO 1735.

Whitefield went to Oxford towards the end of the year 1732. Twelve
years before this, Wesley had been admitted to Christ-Church
College, and in the interval had been elected Fellow of Lincoln
College, had taken his Master of Arts degree, and had been ordained
deacon and also priest. Charles Wesley had been six years at
Christ-Church, and was now Bachelor of Arts, and a College Tutor.
Willam Morgan, one of the first of the Oxford Methodists, died a few
weeks before Whitefield entered Pembroke College. For three years
past, Clayton had been at Brasenose. Ingham had already spent two
years at Queen's. In 1726, Gambold had been admitted as servitor
in Christ Church, and in 1733 was ordained by Bishop Potter.
Hervey, born in the same year as Whitefield, had, in 1731, become
undergraduate in Lincoln College, where Wesley was Tutor. Broughton
was in Exeter College. Kinchin was a Fellow of Corpus Christi. For
twelve years, Hutchins had been Fellow of Lincoln, where also, for
some time past, Whitelamb and Westley Hall had been studying, to the
content of Wesley.

These were the chief of the Oxford Methodists. Whitefield, a boy not
yet eighteen years of age, was the last to enter the University, and
the last of the illustrious ones to join their godly brotherhood.
For three years, the "Holy Club" had been notorious among their
fellows; but, up to the present, Whitefield had never seen them.

Pembroke College, founded in 1624, had a Master, fourteen Fellows,
twenty-four Scholars, and several Exhibitioners, being in all about
sixty. As already stated, Whitefield was admitted as a servitor,--a
lowly, but not necessarily dishonourable position. Half a century
before, Wesley's father had "footed it" to Oxford, with forty-five
shillings in his purse, and had been received as servitor of Exeter
College, in which, during his five years' residence, five shillings
was the only assistance he received from his family and friends. And
now Wesley's great coadjutor entered Pembroke in the same capacity,
and in about the same penniless condition.

It is a fact worth noticing, that Samuel Johnson left Pembroke
College only twelve months previous to Whitefield's admission; and
that the poet Shenstone entered at the same time Whitefield did.
At that period, some of the college tutors were so inefficient,
that Johnson declared, concerning one of them, Mr. Jorden, that
"he scarcely knew a noun from an adverb." The Rev. Dr. Adams,
however, who succeeded Jorden in 1731, was a man of another stamp;
and Johnson used to boast of the many eminent men who had been
educated at Pembroke. "Sir," he used to say, with a smile of
sportive triumph, when mentioning how many of the English poets had
been trained in Pembroke College, "Sir, we are a nest of singing
birds."[8]

[8] Boswell's "Life of Johnson."

Whitefield spent four years at Oxford--from 1732 to 1736. How did
he employ his time, and what were the results? For the reasons
previously assigned, the history of this important period shall be
given in his own language, without any abridgment or alteration
whatever. With perfect artlessness, he writes as follows:--

"Soon after my admission to Pembroke College, I found my having
been used to a public-house was now of service to me. For
many of the servitors being sick at my first coming up, by my
diligent and ready attendance I ingratiated myself into the
gentlemen's favour so far, that many, who had it in their power,
chose me to be their servitor.

"This much lessened my expense; and, indeed, God was so
gracious, that, with the profits of my place, and some little
presents made me by my kind tutor, for almost the first three
years I did not put all my relations together to above £24
expense.[9] [And it has often grieved my soul to see so many
young students spending their substance in extravagant living,
and hereby entirely unfitting themselves for the prosecution of
their proper studies.] I had not been long at the University
before I found the benefit of the foundation I had laid in the
country for a holy[10] life. I was quickly solicited to join in
their excess of riot with several who lay in the same room. God,
in answer to prayers before put up, gave me grace to withstand
them; and once, in particular, it being cold, my limbs were so
benumbed by sitting alone in my study, because I would not go
amongst them, that I could scarce sleep all night. But I soon
found the benefit of not yielding; for when they perceived they
could not prevail, they let me alone as a singular, odd fellow.

[9] All enclosed in brackets was omitted in the edition
published by Whitefield in 1756.

[10] "Religious."--Edit. 1756.

["All this while I was not fully satisfied of the sin of playing
at cards and reading plays, till God, upon a fast-day, was
pleased to convince me. For, taking a play to read a passage out
of it to a friend, God struck my heart with such power, that I
was obliged to lay it down again; and--blessed be His name!--I
have not read any such book since.

"Before I went to the University, I met with Mr. Law's 'Serious
Call to a Devout Life,' but had not then money to purchase
it. Soon after my coming up to the University, seeing a small
edition of it in a friend's hand, I soon procured it. God
worked powerfully upon my soul, as He has since upon many
others, by that and his other excellent treatise upon 'Christian
Perfection.']

"I now began to pray and sing psalms thrice every day, besides
morning and evening, and to fast every Friday, and to receive
the sacrament at a parish church near our college, and at the
castle, where the despised Methodists used to receive once a
month.

"The young men so called[11] were then much talked of at Oxford.
I had heard of, and loved them before I came to the University;
and so strenuously defended them when I heard them reviled by
the students, that they began to think that I also in time
should be one of them.

[11] "Because they lived by rule and method."--Edit. 1756.

"For above a twelvemonth my soul longed to be acquainted with
some of them, and I was strongly pressed to follow their good
example, when I saw them go through a ridiculing crowd to
receive the holy Eucharist at St. Mary's. At length, God was
pleased to open a door. It happened that a poor woman in one
of the workhouses had attempted to cut her throat, but was
happily prevented. Upon hearing of this, and knowing that both
the Mr. Wesleys were ready to every good work, I sent a poor
aged apple-woman of our college to inform Mr. Charles Wesley
of it, charging her not to discover who sent her. She went;
but, contrary to my orders, told my name. He having heard of my
coming to the castle and a parish church sacrament, and having
met me frequently walking by myself, followed the woman when she
was gone away, and sent an invitation to me by her, to come to
breakfast with him the next morning.

"I thankfully embraced the opportunity; [and, blessed be God! it
was one of the most profitable visits I ever made in my life.
My soul, at that time, was athirst for some spiritual friends
to lift up my hands when they hung down, and to strengthen my
feeble knees. He soon discovered it, and, like a wise winner of
souls, made all his discourses tend that way. And, when he had]
put into my hand Professor Frank's treatise against the 'Fear of
Man,' [and a book entitled 'The Country Parson's Advice to his
Parishioners,' the last of which was wonderfully blessed to my
soul, I took my leave.]

"In a short time, he let me have another book entitled, 'The
Life of God in the Soul of Man; [and, though I had fasted,
watched, and prayed, and received the sacrament so long, yet
I never knew what true religion was, till God sent me that
excellent treatise by the hands of my never-to-be-forgotten
friend].

"At my first reading it, I wondered what the author meant by
saying, 'That some falsely placed religion in going to church,
doing hurt to no one, being constant in the duties of the
closet, and now and then reaching out their hands to give alms
to their poor neighbours.' 'Alas!' thought I, 'if this be not
religion, what is?' God soon showed me; for in reading a few
lines further, that 'true religion was a union of the soul with
God, and Christ formed within us,' a ray of Divine light was
instantaneously darted in upon my soul, and, from that moment,
but not till then, did I know that I must be a new creature.

"Upon this, [like the woman of Samaria when Christ revealed
Himself to her at the well,] I had no rest [in my soul] till
I wrote letters to my relations, telling them there was such
a thing as the new birth. I imagined they would have gladly
received it. But, alas! my words seemed to them as idle tales.
They thought that I was going beside myself, and, by their
letters, confirmed me in the resolutions I had taken not to go
down into the country, but continue where I was, lest that, by
any means, the good work which God had begun in my soul might be
made of none effect.[12]

[12] "Obstructed." Edit. 1756.

"From time to time Mr. Wesley permitted[13] me to come unto
him, and instructed me as I was able to bear it. By degrees, he
introduced me to the rest of his Christian brethren.[14] [They
built me up daily in the knowledge and fear of God, and taught
me to endure hardness like a good soldier of Jesus Christ.]

[13] "Charles Wesley engaged." _Ibid._

[14] "The Methodists." _Ibid._

"I now began, like them, to live by rule, and to pick up the
very fragments of my time, that not a moment of it might be
lost. Whether I ate or drank, or whatsoever I did, I endeavoured
to do all to the glory of God. Like them, having no weekly
sacrament, although the rubric required it, at our own college,
I received every Sunday at Christ Church. I joined with them in
[keeping the stations by] fasting Wednesdays and Fridays [and
left no means unused, which I thought would lead me nearer to
Jesus Christ.

"Regular retirement, morning and evening, at first I found some
difficulty in submitting to; but it soon grew profitable and
delightful. As I grew ripe for such exercises, I was, from time
to time] engaged to visit the sick and the prisoners, and to
read to poor people, till I made it a custom, as most of us did,
to spend an hour every day in doing acts of charity.

"The course of my studies I soon entirely changed. Whereas,
before I was busied in studying the dry sciences, and books
that went no farther than the surface, I now resolved to read
only such as entered into the heart of religion, and which led
me directly into an experimental knowledge of Jesus Christ,
and Him crucified. [The lively oracles of God were my soul's
delight. The book of the Divine laws was seldom out of my hands:
I meditated therein day and night; and, ever since that, God has
made my way signally prosperous, and given me abundant success.

"God enabled me to do much good to many, as well as to receive
much from the despised Methodists, and made me instrumental in
converting one who is lately come out into the Church, and, I
trust, will prove a burning and shining light.

"Several short fits of illness was God pleased to visit and to
try me with, after my first acquaintance with Mr. Wesley. My
new convert was a helpmeet for me in those and in all other
circumstances; and, in company with him and several other
Christian friends, did I spend many sweet and delightful hours.
Never did persons, I believe, strive more earnestly to enter
in at the strait gate. They kept their bodies under even to
an extreme. They were dead to the world, and willing to be
accounted as the dung and offscouring of all things, so that
they might win Christ. Their hearts glowed with the love of God,
and they never prospered so much in the inward man, as when they
had all manner of evil spoken against them falsely without.

"Many came amongst them for a while, who, in time of temptation,
fell away. The displeasure of a tutor or head of a college, the
changing of a gown from a lower to a higher degree--above all,
a thirst for the praise of men, more than that which cometh
from God, and a servile fear of contempt--caused numbers, that
had set their hands to the plough, shamefully to look back. The
world, and not themselves, gave them the title of Methodists,
I suppose, from their custom of regulating their time, and
planning the business of the day every morning. Mr. John and
Charles Wesley were two of the first that thus openly dared to
confess Christ; and they, under God, were the spiritual fathers
of most of them. They had the pleasure of seeing the work of the
Lord prosper in their hands before they went to Georgia. Since
their return, the small grain of mustard-seed has sprung up
apace. It has taken deep root. It is growing into a great tree.
Ere long, I trust, it will fill the land, and numbers of souls
will come from the east and from the west, from the north and
from the south, and lodge under the branches of it.

"But to return. While I was thus comforted on every side by
daily conversing with so many Christian friends, God was pleased
to permit Satan to sift me like wheat. A general account of
which I shall, by the Divine assistance, give in the following
section.

"At my first setting out, in compassion to my weakness, I grew
in favour both with God and man, and used to be much lifted up
with sensible devotion, especially at the blessed sacrament. But
when religion began to take root in my heart, and I was fully
convinced my soul must totally be renewed ere it could see God,
I was visited with outward and inward trials.]

"The first thing I was called to give up for God was what the
world calls my fair reputation. I had no sooner received the
sacrament publicly on a weekday at St. Mary's, but I was set
up as a mark for all the polite students that knew me to shoot
at. [By this they knew that I was commenced Methodist; for
though there is a sacrament at the beginning of every term, at
which all, especially the seniors, are by statute obliged to be
present, yet so dreadfully has that once faithful city played
the harlot, that very few masters, and no undergraduates but the
Methodists, attended upon it.

"Mr. Charles Wesley, whom I must always mention with the
greatest deference and respect, walked with me, in order to
confirm me, from the church even to the college. I confess, to
my shame, I would gladly have excused him; and the next day,
going to his room, one of our Fellows passing by, I was ashamed
to be seen to knock at his door. But, blessed be God! this
fear of man gradually wore off. As I had imitated Nicodemus in
his cowardice, so, by the Divine assistance, I followed him in
his courage. I confessed the Methodists more and more publicly
every day. I walked openly with them, and chose rather to bear
contempt with those people of God, than to enjoy the applause of
almost-Christians for a season.]

"Soon after this, I incurred the displeasure of the master of
the college, who frequently chid, and once threatened to expel
me, if I ever visited the poor again. Being surprised by this
treatment,[15] I spake unadvisedly with my lips, and said, if it
displeased him, I would not. My conscience soon pricked me for
this sinful compliance. I immediately repented, and visited the
poor the first opportunity, [and told my companions, if ever I
was called to a stake for Christ's sake, I would serve my tongue
as Archbishop Cranmer served his hand, namely, make that burn
first.]

[15] "And overawed by his authority,"--Edit. 1756.

"My[16] tutor, being a worthy man, did not oppose me [much,
but thought, I believe, that I went a little too far. He lent
me books, gave me money, visited me, and furnished me with a
physician when sick. In short, he behaved in all respects like a
father; and I trust God will remember him for good, in answer to
the many prayers I have put up in his behalf.

[16] "Worthy."--_Ibid._

"My relations were quickly alarmed at the alteration of my
behaviour, conceived strong prejudices against me, and for some
time counted my life madness.] I daily underwent some contempt
at college. Some have thrown dirt at me; others by degrees took
away their pay from me; and two friends that were dear unto
me grew shy of and forsook me, [when they saw me resolved to
deny myself, take up my cross daily, and follow Jesus Christ.
But our Lord, by His Spirit, soon convinced me that I must
know no one after the flesh; and I soon found that promise
literally fulfilled, 'That no one hath left father or mother,
brethren or sisters, houses or lands, for Christ's sake and the
Gospel's, but he shall receive a hundredfold in this life, with
persecution, as well as eternal life in the world to come.'

"These, though little, were useful trials. They inured me to
contempt, lessened self-love, and taught me to die daily.] My
inward sufferings were of a more uncommon nature. [Satan seemed
to have desired me in particular to sift me as wheat. God
permitted him for wise reasons, I have seen already, namely,
that His future blessings might not prove my ruin.

"From my first awakenings to the divine life, I felt a
particular hungering and thirsting after the humility of Jesus
Christ. Night and day I prayed to be a partaker of that grace,
imagining that the habit of humility would be instantaneously
infused into my soul. But as Gideon taught the men of Succoth
with thorns, so God, if I am yet in any measure blessed with
true poverty of spirit, taught it me by the exercise of strong
temptations.

"I observed before how I used to be favoured with sensible
devotion; those] comforts were soon withdrawn, and a horrible
fearfulness and dread permitted to overwhelm my soul. [One
morning in particular, rising from my bed, I felt an unusual
impression and weight upon my breast, attended with inward
darkness. I applied to my friend, Mr. Charles Wesley. He
advised me to keep upon my watch, and referred me to a chapter
in Kempis. In a short time I perceived this load gradually
increase, till it almost weighed me down, and fully convinced me
that Satan had as real a possession of, and power given over,
my body, as he had once over Job's.] All power of meditating,
or even thinking, was taken from me. My memory quite failed
me. My whole soul was barren and dry, and I could fancy myself
to be like nothing so much as a man locked up in iron armour.
Whenever I kneeled down, I felt great[17] heavings in my body,
and have often prayed under the weight of them till the sweat
came through me. [At this time, Satan used to terrify me much,
and threatened to punish me if I discovered his wiles. It being
my duty, as servitor, in my turn to knock at the gentlemen's
rooms by ten at night, to see who were in their rooms, I thought
the devil would appear to me every stair I went up. And he so
troubled me when I lay down to rest, that for some weeks I
scarce slept above three hours at a time.]

[17] "Pressures both in soul and body."--Edit. 1756.

"God only knows how many nights I have lain upon my bed groaning
under the weight I felt, [and bidding Satan depart from me in
the name of Jesus.] Whole days and weeks have I spent in lying
prostrate on the ground,[18] [and begging for freedom from those
proud hellish thoughts that used to crowd in upon and distract
my soul. But God made Satan drive out Satan; for these thoughts
and suggestions created such a self-abhorrence within me,
that I never ceased wrestling with God till He blessed me with
a victory over them. Self-love, self-will, pride, and envy so
buffeted me in their turns, that I was resolved either to die or
conquer. I wanted to see sin as it was, but feared, at the same
time, lest the sight of it should terrify me to death.

[18] "In silent or vocal prayer; and, having nobody to show
me a better way, I thought to get peace and purity by outward
austerities."--_Ibid._

"Whilst my inward man was thus exercised, my outward man was
not unemployed. I soon found what a slave I had been to my
sensual appetite, and now resolved to get the mastery over it
by the help of Jesus Christ.] Accordingly, by degrees, I began
to leave off eating fruits and such like, and gave the money
I usually spent in that way to the poor. Afterward, I always
chose the worst sort of food, though my place furnished me with
variety. I fasted twice a week. My apparel was mean. I thought
it unbecoming a penitent to have his hair powdered. I wore
woollen gloves, a patched gown, and dirty shoes;[19] and [though
I was then convinced that the kingdom of God did not consist in
meats and drinks, yet I resolutely persisted in these voluntary
acts of self-denial, because I found them great promoters of the
spiritual life.]

[19] "Therefore looked upon myself as very humble."--Edit. 1756,

"For many months, I went on in this[20] state, [faint, yet
pursuing, and travelling along in the dark, in hope that the
star I had before once seen would hereafter appear again. During
this season I was very active;] but finding pride creeping in at
the end of almost every thought, word, and action, and meeting
with Castaniza's 'Spiritual Combat,' in which he says 'that he
that is employed in mortifying his will was as well employed
as though he was converting Indians,' or words to that effect,
Satan so imposed upon my understanding, that he persuaded me
to shut myself up in my study till I could do good[21] [with a
single eye], lest, in endeavouring to save others as I did now,
I should at last, by pride and self-complacence, lose myself.

[20] "Legal."--_Ibid._

[21] "Without feeling any mixture of corruption."--_Ibid._

["Henceforward, he transformed himself into an angel of light,
and worked so artfully, that I imagined the good, and not the
evil, spirit suggested to me everything I did.

"His main drift was to lead me into a state of quietism (he
generally ploughed with God's heifer); and when the Holy Spirit
put into my heart good thoughts or convictions, he always drove
them to extremes. For instance, having out of pride put down
in my diary what I gave away, Satan tempted me to lay my diary
quite aside. When Castaniza[22] advised to talk but little,
Satan said I must not talk at all. So that I, who used to be the
most forward in exhorting my companions, have sat whole nights
almost without speaking at all. Again, when Castaniza advised
to endeavour after a silent recollection and waiting upon God,
Satan told me I must leave off all forms, and not use my voice
in prayer at all. The time would fail me to recount all the
instances of this kind in which he had deceived me. But when
matters came to an extreme, God always showed me my error, and
by His Spirit pointed out a way for me to escape.

[22] "The Spiritual Combat; or, the Christian Pilgrim in his
Spiritual Conflict and Conquest." By John de Castaniza. Revised
and recommended by the Rev. Richard Lucas, D.D., Rector of St.
Stephen's, Coleman Street.

"The devil also sadly imposed upon me in the matter of my
college exercises. Whenever I endeavoured to compose my theme,
I had no power to write a word, nor so much as to tell my
Christian friends of my inability to do it. Saturday being come,
which is the day the students give up their compositions, it was
suggested to me that I must go down into the hall, and confess I
could not make a theme, and so publicly suffer, as if it were,
for my Master's sake. When the bell rung to call us, I went to
open the door to go down stairs, but feeling something give me a
violent inward check, I entered my study, and continued instant
in prayer, waiting the event. For this my tutor fined me half a
crown. The next week Satan served me in like manner again; but
now having got more strength, and perceiving no inward check,
I went into the hall. My name being called, I stood up and
told my tutor I could not make a theme. I think he fined me a
second time; but, imagining that I would not willingly neglect
my exercise, he afterward called me into the common room, and
kindly enquired whether any misfortune had befallen me, or what
was the reason I could not make a theme. I burst into tears,
and assured him that it was not out of contempt of authority,
but that I could not act otherwise. Then, at length, he said he
believed I could not; and, when he left me, told a friend, as he
very well might, that he took me to be really mad. This friend,
hearing from my tutor what had happened, came to me, urging the
command of Scripture, to be subject to the higher powers. I
answered, 'Yes; but I had a new revelation.' Lord, what is man?

"As I daily got strength, by continued, though almost silent,
prayer in my study, my temptations grew stronger also,
particularly for two or three days before deliverance came.]

"Near five or six weeks I had now spent in my study, except
when[23] I was obliged to go out. During this time I was
fighting with my corruptions, and did little else besides
kneeling down by my bedside, feeling, as it were, a heavy
pressure upon my body, as well as an unspeakable oppression
of mind, yet offering up my soul to God to do with me as it
pleased Him. It was now suggested to me that Jesus Christ was
among the wild beasts when He was tempted, and that I ought to
follow His example; and being willing, as I thought, to imitate
Jesus Christ, after supper I went into Christ Church walk, near
our college, and continued in silent prayer under one of the
trees [for near two hours, sometimes lying flat on my face,
sometimes] kneeling upon my knees, [all the while filled with
fear and concern lest some of my brethren should be overwhelmed
with pride. The night being stormy, it gave me awful thoughts of
the day of judgment. I continued, I think,] till the great bell
rung for retirement to the college, not without finding some
reluctance in the natural man against staying so long in the
cold.

[23] "College business obliged me to go down."--Edit. 1756.

["The next night I repeated the same exercise at the same place.
But the hour of extremity being now come, God was pleased to
make an open show of those diabolical devices by which I had
been deceived.]

"By this time, I had left off keeping my diary, using my forms,
or scarce my voice in prayer, visiting prisoners, etc. Nothing
remained for me to leave, unless I forsook public worship, but
my religious friends. Now it was suggested that I must leave
them also for Christ's sake. This was a sore trial; but rather
than not be, as I fancied, Christ's disciple, I resolved to
renounce them, though as dear to me as my own soul. Accordingly,
the next day being Wednesday, whereon we kept one of our weekly
fasts, instead of meeting with my brethren as usual, I went out
into the fields, and prayed silently by myself. Our evening
meeting I neglected also, and went not to breakfast, according
to appointment, with Mr. Charles Wesley the day following. This,
with many other concurring circumstances, made my honoured
friend, Mr. Charles Wesley, suspect something more than ordinary
was the matter. He came to my room, [soon found out my case,]
apprised me of my danger if I would not take advice, and
recommended me to his brother John, Fellow of Lincoln College,
as more experienced[24] [in the spiritual life]. God gave
me--[blessed be His holy name]--a teachable temper, and I waited
upon his brother, with whom from that time I had the honour of
growing intimate. He advised me to resume all my externals,
though not to depend on them in the least. From time to time he
gave me directions as my [various and] pitiable state required;
[and, at length, by his excellent advice and management of me,
under God, I was delivered from those wiles of Satan. 'Praise
the Lord, O my soul, and all that is within me praise His holy
name!']

[24] "Than himself."--Edit 1756.

["During this and all other seasons of temptation my soul was
inwardly supported with great courage and resolution from
above. Every day God made me willing to renew the combat, and
though my soul, when quite empty of God, was very prone to
seek satisfaction in the creature, and sometimes I fell into
sensuality, yet I was generally enabled to wait in silence
for the salvation of God, or to persist in prayer till some
beams of spiritual light and comfort were vouchsafed me from
on high. Thomas à Kempis, since translated and published by
Mr. John Wesley; Castaniza's Combat; and the Greek Testament,
every reading of which I endeavoured to turn into a prayer,
were of great help and furtherance to me. On receiving the
holy sacrament, especially before trials, I have found grace
in a very affecting manner, and in abundant measure, sometimes
imparted to my soul,--an irrefragable proof to me of the
miserable delusion of the author of that work called, 'The Plain
Account of the Sacrament,' which sinks that holy ordinance into
a bare memorial, who, if he obstinately refuse the instruction
of the Most High, will doubtless, without repentance, bear his
punishment, whosoever he be.]

"To proceed--I had now taken up my externals again;[25] [and
though Satan for some weeks had been biting my heel, God was
pleased to show me that I should soon bruise his head.] A few
days after, as I was walking along, I met with a poor woman
whose husband was then in [Bocardo, or] Oxford Town-Gaol,
[which I constantly visited.] Seeing her much discomposed, I
enquired the cause. She told me, not being able to bear the
crying of her children, ready to perish for hunger, and having
nothing to relieve them, she had been to drown herself, but was
mercifully prevented, and said she was coming to my room to
inform me of it. I gave her some immediate relief, and desired
her to meet me at the prison with her husband in the afternoon.
She came, and there God visited them both by His free grace.
She was powerfully quickened from above; and when I had done
reading, he also came to me like the trembling gaoler, and,
grasping my hand, cried out, 'I am upon the brink of hell!'.
From this time forward, both of them grew in grace. God, by His
providence, soon delivered him from his confinement. Though
notorious offenders against God and one another before, yet now
they became helpmeets for each other in the great work of their
salvation. They are both now living, and, I trust, will be my
joy and crown of rejoicing in the great day of our Lord Jesus.

[25] "And began to visit the poor."--Edit. 1756.

"Soon after this, [the holy season of] Lent came on, which our
friends kept very strictly, eating no flesh during the six
weeks, except on Saturdays and Sundays. I abstained frequently
on Saturdays also, and ate nothing on the other days, except
on Sunday, but sage-tea without sugar, and coarse bread. I
constantly walked out in the cold mornings till part of one of
my hands was quite black. This, with my continued abstinence
and inward conflicts, at length so emaciated my body, that,
at Passion-week, finding I could scarce creep upstairs, I was
obliged to inform my kind tutor of my condition, who immediately
sent for a physician to me.

"This caused no small triumph amongst the collegians, who began
to cry out, 'What is his fasting come to now?' [But I rejoiced
in this reproach, knowing that, though I had been imprudent, and
lost much of my flesh, yet, I had nevertheless increased in the
spirit.]

["This fit of sickness continued upon me for seven weeks,
and a glorious visitation it was.[26] The blessed Spirit was
all this time purifying my soul. All my former gross and
notorious, and even my heart sins also, were now set home upon
me, of which I wrote down some remembrance immediately, and
confessed them before God morning and evening. Though weak, I
often spent two hours in my evening retirements, and prayed
over my Greek Testament and Bishop Hall's most excellent
'Contemplations' every hour that my health would permit.]
About the end of the seven weeks,[27] [and after I had been
groaning under an unspeakable pressure both of body and mind
for above a twelvemonth, God was pleased to set me free in the
following manner. One day, perceiving an uncommon drought and
a disagreeable clamminess in my mouth, and using things to
allay my thirst, but in vain, it was suggested to me that when
Jesus Christ cried out, 'I thirst,' His sufferings were near
at an end. Upon which I cast myself down on the bed, crying
out, 'I thirst! I thirst!' Soon after this, I found and felt
in myself that I was delivered from the burden that had so
heavily oppressed me. The spirit of mourning was taken from
me, and I knew what it was truly to rejoice in God my Saviour,
and, for some time, could not avoid singing psalms wherever I
was; but my joy gradually became more settled, and, blessed be
God, has abode and increased in my soul, saving a few casual
intermissions, ever since.

[26] "But, however, notwithstanding my fit of sickness continued
six or seven weeks, I trust I shall have reason to bless God for
it, through the endless ages of eternity. For," Edit. 1756.

[27] "After having undergone innumerable buffetings of Satan,
and many months' inexpressible trials by night and day under
the spirit of bondage, God was pleased at length to remove the
heavy load, to enable me to lay hold on His dear Son by a living
faith, and, by giving me the spirit of adoption, to seal me, as
I humbly hope, even to the day of everlasting redemption. But
oh! with what joy--joy unspeakable--even joy that was full of,
and big with glory, was my soul filled, when the weight of sin
went off, and an abiding sense of the pardoning love of God,
and a full assurance of faith broke in upon my disconsolate
soul! Surely it was the day of my espousals,--a day to be had
in everlasting remembrance. At first my joys were like a spring
tide, and, as it were, overflowed the banks. Go where I would,
I could not avoid singing of psalms almost aloud; afterwards it
became more settled--and, blessed be God, saving a few casual
intervals, has abode and increased in my soul ever since. But to
proceed."--Edit. 1756.

"Thus were the days of my mourning ended. After a long night
of desertion and temptation, the star, which I had seen at
a distance before, began to appear again, and the day star
arose in my heart. Now did the Spirit of God take possession
of my soul, and, as I humbly hope, seal me unto the day of
redemption."]

Here we must pause. Whitefield evidently considered this to be the
time of his conversion. The date was about seven weeks after Easter,
in the year 1735. This was three years before the Wesley brothers
professed to receive the same blessing. In fact, young Whitefield
seems to have been the first of the Oxford Methodists who attained
to the experience expressed in Romans viii. 15, 16: "Ye have not
received the Spirit of bondage, again to fear; but ye have received
the Spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father. The Spirit
itself beareth witness with our spirit that we are the children of
God: and if children, then heirs; heirs of God, and joint-heirs with
Christ." It cannot be denied that Whitefield's first account of the
way in which he obtained this gift of God is tinged with fanaticism.
The second and revised account, published sixteen years afterwards,
is unobjectionable. Oppressed with a sense of sin, and buffeted by
Satan, the young servitor laid hold of Christ "by a living faith,"
received "the spirit of adoption," was blessed with "a sense of the
pardoning love of God," and filled with "joy unspeakable" and "big
with glory."

Whitefield's history of his college life, especially the first
edition of it, brought upon him the scathing criticisms of both
friends and foes. The recital of his diabolical buffetings is
more minute than sensible, and was sure to excite the sarcastic
laughter of men like Lavington. The taciturnity which came over
him is neither to be desired nor commended. His religious jargon,
partly bracketed and partly otherwise, is not "good to the use of
edifying." The lengthy descriptions of his fastings, prayers, and
devotions have a somewhat pharisaic tinge. But, notwithstanding all
these animadversions, this section of Whitefield's autobiography
is useful and important. Throughout, it exhibits the spirit, the
principles, and the practices of the Oxford Methodists. It shows
that college life at Oxford was profligately wicked, and that men
like the Oxford Methodists were greatly needed. It reveals the
significant and momentous fact that the work of God was not confined
to the Oxford University, for, in his way, young Whitefield was
intensely religious before he left his home at Gloucester. The
omnipresent Spirit was preparing men for a great work in different
places--not only in Oxford and Gloucester, but, as will be seen
hereafter, in various parts of the United Kingdom, and even across
the Atlantic.

"When I was sixteen years of age," said Whitefield, a few months
before he died, "I began to fast twice a week for thirty-six
hours together, prayed many times a day, received the sacrament
every Sabbath, fasted myself almost to death all the forty days
of Lent, during which I made it a point of duty never to go less
than three times a day to public worship, besides seven times a
day to my private prayers; yet I knew no more that I was to be
born a new creature in Christ Jesus, than if I had never been
born at all. I had a mind to be upon the stage, but then I had
a qualm of conscience. I used to ask people, 'Pray can I be a
player, and yet go to sacrament, and be a Christian?' 'O,' said
they, 'such a one, who is a player, goes to sacrament; though,
according to the law of the land, no player should receive
the sacrament unless he gives proof that he repents; that was
Archbishop Tillotson's doctrine.' 'Well then,' said I, 'if that
be the case, I will be a player;' and I thought to act my
part for the devil as well as anybody. But, blessed be God, He
stopped me in my career. I must bear testimony to my old friend,
Mr. Charles Wesley. He put a book into my hands, called 'The
Life of God in the Soul of Man,' whereby God showed me that
I must be born again or be damned. I know the place; it may
perhaps be superstitious, but, whenever I go to Oxford, I cannot
help running to the spot where Jesus Christ first revealed
Himself to me, and gave me the new birth. I learned that a man
may go to church, say his prayers, receive the sacrament, and
yet not be a Christian. How did my heart rise and shudder like a
poor man that is afraid to look into his ledger, lest he should
find himself a bankrupt. 'Shall I burn this book? Shall I throw
it down? Or shall I search it?' I did search it; and, holding
the book in my hand, thus addressed the God of heaven and earth:
'Lord, if I am not a Christian, for Jesus Christ's sake show me
what Christianity is, that I may not be damned at last.' I read
a little further, and discovered that they who know anything of
religion know it is a vital union with the Son of God--Christ
formed in the heart. O what a ray of Divine life did then break
in upon my soul! I fell a writing to all my brethren and to my
sisters. I talked to the students as they came into my room. I
laid aside all trifling conversation. I put all trifling books
away, and was determined to study to be a saint, and then to
be a scholar. From that moment God has been carrying on His
blessed work in my soul. I am now fifty-five years of age, and
shall leave you in a few days; but I tell you, my brethren, I am
more and more convinced that this is the truth of God, and that
without it you can never be saved by Jesus Christ."[28]

[28] Eighteen Sermons preached by Rev. George Whitefield. Revised by
Dr, Gifford: p. 359.

Nothing more need be said on the subject of Whitefield's conversion.
The reader now has Whitefield's own testimonies at three different
periods of his life. The accounts might have been clearer, more
precise, and perhaps more scripturally expressed; but the fact is
patent: Whitefield was converted--regenerated--born again--in the
year 1735. Or, perhaps, to speak more correctly, it was in 1735,
that, through a penitent, heartfelt trust in Christ, he received
"the Spirit of adoption," God sending "forth the Spirit of His Son
into his heart, crying, Abba, Father."

For five years, Whitefield had been a sincere and earnest penitent.
Like all the other Oxford Methodists, he sought salvation, not by
simple, heartfelt faith in Christ, but by self-denial, ardent piety,
and the practice of good works. No wonder that he was destitute
of the joy arising from a firm and full assurance of acceptance
with God. The man relying on his own piety and beneficence must
necessarily live a joyless, anxious, and almost miserable life;
because he knows and feels that much in his past career has been
absolutely wicked; and because, however sincere his present piety,
and however commendable his good works, he knows that, at the best,
they are exceedingly imperfect, and, so far from meriting the Divine
favour, and atoning for the iniquities of other days, actually need
the forgiveness of a long-suffering God. No man of this description
can be happy. But it is far otherwise with the penitent, who, while
diligently using all the means of grace, and to the utmost of his
power endeavouring to serve both God and man, obeys Scripture
teaching by firmly believing that the death of Christ was a full
atonement for _his sins, even his_, and by trusting solely and
exclusively in that astounding but scripturally revealed fact for
acceptance with God, both in this world and in that which is to
come. Let a man attain to such a faith as this, or rather let him be
blessed with such a blessing (for faith is a Divine gift as well as
a human act), and he cannot fail to be filled, as Whitefield was,
with "joy unspeakable and full of glory." Even his love to God,
also, becomes what it had never been before, inasmuch as he now, in
the death of Christ, sees God's love manifested to himself as it is
manifested nowhere else. Love kindles love, and the man serves his
Maker, not merely because it is his duty, but because he cannot help
it, love making his duty his delight. With such a belief concerning
the death of Christ, and such a trust in it, his faith in God, in
Providence, in the blessed Bible as a whole, is of necessity higher,
holier, stronger, broader, firmer than it ever could be without such
a belief and trust; and the same may also be said respecting hope,
and all the other Divine gifts and Christian virtues possessed and
exercised by the genuinely converted man.

It was not until the year 1735 that Whitefield attained to such a
state as this; and three more years elapsed before his friends and
religious preceptors, John and Charles Wesley, were brought to the
same self-renunciating crisis, and were enabled by the Holy Spirit
to trust simply and solely in the blood of Christ for personal,
present, and endless salvation.

From this point in their history, all the three were "new creatures
in Christ Jesus." This will be seen hereafter; but, before
proceeding further, it may be instructive and profitable to look at
them again in their transition period. Pietists more sincere and
earnest never lived; and yet none of them were happy. They were
ready to do and almost to suffer anything and everything that would
be conducive to the Divine honour; and yet they were in doubt and
darkness respecting their being blessed with the Divine favour. The
reason of this perplexed them. To others it is obvious. The language
of St. Paul concerning the Jews may, with perfect propriety, be
applied to the Oxford Methodists: "I bear them record that they
have a zeal of God, but not according to knowledge. For they being
ignorant of God's righteousness, and going about to establish
their own righteousness, have not submitted themselves unto the
righteousness of God."

The following extracts from letters, written by Whitefield during
the twelve months immediately preceding his conversion, will not
only help to elucidate his character, but will also confirm what has
just been said respecting the principles, and piety, and personal
experience of the Oxford Methodists at this important period of
their history.

On the death of a young friend, Whitefield wrote:--

"Oxon, July 18, 1734. I envy him his blessed condition. He,
unquestionably, is divinely blessed, whilst we are still left
behind to wrestle with unruly passions, and, by a continued
looking unto Jesus and running in our Christian race, to press
forward to that high prize of which he, dear youth, is now in
full fruition."

* * * * *

"Bristol, September 10, 1734. You tell me Mr. P. wants to know
my quality, state, condition, and circumstances. Alas! that any
one should enquire after such a wretch as I am. However, since
he has been so kind, pray tell him that, as for my quality, I
was a poor, mean drawer, but, by the distinguishing grace of
God, am now intended for the ministry; as for my estate, that I
am a servitor; and as to my condition and circumstances, that I
have not of my own anywhere to lay my head, but my friends, by
God's providence, minister daily to me; and, in return for such
unmerited, unspeakable blessings, I trust the same good Being
will give me grace to dedicate myself without reserve to His
service."

* * * * *

"Oxon, September 17, 1734. We must make a great progress in
religion, to be inured, by frequent prayer and meditation, to
the ecstatic contemplation of heavenly objects, before we can
arrive at true heavenly-mindedness; and perhaps, after all our
endeavours, whilst our souls are immersed in these fleshly
tabernacles, we shall make but very small advances in so
delightful and glorious an undertaking. But believe me, sir, you
cannot imagine how vastly serviceable the constant use of all
the means of religion will be in acquiring this blessed habit of
mind: such as an early rising in the morning, public and private
prayer, a due temperance in all things, and frequent meditation
on the infinite love and purity of that unparalleled pattern of
all perfection, our dear Redeemer. As for your mentioning the
degeneracy of the age as an objection against our making further
advances in any religious improvement, I cannot by any means
admit of it. The Scriptures are to be the only rules of action,
and the examples of our blessed Lord and His Apostles the grand
patterns whereby we are to form the conduct of our lives. It is
true, indeed, that instances of exalted piety are rarely to be
met with in the present age, and if we were to take an estimate
of religion from the lives of most of its professors, one would
think that Christianity was nothing but a dead letter. But then
it is not our religion, but ourselves that are to be blamed
for this. Would we live as the primitive Christians did, we
might, no doubt, have the same assistance vouchsafed us as they
had. God's grace is never restrained. And though we should not
arrive at those heights of heavenly-mindedness, for which some
of the primitive Christians were eminent, yet we should imitate
them as far as we can, and rely on the Divine goodness for
grants of such a supply of grace as He, in His good pleasure,
shall judge most convenient for us. Be pleased to send for Mr.
Law's 'Christian Perfection' for me against my coming into the
country, if printed in a small edition."

* * * * *

"Oxon, December 4, 1734. I am heartily glad that 'The Country
Parson'[29] has had so good an effect upon you. The 'Prayers' I
hope to send you next week. Only let me give you this caution,
not to depend upon any advice or book that is given you, but
solely on the grace of God attending it. The book which I have
sent to my brother, and would recommend to you and all my
Gloucester friends, will soon convince you how dangerous it is
to be a lukewarm Christian, and that there is nothing to be done
without breaking from the world, denying ourselves daily, taking
up our cross, and following Jesus Christ. These things may seem
a little terrible at first; but, believe me, mortification
itself, when once practised, is the greatest pleasure in the
world."

[29] A book entitled "The Country Parson's Advice to his
Parishioners."

* * * * *

"Oxon, February 20, 1735. I am surprised that you should
have desired that 'Collection of Prayers,'[30] and be wholly
unconcerned about them ever after. Indeed, they will be of no
service to you, unless you grant me this one postulatum: 'that
we must renounce ourselves.' What the meaning of this phrase
may be, the preface to the Prayers will best inform you. I did
not doubt of its meeting with but a cold reception, it being at
first view so very contrary to flesh and blood. For, perhaps,
you may think that this renouncing of ourselves must necessarily
lead us (as it certainly does) to acts of self-denial and
mortification; and that we probably may be saved without them.
And lest you should after all imagine that true religion
consists in anything besides an entire renewal of our nature
into the image of God, I have sent you a book entitled 'The Life
of God in the Soul of Man,' which will inform you what true
religion is, and by what means you may attain it; as, likewise,
how wretchedly most people err in their sentiments about it,
who suppose it to be nothing else but a mere model of outward
performances, without ever considering that all our corrupt
passions must be subdued, and a complex habit of virtues, such
as meekness, lowliness, faith, hope, and the love of God and of
man, be implanted in their room, before we can have the least
title to enter into the kingdom of God; our Divine Master having
expressly told us that 'unless we renounce ourselves, and take
up our cross daily, we cannot be His disciples.' I shall be glad
to hear whether you keep up morning prayers, and how often you
receive the Holy Communion, there being nothing which so much
be-dwarfs us in religion as starving our souls by keeping away
from the heavenly banquet."

[30] Probably, "A Collection of Forms of Prayer for every Day in
the Week," printed by Wesley in 1733,--his first publication,
and originally intended for his pupils in Lincoln College.

* * * * *

"Oxon, March 6, 1735. I find, by what I can gather from your
own and my brother's expressions, that my late letters have met
with but a cold reception, and that you seem desirous of hearing
no more of so seemingly ungrateful a subject as submitting our
wills to the will of God, which is all that is implied in the
phrase of _renouncing ourselves_. Alas, sir! what is there
that appears so monstrously terrible in a doctrine that is
the constant subject of our prayers, whenever we put up the
petition, 'Thy will be done in earth, as it is in heaven;' the
import of which seems to be this: 1. That we do everything
that God wills, and nothing but what He wills; 2. That we do
everything He wills, _only_ in the _manner_ He wills; 3. That
we do those things He wills, only _because_ He wills. This is
all I have been endeavouring to inculcate in my late letters.
Dear sir, be not dismayed. The difficulty lies only in our first
setting out. Be but vigorous at the first onset, and never
fear a conquest. The renewal of our nature is a work of great
importance. It is not to be done in a day; we have not only a
new house to build up, but an old one to pull down. The means
which are necessary to be used in order to attain this end, our
cursed adversary the devil would represent to us in the most
hideous forms imaginable; but, believe me, sir, there is really
more pleasure in these formidable duties of self-denial and
mortification, than in the highest indulgences of the greatest
epicure upon earth."

These are fair specimens of Whitefield's letters at this period of
his history. He and the other Oxford Methodists were profoundly
sincere and earnest; but they were legalists, trying to save
themselves, instead of seeking to be saved by Christ. Their aim
was to subdue their "corrupt passions," and to produce within
themselves the virtues of "meekness, lowliness, faith, hope, and the
love of God and man." The means used to accomplish this aim were
public and private worship, "acts of self-denial and mortification,"
and the practice of good works. There is not a word in Whitefield's
letters respecting justification by faith in the atoning sacrifice
of the Divine Redeemer; and not a word respecting the great fact
that it is the sole work of the Holy Spirit to subdue and destroy
the "corrupt passions" of the sinner, and to plant within him "the
mind which was in Christ Jesus." The men were morose ascetics rather
than happy Christians.

Henceforward, the tone of Whitefield's letters is different. The
_new birth_ becomes a constant topic. The man, hitherto so gloomy
and taciturn, is jubilant. His doleful and long-continued _miserere_
is exchanged for songs of praise and thanksgiving. Hence the
following, written immediately after his conversion:--

"Bristol, June 12, 1735. Were not your sighs on Sunday last some
infant strugglings after the _new birth_? Surely they were; and
I trust ere long the Holy Ghost will replenish your heart with
comfort and peace. Methinks I would willingly undergo the pangs,
so you might enjoy the pleasures, of the new birth; but this
must not be. All we can do is to sympathise with and pray for
each other."

* * * * *

"Bristol, September 5, 1735. I hope to feast with you at
Crypt[31] next Sunday. Amazing, that ever sinners should sit
with their Saviour! To what dignity has Christ exalted human
nature! If Mr. Pauncefort's petitions for me ran after this
manner, I should be thankful: 'That God would finish the good
which He has begun in me; that I may never seek nor be fond of
worldly preferment, but employ those talents it shall please
God to entrust me with, to His glory and the Church's good;
and likewise that the endeavours of my friends to revive true
religion in the world may meet with proper success."

[31] St. Mary de Crypt, Gloucester.

Thus, as early as June 12, 1735, Whitefield began to write
concerning "the pangs and the pleasures of the new birth." How was
it that he was not the means of leading the Wesley brothers into the
enjoyment of the same Divine blessing? A sufficient answer to this
is found in the fact that Whitefield was now absent from Oxford,
that four months afterwards Wesley and his brother set sail for
America, and that a long space of time elapsed before the three
friends were again united.

Whitefield needed rest. He had kept nine terms at Oxford, and had
not availed himself of a single vacation. Perhaps for want of money,
he had not left Oxford since the time he entered it. His health,
however, was now so seriously affected, that recreation became
imperative. Accordingly, about the end of the month of May, he, for
the first time, left the University, and returned to his friends
at Gloucester. One of his earliest letters, written during his
rustication, was addressed to his friend Wesley, and is too full
of interesting gossip to be omitted. It will also fitly close the
present chapter of Whitefield's history.

"GLOUCESTER, _June 11, 1735_.

"REV. SIR,--I should have taken the freedom of writing to you
ere now, had I imagined you were returned to Oxford, or had my
affairs been in any settled way; but really, sir, I have been so
tossed up and down by variety of company and temptations, that I
scarcely have had time to do anything.

"I suppose my dear friends have acquainted you with the occasion
of my leaving Oxford in so abrupt a manner; and Mr. Hutchin's
letter has sufficiently informed you how I was received at
Gloucester.

"I have been a week at Bristol, and if any poor soul deserved
your pious prayers, surely mine did; for it is impossible to
tell you the dangers to which I was there exposed. But when we
are weak, then are we strong. The Lord was my support, and I
escaped the hands of the enemy. I had no great opportunities
offered me at Bristol of promoting God's glory, any further than
by shewing a good example. For, alas! all my relations seem to
me in a sad tepid state; but I doubt not God will, one day or
another, open their hearts to receive the word of truth.

"My poor mother seems very desirous of withdrawing from the
world, and, I trust, will soon have the means put in her
way to do it. My brother, the innkeeper, has had variety of
misfortunes, but, I fear, they have not met with their intended
effect. However, I hope, if I can get him to use prayer, he will
soon grow better. The captain of the ship[32] seems to be in too
great a hurry to attend to religion; but he has a desire for
reading Mr. Law, which I hope will be sanctified to him.

[32] Whitefield's brother James.

"But though my relations are in this condition, I find my
other friends are not. They all vastly solicit me to pay them
visits, so that, in a short time, I trust we shall have a
Religious Society. I have gotten three clergymen at Gloucester;
all I hope capable of being worked upon. I was also sent for
by the gentleman's brother where I lodge, who is minister
of Stonehouse,[33] in a very pressing manner; and I trust
our meeting will be sanctified. My dear friend, who used to
correspond with me at Oxford,[34] seems now to perceive some
pangs of the new birth. His greatest struggle is to leave the
world. I believe he will soon get over it. We have the whole
house to ourselves. I find he has done what he could, and seems
desirous of doing more. He earnestly desires your prayers. Last
night, one Mr. Escott, a clergyman, came to see me, and we spent
the evening in religious conversation, and hope ere long to have
set nights for our meetings. Be pleased to advise me what I had
best recommend for our reading. I was thinking to take Burkitt
on the New Testament.

[33] The Rev. Sampson Harris, thirty-five years vicar of the
parish, and who died in 1763.

[34] Gabriel Harris.

"The Scriptures are now my sole study; but I am in great want
of your advice, sir, how to prosecute them, intending to read
them as practicably as possible. What do you think of Patrick
on the Proverbs? I trust God has opened a door for me, to be an
instrument of propagating the Gospel at Swansea, in Wales. The
particulars you shall hear hereafter. I want sadly some more
religious books, and a set of your 'Prayers.' Be so good, sir,
as to let me have them, with a letter, next coach.

"I have not time to write to my dear brethren as I would; but
if Mr. Broughton, Mr. Salmon, etc., would send me a line, they
cannot imagine what service they might do. If one of them would
enlarge a little on the vanity of worldly pleasures, who knows
how God may work by them? I have a great deal more to say, but
must refer it to another opportunity. Give me leave, sir, only
to send my due respects to all my brethren, and, with my earnest
petition for their importunate prayers, to subscribe myself,

"Rev. Sir, your very humble servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[35]

[35] _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 440.

_WHITEFIELD ORDAINED._

MAY 1735 TO JUNE 1736.

Whitefield left Pembroke College, Oxford, at the end of May,
1735, and returned to it in the month of March, 1736. The history
of this long interval shall be given in his own words, from the
Autobiography first published in 1740, and revised and re-issued in
1756. He writes:

"As fast as I got strength after my sickness, my tutor, physician,
and some others were still urging me to go into the country,
hoping thereby to divert me, as they thought, from a too intense
application to religion.[36] [I had for some time been aware of
their design, and wrote letters beseeching my mother, if she valued
my soul, not to lay her commands on me to come down. She was pleased
to leave me to my choice; but,] finding at last it was necessary for
my health, and many other providential circumstances pointing out my
way, after earnest prayer for support, by the advice of my friends,
I left my sweet retirement at Oxford, and went to Gloucester, the
place of my nativity.

[36] As heretofore, the passages which Whitefield omitted in the
edition of 1756 are enclosed in brackets.

["Having now obtained mercy from God, and received the Spirit of
adoption in my heart, my friends were surprised to see me look
and behave so cheerfully, after the many reports they had heard
concerning me. However, I soon found myself to be as a sheep sent
forth amongst wolves in sheep's clothing; for they immediately
endeavoured to dissuade me, as they had lately done a friend that
began with me, from a constant use of the means of grace, especially
from weekly abstinence, and receiving the blessed sacrament. But God
enabled me to resist them steadfast in the faith; and, by keeping
close to Him in His holy ordinances, I was made to triumph over all.

"Being unaccustomed for some time to live without spiritual
companions, and finding none that would join heartily with me,--no,
not one,--I watched unto prayer all the day long, beseeching God to
raise me some religious associates in His own way and time.]

"'I will endeavour either to find or make a friend,' had been my
resolution now for some time; and therefore,[37] after importunate
prayer one day, I resolved to go to the house of one Mrs. W----,
to whom I had formerly read Plays, Spectators, Pope's Homer, and
such-like [trifling] books--hoping the alteration she would now
find in my sentiments might, under God, influence her soul. [God
was pleased to bless the visit with the desired effect.] She
received the word gladly. [She wanted to be taught the way of God
more perfectly,] and soon became a fool for Christ's sake. Not long
after, God made me instrumental to awaken several[38] young persons,
who soon formed themselves into a little Society, and had quickly
the honour of being despised at Gloucester, as we had been before
them at Oxford. Thus, _all_ that will live godly in Christ Jesus
must suffer persecution.

[37] "Immediately upon my coming down."--Edit. 1756.

[38] "More."--_Ibid._

"My mind being now more open and enlarged, I began to read the Holy
Scriptures upon my knees, laying aside all other books, and praying
over, if possible, every line and word. This proved meat indeed,
and drink indeed, to my soul. I daily received fresh life, light,
and power from above. [I got more true knowledge from reading the
book of God in one month, than I could _ever_ have acquired from
_all_ the writings of men. In one word,] I found it profitable for
reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, every way
sufficient to make the man of God perfect, thoroughly furnished unto
every good word and work.

"During my absence from Oxford I spent three weeks at Bristol,
whither I went to see some relations, but could not do them much
good, because of the prejudices they had conceived against me.
However, I daily walked with God, and, going to visit[39] an aunt
then in an almshouse there, God brought in my way a young woman who
was hungering and thirsting after righteousness. She received the
word into an honest and good heart, and since has proved a true
follower of Jesus Christ. [So gracious was the Lord, even in these
my very early days, not to leave Himself without witness, in that
He _thus_ vouchsafed to bless my poor endeavours in _every_ place
whereto His providence now sent me.]

[39] "A relation, then in one of the almshouses."--_Ibid._

"According to His abundant mercy, He also raised me up some temporal
supplies. [For some considerable time, I had followed the example
of Professor Frank, and, whenever I wanted any worldly assistance,
pleaded the Scripture promises for the things of this life, as well
as that which is to come, in the name of Jesus Christ. This is
still my practice, and I never yet failed of success. When I came
from Oxford, on account of my sickness and other extraordinary and
unavoidable expenses, I owed, I think, about £12 or £13; and when I
went to Bristol, I was so poor that I was obliged to borrow money of
my kind hostess, Mrs. H----, with whom I lodged at Gloucester,--and
whose husband and family I pray God eternally to bless,--to bear my
charges on the road. This, I bless God, did not dishearten me; but
I continued pleading the promises in the name of Christ; and, soon
after my coming to Bristol, I received an answer. For, a brother of
mine coming from sea, God inclined him to give me four guineas and
some other necessaries. And when I returned to Gloucester, as I did
after I had continued a short time at Bristol,] those I expected
should assist me did not; but persons I never spoke to, and who, I
thought, were my enemies, were raised up to supply my wants, and
[40] fulfil that promise which I always pleaded, 'Seek first the
kingdom of God and His righteousness, and all these things shall be
added unto you.'

[40] "Thereby helped to."--Edit. 1756.

["Oh, what sweet communion had I daily vouchsafed with God in
prayer after my coming again to Gloucester! How often have I been
carried out beyond myself when sweetly meditating in the fields! How
assuredly have I felt that Christ dwelt in me, and I in Him! and how
did I daily walk in the comforts of the Holy Ghost, and was edified
and refreshed in the multitude of peace! Not that I was always upon
the mount; sometimes a cloud would overshadow me; but the Sun of
righteousness quickly arose and dispelled it, and I knew it was
Jesus Christ that revealed Himself to my soul.

"I always observed, as my inward strength increased, so my outward
sphere of action increased proportionably.] In a short time,
therefore, I began to read to some poor people twice or thrice a
week. [I likewise visited two other little Societies besides my own;
and almost every day, both then and since, have found the benefit
of being tempted myself, because that alone taught me how to give
proper advice to those that came to me when tempted.

"Occasionally, as business and opportunity permitted, I generally
visited one or two sick persons every day; and though silver
and gold I had little of my own, yet, in imitation of my Lord's
disciples, who entreated in the behalf of the fainting multitude, I
used to pray unto Him, and He, from time to time, inclined several
that were rich in this world to give me money, so that I generally
had a little stock for the poor always in my hand.] One of the poor
whom I visited in this manner was called effectually by God as at
the eleventh hour. She was a woman above threescore years old, and,
I really believe, died in the true faith of Jesus Christ.

["About this time God was pleased to enlighten my soul, and bring
me into the knowledge of His free grace, and the necessity of
being justified in His sight by faith _only_.[41] This was more
extraordinary, because my friends at Oxford had rather inclined to
the mystic divinity; and one of them, a dear servant of the Lord,
lately confessed he did not like me so well at Oxford as the rest of
his brethren, because I held justification by faith _only_. And yet,
he observed, I had most success. But, blessed be God! most of us
have now been taught this doctrine of Christ, and, I hope, shall be
willing to die in the defence of it. It is the good old doctrine of
the Church of England. It is what the holy martyrs in Queen Mary's
time sealed with their blood, and which I pray God, if need be, that
I and my brethren may seal with ours.

[41] What is meant by this? According to Whitefield's own statement,
he had, some time before, at Oxford, been regenerated by the grace
of the Holy Ghost,--a blessing which is always connected with
justification, or the forgiveness of sins. Both are received at the
same moment, and both by the simple exercise of faith, or trust in
Christ. The only interpretation to be given to what Whitefield here
relates is, that he now, at Gloucester, was made _more thoroughly
to understand_ the great Scripture doctrine of justification by
faith only. The books from which he obtained this added light are
immediately specified.

"Burkitt's and Henry's Expositions were of admirable use to lead me
into this and all other gospel truths. For many months have I been
almost always upon my knees, to study and pray over these books.
The Holy Spirit, from time to time, has led me into a knowledge of
Divine things, and I have been directed, by watching and reading the
Scripture in this manner, even in the minutest of circumstances, as
plainly as the Jews were, when consulting the Urim and Thummim at
the high priest's breast.

"Allein's 'Alarm,' Baxter's 'Call to the Unconverted,' and Janeway's
'Life,' which I read at leisure hours, much benefited me. I bless
God, the partition wall of bigotry and sect-religion was soon broken
down in my heart; for, as soon as the love of God was shed abroad in
my soul, I loved all, of whatever denomination, that loved the Lord
Jesus in sincerity of heart.

"During my stay here,] God enabled me to give a public testimony
of my repentance as to seeing and acting plays. For, hearing the
strollers were coming to town, and knowing what an egregious
offender I had been,[42] [I wrestled with God in prayer to put me
in a way to manifest my abhorrence of my former sin and folly.
In answer to this, I was stirred up to extract][43] Mr. Law's
excellent treatise, entitled 'The Absolute Unlawfulness of the Stage
Entertainments.' [God gave me favour in the printer's sight; and, at
my request, he put a little of it in the _News_][44] for six weeks
successively, and God was pleased to give it His blessing.

[42] "That way."--Edit. 1756.

[43] "I extracted."--_Ibid._

[44] "This was put into the _Gloucester Journal_."--Ibid.

["Having been absent for about six months from the University, I
thought it time to think of returning thither; but, before I came to
a resolution, was convinced of the contrary.

"At my first coming to Gloucester, being used to visit the prisoners
at Oxford, I prayed most earnestly that God would open a door for me
to visit the prisoners here also. Quickly after, I dreamed that one
of the prisoners came to be instructed by me; and it was impressed
much upon my heart. In the morning I went to the door of the county
gaol. I knocked, but nobody came to open it. I thought the hour was
not yet come. I waited still upon God in prayer, and in some months
after came a letter from a friend at Oxford, desiring me to go to
one Pebworth, who was broken out of Oxford gaol, and was retaken
at Gloucester.[45] As soon as I read this letter, it appeared to me
that my prayer was now answered. Immediately I went to the prison,
assuredly gathering that the Lord called me thither. I met with the
person, and, finding him and some others willing to hear the word
of God, and having gained leave of the keeper and two ordinaries, I
constantly read to and prayed with them every day I was in town. I
also begged money for them, whereby I was enabled to release some of
them, and cause provisions to be distributed weekly amongst them,
as also to put such books into their hands as I judged most proper.
I cannot say any one of the prisoners was effectually wrought upon;
however, much evil was prevented, many were convinced, and my own
soul was much edified and strengthened in the love of God and man.

[45] This escaped prisoner is referred to in the following
letter, written at the time to Wesley, in Georgia:--

"REV. SIR,--At length, I have an opportunity of writing to my
spiritual father in Christ. I must first acquaint you that I am
not yet returned to Oxford. God hath opened to me a door into
our Castle. The manner of it was a little surprising. A youth
broke out of Oxford prison, under strong convictions of sin,
and was apprehended here again. Mr. Broughton heard of it, and
bid me visit him. I went, and so have continued reading to the
prisoners ever since.

"God has been pleased, in some measure, to succeed my labours
here; and I hope, in time, we shall have a set of _altogether
Christians_. The Holy Spirit seems to be moving on the hearts of
some young ladies. One I observed quickened in an instant, who
immediately set out for Carmarthen, and, I believe, continues
steadfast amidst a world of temptations. Here are others, also,
that seem to have some pangs of the new birth. A young country
lad came to me the other day, and brought me a peck of apples,
seven miles, on his back, as a token of gratitude for benefits
received, under God, by my hands. He has such a sense of the
Divine Presence, that he walks, for the most part, with his hat
off.

"The devil, I find, has a particular spite against weekly
communion; yet I am in hopes we shall have the sacrament
administered every Sunday at the cathedral. It would have been
mentioned to the bishop before now, but Oxford friends advised
to defer it till next summer.

"But now I have mentioned the bishop: alas! how should I tremble
to tell you how I have been continually disturbed with thoughts
that I, a worm, taken from a common public-house, should, ere
I die, be one myself! If you remember, sir, in my greatest
affliction last Lent, it was told me I should be a bishop, and
therefore must be poor in spirit. That thought came home upon
me with so much force, and so many circumstances have since
occurred to favour the temptation, that I knew not what to do.
I communicated it to Mr. Broughton, and, thanks be to God, it
is somewhat abated. O heavenly Father! for Thy dear Son's sake,
keep me from climbing. Let me hate preferment! For Thy infinite
mercies' sake, let me love a low, contemptible life; and never
think to compound matters between the happiness of this world
and the next!

"My friends here are for drawing me into orders; but I trust God
will still provide for me without it. I know I am not qualified,
and, therefore, by the help of the Lord Jesus, I will not comply.

"I hope all our friends continue steadfast and zealous at
Oxford. I have been with Madam Grenville" (query, Mary
Granville, afterwards the celebrated Mrs. Delany), "who seems to
be a Christian indeed. My love, rev. sir, to the young merchant,
whose example I hope we shall all be enabled to follow, if God
requires our assistance in Georgia. Mr. Charles and Mr. Ingham,
I hope, will accept the same from my unworthy hands.

"Your very humble servant and son in Christ Jesus,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."*

* _Methodist Magazine_, 1798, p. 359.

"Thus employed, I continued in my own city three months
longer--despised indeed by man, but highly blessed by the grace
of God. My understanding was enlightened, my will broken, and my
affections more and more enlivened with a zeal for Christ. Many
such, I believe, were added to our little Society as shall be saved.
Fresh supplies came from unexpected hands to defray my expenses at
the University; and, at the end of nine months, I returned thither,
to the natural joy and comfort of my friends, till I was called into
holy orders--the particular circumstances of which I shall relate in
the following section.

"From the time I first entered the University, especially from the
time I knew what was true and undefiled Christianity, I entertained
high thoughts of the importance of the ministerial office, and was
not solicitous what place should be prepared for me, but how I
should be prepared for a place.][46] That saying of the apostle,
'Not a novice, lest being puffed up with pride, he fall into the
condemnation of the devil;' and that first question of our excellent
ordination office, 'Do you trust that you are _inwardly_ moved by
the Holy Ghost to take upon you this office and administration?'
used even to make me tremble whenever I thought of entering into
the ministry. [The shyness that Moses and some other prophets
expressed, when God sent them out in a public capacity, I thought,
was sufficient to teach me not to run till I was called. He who
knoweth the hearts of men is witness that I never prayed more
earnestly against anything than I did against entering into the
service of the Church _so soon_. Oftentimes I have been in an agony
of prayer, when under convictions of my insufficiency for so great a
work.] With strong crying and tears, I have often said, 'Lord, I am
a youth of uncircumcised lips! Lord, send me not into Thy vineyard
yet!' [And sometimes I had reason to think God was angry with me for
resisting His will. However, I was resolved to pray _thus_, as long
as I could. If God did not grant my request by keeping me out of it,
I knew His grace would be sufficient to support and strengthen me
whenever He sent me into the ministry.]

[46] "Being now about twenty-one years of age, some began to enquire
when I was to take orders; but--" Edit. 1756.

"To my prayers I added my endeavours, and wrote letters to my
friends at Oxford, beseeching them to pray to God to disappoint the
designs of my country friends, who were for my taking orders as soon
as possible. Their answer was, 'Pray we the Lord of the harvest to
send thee and many more labourers into His harvest.' [Another old
and worthy minister of Christ,[47] when I wrote to him about the
meaning of the word 'novice,' answered, it meant a novice in grace,
not in years; and he was pleased to add, if St. Paul were then at
Gloucester, he believed St. Paul would ordain me.] All this did not
satisfy me. I still continued instant in prayer against going into
holy orders, and was not thoroughly convinced it was the Divine
will, till God, by His providence, brought me acquainted with the
present Bishop of Gloucester.[48]

[47] This was probably the Rev. Thomas Cole, born in Gloucester,
in the year 1679, and educated for the ministry in the Independent
Academy at Abergavenny. In 1718, he became the pastor of an
Independent Church in his native city. When Whitefield was a
pupil in St. Mary de Crypt School, he used frequently to attend
Mr. Cole's ministry; and often diverted his schoolfellows by a
ridiculous relation of some of the good man's pious anecdotes. On a
schoolfellow admonishing him, and saying, "George, one day you may
be a preacher yourself," the youngster replied, "If I am, I will not
tell stories as old Cole does." A few years after this, Whitefield
preached in Cole's pulpit, and used several anecdotes to illustrate
the subject of his discourse. When the service was concluded, Mr.
Cole, good-humouredly, laid his hand on Whitefield's shoulder, and
said, "I find Whitefield can tell stories as well as old Cole."
Stimulated by Whitefield's example, Mr. Cole became a sort of
local itinerant, and, in the villages round about Gloucester, and
frequently out of doors, preached three or four times every week. He
was seized by death, whilst preaching at Nymphsfield, on August 4,
1742, and entered into the joy of his Lord in the sixty-fourth year
of his age.--_Theological Magazine_, 1803, p. 461.

[48] "Dr. Benson, the late worthy Bishop of Gloucester."--Edit. 1756.

["Before I conversed with his lordship, God was pleased to give me
previous notice of it. Long ere I had the least prospect of being
called before the bishop, I dreamed, one night, I was talking with
him in his palace, and that he gave me some gold, which seemed to
sound again in my hand. Afterwards, this dream would often come
into my mind; and whenever I saw the bishop at church, a strong
persuasion would arise in my mind that I should very shortly go to
him. I always checked it, and prayed to God to preserve me from ever
desiring that honour which cometh of man. One afternoon it happened
that the bishop took a solitary walk, as I was told afterwards,
to Lady Selwyn's, near Gloucester, who, not long before, had made
me a present of a piece of gold. She, I found, recommended me to
the bishop]; and, a few days after,[49] as I was coming from the
cathedral prayers [thinking of no such thing], one of the vergers
called after me, and said the bishop desired to speak with me. I
[forgetful at that time of my dream] immediately turned back,[50]
considering within myself what I had done to deserve his lordship's
displeasure. [51]When I came to the top of the palace stairs, the
bishop took me by the hand, told me he was glad to see me, and bid
me wait a little till he had put off his habit, and he would return
to me again. [This gave me an opportunity of praying to God for His
assistance, and adoring Him for His providence over me.]

[49] "One afternoon as I was coming from the cathedral prayers, one
of the vergers was sent to inform me that his lordship desired to
speak with me."--Edit. 1756.

[50] "And imagining it was to chide me, I began to consider."--Edit.
1756.

[51] "But to my great surprise."--Edit. 1756.

"At his coming [again] into the room, the bishop told me he had
heard of my character, liked my behaviour at church, and, enquiring
my age, said, 'Notwithstanding I have declared I would not ordain
any one under three and twenty, yet I shall think it my duty to
ordain you whenever you come for holy orders.' [He then made me a
present of five guineas to buy me a book, which, sounding again in
my hand, put me in mind of my dream; whereupon my heart was filled
with a sense of God's love.]

"Before I came home, this news[52] had reached my friends; who,
being fond of my having such a great man's favour, were very
solicitous to know the event of my visit. Many things I hid from
them; but, when they pressed me hard, I was obliged to tell them how
the bishop, of his own accord, had offered to give me holy orders
whenever I would; on which they, knowing how I had depended on the
declaration his lordship had made some time ago, that he would
ordain none under three and twenty, said,--and I began to think
myself,--'That if I held out any longer I should fight against God.'
At length, I came to a resolution, by God's leave, to offer myself
for holy orders the next Ember days.

[52] "Of the bishop's sending for me."--Edit. 1756.

"The only thing now in dispute was into what part of my Lord's
vineyard I should be sent to labour first. God had given me much
success in Gloucester; and, my friends being desirous of having me
near them, I had thoughts of settling among them. But, when I came
to Oxford, my friends there urged several reasons for my continuing
at the University. 'The Mr. Wesleys had not long gone abroad, and
now no one was left to take care of the prison affairs,' etc. They
further urged, 'That God had blessed my endeavours _there_, as well
as at Gloucester; that the University was the fountain-head; that
every gownsman's name was legion; and that if I should be made
instrumental of converting one of _them_, it would be as much as
converting a whole parish.' At the same time, unknown to me, some
of them sent to that great and good man, the late Sir John Philips,
who was a great encourager of the Oxford Methodists;[53] and, though
he had never seen, but only heard of me, yet he sent word he would
allow me £30 a year, if I would continue at the University. Upon
this, finding the care of the prisoners would be no more than, under
God, I could undertake with pleasure, and knowing the University was
the best place to prosecute my studies, I resolved, God willing,
to wait at Oxford a blessing on the firstfruits of my ministerial
labours.

[53] This was in the month of March, 1736, immediately after
Whitefield's return to Oxford (Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 13).
Charles Wesley, on his return from Georgia, writes:--1736, December
6. I waited upon good old Sir John Philips, who received me as one
alive from the dead. Here I heard a most blessed account of our
friends at Oxford; their increase both in zeal and number" (C.
Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 56). Sir Thomas Philips was one of
the first members of the Society in Fetter Lane ("Life and Times of
Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 77). He died a few weeks after
Charles Wesley saw him. Hence, the following from the _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for 1737, p. 60:--Died, January 5, 1737, Sir John Philips,
Bart., of Picton Castle, Pembrokeshire; uncle to Sir Robert
Walpole's lady. He served in several Parliaments for Pembroke and
Haverfordwest'; was one of the commissioners for building the fifty
new churches; and one of the Society for the Reformation of Manners."

"In the meanwhile, having before made some observations upon the
thirty-nine Articles, and proved them by Scripture,[54] I strictly
examined myself by the qualifications required for a minister in
St. Paul's Epistle to Timothy, and also by every question that I
knew was to be publicly put to me at the time of my ordination. This
latter I drew out in writing at large, and sealed my approbation of
it every Sunday at the blessed sacrament. At length, Trinity Sunday
being near at hand, and having my testimonials from the college, I
went, a fortnight beforehand, to Gloucester, intending to compose
some sermons, and to give myself more particularly to prayer.

[54] "At least to my own satisfaction."--Edit. 1757.

["But God's thoughts are not as our thoughts. When I came to
Gloucester, notwithstanding I strove and prayed for several days,
and had matter enough in my heart, yet I was so restrained that
I could not compose anything at all. I mentioned my case to one
clergyman. He said, 'I was an enthusiast.' I wrote to another who
was experienced in the divine life. He gave me some reasons why
God might deal with me in that manner, and withal promised me his
prayers. I joined with him in importunate supplication to know
whether this restraint was from God or not. At last, in reading Mr.
Henry upon the Acts of the Apostles, this passage was much pressed
upon my heart, 'We assayed to go into Bithynia, but the Spirit
suffered us not.' Looking a little farther, I found a quotation out
of Ezekiel, wherein God said to that young prophet, just after He
had given him a divine and public commission, 'Thou shalt be dumb;
but when I speak unto thee, then thou shalt speak.' This made me
quite easy. The remainder of the fortnight I spent in reading the
several missions of the prophets and apostles, and wrestled with God
to give me grace to follow their good examples.]

"About three days before the time appointed for ordination, the
bishop came to town. The next evening, I sent his lordship an
abstract of my private examination upon these two questions: 'Do you
trust that you are inwardly moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon
you this office and administration?' And, 'Are you called according
to the will of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the laws of this realm?'
The next morning, I waited on the bishop. He received me with much
love, telling me 'he was glad I was come; that he was satisfied with
the preparation I had made, and with the allowance given me by Sir
John Philips. I had myself,' said he, 'made provision for you of two
little parishes; but since you choose to be at Oxford, I am very
well pleased. [I doubt not but you will do much good.'] Upon this,
I took my leave, abashed with God's goodness to such a wretch, but
withal exceedingly rejoiced that, in every circumstance, He made my
way into the ministry so very plain before my face.

"This, I think, was on Friday. The day following I continued in
abstinence and prayer. In the evening, I retired to a hill near the
town, and prayed fervently for about two hours, in behalf of myself
and those that were to be ordained with me.

"On Sunday morning, I rose early, and prayed over St. Paul's Epistle
to Timothy, and more particularly over that precept, 'Let no one
despise thy youth.' [When I went up to the altar, I could think of
nothing but Samuel's standing a little child before the Lord with
a linen ephod.] When the bishop laid his hands upon my head,[55]
[my heart was melted down, and] I offered up my whole spirit, soul,
and body to the service of God's sanctuary. I read the Gospel, at
the bishop's command, with power, and afterward sealed the good
confession I had made before many witnesses, by partaking of the
holy sacrament of our Lord's most blessed body and blood.

[55] "If my vile heart doth not deceive me."--Edit. 1756.

["Being restrained from writing, as was before observed, I could not
preach in the afternoon, though much solicited thereto; but I read
prayers to the poor prisoners, being willing to let the first act of
my ministerial office be an act of charity.

"The next morning, waiting upon God in prayer to know what He would
have me to do, these words, 'Speak out, Paul,' came with great power
to my soul. Immediately my heart was enlarged. God spake to me by
His Spirit, and I was no longer dumb. I finished a sermon I had in
hand some time before. I began another; and preached the Sunday
following to a very crowded audience, with as much freedom as though
I had been a preacher for some years.

"Oh, the unspeakable benefit of reading to the poor, and exercising
our talents while students at the University! Such previous acts
are very proper to prepare us for the work of our Lord, and make us
not unapt to teach in a more public manner. It is remarkable that
our Lord sent out His Apostles on short missions before they were
so solemnly authorized at the day of Pentecost. Would the Heads
and Tutors of our Universities follow His example, and, instead
of discouraging their pupils from doing anything of this nature,
send them to visit the sick and prisoners, and to pray with, and
read practical books of religion to the poor, they would find such
exercises of more service to them, and to the Church of God, than
all their private and public lectures put together.

"Thus God dealt with my soul. At the same time, by His gracious
providence, He supplied me with all things needful for my body
also. For He inclined the bishop's heart to give me five guineas
more; and, by this time, a quarter's allowance was due to me from
Sir John Philips; both which sums put together fully served to
defray the expenses of my ordination, and of taking up my bachelor's
degree, which was conferred on me at Oxford the week after my being
ordained, when I was about one and twenty years of age.

"These changes from a servitor to a Bachelor of Arts--from a common
drawer to a clergyman--were no doubt temptations to think more
highly of myself than I ought to think; and some were therefore
jealous over me, as I trust they always will be, with a godly
jealousy. God, who is rich in mercy, thereby forewarned me of my
danger, stirred up my heart to pray against spiritual pride, and
kept me, as I hope He will to the end, in some measure always
humbled before Him.

"Thus did God, by a variety of unseen acts of providence and grace,
train me up for, and at length introduce me into, the service of His
Church."]

Here ends all that is _biographical_ in Whitefield's "Short Account
of God's Dealings with him from his Infancy to the time of his
entering into Holy Orders." The pamphlet concludes with an address
to the reader, and with Addison's hymn, beginning--

"When all Thy mercies, O my God."

What ought to be said respecting this remarkable publication? At the
time, it was pre-eminently remarkable, much more so than it would
have been a hundred years afterwards. The world was not accustomed
to such pious outpourings. It might have passed muster among
Cromwell's Roundheads; and in the present age it would probably
have died a silent death, no one either brandishing the scalping
knife of the censorious critic, or dropping the tear of a loving
lamenter upon its tomb. A hundred and thirty years ago the state
of things was widely different to the circumstances now existing.
Then religion was ridiculed rather than revered. Rare were the
pious biographies committed to the press. It was almost--perhaps an
absolutely--unheard-of thing for a man to publish his own religious
experience. At all events, never before had a young clergyman of
the Church of England, only twenty-five years of age, perpetrated
an act like this. Bishops, priests, deacons, and literati of
all descriptions were unpleasantly surprised; many were almost
savagely indignant. Who was the piously pert neophyte writing in
a strain like this? How should his publication be treated? Would
it be best to be silently contemptuous? That was impossible; for
the writer, though so young, had become one of the most notorious
men in England. Would it be wise to review it out of existence by
philosophical and sober disquisitions on its mysterious expressions,
its general style, and its startling statements? Nay, this would
be _infra dignitatem_. The only way remaining was to treat the book
with disdainful ridicule, and its youthful author with the sarcastic
severity merited by a vain, conceited, bouncing enthusiast, whose
religion had made him mad.

This was the kind of treatment young Whitefield had to meet. Did he
deserve it? Answers to this question will be different, according
to the standpoints occupied. The man of the world will say "Yes."
The response of the educated, fastidious religionist will, perhaps,
be to the same effect--quite as firm, though not so loud. Men who
experience and practise the same religion Whitefield did, will
yield a general approval, but object to particular statements and
expressions.

This, substantially, was done by Whitefield himself, when,
sixteen years afterwards, he published his revised edition. As
already stated, in the preface of 1756, he distinctly declares
that many mistakes have been rectified, and many passages, justly
exceptionable, erased. In the foot notes, the reader has seen the
rectifications; and, in the passages which are bracketed, he has
seen the erasures. There can be no question that the sentences
and paragraphs omitted were faults. Whitefield was simple-minded,
humble, and ingenuous; but, in order to magnify the grace of God,
he sometimes furnished the censorious critic with an opportunity
to pronounce him vain, conceited, self-glorious, proud of prayer
and piety. Such a judgment, however, would be unjust. Whitefield's
autobiography has many faults; but they are mental rather
than moral,--the faults of defective training, inexperience,
youthfulness, and impulsive ardour,--rather than of self-conceit and
pride. No man knew Whitefield better than Wesley did, and no man
had a wider acquaintance with human character; and yet Wesley, in
advanced life, perfectly exonerated Whitefield from charges like the
fore-mentioned, and declared, in reference to the very statements
contained in the book now in question, that, "For their artless
and unaffected simplicity, they may vie with any writings of the
kind."[56]

[56] Wesley's Works; vol. vi., p. 163.

_COMMENCEMENT OF MINISTRY._

1736.

Sunday, June 20, 1736, was a grand day to Whitefield. In the
imposing old cathedral, founded by Osric, "sub-regulus" of Ethelred,
King of Mercia--an edifice in which Robert of Gloucester, author
of the rhyming "Chronicle of England," had been a monk; and John
Hooper, the immortal martyr, had been Gloucester's first Protestant
prelate--stood a youth, who, five years before, had been a common
tapster in an adjoining public-house. For three years and a half,
by acting as a servitor, he had almost entirely maintained himself
in Pembroke College, Oxford. His progress in learning had been such
that he was soon to be a Bachelor of Arts. By the unsolicited and
exceptional favour of Bishop Benson, at the early age of a little
more than twenty-one, he now presented himself for admission into
holy orders. Notwithstanding his wickedness as a child, and his
fondness for "playing roguish tricks," he had always wished to be a
clergyman, and had, many a time, amused himself and the companions
of his boyhood by imitating ministers reading prayers. In his
eighteenth year, before he went to Oxford, he had told his mother
that he meant, ere long, to be a preacher; and had been rebuked for
his arrogance by the good woman asking what he meant, and telling
him to hold his tongue. But now the fond mother was, probably,
present, in the fine old church, to witness the consummation of
her George's wish--her heart filled to overflowing with honest
pride and pious gratitude. And there, in all likelihood, was
Gabriel Harris, one of Whitefield's earliest friends; and Robert
Raikes, the manager and printer of the _Gloucester Journal_, one
of Whitefield's warm admirers, and the _reputed_ founder of Sunday
schools; and also not a few of Whitefield's young companions, with
whom, in days not long since past, he had acted theatricals, for the
amusement of the mayor and aldermen of the city, and of the head
master of St. Mary de Crypt's pleasure-loving school. The hour was a
solemn one for the young candidate, but it was also full of joy. He
writes:--

"GLOUCESTER, _June 20, 1736_.

"This is a day much to be remembered; for, about noon, I was
solemnly admitted by good Bishop Benson, before many witnesses,
into holy orders. I endeavoured to behave with unaffected
devotion. I trust I answered every question from the bottom of
my heart. I hope the good of souls will be my only principle of
action. Let come what will--life or death--I shall henceforwards
live like one who this day, in the presence of men and angels,
took the holy sacrament upon the profession of being inwardly
moved by the Holy Ghost to take upon me that ministration in the
Church. This I began with reading prayers to the prisoners in
the county gaol. Whether I myself shall ever have the honour of
styling myself a prisoner of the Lord, I know not; but indeed,
my dear friend, I can call heaven and earth to witness that,
when the bishop laid his hand upon me, I gave myself up to be a
martyr for Him, who hung upon the cross for me. Known unto Him
are all future events and contingencies. I have thrown myself
blindfold, and I trust without reserve, into His almighty hands."

In such a spirit Whitefield entered upon his life-long work. He
coveted the ministry, and yet he seemed to dread it. He was eager
for the fight, but he trembled at being sent before his Master
called him. In one of the last sermons that he preached in England,
on August 30, 1769, he told the crowd, in his London tabernacle, "I
never prayed against any corruption I had in my life, so much as I
did against going into holy orders. I have prayed a thousand times
till the sweat has dropped from my face like rain, that God, of His
infinite mercy, would not let me enter the Church before He called
me. I remember once in Gloucester--I know the room--I look up at
the window when I am there and walk along the street--I know the
bedside, and the floor upon which I prostrated myself, and cried,
'Lord, I cannot go. I shall be puffed up with pride, and fall into
the condemnation of the devil. I am unfit to preach in Thy great
name. Send me not, Lord, send me not yet.'"[57] No wonder that God
honoured the ministry of such a man. He sought no earthly emoluments
or rank. He durst not begin to preach until he was satisfied of a
call from God; but, receiving that, it was no high-sounding boast,
when he declared his readiness, not only to become a prisoner, but a
martyr for his Divine Redeemer.

[57] Eighteen Sermons, by G. Whitefield. Taken in shorthand by
Gurney, p. 445.

Three days after his ordination, he wrote to a friend as follows:--

"GLOUCESTER, _June 23, 1736_.

"Never a poor creature set up with so small a stock. When the
good Bishop Benson announced last year, in his visitation
charge, that he would ordain none under three and twenty, my
heart leaped for joy. I thought I should have time (as my
intention was) to make at least a hundred sermons, with which to
begin my ministry. But so far from this being the case, I have
not a single one, except that which I made for a small Society,
and which I sent to a neighbouring clergyman, to convince him
how unfit I was to take upon me the important work of preaching.
He kept it for a fortnight, and then sent it back with a guinea
for the loan of it, telling me he had divided it into two, and
had preached it morning and evening to his congregation. With
this sermon I intend to begin, God willing, next Sunday, not
doubting but that He, who increased a little lad's loaves and
fishes for the feeding of a great multitude, will, from time to
time, supply me with spiritual food for whatever congregations
He, in His all-wise providence, shall be pleased to call me
to. Help, help me, my dear friend, with your warmest addresses
to the throne of grace. At present, this is the language of my
heart--

"'A guilty, weak, and helpless worm,
Into Thy hands I fall;
Be Thou my strength, my righteousness,
My Jesus, and my all.'

"Oh, cease not to pray for

"Yours, etc.,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To another friend, he wrote, on June 26th, "To-morrow I am to preach
at Crypt, but, believe me, I shall displease some, being determined
to speak against their assemblies. But I must tell them the
truth, or otherwise I shall not be a faithful minister of Christ."
To-morrow came. Whitefield preached his first sermon; and, three
days afterwards, wrote as follows:--

"GLOUCESTER, _June 30, 1736_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND,--Glory! glory! glory be ascribed to an
Almighty, Triune God. Last Sunday, in the afternoon, I preached
my first sermon in the Church of St. Mary de Crypt, where I
was baptized, and also first received the sacrament of the
Lord's Supper. Curiosity, as you may easily guess, drew a
large congregation together. The sight at first a little awed
me; but I was comforted with a heartfelt sense of the Divine
presence, and soon found the unspeakable advantage of having
been accustomed to public speaking when a boy at school, and of
exhorting and teaching the prisoners, and poor people at their
private houses, whilst at the University. By these means, I was
kept from being daunted over-much. As I proceeded, I perceived
the fire kindled, till at last, though so young, and amidst a
crowd who knew me in my childish days, I trust I was enabled to
speak with some degree of gospel authority. A few mocked, but
most for the present seemed struck; and I have since heard that
a complaint has been made to the bishop that I drove fifteen
mad. The worthy prelate, as I am informed, wished that the
madness might not be forgotten before next Sunday."

Thus did the renowned evangelist begin his ministry. Great was
the effect produced. A few mocked; but most of the congregation
displayed profound emotion, and, to use the slang of the young
preacher's enemies, "fifteen were driven mad." Bishop Benson himself
was probably not present; but the next day Whitefield wrote, "Our
good bishop was pleased to give me another present of five guineas,
a great supply for one who had not a guinea in the world."

The reader can easily imagine the scene in the Church of St. Mary de
Crypt, where the usual congregations, as in most other churches at
that period, were far from overflowing. Now there was a crowd--of
whom? old men, who, in years long since past, had been boon
companions of Whitefield's father; aged women, who remembered him
when he was a tiny infant in his mother's arms; topers, not a few,
whom, as a blue-aproned tapster, he had served in the neighbouring
public-house; schoolfellows with whom he had been associated in
many a merry spree; and a mingled multitude who knew him only as
a Gloucester boy, who, by his own exertions, had made himself an
honour to his native town. And what about the preacher? There
he stands, in a position which he had never occupied before, in
diaconal gown and bands, somewhat awed by the multitude before him,
and by a conviction of the responsibility of the office which he was
now assuming; but, at the same time, nerved with fidelity to his
Master, and comforted by a consciousness that God was with him; his
stature above the middle height--slender, and yet well-proportioned;
his manner graceful; his features regular; his complexion fair; his
eyes small, lively, and of a dark-blue colour, one of them with a
squint, occasioned by the measles in his childhood days; his voice
unusual, both in melody and strength, and its fine modulations
accompanied by the exquisite action of an accomplished orator. No
wonder that one of his uneducated hearers said "he preached like a
lion." The comparison was far from perfect. It expressed the force
and vehemence of that oratory which awed his hearers, and made them
tremble like Felix before Paul; but it failed to convey an idea of
the fervent and melting charity, the earnestness of persuasion, and
the outpouring of redundant love, which characterised the preaching
of this youthful evangelist for the next four and thirty years.[58]

[58] See "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. ii. p. 355.

The subject of his first sermon was, "The Necessity and Benefit
of Religious Society;"[59] probably the same sermon he afterwards
preached before the Religious Societies, at one of their quarterly
meetings, in Bow Church, London, and which was immediately
published. "I shall displease some," said Whitefield in a letter
already quoted, "for I am determined to speak against their
_assemblies_." How he fulfilled his determination will be seen by
the following extract from his sermon:--

"I warn you of the great danger those are in, who, either by
their subscriptions, presence, or approbation, promote Societies
of a quite opposite nature to religion. And here I would not be
understood to mean only those public meetings which are designed
manifestly for nothing else but revellings and banquetings,
for chambering and wantonness, and at which a modest _heathen_
would blush to be present; but also those seemingly _innocent_
entertainments and meetings which the _politer_ part of the
world are so very fond of, and spend so much time in; but
which, notwithstanding, keep as many persons out of a sense
of _true religion_ as intemperance, debauchery, or any other
crime whatever. Indeed, whilst we are in this world, we must
have proper relaxations, to fit us both for the business of
our profession and religion. But then, for persons who call
themselves _Christians_, that have solemnly vowed at their
_baptism_, to renounce the _vanities_ of this sinful world, and
that are commanded in Scripture to '_abstain from all appearance
of evil_,' and to have their '_conversation in heaven_,'--for
such persons as these to support meetings that (to say no worse
of them) are vain and trifling, and have a natural tendency to
draw off our minds from God, is absurd, ridiculous, and sinful."

[59] Whitefield's Life and Journals, 1756, p. 24.

This certainly was plain speaking in the first sermon of a young
man only a little more than twenty-one years of age; but it is
exactly what might be expected from an Oxford Methodist; and
something like it is greatly needed, and would be highly useful in
the pulpits of the present day. Would that preachers now had more
of the uncompromising, bold, conscientious fidelity that marked the
young evangelist among his townsmen in the Church of St. Mary de
Crypt, Gloucester! Prophets "prophesy smooth things; and the people
love to have it so." It was otherwise with Whitefield. "I must tell
them the truth," said he to his friend only a few hours before he
preached his first sermon, "I must tell them the truth, or I shall
not be a faithful minister of Christ." From this he never swerved.
To the end of life it was one of his great guiding principles.
It often brought upon him the ridicule of wicked wits, and the
displeasure of many who imagined themselves Christians; but to all
this Whitefield was indifferent. His Master was Christ; and, "to his
own Master," he was determined to stand or fall (Rom. xiv. 4). Not
long before his death, he said, "I remember when I began to speak
against baptismal regeneration--in my first sermon, printed when I
was about twenty-two years old, or a little more--the first quarrel
many had with me was because I did not say that all people who were
baptized were born again. I would as soon believe the doctrine of
transubstantiation. Can I believe that a person who, from the time
of his baptism to the time, perhaps, of his death, never fights
against; the world, the flesh, and the devil, and never minds one
word of what his god-fathers and god-mothers promised for him, is a
real Christian? No, I can as soon believe that a little wafer in the
hands of a priest is the very blood and bones of Jesus Christ."[60]

[60] Eighteen Sermons, by G. Whitefield, 1771, p. 351.

So much then in reference to Whitefield's notable sermon in the
Church of St. Mary de Crypt, on June 27th, 1736,--the first of
upwards of eighteen thousand which he preached before he died.[61]

[61] _Gospel Magazine_, 1776, p. 443.

On June 30th, he returned to Oxford, "where," he says, "I was
received with great joy by my religious friends. For about a week,
I continued in my servitor's habit, and then took my degree of
Bachelor of Arts. My dear and honoured friends, the Reverend Messrs.
John and Charles Wesley, being now for some time embarked for
Georgia, and one or two more having taken orders, the interest of
Methodism, as it was then and is now termed, had visibly declined,
and very few of this reputed mad way were left at the University.
This somewhat discouraged me at times, but the Lord Jesus supported
my soul, and made me easy by giving me a strong conviction that I
was where He would have me to be. I soon found my degree was of
service to me, as it gave me access to those I could not be free
with when in an inferior situation; and, as opportunity offered, I
was enabled to converse with them about the things which belonged
to the kingdom of God. The subscriptions for the poor prisoners,
which amounted to about £40 per annum, were soon put into my hands.
Two or three small charity schools, maintained by the Methodists,
were under my more immediate inspection; which, with the time I
spent in following my studies, private retirement, and religious
converse, sweetly filled up the whole of my day, and kept me from
the too common complaint of having any time hang upon my hands.
The distributing money and books amongst the poor prisoners, and
employing such as could work, I found was of admirable service. For
hereby they were kept from that worst of gaol diseases--idleness;
and were not only convinced that we bore a good will towards
them, but also led them, as it were, under an obligation to hear
the instructions we gave them. This practice was first taken up
by the Messrs. Wesley; and would to God all ordinaries of prisons
would copy their good example! They would deserve well of the
Commonwealth, and if actuated by the love of God, would receive a
glorious reward from Him, who hath said, 'I was sick and in prison,
and ye came unto me.'"[62]

[62] "Further Account of God's Dealings with George Whitefield,
1747," p. 6.

* * * * *

Whitefield was happy--happy in himself, in his associates, in his
work, and in his hope of heaven. A week after his arrival at Oxford,
he wrote:--

"The very idea of what we are to be in glory transports me.
There, there, we shall see the blessed Jesus, whom our souls
have so eagerly thirsted after in this life, surrounded with
glory, and attended with myriads of His holy angels, who will
rejoice at our safe arrival to their holy mansions, and with
repeated echoes will welcome us to heaven. There, there,
we shall not only see, but live with Him, not for a day, a
month, a year, an age, but to all eternity. And who can tell
the pleasure, comfort, peace, joy, delight, and transport a
glorified saint will feel in the possession of his wished-for,
longed-for, ever adorable, ever gracious, blessed, beloved
triune God, and that for ever? Surely the happiness will be so
great, that eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither can the
heart of man conceive the thousandth part thereof."

For a few weeks Whitefield devoted himself to the work of
endeavouring to benefit the prisoners in Oxford gaol; and then wrote
as follows:--

"I began to be more than content in my present state of life,
and had thoughts of abiding at the University, at least for some
years, to finish my studies, and do what good I could amongst
the poor despised Methodists. But, by a series of unforeseen,
unexpected, and unsought-for providences, I was called from
my beloved retirement to take a journey to the Metropolis.
Whilst I was an undergraduate, I was very intimate with one
Mr. Broughton,[63] a professed Methodist, who had lately taken
orders, and was curate at the Tower of London. With him, when
absent, I frequently corresponded; and, when present, we took
sweet counsel together, and walked to the house of God as
friends. Being called down into Hampshire, he wrote me to be
of good courage, and bid me hasten to town to officiate in his
absence. Accordingly, on Wednesday, August 4th, (the prisoners
being provided for by the coming of Mr. Hervey,[64] another
young worthy Methodist, who had lately taken Deacon's Orders,)
with fear and trembling, I obeyed the summons, and went in
the stage coach to London. There being no other passenger, I
employed myself a good part of the way in earnest supplication
to the God of all grace to be my guide and comforter. In the
evening, I reached the Tower, and was kindly received by my dear
friend. The remainder of the week was spent in visiting Sir
John Philips, etc., who were too glad to see me. But God sent
me something to ballast it; for, as I passed along the streets,
many came out of their shops to see so young a person in a gown
and cassock; and one cried out, 'There's a boy parson;' which
served to mortify my pride, and put me also upon turning the
apostolical exhortation into prayer, 'Let no man despise thy
youth.'"[65]

[63] The Rev. Thomas Broughton, afterwards for many years the
secretary of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.

[64] The Rev. James Hervey, afterwards Rector of Weston-Favel, and
author of the well-known "Meditations and Contemplations," etc.

[65] "Further Account of God's Dealings with Mr. George Whitefield,
1747," p. 7.

Whitefield remained two months in London, and preached his first
sermon there, on Sunday, August 8th, in Bishopsgate-street Church.
"As I went up the pulpit stairs," says he, "almost all seemed to
sneer at me on account of my youth; but they soon grew serious and
exceedingly attentive, and, after I came down, shewed me great
tokens of respect, blessed me as I passed along, and made great
enquiry who I was."[66]

[66] _Ibid._, p. 8.

During his residence in the metropolis, Whitefield's work in the
Tower was to read prayers twice a week, catechize and preach once,
and visit the soldiers in the infirmary and barracks daily. But,
besides this, he read prayers every evening at Wapping Chapel, and
preached in Ludgate prison every Tuesday. The chapel in the Tower
was crowded every Sunday, numbers of "religious friends," and
"several young men," coming "from divers parts of London," to hear
him "discourse about the new birth and the necessity of renouncing
all in affection in order to follow Jesus Christ."

When he had been about a month in town, letters came from the
Wesley brothers, and from Ingham, their fellow-labourer in
Georgia. Whitefield's soul was fired, and he longed to join them.
He consulted his friends; but they "all agreed that labourers
were needed at home; that, as yet, he had no visible call to go
abroad; and that it was his duty not to be rash, but to wait and
see what Providence might point out to him." For the time being,
this contented him; and, Mr. Broughton having returned to London,
Whitefield went back to his charge at Oxford.[67]

[67] "Further Account of God's Dealings with George Whitefield,
1747," p. 9.

Meanwhile, he wrote the following characteristic letter to Wesley,
in Georgia, a letter which, though containing several of the facts
already narrated, is too interesting to be omitted or abridged.

"LONDON, _September 2, 1736_.

"VERY DEAR AND REV. SIR,--Being informed by Mr. Hutton that a
ship would soon sail towards your coasts, I thought it would
be unpardonable in me not to write to my spiritual father in
Christ. But what shall I begin with first? How shall I have room
or time to relate to you a thousandth part of those mercies
which God, of His infinite goodness in Christ Jesus, hath
conferred upon me since I wrote last?

"If I mistake not, my last was dated from Gloucester, whence,
after the Lord Jesus had made me an instrument of forming a
Society of some sincere souls, God called me to Oxford again.
From thence, after a stay of three months, I returned to
Gloucester. Directed by Divine Providence, accompanied with the
earnest solicitations of my friends, I entered into holy orders.
O pray, rev. sir, that I may be a faithful minister of Christ.

"You will naturally ask, 'Where hath it pleased God to settle
you?' Hear, rev. sir, and admire the Divine goodness towards the
worst of sinners. My friends had laid a plan, and the Bishop had
united with them, to have me settled in Gloucester. But I made
it my earnest prayer to Almighty God, through Christ, that I
might either not go into orders, or continue at Oxford some time
longer, to fit me for the work of the ministry. God was pleased
to answer this prayer wonderfully; for, upon my return to
Oxford, most of our friends being called away to other parts of
the country, the Lord put it into the heart of our dear friend
Mr. Morgan[68] to inform Sir John Philips of our affairs; who
immediately sent me word that he would allow me £30 a year, if
I would continue at Oxford, and superintend the affairs of the
Methodists. Providence directed me to accept of his kind offer:
accordingly, I preach every Sunday to the prisoners, and follow
your steps as close as possible.

[68] Doubtless, Charles Morgan, one of the Oxford Methodists.

"I am now at London, supplying the place of dear Mr. Broughton,
who is curate at the Tower; he being gone to Dummer, in
Hampshire, to assist dear Mr. Hutchins,[69] who is gone to put
his brother under the care of pious Mr. Clayton.[70]

[69] Another Oxford Methodist, afterwards _Doctor_ Richard
Hutchins, Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford.

[70] The Rev. John Clayton, also an Oxford Methodist, who became
Chaplain and Fellow of the Collegiate Church, Manchester.

"Sir John Philips is very much in our interest, and a blessed
instrument of supplying our wants, and of encouraging us in our
weak endeavours to promote the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ. But few friends are left at Oxford; yet the Lord
hath given me great encouragement out of His holy word, and I
hope that some gownsmen will yet be added to our number. The
greatest opposition comes from the laity at present. Yet, there
is much good done. Our fellow-students are pretty quiet, though
our names stink among them. The Lord make us humble and thankful!

"The stock for the prisoners is put into my hands. The Lord give
me wisdom and grace to distribute it as I ought.

"Farewell, rev. and dear sir. God be with you, and prosper you
in all your undertakings. May you be made a happy instrument of
converting the Gentiles. And, after you have served your blessed
Master the appointed time on earth, may you sit down with Him in
eternal rest and glory in heaven.

"I am, etc.,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[71]

[71] Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 70.

About the beginning of the month of October, 1736, Whitefield
returned to his "poor prisoners" at Oxford. He writes:--

"Oh what a delightful life did I lead here! What communion did I
daily enjoy with God! How sweetly did my hours in private glide
away, in reading and praying over Mr. Henry's Comment upon the
Scriptures! Nor was I alone happy; for several dear youths were
quickened greatly, and met daily at my room to build up each
other in their most holy faith."[72]

[72] "Further Account of God's Dealings with George Whitefield,
1747," p. 9.

Who were the youths in question? They evidently were new converts,
and therefore cannot be included among the Oxford Methodists raised
up prior to Wesley's embarkation for Georgia. Whitefield has left us
in the dark respecting their names and their future life; but is it
not reasonable to infer that, as several of Wesley's friends ran an
illustrious career, so Whitefield's collegiate converts were also
honoured, by the great Head of the Church, in turning men from sin
to holiness, and from the power of Satan unto God? We know something
of the immense results of the influence exerted by Wesley upon young
men at Oxford, but are entirely ignorant of the subsequent history
of those whom Whitefield gathered together after Wesley left
for Georgia. Some of them were poor, and were indebted for their
maintenance, at least in part, to that woman of singular excellence,
the Lady Betty Hastings,[73] sister of the ninth Earl of Huntingdon,
whose remarkable dowager became Whitefield's chief friend and
patroness. Whitefield writes concerning his young associates and
himself:--

"God raised up friends for our temporal support. The late
Honourable Betty Hastings, that elect lady, allowed some of them
two or three small exhibitions. I also partook of her ladyship's
bounty; and a gentleman, whose heart was in an especial manner
knit to me when in London, was stirred up, without being
solicited, to send me not only money for the poor, but also a
sufficiency to discharge debts I had contracted for books before
I took my degree. Upon his recommendation, also, I was chosen
a corresponding member of the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, which I rejoiced in, as it gave me an opportunity of
procuring books at a cheap and easy rate for the poor people."

[73] Mr. Barnard says, "She was a lady of exactest breeding, of fine
intellectual endowments, filled with Divine wisdom, renewed in the
spirit of her mind, fired with the love of her Creator, a friend of
all the world, mortified in soul and body and to everything that is
earthly, and little lower than the angels." ("Historical Character
of Lady Elizabeth Hastings," by Thomas Barnard, M.A., p. 95.) She
died on December 22, 1739, in the fifty-seventh year of her age.
("Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 249.)

Whitefield's life at Oxford was useful and happy. He loved the
place, and was as reluctant to leave it as his friend Wesley had
been twelve months before; and yet his work here was now nearly
ended. Six weeks after his return from London, he again took
his departure, and henceforth lived the life of an evangelistic
wanderer. He writes:--

"About the middle of November" (1736) "I was once more called
from my beloved, though little, scene of action. The Rev.
Mr. Kinchin, now with God,[74] had lately been awakened, and
accordingly resolved to associate with the despised Methodists.
He was then minister of Dummer, in Hampshire; and, being likely
to be chosen Dean of Corpus Christi College, he desired me to
come and officiate for him, till that affair should be decided.
By the advice of friends I went, and he came to supply my place
at Oxford. His parish consisting chiefly of poor and illiterate
people,[75] my proud heart could not well brook it. I would
have given all the world for one of my Oxford friends, and
mourned for lack of them, as a dove that has lost her mate. But
upon giving myself to prayer, and reading Mr. Law's excellent
character of _Ouranius_, in his "Serious Call to a Devout
Life," my mind was reconciled to such conversation as the place
afforded me. Before I came to Dummer, Mr. Kinchin had used his
people, according to the rubric, to have public prayers twice
a day, namely, in the morning, it being winter season, before
it was light; and in the evening after the people returned from
their work. He also catechised the lambs of the flock daily,
and visited from house to house. He loved his people, and was
beloved by them. I prosecuted his plan, and generally divided
the day into three parts--eight hours for study and retirement,
eight hours for sleep and meals, and eight hours for reading
prayers, catechising, and visiting the parish. The profit I
reaped by these exercises, and conversing with the poor country
people, was unspeakable. I frequently learnt as much by an
afternoon's visit as in a week's study."

[74] The Rev. Charles Kinchin died January 4, 1742.

[75] The population of Dummer, even as late as 1801, was only 286.

Whitefield returned to Oxford on June 30, and purposed to spend
"some years" in that sect of learning; but already he had been two
months in London, and was now at Dummer, officiating for his friend
Kinchin. During his six weeks' residence in this small Hampshire
village, two events occurred, one or other of which was likely to
affect the whole of his future life. First, he had the offer of
"a very profitable curacy in London." Had he accepted this, he
probably, instead of becoming one of the illustrious evangelists of
the eighteenth century, would have settled down into an earnest and
useful, but unknown, pastor of a parochial church and congregation.
The offer, to a penniless young parson, was a tempting one; and the
wonder is that it was not eagerly embraced. Whitefield was not only
without means, but was actually in debt. On November 5, just before
he went to Dummer, he wrote to his friend Harris, the Gloucester
bookseller, "Herewith I have sent you £7, to pay for Mr. Henry's
Commentary. Dear Squire Thorold lately made me a present of ten
guineas; so that now (for ever blessed be the Divine goodness!) I
can send you more than I thought I should be able to do. In time I
hope to pay the apothecary's bill." The man was without purse and
scrip; and yet, strangely enough, he declined the offer of the "very
profitable curacy" which had been made to him.

The other event was the return of Charles Wesley from Georgia.
Charles landed in England on December 3; and, on December 22, wrote
in his journal: "I received a letter from Mr. Whitefield, offering
himself to go to Georgia."[76] What happened during this brief
interval of nineteen days? Whitefield shall relate his own story. He
says:--

"About the middle of December, a letter came from Mr. Broughton
informing me that Mr. Charles Wesley was arrived at London.
Soon after came a letter from Mr. Charles himself, wherein he
informed me that he was come over to procure labourers; but,
added he, 'I dare not prevent God's nomination.' In a few days
after this came another letter from Mr. John Wesley, wherein
were these words--'Only Mr. Delamotte is with me, till God
shall stir up the hearts of some of His servants, who, putting
their lives in His hands, shall come over and help us, where
the harvest is so great, and the labourers so few. What if thou
art the man, Mr. Whitefield?' In another letter were these
words--'Do you ask me what you shall have? Food to eat, and
raiment to put on; a house to lay your head in, such as your
Lord had not; and a crown of glory that fadeth not away.' Upon
reading this, my heart leaped within me, and, as it were, echoed
to the call. Many things concurred to make my way clear. Mr.
Kinchin was now elected Dean of Corpus Christi College, and
being thereby obliged to reside at Oxford, he willingly took
upon him the charge of the prisoners. Mr. Hervey was ready to
serve the cure at Dummer. Mr. Wesley was my dear friend, and I
thought it would be a great advantage to be under his tuition.
Georgia was an infant, and likely to be an increasing colony;
and the Government seemed to have its welfare much at heart. I
had heard many Indians were near it, and had thought it a matter
of great importance that serious clergymen should be sent there.
Retirement and privacy were what my soul delighted in. A voyage
to sea would, in all probability, not do my constitution much
hurt; nay, I had heard that the sea was sometimes beneficial to
weakly people. And supposing the worst, as I must necessarily
return to take priests' orders, it would then be left to my
choice whether I would fix in my native country or go abroad
any more. These things being thoroughly weighed, I at length
resolved to embark for Georgia; and knowing that I should never
put my resolution into practice, if I conferred with flesh and
blood, I wrote to my relations to inform them of my design,
and withal told them, 'if they would promise not to dissuade
me from my intended voyage, I would come and take a personal
leave of them; if otherwise, knowing my own weakness, I was
determined to embark without visiting them at all.' A few days
after, Mr. Kinchin came to Dummer, and introduced Mr. Hervey
into the cure. They gave me some friendly counsel; and, having
spent the beginning of Christmas sweetly together, and taken an
affectionate leave of the Dummer people, I returned once more to
Oxford, to bid adieu to my friends, who were as dear to me as
my own soul. My resolution at first a little shocked them; but
having reason to think, from my relation of circumstances, that
I had a call from Providence, most of them said, '_The will of
the Lord be done!_'"[77]

[76] See C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 59.

[77] "Further Account of God's Dealings with George Whitefield,
1747," p. 12.

The Rubicon was passed. Young Whitefield, at the age of twenty-two,
resolved to be a missionary. In the quietude of a small country
village, he had time to think and to pray about such a calling.
Fortunately, there were no friends at hand, with more affection than
self-denying zeal, ready to interfere with the yearnings of his big
heart of mercy, and to set aside his purpose. True, he had only six
months before resolved to live "some years" at Oxford, to complete
his studies, and to tend his prisoners; but Wesley's characteristic
letter had set his soul on fire, and now he was determined to join
his friend in Georgia.

To Whitefield, the year (1736) had been a most eventful one. The
first three months were spent in Gloucester, partly in forming and
establishing a religious Society; partly in visiting the inmates
of the county gaol; partly in reading authors like Burkitt, Henry,
Baxter, and Alleine; and, to a great extent, in public and private
prayer. There was no prospect of his being admitted into orders,
for he was only twenty-one, and the bishop had publicly declared
that he would ordain no one under twenty-three. Indeed, Whitefield
himself shrank from immediate ordination, and prayed with all his
might against it. In the month of March, he returned to Oxford,
where his friends made him Wesley's successor in the unendowed
chaplaincy of Oxford prison, and where, to his great surprise,
he received from Sir John Philips the offer of a gratuity of £30
a year. In June, he was ordained by Bishop Benson. In July, his
University made him a Bachelor of Arts. In August and September,
the "Boy-Parson" was employed in preaching in London churches and
in London prisons, and with such success that people from all parts
of the vast city began to flock together to hear him. In November,
the youthful preacher, who, to some extent, had startled London,
became the temporary pastor of a pigmy parish of less than three
hundred souls; and here, in the retirement he loved so much, he
suddenly, but not without thought and prayer, determined that he
would embark for Georgia. As soon as possible he hastened back to
Oxford; his collegiate friends, at first, were "a little shocked,"
but afterwards acquiesced; and he himself wrote to Charles Wesley
the following letter--a letter which will fitly close the present
chapter:--

"OXON, _December 30, 1736_.

"DEAREST SIR,--Last night I returned from a weeping flock
at Dummer, and met with a grateful, sweet reception from my
Oxon friends. But, alas! how transient are our visits in this
life! for to-morrow I purpose, God willing, to set out for
Gloucester; or otherwise I shall hardly see the bishop, who, I
hope, will contribute something towards assisting the Americans.
Add to this, that friends promise not to dissuade me from my
enterprise; and I have a brother, I believe, now there, that
comes on purpose to see me; so that all here bid me hasten away.
O may such speedy removes teach me to be every moment ready at
my blessed Master's call; and remind me that I have here no
continuing city, but seek one to come!

"I have great reason to bless God for sending me to Dummer. It
has, I think, been an excellent preparation for Georgia. It has
brought me to live alone, and much improved both my outward and
inward man. I have written to Salmon, and will, God willing,
shortly send to Hall.[78] No one but myself is ready to go from
Oxford. Dear Mr. Hutchins will go hereafter, I believe; but
his time, as yet, is not fully come. I trust God will give me
strength to throw myself blindfold into His hands, and permit
Him to do with me whatsoever seemeth good in His sight. All
friends like the German Hymn admirably. Happy shall I be if my
lot is cast amongst such pious souls;[79] but, I think, God
calls me in a particular manner to assist your brother.

[78] Matthew Salmon and Westley Hall, both of them Oxford
Methodists, who, when the Wesleys went to Georgia, in October,
1735, intended to go with them, but, at the last moment, changed
their minds and remained at home.

[79] The Moravians, who had settled in Georgia.

"My friend will not take it amiss, if I enquire why he chooses
to be secretary to Mr. Oglethorpe, and not rather go where
labourers are so much wanted, in the character of a missionary.
Did the bishop ordain us, my dear friend, to write bonds,
receipts, etc., or to preach the Gospel? Or dare we not trust
God to provide for our relations, without endangering, or at
least retarding, our spiritual improvement? But I go too far.
_Habe me excusatum._ You know I was always heady and self-willed.

"I hear you are to be in Gloucester next week. Will dear Mr.
Charles take a bed with me at Mr. Harris's? I believe he will
be welcome. You will write next post, if convenient, and direct
for me to Mr. Harris's, junior, bookseller, in Gloucester. All
friends here kindly salute and long to see you. Mr. Kinchin is
all heart. Dear Mr. Charles, adieu!--Let us wrestle in prayer
for each other; and believe me to be, dearest sir,

"Your affectionate brother in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD.

"P.S.--Is it expedient to go into priest's orders? Tell me, that
I may acquaint the bishop."[80]

[80] Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 97.

_A YEAR OF PREACHING._

1737.

Whitefield wished and expected to embark for Georgia without delay;
but, by a series of unforeseen occurrences, he was detained in
England during the whole of the year 1737. In some respects this
was the most important period of his life. He had transferred the
care of the prisoners at Oxford to Dean Kinchin. James Hervey had
succeeded him in the curacy at Dummer. He had no parochial charge,
and probably he wished for none. At the early age of twenty-two, he
was an episcopally ordained evangelist, ready and eager to preach
whenever and wherever an opportunity of doing so was presented.
The year was spent in a continued succession of public services,
which literally startled the nation. He was a new phenomenon in the
Church of England. All eyes were fixed upon him. His popularity
in Bristol, London, and other places was enormous. His preaching
became the subject of public remark; his name, hitherto almost
entirely unknown, became a household word. Thousands and tens of
thousands were making enquiries concerning him. His position was
perilous. Popular favour might have ruined him; but the grace of
God preserved him. This year's evangelistic labours in England
gave a bias to the whole of his future life. Never afterwards did
he desire church preferment. As an ordained clergyman, the whole
of his subsequent career was irregular. He was a _gospel rover_.
No power on earth could confine him to a single parish or a single
church. He prepared the way for Methodist itinerancy. His marvellous
preaching brought Methodism into a notoriety far greater than it
had hitherto attained. Though Wesley, in learning and in mental
acquirements generally, was much superior to young Whitefield, and
though he was his equal in self-denying and laborious piety, it may
be fairly doubted whether Wesley's preaching in 1739 would have
attracted the attention which it did, if Whitefield had not preceded
him in 1737. Whitefield's appearance, voice, elocution, and pulpit
eloquence, drew around him thousands who, in the first instance,
cared but little about his doctrines. They came to see and hear the
orator; they returned more impressed with _what_ he said, than _how_
he said it. The doctrines of the man soon excited as much attention
as the man himself; and when, in the two years following, his more
sober-minded friends, the Wesley brothers, came preaching the same
great truths, the people--friends and foes--were as eager to hear
them as they previously had been to hear him.

That England needed such a ministry as that of Whitefield and the
Wesleys, no one doubts. It would be the height of bigoted absurdity
to say or to imagine that, when they commenced their marvellous
career, England had no converted ministers except themselves.[81]
The episcopal charges, the sermons, and other publications of the
period, afford ample proof that, in the pulpits of the Church of
England especially, there were a considerable number of not only
able and learned, but thoroughly earnest and godly men. The reader
must not forget that, at this very time, the see of London was
filled by a man (Edmund Gibson), who, in a conscientious discharge
of duty, had offended George the Second, not only by inveighing
from the pulpit against masquerades, to which that monarch was
much attached, but by procuring the signatures of several bishops
to an address to the throne, "praying for the entire abolition of
such pernicious diversions." It is true, that this selfsame bishop,
in 1739, warned the people of his diocese against the enthusiasm
of the Methodists; and, at a later period, published a pamphlet,
in which he animadverted somewhat strongly on "the conduct and
behaviour" of the members of this rising sect; but there is nothing,
in either of the publications just mentioned, contrary to the fact
that Dr. Gibson was an able, earnest, godly man. Besides Gibson,
there was Sherlock, successively bishop of Bangor, Salisbury, and
London, a man of great ability, whose sermons contain fine specimens
of pulpit eloquence, and who was even more eminent for his piety
than his learning. There was the celebrated Dr. Waterland, than
whom orthodoxy never had a more valiant defender, a man of immense
learning, who was once offered a bishopric, but modestly declined
it. There was Bishop Butler, who, while rector of Stanhope, in
1736, published his great work, "The Analogy of Religion, Natural
and Revealed, to the Constitution and Course of Nature." There was
Archbishop Secker, the intimate friend of Bishop Butler, and who,
for nearly three years, under an assumed name, carried on with
Wesley a friendly correspondence on some of the most vital truths
of the Christian religion. There was the well-known Dr. Jortin, an
able and voluminous author, and a sincere and devout Christian.
Many others might be mentioned, all learned and deeply pious,
though, perhaps, not preaching with clearness the characteristic
doctrines of the Methodists. Ever since the days of Dr. Horneck and
Bishop Beveridge, there had been in the pulpits of the Established
Church a considerable number of earnest preachers, resembling in
spirit, fidelity, and sentiment, the men who, in 1677, had been the
means of instituting the Religious, or, as they might be termed,
the Pre-Methodist Societies, which had existed and multiplied, in
various parts of the kingdom, during the last sixty years.

[81] "Toplady, in one of his sermons, says, 'I believe no
denomination of professing Christians (the Church of Rome excepted)
were so generally void of the light and life of godliness, so
generally destitute of the doctrine and the grace of the Gospel, as
was the Church of England, considered as a body, about fifty years
ago. At that period, a converted minister in the Establishment was
as great a wonder as a comet.'"--_Southey's Commonplace Book._

The Dissenters, also, were not without talented and useful
ministers. At the very time, when Whitefield commenced his
illustrious career, Dr. Isaac Watts was still rendering important
service to the Church of Christ; Dr. Philip Doddridge was at the
height of his Christian usefulness; Dr. Nathaniel Lardner, the
learned author of the "Credibility of the Gospel History," was
preaching at Crutched Friars; Dr. Samuel Chandler, another able
writer, was lecturer at the Old Jewry Chapel; Daniel Neal, the
historian of the Puritans, was pastor of a congregation in Jewin
Street; and Dr. John Gill, the ultra-Calvinist, was now minister at
Horsley Down, and writing his ponderous commentary on the sacred
Scriptures.

All these were pious, able, useful men. Their service to the cause
of Christ was great. Their names and memories can never perish.
But, notwithstanding all that has just been said, and all that
might be added, there cannot be doubt that England, Ireland, Wales,
and Scotland,--the Established Church, the Presbyterians, and the
Dissenters,--all greatly needed a ministry like that of Whitefield
and his friends, the Oxford Methodists. Speaking generally, to
the churches of the land might have been appropriately applied
the language once addressed to the church in Sardis: "I know thy
works, that thou hast a name that thou livest, and art dead." The
country was filled with abounding wickedness, in its most flagrant
forms; and Christian men were at their wits' end how to stem the
disastrous deluge. The secular press of the period--newspapers
and magazines--contain abundant evidence of this. Extracts and
summaries, to this effect, have already been published in "The Life
and Times of Wesley," and it would be wearisome to repeat them
here; but there is another class of evidence which, without any
repetition, may be fitly introduced.

Almost from the beginning of his career, Whitefield was
_practically_ a Dissenter; and there can hardly be a doubt, that,
directly and indirectly, he was immensely useful in reviving the
religious life of Dissenting churches. What was their condition when
he commenced his ministry? Dr. Watts was now sixty-three years of
age. He had long been the sweet singer of, at least, one branch of
the Dissenting community, and, for forty years, had been pastor of
a congregation in Mark Lane, London, occupying, as their successor,
the pulpit of the Rev. Joseph Caryl, Dr. John Owen, the Rev. David
Clarkson, and Dr. Isaac Chauncey. No man was better qualified to
form a correct estimate of the religious state of the Dissenters
generally than himself. What is his testimony on this grave and
momentous subject? In the year 1731, he published his "Humble
Attempt towards the Revival of Practical Religion among Christians,
by a Serious Address to Ministers and People." The following
remarkable extracts are taken from that publication:--

"Is this a day when we should leave the peculiar articles of the
religion of Christ out of our ministrations, when the truth of
them is boldly called in question and denied by such multitudes
who dwell among us? Is this a proper time for us to forget the
name of Christ in our public labours, when the witty talents and
reasonings of men join together, and labour hard to cast out
His sacred name with contempt and scorn? Is it so seasonable a
practice in this age to neglect these evangelic themes, and to
preach up virtue, without the special principles and motives
with which Christ has furnished us, when there are such numbers
amongst us who are fond of heathenism, who are endeavouring
to introduce it again into a Christian country, and to spread
the poison of infidelity through a nation called by His name?
If this be our practice, our hearers will begin to think that
infidels may have some reason on their side, and that the
glorious doctrines of the gospel of Christ are not so necessary
as our fathers thought them. Will this be our glory, to imitate
the heathen philosophers, and to drop the gospel of the Son of
God? to be complimented by unbelievers as men of superior sense
and as deep reasoners, while we abandon the faith of Jesus, and
starve the souls of our hearers by neglecting to distribute to
them this bread of life which came down from heaven?" (p. 20.)

"The world has been so long imposed upon by shameful additions
of men to the gospel of Christ, that they seem now to be
resolved to bear them no longer. Because so many irrational
notions and follies have been mixed up with the Christian
scheme, it is now a modish humour of the age to renounce
almost everything that reason doth not discover, and to reduce
Christianity itself to little more than the light of nature and
the dictates of reason. Under this sort of influence, there are
some who are believers of the Bible and of the Divine mission
of Christ, and who dare not renounce the gospel itself; and yet
they interpret some of the peculiar and express doctrines of
it, into so poor, so narrow, and so jejune a meaning, that they
suffer but little to remain, beyond the articles of natural
religion" (p. 25).

The two foregoing extracts were addressed to ministers, and are
lamentably appropriate at the present day. The following were
addressed to the people; and, though mostly put in the form of
queries, they are so put as to be equivalent to plain and positive
assertions:--

"The persons whom I would, at this time, compare together, are
the common professors of religion in the Church of England, and
the common professors among Dissenters, the bulk of the people
both on the one side and on the other; and I would fain excite
you, who call yourselves Protestant Dissenters, to bethink
yourselves concerning the sensible decay of real goodness that
is found amongst you, in order to awaken you to the warmest zeal
and utmost endeavours to revive languishing and dying religion"
(p. 56).

"O let it never be said by those who differ from us, and
especially by those who hate us, 'These are the persons who
profess purity in worship, but see how vicious they live!
They are as much given to luxury in diet, to extravagance and
vanity in dress, to everything that is sensual and voluptuous,
or gay and vain, as any of us who do not make such pretences
to religion; they are as loose, as frothy, as unsavoury, in
their discourse, as any of their neighbours; they have no more
inclination, or at least no more courage, to speak one word for
God and religion than we have; they are as ready to over-reach
those who deal with them, and to cheat and defraud in matters of
trade, as any amongst us'" (p. 79).

"Shall I address myself with freedom to the parents and
governors of families? Are you as solicitous to keep up the
seasons of worship in your households as your fathers were? Are
there not too many among you, who scarce ever call upon God in
their families at all, unless it be perhaps on a Lord's-day
evening? Have you learned to change the course of nature, to
turn night into day, and day into night? Can the seasons of
family worship be well maintained, or can the master perform
it with a clear head and a pious heart, if he indulges his
amusements in public drinking-houses till the hour of midnight
approaches?" (p. 87.)

"Is not bankruptcy reckoned too small a crime amongst the
Dissenters, as well as amongst their neighbours? and that where
there can be found no other reason for it, but that they have
lived too fast; they have affected the luxuries of life in their
dress and furniture, food, equipage, and attendance, and would
vie with their neighbours in splendour, grandeur, and expense,
where the circumstances of their estate or trade have not been
able to afford it? Or, perhaps they have frequented taverns
early and late; they have habituated themselves to a morning
whet, to prepare for some luxurious dish at noon; they have
indulged their pleasures, and neglected their shop. Or, it may
be they have sought to grow rich at once by plunging into trade
and debt beyond all proportion of their estate, or possibility
of payment, if they should meet with any disappointing accident.
They have too often assumed the character of _the wicked_,
who _borrows when he knows not how to pay again_. They have
supplied their shops with goods, their tables with costly
provisions, their houses with rich furniture, and their families
with shining apparel, out of the purses of their credulous
neighbours. A man who should have been found in the practice
of half these vices would never have been called a Dissenter
in the days of our fathers; and it is a heavy shame, and an in
supportable disgrace, that there should be any such characters
in our day that should wear the name of a Nonconformist" (p. 89).

"I proceed to the sixth and last thing wherein the Protestant
Dissenters were wont eminently to distinguish themselves, and
that is in their abstaining from those gayer vanities and
dangerous diversions of their age, which border so near vice and
irreligion, that sometimes it is pretty hard to separate them.
Such are many of our _midnight assemblies_, _midnight balls_,
_lewd and profane comedies_, _masquerades_, _public gaming
tables_, _and deep play_. In this respect, shall I put the
question, '_What do you more than others?_' It was a constant
and known mark of a Protestant Dissenter in former days, to
refuse attendance upon any of these kinds of diversions. I
hope we have not utterly lost this piece of Puritanism amongst
us. I am bold to say, that if our fathers were in any degree
too rigid and austere in pronouncing these things absolutely
sinful, and in their utter prohibition of themselves and their
households from ever once attending upon them; it is certain
that we their children are much more criminal in giving too
great a loose to many of these diversions. Can you not name
the Dissenters who waste that time at a play-house, or a vain
assembly of merriment, at a public gaming table, or a dancing
room,--that time, I say, which belongs to God or their families?
who spend those seasons in late visits and private balls, or at
cards, whereby evening devotion is utterly excluded? who can
wear out whole hours in these foolish and perilous recreations,
and complain they have no time for prayer? Can you point to no
persons, who are members of Dissenting churches, who entice
their acquaintance to these vanities? Do you know no mothers
who lead their little daughters thither, nor fathers who permit
their sons to go without control? And do they know, or will they
not believe, that the road to lewdness and impiety, to ruin and
beggary, lies through these scenes of dangerous diversion?

"To sum up all in general, your fathers had an honourable
character, and a very great reputation, even among the looser
parts of the nation, for strict virtue, for exemplary and
sincere godliness, beyond the common multitude of those who
called themselves the Established Church; for if any person
appeared to be strictly religious, and fearful of indulging
any sin,--if he was scrupulous of any doubtful practice, or
attempted to give an admonition to the sons of vice, he was
presently called a Puritan, or a Fanatic, or Presbyterian, by
way of reproach. This honour was a frequent tribute paid by the
ungodly world to the superior virtue and merit of your ancestors
and their profession of nonconformity. What is become of this
your reputation? Have you lost your good name? Have you sold
your glory for the indulgence of the follies and vanities of
life? Have you fallen into such a neglect of strict religion as
leaves no other distinction between you and your neighbours,
besides your worship once a week in a different place and
manner? It is time, my friends, when religion is sunk into such
a universal decay in the nation, to enquire whether we have not
suffered it to decay amongst us also, and whether we are not
sharers in the common degeneracy. If the bulk of the nation be
gone far in the neglect of virtue and godliness, let us not dare
to follow the multitude, and make our profession of separation
an empty name, and our pretence to purer worship a mere badge of
hypocrisy" (p. 91).

Such was the significant language of the most notable Dissenting
minister of the age, when Methodism was taking its rise in the
Oxford University. Dr. Watts saw the retrogression of the
Nonconformists, and had fidelity enough to speak of it.

Further testimony respecting the need of a ministry like that of
Whitefield and his friends is hardly needed; but the following, from
another class of witnesses, may not be unacceptable.

In a sermon preached before the House of Lords, at the Abbey Church
in Westminster, on Friday, December 8, 1721, by the Bishop of
Norwich, the following paragraph occurs:--

"Notwithstanding the dismal calamities we have already felt,
wickedness still overflows the nation like a mighty deluge,
so as to overspread all ranks and orders of men amongst us.
Do not our eyes behold it continually, in the open atheism,
profaneness, and impiety; in the hypocrisy and dissimulation; in
the contempt of God and His holy worship; in the profanation of
His holy day; in the bold infidelity, and denying the Lord that
bought us; in the dreadful abuse of God's great and glorious
name, by the horrid oaths, curses, and imprecations, which are
heard continually in our streets, and in the places of concourse
and conversation; in the practice of the most filthy and
abominable lusts; in the lewdness and luxury; in the oppression
and injustice; in the implacable malice and hatred of one
towards another; and in our senseless divisions and animosities,
without cause and without end, which reign everywhere?"

This was strong language to be used in such a place, and before such
an audience; and the following, respecting the literature of the
day, by another dignitary of the Church of England, Dr. Stanhope,
Dean of Canterbury, and Chaplain to his Majesty, is quite as strong.
In a sermon, preached in the parish church of St. Pancras, in 1723,
Dean Stanhope speaks of many of the productions of the press, as
"those monsters of irreligion and profaneness, of heresy and schism,
of sedition and scandal, of malice and detraction, of obscenity and
ribaldry, which mercenary wretches, void of shame, published for
the sake of a paltry present gain, thereby, not only debauching the
principles of the age, but, if such detestable compositions can
survive so long, propagating the poison to posterity, and furnishing
the devil with nets and snares, for drawing in, and sinking down to
hell, numbers of unwary souls, which are yet unborn."

In a sermon, preached in Salisbury Cathedral, in 1745, and published
at the request of the mayor and corporation, Bishop Sherlock
remarked:--

"Let not _me_ be the accuser of my nation, but let every man
recollect what he has heard, and read, and seen within the
compass of a few years. Surely the gospel of Christ Jesus was
never treated with greater malice and contempt, by Jews or
heathens, than it has been in this Christian country. Think not
that I am condemning a sober enquiry into the truth of religion;
but what shall we say for the undisguised profaneness and
blasphemy that have swarmed from the press? Many instances might
be given; but one can never be forgotten, where the noblest and
most exalted hymn of Christian devotion[82] in the world has
been perverted to the highest impiety and blasphemy, that the
wickedness or malice of man's heart can conceive. This and other
crimes are indeed chargeable on the authors; but how deplorable
must the state of the nation be, when men find encouragement to
provide such entertainment for the public!

[82] The Te Deum.

"Look into common life, and see what is become of that sense
of religion which once animated the people. When popery was
breaking in upon us, our churches were crowded. Is it so now?
Is not Sunday become a day of diversion to the great ones, and
a day of laziness to the little ones? And has not this been
manifestly followed by a great increase of great wickedness and
violence among the lower people? Theft and robbery, which used
to be secret crimes, now appear armed in our streets; and are
supported by numbers strong enough to defy the power of the
magistrates."

These are melancholy statements; but, coming from such men, it is
impossible to doubt their truthfulness. Speaking generally, the
churches of the land were sunk into apathy and worldliness, and the
people, with few exceptions, were not only regardless of religion,
but saturated with infidelity and wickedness. No wonder that the
souls of men like Whitefield were stirred to their deepest depths.
The country needed a religious agency which it possessed not; and
God, in infinite mercy, supplied the want.

It is time to return to Whitefield. As usual, he shall relate his
own story. He was eager to embark for Georgia. He had consulted
his friends at Oxford, and had secured their approval. He wished,
however, to have the judgment of Dr. Benson, who had ordained him;
and, hence, writes as follows:--

"On New Year's Day, 1737, I went to Gloucester, to hear the
bishop's opinion, and to take leave of my mother and other
relations. His lordship received me, as he always did, like a
father, approved of my design, and wished me much success. My
own relations, at first, were not so passive. My aged mother
wept sore; and others urged what pretty preferment I might have,
if I would stay at home. But, at length, they grew more quiet,
and, finding me so fixed, gainsayed no longer.

"During my stay here, I began to grow a little popular. God gave
me honour for a while, even in my own country. I preached twice
on the Sabbaths. Congregations were very large, and the power of
God attended the word; and some, I have reason to believe, were
truly converted.

"In about three weeks, I went to Bristol, to take leave of
some of my relations there. As it was my constant practice,
go where I would, to attend on the daily public offices of
the Church, I went, the Thursday after my coming, to hear a
sermon at St. John's Church. Whilst the psalm was singing,
after the prayers, the minister came to my seat, and asked me
to give the congregation a sermon. Having my notes about me,
I complied. The hearers seemed startled, and, after sermon,
enquiry was made, who I was? The next day there was another
lecture at St. Stephen's. Many crowded thither in expectation
of hearing me again. The lecturer asked me to preach. I again
complied; and the alarm given here was so general, that, on the
following Lord's-day, many of all denominations were obliged to
return from the churches, where I preached, for want of room.
Afterwards, I was called by the mayor to preach before him and
the corporation. For some time following, I preached all the
_lectures_ on week-days, and twice on Sundays, besides visiting
the Religious Societies. The word, through the mighty power of
God, was sharper than a two-edged sword. The doctrine of the new
birth and justification by faith in Jesus Christ (though I was
not so clear in it as afterwards) made its way like lightning
into the hearers' consciences. The arrows of conviction stuck
fast; and my whole time, between one lecture and another, except
what was spent in necessary refreshment, was wholly occupied in
talking with people under religious concern. Large offers were
made me, if I would stay at Bristol. All wondered that I would
go to Georgia; and some urged that, if I had a mind to convert
Indians, I might go among the Kingswood colliers, and find
Indians enough there. But none of these things moved me. Having
put my hand to the plough, I was determined, through Divine
grace, not to look back.

"During my stay at Bristol, I made a little elopement to Bath,
where I was kindly received by a dear friend, the Rev. Mr.
Chapman,[83] and some elect and honourable women who befriended
the Oxford Methodists. I preached at the Abbey Church twice.
The late Dr. Cockman was pleased to thank me for my sermon;
and application was made to me by several to print both my
discourses."

[83] An Oxford Methodist, one of James Hervey's dearest friends in
early life.

These facts, so ingenuously and simply related, are marvellous. Here
was a young man, fresh from college, recently ordained, without
patronage, and belonging to the despised Methodists, literally
agitating, what was then, in point of population, the second city in
the nation; while, at Bath, England's most fashionable resort, with
"Beau" Nash, the accomplished rake, at the head of it, the Methodist
stripling was gladly welcomed to the cathedral pulpit! This crisis
in Whitefield's history was a dangerous one. The adulations of the
multitude might easily have disturbed the religious equilibrium of
the young preacher, and, thereby, damaged him for life. He felt his
peril, and prayed to be preserved from it. The following, written at
the time to his friend Harris, at Gloucester, is worth quoting:--

"BRISTOL, _February 10, 1737_.

"DEAR SIR,--What shall I say? I cannot be with you this week.
Methinks it would be almost sinful to leave Bristol at this
critical juncture, there being now a prospect of making a very
considerable collection for the poor Americans. The whole city
seems to be alarmed. Churches are as full on week-days as they
used to be on Sundays, and on Sundays are so full, that many,
very many, are obliged to go away, because they cannot come in.
Oh pray, dear Mr. Harris, that God would always keep me humble,
and fully convinced that I am nothing without Him, and that
all the good which is done upon earth, God doeth it Himself.
Quakers, Baptists, Presbyterians, all come to hear the word
preached. Sanctify it, Holy Father, to Thy own glory and Thy
people's good!"

From Bristol, Whitefield proceeded to Gloucester, Oxford, and
London. He writes:--

"It was now about the middle of February. Lent was at hand, and
I was obliged to be at Oxford to perform the remainder of my
college exercise, which they call _Determining_. I went through
Gloucester, and abode there a week, visiting the prisoners,
and encouraging the awakened souls. Having stayed about ten
days at the University, I took, as I thought, my last farewell
of my dear friends, and came to London in the beginning of
March, in order to wait upon James Oglethorp, Esq., and the
honourable trustees.[84] The former introduced me to his Grace
the present Archbishop of Canterbury;[85] and the Rev. Mr.
Arthur Bedford,[86] at the desire of the latter, went with me
to the present Bishop of London.[87] Both approved of my going
abroad; the former was pleased to say, 'He would take particular
notice of such as went to Georgia, if they did not go out of any
sinister view.' This put me upon enquiry what were my motives
in going? And, after the strictest examination, my conscience
answered, 'Not to please any man living upon earth, nor out of
any sinister view, but simply to comply with what I believe
to be Thy will, O God, and to promote Thy glory, thou great
Shepherd and Bishop of souls.'"

[84] Of Georgia.

[85] Dr. Potter.

[86] Chaplain to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

[87] Edmund Gibson, D.D.

Whitefield expected to sail for Georgia at once; but in this he was
disappointed. The following letter, addressed "To the Rev. Mr. John
Wesley, minister at Savannah," has not before been published:--

"LONDON, _March 17, 1737_.

"REVEREND SIR,--Though I have had thoughts of going to Georgia
for above these seven months, yet I never resolved till I
received your kind letter.

"I am now in London. My intention in coming hither was to wait
on the trustees and the bishop; and both, I believe, will
approve of my going. We are not likely to set sail till July.
Your brother intends returning with me; and I hope God will
sanctify our voyage. I hear of no one yet like-minded, though
there is some hope, I believe, of your seeing Mr. Hall. God
direct him for the best!'[88]

[88] Charles Wesley did not return; and Westley Hall did not go.

"Next week, or the week after, I go to Bath, in order to preach
a public sermon for the poor Americans. God has inclined the
hearts of His people to give me above £200 already, in private
charities, and more, I hope, will still be collected.

"Innumerable are the blessings our God has poured on me since
I saw you last, and remarkably has He set His blessed seal to
my ministry in England; which encourages me to hope He will
likewise do so in Georgia.

"I suppose your brother has informed you, rev. sir, how
matters stand at Oxon; and, therefore, I need only add, that I
believe there will be a remnant of pious students left in the
University, who will take root downwards, and bear fruit upwards.

"I could say a great deal more, and would also write dear Mr.
Ingham;[89] but I knew not that the ship was to sail to-morrow;
and the trustees[90] have engaged me to dine with them; so I
must beg leave to subscribe myself, with earnest prayers for
your success in every undertaking,

"Rev. sir, your dutiful son and servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD.

"P.S.--I salute dear Mr. Ingham and Mr. Delamotte, whom I desire
to love in the bowels of Jesus Christ."

[89] Unknown to Whitefield, Ingham had left Georgia, and was now on
his way home to England.

[90] Of Georgia.

Several things are noticeable in this short letter. Except a
general allusion to his ministerial success, there is not a word
respecting his marvellous popularity in the city of Bristol. He
was already collecting money for the needy inhabitants of Georgia,
though his autobiography does not mention this. He addresses
Wesley scarcely as a familiar friend, but in language strikingly
deferential. He expresses his intention to proceed to Bath, an
intention which, for the present, had to be abandoned. Hence the
following continuation of his autobiography:--

"I continued in London about three weeks, waiting for Mr.
Oglethorpe, who expected to sail every day. In this season, I
preached more frequently than when there before. Many more came
to hear me; and the last Sunday I was in town I read prayers
twice, and preached four times. But, finding Mr. Oglethorpe was
not likely to go for some time, and having lain under particular
obligation to the Rev. Mr. Sampson Harris,[91] minister of
Stonehouse, in Gloucestershire, I went down thither, at his
request, to supply his place, whilst he came up to dispatch some
affairs in town.

[91] Brother of Whitefield's intimate friend, Mr. Harris,
bookseller, of Gloucester, and an eminently zealous and faithful
minister of Christ.

"Here was a little sweet Society, who had heard me preach at
an adjacent town, and had wrestled with God, if it was His
will, to send me amongst them. They received me with joy, and
most of the parishioners were very civil, when I came to visit
them from house to house. I found them more knowing than I
expected. Their pastor had catechized the little ones in the
summer season, and expounded the four lessons every Lord's-day
in the church. I followed his good example, and found great
freedom and assistance given me both in my public and private
administrations. Having the use of the parsonage house, I
expounded every night. Many that were not parishioners came
to hear, and were edified. On Sundays, besides expounding the
lessons, catechising and preaching, I repeated my sermons to the
Society. Neither church nor house could contain the people that
came. I found uncommon manifestations granted me from above.
Early in the morning, at noonday, evening, and midnight, nay,
all the day long, did the blessed Jesus visit and refresh my
heart. Could the trees of a certain wood near Stonehouse speak,
they would tell what sweet communion I and some others enjoyed
there with the ever blessed God. Sometimes, as I was walking,
my soul would make such sallies as though it would go out of
the body. At other times, I was so overpowered with a sense of
God's infinite majesty, that I was constrained to throw myself
prostrate on the ground. One night, when I had been expounding
to many people, it happened to lighten exceedingly, and some
being afraid to go home, I thought it my duty to accompany
them, and improve the occasion, to stir them up to prepare for
the coming of the Son of man. In my return to the parsonage,
whilst others were rising from their beds, frightened almost to
death, I and a poor, but pious, countryman were in the field
exulting in our God, and longing for the time when Jesus shall
be revealed from heaven in a flame of fire. Every week the
congregations increased; and on Ascension-day, when I took my
leave, their sighs and tears almost broke my heart."[92]

[92] Whitefield's farewell sermon at Stonehouse, preached on
Ascension-day, May 10, 1737, was accidentally discovered, in
manuscript, more than seventy years after his decease, and was
first published, with a preface, in 1842. The text was, "Whom He
justified, them He also glorified" (Romans viii. 30). It is one of
his best sermons. The only copy I have ever seen was kindly lent
to me by Mrs. A. J. Parker, of Camberwell, daughter of the devout
clergyman by whom it was revised and committed to the press.

Such was the active and happy life of Whitefield during the two
months that he spent at Stonehouse. In letters to the brother of
the clergyman for whom he was officiating, he wrote:--"Be pleased
to send me the 'Poor Country Curate,' and Flavel's 'Husbandry
Spiritualized.' I know not what to do for want of a clock in the
house.[93] The country now looks like a second paradise. This seems
the pleasantest place I ever was in. Surely I can never be thankful
enough for being sent hither. People flock to hear the word of God
from the neighbouring villages, as well as our own. They gladly
receive me into their houses. I have no let or hindrance to my
ministerial business. Stonehouse people and I agree better and
better. I believe we shall part weeping. Your observations on the
weather were pertinent and spiritual. Honest James and I were out
in the midst of the lightning, and never were more delighted in
our lives. May we be as well pleased when the Son of God cometh to
judgment!"

[93] As yet, he evidently was not the rich possessor of a watch.

On leaving Stonehouse, exultant Whitefield went to Bristol. He
writes:--

"The incumbent of Stonehouse being returned from London, and the
people of Bristol having given me repeated invitations, since
the time of my embarking was deferred, I paid them a second
visit on May 23rd. Multitudes came on foot, and many in coaches,
a mile without the city, to meet me; and almost all saluted and
blessed me as I went along the street.

"Upon my coming here, I received letters from London, informing
me that Mr. Oglethorpe would not embark these two months. This
gladdened many hearts, though I cannot say that it did mine; for
I counted the hours, as it were, till I went abroad. I preached,
as usual, about five times a week; but the congregations grew,
if possible, larger and larger. It was wonderful to see how the
people hung upon the rails of the organ loft, climbed upon the
leads of the church, and made the church itself so hot with
their breath, that the steam would fall from the pillars like
drops of rain. Sometimes, almost as many would go away, for
want of room, as came in; and it was with great difficulty that
I got into the desk, to read prayers or preach. Persons of all
denominations flocked to hear. Persons of all ranks, not only
publicly attended my ministry, but gave me private invitations
to their houses. A private Society or two were erected. I
preached and collected for the poor prisoners in Newgate twice
or thrice a week; and many made me large offers if I would not
go abroad.

"During my stay here, I paid another visit to Bath, and preached
three times in the Abbey Church, and once in Queen's Chapel.
People crowded, and were affected as at Bristol; and God stirred
up some elect ladies to give upwards of £160 for the poor of
Georgia."

At this distance of time, it is impossible to ascertain who were the
"elect ladies" here mentioned. Bath was the resort of all kinds of
ladies, titled and untitled, converted and unconverted, moral and
immoral. How many of Bath's distinguished female visitors flocked
to the Abbey Church to hear the young Christian orator, there is no
evidence to show; and it is equally difficult to determine whether
any of these casual acquaintances became lasting friends. It is
said, that the witty and eccentric Lady Townshend, the mother of
the first Marquess Townshend and of the famous Charles Townshend,
was the first titled lady who extolled Whitefield's preaching;[94]
and it is certain that, within a few years after this visit to the
city of Bath, his aristocratic hearers and admirers included the
Countess of Huntingdon, the Duchess of Ancaster, Lady Cobham, the
Duchess of Buckingham, the Duchess of Queensbury, Lady Lisburne,
Lady Hinchinbroke, and others, some of whom will be further noticed
in succeeding pages.

[94] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol i., p. 23.

This second preaching visit to Bristol lasted for a month. His
entrance was a spectacle seldom seen; and his departure was quite
as marvellous. The youthful evangelist, in continuation of his
artlessly told narrative, remarks:--

"June 21st, I took my last farewell at Bristol; but when I came
to tell the people, it might be that they would '_see my face no
more_,' high and low, young and old, burst into such a flood of
tears, as I had never seen before. Multitudes, after sermon,
followed me home weeping; and, the next day, I was employed
from seven in the morning till midnight, in talking and giving
spiritual advice to awakened souls.

"About three the next morning, having thrown myself on the bed
for an hour or two, I set out for Gloucester, because I heard
that a great company on horseback, and in coaches, intended
to see me out of town. Some, finding themselves disappointed,
followed me thither, where I stayed a few days, and preached to
a very crowded auditory. Then I went on to Oxford, where we had,
as it were, a general rendezvous of the Methodists; and, finding
their interests flourishing, and being impatient to go abroad, I
hastened away, and came to London about the end of August."

Thus passed two months more of this strange and eventful year.
Meanwhile, Whitefield had issued his first publication. The
following advertisement appeared in the _Weekly Miscellany_, July
22, 1737:--"Speedily will be published (price sixpence, or two
guineas per hundred, to those who give them away), The Nature and
Necessity of our New Birth in Christ Jesus, in order to Salvation--a
Sermon preached in the Church of St. Mary's Redcliffe, in Bristol,
by George Whitefield, A.B., of Pembroke College, Oxford. Published
at the request of several of the hearers. Printed by C. Rivington,
in St. Paul's Churchyard; and sold by Messrs. Harris, Senior and
Junior, in Gloucester; Mr. Wilson, in Bristol; and Mr. Leake, in
Bath."[95]

[95] When Whitefield was closing his ministry in London, in the year
1769, he said: "The second sermon I ever made, the second sermon I
ever preached, was on these words, 'If any man be in Christ, he is
a new creature.' I was then about twenty years and a half old. The
next sermon I preached was upon 'Ye are justified;' and the next,
'Ye are glorified.'" (Whitefield's Eighteen Sermons, published by
Gurney, 1771, p. 334.)

The sermon, thus announced, was published on August 5th, 8vo, 28
pp. The text was, "If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature."
The four divisions were, 1. What is meant by _being in Christ_. 2.
What we are to understand by being a _new creature_. 3. Produce
arguments to prove _why_ we must be _new creatures_ before we can be
_in Christ_. 4. Draw some inferences from the whole. At the present
day, there is nothing in the sermon likely to arrest attention;
but, a hundred and thirty years ago, things were different. _Then_,
Whitefield's doctrine, if not new, was startling. It was seldom
preached, was hardly understood, and rarely _felt_. As Whitefield
himself observes, "though one of the most fundamental doctrines of
our holy religion," "it was so seldom considered, and so little
_experimentally_ understood by the generality of professors," that
when told "they must be born again, they were ready to cry out, 'How
can these things be?'"

The sermon is not remarkable either for its eloquence or depth
of thought. It is simply plain, earnest, practical. Two or three
extracts, to illustrate Whitefield's style, may be welcome.

Having propounded the doctrine, that being a _new creature_ does
not mean "a physical change made in us," but rather an alteration
of "the qualities and tempers of our minds," the preacher
proceeds,--"As it may be said of a piece of gold that was in the
ore, after it has been cleansed, purified, and polished, that it
is a new piece of gold; as it may be said of a bright glass that
has been covered over with filth, when it is wiped, and so become
transparent and clear, that it is a new glass; or, as it might be
said of Naaman, when he recovered of his leprosy, and his flesh
returned unto him like the flesh of a young child, that he was a
new man; so our souls, though still the same as to essence, yet are
so purged, purified, and cleansed from their natural dross, filth,
and leprosy, by the influences of the Holy Spirit, that they may
properly be said to be _made anew_!'

One of Whitefield's arguments to prove the necessity of the new
birth was founded on a consideration of the nature of future
happiness. That happiness being _spiritual_, "unless our _carnal_
minds are _changed_, and become _spiritualized_, we cannot be made
meet to be partakers of it."

"It is true," he says, "we may flatter ourselves, that, supposing
we continue in our natural corrupt estate, and carry all our lusts
along with us, we should notwithstanding relish heaven, were
God to admit us therein. And so we might, were it a _Mahometan
paradise_, wherein we were to take our full swing in sensual
delights. But since its joys are only _spiritual_, and no unclean
thing can possibly enter those blessed mansions, there is an
absolute necessity of our being _changed_, and undergoing a total
_renovation_ of our depraved natures, before we can have any taste
or relish of those heavenly pleasures. In the very nature of
things, unless we have dispositions answerable to the objects that
are to entertain us, we can take no manner of complacency in them.
For instance, what delight can the most harmonious _music_ afford
a _deaf_ man; or what pleasure the most excellent _picture_ give a
_blind_ one? Can a tasteless palate relish the richest dainties? or
a filthy swine be pleased with a garden of flowers? No! And what
reason can be assigned for it? An answer is ready: Because they have
no tempers of mind correspondent to what they are to be diverted
with. And thus it is with the soul hereafter. For death makes no
more alteration in the soul, than as it enlarges its faculties, and
makes it capable of receiving deeper impressions either of pleasure
or pain. If it delighted to converse with God here, it will be
transported with the sight of His glorious majesty hereafter. If
it was pleased with the communion of saints on earth, it will be
infinitely more so with the communion and society of holy angels,
and of the spirits of just men, made perfect, in heaven. But, if
the opposite of all this be true, it could not be happy, were God
Himself to admit it into the regions of the blessed."

One more extract must suffice. It is taken from the preface to the
sermon, and was hardly adapted to gain the young preacher favour
among the clergy whom it censures.

"The importunity of friends, the aspersions of enemies, the
great scarcity of sermons on this subject, among the divines of
our own Church, and not any overweening conceit of the worth
of the performance, were, amongst divers others, the reasons
that induced me to permit the publication of this very plain
discourse. If it be made instrumental towards the convicting
of any one sinner, or confirming any one saint, I shall not be
solicitous about the censures that may be passed, either on the
simplicity of the style, or on the youth of the author.

"I hope it will be permitted me to add my hearty wishes, that
my reverend brethren, the ministers of the Church of England,
(if such an one as I may be worthy to call them brethren,)
would more frequently entertain their people with discourses of
this nature, than they commonly do; and that they would not,
out of a servile fear of displeasing some particular persons,
fail to declare the _whole will_ of God to their respective
congregations, nor suffer their people to rest satisfied with
the shell and shadow of religion, without acquainting them with
the nature and necessity of that _inward holiness and vital
purity of heart_, which their profession obliges them to aspire
after, and without which no man living can comfortably see the
Lord."

The first sermon which Wesley published, after his conversion, was
on the text, "By grace are ye saved, through faith;" its _principal_
subject being "salvation, or justification, by faith only."
Whitefield's first sermon is entirely on the new birth. Both the
doctrines are of paramount importance; and the preaching of the two
combined, created, under God, the Methodism that now exists.

It may be added, that Whitefield's sermon passed through at least
three editions before the year of its publication was ended.[96]
Other sermons will be mentioned shortly; but, in the meantime,
Whitefield's narrative must be resumed. Having come to London "about
the end of August," expecting to set sail for Georgia, he says:--

"Every hour now seemed a week, and every week a year, till I
was embarked. I knew there was no minister at Frederica, for
which place I was appointed, and I did not care to be absent
longer from my proper charge. Mr. Oglethorpe's going was still
retarded, and I had thought it my duty to go immediately
without him, had not he and my other friends urged that the
soldiers would shortly embark, and that I had best go over with
them. This somewhat pacified me; and, having now taken a final
farewell of my friends in the country, I was resolved to abide
in London, and give myself wholly to prayer, the study of the
Scriptures, and my own heart, till the soldiers should embark.

[96] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 30.

"The house I lodged at was good old Mr. Hutton's,[97] in College
Street, Westminster, where I had the pleasure of seeing my dear
friend, Mr. Ingham, lately returned from Georgia; and perceiving
him, as I thought, remarkably grown in grace, I longed still
more to be sent to the same school, hoping to catch some of
that holy flame with which his soul was fired. We freely and
solemnly conversed together about my call abroad; and it seemed
to both quite clear. Our hearts were knit to each other, like
the hearts of David and Jonathan. At midnight, we would rise to
sing praises to God, and to intercede for the whole state of
Christ's militant Church here on earth.

[97] The Rev. John Hutton, a worthy and respected clergyman of
the Church of England, who was trained at Eton College, and
proceeded from that institution, as one of its senior scholars,
to King's College, Cambridge, in the summer of 1694, where
he graduated in arts as bachelor in 1698, and as master in
1702. Being unable, from conscientious scruples, to take the
necessary oaths to the government, he felt himself obliged to
resign his Church preferment, and, engaging a house in College
Street, Westminster, took several boys, belonging to non-jurors,
to board with him, and be educated. Of course, like all the
non-jurors of the age, he maintained the doctrines of passive
obedience; of the Divine institution of hereditary succession to
the throne; of the non-jurisdiction of the civil magistrate in
the Church, etc., etc. His wife was second-cousin to Sir Isaac
Newton; and his son, as is well known, became the principal
Moravian in England, and, later on in life, was a frequent and
almost familiar visitor of George III and his Queen Charlotte.
For a time, a close and affectionate intimacy existed between
the Hutton family and the Wesley brothers.

"With this dear friend, I, one day, paid a visit to a worthy
doctor of divinity, near London, who introduced us to some
honourable ladies, who delighted in doing good. It being my
constant practice to improve my acquaintance with the rich for
the benefit of the poor, I recommended two poor clergymen, and
another pious person, to their charity. They said little, but,
between them, gave, I think, thirty-six guineas. The doctor
said,' If you had not spoken for others, you would have had
a good deal of that yourself.' God gave me to rejoice that I
had nothing, and the poor all. The next day, upon my return to
London, in the first letter that I opened, was a bank-note of
£10, sent from an unexpected hand as a present to myself.

"About this time, I was prevailed upon to print my sermon on
'The Nature and Necessity of our New Birth in Christ Jesus,'
which, under God, began the awakening in London, Bristol,
Gloucester, and Gloucestershire. This sermon sold well to
persons of all denominations, and was dispersed very much both
at home and abroad. Finding another of my sermons was printed,
without my leave, and in a very incorrect manner, at Bristol,
I was obliged to publish in my own defence; and, afterwards,
thought I had a clear call to print any other discourses, though
in themselves mean, that I found blessed to the good of souls.

"But to return to my public administrations. Being determined
to abide in London till the time of my departure, I followed
my usual practice of reading and praying over the word of God
upon my knees. Sweet was this retirement, but it was not of long
continuance. I was invited to preach at Cripplegate, St. Ann's,
and Forster Lane churches, at six on the Lord's-day morning, and
to assist in administering the holy sacrament. I embraced the
invitations, and so many came, that sometimes we were obliged to
consecrate fresh elements two or three times. I also preached
at Wapping Chapel, the Tower, Ludgate, Newgate, and many of the
churches where weekly lectures were kept up. The congregations
continually increased, and generally, on a Lord's-day, I used to
preach four times to very large and very affected auditories,
besides reading prayers twice or thrice, and walking, perhaps,
twelve miles in going backwards and forwards from one church to
the other.

"About the latter end of August, finding there were many young
men belonging to the" (Religious) "Societies that attended my
administrations, I entered into one of their singing societies,
hoping to have greater opportunities of doing them good. It
answered my design. Our Lord gave me to spiritualize their
singing. After they had taught me the gamut, they would gladly
hear me teach them some of the mysteries of the new birth. Many
sweet nights we spent together in this way; and many of these
youths, afterwards, to all appearance, walked with God.

"About the middle of September, my name was first put into the
public newspapers. The Sunday before, I was prevailed upon to
preach a charity sermon in Wapping Chapel.[98] The congregation
was very large, and more was collected than had been for many
years upon a like occasion. My friends entreated me to preach
another charity sermon, at Sir George Wheeler's Chapel; and,
through the importunity of Mr. Habersham (since my faithful
assistant in the Orphan House), I agreed to do it. I discoursed
upon the widow's giving her two mites. God bowed the hearts of
the hearers as the heart of one man. Almost all, as I was told
by the collectors, offered most willingly. This still drew on
fresh applications. The Sunday following, I preached, in the
evening, at St. Swithin's, where £8 was collected, instead
of ten shillings. The next morning, I read in one of the
newspapers, 'that there was a young gentleman going volunteer to
Georgia; that he had preached at St. Swithin's, and collected
£8, instead of ten shillings, £3 of which were in halfpence; and
that he was to preach next Wednesday before the Societies, at
their general quarterly meeting.' This advertisement chagrined
me. I immediately sent to the printer, desiring he would put
me in his paper no more. His answer was, that 'he was paid for
doing it, and that he would not lose two shillings for anybody.'
By this means, people's curiosity was stirred up more and more.
On the Wednesday evening, Bow Church, in Cheapside, was crowded
exceedingly. I preached my sermon on 'Early Piety,' and, at the
request of the Societies, printed it.

[98] The text was "Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian."

"Henceforwards, for near three months successively, there was
no end of the people flocking to hear the word of God. The
churchwardens and managers of charity schools were constantly
applying to me to preach for the benefit of the children;
and, as I was to embark shortly, they procured the liberty of
the churches on the week-days,--a thing never known before. I
sometimes had more than a dozen names of different churches,
at which I had promised to preach, upon my slate-book at once;
and, when I preached, constables were obliged to be placed
at the door, to keep the people in order. The sight of the
congregations was awful. One might, as it were, walk upon
the people's heads; and thousands went away from the largest
churches for want of room. They were all attention, and heard
like people hearing for eternity.

"I now preached generally nine times a week. The early
sacraments were exceeding awful. At Cripplegate, St. Ann's, and
Forster Lane, how often have we seen Jesus Christ crucified, and
evidently set forth before us! On Sunday mornings, long before
day, you might see streets filled with people going to church,
with their lanterns in their hands, and hear them conversing
about the things of God. Other lecture churches near at hand
would be filled with persons who could not come where I was
preaching; and those who did come were like persons struck with
pointed arrows, or mourning for a firstborn child. People gave
so liberally to the charity schools, that this season near,£1000
was collected at the several churches, besides many private
contributions and subscriptions sent in afterwards. I always
preached gratis, and gave myself.

"The _blue-coat_ boys and girls looked upon me as their great
benefactor; and, I believe, frequently sent up their infant
cries on my behalf. Worthy Mr. Seward, afterwards my dear
fellow-traveller, was their hearty friend and advocate. He was
concerned in above twenty charity schools, and, as I found
afterwards, inserted the paragraph that so chagrined me.

"The tide of popularity now began to run very high. In a
short time, I could no longer walk on foot as usual, but was
constrained to go in a coach, from place to place, to avoid
the hosannas of the multitude. They grew quite extravagant in
their applauses; and, had it not been for my compassionate High
Priest, popularity would have destroyed me. I used to plead
with Him to take me by the hand, and lead me unhurt through
this fiery furnace. He heard my request, and gave me to see the
vanity of all commendations but His own.

"Not that all spoke well of me. No; as my popularity increased,
opposition increased also. At first, many of the clergy were my
hearers and admirers; but some soon grew angry, and complaints
were made that the churches were so crowded that there was no
room for the parishioners, and that the pews were spoiled. Some
called me a spiritual pickpocket, and others thought I made
use of a kind of charm to get the people's money. A report was
spread that the Bishop of London, upon the complaint of the
clergy, intended to _silence_ me. I immediately waited upon his
lordship, and enquired whether any complaint of this nature had
been lodged against me? He answered, 'No.' I asked his lordship
whether any objection could be made against my doctrine? He
said, 'No; for he knew a clergyman who had heard me preach a
plain scriptural sermon.' I asked his lordship whether he would
grant me a license? He said, 'I needed none, since I was going
to Georgia.' I replied, 'Then your lordship will not forbid me?'
He gave me a satisfactory answer, and I took my leave. Soon
after this, two clergymen sent for me, and told me they would
not let me preach in their pulpits any more, unless I renounced
that part of my sermon on regeneration, wherein I wished 'that
my brethren would entertain their auditories oftener with
discourses upon the new birth.' This I had no freedom to do, and
so they continued my opposers.

"What, I believe, irritated some of my enemies the more, was
my free conversation with many of the serious Dissenters, who
invited me to their houses, and repeatedly told me 'that, if
the doctrine of the new birth and justification by faith was
preached powerfully in the Church, there would be but few
Dissenters in England.' My practice in visiting and associating
with them, I thought, was quite agreeable to the word of
God. Their conversation was savoury, and I imagined the best
way to bring them over was not by bigotry and railing, but
by moderation, and love, and undissembled holiness of life.
But these reasons were of no avail. One minister called me a
_pragmatical rascal_, and vehemently inveighed against the whole
body of Dissenters. This stirred up the people's corruptions;
and, having an overweening fondness for me, whenever they came
to church and found that I did not preach, some of them would
go out again. This spirit I always endeavoured to quell, and
made a sermon on purpose from these words, 'Take heed how ye
hear.' One time, upon hearing that a churchwarden intended to
take £8 a year from his parish minister, because he refused to
let me preach his lecture, I composed a sermon upon 'Love your
enemies,' and delivered it where I knew the churchwarden would
be. It had its desired effect. He came after sermon, and told me
he should not resent the injury the doctor had done me, and then
thanked me for my care.

"Nor was I without opposition from my friends, who were jealous
over me with a godly jealousy. Thousands and thousands came to
hear. My sermons were everywhere called for. News came, from
time to time, of the springing-up and increase of the seed sown
in Bristol, Gloucester, and elsewhere. Large offers were made
me, if I would stay in England. And all the opposition I met
with, joined with the consciousness of my daily infirmities, was
but ballast little enough to keep me from oversetting.

"I had a sweet knot of religious friends, with whom I first
attempted to pray _extempore_. Some time, I think in October,
we began to set apart an hour every evening to intercede with
the Great Head of the Church to carry on the work begun, and
for the circle of our acquaintance, according as we knew their
circumstances required. I was their mouth unto God, and He only
knows what enlargement I felt in that Divine employ. Once we
spent a whole night in prayer and praise; and many a time, at
midnight and at one in the morning, after I had been wearied
almost to death in preaching, writing, and conversation, and
going from place to place, God imparted new life to my soul, and
enabled me to intercede with Him for an hour and a half and two
hours together. The sweetness of this exercise made me compose
my sermon upon _Intercession_, and I cannot think it presumption
to suppose that partly, at least, in answer to prayers then put
up by His dear children, the Word, for some years past, has run
and been glorified, not only in England, but in many other parts
of the world.

"It was now, I think, that I was prevailed on to sit for my
picture. The occasion was this. Some ill-minded persons had
painted me leaning on a cushion, with a bishop looking very
enviously over my shoulder. At the bottom were six lines, in
one of which the bishops were styled 'Mitred Drones.' The same
person published in the papers that I had sat for it. This
I looked upon as a snare of the devil to incense the clergy
against me. I consulted friends what to do. They told me I must
sit for my picture in my own defence. At the same time, my aged
mother laid her commands upon me to do so, urging 'that if I
would not let her have the substance, I would leave her at least
the shadow.' She also mentioned the painter, and, meeting with
him one night, accidentally, I, with great reluctance, complied,
and endeavoured, whilst the painter was drawing my face, to
employ my time in beseeching the great God, by His Holy Spirit,
to paint His blessed image upon my heart.

"Christmas now drew near. Notice was given me that the soldiers
were almost ready to embark for Georgia, and I resolved to go
with them. The nearer the time of my departure approached,
the more affectionate the people grew. At the beginning of
Christmas week, I took my leave; but, oh, what groans and sighs
were heard when I said, 'Finally, brethren, farewell!' At Great
St. Helen's, the cry was amazing. I was nearly half an hour
going out to the door. All ranks gave vent to their passions.
Thousands and thousands of prayers were put up for me. They
would run and stop me in the alleys, hug me in their arms, and
follow me with wishful looks. Once in the Christmas before my
departure, with many others, I spent a night in prayer and
praise, and, in the morning, helped to administer the sacrament
at St. Dunstan's, as I used to do on Saints' Days. But such a
sacrament I never saw before. The tears of the communicants
mingled with the cup, and had not Jesus comforted our hearts,
our parting would have almost been unsupportable.

"At length, on December 28, I left London and went on board the
_Whitaker_, after having preached in a good part of the London
churches, collected about £1000 for the charity schools, and got
upwards of £300 for the poor of Georgia among my friends."[99]

[99] "A Further Account of God's Dealings with the Rev. George
Whitefield, from the time of his Ordination to his embarking for
Georgia." 8vo, 1747.

This is a strange, almost romantic story. Remembering Whitefield's
youthfulness and the circumstances of his life, it stands
unparalleled. The young Methodist stirred one of the greatest cities
in the world. John Wesley was now on his way home from Georgia,
disappointed, and deplorably depressed, and wrote, during his ocean
journey, "I went to America to convert the Indians; but, oh, who
shall convert me?" Twelve months before, Charles Wesley began his
"twenty-seventh year in a murmuring, discontented spirit; reading
over and over the third of Job;"[100] and during the interval had
been worried with all sorts of Georgian vexations. Whitefield all
the while was almost as happy as a man could be outside heaven;
and, in his pulpit throne, was wielding a power which moved the
hearts of thousands. "I suppose," said he to his friend Harris, at
Gloucester, "you have heard of my _mighty deeds_, falsely so called,
by reading the newspapers; but I beseech Mr. Raikes, the printer,
never to put me into his News upon any such account again. All
London is alarmed. Thousands, I hope, are quickened, strengthened,
and confirmed by the word preached. God still works more and more by
my unworthy ministry. Last week, save one," (November 14, 1737,) "I
preached ten times in different churches; and the last week seven;
and yesterday four times, and read prayers twice. I now begin to
preach charity sermons twice or thrice a week, besides two or three
on Sundays; and sixty or seventy pounds are collected weekly for
the poor children. Thousands would come in to hear, but cannot." In
another letter to the same friend, dated December 23rd, he writes:
"On Wednesday night, eighteen of us continued all night in praises,
and in praying for you and our other friends. I have preached above
a hundred times since I have been here. Last Sunday, at six in the
morning, when I gave my farewell, the whole congregation wept and
cried aloud. Since that, there is no end of persons coming and
telling me what God has done for their souls. The time would fail
me, were I to relate how many have been awakened. The great day will
discover all. Meanwhile, pray that the goodness of God may make me
humble. My farewell sermon will be published shortly, with two or
three more."

[100] C. Wesley's Journal.

The charity schools so frequently mentioned in Whitefield's
narrative were schools for the education of the children of the
poor, to a large extent established by the Religious Societies and
by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. In 1744, there
were, in London and Westminster, 136 of these schools, containing
5069 scholars.

Whitefield mentions certain "lecture churches" in which he preached.
These were churches in which the Religious Societies, founded by
Dr. Hornech, Bishop Beveridge, and others, about the year 1677,
commenced six o'clock morning services every Sunday, at which
ministers, specially engaged for the occasion, preached, and
administered the holy communion, their fees being paid out of the
sacramental collections, and the overplus of such collections being
given for the support of the charity schools just named.[101]

[101] Memoirs of James Hutton, p. 14.

Charles Wesley was in England during the whole of the year of
1737, but was so occupied with Georgian affairs, and with other
things, that his opportunities of holding communion with his
friend Whitefield were not many. Occasionally, however, they
found time to meet, and rejoiced in each other's welfare.
Charles writes: "Sunday, October 30th. I waked Jacky Delamotte
and Miss Betty at five, and attended them to Forster Lane, where
we heard Mr. Whitefield, and communicated together." And again:
"Saturday, November 5th. I met and turned back with Betty to hear
Mr. Whitefield preach, not with the persuasive words of man's
wisdom, but with the demonstration of the Spirit, and with power.
The churches will not contain the multitudes that throng to hear
him."[102]

[102] C. Wesley's Journal.

During the year, Charles had been worried by a young Dutchman of the
name of Appee, who had accompanied; him from Georgia, a religious
hypocrite, who was afterwards found to be an infidel, a libertine, a
liar, and a thief. He had, also, been introduced to Zinzendorf, just
arrived from Germany, and had promised to call on him every day. At
Zinzendorf's, he had met with Bishop Nitschmann, had been present at
a Moravian service, and had "thought himself in a choir of angels."
The Bishop of Oxford had received him with the utmost kindness, and
had desired him to call on him as often as he could. He had visited
his old friends at Oxford, and his brother Samuel at Tiverton. At
her desire, he had waited upon Lady Betty Hastings. He had buried
his uncle, Matthew Wesley. He had met his mother and his sisters. He
had greeted his "old hearty friend, Benjamin Ingham," just returned
from Georgia. He had had interviews with Archbishop Potter, and with
his Majesty George II. He and William Law had conversed on religious
subjects. He had visited the Delamotte family at Blendon. He had
had cavils not a few with Oglethorpe and the Georgian Trustees. As
late as October 14, he still contemplated a return to Georgia. He
preached occasionally. Everywhere his conversation was religious.
But, compared with his young friend Whitefield, his was a life
of obscurity. He had no preaching popularity, and, judging from
present appearances, was not likely to be blessed or cursed with so
dangerous a thing.

On the other hand, Whitefield had burst upon the public as a blazing
comet. His fame was trumpeted throughout London. Even poets
began to make him the subject of their metrical compositions. The
following was published in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for November,
1737:--

"TO THE REV. Mr. WHITEFIELD, ON HIS DESIGN FOR GEORGIA.

"How great, how just thy zeal, advent'rous youth!
To spread, in heathen climes, the light of truth!
Go, loved of heaven! with every grace refined,
Inform, enrapture each dark Indian's mind;
Grateful, as when to realms long hid from day,
The cheerful dawn foreshows the solar ray.

How great thy charity! whose large embrace
Intends th' eternal weal of all thy race;
Prompts thee, the rage of winds and seas to scorn,
T' effect the work for which thy soul was born.
What multitudes, whom Pagan dreams deceive,
Shall, when they hear thy powerful voice, believe!

On Georgia's shore, thy Wesley shall attend,
To hail the wished arrival of his friend;
With joy the promised harvest he surveys,
And to his Lord for faithful lab'rers prays:
Though crowded temples here would plead thy stay,
Yet haste, blest prophet! on thy destined way.

Be gentle, winds! and breathe an easy breeze!
Be clear, ye skies! and smooth, ye flowing seas!
From heaven, ye guardian angels! swift descend,
Delighted his blest mission to attend;
Which shall from Satan's power whole nations free,
While half the world to Jesus bow the knee.

Long as Savannah, peaceful stream! shall glide,
Your worth renowned shall be extended wide;
Children as yet unborn shall bless your lore,
Who thus, to save them, left your native shore.
Th' Apostles thus, with ardent zeal inspired,
To gain _all nations_ for their Lord desired.

They measured seas, a life laborious knew,
And num'rous converts to their Master drew;
Whose alleluias, on th' ethereal plains,
Rise scarce beneath the bright seraphic strains."

Whatever may be the merits of this high-flown poem, the fact that it
was inserted in one of the most able and popular periodicals of the
day, affords sufficient evidence of the marvellous fame to which
the young Methodist preacher had attained. The incense, however,
was not unmixed. Whitefield had many friends; but, as was natural,
he also had the fortune of having foes. The crowds praised him; but
already envious critics stealthily derided him. Some of the clergy
murmured discontent. An unknown artist, in his "Mitred Drones," did
his best to make Whitefield ridiculous. The _Weekly Miscellany_,
the principal religious newspaper of the period, was getting angry,
and already commenced that anti-Methodistic warfare for which it
soon became famous. After a long series of leading articles against
infidels, the editor began, on October 28, another series against
enthusiasts. It is true that Whitefield is not named; but there
can be no doubt that he was the chief person meant. Want of space
prevents the insertion of more than one extract,--an extract taken
from the first article of the series. The redoubtable Mr. Hooker
writes:--

"Enthusiasts _feel_ the truth, though they are unable to
defend it; and if you ask a _reason_, they can only give you a
_rapture_. _Zeal_ without _knowledge_, _sound_ without _sense_,
and a _light_ in themselves _which cannot shine forth before
men_, are the general symptoms of their disorder. Nay, some of
them make the _absence_ of _reason_ necessary to the _presence_
of the _Spirit_; and accordingly their exercises of religion are
entirely inconsistent with the least use of their understanding.
Their praying in the Spirit is the utmost extravagance of
passion, the wildest flights of the imagination; either glaring
nonsense, or darkness visible. If in a sermon, for want of clear
thinking or expression, there is room left for the _imagination_
to _bewilder_ itself; or the preacher gives a loose to his
_passions_, one while rising with the wildest _ecstasy of joy_,
again sinking into the lowest _dejection of sorrow_, and venting
sighs of the most immoderate _grief_; now railing with all the
bitterness of _rage_, then melting into the most soft and tender
strains of _affection_; how apt are we, nay, how common is it
for the person himself to believe he is under the influence of
the Holy Ghost! His not being able to govern his _own_ spirit is
thought a proof of his having _that_ of God; as the furor of the
Pythian priestess was the sole sign of her inspiration."

Whitefield, however, was not without defenders. In the year 1733,
an important pamphlet was published, with the following title, "The
Oxford Methodists: being an Account of some Young Gentlemen in that
City, in derision so called; setting forth their Rise and Designs.
With some occasional Remarks on a Letter inserted in Fog's Journal
of December 9, 1732, relating to them. In a Letter from a Gentleman
near Oxford to his Friend in London." On the 9th of December, 1737,
a second edition of this pamphlet was issued, "with very great
alterations and improvements," (8vo, 29 pp.) To this was prefixed a
preface of four pages, which, being the _first printed_[103] address
to Whitefield, deserves to be quoted. The writer says:--

"This little piece was originally written to vindicate gentlemen
called by the name of Methodists; and, as their conduct has
continued ever since irreproachable, and they have steadfastly
persevered in the same course which so laudably began some
years ago, and yet have still the misfortune to find themselves
slightly spoken of by many persons who care not to fall into
their measures, which they may possibly think too strict and
self-denying, it must not be thought improper to reprint it now.
And to whom can it be so fitly addressed as to you, sir, who
have passed under that appellation, and who, by your successful
preaching, have so well justified the conduct of the gentlemen
who are the subject of it?

[103] Unless the foregoing poem be considered an exception.

"It must afford no small pleasure to all serious Christians to
find, by your success in the two first cities of the kingdom,
that, degenerate as the age is in which we live, a spirit of
piety and attention may nevertheless be excited in the minds of
the generality; and that without any other _novelty_ than by
preaching the _plain_ and _obvious_ doctrines of _Christianity_
in so _serious_ and _affecting_ a manner as shall show the
preacher to be in _earnest_, and himself affected by the
doctrines he would instil into others. And, from hence, there
is little room to doubt that if the like method was generally
taken by our brethren of the clergy, and if the doctrines of the
_Gospel_ were not made to give way to the only _secondary_ rules
of _morality_, the like success would attend their labours,
and the Christian religion and our sacred function would be
freed from that cold neglect, to say no worse, which is now too
frequently thrown upon both.

"I have heard it rumoured that you have been refused, by some
of our brethren, the use of their pulpits; but, as you have
submitted some of your discourses to the public censure, and
as I have not heard it once suggested by the most invidious
that there is anything contained in them in the least repugnant
to the doctrines of Christianity in general, or those of the
Established Church in particular, I hope it cannot be true.

"But be this as it may, let me exhort you, sir, not to be
discouraged or dismayed at any opposition that you may meet
with in your good designs; but preserve (in the midst of the
_dangerous_ applauses you meet with from the crowded audiences
that everywhere attend your preaching) that _meekness_ and
_humility_ which must be inseparable from the doctrines you seek
to propagate, and more than any one thing (beside the blessing
of God) insure the success of your labours, and demonstrate
to the world that you are yourself under the happy influences
which you seek to spread; that your actions are regulated by
the doctrines you preach; and that God's glory and the religion
of the blessed Jesus are the principal--the only motives that
animate your conduct and your views.

"This will entitle you to the blessing of God, and the
approbation of all good men; and particularly to the hearty
good wishes of your affectionate, though unknown brother in our
common Lord,

"A. B."

Another fact in Whitefield's narrative deserves attention, namely,
his Christian intercourse with Dissenters. In this respect, he was
far ahead of his friend Wesley. In Georgia, Wesley was treating
Dissenters with the supercilious tyranny of a High Church bigot. He
refused them the sacrament, until they first gave up their faith
and principles, and, like Richard Turner and his sons, submitted to
be re-baptized by him.[104] Respecting John Martin Bolzius, whose
beautiful letter he inserted in his Journal, under the date of
September, 1749, Wesley himself remarks, "What a truly Christian
piety and simplicity breathe in these lines! And yet this very man,
when I was at Savannah, did I refuse to admit to the Lord's table,
because he was not baptized--that is, not baptized by a minister
who had been episcopally ordained." One of the accusations against
Wesley, handed to the grand jury at Savannah, was that he "refused
the Office of the Dead to such as did not communicate with him;"
and among the findings of the jury were the following: that he had
refused the sacrament to William Gough, because he had heard William
Gough was a Dissenter; and that he would not allow William Aglionby
to stand godfather to the child of Henry Marley, because William
Aglionby had not been at the communion table with him.

[104] "A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia.
1741."

Such was Wesley in Georgia at the very time when Whitefield in
London was having "free conversation with many of the serious
Dissenters who invited him to their houses." Who can doubt which of
the two Oxford Methodists was right? Wesley had more learning than
Whitefield, but, for the present, Whitefield had more charity. One
had been bred in Epworth parsonage; the other in a public-house. One
was encrusted with old and almost inherited prejudices which it was
difficult to cast aside; the other had had a training from which
such prejudices were almost, perhaps entirely, excluded. Wesley,
to the day of his death, professed a conscientious adherence to the
Church of England. Whitefield, almost from first to last, made the
Dissenters his friends.

During the year 1737, about half a dozen of Whitefield's sermons
were published; and from these the reader may obtain a fair idea
of the young preacher's sentiments and style. His almost unbounded
popularity is the best excuse for their being committed to the
press. Perhaps neither time nor study could have ever fitted
Whitefield to occupy the theological professor's chair. He had
a calling peculiarly his own, and well was it fulfilled. He was
incapable of doing the work Wesley did; but there was another kind
of work--popular, earnest, loving, powerful preaching--in which
he seems to stand unequalled. His printed sermons fail to convey
a correct conception of his spoken ones. The preacher's sonorous
voice, his intonations, his action, his facial expressions, are
things which could not be embodied in his published discourses; and
yet, to things like these, the discourses were greatly indebted
for their astonishing effects. Whitefield was the greatest gospel
orator of the age. He never stretched after profundity of thought.
He made no pretensions of excelling in learned biblical exegesis.
A "fine, highly ornamental style" he appears to have eschewed as
much as Wesley did. He preached simple truth, with all his might;
and witnessed success such as is rarely given a minister to see.
The Wesleys had one kind of mission; Whitefield had another. The
former expounded, enforced, and defended truth; wrote hymns;
published grammars, history, philosophy, commentaries, and books
of almost all sorts and sizes; organized societies; instituted
ministerial synods; and exercised a kind of episcopal jurisdiction
over thousands of loving and loyal adherents. Whitefield was an
_evangelist_, a "preacher of the gospel," a man whose chief, if
not only, work was to testify "the truth as it is in Jesus," and
to convert men "from sin to holiness, and from the power of Satan
unto God." Even the ministerial gifts of God are manifold; they
always have been so; they always will. At the beginning, "He gave
some, apostles; and some, prophets; and some, evangelists; and some,
pastors and teachers; for the perfecting of the saints, for the
work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ." If
not equally important, all are needed, all are useful, and none must
be despised. "The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of
thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you." Such
a contempt is an injustice to the ministers themselves, and a sin
against God who gives them.

Rightly to appreciate Whitefield's pulpit power, the reader of his
published sermons must not only ponder _what_ he said, but make an
effort to imagine _how_ he said it. With such a proviso, let him
read the following extracts from sermons preached and published by
the youthful evangelist in the year 1737, and at the commencement
of 1738. One of these sermons--on the new birth--has been already
noticed. Besides this, there were eight others.[105]

[105] It must be remembered that there are many paragraphs in the
first edition of these sermons, which are omitted in the sermons
from the same texts in Whitefield's collected works, published in
1771; and _vice versâ_. By overlooking this fact, or by not knowing
it, some of Whitefield's biographers have fallen into ridiculous
mistakes.

1. "The Nature and Necessity of Society in general, and of Religious
Society in particular. Preached in the Parish Church of St. Nicholas
in Bristol, and before the Religious Societies, at one of their
General Quarterly Meetings in Bow Church, London, in the year
1737."[106] (8vo, 30 pp.)

[106] Three editions of this sermon were published before the end of
1737.

In a preface, addressed "to the members of every Religious Society
in and about the Cities of Bristol, London, and Westminster,"
Whitefield says, he had not the least intention to let any other of
his "discourses see the light," besides the one already printed; but
some of his "misguided Bristol friends" had already published "a
very incorrect transcript" of this, and had sold nearly four hundred
copies before he could stop the circulation. The text of the sermon
is Ecclesiastes iv. 9--12. One short extract must suffice. Having
used various arguments in recommending Christian fellowship, he
proceeds to deduce inferences from what had been advanced, and says,
almost prophetically:--

"If the advantages of religious society are so many and so
great, then it is the duty of every Christian to establish and
promote Societies of this nature. And I believe we may venture
to affirm that, if ever the spirit of true Christianity is
revived in the world, it must be brought about by some such
means as this" (p. 26).

When these words were uttered, little did Whitefield think that the
Oxford Methodists would be the means of forming and establishing
such Societies, by thousands, in all quarters of the globe.

2. "The Almost Christian: A Sermon preached at the Parish Church of
St. John, Wapping. Published at the desire of the hearers." (8vo,
27 pp.) Text, Acts xxvi. 28. Two extracts from this sermon may be
welcome:--

"One reason why so many are only almost Christians is, because
they set out with false notions of religion. Though they live
in a Christian country, they know not what Christianity is.
Some place religion in being of this or that communion; more
in morality; most in a round of duties; and few, very few,
acknowledge it to be, what it really is, a thorough inward
change of nature, a divine life, a vital participation of
Jesus Christ, an union of the soul with God. Hence, it happens
that so many, even of the most knowing professors, when you
converse with them concerning the essence, the life, the soul
of religion, I mean our new birth in Jesus Christ, confess
themselves quite ignorant of the matter, and cry out with
Nicodemus, How can this thing be?" (p. 12.)

"An almost Christian is one of the most hurtful creatures in
the world. He is a wolf in sheep's clothing. He is one of those
false prophets, of whom our blessed Lord bids us beware, who
would persuade men that the way to heaven is broader than it
really is; and, thereby, enter not into the kingdom of God
themselves, and those that are entering in they hinder. These,
these are the men who turn the world into a lukewarm, Laodicean
spirit; who hang out false lights, and so shipwreck unthinking
benighted souls in their voyage to the haven where they would
be. These are they that are greater enemies to the cross of
Christ than infidels themselves; for, of an unbeliever every
one will be aware; but an almost Christian, through his subtle
hypocrisy, _draws away many after him_, and therefore must
expect to _receive the greater damnation_" (p. 22).

This was plain speaking; but who will say that it was not needed?

3. "The Benefits of an Early Piety: A Sermon preached at Bow Church,
London. Before the Religious Societies, at one of their Quarterly
Meetings, on Wednesday, September 28, 1737. Published at the request
of several of the hearers." (8vo, 26 pp.) Text, Ecclesiastes xii.
12.[107]

[107] This sermon was written, and first preached at Stonehouse, in
the month of May, 1737. (Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 25.)

The following extract enunciates a doctrine, on which, in after
years, Whitefield and his friend Wesley differed:--

"If pure religion and undefiled consists in the total renewal of
our corrupted natures, then it is not only a work of difficulty,
but of time; for, as the old was not, so neither is the new
creation completed in a day. No; good men know by experience,
that it is a long while before old things can pass away, and
all things become new in them. The strong man armed has gotten
too great possession of their hearts to be quickly driven out,
and they are obliged to combat many a weary hour before their
corruptions be wholly taken from them. Nay, they find their
whole lives short enough to perfect the work of regeneration,
and never expect to say, It is finished, till, with their
blessed Master, they bow down their heads, and give up the
ghost" (p. 8).

This was Whitefield's theology, but not Wesley's. Whitefield
overlooks the all-sufficiency of the Divine Spirit, and speaks
as though human corruptions are to be destroyed solely by human
endeavours. If this assumption were correct, no one would doubt his
doctrine that the _entire_ sanctification of the soul is impossible
previous to the hour of death. Wesley taught his people to sing--

"I want Thy life, Thy purity,
Thy righteousness, brought in;
I ask, desire, and trust in Thee,
To be redeemed from sin.

Saviour, to Thee my soul looks up,
My present Saviour Thou!
In all the confidence of hope,
I claim the blessing now.

'Tis done: Thou dost this moment save,
With full salvation bless;
Redemption through Thy blood I have,
And spotless love and peace."

4. "The Great Duty of Family Religion: A Sermon preached at the
Parish Church of St. Vedast, Foster Lane. Published at the desire of
the hearers." (8vo, 25 pp.) Text, Joshua xxiv. 15.

One extract will be sufficient to exhibit the young preacher's
earnestness and fidelity:--

"Fifthly and lastly. If neither _gratitude_ to God, _love_ to
your children, common _justice_ to your servants, nor even that
most prevailing motive, _self-interest_, will excite; yet let
a consideration of the _terrors of the Lord_ persuade you to
put in practice the pious resolution in the text. Remember, the
time will come, and that perhaps very shortly, when we must all
appear before the judgment-seat of Christ, where we must give
a solemn and strict account how we have had our conversation,
in our respective families, in this world. How will you endure
to see your children and servants (who ought to be your joy and
crown of rejoicing in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ) coming
out as so many swift witnesses against you; cursing the father
that begat them, the womb that bare them, the paps which they
have sucked, and the day they ever entered into your houses?
Think you not, the damnation which men must endure for their own
sins will be sufficient, that they need load themselves with the
additional guilt of being accessory to the damnation of others
also? Oh, consider this, all ye that forget to serve the Lord
with your respective households, _lest He pluck you away, and
there be none to deliver you_" (p. 23).

5. "The Nature and Necessity of Self-Denial: A Sermon preached at
the Parish Church of St. Andrew, Holborn, on Sunday, October 9,
1737. Published at the request of several who heard it." (8vo, 26
pp.) Text, Luke ix. 23.

The following extract is thoroughly _Whitefieldian_:--

"Thirdly, think often on the pains of hell. Consider whether it
is not better to cut off a right hand or foot, and pluck out a
right eye, if they offend us, or cause us to sin, rather than to
be cast into hell, into the fire that never shall be quenched.
Think how many thousands there are now reserved, with damned
spirits, in chains of darkness, unto the judgment of the great
day, for not complying with the precept in the text. And think
withal that this, this must be our own case shortly, unless
we are wise in time, and submit to those easy conditions our
Saviour has prescribed us in order to avoid it. Think you, they
now imagine Jesus Christ to be a hard master; or, rather think
you not, they would give ten thousand times ten thousand worlds,
could they but return to life again, and take Christ's easy
yoke upon them? And can _we_ dwell with everlasting burnings
more than _they_? If we cannot bear this precept, how shall we
bear the irrevocable sentence, 'Depart from me, ye cursed, into
everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels'?

"Lastly, often meditate on the joys of heaven. Think, think with
what unspeakable glory those happy souls are now encircled, who,
when on earth, were called to deny themselves, and were not
disobedient to the call. Hark! Methinks I hear them chanting
their everlasting hallelujahs, and spending an eternal day
in echoing triumphant songs of joy. And do you not long, my
brethren, to join this heavenly choir? Do not your hearts burn
within you? As the hart panteth after the water-brooks, do not
your souls so long after the blessed company of these sons of
God? Behold, then, a heavenly ladder reached down to you, by
which you may climb to this holy hill. If any man will come
after them, let him deny himself, and follow them. By this we,
even we, may be lifted up into the same blissful regions,
there to enjoy an eternal rest with the people of God, and join
with them in singing doxologies and songs of praise to the
everlasting, blessed, all-glorious, most adorable Trinity, for
ever and ever" (p. 26).

6. "Of Justification by Christ: A Sermon preached at the Parish
Church of St. Antholin," etc. (8vo, 26 pp.) Text, "But ye are
justified." One extract must suffice. Having stated that "we all
stand in need of being justified, because we are all chargeable with
_original sin_," Whitefield says:--

"I have been, the more particular in treating of this point,
because it is the very foundation of the Christian religion;
for I am verily persuaded that it is nothing but a want of
being well grounded in the doctrine of original sin, and of
the helpless, nay, I may say damnable, condition each of us
comes into the world in, that makes so many who call themselves
Christians so very lukewarm in their love to Jesus Christ. It is
this, and I could almost say this only, that makes infidelity
abound among us. We are mistaken if we imagine that men commence
or continue infidels, and set up corrupted reason in opposition
to revelation, merely for want of evidence. No, it is only for
want of an humble mind, of a sense of their original depravity,
and an unwillingness to own themselves so depraved, that makes
them so obstinately shut their eyes against the light of the
glorious gospel of Christ. Were they but once pricked to the
heart with a due and lively sense of their natural corruption
and liableness to condemnation, we should have them no more
scoffing at Divine revelation, and looking on it as an idle
tale; but they would cry out with convicted Paul, 'Lord, what
wouldest Thou have me to do?' or, with the trembling jailor,
'Men and brethren, what shall we do to be saved?'" (p. 10.)

7. "The Heinous Sin of Profane Cursing and Swearing: A Sermon
preached at the Parish Church of St. Nicholas, Cole Abbey"[108]
(8vo, 18 pp.) Text, Matthew v. 34. Whitefield's four divisions are--

"I. The crime of profane swearing is highly aggravated, because
there is no temptation in nature to this sin, nor does the
commission of it afford the offender the least pleasure or
satisfaction. II. Because it is a sin which may be so often
repeated. III. Because it hardens infidels against the Christian
religion, and must give offence, and occasion much sorrow and
concern, to every true disciple of Jesus Christ. IV. Because it
is an extremity of sin, which can only be matched in hell."

[108] Price, threepence, or a guinea a hundred to those who gave
them away.

One of the preacher's inferences is as follows:--

"If these things be so, and the sin of profane swearing is so
exceeding sinful, what shall we say to the unhappy men, who
think it not only allowable, but fashionable and polite, to
take the name of God in vain; who imagine that swearing makes
them look big among their companions; and really think it a
piece of honour to abound in it? Alas! little do they think
that such behaviour argues the greatest degeneracy of mind and
foolhardiness. This is what they presume not to do in other
cases of less danger. They dare not revile a general at the head
of his army. And is the Almighty God, the great Jehovah, the
everlasting King, who can consume them with the breath of His
nostrils, and frown them into hell in an instant; is He, I say,
the only contemptible being that may be provoked without fear,
and offended without punishment? No. Though God bear long, He
will not bear always. The time will come when God will vindicate
His injured honour, when He will lay bare His almighty arm,
and make those wretches feel the eternal smart of His justice,
whose power and name they have so often vilified and blasphemed.
Alas! what will become of their bravery then? Will they then
wantonly sport with the name of their Maker, and call upon the
King of all the earth to damn them any more in jest? Their note
will then be changed. Indeed, they shall call, but it will be
for 'the rocks to fall on them, and the hills to cover them,
from the wrath of Him that sitteth upon the throne, and from the
Lamb for ever.' Time was when they prayed for damnation both
for themselves and others; and now they will find their prayers
answered. 'They delighted in cursing, therefore shall it happen
unto them; they loved not blessing, therefore shall it be far
from them; they clothed themselves with cursing like as with a
garment, and it shall come into their bowels like water, and
like oil into their bones'" (p. 16).

8. "Intercession every Christian's Duty: A Sermon preached at the
Parish Church of Great St. Helen, on Tuesday, December 27, 1737.
Published at the particular request of the hearers." (8vo, 26 pp.)
Text, "Brethren, pray for us."

Whitefield was induced to _write_ this sermon by the remarkable
blessings he derived from the intercessory meetings he commenced in
the month of October; and he now _preached_ it on the day before
that on which he left London for Savannah. It contains one sentiment
too startling to be omitted:--

"To stir you up," cried the young, impassioned preacher,
"to stir you up yet further to this godlike exercise of
intercession, consider that, in all probability, it is the
frequent employment even of the glorified saints. Though they
are delivered from the burden of the flesh, and restored to the
glorious liberty of the sons of God, yet, as their happiness
cannot be perfectly consummated till the resurrection of the
last day, when all their brethren will be glorified with them,
we cannot but think they are often importunate in beseeching our
heavenly Father shortly to accomplish the number of His elect,
and to hasten His kingdom. And shall not we, who are on earth,
be often exercised in this Divine employ with the glorious
company of 'the spirits of just men made perfect'?" (p. 18.)

The reader will deal with this opinion as he thinks proper; space
will only permit the following further extract from this first
farewell sermon of the great preacher:--

"You, amongst whom I have now been preaching, in all
probability, will see me no more. I am going from you (I trust
under the conduct of God's most Holy Spirit), knowing not what
shall befall me. I need, therefore, your most importunate
intercessions, that nothing may move me from my duty, and that
I may not count even my life dear unto myself, so that I may
finish my course with joy, and the ministry I have received
of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God.
Whilst I have been here, to the best of my knowledge, I have not
failed to declare unto you the whole will of God; and, though my
preaching may have been a 'savour of death unto death' to some,
yet I trust it has been also a 'savour of life unto life' to
others. The many unmerited kindnesses I have received from you
will not suffer me to forget you. Whilst the winds and storms
are blowing over me, unto the Lord will I make my supplication
for you. In a little while, 'we must all appear before the
judgment seat of Christ,' where I must give a strict account of
the doctrine I have preached, and you of your improvement under
it. Oh, may I never be called as a witness against any of those
for whose salvation I have sincerely, though too faintly, longed
and laboured! It is true, I have been censured by some, as
acting from sinister and selfish views; but it is a small matter
with me to be judged by man's judgment. I hope my eye is single,
but I beseech you, brethren, pray that it may be more so, and
that I may increase in the knowledge and love of God through
Jesus Christ our Lord. And now, brethren, what shall I say more?
I beseech you, as my last request, 'Obey them that have the rule
over you in the Lord;' and be always ready to attend on their
ministry, as it is your bounden duty. Think not that I desire
to have myself exalted at the expense of another's character;
but rather think this, Not to have any man's person too much in
admiration, but esteem all your ministers highly in love, as
they justly deserve, for their work's sake" (p. 25).

Thus ended Whitefield's ministry in London, in the year 1737. The
biographer of James Hutton says, "Whitefield was young and modest,
but an earnest preacher. He said little, however, of justification
through the Saviour, but forcibly insisted on the necessity of
being born again. In this way, he arrested the attention of many,
particularly of the young, and led them to seek the salvation of
their souls. Age 22 They fasted, they wept, and they strove; but how
salvation was to be effected they knew not."[109]

[109] Memoirs of James Hutton, p. 13.

This is a somewhat startling statement, and yet there is truth in
it. It is an undeniable fact, that, in the nine sermons already
mentioned, there is scarcely a single trace of the doctrine of
justification _by faith only_. This is one of the great doctrines
of the Word of God. It was pre-eminently one of the doctrines of
Luther and of the Reformation. In 1739, it was the doctrine that
created the Methodism that now exists; but, evidently, it was not
as yet a doctrine Whitefield preached. After all that has been
said, it is difficult to account for this; but, at the same time,
it is impossible to deny it. Whitefield learnt the doctrine soon
afterwards; and, to the end of life, faithfully proclaimed it.

Another point deserves attention. Except, perhaps, the once uttered
opinion that sin cannot be destroyed previous to the hour of death,
there is not the least allusion, in any of the nine sermons,
from which extracts have been given, to _any_ of the _Calvinian_
doctrines with respect to which Whitefield afterwards differed from
his friend Wesley. These were dogmas which he had yet to learn. He
found them not in the school of the Oxford Methodists, but among the
Presbyterians and Independents of America.

The quotations from his sermons may seem numerous, and, to some
readers, may be tedious; but, if it be a fact, as it unquestionably
is, that Whitefield is famous _chiefly as a preacher_, it is
important to be able to form an idea of the style and spirit of his
preaching in this the first year of his marvellously popular and
powerful ministry. It is hoped that, in this respect, the foregoing
extracts will be found useful. His voice, his intonation, and his
pulpit action cannot be put in type; but the reader may easily
ascertain what were his leading sentiments, and what the fidelity,
zeal, simplicity, and earnestness that marked his preaching.

One more fact must be noticed. James Hutton, the great Moravian, was
Whitefield's publisher, but nearly all the sermons already mentioned
issued from the press of the most distinguished and learned printer
of the age, William Bowyer.

In 1733, John Wesley published "A Collection of Forms of Prayer for
Every Day in the Week." In 1737, James Hutton, without Wesley's
name, and perhaps without Wesley's sanction, printed a third edition
of this manual of devotion, and advertised it as "recommended by
the Rev. George Whitefield, B.A., of Pembroke College, Oxford." The
reason why Hutton's edition is now named is because it contains
Wesley's preface, which Wesley himself omitted in the edition of
his collected works in 1772, and which it is believed has, with
one exception,[110] strangely enough, never been printed since.
The preface is a remarkable production, and, as an exposition of
the principles of Wesley, Whitefield, and their friends, it is
sufficiently important to be transcribed without abridgment. It is
as follows:--

"The following Collection of Prayers is designed only for those
who, by the mercy of God, have, first, leisure and resolution to
set apart at least half an hour twice a day for their private
addresses to Him; and, secondly, a sincere reverence for, if not
some acquaintance with, the ancient Christian Church. He who has
not the former qualifications will take offence at the length;
he who has not the latter, at the matter of them.

[110] Dr. Osborn says, "An edition, miscalled the sixth, and
printed by Hawes, London, 1775, contained the _Preface_." I have
not seen this.--L. T.

"The intention of the collector was, first, to have forms of
prayer for every day in the week, each of which contained
something of deprecation, petition, thanksgiving, and
intercession. Secondly, to have such forms for those days
which the Christian Church has ever judged peculiarly proper
for religious rejoicing, as contained little of deprecation,
but were explicit and large in acts of love and thanksgiving.
Thirdly, to have such for those days which, from the age of
the apostles, have been set apart for religious mourning, as
contained little of thanksgiving, but were full and express
in acts of contrition and humiliation. Fourthly, to have
intercessions every day for all those whom our own Church
directs us to remember in our prayers. Fifthly, to comprise in
the course of petitions for the week the whole scheme of our
Christian duty.

"Whoever follows the direction of our excellent Church, in the
interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, by keeping close to that
sense of them which the Catholic Fathers and Ancient Bishops
have delivered to succeeding generations, will easily see that
the whole system of Christian duty is reducible to these five
heads.

"First, the renouncing ourselves. 'If any man will come after
me, let him renounce himself, and follow me.' This implies,
first, a thorough conviction that we are not our own; that we
are not the proprietors of ourselves, or anything we enjoy;
that we have no right to dispose of our goods, bodies, souls,
or any of the actions or passions of them.' Secondly, a solemn
resolution to act suitably to this conviction; not to live
to ourselves, nor to pursue our own desires; not to please
ourselves, nor to suffer our own will to be any principle of
action to us.

"Secondly, such a renunciation of ourselves naturally leads us
to the devoting of ourselves to God; as this implies, first, a
thorough conviction that we are God's; that He is the proprietor
of all we are, and all we have; and that not only by right of
creation, but of purchase, for He died for all; and therefore
died for all, that they which live should not henceforth live
unto themselves, but unto Him that died for them. Secondly, a
solemn resolution to act suitably to this conviction; to live
unto God; to 'render unto God the things which are God's,' even
all we are, and all we have; to glorify Him in our bodies, and
in our spirits, with all the powers, and all the strength of
each; and to make His will our sole principle of action.

"Thirdly, self-denial is the immediate consequence of this.
For whosoever has determined to live no longer to the desires
of men, but to the will of God, will soon find that he cannot
be true to his purpose, without denying himself, and taking up
his cross daily. He will daily feel some desire which his one
principle of action, the will of God, does not require him to
indulge. In this, therefore, he must either deny himself, or
so far deny the faith. He will daily meet with some means of
drawing nearer to God which are unpleasing to flesh and blood.
In these, therefore, he must either take up his cross, or so far
renounce his Master.

"Fourthly, by a constant exercise of self-denial, the true
follower of Christ continually advances in mortification. He is
more and more dead to the world, and the things of the world,
till at length he can say, with that perfect disciple of his
Lord,[111] 'I desire nothing more but God;' or with St. Paul, 'I
am crucified unto the world; I am dead with Christ; I live not,
but Christ liveth in me.'

[111] Marquis de Renty.

"Fifthly, Christ liveth in me. This is the fulfilling of the
law, the last stage of Christian holiness. This maketh the man
of God perfect. He, being dead to the world, is alive to God.
The man, the desire of whose soul is unto His name; who has
given Him his whole heart; who delights in Him, and in nothing
else but what tends to Him; who, for His sake, burns with love
to all mankind; who neither thinks, speaks, nor acts, but to
fulfil His will, is on the last round of the ladder to heaven.
Grace hath had its full work upon his soul. The next step he
takes is into glory.

"May the God of glory give unto us who have not already attained
this, neither are already perfect, to do this one thing,
forgetting those things which are behind, and reaching forth
unto those things which are before, to press toward this mark
for the prize of our high calling in Christ Jesus!

"May He so enlighten our eyes that we may reckon all things but
loss for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus our
Lord; and so stablish our hearts that we may rejoice to suffer
the loss of all things, and count them but dung, that we may win
Christ!"

In such a frame of mind and heart, young Whitefield went to Georgia.
No wonder that he prospered. Half a dozen men, animated with the
spirit breathing through the foregoing preface, would at any time
move a nation, stir its churches, and reform its morals. Such men
are the gift of God, and are infinitely more valuable than all the
gold in the Church's coffers. Never did the world need them more
than it needs them now. To have them we must ask for them. "The
harvest truly is great, but the labourers are few; pray ye therefore
the Lord of the harvest, that He would send forth labourers into His
harvest."

_FIRST VISIT TO AMERICA._

1738.

When Wesley embarked for Georgia, on October 14, 1735, he took
with him five hundred and fifty copies of a treatise on the Lord's
Supper, and a few other books, "the gift of several Christian
friends, for the use of the settlers" in that colony.[112] When
Whitefield embarked in 1738, he had a cargo sufficient to excite a
smile, and the collection of which must have cost him considerable
thought and labour.

[112] _Evening Post_, October 14, 1735.

Besides the £1000 which he collected for the Charity Schools in
London, he also begged, privately among his friends, £306 3s. "for
the poor of Georgia." It will be seen that this was a large amount,
when it is remembered that money then was four times the value
of money now. His subscription list is notable. Excepting half a
guinea from Stroud, five shillings from Stonehouse, a guinea and
a half from Oxford, and £6 19s. sent by "the Rev. Mr. Thompson,
of Cornwall,"[113] the whole of this amount was given by friends
in Gloucester, Bath, Bristol, and London. Gloucester contributed
upwards of £44, its donors including the Bishop, £20; the Dean,
£1 1s.; six clergymen, upwards of £5; Robert Raikes, the reputed
founder of Sunday-schools, half a guinea; Lady Selwyn, five guineas;
Mr. Harris, jun., Whitefield's correspondent, a guinea; and "Madame
Granville," half a guinea.

[113] The Vicar of St. Gennys, a warm friend of the Oxford
Methodists.

Bath gave £172 9s. 6d. Of this amount Lady Cox contributed £50; her
sister, Mrs. Bridget Bethel, £100; and the celebrated Doctor Cheyne
a guinea.

London supplied upwards of £40; Bristol, the lowest of the four
cities, £38 10s. 6d., towards which the Dean of Bristol gave three
guineas, and three clergymen, Messrs. Smith, Taylor, and Probert,
four guineas.

Whitefield's items of disbursement are curious. First of all, there
is £50 paid to the trustees of Georgia, "towards building a church
at Frederica." Then there are divers payments for books, pamphlets,
and tracts, including Flavel's Husbandry, Jenk's Devotion, Norris on
Prudence, Wesley's Forms of Prayer, Law's Call and Perfection, the
Bishop of the Isle of Man's Catechism, Reeve's Apology, 100 sermons
entitled "The Christian Soldier," by Thomas Broughton, the Oxford
Methodist, 150 Common Prayer Books, 25 copies of Watts's Songs, 130
Small Chapmen's books, 50 of Bellamy's Christian Schoolmaster, 50
Spelling Books, 6 Nelson's Festivals, 74 Organist Pocket Companions,
200 Country Parson's Advice, Arndt's True Christianity, etc., etc.

The clothing, haberdashery, and other kindred items are far too
numerous to be detailed, but include the following: stockings for
men, women, boys, and girls, at from ten to fifteen shillings per
dozen; shoes for ditto, at from one shilling and eightpence to three
shillings and sixpence per pair; caps for boys, about sixpence each;
three dozen hats for £2 2s. 6d.; six dozen women's caps, £2 8s. 6d.;
twenty-four striped flannel waistcoats, £2 6s.; twenty-six pairs
of canvas breeches, £1 8s.; to which must be added, payments for
"Holland tapes," "Manchester tapes," "beggars' tapes," "thread,"
"cotton laces," "yard-wide cottons," "handkerchiefs," and "twelve
dozens of shirt buttons."

The hardware list includes the following:--

_s_ _d._
A dozen tinder boxes 5 0
A dozen tin pots 3 6
Three dozen inkhorns 5 4
Two dozen leather ink-pots 2 0
Four dozen stone seals 4 0
Six claw hammers 4 0
Three dozen gun flints 2 0
A dozen of six case knives 5 0
A gross of sleeve buttons 2 6
Thirteen penknives for Savannah
school each 0 6
Sixteen dozens of corks 3 2
Fifty pounds of shot 7 3
A hundredweight and a
quarter of shot 18 9
Sixty-four pounds of gunpowder
per pound 0 7-1/2

Besides almost endless charges for scissors, buckles, corkscrews,
ivory combs, horn combs, spoons, pewter porringers, nails, gouges,
gimblets, axes, files, chisels, planes, hatchets, saws, shovels,
spades, locks, hinges, and fishing tackle.

The list of drugs, bought and paid for, comprises--rhubarb, senna,
manna, Jesuit's bark, pearl-barley, ipecacuanha, sago, saffron,
snake-root, gentian-root, cochineal, hartshorn powder, isinglass,
etc.

Among the household provisions are the following: a firkin of
butter, £1 8s.; a Cheshire cheese, at threepence halfpenny per
pound, 10s. 7 1/2 d.; a Gloucestershire cheese, at threepence
farthing, 8s. 6 1/2 d.; one hundred lemons, bought at Gibraltar,
two shillings; two hogsheads of fine white wine, £5 17s. 6d.; three
barrels of raisins, £1 19s. 6d.; to which must be added various
items of expenditure for cinnamon, sugar, brimstone, cloves,
mustard, pepper, oatmeal, oranges, potatoes, onions, and sage.

The stationery account includes four reams of foolscap writing
paper, £1 17s. 6d.; half a pound of wafers, one shilling; three
thousand second quills, £1 7s.; also sealing-wax, copy-books,
lead-pencils, slate-pencils, and ingredients to make ink.

In a long list of items of expenditure, after his arrival at
Savannah, are the following: "May 20, thirty pounds of fish, sent to
the poor of Highgate and Hampstead, three shillings and sixpence;
and 102 ells of Ossenbridge, for the poor for trowsers, shirts,
etc., £3 16s. 6d. May 27, eleven pounds of fresh beef for the
poor, 2s. 3 1/2 d.; and a cow and a calf for a poor housekeeper,
£2 15s.[114] June 15, a cow and a calf for a poor housekeeper of
Highgate, £3. June 17, eight sows with pig, for the poor of Highgate
and Hampstead. June 24, two barrels of flour, 432 lb., to set up a
poor baker, £2 12s. 10d.; and one barrel of ditto, 210 lb., made
into bread, and distributed to the poor of Savannah. July 14, two
pounds of tea for Savannah poor, 15s. July 26, thirty-three pounds
of fresh beef, 6s. 10 1/2 d.; and sixteen dozen corks and a brass
cock for the poor's wine; and, finally, at sundry times, payments
to and for Joseph Husbands, a servant whom the trustees allowed
Whitefield to take from England, £9 7s.

[114] This was repaid by the trustees of Georgia.

These, perhaps somewhat tedious, extracts from Whitefield's "Account
of Money received and expended, for the Poor of Georgia," are of
some importance. They furnish the names of some of his warm-hearted
friends. They supply an idea of market prices in 1737. They
evince the forethought and benevolence of the popular preacher,
at the early age of twenty-two. They, also, suggest one reason
why Whitefield was more successful in Georgia than his friend
Wesley. The latter had no friends to purchase gifts for the motley
colonists; the former had more than £300 for this important purpose.
Wesley's ritualism repelled the people; Whitefield's donatives
attracted them.

Wednesday, December 28, 1737, was a notable day in Whitefield's
history. First of all, he and his friends had a prayer meeting at
the house of Hutton, the Moravian. Then they received the holy
sacrament at the Church of St. Dunstan, Fleet Street, close to James
Hutton's place of business. After that, another meeting for united
prayer was held at the house of Hutton's father in Westminster. In
the evening, amid cold wintry darkness, Whitefield left London for
Savannah, and, accompanied by four of his faithful friends, arrived
at Deptford at ten o'clock. The excitement of the day was not ended
even now. Many of his admirers had preceded him on foot, and here,
in the house of "a widow woman," from two to three hours more were
spent, in singing "psalms and hymns and spiritual songs," and in
making intercession for their "friends and enemies and all mankind."
It was not, however, until five weeks after this that Whitefield
sailed from the English coast, and a brief account of the way in
which this interval was passed must be inserted. With a heart full
of the love of Christ, such a man could not be idle. He must be
about his Master's business.

Without entering into details respecting Georgia, it may be shortly
stated that, at this particular time, the colony was exceedingly
unsettled. On Oglethorpe's return, he reported, to a special meeting
of the trustees, held January 19, 1737, that "the people on the
frontiers suffered under constant apprehension of invasion, as the
insolent demands and threats of the Spanish Commissioner from Cuba
virtually amounted to an infraction of the treaty which had been
formed with the governor of Florida." Because of this, Oglethorpe
urged upon the trustees the necessity of applying to His Majesty
for a military force adequate to the defence of Georgia and South
Carolina. A petition was presented. The request was granted; and,
in the month of June following, the king appointed Oglethorpe
general of all his forces in Carolina as well as in Georgia, and
likewise commissioned him to raise a regiment. As, however, it was
deemed expedient to reinforce Georgia before Oglethorpe's regiment
was complete,[115] a small body of troops was sent from England,
with as little delay as possible, and others were forwarded from
Gibraltar.[116] Whitefield had been presented to the living of
Savannah, and had long been eager to be among his parishioners.
The embarkation of the troops offered an opportunity; and hence,
accompanied by his servant, Joseph Husbands, and his friend and
fellow-traveller, James Habersham,[117] he now started to his
distant destination, acting as chaplain to the troops, until his
arrival among the colonists who had been committed to his care.

[115] Oglethorpe did not sail until July 5th, 1738.

[116] Memoir of General Oglethorpe.

[117] James Habersham was born at Beverley, in 1712. He was married,
by Whitefield, to Mary Bolton, on December 26, 1740. He was the
manager of Bethesda till 1744, when he entered into business at
Savannah. He became President of Georgia in 1769; and died in
1775. In all respects, he was a highly honourable man. (Belcher's
Biography of Whitefield.)

A day was spent at Deptford, most of it in prayer and in "chanting
and singing psalms," while at night he preached for the first time
without the use of notes.

On December 30th, he went on board the _Whitaker_, at Purfleet, and
on the day following began his ministerial services by having public
prayers on open deck. After prayers, he preached from the words, "I
am determined to know nothing among you save Jesus, Christ and Him
crucified." At noon, he went on shore, and, with his London friends,
"spent two or three delightful hours in praising and blessing God."
While there, a deputation from the clergyman at Gravesend came,
requesting him to preach in Gravesend Church; and he heartily
complied. Thus was spent the last day of the eventful year 1737.

Next morning, he and his friends rose early, retired to an adjacent
hill, and began the year 1738 by holding a prayer meeting in the
open air. This, being ended, he was agreeably surprised with the
coming of another group of his metropolitan admirers, who had been
sailing down the Thames the whole of the winter's night purposely
to see him. At ten, they all went to church, Whitefield preached,
and the curate, at their request, administered to them the holy
sacrament. In the afternoon, he "preached again to a more numerous
congregation than in the morning." He adds, "I was pressed to preach
a third time at six in the evening. This was a thing entirely new;
but, upon the curate's readily complying to lend the pulpit, I
looked upon it as a call of Providence, and accordingly read prayers
and preached to a crowded auditory; and this I did without notes,
having brought but two written sermons with me."

Five days more were spent in the vicinity of Gravesend before the
ship set sail; but every day Whitefield went on board and performed
his ministerial duties. His floating flock, "exclusive of the ship's
company," consisted of above a hundred souls. "The ship," writes
Dr. Gillies, "was full of soldiers, and there were near twenty
women among them. The captains, both of the soldiers and sailors,
with a surgeon and a young cadet, soon gave him to understand that
they looked upon him as an impostor, and for a while treated him as
such. The first Lord's-day, one of them played on the hautboy, and
nothing was to be seen but cards, and little heard but cursing and
blasphemy. He began mildly and gently to reprove the officers in the
cabin, but this had little effect. 'I could,' he writes, 'do no more
for a season than, whilst I was writing, now and then turn my head,
by way of reproof, to a lieutenant of the soldiers, who swore as
though he was born of a swearing constitution. Now and then he would
take the hint, return my nod with, "Doctor, I ask your pardon," and
then to his cards and swearing again.'"

On shore at Gravesend, Whitefield greatly enjoyed the society
of his London friends, who refused to leave him until the vessel
started. They conversed, they prayed, and sung psalms together.
Among others, Charles Wesley paid him a flying visit.[118] He
writes, "We prayed, sung psalms, commended one another to God, and
parted the next morning like Christian brethren."

[118] Under date of "Gravesend, January 3, 1738," Charles Wesley
writes: "I am here with G. Whitefield, my brothers Hall and Hutton,
and a long 'etc.' of zealous friends. God has poured out His Spirit
upon them, so that the whole nation is in an uproar." (Life of C.
Wesley, vol. i., p. 100.)

At length, on January 6, the ship set sail from Gravesend. "God,"
says Whitefield, "gave me great comfort, and I went between decks,
and sat down on the floor, and read Arndt's 'True Christianity.'
Part of the time, I stood on deck, and admired the wonders of God
in the deep. I read prayers and preached near the stern, having
no place for retirement; talked to the sailors on the forecastle;
wrote my journal; and climbed up into my cabin bed, where my friend
Habersham and I lay as comfortably as on a bed of state."

The ship was detained two days at the Nore, during which the
officers began to look upon the young evangelist more favourably,
and the captain offered him the use of his own cabin as a place
of privacy.[119] On January 9, the ship anchored before Margate.
Whitefield went on shore and visited the curate, with whom he
conversed on the necessity of preaching the new birth, and the
benefit of visiting from house to house. He also gave him Law's
"Serious Call," and "Christian Perfection," and other kindred books.
Here, likewise, he wrote "to Mr. H." (probably James Hutton, the
Moravian) a letter full of catholicity, zeal, and faith, from which
the following is an extract:--

"MARGATE, _January 9, 1738_.

[119] Whitefield read prayers and preached to his "red-coat
parishioners," as he called them, twice every day, and "the very
soldiers stood out to say their catechism."

"Hither the good providence of God has safely brought us. Our
ship cast anchor near this town, and my dear fellow-traveller
and I came on shore to buy some things we wanted. We have been
most courteously treated by the curate of the place, and had
some Christian conversation. The winds and storms are blustering
about our ears, and teaching us lessons of obedience to Him
whom winds and seas obey. Divine goodness attends us wherever we
go. Oh, dear sir! who would not leave their few ragged, tattered
nets to follow Jesus Christ? The favours I have received from
you, and others of your Christian brethren, will never go out
of my mind, though you differ from me in some outward modes. I
would willingly be of so catholic a spirit as to love the image
of my Divine Master wherever I see it. I am far from thinking
God's grace is confined to any set of men whatever. No. I know
the partition wall is now broken down, and that Jesus Christ
came to redeem people out of all nations and languages and
tongues; and therefore His benefits are not to be confined to
this or that particular set of professors.

"You know, sir, upon what a design I am going, and what a
stripling I am for so great a work; but I stand forth as David
against Goliath in the name of the Lord of hosts. God give me a
deep humility, a well-guided zeal, a burning love, and a single
eye; and, then let men or devils do their worst."

On January 11, they again set sail, and came to Deal, where there
was another detention of three weeks' continuance. Besides attending
to his ministerial duties on board, Whitefield every day went on
shore. At the first visit to the town, he and Habersham were so
delighted with the scenery, that they "expressed their thankfulness
in singing psalms all the way." His occupations, both on sea
and land, were multifarious. He finished his expositions of the
Apostles' Creed. He wrote letters. He taught Latin to his friend
Habersham. He tried to save a soldier from punishment, who had been
"tied neck and heels" for mutiny. When he entered the ship three
weeks ago, he united four couples in the bond of marriage; but
already one of the men, a soldier, was tired of his newly-acquired
wife, and wanted to be rid of her. He was reminded of his marriage
vow, and "he immediately took to her again." Whitefield commenced
expounding the Church Catechism. He visited the _Amy_ and the
_Lightfoot_, two accompanying transport ships, also conveying troops
to the transatlantic colonies. He preached in the house of his
landlady on shore, and the people came in such numbers, that the
poor woman feared "the floor would break under them." "All Deal,"
said Whitefield, "seems to be in a holy flame." A Baptist "teacher"
came to discourse with him. He thought the Baptist "was a spiritual
man;" but "asked him several questions about taking the ministerial
function, without being called as was Aaron." Whitefield writes:
"He did not answer to my satisfaction; but we both agreed in
this, that unless 'a man be born again, he cannot enter into the
kingdom of God.'" Several of Whitefield's London friends, hearing
of his detention, came to Deal to visit him, and many a happy hour
was spent with them in Christian conversation, in prayer, and in
singing Psalms. On Sunday, January 29, after his usual service in
the ship, he "returned on shore, and, accompanied with a troop of
pious friends, hastened to a church about a mile and a half from
Deal," where he "preached to a weeping, thronged congregation, at
the request of the minister." In the afternoon, he preached at Upper
Deal, and writes: "The church was quite crowded, and many went away
for want of room; some stood on the leads of the church outside, and
looked in at the top windows, and all seemed eager to hear the word
of God. In the evening, such numbers came to hear that I was obliged
to divide them into four companies, and God enabled me to expound
from six till ten."

Next morning, he preached again in the church at Upper Deal, to a
crowded audience. Soon after the service ended, the wind changed,
and a cry came, "Prepare yourselves for sailing." Whitefield
hastened to the shore, the people "running in droves after him."
"The sea was boisterous, and the waves rose mountains high;" but,
in their boat, Whitefield and Habersham "went on singing psalms and
praising God, the waters dashing in their faces all the way."

It is a remarkable fact, that two days after this, while the ship
_Whitaker_ was still at anchor, Wesley, at half-past four o'clock in
the morning, landed at Deal, on his return from Georgia. Great was
his surprise to hear that Whitefield was close at hand; and, still
smarting from the wrongs he had suffered at Savannah, he immediately
despatched a letter advising the young evangelist to relinquish his
mission.[120] Whitefield's answer, written on board the _Whitaker_,
was as follows:

"DOWNS, _February 1, 1738_.

"I received the news of your arrival (blessed be God!) with the
utmost composure, and sent a servant immediately on shore to
wait on you, but found that you were gone. Since that, your kind
letter has reached me. But I think many reasons may be urged
against my coming to London. For, first, I cannot be hid if I
come there; and the enemies of the Lord will think I am turning
back, and so blaspheme that holy name wherewith I am called.
Secondly, I cannot leave the flock committed to my care on
shipboard, and perhaps while I am at London the ship may sail.
Thirdly, I see no cause for not going forwards to Georgia. Your
coming rather confirms (as far as I can see) than disannuls
my call. It is not fit the colony should be left without a
shepherd. And though they are a stiff-necked and rebellious
people, yet as God hath given me the affections of all where I
have been, why should I despair of finding His presence in a
foreign land?"[121]

[120] It is a well-known fact, that, in early life, Wesley publicly
maintained that, in matters of importance, when the reasons on each
side appeared to be of equal weight, it was right to decide the
question by casting lots. (See Wesley's "Principles of a Methodist
further explained," 1746.) Strangely enough, this was the method
he adopted to ascertain whether Whitefield ought to abandon his
mission to Georgia. In his letter to Wesley, in 1740, during their
Calvinistic quarrel, Whitefield wrote: "The morning I sailed from
Deal for Gibraltar, you arrived from Georgia. Instead of giving me
an opportunity to converse with you, though the ship was not far
from shore, you drew a lot, and immediately set forwards to London.
You left a letter behind you, in which were words to this effect:
'When I saw God, by the wind which was carrying you out, brought me
in, I asked counsel of God. His answer you have enclosed.' This was
a piece of paper, in which were written these words: 'Let him return
to London.' Whitefield adds, he would 'never have published this
private transaction to the world,' if Wesley had not again used the
lot to determine whether he should 'preach and print' his memorable
sermon on 'Free Grace.'" (Whitefield's Works, vol. iv., p. 56.) It
would not be honest to omit this curious fact; but this is not the
place to discuss its propriety. Sortilege was one of the things
which Wesley learned from the devout Moravians.

[121] Life of C. Wesley, vol. i. p. 100.

Whitefield's answer was worthy of himself. Who can estimate what
would have been the consequences of Whitefield's yielding to
Wesley's wish? Had he now returned to London, the probability is he
would never again have started for America; and, in such a case,
many of the brightest chapters of his history could never have been
penned. Wesley's advice was natural; but Whitefield's reply was
right. Had Wesley known all that had transpired, he would not have
given the counsel that he did. Whitefield's services in Georgia
were engaged by the Georgian Trustees. He was the bearer of a large
number of useful presents, purchased by the money of his friends for
the Georgian colonists. He was the recognised chaplain of a ship
conveying troops sent for the defence of those distant emigrants.
If Whitefield had relinquished his mission, he would have justly
inherited indelible disgrace.

On the day after the letter to Wesley was written, the long-detained
ship again set sail, and on February 19th arrived at Gibraltar.
As usual, Whitefield read prayers, and preached to the soldiers
daily. He explained the Catechism to the women, and exhorted them
particularly to be obedient to their husbands, "which they had
lately been wanting in." At the request of Captain Whiting, he
began "to have full public prayers," and to expound the lessons to
the officers in the "great cabin." On Wednesday, February 8th, he
writes:--

"Had public worship and expounded, as usual, to both my
congregations. In the afternoon, I preached and read prayers
on open deck, at the captain's desire, who ordered chairs to
be brought, and boards put across them for the soldiers to sit
upon. My subject was _The Eternity of Hell Torments_, and I was
earnest in delivering it, being desirous that none of my dear
hearers should experience them."

This was a fearful topic, in such a place, and before such a
congregation; and great must have been the young preacher's courage
in selecting it. The sermon was published in the year following, and
the ensuing extracts will serve to exhibit Whitefield's boldness
in uttering, face to face, sentiments so terrible, to the men and
officers with whom he was so closely associated in his floating
church.

Having proved his doctrine from Scripture, and answered several
objections, Whitefield proceeded:--

"Knowest thou, O worm, what blasphemy thou art guilty of in
charging God with injustice? Shall the thing formed say to Him
that formed it, Why hast thou made me thus? Wilt thou presume to
arraign the Almighty at the bar of thy shallow reason? Hath God
said it, and shall He not do it? He hath said it, and let God be
true, though every man be a liar. Shall not the Judge of all the
earth do right? Assuredly He will. And if sinners will not own
His justice in His threatenings here, they will be compelled,
ere long, to own and feel them when tormented by Him hereafter.
Would we now and then meditate a while by faith on the miseries
of the damned, I doubt not we should hear many an unhappy soul
venting his fruitless sorrows in some such piteous moans as
these: 'O wretched man that I am, who shall deliver me from
this body of death! O foolish mortal that I was, thus to bring
myself into these never-ceasing tortures for the transitory
enjoyment of a few short-lived pleasures, which scarcely
afforded me any satisfaction, even when I most indulged myself
in them! Alas! are these the wages, the effects of sin? Are all
the grand deceiver's promises come to this? O damned apostate!
First to delude me with pretended promises of happiness, and,
after years of drudgery in his service, thus to involve me in
eternal woe! Oh that I had never hearkened to his beguiling
insinuations! Oh that I had taken up my cross and followed
Christ! Oh that I had never ridiculed serious godliness, and
condemned the truly pious as too severe, enthusiastic, or
superstitious! Alas! these reflections come too late. I have in
effect denied the Lord that bought me, and therefore justly am I
now denied by Him. But must I live for ever tormented in these
flames? Must my body, which not long since lay in state, was
clothed in purple and fine linen, and fared sumptuously every
day--must this be here eternally confined and made the mockery
of insulting devils? Oh, eternity! That thought fills me with
despair--I _cannot, will not_, yet _I must be_ miserable for
ever!'

"But I can no more. These thoughts are too melancholy for me
to dwell upon, as well as for you to hear; and God knows, as
punishing is His strange work, so denouncing His threatenings is
mine. But if the bare mentioning the torments of the damned is
so shocking--good God! terrible must the enduring of them be!"

A sermon in such a strain would give offence in many of the costly
churches and pretentious chapels of the present day; but it was
devoutly listened to on board the _Whitaker_. Why? Perhaps, one
reason may be found in the solemn fact that it is the sovereign
prerogative of God, not only to raise up faithful preachers, but, to
give ears to hear, and hearts to understand.

For more than a fortnight, Whitefield was detained at Gibraltar,
where he received the greatest kindness. Major Sinclair, a gentleman
whom he had never seen before, hearing of his arrival, provided him
two handsome rooms in a merchant's house,[122] and ministered to his
wants. General Columbine and many others treated him with the utmost
courtesy. Governor Sabine gave him a general invitation to dine with
him every day during his stay, an invitation which was frequently
accepted. The governor was an exemplary man, and, except when
prevented by ill-health, had not been absent from public prayers for
seven years.[123] His table was sumptuous; but his guests, officers
and others, indulged in no excesses. "We had," says Whitefield, the
once Oxford ascetic, "what an Epicurean would call _coena dubia_;
but the law at the governor's table was the same with that of
Ahasuerus, 'No one was compelled;' and all the officers behaved in
such a decent manner every time I dined there, that they pleased me
very much."[124]

[122] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., pp. 37 and 39.

[123] Ibid. p. 38.

[124] In Cooper's edition of Whitefield's Journal, which was
published without his sanction, and which occasioned the publishing
of Hutton's edition, he writes under date of February 22: "We had
an elegant entertainment; but my thoughts were mostly employed in
pitying the unhappiness of great men who are in such a continual
danger of having their table become a snare to them." James Hutton
left this out.

While on this subject, it may be added, that there are many remarks
and reflections in Whitefield's "Journal of a Voyage from London
to Savannah" which it is probable, with all his impulsiveness, he
himself would not have published. The facts of the case are these:
1. Whitefield sent his Journal in manuscript for the private perusal
of his friends. 2. T. Cooper, "at the Globe in Paternoster Row,"
saw it, and printed it, without the writer's knowledge or consent.
3. James Hutton, himself a publisher, was wroth--denounced Cooper's
edition as surreptitious, and said the Journal was sent to him
(Hutton) to be communicated to Whitefield's friends; "but not to be
made public without the advice and correction of certain persons
particularly known to himself." 4. Hutton added that, "Whitefield
knew himself too well to obtrude his little private concerns upon
the world--especially when intermixed with such passages relating
to others as none but an unthinking person could judge proper
to divulge." 5. Nevertheless, Mr. Cooper having published his
surreptitious copy, he (Hutton) "at the earnest solicitation of
several of Mr. Whitefield's friends, now determined to print the
whole." 6. T. Cooper resented this, and, in the _Weekly Miscellany_
for August 11, 1738, there was an advertisement of Cooper's edition
with the following postscript: "Notwithstanding the clamour that
has been made about this copy being surreptitious, I can, with
the utmost veracity, assure the public that it is genuine to
a great degree of exactness; and the advertiser against it is
desired to point out, for the notice of the public, any _passage_,
_circumstance_, or even _any word_, that has been altered, or which
varies from the copy which (he says) he has in his hand, and which
he has owned he never designed to have published.--T. C."

It may be added that Hutton's publication went through four editions
in 1738. It was issued in 12mo., pp. 70.

Whitefield often went on board the _Whitaker_, where he read
prayers, and expounded to his military flock. Such, however, had
been the result of his labours among them, that, when he was
detained on shore, the soldiers had meetings of their own, and read
prayers and sang psalms by themselves. The Protestant ministers
of Gibraltar received the youthful missionary with the greatest
kindness; and, in compliance with their request, and that of the
governor, he preached several times in their churches. He writes:
"I was asked by Dr. C., in the name of the governor, to preach every
Prayer Day whilst I stayed at Gibraltar, which I promised to do."
In accordance with this, there are the following entries in his
Journal:--

"Feb. 26. Preached in the morning at Gibraltar, before such a
congregation of officers and soldiers as I never before saw.
The church, though very large, was quite thronged; and God was
pleased to shew me that He had given extraordinary success to my
sermon.

"March 1. Preached, according to my promise, to a numerous and
affected audience of officers, soldiers, etc.

"March 3. About ten, I preached my sermon against _Swearing_,
and made a farewell application to the soldiers who were going
to Georgia out of the garrison. The governor had that morning
reviewed them; and, as I could not be in the same ship with
them, I desired that they might be ordered to come to church,
that I might have an opportunity of telling them how to behave
in that land which they were going to protect. The colonel and
governor most readily consented; there was a most thronged
audience, and God was pleased to set His seal to my sermon. Many
officers and soldiers wept sorely, and a visible alteration was
observed in the garrison for some days after.

"March 5. Went to the church belonging to the garrison; preached
to a most thronged audience, and received (what my soul longed
after) the sacrament of Christ's most blessed body and blood.
Both the generals were there, and near fifty communicants. The
weekly collection for the poor was larger than was ever known;
and ---- was so affected, that he wished himself a despised
Methodist. Dined at Governor Sabine's, and, at the request of
the inhabitants and gentlemen of the garrison, preached again in
the afternoon."

Such extracts are full of interest. The young Methodist chaplain
of the Oxford prisoners was now, by request, preaching, with power
and success, to crowded military congregations, assembled in the
strongest fortress in the world.

These public sermons, however, were but a small part of Whitefield's
efforts to benefit and bless the Gibraltar population. Six days
after his arrival, he writes:--

"Saturday, Feb. 25. About six this morning, I went with friend
Habersham to the church to pray with some devout soldiers, who I
heard used to meet there at that time, and with whom my soul was
knit immediately. After we had finished our devotion, I found
that their Society had been subsisting about twelve years, and
that Sergeant B., now amongst them, was the beginner of it. At
first, they used to meet in dens, and mountains, and caves in
the rocks; but, afterwards, upon their applying for leave to
build a little place to retire in, Dr. C. and Governor Sabine
gave them the free use of the church, where they constantly met
three times a day to pray, read, and sing psalms, and at any
other season when they pleased. They have met with contempt, and
are now, in derision, called 'The New Lights.' A glorious light
they are indeed; for I conversed closely with several of them,
and they made me quite ashamed of my little proficiency in the
school of Christ. Governor Sabine countenances them much, and
has spoken of them to me with respect."

The circumstances which gave birth to this Society of praying
soldiers are now unknown; but the existence of such a Society, and
its unpretentious meetings, are facts of no ordinary interest and
importance. God is not confined to pulpits to carry on His work. In
all ages there have been devout fraternities, not recognised by men,
but cheered by His countenance and blessing. When Elijah thought
himself the only one "faithful among the faithless," God had seven
thousand left in Israel who had not bowed the knee to Baal. Who,
except God Himself, can tell the number of pious brotherhoods now
existing in India, China, Japan, and all the world over, bearing a
resemblance to the Society of "New Lights," with whom Whitefield so
strangely met at the Rock of Gibraltar?

The "New Lights," indeed, were not the only Society of a religious
kind in this famous garrison. These were evidently members of the
Church of England; but there was another coterie, called, with
equal derisiveness, "Dark Lanthorns," who belonged to the Church of
Scotland. Whitefield "did not think it agreeable to visit these."
Even in his eyes, they were a sort of tabooed Dissenters, with whom
it would not be orthodox to mingle; but he "sent them some proper
books, had religious talk with several of them, and endeavoured to
unite both Societies together."

His relationship with the Episcopal "New Lights" was altogether
different. During the nine days after he became acquainted with
them, he met them every morning, to pray, to sing psalms, and to
expound the daily Lessons. Some of the soldiers often came as early
as two o'clock. Pure and precious were these morning meetings.
No wonder that Whitefield's ardent "soul was knit" to such early
worshippers; and no wonder that, having joined with them in their
matin songs, he should also regularly unite in their vesper
devotions. The numbers attending, especially at nights, grew into
large congregations, including "officers, and honourable women not
a few." On Thursday night, March 2, there were above three hundred
present; "among whom were many officers, ladies, and Dr. C., the
minister of the church himself," who wanted Whitefield, instead of
praying and expounding on the floor, to mount the reading desk,
where he could be better seen. The next evening, his congregation
consisted of above five hundred; and the next after that, of about a
thousand. On the last Sunday he spent at Gibraltar, at five o'clock,
he had his "morning exposition in the church;" after that, he "went
and saw the Roman Catholics at their high mass," and thought there
"needed no other argument against Popery than to see the pageantry,
superstition, and idolatry of their worship;" at ten, he preached in
the church belonging to the garrison, and received the sacrament; in
the afternoon, in the same place, he preached again; and "expounded
in the evening to above a thousand hearers of all denominations; and
went home full of unspeakable comfort," and remarking, "I am never
better than when I am on the full stretch for God."

Next morning--his last at Gibraltar--many came to him weeping,
telling him what God had done for their souls, and desiring his
prayers. Others gave and sent him tokens of their love, as cakes,
figs, wine, eggs, and other necessaries for his voyage. Nearly
two hundred soldiers, women, and officers accompanied him to the
seaside, sorrowing at his departure, and wishing him good luck
in the name of the Lord. He was gladly received on board the
_Whitaker_, and at once resumed his duties.

This was a strange episode in the life of the young evangelist. Like
his Divine Redeemer, he "increased in favour with God and man." His
heart was full of gratitude. In a letter, dated Gibraltar, February
25, 1738," he writes:--

"God has been with us of a truth. He has led us through the sea,
as through a wilderness, and brought us to a haven, where I am
honoured with many honours. About six o'clock this morning,
I went to the church, where was assembled a number of decent
soldiers, praying, and singing psalms to Christ as God. They
meet constantly three times a day, and I intend henceforward to
meet with them. They pray without ceasing, have overcome the
world, hate sin, love their enemies and one another. Oh, who
would not travel to see how the Spirit of God is moving poor
sinners' souls up and down the world! God, I find, has a people
everywhere; Christ has a flock, though but a little one, in all
places. God be praised that we are of this flock, and that it
will be our Father's good pleasure to give us the kingdom."

On the 7th of March, the _Whitaker_ set sail for Savannah, and,
on Sunday, the 7th of May, cast anchor near Tybee Island. During
this two months' voyage, the duties of Whitefield's chaplaincy
were performed with his usual regularity and zeal. He finished his
exposition of the Creed, and then began to expound the Decalogue.
Habersham taught the children; and several of the soldiers began
learning to read and write. Occasionally, Whitefield visited the
_Lightfoot_ and the _Amy_, two accompanying ships, dined with the
officers, dispersed Bibles, Testaments, and Soldiers' Monitors among
the men, and, on one occasion, threw overboard their cards. On board
the _Amy_, he preached to above two hundred and twenty hearers; and
says, "I married a couple, who did not behave so well as I could
wish. The bridegroom laughed several times in the midst, of the
solemnity, upon which I shut up my Prayer-book. He began to weep,
and I then proceeded, and gave him and the bride a Bible, as the
best present I could make them."[125]

[125] It might be added, that he also began to speak to his hearers,
"one by one," respecting the subjects on which he preached;
and, to aid him in this, he commenced, on March 12th, to write
his "Observations on Select Passages of Scripture turned into
Catechetical Questions." These were published in his collected works
(vol. iv., pp. 345-373); but, though carefully prepared, contain but
little deserving further notice.

On board both the _Whitaker_ and _Lightfoot_, he preached his sermon
against _Drunkenness_, which was published, as soon as he returned
to England, and from which the following extracts are taken. The
text was Ephesians v. 6; and the divisions were,--Drunkenness is a
heinous sin, because, 1. It is an abuse of God's creatures. 2. By it
a man sinneth against his own body. 3. It robs a man of his reason.
4. It is an inlet to, and a forerunner of, many other sins. 5. It
separates the Holy Spirit from us. 6. It absolutely unfits a man for
the enjoyment of God in heaven, and exposes him to His eternal wrath.

The reader may easily imagine that, under such divisions, the bold
and ardent preacher would find employment for strong and scathing
language.

"Flee drunkenness!" he cried, "flee drunkenness, since he that
committeth that crime, sinneth against his own body. Who hath
pains in the head? Who hath rottenness in the bones? Who hath
redness of eyes? He that tarries long at the wine; he that rises
early to seek new wine. How many walking skeletons have you
seen, whose bodies were once exceeding fair to look upon; but,
by this sin of drinking, how has their beauty departed from
them, as though God intended to set them up, as He did Lot's
wife, for monuments of His justice?

"Think ye, O ye drunkards, that you shall be partakers of the
inheritance of the saints in light? No: as by drunkenness you
have made your hearts cages of unclean birds, with unclean
spirits must you dwell. A burning _Tophet_, kindled by God's
wrath, is prepared for your reception, where you must suffer the
vengeance of an eternal fire, and in vain cry out for a drop
of water to cool your tongues. Indeed, you shall drink, but
it shall be the cup of God's fury. I call heaven and earth to
witness against you this day, that, as surely as the Lord rained
fire and brimstone upon Sodom, so surely will He cast you into a
lake of fire and brimstone, when He shall come to take vengeance
on them that know not God, and have not obeyed the Gospel of
our Lord Jesus Christ. Behold, I have told you before. Remember
you were this day informed what the end of drunkenness would
be. And I summon you, in the name of that God whom I serve, to
meet me at the judgment-seat of Christ, that you may acquit both
my Master and me; and confess, with your own mouths, that your
damnation was of yourselves, and that we were freed from the
blood of you all."

This was hard hitting, and yet Whitefield seemed to make no enemies,
but, by his fidelity, increased the number of his friends. "Colonel
Cochrane was extremely civil; and such was the change upon Captain
Mackay, that he desired Whitefield not to give himself the trouble
of expounding and praying in the cabin and between decks; for he
would order a drum to be beat morning and evening, and himself
would attend with the soldiers on deck." Henceforward, Whitefield
preached with a captain on each side of him, and soldiers round
about him; the two other ships' companies often drawing near, and
joining in the worship of the great Creator. Once, after the public
sermon, Captain Mackay desired the soldiers to stop, whilst he
informed them that, to his great shame, he had been a notorious
swearer, but, by the instrumentality of that gentleman, pointing
to Whitefield, he had abandoned the sin, and wished them all to
copy his example.[126] After the sermon on drunkenness, also, the
captain seconded the effort of the chaplain, and "exhorted the men
to give good heed to the things that had been spoken." A fever
breaking out, Whitefield, "for many days and nights, visited between
twenty and thirty sick persons, crawling between decks upon his
knees, administering medicines and cordials," and giving suitable
advice. The result of the whole was a marvellous reformation. One of
the sailors, who had been a notorious scoffer, sent for Whitefield
in bitter agony, and loudly lamented his past wickedness. The
cadet, who had received a university education, and who, the first
Sunday after sailing from the Thames, amused himself and others by
playing on the hautboy, told Whitefield the history of his life,
and expressed his intention to devote himself to the service of the
Church.[127] Concerning the soldiers, Whitefield says: "I have no
reason to complain of them, for they come very regularly twice a
day to prayer, and an oath seems to be a strange thing amongst most
of them. Many marks of a sound conversion appear in several aboard,
and we live in perfect harmony and peace, loving and beloved of one
another. In the great cabin, we talk of little else but God and
Christ."

[126] Gillies' "Life of Whitefield."

[127] Ibid.

The voyage was long, and not without its incidents, in some of which
Whitefield himself was prominent. For instance, the captain's negro
servant died, was wrapped in a hammock, and thrown into the sea;
but, because the poor creature was not baptized, Whitefield was
Churchman enough to say, "I could not read the office over him." On
the other hand, a baptized soldier "killed himself by drinking," and
Whitefield writes: "I buried him in time of public prayers, chose
proper lessons, and gave the soldiers a suitable exhortation." A
little boy, four years old, refused to repeat the Lord's Prayer. The
young clergyman forced him upon his knees, and gave him "several
blows." The urchin then went through the Prayer, and Whitefield
rewarded him with figs. Another boy behaved improperly at public
worship. Captain Mackay handed over the culprit to the chaplain to
be punished. Whitefield ordered him to be tied with cords, and to
be kept tied till he learned, and could repeat, the fifty-first
Psalm from memory. The lad performed his penance, repeated the Psalm
with great solemnity, "in the midst of the congregation," and was
then released from his ignominious bonds.

Towards the end of the voyage, Whitefield was seized with the fever,
from which all in the ship, except three or four, had suffered.
Habersham and another friend sat up with him every night. He was
bled thrice, was blistered, and had an emetic. Gradually recovering
from this serious illness, he reached Savannah on Sunday evening,
May 7th, more than four months after he had parted with his friends
in London.

On the day before his arrival, he wrote:--

"God has been pleased graciously to visit me with a violent
fever, which He so sweetened by Divine consolations, that I
was enabled to rejoice and sing in the midst of it. I was, as
I thought, on the brink of eternity. I had heaven within me.
I thought of nothing in this world. I earnestly desired to be
dissolved and go to Christ; but God was pleased to order it
otherwise, and I am resigned, though I can scarce be reconciled,
to come back again into this vale of misery. I had the heavenly
Canaan in full view, and hoped I was going to take possession of
it; but God saw I was not yet ripe for glory, and, therefore, in
mercy spared me, that I may recover my spiritual strength before
I go hence, and am no more seen."

One more fact respecting Whitefield's voyage to Savannah must be
added. Though extremely weak, and still suffering from his recent
fever, the young missionary was unwilling to leave the ship, where
he had spent four happy months, without preaching a farewell
sermon. His text (Psalm cvii. 30, 31) was most appropriate, and so
also was his sermon, which was published by James Hutton, a few
months afterwards. (8vo., 19 pp.) "God forbid," cried the ardent
preacher, standing within the shade of the outspread sails of the
ship _Whitaker_, lying at anchor at the mouth of Savannah river, on
Sunday, May 7, 1738:--

"God forbid that any of those should ever suffer the vengeance
of eternal fire, amongst whom I have for these four months been
preaching the Gospel of Christ; and yet thus must it be, if you
do not improve the Divine mercies; and, instead of your being my
crown of rejoicing in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ, I must
appear as a swift witness against you.

"But, brethren, I am persuaded better things of you, and things
that accompany salvation, though I thus speak. Blessed be
God! some marks of a partial reformation, at least, have been
visible amongst all you that are soldiers. My weak, though
sincere, endeavours to build you up in the knowledge and fear
of God have not been altogether vain. Swearing, I hope, is in
a great measure abated with you; and God, I trust, has blessed
His late visitations by making them the means of awakening your
consciences to a more solicitous enquiry about the things which
belong to your everlasting peace. Consider, my good friends, you
are now, as it were, entering on a new world, where you will be
surrounded by multitudes of heathens; and, if you take not heed
to 'have your conversation honest among them, and to walk worthy
the holy vocation wherewith you are called,' you will act the
hellish part of Herod's soldiers, and cause Christ's religion,
as they did His person, to be had in derision of those who are
round about you. I cannot say I have discharged my duty to you
as I ought. No; I am sensible of many faults, for which I have
not failed to humble myself in secret before God. As for your
military affairs, I have nothing to do with them. Fear God, and
you must honour the king. Nor am I better acquainted with the
nature of that land which you are come to protect; only this
I may venture to affirm in general, that you must necessarily
expect, upon your arrival at a new colony, to meet with many
difficulties. But your very profession teaches you to endure
hardship. Be not, therefore, faint-hearted, but quit yourselves
like men, and be strong.

"As I have spoken to you, I hope your wives also will suffer the
word of exhortation. Your behaviour on shipboard, especially the
first part of the voyage, I choose to throw a cloak over; for,
to use the mildest term, it was not such as became the Gospel
of our Lord Jesus Christ. However, of late, blessed be God! you
have taken more heed to your ways, and some of you have walked
all the while as became women professing godliness. Let those
accept my hearty thanks; and permit me to entreat you all in
general, as you are all now married, to remember the solemn vow
you made at your entrance into the marriage state; and see that
you be subject to your own husbands, in every lawful thing.
Beg of God to keep the door of your lips, that you offend not
with your tongues; and walk in love, that your prayers be not
hindered. You who have children, let it be your chief concern to
breed them up in the nurture and monition of the Lord. And live
all of you so holy and unblamable, that you may not so much as
be suspected to be unchaste; and, as some of you have imitated
Mary Magdalene in her sin, strive to imitate her also in her
repentance."

After this manly address to the soldiers and their wives, Whitefield
proceeded, in the same strain, to speak to the sailors; and then
thus addressed the two captains, naval and military, who were
present:--

"I am positive neither you sailors nor the soldiers have wanted,
nor will want, any manner of encouragement to piety and holiness
of living from those two persons who have here the government
over you; for they have been such helps to me in my ministry,
and have so readily concurred in everything for your good, that
they may justly demand a public acknowledgment of thanks both
from you and me.

"Permit me, then, my honoured friends, in the name of both your
people, to return you hearty thanks for the care and tenderness
you have expressed for the welfare of their better parts. As for
the private favours you have shewn to myself, I hope so deep a
sense of them is imprinted on my heart, that I shall plead them
before God in prayer as long as I shall live. But I have still
stronger obligations to intercede on your behalf; for God--for
ever adored be His free grace in Christ Jesus!--has set His seal
to my ministry in your hearts. Some pangs of the new birth I
have observed to come upon you; and God forbid that I should sin
against the Lord, by ceasing to pray that the good work begun in
you may be carried on till the day of our Lord Jesus Christ.

"And now, brethren, into God's hands I commend your spirits.
Excuse my detaining you so long. Perhaps it is the last time I
shall speak to you. My heart is full, and, out of the abundance
of it, I could continue my discourse till midnight. But I must
away to your new world. May God give you new hearts, and enable
you to put in practice what you have heard from time to time to
be your duty. Then God will so bless you, that you will 'build
cities to dwell in;' then will you sow your lands and plant
vineyards, which will 'yield you fruits of increase.' Then your
'oxen shall be strong to labour, there shall be no leading into
captivity, and no complaining in your streets; then shall your
sons grow up as the young plants, and your daughters be as the
polished corners of the temple; then shall your garners be full
and plenteous with all manner of store, and your sheep bring
forth thousands and ten thousands in your streets.' In short,
then shall the Lord be your God; and, as surely as He hath now
brought us to His haven, so surely, after we have passed through
the storms and tempests of this troublesome world, will He bring
us to the haven of eternal rest, where we shall have nothing to
do but to praise Him for ever for His goodness, and declare, in
never-ceasing songs of praise, the wonders he has done for us,
and all the other sons of men."

This was a noble finish of Whitefield's shipboard ministry. No
wonder that the juvenile preacher was loved and followed.

Whitefield, thousands of miles from home, now stood on the shores
of the immense continent of America--a continent extending from the
north pole to the fifty-seventh degree of south latitude,--upwards
of eight thousand miles in length--washed on the east by the great
Atlantic Ocean, which divides it from Europe and Africa, and on
the west by the Pacific, by which it is disjoined from Asia,--in
reality, two vast continents, the one north, the other south,
united by Mexico.

At the time of Whitefield's arrival, the whole of South America
(excepting Brazil, which belonged to Portugal) and all that part of
North America which forms the isthmus of Mexico, and the country
extending as far as Florida, was possessed by Spain. English
territory reached from Hudson's Bay, all along the eastern shore to
the thirtieth degree of north latitude. The French had Canada, and
claimed the country lying between there and the Spanish settlements
to the west. A description of this enormous region of mountains,
prairies, swamps, forests, lakes and rivers, with every variety
of climate and production that the earth affords, cannot be here
attempted.

Many immense tracts of country could scarcely be said to have any
population whatever; and yet there was an almost countless number of
Indian tribes, differing but little from each other in their usages
and manners, and forming a striking picture of human antiquity. Most
of them were tall and strong, their countenances fierce, and their
skins brown, and not improved by the constant use of rude cosmetics.
The only occupations of the men were war and hunting. Agriculture
was left to the women. Most of their time, however, was spent in
sleeping, loitering, jesting among their friends, and eating and
drinking enormously. Some held the existence of a Supreme Being;
but none knew how to worship Him. They abounded in superstitions,
observed omens and dreams, pryed into futurity with the utmost
eagerness, and greatly relied on diviners, augurs, and magicians, in
all affairs that concerned them, whether of health, war, or hunting.

But enough of this. For the present, Georgia only was Whitefield's
sphere of labour. In the year 1732, the Government of England,
observing that a large tract of land, between Carolina and the
borders of the Spanish Florida, was uncultivated and unsettled,
resolved to erect it into a separate province, and to found a
colony. They were induced to do this, (1) because the land lay on
the frontier of all the English provinces, naked and defenceless,
and exposed Carolina especially to attacks from the Spaniards and
Indians; and (2) because it was believed that the region might
be utilised by the growth of wine, oil, and silk. This useless
territory extended along the Atlantic coast for a distance of about
sixty miles; and into the interior, from a hundred and fifty to
three hundred miles, as far as the Alleghany mountains.

Carolina, the adjoining province, had been formed into an English
settlement in 1663. One portion of the colonists were Churchmen;
another, quite as large, were Dissenters, who had escaped, as
refugees, from tyrannising governments. There were numerous
quarrellings between the two classes of religionists. This was bad
enough, but it was not the only evil. Eight English noblemen had
obtained a charter for the property and jurisdiction of the country.
John Locke, the great philosopher, had compiled its fundamental
laws. The lordly proprietors stood in the place of the king,
appointed all officers, and bestowed all titles of dignity. The
people were dissatisfied with the proceedings of their governors,
and violent disputes followed. Then there were two wars with the
Indian tribes; and, as a consequence of the whole, the colony was
almost torn to pieces. Ten years before Whitefield's embarkation,
the Parliament of England put the province under the immediate care
and inspection of the Crown. Peace was soon established with all
the neighbouring Indian nations--the Cherokees, the Creeks, and the
Catuabas; Carolina, north and south, was delivered from its internal
quarrels; and now trade was advancing with astonishing rapidity.

The climate of Carolina and of the adjoining region, now called
Georgia, was one of the finest in the world. The soil of both
countries was marvellously rich. Where cultivated, oranges, olives,
rice, indigo, wheat, peas, and Indian corn were grown in great
abundance. Most of the land, however, was entirely untilled, and
consisted of swamps of black fat earth, immense forests of oaks and
pines, and, here and there, luxuriant glades, overrun with flowering
shrubs and plants the most beautiful.[128]

[128] "An Account of the European Settlements in America," 2 vols.
London, 1761.

Though the Georgian colony was now only six years old, five
companies of emigrants had already landed. 1. The motley band of
released debtors, a hundred and twenty in number, who arrived with
Oglethorpe, in February, 1733. 2. The Saltzburghers, who set sail
from Dover on January 8, 1734. 3. A number of Scotch islanders,
who founded New Inverness, in Darien. 4. Two different sets of
Moravians, with one of whom Wesley and his brother sailed. These
were Whitefield's parishioners, most of them foreign refugees,
a few of them Presbyterian Highlanders, and the rest chiefly
insolvent debtors, whom the hand of charity had rescued from London
prisons. Wesley's life among them had been embittered by all kinds
of vexations, to a great extent engendered by his endeavouring to
enforce High-Church discipline. How did Whitefield succeed? His
present sojourn was not of long continuance--only four months--but
it comprised numerous incidents worthy of being noticed.

Weak as Whitefield was, from his late attack of fever, as soon as he
reached Savannah, he "joined in prayer and a psalm of thanksgiving"
with Charles Delamotte, whom Wesley had left behind, and with "some
pious souls," who rejoiced at his arrival.

Next morning, May 8, as early as five o'clock, the ardent evangelist
commenced his public labours by reading the Liturgy, and expounding
the second lesson "to seventeen adults and twenty-five children."
This was Whitefield's first congregation in America. During the day,
he had an interview with the notorious Thomas Causton (the bitter
enemy of Wesley), and with the other magistrates of this Liliputian
kingdom of about five hundred souls. He says, they received him
"with great civility;" and it was resolved by their magisterial
highnesses that "he should have a house and tabernacle built at
Frederica, and should serve at Savannah, when, and as long as he
pleased." Whitefield adds: "I find there are many divisions amongst
the inhabitants, but God, I hope, will make me an instrument of
composing them."

Whitefield's ardour in commencing his public labours was greater
than his prudence. There was an immediate return of fever, and, for
the next few days, he was entirely disabled. On Sunday, May 14, he
"_attempted_ to read prayers, but was so faint and weak that he was
obliged to leave off before he began the second service."[129]

[129] At this period, Mr. William Stephens was the secretary of
the Trustees of Georgia, and resided at Savannah. He afterwards
published, in two octavo volumes, "A Journal of the Proceedings in
Georgia," from which the following extracts are taken:--

"1738. May 21. Mr. Whitefield officiated this day at the church, and
made a sermon very engaging to the most thronged congregation I had
ever seen there."

"May 28. Mr. Whitefield manifests great ability in the ministry, and
his sermons to-day were very moving."

"June 4. Mr. Whitefield's auditors increase daily, and the place
of worship is far too small to contain the people who seek his
doctrine."

"June 18. Mr. Whitefield went on moving the people with his
captivating discourses. A child being brought to church to be
baptized, he performed that office by _sprinkling_, which gave
great content to many who had taken great distaste at the form of
_dipping_, so strictly required and so obstinately withstood by some
parents that they have suffered their children to go without the
benefit of that sacrament, till a convenient opportunity could be
found of another minister to do that office."

"July 2. Mr. Whitefield gains more and more on the affections of the
people, by his labour and assiduity in the performance of divine
offices; to which an open and easy deportment, without show of
austerity, or singularity of behaviour in conversation, contribute
not a little, and open the way for him to inculcate good precepts,
with greater success, among his willing hearers." (Vol. i.)

Recovering a little strength, he set out, on May 19, to visit
Hampstead and Highgate, two of his parochial villages, about five
miles from Savannah. Hampstead consisted "of three families, making
in all eleven souls." The component parts of this _Georgian village_
population were two men, one woman, and seven children--all from
Switzerland; to whom, by some odd accident, was added another
man, a Jew. Whitefield writes: "I was much delighted with seeing
the improvements a few pair of hands had made in their respective
plantations. Surely they speak not the truth, who say that the
Georgia people have been idle, for I never saw more laborious
people than are in these villages. I was at a loss, because I could
not talk French; but I resolved to follow my worthy predecessor's
(Wesley) example, and to visit them once a week, and read prayers
to as many as could understand me. I also enquired into the state
of their children, and found there were many who might prove useful
members of the colony, if there was a proper place for their
maintenance and education. Nothing can effect this but an orphan
house, which might easily be erected, if some of those who are rich
in this world's goods would contribute towards it."

The next day, May 20, Whitefield paid a visit to a memorable man who
merits a brief notice.

When Oglethorpe first went to Georgia, in 1733, he found, between
the coast and the Alleghany mountains, three considerable nations
of Indians--the Uchees, consisting of two hundred men; the Upper
Creek, having eleven hundred men; and the Lower Creek, who had
nine towns, or rather cantons, and about a thousand men able to
bear arms. The chief of the last-mentioned tribe was Tomo Chici,
whose head-quarters was at a place called Yamacraw, a short
distance from Savannah. Oglethorpe waited upon this Indian chief,
and persuaded him to invite a deputation from the other tribes
to hold a conference with him at Savannah. The conference took
place in one of the newly built houses, about fifty Indian chiefs
and leading warriors being present. Oglethorpe received them with
his wonted courtesy, and told them that the English, in coming to
settle there, did not intend either to dispossess or to annoy the
natives; but desired above all things to live in friendship with
them, and hoped, through those whom he now addressed, to obtain from
them a concession of a portion of their territory, and to confirm
a treaty of amity and commerce. Ouechachumpa, a warrior of great
stature, replied, and, after describing the region which the natives
wished to retain in their own possession, declared the English were
welcome to all the rest. Tomo Chici then advanced, and, making a low
obeisance, said: "When these white men came, I feared they would
drive us away, for we were weak; but they promised not to molest us.
We wanted corn and other things, and they have given us supplies;
and now, of our small means, we make them presents in return. Here
is a buffalo skin, adorned with the head and feathers of an eagle.
The eagle signifies speed, and the buffalo strength. The English
are swift as the eagle, and strong as the buffalo. Like the eagle,
they flew over great waters; and, like the buffalo, nothing can
withstand them. But the feathers of the eagle are soft, and signify
kindness; and the skin of the buffalo is covering, and signifies
protection. Let these, then, remind them to be kind, and to protect
us." The terms of alliance were speedily agreed upon; and Oglethorpe
presented to each chief, a laced coat, a hat, and a shirt; to each
war captain, he gave a gun, and ammunition; and to the attendants,
mantles of coarse cloth and smaller presents.

The friendship thus commenced with Tomo Chici was life-long. In
1734, when Oglethorpe returned to England, Tomo Chici, with his wife
and nephew, Hillispilli, the war captain of his tribe, five chiefs
of the Creeks, and Umpichi, a chief from Palachicolas, with their
interpreter and attendants, accompanied him, because he thought it
would promote the interests of Georgia if some of the principal
natives were to see Great Britain, and become impressed with its
power and dignity. Comfortable quarters were provided for the
Indians at the Georgia office; and, after being suitably attired,
and having their faces painted after their fashion, they were
conveyed, in three of the royal carriages, to Kensington Palace, and
presented to George II. and his Queen Caroline. Tomo Chici addressed
to the king one of his flowery speeches; and the king returned an
appropriate reply. They were then introduced to Queen Caroline,
to the Prince of Wales, to the Duke of Cumberland, and to the
Princesses. One of their party died of smallpox, and was interred in
the churchyard of St. John's, Westminster. Oglethorpe took them to
his country residence. They likewise visited Lambeth Palace, where
they were agreeably entertained by the Archbishop of Canterbury.
They were also taken to Eton College, Windsor Castle, St. George's
Chapel, Hampton Court, the Tower of London, Greenwich Hospital, and,
in short, to all the great sights in the metropolis and its vicinity.

After a four months' residence in England, they rode, in royal
carriages, to Gravesend, and embarked for Georgia, where, with a
company of Saltzburghers, they arrived in safety.

On February 14, 1736, Tomo Chici, his nephew and heir, and several
others, as soon as they heard of the arrival of the ship, came to
welcome Wesley to Georgia. "I am glad you are come," said the chief.
"When I was in England, I desired that some would speak the great
Word to me; and my nation then desired to hear it; but now we are
all in confusion. Yet I am glad you are come. I will go up and speak
to the wise men of our nation; and I hope they will hear. But we
would not be made Christians as the Spaniards make Christians. We
would be taught, before we are baptized."[130]

[130] Wesley's Journal.

A month after this, Tomo Chici and forty of his Indians set out with
Oglethorpe on an expedition, in the course of which they reached a
fine island hitherto called _Wissoo_, but which the chief on this
occasion re-named Cumberland, in honour of the young Prince, who
had been very gracious to the Indians when in England, particularly
to the chief's nephew, to whom His Royal Highness had given a gold
repeating watch.

Tomo Chici, on this and other occasions, shewed himself a sincere
friend of Oglethorpe and the English settlers; but he hesitated to
declare himself a Christian. When Wesley urged him to embrace the
doctrines of Christianity, he significantly answered: "Why, these
are Christians at Savannah! Those are Christians at Frederica!
Christians get drunk! Christians beat men! Christians tell lies! Me
no Christian!"

This was the man whom Whitefield visited a few days after his
arrival in Georgia. The old chief was dangerously ill, and "lay on a
blanket, thin and meagre--little else but skin and bones." His wife,
Senauki, "sat by fanning him with Indian feathers." Tooanahowi,
his nephew, was the only one present who understood the English
language, and through him Whitefield asked the chief whether he
thought he was about die? Tomo Chici answered, "I cannot tell." "I
then asked," says Whitefield, "where he thought he would go after
death? He replied, To heaven." To this brief dialogue, Whitefield
adds: "But, alas! how can a drunkard enter there? I then exhorted
Tooanahowi (who is a tall proper youth) not to get drunk, and asked
him whether he believed a heaven? He answered, Yes. I then asked
whether he believed a hell? and described it by pointing to the
fire. He replied, No."

Tomo Chici partially recovered from his present illness; and when
Oglethorpe arrived a few months afterwards, he, with several other
chiefs, came to meet and welcome him, declaring that the coming of
"The Great Man," as he called the governor, quite restored him, and
made him "moult like the eagle."

In the following year, 1739, the venerable chief, who had nearly
reached his hundredth year, tranquilly expired. Having expressed a
wish to be buried at Savannah, his remains were brought by water
from Yamacraw, and were received at the landing-place by Oglethorpe,
the Savannah magistrates, and the people. The pall was borne by the
general and five other gentlemen; and the body, followed by the
Indian mourners, was interred with military honours. Tooanahowi, his
nephew, succeeded to the chieftain dignities, and proved as faithful
and firm a friend to the English settlers as his centenarian uncle
had been.[131]

[131] See "Memoir of General Oglethorpe."

Four days after his visit to Tomo Chici, Whitefield and Charles
Delamotte went to Thunderbolt, a village, as it was called, about
six miles distant, "and consisting of three families, four men and
two women, and ten servants." Here he "expounded a chapter, and used
a few collects;" and returned to Savannah, saying, "Blessed be God
for strengthening my weak body!"

On Friday, June 2, he had to part with "kind Captain Whiting,"
and his "dear friend Delamotte, who embarked for England."[132]
Concerning the latter, he writes: "The poor people lamented the loss
of him, and went to the water-side to take a last farewell. And good
reason had they to do so; for he has been indefatigable in feeding
Christ's lambs with the sincere milk of the word, and many of them
have grown thereby. Surely I must labour most heartily, since I
come after such worthy predecessors. The good which Mr. John Wesley
has done in America, under God, is inexpressible. His name is very
precious among the people; and he has laid a foundation that I hope
neither men nor devils will ever be able to shake."

[132] Though the son of a Middlesex magistrate, Charles Delamotte
was found to be almost penniless. Hence the following item
in Whitefield's account of money received for the poor of
Georgia:--"1738. May 27. Gave to Mr. Charles Delamotte, the
catechist of Savannah, to pay his passage, etc., to England, £15."
In a foot note, however, Whitefield states that this money was
refunded by the Georgia trustees.

A week later, Whitefield appointed one of his friends,[133] who had
accompanied him from England, to open a school at Highgate, for
the purpose of teaching the children of the French, there and at
Hampstead, the English language; so that he and his successors might
be able to catechise them, and bring them to church to hear the
word of God. He also opened a school for girls at Savannah; another
friend, "whose heart God had touched," on board the _Whitaker_,
having consented to teach them. "The work," writes the hopeful and
penniless young preacher, "is for my Master, and, therefore, I doubt
not of being supplied, some way or another, with a sufficient fund
for the support of it."

[133] This was John Doble. In Whitefield's account of money
disbursed in Georgia, are the following items:--

1738. August 26. Laid out for Highgate School and the maintenance of
the master, John Doble, as follows:--

£ _s_ _d._
Paid Mr. Gilbert, the tailor, for Mr. Doble 0 5 6

1 pair of box hinges 0 0 6

50 lb. of beef, at 2d. 0 8 4

32 lb. of biscuit, at 2d. 0 5 4

Half a bushel of corn 0 1 6

Paid for 2 months' provisions, and a quarter's washing,
and other necessaries for John Doble 2 5 0

Left him for a year's provisions and other necessaries 11 0 0

Though Whitefield was an enormous letter-writer, it is a curious
fact, that, of all the letters written during his present visit to
America, only one has been preserved. It is as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 10, 1738_.

"DEAREST SIR,--I have been about five weeks at Savannah, where
providence seems to intend me to abide for some time. God has
graciously visited me with a fit of sickness; but now I am
as lively as a young eagle. All things have happened better
than was expected. America is not so horrid a place as it is
represented to be. The heat of the weather, lying on the ground,
etc., are mere painted lions in the way, and, to a soul filled
with divine love, not worth mentioning.[134] The country,
mornings and evenings, is exceeding pleasant, and there are
uncommon improvements made in divers places. With a little
assistance, the country people would do very well. As for my
ministerial office, God (such is His goodness) sets His seal
to it here, as at other places. We have an excellent Christian
school, and near a hundred constantly attend at evening prayers.
The people receive me gladly into their houses, and seem to be
most kindly affected towards me. I have a pretty little family,
and find it possible to manage a house without distraction.
We have provisions to feed us, though we are cut off from all
occasions to pamper our bodies. I visit from house to house,
catechise, read prayers twice and expound the two second
lessons, every day; read to a house full of people three times a
week; expound two lessons at five in the morning, read prayers
and preach twice, and expound the catechism at seven in the
evening every Sunday. What I have most at heart is the building
an orphan house, which I trust will be effected at my return to
England. In the meanwhile, I am settling little schools in and
about Savannah, that the rising generation may be bred up in the
nurture and admonition of the Lord. The Lord prosper my weak
endeavours for promoting His glory and His people's good!"

[134] In a MS., found after Whitefield's death, he wrote concerning
his present visit to Georgia:--"During my stay there, the weather
was most intensely hot, sometimes almost burning me through my
shoes. Seeing others do it, I determined to inure myself to
hardiness by lying constantly on the ground. Afterwards it became a
hardship to lie upon a bed."

Such was Whitefield's Sunday and week-day work,--upon an average two
and a half public services every day, and four on Sundays.

On the 10th of July, he went to Ebenezer, the place where the
Saltzburghers were settled, and wrote concerning them: "They are
blessed with two such pious ministers as I have not often seen.[135]
They have no courts of judicature, but all little differences are
immediately decided by their ministers, whom they look upon and love
as their fathers. They have likewise an Orphan House, in which are
seventeen children, and one widow, and I was much delighted to see
the regularity wherewith it was managed. I gave Mr. Boltzius, one of
their ministers, some of my poor's store for his orphans. He called
them all before him; catechised and exhorted them to give God thanks
for His good providence towards them; then prayed with them, and
made them pray after him; then sung a psalm; and, afterwards, the
little lambs came and shook me by the hand one by one. So we parted,
and I scarce was ever better pleased in my life."

[135] One of these was John Martin Boltzius, whom Wesley, in the
exercise of his high-churchmanship, had refused to admit to the
Lord's Table at Savannah, because he had not been baptized,--that
is, baptized by an episcopally ordained clergyman. The Saltzburghers
were deplorably poor. In a letter to Dr. Isaac Watts, dated
"Kensington, Nov. 30, 1737," the Rev. F. M. Ziegenhagen, Court
Chaplain to the Queen Consort of George II., says concerning
them,--"In every respect they are suffering great poverty and
hardships. Their pious and indefatigable minister, the Rev. Mr.
Boltzius, acquaints me that any old rag thrown away in Europe is
of service to them: for instance, old shoes, stockings, shirts,
or anything of wearing apparel for men or women, grown people or
children." (Milner's "Life of Watts," p. 572.)

Wherever he went, Whitefield was beloved. Even the mongrel
population of Savannah treated him with affectionate respect.
He writes: "They seem to have a sincere affection for me, and
flock (especially every evening) to hear the word of God. They
everywhere receive me with the utmost civility, and are not angry
when I reprove them. I have endeavoured to let my gentleness be
known amongst them, because they consist of different nations and
opinions; and I have striven to draw them by the cords of love,
because the obedience resulting from that principle I take to be the
most genuine and lasting."

In the month of August, Whitefield visited Frederica,[136] a town
above a hundred miles from Savannah, "and consisting of about a
hundred and twenty inhabitants." Two years ago, the ill-natured
inhabitants of Frederica had worried Charles Wesley almost into
madness; but Whitefield says: "The people received me most gladly,
having had a famine of the word for a long season." Though timber
was being sawn for the purpose, as yet no church had been built; and
Whitefield's first service was under a large tree, where he read
prayers and expounded the Second Lesson.[137] "Poor creatures!" said
he, "my heart ached for them, because I saw them and their children
scattered abroad as sheep having no shepherd."

[136] In reality Whitefield was appointed to be the minister, not of
Savannah, but, of Frederica. The reason why he settled at Savannah
was because, since Wesley's departure, the town had been without a
minister; and the reason why he deferred his residence at Frederica
was because there, there was not a church. (See Whitefield's Letter
to Rev. Thomas Church, in 1744.)

[137] During the whole of his residence in Georgia, it was
Whitefield's custom, after reading the Second Lesson, to expound
it, and, to make time for this, he omitted the First Lesson and the
Psalms for the day. (Stephens's "Journal of Proceedings in Georgia,"
vol. i.)

During his five days' stay at Frederica, he paid a flying visit
to Darien, about twenty miles distant, where the Highlanders were
settled, his object being to hold Christian fellowship with Mr.
McLeod, whom he describes as "a worthy minister of the Scotch
Church."

On the 16th of August, he again arrived at Savannah, where he spent
the next twelve days; at the end of which he set sail for England.
During this brief interval, two events occurred which must be
noticed.

The first was his refusal to read the Burial Service over a dead
infidel.[138] Whitefield had frequently visited the man during his
lingering illness, and had offered to pray with him, which he would
not permit. Two days before his death, Whitefield asked him, "Do you
believe Jesus Christ to be God, the one Mediator between God and
man?" The answer was, "I believe Christ was a good man." "Do you
believe the Holy Scriptures?" "I believe," replied he, "something of
the Old Testament--the New I do not believe at all." "Do you believe
a judgment to come?" "I know not what to say to that," answered the
dying sceptic. Whitefield writes: "The day after his decease, he was
carried to the ground, and I refused to read the office over him,
but went to the grave and told the people what had passed between
him and me; warned them against infidelity; and asked them whether I
could safely say, 'As our hope is this our brother doth.' Upon which
I believe they were thoroughly satisfied that I had done right."[139]

[138] This man's name was William Aglionby--in all respects a
disreputable fellow. (Stephens's "Journal of the Proceedings in
Georgia," vol. i.) He had been "a thorn in the flesh" to Wesley.
(See "Life and Times of Wesley," vol. i., p. 157.)

[139] This was not the only instance in which Whitefield took
ecclesiastical law into his own hands. A few weeks before, he had
informed a man at Savannah, that, for the future, he should refuse
to "give him the cup at the sacrament," because the man "denied the
eternity of hell-torments."

The other event was of a more pleasing kind, namely, the opening of
a newly built school-house at Highgate. Only three months had passed
since Whitefield's first visit there. In the interval, one of the
settlers had given him a site for the erection; the rest had given
labour; and now the building was completed. Whitefield consecrated
the edifice by reading the Liturgy, preaching, baptizing an infant,
and catechising the children. "After the service," says the happy
minister, "we refreshed ourselves together, thanked our good God,
and ate our bread with gladness of heart."

Whitefield's departure from Savannah, which took place on August 28,
was widely different from that of his friend Wesley eight months
before. He writes:--

"1738, August 28. This being the day of my departure, it was
mostly spent in taking leave of my flock, who expressed their
affection now more than ever.[140] They came to me, from the
morning to the time I left them, with tears in their eyes,
wishing me a prosperous voyage and safe return. They also
brought me wine, ale, cake, coffee, tea, and other things
proper for my passage, and their love seemed to be without
dissimulation. My heart was full, and I took the first
opportunity of venting it by prayers and tears. I think I never
parted from a place with more regret. I have great hope some
good will come out of Savannah; because, the longer I continued
there, the larger the congregations grew. I scarce know a night,
though we had divine service twice a day, when the church-house
has not been nearly full."

[140] Stephens, the Secretary of the Trustees of Georgia, says: "The
congregation was so crowded that a great many stood without the
doors and under the windows to hear him, pleased with nothing more
than the assurances he gave of his intention to return to them as
soon as possible." He adds, that, when Whitefield left Savannah, he
appointed Habersham, the Savannah schoolmaster, to read the Church
Service to the people during his absence. Habersham did this for two
months, when the Rev. Mr. Norris came and took Whitefield's place.
("Journal of Proceedings in Georgia," vol. i.)

It will naturally be asked, if Whitefield was so happy in his
work in Georgia, why did he so soon leave it? An answer to this
will be found in the following extract from a paper written some
years afterwards. It will be seen, 1. That there were certain
things in the government of the country which Whitefield wished to
have altered. 2. That he felt it a duty to collect funds for the
erection of an orphan house. 3. That it was necessary he should
return to England to be ordained a priest. As an explanation of
what follows, it may be added here, that the Trustees of Georgia,
from the best of motives, had, 1. Prohibited the introduction of
ardent spirits,--a prohibition which it was difficult to enforce,
and which led to clandestine traffic. 2. They had granted lands to
none but _male_ emigrants, and had issued a regulation to the effect
that _female_ descendants should not inherit the estates of their
ancestors. In families of daughters, this was a grievance that
soon created a just discontent. 3. The Trustees also interdicted
the introduction of slaves. "Slavery," said Oglethorpe, "is against
the Gospel as well as against the fundamental law of England."
Besides, he adds, the colony is "an asylum for the distressed, and
it is necessary, therefore, not to permit slaves in such a country,
for slaves starve the poor labourer." Such were some of the reasons
for this interdict; but it is a curious fact, that as early as the
year 1736, several "of the better sort of people in Savannah" had
sent a petition to the Trustees "for the use of negroes."[141] Not
only in one, but in all these respects, Whitefield, oddly enough,
sympathised with the malcontent inhabitants of Georgia. Hear what he
says:--

"The people were denied the use both of rum and slaves. The
lands were allotted them according to a particular plan,
whether good or bad; and the female heirs were prohibited from
inheriting. So that in reality to place people there, on such a
footing, was little better than to tie their legs and bid them
walk. The scheme was well meant at home; but was absolutely
impracticable in so hot a country abroad. However, that rendered
what I had brought over from my friends more acceptable to the
poor inhabitants, and gave me an ocular demonstration of the
great necessity of an orphan house, which I now determined to
set about in earnest. The Saltzburghers at Ebenezer had one; and
having heard and read of what Professor Francke had done in that
way, in Germany, I confidently hoped that something of the like
nature might succeed in Georgia. Many poor orphans were there
already, and the number was likely soon to be increased.

[141] Bancroft's "History of the United States."

"The settlers were chiefly broken and decayed tradesmen from
London and other parts of England; several Scotch adventurers;
some Highlanders, who had a worthy minister named McLeod; a
few Moravians; and the Saltzburghers, who were by far the most
industrious of the whole.

"With the worthy ministers of Ebenezer, Messrs. Grenaw and
Boltzius, I contracted an intimacy. Many praying people were
in the congregation, which, with the consideration that such
faithful labourers as Messrs. Wesleys and Ingham had been
sent, gave me great hope that, unpromising as the aspect at
present might be, the colony might emerge in time out of its
infant state. Mr. Ingham had made some small advances towards
converting the Indians, who were at a small settlement about
four miles from Savannah. He went and lived among them for a few
months, and began to compose an Indian Grammar; but he was soon
called away to England. Mr. Charles Wesley had chiefly acted
as secretary to General Oglethorpe; but he also soon went to
England to engage more labourers. Mr. John Wesley, having met
with unworthy treatment, both at Frederica and Savannah, soon
followed. Through Divine mercy, I met with respectable treatment
from magistrates, officers, and people. The first I visited now
and then; the others, besides preaching twice a day and four
times a Lord's day, I visited from house to house. I was in
general most cordially received; but, from time to time, found
that '_Cælum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt._' Though
lowered in their circumstances, a sense of what they formerly
were in their native country remained. It was plain to be seen
that coming over was not so much out of choice as constraint.
Among some of these, however, the word took effectual root.
I was really happy in my little foreign cure, and could have
cheerfully remained among them, had I not been obliged to return
to England to receive priest's orders and to make a beginning
towards laying a foundation to the orphan house."[142]

[142] Gillies' "Life of Whitefield."

Here then are Whitefield's reasons why, after so short a residence,
he left Savannah, and set sail for England.

First of all, in a boat provided by Thomas Causton, Wesley's foe,
he made his way to Charleston, the capital of Carolina, where, says
he, "I was received in a most Christian manner by the Bishop of
London's Commissary, the Rev. Mr. Garden, a good soldier of Jesus
Christ;"[143] and was treated with great kindness by several others.
Here he remained about ten days, and then, on September 9, embarked
on board the _Mary_, Captain Coc, commander, bound from Charleston
to England.

[143] Such is Whitefield's description of Mr. Garden; who, however,
in 1740, instituted proceedings against him in the ecclesiastical
court, and suspended him from his ministerial office. But more of
this anon.

With the exception of two or three days, the first month of
the passage home was a continual storm. During the first week,
Whitefield never undressed, and lay upon deck, or on a chest, every
night. On October 3, when they had sailed about 150 miles, they
encountered a tempest which slit nearly all their sails to strips.
The captain's hammock, in the great cabin, was half filled with
water. Whitefield, in his berth, was drenched. Most of the fresh
provisions were washed overboard; and the tackling of the ship was
seriously injured. In the midst of all, however, Whitefield was
kept in peace. "God," says he, "was exceeding gracious unto me,
and enabled me greatly to rejoice. My sphere of action was now
contracted into a very narrow compass; for there are but few souls
on board, and all that I can do is to read public prayers, and add a
word of exhortation, twice every day. The captain and all are very
civil."

Whitefield did not forget his friends. On the 2nd of October, he
wrote a long letter "to the Inhabitants of Savannah,"--a sort of
pastoral epistle--in which he strongly insists upon that which had
so often been the subject of his sermons--"the new birth in Christ
Jesus--that ineffable change which must pass upon our hearts before
we can see God." "The author of this blessed change," says he, "is
the Holy Ghost; and the means to attain this Holy Spirit, you know,
and the way you know." It is a remarkable fact, however, that,
whilst specifying the _means_, as 1. Self-denial; 2. Public Worship;
3. Reading the Scriptures; 4. Secret Prayer; 5. Self-examination;
and 6. Receiving the blessed Sacrament,--there is not a word about
faith in Christ; and, further, it is equally remarkable that, until
after this, the doctrine of salvation by faith in Christ only, is
never even mentioned in any of Whitefield's published sermons, nor
in any of his private letters to his friends. The fact is, whilst
he himself fully trusted in the infinite sacrifice of Christ as the
alone _procuring_ cause of a sinner's salvation, he had yet to learn
that the doctrine of justification by faith alone, is not only a
doctrine of _paramount importance_ in the great scheme of Christian
truth, but one which stands pre-eminent throughout the whole of
the New Testament Scriptures. The Wesley brothers, in this very
year, 1738, to their own great amazement, had been brought to the
knowledge of this unspeakably important dogma of revealed religion,
and had begun to preach it. A few months later, Whitefield was led
to embrace the same doctrine, and had the same divine conviction;
and henceforward, to the end of life, was second to none in
expounding and enforcing the text of the inspired Apostle, "To him
that worketh not, but believeth on Him that justifieth the ungodly,
his faith is counted for righteousness."

But leaving this, and returning to Whitefield's pastoral epistle,
while defective in the momentous point just mentioned, it is in all
other respects most admirable.

"I must defer," says he, "dwelling further on this subject till
I see you in person, and am qualified to administer unto you
the sacred symbols of Christ's blessed body and blood. In the
meanwhile, think not that I shall forget you in my prayers. No,
I remember my promise, and, whilst the winds and storms are
blowing over me, I make supplication to God on your behalf.
Remember, my dear friends, that, for the space of near four
months, I ceased not, day and night, warning every one of you
to repent and turn to God, and bring forth fruits meet for
repentance. Repent you, therefore, and walk in all things as
becometh the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ, and then, and
then only, shall your sins be blotted out.[144] Let there be
no divisions among you; for a kingdom divided against itself
cannot stand. Be over-careful for nothing, but, in everything,
with supplications and thanksgiving, make your wants known unto
God. Speak not evil one of another, but live at peace among
yourselves; and the God of peace shall in all things direct and
rule your hearts. Brethren, pray that God would prosper the work
of His hands upon me, and restore me to you as soon as possible.
In about eight months, God willing, I hope to see you. In the
meanwhile, you shall not be forgotten by your affectionate,
though unworthy, minister in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[144] Language like this fully confirms what has just been said
respecting justification by faith only.

Such was Whitefield's letter, written in the midst of ocean-storms.
A fortnight later he wrote as follows:--

"October 14. Sailed this week about 600 miles; but yesterday God
was pleased to send us a contrary wind, which still continues.
A few days ago, I flattered myself we should soon be at our
desired port, but God is pleased to defer the accomplishment
of my hopes. However, blessed be His name! He enables me to
give thanks. Most of this week has been spent in searching the
Scriptures, and in retirements for direction and assistance in
the work before me. My fresh provisions are gone, and the people
are put to the allowance of a quart of water each man for a
day. I hope now the spiritual man will grow, having so little
for the natural man to feed upon. Amen, Lord Jesus! Blessed be
God! By His grace, I rejoice in necessities, and in everything
give thanks. Had this sentence out of Matthew Henry much pressed
upon my heart, 'The mower loses no time while he is whetting his
scythe.'"

On November 4, Whitefield remarked:--

"Our allowance of water now is but a pint a day, so that we dare
not eat much salt beef. Our sails are exceeding thin; some more
of them were split last night, and no one knows where we are;
but God does, and that is sufficient. Last night, He lifted up
the light of His blessed countenance upon me; and to-day, He
fills me with joy unspeakable and full of glory; so that, though
I have little to eat, I inwardly possess all things. This is
now the eighth week I have been on board. If my friends ask me
why I arrived no sooner, I may truly answer, Satan hindered us;
for I believe it is he who is permitted to do this."

A week later he wrote again:--

"Still we are floating about, not knowing where we are; but our
people seem yet to have hopes of seeing Ireland. The weather now
begins to be cold, so that I can say with the Apostle, 'I am in
hungerings and thirstings, cold and fastings often.' My outward
man sensibly decayeth, but the spiritual man, I trust, is
renewed day by day. Our ship is much out of repair, and our food
by no means enough to support nature; an ounce or two of salt
beef, a pint of water, and a cake made of flour and skimmings of
the pot; but I often think of Him who preserved Moses in the ark
of bulrushes, and so long as I look upwards, my faith will not
fail."

The next day, land appeared. Their plight was pitiable. They had but
half a pint of water left. A boat was sent on shore. Provisions and
water were obtained; and Mr. McMahon, "a great country gentleman,"
sent an invitation to Whitefield to visit him, and to stay in his
house as long as he liked. "As soon as the provisions came," says
Whitefield, "we kneeled down and returned hearty thanks to our good
God, who has heard our prayers, and sent His angel before us to
prepare our way." On November 14, the ship anchored near the west
coast of Ireland, and Whitefield landed. He writes:--

"The voyage has been greatly for my good; for I have had a
glorious opportunity of searching the Scriptures, composing
discourses, writing letters, and communing with my own heart.
We have been on board just nine weeks and three days,--a long
and perilous, but profitable voyage to my soul; for, I hope, it
has taught me, in some measure, to endure hardships as becometh
a minister of Christ. My clothes have not been off (except to
change me) all the passage. Part of the time I lay on open deck;
part on a chest; and the remainder on a bedstead covered with my
buffalo's skin. These things, though little in themselves, are
great in their consequences; and, whosoever despiseth small acts
of bodily discipline, it is to be feared, will insensibly lose
his spiritual life by little and little. As for the success of
my ministry whilst on board, I shall only say, much sin has been
prevented, and one I hope effectually converted, who is to be my
fellow-traveller to England."

Mr. McMahon treated Whitefield with the genuine hospitality of an
Irish gentleman, and furnished him with three horses to convey him,
his servant, and the new convert just mentioned, from one side of
Ireland to the other.

Their first day's journey brought them to Kilrush, where they met
Captain Coc and a number of his crew, who, the night before, had
been almost wrecked. Whitefield writes: "On entering our inn, we
kneeled down and prayed; and again, at night, sung psalms, and
prayed with the captain and several of my shipmates; the first time,
I believe, the room was ever put to such a use by a ship's crew and
their chaplain."

Whilst here, undaunted by his recent privations and dangers,
Whitefield wrote to a friend in England:--

"KILRUSH, _Nov. 16, 1738_.

"I send you this to inform you of my safe arrival here. I know
you will rejoice and give thanks, and pray that my coming to
London may be in the fulness of the blessing of the gospel of
peace. God has done for me more abundantly than I could dare
to ask or think. The seed of the glorious gospel has taken
root in the American ground, and, I hope, will grow up into a
great tree. America--infant Georgia--is an excellent soil for
Christianity; you cannot live there without taking up a daily
cross; therefore, I shall hasten back as soon as possible after
Christmas."

Whitefield's second day's Irish journey was from Kilrush to
Fourthfargus,[145] a distance of about thirty miles. Everywhere he
was struck with the poverty of the people, and thought the huts in
Georgia were palaces when compared with the Irish turf and mud-built
cabins. In this the cold and wet month of November, he saw many of
the people walking barefoot, some because they were destitute of
shoes, and others carrying in their hands their "clouted brogues" to
save them from wearing out. Nearly all were papists, and "seemed,"
says Whitefield, "so very ignorant that they may well be termed the
_wild Irish_."

[145] So Whitefield spells the word; but I have failed to find such
a place in Lewis's elaborate "Topographical Dictionary of Ireland."
The same also may be said of _Karrigholt_.

On Saturday, November 19, he came to Limerick, where he spent the
Sunday. Dr. Burscough, Bishop of Limerick, received him "with the
utmost candour and civility;" and, at his lordship's request, he
preached in the cathedral "to a very numerous audience, who seemed
universally affected." After sermon, the mayor sent twice to invite
him to dinner; but he "was pre-engaged to the bishop," who offered
him "the free use of his palace." "As I was eating at dinner," says
Whitefield, "I was meditating on the Divine goodness in spreading
such a table for me, when last Sunday I was in danger of perishing
with hunger. But I thought, at the same time, if this was so great
a blessing, what an infinitely greater one will it be, after the
troubles of this life, to sit down and eat bread in the kingdom of
God." The next day, when taking leave of his lordship, "the good
bishop kissed him, and said, 'Mr. Whitefield, God bless you! I wish
you success abroad. Had you stayed in town, this house should have
been your home.'"

Three days afterwards, the weather-beaten hero arrived at Dublin,
and thus completed his journey of about 200 miles across the "sister
island," remarking that there were two things for which Ireland
deserved credit,--the roads were good, and provisions cheap.

During the five days that Whitefield spent in Dublin, he visited
the celebrated Dr. Delany, who received him with the greatest
kindness. Through Delany, he was introduced to Dr. Rundle, Bishop of
Londonderry, and to Dr. Boulter,[146] the Archbishop of Armagh, both
of whom invited him to dinner. He also preached in two of the Dublin
churches--St. Werburgh's and St. Andrew's--and says, "God enabled me
to speak with power."

[146] Dr. Boulter was a remarkable man. In 1719, at the age of
forty-eight, he went to Hanover with George I., in the capacity of
chaplain, and was employed to teach Prince Frederick the English
language. During the same year, he was made Bishop of Bristol.
Five years later, he became Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of
Ireland. He expended £30,000--an enormous sum in those days--in
the augmentation of small livings; erected and endowed hospitals,
at Drogheda and Armagh, for the reception of clergymen's widows;
supported the sons of many poor divines at the University;
contributed greatly to the establishment of the Protestant charter
schools; and, during a scarcity of food, in 1740, provided, at
his own expense, two meals a day for upwards of two thousand five
hundred distressed persons. He died four years after his courteous
kindness to Whitefield.

On November 30, he landed at Parkgate, and hurried to Nantwich,
hoping to meet with his old friend, Mr. Matthew Salmon, an Oxford
Methodist, who, three years before, had arranged to go with the
Wesleys to Georgia, but, at the last moment, was prevented by his
family.

From Nantwich, Whitefield went to Manchester, to visit another of
the Oxford Methodists, the Rev. John Clayton, by whose "judicious
Christian conversation," says he, "I was much edified." Here
he spent Sunday, December 3, and preached twice in Clayton's
church, to thronged and attentive congregations, and assisted six
more clergymen in administering the sacrament to three hundred
communicants. Five days afterwards, he arrived in London, "was
received with much joy" by his Christian friends, "joined with them
in psalms and thanksgiving," and, at night, went to a meeting of the
Moravian Society, in Fetter Lane.

At the time of Whitefield's arrival, Wesley was at Oxford; but,
hearing of his friend's return, he "hastened to London;" and says,
"On December 12, God gave us once more to take sweet counsel
together."

Strange things had happened during Whitefield's absence. The two
Wesleys had been brought into close connection with the Moravians,
and had both found peace with God through faith in Christ. Charles
had formed an intimate acquaintance with the Rev. Henry Piers, of
Bexley, and with the Delamotte family, at Blendon. For seven months,
ever since the memorable "Day of Pentecost," in the month of May,
he had sung, rejoiced, and given thanks. Wherever an opportunity
occurred, he had preached, with all the earnestness of his impulsive
nature, his newly discovered doctrine of a free salvation,
attainable at once, by simple faith in Christ. He had prayed with
half a score of condemned convicts in Newgate prison, had instructed
them, and then gone with them to Tyburn gallows. Besides occupying
the pulpits of other London churches, he had become a sort of curate
of the Rev. Mr. Stonehouse, vicar of Islington; and, on September 3,
had "preached salvation by faith" even in Westminster Abbey, where
he also "gave the cup."

John Wesley's history had been equally eventful. He had met with
Peter Bohler, and had been taught that true faith in Christ is
inseparably connected with dominion over sin, and constant peace,
arising from a sense of forgiveness--a doctrine which, at the
first, Wesley regarded as a "new gospel." He had preached, before
the University, in St. Mary's, Oxford, his memorable sermon, from
the text, "By grace are ye saved, through faith." He had spent three
months in visiting the Moravian brotherhoods in Germany. He and his
brother had waited upon Dr. Gibson, Bishop of London, to answer the
complaints his lordship had heard against them. He had drawn up
a set of rules for the regulation of the Moravian band societies
in London; and he had published his first "Collection of Psalms
and Hymns."[147] Though he had preached in several of the London
churches, his preaching, as yet, comparatively speaking, had not
created much excitement; but he was being prepared for action, and,
when the time arrived, he was ready for the battle.

[147] The following letter from Clayton to Wesley, has not before
been published:--"Salford, May 7, 1738. We feared much that you were
the author of the 'Oxford Methodists,' prefixed to Mr. Whitefield's
Sermons; but Mr. Kinchin has relieved us. It is the opinion of Dr.
Deacon, Dr. Byrom, and his brother Josiah, as well as myself, that
you had better forbear publishing, at least for a time, till your
difficulties are blown over. Dr. Byrom has the same fears about the
_poems_, as the '_Methodists_,' and doubts you are too hasty and
sanguine about them."

Whitefield arrived in London on December 8, and, on the day
following, waited on the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop
of London, and says he "met with a favourable reception." All,
however, was not smooth sailing. On December 10, he writes: "Five
churches have been already denied me, and some of the clergy, if
possible, would oblige me to depart out of these coasts." As yet,
however, all the churches were not closed against him. On the same
day, he preached in St. Helen's,[148] the church of Broughton, the
Oxford Methodist; and in the parish church of Islington, where
Mr. Stonehouse was vicar; and concluded the Sabbath by attending
a Moravian love-feast, at Fetter Lane, and spending about two
hours in prayer and singing. He found that many who had been
awakened by his preaching, twelve months before, were now "grown
strong men in Christ, by the ministrations of his dear friends and
fellow-labourers, John and Charles Wesley;" and, in his journal, he
significantly adds: "I found the old doctrine of justification by
faith only much revived. Many letters had been sent to me concerning
it, all of which I, providentially, missed receiving; for now I come
unprejudiced, and can the more easily see who is right. And who
dare assert that we are not justified in the sight of God merely by
an act of faith in Jesus Christ, without any regard to works past,
present, or to come?" So far as there is evidence to shew, this was
a doctrine which, up to the present, Whitefield had never preached.
Now, somewhat to his surprise, he found the Moravians and the Wesley
brothers preaching it continually.

[148] Charles Wesley writes: "I heard George Whitefield preach to a
vast throng at St. Helen's."

With the exception of St. Helen's in Bishopsgate Street, Christ
Church in Spitalfields, Wapping Chapel, and the parish church at
Islington, Whitefield, on his return from Georgia, was excluded
from all the London churches. A year ago, his popularity in London
was enormous. Not only the pulpits of the churches just mentioned,
but those of Cripplegate, St. Ann's (Foster Lane), the Tower,
Ludgate, Newgate, Bow Church (in Cheapside), St. Andrew (Holborn),
St. Antholin, St. Nicholas, and many others, were freely offered
him. Now, nearly all were shut against him. Why was this? Perhaps
it was partly occasioned by the imprudent publication of his two
"Journals of a Voyage from London to Gibraltar, and from Gibraltar
to Savannah"--journals full of devotion, faith, and godly zeal, but
yet containing words, phrases, and sentences which it was unwise to
print. There was nothing absolutely wrong, but occasionally there
was a modicum of pious egotism, and there were rapturous expressions
unfamiliar to Pharisaic ears, and which exposed the writer to the
malignant shafts of inferior men, who were envious of the preacher's
popularity and success. Another reason may, perhaps, be found in
the fact that Whitefield and the Wesley brothers were known to be
faithful and ardent friends. Though the Wesleys had not, as yet,
encountered any serious opposition, their newly embraced doctrine of
justification by faith only, and their intimate and open connection
with the London Moravians, had been, to many of the members of
the Church of England, an occasion of huge offence; and it is not
improbable that Whitefield's exclusion from the London churches was
partly on their account. And, further, though the terrible storm of
persecution had yet to come and burst, there were already mutterings
of its approach, and of its violence. As an antidote to Whitefield's
doctrine of the new birth, the Rev. Tipping Silvester had published
a sermon,[149] preached before the University of Oxford, the chief
point of which was that men are born again in baptism. Further, in
condemnation of Wesley's doctrine, that true faith in Christ is
inseparably attended by an assurance of the forgiveness of sins,
the Rev. Arthur Bedford, Chaplain to His Royal Highness Frederick
Prince of Wales, had printed a discourse, delivered in the church
of St. Lawrence Jewry, in which he strongly argued that, to profess
to have received such an assurance, savours of spiritual pride, and
cannot but produce bad results. It is a "grand enthusiasm;" "instead
of bringing a man nearer to heaven, it sets him farther from it, for
the whole tenor of the gospel is to teach us humility and lowliness
of mind." "If," continues Mr. Bedford, "it pleased God, by His
Holy Spirit, to give me such an assurance, I should think myself
obliged heartily to bless His name for it in private, and humbly
beg a continuance of it; but I should also think myself obliged, in
conscience to conceal it, unless I was called forth to martyrdom."

[149] On the title-page of Mr. Silvester's sermon, there is the
following: "Recommended to the Religious Societies." Of course,
it was well known that Whitefield had recently been the favourite
preacher of these Societies, both in Bristol and in London.

It is more than probable that all these things contributed to
Whitefield's being denied the use of those London pulpits from
which, only twelve months before, he had preached, to admiring
crowds, with such startling eloquence and power. But, perhaps,
the chief cause of his exclusion was the publication of an 8vo.
pamphlet, of thirty-two pages, with the following title: "Remarks
on the Reverend Mr. Whitefield's Journal. Wherein his many
Inconsistencies are pointed out, and his Tenets considered. The
whole shewing the dangerous tendency of his Doctrine. Addressed
to the Religious Societies. _Ex tuo ipsius ore te damnabo._" The
pamphlet was a weak performance, but full of venom. The writer
professes a great regard for truth and the general good of the
Religious Societies, and confesses that Whitefield's "zeal to
promote the glory of God in London had made him esteem and admire
him;" but he adds that, finding "so many inconsistencies and false
notions of religion in" Whitefield's Journal, "I could not help
endeavouring to undeceive others, since I am so much deceived in him
myself."

The "Remarks on the Journal" are scarcely worthy of quotation.
Suffice it to say that, besides accusing Whitefield of "placing
religion in perturbations of mind, possessions of God, ecstatic
flights, and supernatural impulses;" of "insinuating that he was a
peculiar favourite of heaven," and of "arriving at such a height of
enthusiasm as to cause intervals of madness,"--the zealous reviewer
of Whitefield and his religion addresses the Religious Societies as
follows:--

"I am not a stranger to those causeless divisions among you,
occasioned by Mr. Whitefield's doctrine, and others of his
stamp, which have even drove some of you into despair, and
have caused others (really pious and well-meaning people) not
to be easy in themselves, but to think their eternal happiness
forfeited, through a want of those feelings which he prescribes
as the necessary ingredient for a good Christian. I shall
leave it to you to think whether any doctrine, attended with
such melancholic and frightful consequences, can be a means of
promoting the glory of God and benefiting mankind. I doubt not
but you will think in the negative. If so, let me exhort each
of you, according to his power, to endeavour to suppress it.
The only means that I can recommend to you is to work on those
who are falling from you by gentle means; to remove from their
minds all vain expectations of these new tokens of the Spirit,
_pangs_, _feelings_, and the like; and to inform them that the
only _fruit_ of the Spirit is righteousness; and always to keep
up in them a sense that their services, being according to
their best endeavours (though imperfect), will be acceptable
with God, through the merits of Christ. This will preserve them
from despair, and be the only means to prevent those frightful
thoughts affecting the mind. But if they should at any time
afterwards present themselves, let them always keep in memory
our blessed Saviour's description of the particulars by which
every man is to be judged at the last day, where there is no
mention made of inward feelings, possessions, and the like; but
_if he was hungry, ye gave him meat_," etc. (Matt. xxv 34-40).

This was odd theology; but let it pass. There can be no doubt that
the circulation of this well-printed, if not well-written, pamphlet
created a prejudice against the young preacher; and that this, in
connection with the other circumstances already mentioned, is quite
sufficient to account for the surprising fact, that whereas, at the
end of the year 1737, Whitefield, of all the preachers in the London
churches, was the most popular, he was, notwithstanding this, almost
universally tabooed at the end of 1738, and, with few exceptions,
found all the churches closed against him.

To an aspiring, ardent spirit, like that of Whitefield, this was a
serious trial; but while it pained, it failed to paralyse the man.
To gag him was impossible. If not allowed to preach in churches,
he was determined to preach elsewhere. On Christmas Eve, besides
preaching twice in places not named, he attended a meeting of
the Crooked Lane Society, and "withstood several persons, who
cavilled against the doctrine of the new birth;" thence he "went
and expounded to a company at Mr. B----'s, in Little Britain;" and
thence proceeded to a Moravian love-feast at Fetter Lane, where he
"continued, with many truly Christian brethren, in prayer, psalms,
and thanksgiving," till nearly four o'clock on Christmas Day
morning. But even now his work was not ended. Instead of seeking
rest in bed, he went direct from Fetter Lane to Redcross Street,
and, at four o'clock, "expounded to another Society consisting of
two or three hundred people;"[150] at six, he expounded again "as
well as he could" to Crutched Friar's Society; and then, during the
same day, "without going to sleep," "preached thrice, and assisted
in administering the Christian Sacrament." Thus, in something like
six-and-thirty hours, he preached five sermons, expounded to four
Societies, and attended the exhaustingly prolonged love-feast in
Fetter Lane.

[150] Whitefield says, this was the _first_ time he "ever prayed _ex
tempore_ before such a number in public." (Whitefield's Life and
Journals, 1756, p. 114.)

How did he spend the ensuing week,--the last in the memorable
year 1738? Many a man, after such exertions, would have deemed it
his duty to have had a Christmas holiday; but if any one could
truthfully sing the lines of his friend Wesley, Whitefield could:--

"Labour is rest, and pain is sweet,
If Thou, my God, art here."

The question just propounded shall be answered partly by Charles
Wesley, and partly by Whitefield himself. The former writes:--

"1738, Tuesday, December 26. George Whitefield preached. We had
the sacrament this and the four following days. On Thursday, my
brother preached; on Friday, George Whitefield; and on Saturday,
Mr. Robson. The whole week was a festival indeed; a joyful
season, holy unto the Lord."[151]

[151] C. Wesley's Journal.

Whitefield says:--

"1738, Saturday, December 30. Preached nine times this week, and
expounded near eighteen times, with great power and enlargement.
Blessed be God! I am every moment employed from morning till
midnight. There is no end of the people's coming and sending to
me. They seem more and more desirous, like new-born babes, to
be fed with the sincere milk of the word. What a great work has
been wrought in the hearts of many within this twelvemonth!

"Sunday, December 31. Preached twice to large congregations,
especially in the afternoon, at Spitalfields. I had a great
hoarseness upon me;" (no wonder!) "but God strengthened me to
speak, so as to be heard by all. After I left Spitalfields, I
expounded to two companies in Southwark, and was never more
enlarged in prayer in my life. Many were pricked to the heart,
and _felt_ themselves to be sinners. Oh that all the world knew
and felt that!"

Thus, with Whitefield, ended the year 1738.

_COMMENCEMENT OF OUTDOOR PREACHING._

JANUARY TO AUGUST, 1739.

Whitefield began the new year as gloriously as he ended that
which had just expired. He received the sacrament, preached
twice, expounded twice, attended a Moravian love-feast in Fetter
Lane, where he "spent the _whole_ night in prayer, psalms, and
thanksgivings;" and then pronounced "this to be the happiest New
Year's Day he had ever seen."

The love-feast at Fetter Lane was a memorable one. Besides about
sixty Moravians, there were present not fewer than seven of
the Oxford Methodists, namely, John and Charles Wesley, George
Whitefield, Westley Hall, Benjamin Ingham, Charles Kinchin, and
Richard Hutchins,--all of them ordained clergymen of the Church of
England. Wesley writes: "About three in the morning, as we were
continuing instant in prayer, the power of God came mightily upon
us, insomuch that many cried out for exceeding joy, and many fell
to the ground. As soon as we were recovered a little from that awe
and amazement at the presence of His majesty, we broke out with one
voice, 'We praise Thee, O God; we acknowledge Thee to be the Lord.'"
This Pentecost on New Year's Day could never be forgotten. It was a
glorious preparation for the herculean work on which Whitefield and
the Wesleys were about to enter. No wonder that the year thus begun
should be the most remarkable in Methodistic history.

Only four hours after this overwhelming visitation in Fetter Lane,
Whitefield was employed in another kind of work. He writes: "January
2. From seven in the morning till three in the afternoon, people
came, some telling me what God had done for their souls, and others
crying out, 'What shall we do to be saved?'"

Three days afterwards, the seven Oxford Methodists, just mentioned,
"held a Conference at Islington, concerning several things of great
importance." Whitefield says: "What we were in doubt about, after
prayer, we determined by lot, and everything else was carried on
with great love, meekness, and devotion. We continued in fasting and
prayer till three o'clock, and then parted with a full conviction
that God was going to do great things among us."

With the exception of the question whether Charles Wesley ought "to
settle at Oxford,"[152] the matters, which were discussed at this
the _first_ Methodist Conference, are utterly unknown; but that the
members of it were intensely earnest, and that their conviction
that something marvellous was about to happen was not the whim of
presumptuous fanatics, no one can seriously doubt.

[152] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 139.

During this momentous week--the first in the year 1739--Whitefield
preached six times, and expounded twice or thrice every night.
On the first Sunday of the year, January 7, he preached twice,
expounded to three Societies, and spent the _whole_ night in prayer
and thanksgiving at Fetter Lane. The next day he writes:--

"Monday, January 8. Though I sat up all night, yet God carried
me through the work of the day with about an hour's sleep.
Expounded in the evening, and confuted a virulent opposer of
the doctrine of the new birth, and justification by faith only.
Spent the remainder of the evening with our Bands, which are
little combinations of six or more Christians meeting together
to compare their experiences."

From such extracts, the reader may learn, 1. That Whitefield's
labours were gigantic. 2. That he had now fully embraced the
doctrine of justification by faith only. 3. That he was in close
communion with the Religious Societies, and especially with the
Moravian brotherhood.

Though most of the London churches were closed against him, he
was enormously popular, and his preaching more powerful than
ever. On January 10, after his sermon at Great St. Helen's, £33
were collected towards erecting a church for the Saltzburghers
in Georgia; and he himself testifies, concerning his ministry in
general, "The Holy Ghost so powerfully worked upon my hearers,
pricking their hearts, and melting them into floods of tears, that a
spiritual man said, 'He never saw the like before.'"

The time had now arrived for Whitefield to be ordained a priest.
Soon after his arrival from Georgia, he wrote as follows, to his
friend Harris at Gloucester:--

"LONDON, _December 30, 1738_.

"I am appointed by the Trustees to be minister of Savannah. The
Bishop of London (Doctor Gibson) accepts the title, and has
given me letters demissory to any other bishop. I have waited
also on Doctor Secker, Bishop of Oxford, who acquaints me
that our worthy diocesan, good Bishop Benson, ordains for him
to-morrow fortnight at Oxford, and that he will give me letters
demissory to him. God be praised! I was praying night and day,
whilst on ship-board, that good Bishop Benson, who laid hands on
me as a deacon, might now make me a priest. And now my prayer is
answered."

In accordance with this arrangement, Whitefield, on January the
10th, set out for Oxford, where he spent the next four days. His
Journal of this brief interval is too racy to be omitted. He
writes:--

"Friday, January 12. Breakfasted with sixteen or seventeen
Christian brethren; expounded and read prayers at the Castle
to many devout souls. Afterwards, I waited on the Bishop of
Gloucester, who received me very kindly. Waited on the Master
of Pembroke; afterwards on the archdeacon. Went to public
worship at Pembroke. Supped, prayed, and sung psalms, with a
room full of brethren at Mr. F----'s;[153] then adjourned to
Corpus Christi College, where God assisted me to talk clearly of
the new birth, and justification by faith alone, with one that
opposed it.

[153] Doubtless Mr. Fox, late a prisoner in the city prison;
but now a vendor of "fowls, pigs, and cheese." (See "The Oxford
Methodists," pp. 364, 370.)

"Saturday, January 13. Received the holy sacrament at St.
Mary's; expounded at F----'s; went with the other candidates for
holy orders to subscribe to the Articles, and secretly prayed
that we all might have our names written in the book of life.
Drank tea with a well-disposed gentleman commoner, and had close
conversation with many others at Corpus Christi College.

Sunday, January 14. This, blessed be God, has been a day of fat
things. Rose in the morning, and prayed and sung psalms lustily,
and with a good courage; and afterwards was ordained priest
at Christ's Church. _Before_, I was a little dissipated, but,
_at_ imposition of hands, my mind was in an humble frame, and I
received grace in the holy sacrament. That I might begin to make
proof of my ministry, I preached and administered the sacrament
at the Castle; and preached in the afternoon at St. Alban's, to
a crowded congregation. The church was surrounded by gownsmen
of all degrees, who stood attentive at the windows during my
sermon. God enabled me to preach with the demonstration of the
Spirit, and with power, and quite took away my hoarseness, so
that I could lift up my voice like a trumpet. After sermon, I
joined in giving thanks to our good God for all the mercies He
had conferred upon me. Then I read prayers at Carfax; expounded
to a large and devout company at a private house; and spent the
remainder of the evening with thirteen more, where God gave me
great cheerfulness of spirit."

Whitefield was ordained a priest. It is more than possible, if he
had waited until the next Ember-days, he would never have been
ordained a priest at all. Bishop Benson, from the first, had been a
friend to him. Though he had publicly declared he would not ordain
any one a deacon under the age of three-and-twenty, he, without
solicitation, ordained Whitefield when he was only twenty-one years
and a half. He gave him five guineas to assist him in defraying the
expenses of taking his B.A. degree at Oxford, and twenty pounds
for the poor of Georgia. He ordained him a priest when, with few
exceptions, the clergy of the land were beginning to indulge in
clamorous complaints against him; and, three weeks after his
ordination, gave him another "liberal benefaction for Georgia."[154]
And yet, even "the _good bishop_," as Whitefield so often calls him,
was not absolutely contented with him. Hence the following extract
from a letter addressed to the Earl of Huntingdon. After giving an
account of Whitefield's ordination, the bishop proceeds to say:--

"I hope this will give some satisfaction to my lady, and that
she will not have occasion to find fault with your lordship's
old tutor. _Though mistaken on some points_, I think Mr.
Whitefield a very pious, well-meaning young man, with good
abilities and great zeal. I find his Grace of Canterbury[155]
thinks highly of him. I pray God to grant him great success in
all his undertakings for the good of mankind, and the revival of
true religion and holiness among us in these degenerate days; in
which prayer, I am sure, your lordship and my kind good Lady
Huntington will most heartily join."[156]

[154] Whitefield's Journal.

[155] Archbishop Potter.

[156] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 196.

For a season, Whitefield's irregularities somewhat tried the
patience of Bishop Benson; and it is related that, in an excited
conversation with the Countess of Huntingdon, he "bitterly lamented"
that he had ordained his youthful protégé. The countess replied,
"Mark my words: when you come upon your dying bed, that will be one
of the few ordinations you will reflect upon with complacence." It
deserves remark, that Bishop Benson, on his dying bed, sent ten
guineas to Whitefield, as a token of his favour and approbation, and
begged to be remembered by him in his prayers.

This letter introduces a name which will occupy a prominent place
throughout the whole of Whitefield's remaining history. When and
where the Countess of Huntingdon first became acquainted with
Whitefield we are not informed; but it is evident that already she
was interested in the man, and desirous of his ordination. Her
well-informed biographer, in his "Life and Times of Selina, Countess
of Huntingdon," has crowded his pages with facts, racy, rich, and
important; but he sorely tries the patience of his readers by his
neglect of dates, and by his consequent chronological confusion.
He states, however, that, among the nobility, Lady Townshend, the
eccentric mother of George, the first Marquis Townshend, "was the
first who extolled the preaching of Whitefield, whom she alternately
liked and disliked."[157]

[157] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 23.

Further, one of the earliest fruits of Whitefield's ministry among
the nobility in the metropolis was Lady Anne Frankland, daughter of
the Earl of Scarborough, and second wife of Frederick Frankland,
Esq., M.P. for Thirsk. For many years, Lady Anne held the situation
of Lady of the Bedchamber to the Princess Anne, and to the
Princesses Amelia and Caroline. By the influence of Lady Frankland,
her sisters, the Lady Barbara Leigh and the Lady Henrietta Lumley,
were induced to attend Whitefield's preaching, from which they
received much spiritual good. This so exasperated Mr. Frankland,
that he treated his wife with the utmost cruelty, declared she was
the object of his aversion, and threatened to murder her. The result
was, a separation followed, and, not long afterwards, Lady Frankland
died.[158]

[158] Ibid. p. 20.

The Earl of Huntingdon and his illustrious wife constantly attended
wherever Whitefield preached. Among others whom, at this early
period, the Countess of Huntingdon interested in Whitefield's
remarkable career, was Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, famed for her
beauty, dignity, sprightliness, wit, petulance, pride, and vanity,
and of whom it has been said that, by her influence in the Cabinet,
she swayed the destinies of Europe with as great effect as did her
husband, by his talents, in the field. The great duchess wrote as
follows:--

"My dear Lady Huntingdon is always so very good to me, that I
must accept your very obliging invitation to accompany you to
hear Mr. Whitefield. I do hope that I shall be all the better
for all your excellent advice. God knows we all need mending,
and none more than myself. I have lived to see great changes
in the world, have acted a conspicuous part myself, and now
hope, in my old days,[159] to obtain mercy from God, as I never
expect any at the hands of my fellow-creatures. The Duchess
of Ancaster, Lady Townshend, and Lady Cobham were exceedingly
pleased with many observations in Mr. Whitefield's sermon at St.
Sepulchre's Church, which has made me lament ever since that I
did not hear it, as it might have been the means of doing me
some good; _for good, alas! I do want_, but where among the
corrupt sons and daughters of Adam am I to find it?"[160]

[159] She died five years afterwards, in 1744.

[160] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 25.

Another aristocratic lady, who, in these early days of Methodism,
attended the preaching of Whitefield and the Wesleys, was the proud
Duchess of Buckingham, a natural daughter of King James the Second,
whose first husband was the Earl of Anglesey (from whom she was
divorced), and her second, John Sheffield, Duke of Buckingham,
in whose house (now Buckingham Palace) she died, in 1742. This
quasi-royal duchess heard the Methodists, but disliked their
doctrines. Writing to the Countess of Huntingdon, she said:--

"I thank your ladyship for the information concerning the
Methodist preachers. Their doctrines are most repulsive, and
strongly tinctured with impertinence and disrespect towards
their superiors, in perpetually endeavouring to level all ranks,
and do away with all distinctions. It is monstrous to be told
that you have a heart as sinful as the common wretches that
crawl on the earth. This is highly offensive and insulting;
and I cannot but wonder that your ladyship should relish any
sentiments so much at variance with high rank and good breeding.
However, I shall be most happy to accept your kind offer of
accompanying me to hear your favourite preacher, and shall
wait your arrival. The Duchess of Queensbury insists on my
patronising her on this occasion; consequently, she will be an
_addition_ to our party."[161]

[161] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 27.

The Duchess of Queensbury, to whom allusion has just been made, was
the second daughter of the Earl of Clarendon, and was celebrated
for extraordinary beauty, humour, and vivacity, by Pope, Swift,
and other poets, particularly by Prior, in one of his well-known
ballads. For a time, she constantly attended the ministry of
Whitefield and his brother Methodists, and was specially partial to
the preaching of Charles Wesley and Benjamin Ingham.[162]

[162] Ibid. p. 28.

Other distinguished hearers might be mentioned. Lady Lisburne, for
example, was a frequent attendant on the preaching of the first
Methodists, and was roused, by their powerful ministry, to a lively
concern for eternal things. Also, Lady Hinchinbroke, grand-daughter
of the Duke of Montague, and mother of the celebrated John George
Montague, fourth Earl of Sandwich. This noble lady was deeply
affected by the sermons of Whitefield and Wesley, and wrote as
follows to the Countess of Huntingdon:--

"I am extremely sensible of the honour your ladyship has done
me by the book which you have sent. Indeed, I stand in need of
all your sympathy and all your unwearied exertions; for I feel
myself utterly helpless, miserable, and guilty in the sight of
heaven; and, were it not for the ray of hope which I have in
the atoning sacrifice of Christ, would be driven to despair and
ruin. Have you heard where Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley are to
preach this week?"[163]

[163] Ibid. p. 31.

But, leaving his aristocratic hearers, it is time to return to
Whitefield himself. On the day after his ordination at Oxford,
he came back to London, where he spent the next three weeks. An
immense amount of work was thrust into this brief interval. He gave
Charles Wesley "so promising an account of Oxford," that Charles
felt "strongly inclined" to settle there, as he had been urged to
do at the recently held conference of Oxford Methodists.[164] He
transacted business with the Trustees of Georgia, who presented
him to the living of Savannah, and granted him five hundred acres
of land for his projected Orphan House. He was frequent in his
attendance at the Moravian meetings in Fetter Lane, "where," says
he, "we sometimes spent whole nights in prayer, and where I have
often seen the people overwhelmed with the Divine Presence, and
crying out, 'Will God indeed dwell with men upon earth?'" He spent
an "afternoon _in visiting some Dissenting brethren, who were
Christians indeed_,"--an act of courtesy which his friend Wesley
carefully avoided. He went even to Stoke Newington, to have an
interview with the arch-Dissenter of the day--the celebrated Dr.
Watts--who, though in great debility and suffering, was actively
employed in publishing a pamphlet on one of the most debateable
of topics, "Civil Power in Things Sacred."[165] During his three
weeks' stay in London, Whitefield preached more than twenty times,
and expounded almost fifty. He began to make collections for his
Orphan House in Georgia. He had a long conference with an opposing
clergyman, who objected to private Societies and extempore prayer,
grounding his objection on the authority of the Canons and the Act
of Uniformity. Whitefield replied that the Canons and the Act of
Uniformity referred to _public worship only_, whereas that of the
Societies was _not public worship_, but only "an imitation of the
primitive Christians, who continued daily with one accord in the
_temple_, and yet exhorted one another _from house to house_." He
had another conference, which lasted till after midnight, with
two Church of England clergymen, who were "strong opposers of the
doctrine of the new birth." Whitefield says, "God enabled me,
with great simplicity, to declare what He had done for my soul,
which made them look upon me as a madman." Besides his work in
London, Whitefield went to Bexley, where he preached, and spent two
delightful evenings with the Delamottes. He also went to Gravesend,
where he preached in the churches twice, and in private houses
expounded thrice; his journey there and back being performed by boat
on the river Thames--a six hours' sail in the depth of winter, begun
from London at three o'clock in the morning, and from Gravesend
at eleven o'clock at night. The churches in London that he was
allowed to occupy were: St. Helen's in Bishopsgate Street, where his
friend Broughton was minister; Christ Church, in Spitalfields; St.
Catherine's; Islington; Wapping; St. George's-in-the-East; and St.
Margaret's, Westminster.

[164] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 140.

[165] Milner's Life of Watts, p. 610.

"I sleep but little, very little," said he, in a letter dated
January 27, 1739. "Had I a thousand hands, I could employ
them all. I scare know what it is to have an idle moment. I
thank you for blessing God on my behalf. I want a thousand
tongues to praise Him. He still works by me more and more.
Subscriptions for erecting an orphan house come in apace. On
Monday seven-night, God willing, I set out for Bristol, with Mr.
Seward. Mr. Howel Harris and I are correspondents, blessed be
God! May I follow him as he does Jesus Christ! How he outstrips
me!"

As Messrs. Seward and Harris will occupy a somewhat prominent
position in the ensuing pages, a brief account of them may be
acceptable.

William Seward, together with his brothers, Thomas, Benjamin, and
Henry, were natives of Badsey, a hamlet about two and a half miles
from Evesham, and were men of independent property. Thomas was a
clergyman of the Church of England, and will be mentioned hereafter.
Little is known respecting Benjamin, excepting that he spent some
years at Cambridge, was unimpeachable in his morals, was converted
in the spring of 1739,[166] and occasionally employed himself in
composing hymns. The following was appended to an 8vo. pamphlet,
published in the year of his conversion, and entitled "The Conduct
and Doctrine of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield vindicated." Though lacking
poetic merit, it is not without interest as exhibiting the spirit of
one of Whitefield's great admirers:--

"Come, blessed Jesus, quickly come,
And mark the bright celestial way;
Within my breast erect Thy throne,
Nor let me faint through long delay.

I'm weary of these earthly toys,
The world, and all its flattering charms;
My heart pants after purer joys,
And Christ alone my bosom warms.

With coldness and contempt, I view
These vain, these transitory scenes;
Since faith hath form'd my soul anew,
And wak'd me from Egyptian dreams.

Methinks a ray of heavenly light
Already darts upon my soul;
Methinks the promis'd land's in sight;
My heart's the needle, Christ the pole.

What though, for pageantry and state,
Others to earthly treasures trust,
And, aiming falsely to be great,
Like the vile serpents lick the dust:

My hope, my treasure, and my rest--
My all-sufficiency's above;
The kingdoms of the world possess'd
Are vain without my Saviour's love."

[166] Whitefield's Journal, Edit. 1756, p. 116.

Henry Seward, the eldest of the brothers, was married to a Baptist
wife, and was, as will be seen, a violent opposer of the Methodists.

William was drawn to seek after God and serve Him as early as
the year 1728. He laboured hard and successfully in reviving the
charity schools in London, particularly those in Langbourn Ward,
Castle Baynard Ward, Billingsgate Ward, Vintry Ward, in the parish
of St. George the Martyr, and in Hackney. For the school at the
last-mentioned place, he raised, by subscriptions and public
collections, an income of £150 per annum, and that notwithstanding
the "opposition of the minister, the churchwardens, and the
vestrymen of the parish."[167]

[167] Journal of a Voyage from Savannah to England. By William
Seward, Gent. 1740.

In the year 1738, he became acquainted with Charles Wesley and
the Methodists, and, in the month of November, found peace with
God through faith in Christ. Oddly enough, he was allowed to be
present at the Conference of Oxford Methodists, already mentioned,
on January 5, 1739.[168] A few weeks afterwards, he became
Whitefield's travelling companion; and went with him to America in
August, 1739.

[168] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., pp. 135 and 136.

William Seward returned to England, not to stay in it, but, 1. To
induce Mr. Hutchins, the Oxford Methodist, to take the management of
Whitefield's Orphan House in Georgia. 2. To convince the Trustees of
Georgia that three things were necessary to establish the Colony,
viz.: "an allowance of negroes, a free title to the lands, and an
independent magistracy." 3. To collect subscriptions for a negro
school in Pennsylvania. And, 4. To bring the money, lodged in the
hands of the trustees, for building the church at Savannah.

These were the public reasons why Mr. Seward returned to England;
but there were also private reasons. Mr. Seward had bought five
thousand acres of land on the forks of Delaware, for which he had
paid £2,200 sterling; and he hoped to beg this amount of money in
England, and then to give the land for the erection of a negro
school, and also a location for a number of "English friends,
where," to use Seward's words, "they might worship God in their own
way, without being thought _Enthusiasts_ for so doing." He also
intended to buy a ship in England for the purpose of conveying
the refugees to their foreign home. The place was to be a sort of
"Hernhuth" in America. Besides this, William Seward seems to have
been a widower with an only daughter, who was being educated by a
private governess. He was now desirous to remove his daughter to
Georgia, and to complete her education in Whitefield's Orphan House.
With reference to this, he wished to buy of the Trustees of Georgia
five hundred acres of land adjoining the Orphan House estate,
provided he could have a perfect title to leave it to the Orphan
House, if he thought desirable.

From this concise statement it will be seen that Mr. Seward had
abundance of business to transact in England; but besides all
this, there was a family quarrel exceedingly unpleasant. The
elder brother, Henry Seward, was wroth at his brothers becoming
Methodists. Three months before William's return to England,
Benjamin Seward was seriously ill. "His fever was called madness."
His letters were intercepted, and his servants set over him as
spies. Charles Wesley went to see him, but was not admitted to his
presence, and wrote:--"Henry Seward fell upon me without preface or
ceremony. I was the downfall of his brother, had picked his pocket,
ruined his family, come now to get more money, was a scoundrel,
rascal, and so forth, and deserved to have my gown stripped over
my ears. He concluded with threatening how he would beat me, if he
could but catch me on Bengeworth Common." On the day after this
angry interview, Charles Wesley attempted to preach. Henry Seward
came and said, "Four constables are ordered to apprehend you if you
come near my brother's wall," the place appointed for preaching; "so
come at your peril." Charles writes:--

"I walked towards the place. Mr. Henry met me with threats and
revilings. I began singing--

'Shall I, for fear of feeble man,
Thy Spirit's course in me restrain?'

He ran about raving like a madman, and quickly got some men
for his purpose, who laid hold on me. Henry cried, 'Take him
away, and duck him.' I broke out into singing with T. Maxfield,
and let them carry me whither they would. At the bridge in the
lane, they left me. There I stood out of the liberty of the
corporation, and gave out--

'Angel of God, whate'er betide,
Thy summons I obey!'"

Charles then proceeded to preach to a congregation of some hundreds,
from the words, "If God be for us, who can be against us?"

Eight days after this, Charles Wesley and Henry Seward had another
altercation. The country squire again lost his manners, and after
calling the poor Methodist preacher, "rogue, rascal, villain, and
pickpocket," actually wrung his nose. Charles departed, rejoicing
that he was counted worthy to suffer shame in the cause of
Christ.[169]

[169] C. Wesley's Journal.

Three months after this disreputable scene, William Seward arrived
in England, and most likely visited his brothers at Badsey. Be
that as it may, when William and Charles Wesley met at Bristol, in
the month of September following, William was evidently prejudiced
against his friend. Charles writes:--

"1740, September 23. Mr. W. Seward came, and was very cordial.
We prayed, rejoiced, and gave thanks. If I did not love him the
better for his opinion, I am sure it made me more industrious to
confirm my old love towards him. I carried him to our colliers.
He spoke a few words to them, which did not convince me of his
call to preach. In our return, he told me Mrs. Grevil and others
had urged him to claim the Room in the Horse-fair,[170] but
he abhorred their baseness. Next day, he told me he was in a
mist, the Baptists last night having laboured hard to make him
oppose me publicly. Before we parted, all was set right again;
but a few hours after, he came from the Baptists, and utterly
renounced both me and my brother, in bitter words of hatred,
which they had put into his mouth."[171]

[170] The first meeting-house Wesley built.

[171] C. Wesley's Journal.

William Seward's work was nearly ended. Immediately after this
painful interview in Bristol, he proceeded to Wales, where he joined
Howell Harris, and met with most brutal treatment. At Caerleon,
where he preached, he was "pelted with dung and dirt, eggs and
plumbstones." Some hard substance hit him on the eye, the result
of the blow being a total loss of sight. But even this was not the
worst. At Hay, a man struck him so severely on the head, that, a few
days afterwards, on October 22, 1740,[172] his life was ended at the
early age of thirty-eight. On hearing of his death, Wesley wrote:--

"1740, October 27. The surprising news of poor Mr. Seward's
death was confirmed. Surely God will maintain His own cause.
Righteous art Thou, O Lord!"

[172] In "The Life and Times of Wesley," William Seward is said to
have died in 1741. This is a mistake; the proper date is 1740.

On the same occasion, Charles Wesley wrote:--

"1740, October 28. I was exceedingly shocked with the news of
Mr. Seward's death; but he is taken from the evil; rescued out
of the hands of wicked men."

This is a long account of Seward and his brothers; but their names
have always been so prominent in the early career of Whitefield and
the Wesleys, that the writer hopes to be forgiven for collecting
the hitherto scattered scraps of information concerning them, and
presenting that information in a connected form.

After William Seward's death, his brothers are never mentioned in
Methodistic annals.

The account of Howell Harris shall be shorter. It is taken from a
document written by himself. This memorable Welshman was born at
Trevecka, on January 23, 1714, and was, therefore, a few months
older than his friend Whitefield. In 1732, when his father died,
Harris took charge of a country school. In 1735, he found peace with
God, through faith in Jesus Christ. Converted himself, he had an
intense desire to convert others. He writes:--

"Swearing, lying, reviling, drunkenness, fighting, and gaming
overspread the country. Ministers were not in earnest, and
their instructions, delivered in an unfeeling and indifferent
manner, seemed to have no effect upon their hearers. I could
not help making it my business to speak to all I came near of
their danger. Death and judgment, and the necessity of praying
and receiving the sacrament, were the principal subjects of my
conversation. I set up family worship in my mother's house, and
on Sunday mornings some of the neighbours would come to hear me
read the lessons and psalms, etc."

He proceeds to relate how he also commenced meetings on Sunday
evenings, and exhorted the poor people who flocked to hear him.
"Thus," he says, "I spent that summer, 1735."

In November following, he relinquished his school, and entered
himself at St. Mary's Hall, Oxford; but the "irregularities and
immoralities which surrounded" him were such, that he kept only a
single term, and returned to Wales. He again set up a school at
Trevecka. He visited from house to house, until he had visited the
greatest part of his native parish. His congregation increased,
and the houses in which they met could not contain them. Many of
his hearers became penitent, and cried to God for the pardon of
their sins. Family worship in numerous instances was begun. The
churches were soon crowded, and likewise the Lord's table. Then
persecution arose. The magistrates threatened him with fines for
holding meetings in private houses. The clergy did their utmost to
discourage him, and, at the end of the year 1737, expelled him from
his school.

Up to the present, in the day-time he had taught his scholars, and
at night had held meetings. Now he had both days and nights at his
disposal, and preached to crowded congregations thirty or forty
times every week. The magistrates threatened him more furiously
than ever; and the clergy preached against him, and branded him as
a deceiver; but, in several counties, a general reformation was
witnessed. Public diversions became unfashionable, and religion
became the common talk. Places of worship were everywhere thronged,
and, in many places, Societies were set up. The Rev. Griffith Jones
began his charity schools. The Rev. Daniel Rowlands and some other
young clergymen began to preach in the same extemporary manner as
Harris did. The work grew, and so also did the persecution. In
Montgomeryshire, "a knight, a clergyman, two justices, a constable,
and a mob," came while Harris was preaching, and charged him with
a breach of the Conventicle Act. The preacher told the magistrates
that he was a Conformist, and therefore not subject to the penalties
of the Act in question. At Machynlleth he was surrounded by a mob,
"threatening, swearing, and flinging stones," the leaders of the
gang being a clergyman and a lawyer. He writes:--

"By the trials through which I often passed, I was at length
so accustomed to them that I was daily in expectation of them.
I became more acquainted with the world and myself, and could
attest the truth of that expression which at first seems harsh,
'Man is a mixture of beast and devil.'"

It is a remarkable fact, that, up to this date, Howell Harris had
never seen either Whitefield or the Wesleys. Whitefield, on his
return from Georgia, heard that the young evangelist, without
episcopal ordination or any sort of ecclesiastical authority
whatever, was preaching in the towns and villages of Wales thirty or
forty times every week; and, notwithstanding the opposition and the
violence of clergymen, magistrates, and mobs, had already been the
means of accomplishing a marvellous reformation. The results were
quite sufficient to constrain Whitefield to recognize the Welsh
itinerant as a fellow-labourer in the same great work. Hence, only
a few days after his arrival in England, Whitefield wrote to Howell
Harris as follows:--

"LONDON, _December 20, 1738_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Though I am unknown to you in person, I have
long been united to you in spirit, and have been rejoiced to
hear how the good pleasure of the Lord prospered in your hand.
Go on, my dear brother, go on. Be strong in the Lord, and in
the power of His might. There have been, and will be, many
adversaries; but be not afraid. He who sent you will assist,
comfort, and protect you, and make you more than conqueror
through His great love. I am a living monument of this, for the
Divine strength has often been magnified in my weakness. I have
tasted that the Lord is gracious; I have felt His power; and,
from experience, can say that, in doing or suffering the will of
Jesus Christ, there is great reward.

"Blessed be His holy name! There seems to be a great pouring out
of the Spirit in London, and we walk in the comfort of the Holy
Ghost, and are edified.

"You see, my dear Brother, the freedom I have taken in writing
to you. If you would favour me with a line or two, by way of
answer, you would greatly rejoice both me and many others. Why
should we not tell one another what God has done for our souls?

"My dear Brother, I love you in the bowels of Jesus Christ, and
wish you may be the spiritual father of thousands, and shine, as
the sun in the firmament, in the kingdom of your heavenly Father.

"Your affectionate, though unworthy brother in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[173]

[173] "Brief Account of the Life of Harris." Trevecka, 1791, p. 110.

Such was Whitefield's warm-hearted salutation to the young
lay-preacher in the principality of Wales. Harris's reply was
equally cordial. The following is an extract from it:--

"GLAMORGAN, _January 8, 1739_.

"DEAR BROTHER,--I was most agreeably surprised last night
by a letter from you. Though this is the first time of our
correspondence, I am no stranger to you. When I first heard of
your labours and success, my soul was united to you, and engaged
to send addresses to heaven on your behalf. When I read your
Diary, I had uncommon influence of the Divine Presence shining
on my soul almost continually, but I little thought our good
Lord and Master intended I should ever see your handwriting.

Oh how ravishing it is to hear of such demonstrations of
the Divine love and favour to London! And, to make your joy
greater still, I have some good news to send you from Wales.
There is a great revival in Cardiganshire, through Mr. D.
Rowlands, a Church minister, who has been much owned and blessed
in Carmarthenshire also. We have also a sweet prospect in
Breckonshire and part of Monmouthshire. And the revival prospers
in this county where I am now. There is also here a very useful
young dissenting minister, who is a man of great charity. There
is another of the same character in Montgomeryshire. There
are two or three young curates in Glamorganshire, who are
well-wishers to the cause of God; and we have an exceedingly
valuable clergyman in Breckonshire. But enemies are many and
powerful. Oh that I had more love in my soul, more humble zeal,
and spiritual boldness!"[174]

After this long but not useless digression, it is time to return to
Whitefield.

He was detained in England much longer than he expected, but he
was not unmindful of his flock in Georgia. In a letter "to the
inhabitants of Savannah," dated January 19, 1739, he says:--

"You are upon my heart, so that I am ready to live and die with
you. As soon as my affairs are finished in England, I shall
return to you. The trustees have now appointed me minister
of Savannah, and granted all I desired of them, so that I
have nothing to do but to watch over your souls, that I may
present you blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Be steadfast, therefore, my brethren, be unmoveable. Carefully
attend to the words spoken by your present pastor. Let love
be without dissimulation. Let not slander so much as be named
amongst you, as becometh saints. Be not slothful in business,
yet take heed that you are fervent in spirit, serving the
Lord. Pray without ceasing; in everything give thanks; and
assure yourselves you are continually remembered by your most
affectionate pastor,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[174]

[174] Morgan's "Life and Times of Howell Harris," p. 30.

Before leaving for the West of England, Whitefield's last Sunday in
London was a memorable one. He shall relate his own story.

"1739. Sunday, February 4. Preached in the morning at St.
George's in the East; collected £18 for the Orphan House; and
had, I believe, six hundred communicants, which highly offended
the officiating curate. Preached again at Christ Church,
Spitalfields; and gave thanks and sang psalms at a private
house. Went thence to St. Margaret's Westminster; but, something
breaking belonging to the coach, could not get thither till the
middle of the prayers. Went through the people to the minister's
pew, but, finding it locked, I returned to the vestry till
the sexton could be found. Being there informed that another
minister intended to preach, I desired several times that I
might go home. My friends would by no means consent, telling me
I was appointed by the trustees to preach; and that, if I did
not, the people would go out of the church. At my request, some
went to the trustees, churchwardens, and minister; and, whilst
I was waiting for an answer, and the last psalm was being sung,
a man came, with a wand in his hand, whom I took for the proper
church officer, and told me I was to preach. I, not doubting but
the minister was satisfied, followed him to the pulpit, and God
enabled me to preach with greater power than I had done all the
day before.

"After this, I prayed with and gave an exhortation to a company
that waited for me. Then I went to Fetter Lane, where I spent
the whole night in watching unto prayer, and discussing several
important points with many truly Christian friends. About four
in the morning, we went all together, and broke bread at a poor
sick sister's room; and so we parted, I hope, in a spirit not
unlike that of the primitive Christians."

This is soon related, but the service at St. Margaret's must have
further notice. It engendered a rancorous controversy, which cannot,
in fairness, be omitted.

In a long leading article in the _Weekly Miscellany_ of February 10,
1739, the following account was published:--

"On Sunday last, our new _Methodists_ discovered a more violent
temper than is consistent with their great pretensions to
_meekness_ and _sanctity_. The story is as follows, and it was
related to me by the gentleman that read the prayers:--

"At St. Margaret's, Westminster, there is a _Society_ Evening
Lecture; and when the Reader came, he found in the _churchyard_,
at the _west door_, a number of people singing psalms. When he
got into the _church_, he was affronted by some unknown persons
as he passed through a great crowd to the vestry. As soon as the
clergyman appointed to _preach_ came, he was _solicited_ (if an
_overbearing importunity_ may be so called) to resign the pulpit
to Mr. Whitefield, who (as is supposed by his not appearing at
the _prayers_) was waiting at some neighbouring house to know
the issue of their application. But the _preacher_ continuing
as determined to do his duty as Mr. Whitefield was to do it for
him, they at last effected that by _force_ which they could
not gain by _treaty_. So the _preacher_ was safely confined
in his _pew_, which was locked (the sexton being appointed by
the _Society_, and in Mr. Whitefield's interest), and guarded
by several lusty fellows; while another party conveyed the
_unlicensed intruder_ triumphantly up into the pulpit, and kept
sentry on the stairs for fear he should be taken down in as
forcible a manner as he got up."

Mr. Venn, the writer of this account, then adds:--

"There are many instances of these _unauthorised_ teachers
using _fraudulent_ and _unfair_ means of getting into pulpits
against the inclination of the _proper minister_ or _appointed
preacher_. Sometimes they ask the pulpit for a _friend_, and
then send Mr. Whitefield or some other _Methodist_. Another
method has been by slipping up into the pulpit as soon as the
prayers are over, without asking any leave at all. And all these
_disorders_, _irregularities_, and _artifices_ are practised by
persons who have no _warrant_, but _their pretended call from
heaven_, to preach in _any_ church in the diocese."

The reader has thus before him the two conflicting statements. A
fortnight afterwards, in the same newspaper, Mr. Bennett, one of the
stewards of the Society, whose evening lecture at St. Margaret's had
caused so much uproar, declared that the simple facts were these:--

"On Sunday, February 4, Mr. Whitefield, at the desire of
the Friendly Society, came from Spitalfields Church to St.
Margaret's, of Westminster. He would have gone into the
minister's seat, but could not, there being no one to unlock
the door. He then went into the vestry, and stayed there during
prayers. The usual preacher before the Society[175] was out of
town, otherwise they would have acquainted him with their desire
of Mr. Whitefield preaching, which they doubt not but he would
have complied with. That he had desired another to preach, they
knew not, when they asked Mr. Whitefield to do it; but when he
was come, in compliance with their frequently repeated desire,
they did insist upon his preaching."

[175] In another letter, it is stated that "the usual preacher
before the Society" was the Rev. Mr. Morgan. Query: Was this Charles
Morgan the Oxford Methodist?

Mr. Bennett adds, that all the rest of Mr. Venn's letter, relating
to the affront offered to the Reader of Prayers, the Rev. Mr.
Durant; the "_overbearing importunity_" brought to bear upon the
Rev. J. Majendie, the gentleman who had promised to preach for the
absent lecturer; the assumed waiting of Whitefield in a neighbouring
house; the employment of the sexton in Whitefield's interest; the
taking of the pulpit by "force;" and the sentry of lusty fellows
on the pulpit stairs, were not facts, but fiction, created by the
writer's "own ingenuity, purely to heighten and embellish his story."

Much more was printed respecting the St. Margaret's fracas; but
the case, in brief, was this: The Rev. Mr. Morgan, the Lecturer,
having to be out of town, asked the Rev. J. Majendie to supply his
place on February 4, at St. Margaret's, and Mr. Majendie readily
consented to do so. Meanwhile, the officers of the Friendly Society,
ascertaining that their "usual lecturer" would be from home, and
very improperly taking it for granted that he had provided no one to
occupy the pulpit for him, rashly went to Whitefield, and obtained
from him a promise to preach in Mr. Morgan's stead. When Whitefield
found that Mr. Majendie was present, as Mr. Morgan's properly
engaged substitute, he wished to retire, and would have done so, if,
to use Mr. Bennett's own expression, the officers of the Society had
not "_insisted upon his preaching_."

This is all that can be said about this disreputable brawling in
St. Margaret's. Mr. Morgan and Mr. Majendie were blameless. Mr.
Bennett and his friends were highly culpable in setting aside the
arrangement made by their absent Lecturer; and Whitefield, when he
had ascertained that Mr. Majendie had come to preach, would have
acted a more courteous and less ignoble part, if, instead of taking
Mr. Morgan's pulpit, he had at once retired to the Moravian Meeting
House in Fetter Lane.

Some will think that more space has been devoted to this unhappy
affair than its importance merits; but those who have had the
perseverance to make themselves acquainted with all the Methodist
facts of the year 1739, will think otherwise, as there can be no
doubt that this unfortunate _contretemps_ in Westminster was the
real or pretended occasion of much of the clerical opposition which
Whitefield soon encountered in Bristol, Bath, and other places;
and it certainly was the beginning of the furious onslaughts upon
Methodism and the Methodists, which, for so many months, disgraced
the _Weekly Miscellany_ and Dr. Hooker, its trenchant editor.
Several of these attacks will be noticed hereafter; but one must be
introduced now, inasmuch as its date is nearly the same as that of
the imbroglio at St. Margaret's. In his leading article of February
10, 1739, Mr. Hooker[176] wrote:--

"At first, we only looked upon the Methodists as well-meaning,
zealous people, whom the irreligious boldness of these wicked
times had driven somewhat too far into the contrary extreme of
infidelity. They were a sort of Protestant supererogators, that
would be righteous over-much; and there were hopes that, when
this devotional effervescence had boiled over, they would return
to that proper medium where true piety and Christian prudence
fix the centre. But, instead of that, they have proceeded so
far as to eject the _Liturgy_ and the _usual Expositors_ out of
their meetings, and have declared for _extemporary_ effusions
both in their _prayers_ and _expoundings_. The _laity_ are
allowed to be _teachers_, and even _women_, as I am informed,
begin to usurp public offices. They pretend to a sort of
_sinless perfection_, and boast of _inward joys_ above other
Christians. They distinguish themselves from others by having
_received the faith_, with which, and other cant phrases, they
are united together like a sect of _Religious Freemasons_.
In general, they seem to be practising over the lesson set
them by the _old Puritans_ before the beginning of the _grand
rebellion_."

[176] One of Whitefield's assailants in the _Weekly Miscellany_
of February 10, 1739, died a week after his attack was published.
(Whitefield's Journal, p. 33.)

Three days after he preached at St. Margaret's, Whitefield,
accompanied by William Seward, set out for Bristol.

"I never was more opposed," says he, "and never met with so
great success. I hope I shall learn more and more every day,
that no place is amiss for preaching the Gospel. God forbid
that the word of God should be bound because some deny the use
of their churches! The more I am bid to hold my peace, the more
earnestly will I lift up my voice like a trumpet, and tell the
people what must be done in them before they can be finally
saved by Jesus Christ." [177]

[177] Whitefield's Journal.

Even while travelling, Whitefield could not refrain from preaching.
At Windsor, he "expounded in the school-house to a great number of
people with freedom and power." At Basingstoke, he preached for
an hour in a large room thronged with people, while a mob outside
shouted and threw stones at the windows. The next day, three large
rooms were filled. Some began to interrupt: but "God," says he,
"enabled me to speak with such power that they were quite struck
dumb and confounded. Near twenty came to converse with me, and to
hear the word of God. How thankful ought I to be to my dear Master
for sending me hither! A vestry, I find, was called to stop my
proceedings, and I hear I am to be presented to the Diocesan."

At Basingstoke, also, he wrote a letter to a friend, which contains
a paragraph too valuable to be omitted.

"BASINGSTOKE, _February 8, 1739_.

"Just now God has brought us to Basingstoke, where I hope an
effectual door will be opened before we leave. Oh, my dear
friend, more and more do I see the benefit of confessing our
blessed Lord before men. He has begun, He will carry on, He will
finish the good work in our souls. We have nothing to do, but
to lay hold on Him by faith, and to depend on Him for wisdom,
righteousness, sanctification, and redemption. Not but we must
be workers together with Him; for a true faith in Jesus Christ
will not suffer us to be idle. No: it is an active, lively,
restless principle; it fills the heart, so that it cannot be
easy till it is doing something for Jesus Christ."

At Dummer, the little parish where he once was curate, Whitefield
met his old Oxford friends, Messrs. Kinchin and Hutchins, with whom
he took sweet counsel, sung psalms, and prayed.

At Salisbury, he writes, "I paid a visit to an old disciple, my
brother Wesley's mother," at that time visiting her son-in-law,
Westley Hall.[178] Here also he sought an interview with the
well-known sceptic, Thomas Chubb, resident in an adjoining village,
respecting his "True Gospel of Jesus Christ asserted;" but the
"free-thinker," (who, by the way, regularly attended the services of
his parish church,) happened not to be at home.

[178] In a letter to her son Samuel, dated March 8, 1739, Susannah
Wesley writes:--"Mr. Whitefield has been taking a progress through
these parts to make a collection for a house in Georgia for orphans
and such of the natives' children as they will part with to learn
our language and religion. He came hither to see me, and we talked
about your brothers. I told him, I did not like their way of living,
and wished them in some place of their own, wherein they might
regularly preach. He replied, 'I could not conceive the good they
did in London; that the greatest part of our clergy were asleep;
and that there never was a greater need of itinerant preachers
than now.' I then asked Mr. Whitefield if my sons were not making
some innovations in the Church, which I much feared. He assured me
they were so far from it, that they endeavoured all they could to
reconcile Dissenters to our communion. His stay was short, so I
could not talk with him so much as I desired. He seems to be a very
good man, and one who truly desires the salvation of mankind. God
grant that the wisdom of the serpent may be joined to the innocence
of the dove!" ("Memorials of the Wesley Family," by G. J. Stevenson,
p. 216.)

On February 14th, Whitefield arrived at Bath, and immediately waited
upon Dr. C., desiring the use of the Abbey Church, to preach a
sermon for the Orphan House, the Trustees of Georgia having obtained
the consent of the bishop more than twelve months before. "But," he
writes, "Dr. C. was pleased to give me an absolute refusal to preach
either on that or on any other occasion, without a positive order
from the king or bishop. I asked him his reasons. He said he was
not obliged to give me any. Upon which, I took my leave and retired
with my friends, and prayed for him most fervently." On the evening
of the same day, Whitefield came to Bristol, where his old friends
welcomed him with the utmost joy; but his chief pleasure, on his
arrival, was, not the greetings of his friends, but the calumny of
his enemies. He writes: "Who can express the joy with which I was
received? To add to my comfort, many letters came to my hands from
London friends. But the chiefest pleasure was, some one had thought
me considerable enough to write a letter in the _Weekly Miscellany_
against me, and containing several untruths about my preaching at
St. Margaret's, Westminster. Thou shalt answer for me, my Lord
and my God! Yet a little while, and we shall all appear at the
judgment-seat of Christ!"

Next morning, Whitefield first of all waited upon the Rev. Mr.
Gibbs, Vicar of St. Mary Redcliffe, and asked the loan of his
church, to preach a sermon on behalf of the contemplated Orphan
House in Georgia. Mr. Gibbs refused, saying, "he could not lend
his church without a special order from the chancellor." Nothing
daunted, Whitefield went at once to the chancellor, who declined
to issue an order for Mr. Gibbs, but stated that if any clergyman
thought proper to lend his church to Whitefield, he (the chancellor)
would not prohibit it; nevertheless, he advised Whitefield to go to
some other town until the bishop had been consulted. Whitefield was
far too ardent and impetuous to wait for the bishop's leave, and,
hence, from the chancellor, he proceeded direct to the residence of
the dean. Having shewn him his "Georgia Accounts," he asked, "Can
there be any just objection against my preaching in churches for the
Orphan House?" "I cannot tell," replied the dean, "but I will give
you an answer some other time; now I am expecting company." "Will
you be pleased to fix a time, sir?" "I will send to you," said the
dean; and so ended Whitefield's interview, number three.

It cannot be denied, that, in all this, there was a display of more
self-confidence than is commendable. Whitefield was a young man, not
yet twenty-five; he had neither high rank, nor special scholarship
to recommend him to the Church dignitaries of the day; his
ecclesiastical standing was extremely insignificant--only incumbent
of the distant and small settlement of Savannah. It is true, he had,
a year and a half ago, moved both Bristol and the metropolis by his
earnest, startling, godly eloquence; but, during the interval, his
injudicious friends had published his Journals, written with the
utmost artlessness, but containing much never meant for the public
eye; and, within the last few days, by the rash proceedings of
certain of his admirers, he had been placed in an equivocal position
at St. Margaret's, Westminster. Remembering all this, it was
doubtless a bold--some would call it a presumptuous--act to ask the
loan of the Abbey Church, at Bath, and, next to the Cathedral, of
the finest church in Bristol; and further, it is hardly surprising
that his well-intentioned applications were refused.

Whitefield was baffled, but not discomfited. Churches, for the
present, might be closed against him, but there was Bristol prison;
there were the rooms of the Religious Societies; and there was
Kingswood Hill.

In the afternoon of the very day, when his diplomacy with three
of the principal ecclesiastics in Bristol was such a mortifying
failure, he tried his skill with another functionary of a more
humble order. At this period, the keeper of Bristol Prison was a
Mr. Dagge, whom Dr. Johnson has immortalized in his Life of the
poet Savage.[179] Mr. Dagge had been amongst the firstfruits
of Whitefield's ministry in Bristol prison, in 1737,[180] and
Whitefield's application to him was more successful than those he
had made to the vicar, the chancellor, and the dean. He writes:--

"About three in the afternoon, God having given me great favour
in the gaoler's eyes, I preached a sermon on the Penitent
Thief, to the poor prisoners in Newgate, and collected fifteen
shillings for them."

[179] This remarkable man, after a life of strange vicissitudes,
was arrested for debt, on January 10, 1743, and put into Newgate
prison, Bristol, where he remained until his death on the 31st of
July next ensuing. Dr. Johnson writes: "He was treated by Mr. Dagge,
the keeper of the prison, with great humanity; was supported by him
at his own table without any certainty of recompence; had a room to
himself, to which he could at any time retire from all disturbance;
was allowed to stand at the door of the prison, and was sometimes
taken out into the fields; so that he suffered fewer hardships in
prison than he had been accustomed to undergo in the greatest part
of his life. During the whole time of his imprisonment, the keeper
continued to treat him with the utmost tenderness and civility.
Virtue is undoubtedly most laudable in that state which makes it
most difficult, and therefore the humanity of a gaoler certainly
deserves this public attestation; and the man whose heart has not
been hardened by such an employment may be justly proposed as a
pattern of benevolence. If an inscription was once engraved 'to
the honest toll-gatherer,' less honours ought not to be paid 'to
the tender gaoler.'" It ought to be added, to the honour of Dagge,
Whitefield's friend and admirer, that he defrayed the expense of
burying Savage in the churchyard of St. Peter's.

[180] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. ii., p. 357.

This was the beginning. Next morning, he made an arrangement, that,
while he remained in Bristol, he would read prayers and preach
to the prisoners every day, an arrangement which was faithfully
fulfilled, until the 12th of March, when the mayor and the sheriffs
thought it their duty to interfere, and absolutely commanded Mr.
Dagge not to allow Whitefield to preach in the prison-house again,
alleging, as their reason, that he insisted upon the necessity
of our being born again--a thing which those custodians, if not
regenerators, of outcast men, were unable to understand.

Whitefield's preaching to the prisoners, however, was but a small
part of his public labours in Bristol and in the neighbourhood. His
present sojourn here lasted between six and seven weeks, during
which he preached above sixty times, and expounded fifty.

Closing the churches against him was not the way to silence him. His
"heart was hot within him;" while he mused "the fire burned;" and
to speak with his tongue became almost a necessity of life. For the
present, he had the use of the city prison; but fancy a man like
Whitefield being satisfied with a cure of souls all under a single
roof! The opportunity of preaching to Mr. Dagge's domestics was
important, and doubtless useful; but it was not enough; and, hence,
as Whitefield had no other place in which to preach, away he went,
and, for the first time in England, in the bleak month of February,
preached out of doors, to a congregation of colliers, on Kingswood
Hill. He writes:--

"1739. February 17, Saturday. About one in the afternoon, I
went with my brother (William) Seward, and another friend to
Kingswood, and was most delightfully entertained by an old
disciple of the Lord. My bowels have long yearned toward the
poor colliers, who are very numerous, and as sheep having no
shepherd. After dinner, therefore, I went upon a mount, and
spake to as many people as came unto me. They were upwards of
two hundred. Blessed be God that I have now broken the ice! I
believe I was never more acceptable to my Master than when I
was standing to teach those hearers in the open fields. Some
may censure me; but if I thus pleased men, I should not be the
servant of Christ."[181]

[181] In a MS. left behind him, Whitefield remarks in reference
to this service: "I thought it might be doing service to my
Creator, who had a mountain for His pulpit, and the heavens for His
sounding-board; and who, when His gospel was refused by the Jews,
sent His servants into the highways and hedges." It may also be
added here, as an interesting fact, that Whitefield's first sermon
at Kingswood was the means under God of the conversion of Thomas
Maxfield, generally, but incorrectly, said to have been the first
layman whom Wesley authorised to preach. (Vindication of Rev. Mr.
Maxfield's Conduct, 1767, p. 3.)

Thus began, apparently without intention, the marvellous outdoor
services which distinguished the career of Whitefield and the
Wesleys. This was only three days after Whitefield came to Bristol.
He would have preferred the churches; but, even in the midst of
winter, was thankful for the open fields. It is a remarkable fact,
however, that, though when he arrived in Bristol, every church was
closed against him, on the very day immediately succeeding that on
which he set his pulpit on Kingswood Hill, the pulpits of three of
the Bristol churches were freely offered him. Hear what he says:--

"1739. February 18, Sunday. Arose this morning about six, being
called up by near fifty young persons, whom I appointed to meet
at my sister's house, and with whom I spent above an hour in
prayer, psalm-singing, and a warm exhortation. Soon after this,
I read prayers and preached at Newgate, to a large and very
attentive congregation. At ten, I preached at St. Werburg's, to
a large audience. I thought yesterday I should not have the use
of any pulpit; but God, who has the hearts of all men in His
hands, disposed the Rev. Mr. Penrose to lend me his; and the
Rev. Mr. Gibbs sent to me and offered me the use both of St.
Thomas's and St. Mary Redcliffe. I accepted the latter of these,
and preached to such a congregation as my eyes never yet saw.
Many went away for want of room, and Mr. Gibbs and his lady were
exceeding civil both to me and Mr. Seward."

On the following day, Whitefield had the use of another church, the
parish church of St. Philip and Jacob, where he preached, to a
great multitude, in the afternoon, and collected £18 for the Orphan
House in Georgia. "Thousands," says he, "went away, because there
was no room for them within."

This was too much for the equanimity of the Chancellor of the
Bristol Diocese. Only four days before, he had virtually prohibited
Whitefield preaching in any of the Bristol churches, without the
bishop's leave being first obtained; and yet already had the young
preacher had the hardihood to occupy three of the city churches,
and was not at all unlikely to preach in others. Official patience
with the ordained upstart was exhausted, and the apparitor was sent
to summons Whitefield to the court of the Rev. Mr. R----l, the
ecclesiastical lawyer of the Bishop of Bristol, versed in civil
and canon law, and solemnly appointed to direct the bishop in the
criminal and civil causes of the Church.

The summons was served on Tuesday, February 20, and was immediately
obeyed. On Whitefield's appearance, the chancellor informed him that
he intended "to stop his proceedings;" and that the registrar of the
court was present to take down his answers.

_Chancellor._ "By what authority do you preach in the diocese of
Bristol without a license?"

_Whitefield._ "I thought that custom was grown obsolete. Pray,
sir, why did you not ask the Irish clergyman this question, who
preached for you last Thursday?"

_C._ "That is nothing to you." Then, reading part of the
Ordination Office, and the canons forbidding ministers to preach
in private houses, he asked, "What do you say to these?"

_W._ "I apprehend these canons do not belong to professed
ministers of the Church of England."

_C._ "But they do."

_W._ "There is a canon forbidding all clergymen to frequent
taverns, and play at cards. Why is not that put in execution?"

_C._ "Why does not somebody lodge complaints? In such a case it
would."

Referring to his printed sermons for his principles, Whitefield
asked, "Why am I singled out?"

_C._ "You preach false doctrine."

_W._ "I cannot but speak the things that I know, and am resolved
to proceed as usual."

_C._ "Mr. Registrar, observe his answer." Then turning to
Whitefield, "I am resolved, sir, if you preach or expound
anywhere in this diocese, till you have a license, I will first
suspend, and then excommunicate you."

Upon this, Whitefield says, "I took my leave. He waited upon me very
civilly to the door, and told me, 'What I do is in the name of the
clergy and laity of the city of Bristol;' and so we parted."

With this ended Whitefield's ministry in Bristol churches.
Meanwhile, however, he had written both to the Bishop of Bristol,
and the Bishop of Bath and Wells. From the former, the celebrated
Dr. Butler, author of the well-known "Analogy of Religion," etc.,
he received an answer on February 24, with which he again waited on
the chancellor; but without success. Bishop Butler's letter is not
preserved; but Whitefield's reply was as follows:--

"BRISTOL, _February 24, 1739_.

"MY LORD,--I humbly thank your lordship for the favour of your
lordship's letter. It gave abundant satisfaction to me, and many
others, who have not failed to pray in a particular manner for
your lordship's temporal and eternal welfare. To-day, I shewed
your lordship's letter to the chancellor, who (notwithstanding
he promised not to prohibit my preaching for the Orphan House
if your lordship was only neutral in the affair) has influenced
most of the clergy to deny me their pulpits, either on that
or any other occasion. Last week, he was pleased to charge me
with false doctrine. To-day, he has forgotten that he said so.
He also threatened to excommunicate me for preaching in your
lordship's diocese. I offered to take a license, but was denied.

"If your lordship should ask, What evil have I done? I answer,
None, save that I visit the Religious Societies, preach to the
prisoners in Newgate, and to the poor colliers in Kingswood,
who, I am told, are little better than heathens. I am charged
with being a Dissenter; though many are brought to the Church by
my preaching, not one taken from it. The chancellor is pleased
to tell me my conduct is contrary to the canons; but I told him
that the canons, which he produced, were not intended against
such meetings as mine are, where His Majesty is constantly
prayed for, and every one is free to see what is done.

"I am sorry to give your lordship this trouble; but I thought it
proper to mention these particulars, that I might know wherein
my conduct is exceptionable.

"I heartily thank your lordship for your intended benefaction.
I think the design is truly good, and will meet with success,
because so much opposed.

"God knows my heart. I desire only to promote His glory. If I
am spoken evil of, for His sake, I rejoice in it. My Master
was long since spoken evil of before me. But I intrude on your
lordship's patience.

"I am, with all possible thanks, my lord, your lordship's
dutiful son and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

So the matter ended. Curiosity would like to know what a man so
eminent as Bishop Butler thought of the young Methodist, and what
he said to him; but, unfortunately, the bishop's sentiments are not
producible.

What was Whitefield to do next? He might at once have gone back to
Georgia; but he wanted money to erect his Orphan House, and was
not content to return without it. Besides, he seemed to consider
the prohibition to preach in churches a kind of call to preach
elsewhere. Preach he must. God had called him to the work. By the
Bishop of Gloucester, he had been ordained to it. If churches were
inaccessible, his only alternative was to make use of private
houses, public rooms, and open fields.

The Religious Societies gladly accepted his services. He speaks of
the Room of the Baldwin Street Society, together with the stairs and
the court below, being crowded with people, profoundly attentive
and powerfully affected. Here his expositions, more than once, were
of two hours' duration; and, at one of the meetings, upwards of £5
was collected for his Orphan House. At his farewell service, the
crowd about the place was such, that he had to climb a ladder, and
go over the roof of an adjoining house, in order to get into the
Room. The meeting-place of the Nicholas Street Society was quite as
thronged as that of Baldwin Street; and here, by his recommendation,
a charity school was opened, for which, he says, "I collected at the
door myself, and few passed by without throwing in their mites."
The Room of the Society without Lawford's Gate seems to have been
connected with the parish poorhouse, and was sometimes so crowded,
that Whitefield had to preach from the steps leading to the door,
and sometimes to stand at the window, and there preach to those
outside and those within. On one occasion, at the poorhouse, he made
a collection for his contemplated orphanage; "and the poor people,"
says he, "so loaded my hat, that I wanted some one to hold up my
hands. The cheerfulness with which they gave was inexpressible; and
the many prayers they joined with their alms will, I hope, lay a
good foundation for the house intended to be built."

When Newgate was closed against him, he wrote:--

"1739, March 14. Being forbid preaching in the prison, and,
withal, being resolved not to give place to my adversaries,
no, not for an hour, I preached at Baptist Mills, a place very
near to the city, to three or four thousand people. Blessed be
God! all things happen for the furtherance of the Gospel. I now
preach to ten times more people than I should if I had been
confined to the churches. Surely the devil is blind, and so
are his emissaries, or otherwise they would not thus confound
themselves. Every day I am invited to fresh places. I will go to
as many as I can; the rest I must leave unvisited till it shall
please God to bring me back from Georgia."

In this way, Whitefield became an itinerant outdoor preacher.
At four different times, he went to Bath. Here he met the Rev.
Griffith Jones, a devoted clergyman, who, two years before, had
instituted his locomotive schools for educating the children of the
poor in Wales, and who gave to Whitefield "an account of the many
obstructions" he had encountered in his ministry, and convinced his
visitor that he "was but a young soldier just entering the field."
Here also he was introduced to the Rev. George Thompson, Vicar of
St. Gennys, Cornwall, from the first a hearty friend of the Oxford
Methodists.[182] He read prayers at the hospital; and, in the midst
of a storm of snow, preached on the "Town Common." On another
occasion, he preached out of doors to a congregation of four or five
thousand, "of high and low, rich and poor." He writes: "As I went
along, I observed many scoffers; and, when I got upon the table to
preach, many laughed; but, before I had finished my prayer, all were
hushed and silent; and, ere I had concluded my discourse, God, by
His word, seemed to impress a great awe upon their minds; for all
were deeply attentive, and appeared much affected with what had been
spoken."

[182] Paul Orchard, Esq., of Stoke Abbey, was also now at
Bath, to whom James Hervey, his most intimate friend, wrote
as follows:--"1739, March 15. You have by this time seen Mr.
Whitefield, and are able to judge whether fame has flattered in the
account of him; or whether he be not indeed that amiable, excellent,
and heavenly young man which he was always represented to be."
(Letters Elegant, Interesting, and Entertaining, illustrative of the
author's amiable character. Never before published. By James Hervey.
London: 1811. 8vo. 348 pp.)

Whitefield went to Brislington, "a village," says he, "about two
miles from Bristol, where was such a vast congregation, that, after
I had read prayers in the church, I thought proper to preach in the
churchyard,[183] that none might be sent empty away. The people
were exceedingly attentive, and God gave me great utterance; and,
what was best of all, by the leave of the minister who invited me
thither, we had a sacrament, and I hope it was a communion of saints
indeed."

[183] It must be remembered that all these outdoor services were
held in the depth of winter.

He writes again:--

"1739, Friday, March 16. Being much entreated by the people,
and horses being sent for me, I went and preached at Elberton,
a village about nine miles from Bristol. The clergyman denied
me the pulpit; so I preached on a little ascent on which the
May-pole was fixed. The weather being cold, and the adjacent
villages having but little notice, I had not above two hundred
hearers.[184] After dinner, I hastened to Thornbury, and
preached to a great part of my morning congregation, and many
hundreds besides. Mr. Willis, the incumbent, lent me the church,
and used me with great civility, as did two other clergymen who
were there present."

[184] The entire population of Elberton, in 1801, was only 179.

Whitefield also preached at Keynsham, where "great numbers of
horsemen from Bristol" met him, "besides several thousands from the
neighbouring villages." "The church being refused, he preached on a
mount."

He likewise went to Publow, "a village about five miles from
Bristol. The church was offered; but, not being sufficient to
contain a third part of the audience," he preached in the open air.

At Coal-pit Heath, seven miles from Bristol, his congregation
numbered above two thousand. The yard of the Glass-house, Bristol,
was another of his preaching places. Here his "congregation
consisted of many thousands." While he was preaching, "a gentleman
(being drunk)" called him a dog, and said he "ought to be whipped at
the cart's tail, and offered money to any that would pelt" him; but
"the boys and people," instead of pelting the preacher, "began to
cast stones and dirt" at the inebriated gentleman.

In Bristol, also, a large bowling-green was lent to Whitefield,
where he preached twice in the last week in the month of March. On
the first occasion, he says, he had a congregation of "about five
thousand people, and made a collection for his poor orphans, till
his hands were quite weary." On the second, he writes, "I believe
seven or eight thousand people were present. The sun shone bright,
and the windows and balconies of the adjoining houses were filled
with hearers. I again collected for the Orphan House, and it was
near an hour and a half before the people could go out. Many were
very faint because of the throng, which was so exceeding great that
they trod one upon another."

Strangely enough, at Winterbourne, and at Frenchay, he had, in
private, friendly meetings with the Quakers; but, he says, he was
not at all convinced by their arguments against paying tithes, an
outward call to the ministry, and baptism, and the Lord's supper,
though he admits that "their notions about walking and being led by
the Spirit were right and good."

On the 6th of March, he and William Seward went off to Wales;
the Rev. Richard Hutchins, afterwards Rector of Lincoln College,
taking his place at Bristol. This, in its ultimate results, was an
important visit; and, though only of four days' duration, was full
of incident.

Here, however, an extract from a letter written by William Seward
may be interjected.

"NEW PASSAGE, BRISTOL-SIDE, _March 6, 1739_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--Our dear brother Whitefield goes
on from conquering to conquer. Thousands and ten thousands
flock to hear the word. He has been in but three churches,
and that was at his first coming. The chancellor threatened
excommunication, but soon dropt it. However, the glory of God
was to be promoted another way; for, being thrust out of the
synagogues, our brother has settled a lecture or exposition at
Newgate every morning; the place being more convenient than
Oxford Castle Chapel. He generally expounds to one, two, or
three Societies every night; and has preached seven or eight
times on a mount, about two miles from Bristol, where have been
from fifteen hundred to fifteen thousand hearers. Last Sunday
evening, we sung the hundredth psalm, and all could hear. It
is much like singing at a scaffold or stake with multitudes
around. At another place, the church not being big enough, he
preached from the cross. He preaches once a week on the steps
of a workhouse, with a hall behind, and a courtyard almost full
before. He has preached in two other parts of Kingswood, among
the colliers; and thousands come--horsemen, coaches, chaises,
etc. Thus the gospel spreads round the country, for divers
come from far--_some_ twenty miles. You may be sure we are set
up for being stark mad. We are now going to meet our brother
Howell Harris at Cardiff, the minister of which place being
here will not even go over in the passage-boat with us. He says
our brother shall not have the church; so I hope the fields
will be white at Cardiff, as well as at Bristol. There is also
a Society there who long for our coming. Our brother Hutchins
is at Bristol, and stays till brother Kinchin comes to supply
his place. Our dear brother Whitefield would have none of you
('the Oxford Methodists') hidden, but wishes that you would all
come out, and be itinerant. The harvest is great, and great
encouragement there is to spend and be spent for the good of
souls. I hear brother J. Wesley is at Oxford; and that forty
gownsmen were lately to hear brother Kinchin expound. O praise
the Lord for these His great mercies!

"I am, etc.,
"WILLIAM SEWARD."

At the _New Passage_, where Whitefield and Seward had a twelve
hours' detention, the Cardiff clergyman, who refused to go in the
"passage-boat" because Whitefield was going, employed his enforced
leisure in "shaking his elbows over a gaming table." Whitefield's
Journal, published about four months afterwards, contained this
incident, and also Whitefield's reflections on it. The clergyman
became very wroth, and wrote a letter, dated "Cardiff, July 17,
1739," and signed "Nath. Well," which filled nearly two folio pages
of the _Weekly Miscellany_. Mr. Well calls Whitefield's Journals
"rhapsodies, and repetitions of spiritual pride, vanity, and
nonsense." He says Whitefield's statement respecting his refusal to
go in the passage-boat is not correct, for he actually went in it.
Mr. Well's assertion is both true and false. At first he refused to
go, as Whitefield says he did; but, during the long detention at
the New Passage, Mr. Well changed his mind and went.[185] Mr. Well
further states that Whitefield and William Seward "sang hymns the
best part of the passage, till the pilot, hindered by their noise
from hearing the man appointed to look out, obliged them to give
over." He also adds, that Whitefield had advised Howell Harris not
to offer himself for holy orders, alleging the "fanatical argument,
'that the success with which the Holy Spirit had blessed his labours
was a sufficient evidence and proof of his _divine_ commission, and
he _needed_ no other.' And yet his _boasted_ success is this: he has
alienated the _affections_ of _ignorant_ people from their _parish
ministers_, and sent most of them to _dissenting_ meeting-houses."

[185] Supplement to Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Answer to the Bishop of
London's Pastoral Letter, 1739, p. 6.

Whitefield's account of his trip to Wales shall be given in his own
language. After relating the incident respecting Mr. Well at the New
Passage, he writes as follows:--

"1739, Wednesday, March 8. Arose before twelve at night, sung
psalms, and prayed; and, the wind being fair, we had a speedy
passage over to the Welsh shore. Our business being in haste,
and one being sent to guide us, we rode all night, and reached
Cardiff about eleven in the morning.

"Whilst I was giving a word of exhortation to some poor people
at the inn, Mr. Seward went to ask for the pulpit; but, being
denied, we pitched on the Town Hall, which Mr. Seward got by
his interest; and, at four in the afternoon, I preached from
the judge's seat to about four hundred hearers. Most were very
attentive; but some mocked.

"After I came from the seat, I was much refreshed with the sight
of my dear brother, Howell Harris.[186] A burning and shining
light has he been in those parts; a barrier against profaneness
and immorality, and an indefatigable promoter of the true gospel
of Jesus Christ. About three or four years God has inclined
him to go about doing good. He is now above twenty-five years
of age. Twice he has applied (being every way qualified) for
holy orders; but he was refused, under a false pretence that
he was not of age, though he was then twenty-two years and six
months. About a month ago he offered himself again, but was put
off. Upon this, he was, and is still, resolved to go on in his
work. For these three years, he has discoursed almost twice
every day for three or four hours together, not authoritatively
as a minister, but as a private person exhorting his Christian
brethren. He has been in seven counties, and has made it his
business to go to wakes, etc., to turn people from such lying
vanities. Many alehouse people, fiddlers, and harpers sadly cry
out against him for spoiling their business. He has been made
the subject of numbers of sermons; has been threatened with
public prosecutions; and had constables sent to apprehend him.
But God has blessed him with inflexible courage; and he still
continues to go on from conquering to conquer. He is of a most
catholic spirit, and loves all who love our Lord Jesus Christ;
and therefore he is styled by bigots a Dissenter. Many call him
their spiritual father, and, I believe, would lay down their
lives for his sake. He discourses generally in a field; but at
other times in a house, from a wall, a table, or anything else.
He has established near thirty Societies, and still his sphere
of action is enlarged daily. He is full of faith and the Holy
Ghost.

[186] Harris says, "The first question Mr. Whitefield asked
me was this, 'Do you know that your sins are forgiven?' The
question rather surprised me, having never heard it asked
before." ("Life and Times of Howell Harris," by Rev. E. Morgan,
p. 43.)

"When I first saw him, my heart was knit closely to him. I
wanted to catch some of his fire, and gave him the right hand of
fellowship with my whole heart. We spent the evening in telling
one another what God had done for our souls, and took an account
of the several Societies, and agreed on such measures as seemed
most conducive to promote the common interest of our Lord. I
doubt not but Satan envied our happiness; but I hope by the help
of God we shall make his kingdom shake. God loves to do great
things by weak instruments, that the power may be of God, and
not of man. The partition wall of bigotry and party zeal is
broken down in Wales, and ministers and teachers of different
communions join with one heart and one mind to carry on the
kingdom of Jesus Christ. The Lord make all the Christian world
thus minded! For till this is done, I fear, we must despair of
any great reformation in the Church of God.

"Thursday, March 9. Spent the beginning of the morning in prayer
and private discourse with the members of the Religious Society.
About ten, I went to the Town Hall, and preached for about an
hour and a half to a large assembly of people. My dear brother,
Howell Harris, sat close by me. I did not observe any scoffers
within; but without some were pleased to honour me so far as to
trail a dead fox, and hunt it round about the hall. After I had
concluded, I went with many of my hearers, amongst whom were
two worthy dissenting ministers and my brother Howell Harris,
to public worship. In the Second Lesson were these remarkable
words, 'And the high priest, and the scribes, and the chief
of the people sought to destroy Him; but they could not find
what they might do to Him: for all the people were attentive to
hear Him.' In the afternoon, I preached again to the people,
without any scoffing or disturbance; and, at six in the evening,
I talked for above an hour and a half, and prayed with the
Religious Society, whose room was quite thronged.

"Friday, March 10. Left Cardiff about six in the morning, and
reached Newport about ten, where many came from Pontypool and
other parts to hear me. The minister having readily granted us
the pulpit, I preached to about a thousand people. Wales is
excellently well prepared for the Gospel of Christ. They have
many burning and shining lights both among the Dissenting and
Church ministers, amongst whom Mr. Griffith Jones shines in
particular.[187] No less than fifty charity schools have been
erected by his means, without any settled visible fund, and
fresh ones are setting up every day. People make nothing of
coming twenty miles to hear a sermon, and great numbers there
are who have not only been hearers, but doers also of the word.

[187] The Rev. Griffith Jones was a memorable man. Born in
the parish of Kilredin, and educated in the Grammar-school
at Camarthen, he was ordained a deacon in 1708, and a priest
in 1709, by the learned Bishop Bull. He was preferred to the
Rectory of Llandowror by Sir John Philips of Picton Castle. At
the request of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts, he consented to go as a missionary among the
Indians; but, for some unknown reason, this arrangement was set
aside. Divinity was the grand study of Mr. Jones's life. He was
well versed in the writings of the most eminent English and
foreign divines. His sermons were solid, lively, striking, and
judicious. His voice was musical, his delivery agreeable, his
action proper. As a preacher, he soon became famous, and great
multitudes flocked to hear him wherever he went. Invitations to
preach in other churches besides his own were frequent; and,
in many instances, the crowds were such that he was obliged
to preach in the churchyards. On some of these occasions,
his sermons occupied three hours in delivery. He instituted,
and for twenty-four years maintained by subscriptions, the
circulating Welsh Free Schools, the object of which was to
teach the poor to read their native language, and to instruct
them in the principles of the Christian religion. At the time
of his decease, the number of his schools was more than 3,000,
and of their scholars 158,000, some of them sixty years old.
Principally by his efforts, the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge was induced to print two editions of the Welsh Bible,
of 15,000 copies each, which were sold as cheap as possible, for
the benefit of the poor in Wales. He was also himself the author
of at least a dozen different publications. He died on the 8th
of April, 1761, in the seventy-eighth year of his age, and
was interred at his own parish church of Llandowror.--_Gospel
Magazine_, 1777.

"Saturday, March 11. Got safe to Bristol, with my dear
fellow-travellers, about eleven at night."

These extracts from Whitefield's Journal are important, as
shewing the work which had been begun, and which was prospering
in Wales before Whitefield and the Wesleys commenced their great
itinerant mission. The reader also has here the beginning of the
warm-hearted friendship between Whitefield and Howell Harris, and
of their evangelical co-operation, which issued in the founding of
the Societies of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodists, and in other
results which cannot now be noticed. What the "measures" were which
Whitefield and Harris agreed upon for further promoting the work of
God in Wales, it is impossible to determine; but henceforth the two
were fellow-workers, and lived in the happiest amity.

Whitefield's labours during the seven weeks he spent at Bristol
and in its neighbourhood were marvellous; but the most picturesque
were those among the Kingswood colliers. It would be superfluous,
it would be wearisome, to describe Kingswood and its ignorant and
rude inhabitants, at the period now in question. This has been done
so often, that Methodist readers already know all that Methodist
writers have to tell on such a subject. Still, Whitefield's first
services in this benighted neighbourhood cannot be omitted; for, in
reality, Kingswood was the rough cradle in which Methodism was first
rocked and nursed.

Here it was, on February 17, that Whitefield, for the first
time, dared to be so irregular as to preach in the open air,
his congregation consisting of upwards of two hundred persons.
Altogether he preached about twenty sermons, from February 17 to
April 2, in different parts of Kingswood, including Hannam Mount,
Rose Green, and the Fish Ponds. Most of these were scenes of solemn
grandeur. On February 23, when he estimated his congregation at
from four to five thousand, he writes: "The sun shone very bright,
and the people, standing in such an awful manner round the mount,
in the profoundest silence, filled me with holy admiration." Two
days later, he says: "At a moderate computation, there were above
ten thousand people present. The trees and hedges were full. All
was hush when I began, and God enabled me to preach for an hour,
with great power, and so loud that all (I was told) could hear me.
Blessed be God! Mr. B----n spoke right when he said, 'The fire is
kindled in the country, and all the devils in hell shall not be
able to quench it.'" On March 18,[188] at Rose Green, he calculated
his congregation at not less than twenty thousand, and remarks,
"To behold such crowds stand about us in such awful silence, and
to hear the echo of their singing, is very solemn and surprising.
My discourse continued for near an hour and a half." At the same
place, on April 1, "There were twenty-four coaches and an exceeding
great number of other people, besides the colliers, both on foot
and horseback." Such was his success among the begrimed Kingswood
colliers, that, before he left, they gave him £20 in money, and
promised £40 in subscriptions, towards the erection of a Charity
School, which he wished to build for the instruction of their
children. He writes:--

"March 29. Were I to continue here, I would endeavour to settle
schools all over the Wood, and also in other places, as Mr.
Griffith Jones has done in Wales. I have but just time to set
it on foot. I hope God will bless the ministry of my honoured
friend, Mr. John Wesley, and enable him to bring it to good
effect. It is a pity so many little ones as there are in
Kingswood should perish for lack of knowledge."

[188] The following is taken from the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for
1739, p. 162: "Mr. Whitefield, who set out from London on February
7, in order to preach and collect money for an Orphan House, has
been wonderfully laborious and successful, especially among the
poor prisoners in Newgate, Bristol, and among the rude colliers of
Kingswood. On Saturday, the 18th inst., he preached at Hannam Mount
to five or six thousand persons, and in the evening removed to the
Common, about half a mile farther, where three mounts and the plains
around were crowded with so great a multitude of coaches, foot and
horsemen, that they covered three acres, and were computed at twenty
thousand people; and, at both places, he collected £14 10s. for the
Orphan House of Georgia."

Whitefield had requested Wesley to visit Bristol. The latter
writes:--

"March, 1739. During my stay in London, I was fully employed,
between our own Society in Fetter Lane, and many others, where I
was continually desired to expound; so that I had no thought of
leaving London when I received, after several others, a letter
from Mr. Whitefield, and another from Mr. Seward, entreating me
in the most pressing manner to come to Bristol without delay.
This I was not at all forward to do, and perhaps the less
inclined to it (though I trust I do not count my life dear unto
myself, so I may finish my course with joy), because of the
remarkable scriptures which offered as often as we enquired,
touching the consequence of this removal--probably permitted for
the trial of our faith: Deut. xxxii. 49, 50; Deut. xxxiv. 8;
Acts ix. 16, and Acts viii. 2.

"March 28. My journey was proposed to our Society in Fetter
Lane, but my brother Charles would scarce bear the mention of
it; till, appealing to the oracles of God, he received those
words as spoken to himself, and answered not again: 'Son of man,
behold,' etc. (Ezek. xxiv. 16). Our other brethren, however,
continuing the dispute, without any probability of their coming
to a conclusion, we at length all agreed to decide it by
lot. And by this it was determined that I should go. Several
afterwards desiring we might open the Bible, concerning the
issue of this, we did so on the several portions of Scripture,
which I shall set down without any reflection on them. They were
2 Sam. iii. 1; 2 Sam. iv. 11; and 2 Chron. xxviii. 27."

This narrative, of combined bibliomancy and sortilege, is a
curious one, but let it pass. Fortunately, by the kindness of
Mr. G. Stampe, of Grimsby, I am able to furnish the reader with
Whitefield's letter, never before published. It was as follows:--

"BRISTOL, _March 22, 1739_.

"REVEREND SIR,--I rejoice at the success which God has given you
at Oxford and elsewhere. I immediately kneeled down and prayed
that you may go on from conquering to conquer.

"I thank you most heartily for your kind rebuke. I can only
say it was too tender. I beseech you, whenever you see me do
wrong, rebuke me sharply. I have still a word or two to offer in
defence of my behaviour, but shall defer it till I come to town.
If I have offended, I humbly ask pardon, and desire the brethren
to pray that I may be such as God would have me be.

"If the brethren, after prayer for direction, think proper, I
wish you would be here the latter end of next week. Brother
Hutchins sets out to-morrow for Dummer. Mr. Chapman brings a
horse to London, which you may ride. I go away, God willing,
next Monday sennight. If you were here, before my departure, it
might be best. Many are ripe for bands. I leave that entirely to
you. I am but a novice; you are acquainted with the great things
of God. Come, I beseech you; come quickly. I have promised not
to leave this people till you or somebody come to supply my
place. I am resigned to Brother Hutton's coming hither. The good
Lord direct him!

"Desire the brethren's advice in the following case. Joseph is
arrived. Because he would not submit to a lot, whether he should
go with me to England or not, I said he never should return if
he went. On board, he behaved well, exceeding well. What shall I
do? Shall I keep to my vow that he should not return? or shall
I break it? I am indifferent. I will do as the brethren shall
direct.

"Great comfort and joy in the Holy Ghost does God, of His free
grace, give me. I find myself strengthened in the inner man day
by day. I feel an intenseness of love, and long that all should
be partakers of it. I hope I grow in grace. To free grace be all
the glory!

"God will fight for our dear brother Charles. I thank him for
his letter. Blessed be God that both of you are not so brief as
usual. God will bring light out of darkness. All these things
are not against, but for us.

"Be pleased to bring the Account of my Temptations with you;
and, though unworthy, permit me to subscribe myself, Reverend
Sir,

"Your dutiful son and servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD.

"P.S. March 23. I beseech you come next week; it is advertised
in this day's journal. I pray for a blessing on your journey,
and in our meetings. The people expect you much. Though you
come _after_, I heartily wish you may be preferred _before_ me.
Even so, Lord Jesus. Amen. Our brethren are here together. They
advise you should go through Basingstoke, and call at Dummer,
and there take the horse Brother Hutchins rides thither.
Whosoever you may appoint shall ride Brother Chapman's. The Lord
direct us all in all things!

"The Rev. Mr. John Wesley, at Mr. John Bray's, a Brazier, in
Little Britain, in Aldersgate Street, London."

There are many points in this deeply interesting letter which
deserve attention; such as the fact, that, notwithstanding
Whitefield's taunt on Wesley, within two years afterwards,
respecting the practice of sortilege, he himself now believed in
it, and was in favour of its being used. Want of space, however,
prevents enlargement.

Eight days after the date of Whitefield's letter, Wesley arrived
in Bristol, to prosecute the wondrous work which his young friend
had been honoured to begin; and, on April 2nd, Whitefield took
his leave; and, with the exception of one day's visit in the
month of July following, for the next two years the Bristol and
Kingswood congregations were entrusted solely to the care of
the Wesley brothers and of the lay evangelists who became their
fellow-labourers. Whitefield shall give his own account of his
departure from Methodism's cradle:--

"1739. Monday, April 2. Spent a good part of the morning in
talking with those who came to take their leave; and tongue
cannot express what a sorrowful parting we had. My heart was
so melted, that I prayed for them with strong cryings and many
tears. About one, I was obliged to force myself away. Crowds
were waiting at the door to give me a last farewell, and near
twenty friends accompanied me on horseback. Blessed be God for
the marvellous great kindness He hath shewn me in Bristol! Many
sinners, I believe, have been effectually converted; numbers
have come to me under convictions; and all the children of God
have been exceedingly comforted. Several thousands of little
books have been dispersed among the people. About £200 have been
collected for the Orphan House, and many poor families have
been relieved by the bounty of my friend Mr. Seward. What gives
me the greater comfort is the consideration that my dear and
honoured friend, Mr. Wesley, is left behind to confirm those
that are awakened, so that, when I return from Georgia, I hope
to see many bold soldiers of Jesus Christ.[189]

[189] In its number, dated April 19, 1739, _Common Sense_,
after describing a Methodist preacher as a gentleman of "meagre
countenance, lank hair, puritanical behaviour, and with a stock
of pride that domineers in every look," proceeds to say, "If
one man like Mr. Whitefield should have it in his power, by his
preaching, to detain five or six thousand of the vulgar from
their labour, what a loss in a little time may this bring to
the public! For my part, I shall expect to hear of a prodigious
rise in the price of coals about the city of Bristol, if this
gentleman proceeds with his charitable lectures to the colliers
of Kingswood."

"Having taken my leave, and passed through the people of
Bristol, I came about two to Kingswood, where the colliers,
unknown to me, had prepared an hospitable entertainment, and
were very forward for me to lay the first stone of their school.
A man giving me a piece of ground (in case Mr. C---- should
refuse to grant them any), I laid a stone, and then kneeled
down on it, and prayed that the gates of hell might not prevail
against our design. The colliers said a hearty _Amen_, and,
after I had given them a word of exhortation suitable to the
occasion, I took my leave, promising that I would come amongst
them again, if ever God should bring me back to England. I
hope a reformation will be carried on amongst them. For my
own part, I had rather preach the gospel to the unprejudiced
ignorant colliers, than to the bigotted, self-righteous, formal
Christians. The colliers will enter into the kingdom of God
before them."

Thus, by kneeling on a loose stone, deposited in a piece of ground,
provisionally promised as a site for the erection, was begun the
memorable Kingswood School. This is not the place to relate the
details of the ministry of Wesley and his brother, nor to dwell
upon the history of Kingswood School. Suffice it to say, that,
on the 12th of May next ensuing, Wesley, in Bristol, laid the
foundation-stone of his first Methodist meeting-house; and that, in
the month of June, he began to build the School in Kingswood. The
following extract, also, from Wesley's Journal, is full of interest,
and perfectly appropriate. It was written eight months after Wesley
became Whitefield's successor in Bristol and its neighbourhood:--

"Few persons have lived long in the west of England, who have
not heard of the colliers of Kingswood; a people famous, from
the beginning hitherto, for neither fearing God nor regarding
man; so ignorant of the things of God, that they seemed but one
remove from the beasts that perish; and, therefore, utterly
without desire of instruction, as well as without the means of
it.

"Many, last winter, used tauntingly to say of Mr. Whitefield,
'If he will convert heathens, why does he not go to the colliers
of Kingswood?' In spring, he did so; and as there were thousands
who resorted to no place of public worship, he went after them
into their own wilderness, 'to seek and save that which was
lost.' When he was called away, others went into 'the highways
and hedges, to compel them to come in.' And, by the grace
of God, their labour was not in vain. The scene is already
changed. Kingswood does not now, as a year ago, resound with
cursing and blasphemy. It is no more filled with drunkenness
and uncleanness, and the idle diversions that naturally lead
thereto. It is no longer full of wars and fightings, of clamour
and bitterness, of wrath and envyings. Peace and love are
there. Great numbers of the people are mild, gentle, and easy to
be entreated. They 'do not cry, neither strive;' and hardly is
their 'voice heard in the streets,' or indeed in their own wood,
unless when they are at their usual evening diversion,--singing
praise unto God their Saviour."

Leaving Wesley at Bristol, Whitefield again went off to Wales,
preaching in the open air at Thornbury and at the _Old Passage_ on
his way. At Usk, on April 4th, he met Howell Harris; and, being
refused the use of the pulpit in the church, a table was placed
under a large tree, upon which he discoursed "to some hundreds"
of attentive listeners. Attended by a cavalcade of nearly fifty
persons, he proceeded to Pontypool, and preached first in the
church, and then, to the overflowings of his congregations, out of
doors. Thirty horsemen accompanied him to Abergavenny, where, at
"the backside of a garden," he addressed "about two thousand people,
and did not spare the polite scoffers in the least." About forty on
horseback went with him to Comihoy, where the minister of the church
was "a hearty friend," but the congregation was so large that the
churchyard had to be used as Whitefield's preaching place. "I could
spend some months very profitably in Wales," he writes; "the longer
I am in it, the more I like it. The people are simple and artless.
They have left bigotry more than the generality of our Englishmen;
and, through the exhortations of Howell Harris, and the ministry of
others, they are hungering and thirsting after the righteousness of
Jesus Christ."

On April 6th, in company with about sixty equestrians, he reached
Caerleon, "a town," says he, "famous for having thirty British kings
buried in it, and for producing three noble Christian martyrs. I
chose particularly to come hither, because when my brother Howell
Harris was here last, some of the baser sort beat a drum, and
huzzaed around him, for the purpose of disturbing him. But God
suffered them not to move a tongue now, though I preached from the
very same place, and prayed for him by name, as I have in every
place where I have preached in Wales. God forbid I should be ashamed
either of my Master or His servants! Many thousands were there from
all parts, and God gave me such extraordinary assistance, that I
was carried out beyond myself."

At Trelegg, Whitefield preached "upon the horse-block before
the inn;" at Chepstow, in the church; and at Coleford, in the
market-house. On April 9th, he arrived at Gloucester, in the
neighbourhood of which he spent the next eight days. Howell Harris,
as well as William Seward, was his travelling companion. The
following is taken from the _Gloucester Journal_ of April 24, 1739:--

"On the 9th inst., the Rev. Mr. Whitefield came to this city
(the place of his nativity) from Wales; having preached in Usk
Street; in Pontypool Church and field; in Abergavenny, from a
place built on purpose, against a gentleman's wall; in Caerleon
field, from a pulpit built for the famous Mr. Howell Harris,
who came with him hither, and goes with him to London. He was
attended from Usk to Pontypool, and from thence to Abergavenny,
and to Caerleon, by sixty or seventy horse, so great was the
love of the people to his person, and to his doctrine of the new
birth," etc.

Whitefield's ministry in Gloucester and its vicinity was quite as
irregular and as remarkable as it had been in Wales. On April 10,
besides visiting three Religious Societies in the city, he also
preached in St. Michael's Church; but, on the day following, at the
conclusion of his sermon, the same church was closed against him,
on the ground that "the greatness of his congregations" seriously
interfered with public business. With the exception of another
instance, to be mentioned shortly, these were the only services
that Whitefield was allowed to hold in the Gloucester churches. The
result was, he began to preach, to assembled thousands, in the Booth
Hall, and in a field attached to the Bell Inn, and belonging to his
brother. The newspaper just quoted says:--

"On Tuesday and Wednesday, he preached at the parish church of
St. Michael's; but that, as well as one other pulpit, being
afterwards denied, and having no prospect of better success
with the rest of his brethren, he, on Thursday, Friday, Sunday,
and Monday, preached to some thousands in a field belonging to
the Bell Inn; also on Saturday, Sunday, and Monday _nights_,
in the Booth Hall, to about three or four thousand each time.
Great power has attended his preaching; great numbers have been
strengthened in their Christian faith, and are exceedingly
sorrowful at his departure from them."

Whitefield's views and feelings will be best expressed in his own
words. He writes:--

"1739, Thursday, April 12th. Preached to nearly three thousand
hearers in a field belonging to my brother. Cry out who will
against this my frowardness, I cannot see my dear countrymen and
fellow-Christians everywhere ready to perish, through ignorance
and unbelief, and not endeavour to convince them of both. I
call upon them who forbid me to speak to these poor baptized
heathens, to give a reason for their so doing--a reason which
may satisfy not man only, but God. I am, and profess myself, a
member of the Church of England. I have received no prohibition
from any of the bishops; and, having had no fault found by them
with my life or doctrine, have the same general license to
preach which the rectors are willing to think sufficient for
their curates; nor can any of them produce one instance of their
having refused the assistance of a stranger clergyman, because
he had not a written license. And have their lordships, the
bishops, insisted that no person shall ever preach occasionally
without such special license? Is not our producing our Letters
of Orders _always judged sufficient_? Have not some of us been
_allowed_ to preach in Georgia and other places, by no other
than our general commission? His lordship of London allowed of
my preaching in Georgia, even when I had only received Deacon's
Orders; and I have never been charged by his lordship with
teaching or living otherwise than as a true minister of the
Church of England. I keep close to her Articles and Homilies,
which, if my opposers did, we should not have so many dissenters
from her. But it is most notorious that for the iniquity of
the priests the land mourns. We have _preached_ and _lived_
many sincere persons out of our communion. I have now conversed
with several of the best of all denominations; and many of them
solemnly protest that they went from the church because they
could not find food for their souls. They stayed among us till
they were starved out. I know this declaration will expose
me to the ill-will, not of _all_ my brethren, but of all my
indolent, earthly-minded, pleasure-taking brethren. But were I
not to speak, the very stones would cry out against them. Speak,
therefore, I must, and will, and will not spare. God look to the
event!"

No doubt all this is true; but still, the clergy had a right to
refuse the use of their churches to the young evangelist; and
it must also be admitted that there is throughout Whitefield's
statement a strain of egotism scarcely modest, and at the end of it
a tone of censoriousness hardly in harmony with Christian courtesy.
Unfortunately, this was not the only imprudent attack of Whitefield
on the indolence, the earthly-mindedness, and pleasure-taking habits
of his brethren in the ministry. There were ample grounds for it;
but the attack was not politic. It resulted in no good, and not
unreasonably exposed Whitefield to retaliatory critiques. But more
of this anon.

Besides his preaching in the Booth Hall and in his brother's field,
Whitefield preached out of doors at Painswick, Chalford, Stroud,
Stonehouse, and Oxenhall. Strangely enough, his last service, for
the present, was performed in the church he attended in the days of
his boyhood. He writes:--

"1739, April 17, Tuesday. About eleven, by the bishop's
permission, I baptized, in the Church of St. Mary de Crypt,
Mr. Thomas W----d, a professed Quaker, about sixty years of
age, who was convinced of the necessity of being born again of
_water_ as well as of the _Spirit_. Many of Christ's faithful
servants attended on the prayers around him; and, I believe,
the Holy Ghost was with us of a truth. After the solemnity was
over, I gave a word of exhortation from the font; and, being the
place where I myself not long since had been baptized, it gave
me an opportunity of reflecting on the frequent breaches of my
baptismal vow, and of proving the necessity of the new birth
from the office of our Church.

"After this, and having dined, I prayed with and took leave of
my weeping friends. When I came to the city, I found the devil
had painted me in most horrible colours; for it was currently
reported that I was really mad, that I had said I was the
Holy Ghost, and that I had walked bare-headed through Bristol
streets, singing psalms. But God was pleased to shew the people
that the devil was a liar, and that the words I spoke were not
those of a madman, but the words of soberness and truth."

Having baptized the old Quaker, and unnecessarily repudiated the
stupid charge of being mad, because he had sung with uncovered head
in the streets of Bristol, he set out for Cheltenham, accompanied by
about a dozen of his friends. Until recently, Cheltenham had been
a poor, straggling hamlet of a few thatched cottages, sheltered by
the Cotswold Hills. The first Spa was discovered in 1716, and since
then, during a period of twenty years, the insignificant village
had been full of bustle, for its site was in the process of being
transformed into the squares, crescents, terraces, and promenades of
the fashionable Cheltenham of the present day. As Whitefield and his
friends passed along, the rustic inhabitants, at the doors of their
humble cottages, stood and stared. Whitefield applied for the use
of the parish church. His application was refused; and therefore
he preached, he says, "to near two thousand people,"[190] on the
Plough Inn bowling-green. He adds, "Many were convicted. One woman
wept greatly, because she had said I was crazy; and some were so
filled with the Holy Ghost, that they were almost unable to support
themselves under it."

[190] This may seem incredible, after what has just been said
of Cheltenham; but it must be borne in mind that Whitefield was
now preaching according to a previous appointment, and that his
congregation consisted of many others than the inhabitants of the
prosperous village. The following is taken from the _Gloucester
Journal_: "1738, April 24. Last Tuesday (having first baptized an
aged Quaker), Mr. Whitefield set out _by appointment_ for Cheltenham
and Evesham."

From Cheltenham, Whitefield proceeded to Evesham, in the
neighbourhood of which he spent three days among the relatives of
his friend William Seward. He shall relate his own story.

"1739, April 18, Wednesday. Got safe to Evesham (where Mr.
Seward's relations live) about seven at night. Several persons
came to see me, amongst whom was Mr. Benjamin Seward, whom God
has been pleased to call by His free grace very lately. For
some years he had been at Cambridge. As touching the law, so
far as outward morality went, he was blameless; but he disliked
my proceedings, and once had a mind, he said, to write against
Mr. Law's enthusiastic notions in his 'Christian Perfection.'
Lately, however, he has had an eight days' sickness; in which
time he scarce ever ate, or drank, or slept, and underwent
great inward agonies and tortures. After this, God sent a poor
travelling woman, who came to sell straw toys, to instruct
him in the nature of the second birth; and now he is resolved
to prepare for Holy Orders. He is a gentleman of very large
fortune, which he has devoted to God. I write this to shew how
far a man may go, and yet know nothing of Jesus Christ. Here is
one who constantly attended on the means of grace, exact in his
morals, humane and courteous in his conversation, who gave much
in alms, was frequent in private duties; and yet, till about
six weeks ago, was as destitute of any saving, experimental
knowledge of Jesus Christ, as those on whom His name was never
called, and who still sit in darkness and in the shadow of
death. How often has my companion and honoured friend, Mr.
William Seward, been deemed a madman, even by this very brother,
for going to Georgia; but now God has made him an instrument of
converting his brother. This, more and more, convinces me that
we must be despised before we can be vessels fit for God's use.

"April 19, Thursday. Went to Badsey, about two miles from
Evesham, where Mr. Seward's eldest brother lives. We were most
kindly received. About four in the afternoon, the churches
at Evesham, Bengeworth, and Badsey being denied, I preached
from the cross, in the middle of Evesham street, to a great
congregation; and then went to Badsey, and preached in Mr.
Seward's brother's yard.

"April 20, Friday. Preached about nine in the morning at the
cross in Evesham, went to public worship, and received the
sacrament. Preached at Badsey at five in the evening, and
returned and expounded in the town hall, which was quite
thronged. The recorder himself procured the keys for us.

"April 21, Saturday. Preached in the morning at Badsey, to a
weeping audience, and set out for Oxford, which I reached at
about ten at night."

At Oxford, Whitefield was thrown into amusing perturbation by an
event which might have been expected to secure his warm approval.
Charles Kinchin, one of the most zealous of the Oxford Methodists,
was Rector of Dummer and Fellow and Dean of Corpus Christi College.
Greatly to Whitefield's distress of mind, Kinchin had resolved to
declare himself a Dissenter. He had left the college, intended to
resign his living, and purposed, as soon as he was really converted,
to become an itinerant preacher.[191] Whitefield himself was already
an itinerant, either by necessity, or choice, or both; and yet he
seems to have been ridiculously horrified at the probability of
Kinchin following his example. He writes:--

"The step taken by Mr. Kinchin gave me a great shock. For I knew
what dreadful consequences would attend a needless separation
from the Established Church. For my own part, I can see no
reason for my leaving the Church, however I am treated by the
corrupt members and ministers of it. I judge of the state of a
church, not from the practice of its members, but its primitive
and public constitutions; and so long as I think the Articles of
the Church of England are agreeable to Scripture, I am resolved
to preach them up without either bigotry or party zeal."

[191] See "The Oxford Methodists," pp. 220-223.

Already Hervey, another of the Oxford Methodists, had written to
Kinchin a letter, of more than a dozen printed octavo pages,[192]
and had strongly and lovingly entreated him not to leave the Church.
Whitefield wrote to the same effect. His letter is thoroughly
characteristic, and abbreviation would injure it.

[192] Ibid.

"OXON, _April 22, 1739_.

"DEAREST MR. KINCHIN,--Just now I have received the blessed
sacrament, and have been praying for you. Let me exhort you,
by the mercies of God in Christ Jesus, not to resign your
parsonage till you have consulted your friends in London. It is
undoubtedly true that all is not right when we are afraid to be
open to our dear brethren.

"Satan has desired to sift you as wheat. He is dealing with
you as he did with me some years ago, when he kept me in my
closet near six weeks, because I could not do anything with a
single intention. So he would have you not to preach till you
have received the Holy Ghost in the full assurance of it; and
that is the way never to have it at all. God will be found in
the use of means; and our Lord sent out His disciples to preach
_before_[193] they had received the Holy Ghost in that most
plentiful manner at the day of Pentecost.

[193] The italics are Whitefield's own. This was odd doctrine
for him to teach! It must always be remembered, however, that
Whitefield was a warm-hearted preacher,--never a learned,
logical theologist.

"Besides, consider, my dear brother, what confusion your
separation from the Church will occasion. The prison doors"
(at Oxford) "are already shut" (against us). "Our Society is
stopped; and most are afraid almost to converse with us. I can
assure you, that my being a minister of the Church of England,
and preaching its articles, is a means, under God, of drawing so
many after me.

"As for objecting about habits, robes, etc., good God! I thought
we long since knew that the kingdom of God did not consist in
any externals, but in righteousness, and peace, and joy in the
Holy Ghost.

"Oh! my dear brother, I travail in pain for you. Never was I
more shocked at anything than at your proceedings. I doubt
not that you will pray to God to be kept from delusion at the
reading of this. I am not ignorant of Satan's devices, and I
know he never more successfully tempts us, than when he turns
himself into an angel of light. Oh! my dearest Mr. Kinchin, do
nothing rashly. Consult your friends, and do not break the heart
of your most affectionate, though unworthy brother in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Though it is not necessary to pursue the subject, it may be added,
1. That Kinchin was prompted to act as he did chiefly by three
Moravian brethren;[194] 2. Though there can be little doubt that he
resigned his Fellowship and his office of Dean of Corpus Christi
College, it is not certain that he resigned his living; 3. When he
died, on January 4, 1742, he left behind him a young widow of the
age of thirty, who, ten months afterwards, was one of the enrolled
members of "the Congregation of the Lamb, in London;" and, within
eighteen months after that, became the wife of Ludolph Ernest
Schlicht,[195] who officiated as one of the principal Moravian
ministers in London, Dublin, and other places.

[194] Whitefield's Journal, 1739, p. 87.

[195] Memoirs of James Hutton, pp. 93, 146, 177.

Whitefield spent two days at Oxford, trying to put wrong things
right. Of course, he was not allowed the use of any of the Oxford
churches; but he says:--

"I visited two Societies, at the first of which many gownsmen
did me the honour of coming to hear. Before I began, I desired
them to behave like gentlemen and Christians. I also prayed
particularly for them, and applied myself in meekness and love
to them at the end of my discourse. They behaved quietly; but
afterwards followed me to my inn, and came uninvited up into my
room. I took that opportunity to give them a second exhortation;
and though some, no doubt, mocked, yet, I believe, some will
remember what was said. Blessed be God for sending me hither!
Our dear brother Kinchin, falling into such an error, has given
such a shock, that, unless I had come, in all probability the
brethren would have been scattered abroad like sheep having no
shepherd."

Next morning, before setting out for London, Whitefield conducted
another religious service; during which the Vice-Chancellor of the
University came and sent a message, requesting Whitefield to come
downstairs to see him.[196] As soon as the young preacher presented
himself, the learned Don angrily exclaimed, "Have you, sir, a name
in any book here?" "Yes, sir," said Whitefield, "but I intend to
take it out soon." "Yes," replied the wrathful magnate, "and you
had best take yourself out too, or otherwise I will lay you up by
the heels. What do you mean by going about, alienating the people's
affections from their proper pastors? Your works are full of vanity
and nonsense. You pretend to inspiration. If you ever come again
in this manner among these people, I will lay you first by the
heels, and these shall follow." Having delivered himself of this
official threat, the Vice-Chancellor "turned his back, and went
away." "I exhorted the brethren," says Whitefield, "not to forsake
the assembling of themselves together, though no pastor should be
permitted to come amongst them; for, so long as they continued
steadfast in the communion of the Established Church, I told them,
no power on earth could justify hindering them continuing in
fellowship, as the primitive Christians did, in order to build up
each other in the knowledge and fear of God. Oh, what advantage has
Satan gained over us by our brother Kinchin putting off his gown!"

[196] The following is taken from an old newspaper: "We hear from
Oxford that the Vice-Chancellor, hearing of Mr. Whitefield's arrival
there, sent him word that he must not preach in Oxford, and hoped
he would leave the place, which he did accordingly the beginning of
this week."

The ungentlemanly menace of the Vice-Chancellor was an empty one,
and yet it evidently caused Whitefield some anxiety. Hence, on the
same day, he wrote as follows to his friend Harris:--

"I rejoice to hear Mr. Cole[197] builds you up in your most
holy faith. Who knows but you may, under God, keep up religion
in Gloucester? Mr. Kinchin's conduct, in leaving the Church
and giving up the parsonage, has sadly grieved the spirit of
many good people here. My heart is drawn towards London most
strangely. Perhaps you may hear of your friend's imprisonment.
I expect no other preferment. God grant I may behave so, that
when I suffer, it may not be for my own imprudencies, but for
righteousness' sake! Then, I am sure, the spirit of Christ and
of glory will rest upon my soul."

[197] The Dissenting minister at Gloucester.

On April 25th, Whitefield and his friends, William Seward and
Howell Harris, arrived in London, where (excepting one or two brief
excursions made to other places) he continued until the end of June.
This was a most important epoch in Whitefield's history, and must be
carefully examined.

It is a significant fact, that, though it was through three
Moravians that Charles Kinchin was (as Whitefield thought) so
disastrously led astray, Whitefield still maintained a close
connection with the Moravian Society in Fetter Lane, and, up to
the time of his second embarkation for Georgia, attended their
assemblies, and assisted in their services. He was really, if not
nominally, one of their brotherhood; and, on Sunday, May 20, made
the following entry in his Journal: "Went with our brethren of
Fetter Lane Society to St. Paul's, and received the holy sacrament,
as a testimony that we adhered to the Church of England."

It was not, however, as a Moravian that Whitefield became so
notable; but as an outdoor preacher, whose congregations, voice, and
oratory were unparalleled.

At this period, the vicar of Islington was the Rev. George
Stonehouse, who had recently been converted, chiefly by means of
Charles Wesley; and who, like Whitefield and the Wesley brothers,
evinced great affection for the Moravian fraternity. In fact, he
soon afterwards so identified himself with the Brethren, that he
sold his living, and retired to Sherborne, in the west of England,
where he fitted up a Moravian meeting house capable of accommodating
five hundred people.

Mr. Stonehouse was now the only clergyman in London willing to lend
his pulpit to poor outcast Whitefield; and even he was not able to
carry out his wishes. Whitefield, the day after he reached London,
wrote as follows:--

"Thursday, April 26. Assisted in administering the blessed
sacrament at Islington, where the vicar, in conformity to the
rubric, takes care to observe the octaves of Easter.

"Friday, April 27. Went this morning to Islington to preach,
according to the appointment of my dear brother in Christ, the
Reverend Mr. Stonehouse; but, in the midst of the prayers,
the churchwarden came, demanding me to produce my license, or
otherwise he forbad my preaching in that pulpit. I believe I
might have insisted upon my right to preach, being in priest's
orders, and having the presentation of the living at Savannah,
which is in the Bishop of London's diocese,--a stronger license
than that implicit one by which hundreds of the inferior clergy
are by his lordship permitted to preach. However, for the
sake of peace, I declined preaching in the church; but, after
the communion service was over, I preached in the churchyard,
being assured my Master now called me out here, as well as in
Bristol.[198] God was pleased so to assist me in preaching, and
so wonderfully to affect the hearers, that, I believe, we could
have gone singing of hymns to prison. Let not the adversaries
say I have thrust myself out of their synagogues. No, they
have thrust me out. And since the self-righteous men of this
generation count themselves unworthy, I go out into the highways
and hedges, and compel harlots, publicans, and sinners to come
in, that my Master's house may be filled. They who are sincere
will follow after me to hear the word of God."[199]

[198] _The Universal Weekly History_ of May 5 contained the
following: "On Saturday last, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, being denied
the use of a pulpit, preached to a prodigious concourse of people
on a tombstone, in Islington churchyard. Last Sunday morning, he
did the same from the wall near Bedlam; and, in the afternoon, near
the gallows on Kennington Common, to a vast number of people."
_Read's Weekly Journal_, of the same date, says: "The followers of
Parson Whitefield have done a vast deal of damage to the tombs and
gravestones in Islington churchyard." It also adds that the question
of Whitefield's exclusion from the pulpit of Islington Church was
decided by a committee of ten; five chosen by Mr. Stonehouse, the
vicar, and five by the parish vestry. Their decision was unanimous.

[199] Two days afterwards, Charles Wesley was similarly prohibited,
and was told "the devil was in them all;" that is, in himself,
Whitefield, and the vicar. Mr. Stonehouse waited upon the bishop;
but had to leave him "close, shut up, and sour." In reference to
Whitefield, Charles Wesley writes: "April 25. I heard G. Whitefield,
very powerful, at Fetter Lane. April 27. I heard G. Whitefield in
Islington churchyard. The numerous congregation could not have been
more affected within its walls."

Thus was Whitefield driven to outdoor preaching in London, as well
as in Bristol. Perhaps he would have preferred a church; but now he
must either preach out of doors, or not at all. His spirit might be
vexed, but was not depressed. On the very day when the imperious
churchwarden thrust him out of Islington Church into the churchyard,
he wrote to his friend Harris at Gloucester:--

"To-day, my Master, by His providence and Spirit, compelled
me to preach in the churchyard at Islington. To-morrow, I
am to repeat that mad trick, and, on Sunday, to go out into
Moorfields. The word of the Lord runs and is glorified. People's
hearts seem quite broken. God strengthens me exceedingly. I
preach till I sweat through and through. Innumerable blessings
does God pour down upon me. Oh that I had a thankful heart!"

When Sunday came, Whitefield, not surprisingly, did more than he
intended. He writes:--

"Sunday, April 29. Preached in the morning at Moorfields, to
an exceeding great multitude. At ten, went to Christ Church,
and heard Doctor Trapp preach most virulently against me and
my friends, upon these words, 'Be not righteous over-much: why
shouldest thou destroy thyself?' God gave me great serenity
of mind; but, alas! the preacher was not so calm as I wished
him. His sermon was founded upon wrong suppositions, not to
say that there were many direct untruths in it. And he argued
so strenuously against all _inward feelings_, that he plainly
proved that, with all his learning, he knew nothing yet as
he ought to know. At five, I preached at Kennington Common,
about two miles from London, where thirty thousand people
were supposed to be present. The wind carried my voice to the
extremest part of the audience. All stood attentive, and joined
in the Psalm and the Lord's Prayer most regularly. I scarce ever
preached more quietly in any church. The word came with power.
The people were much affected. All agreed it was never seen on
this wise before. I hope a good inroad has been made into the
devil's kingdom this day.[200]

[200] _Read's Weekly Journal_ of May 5th, says Whitefield
preached from the same text as Dr. Trapp, and adds, "As the
people were kept waiting a long time for the preacher, Dr. Rock
cunningly took the advantage of his absence, and talked so
pathetically to the multitude of the efficacy of his packets,
that he disposed of abundance of them; and it is thought the
quack for the body made greater profit that afternoon than the
quack for the soul."

"Monday, April 30. Declined preaching to-day, that I might
have leisure to write to some of my correspondents, and make
preparations for my poor orphans in Georgia. Heard that Mr.
Kinchin had got over his scruples, and of the wonderful success
of my honoured friend Mr. John Wesley's ministry in Bristol, and
of much opposition at Oxford. Certainly God is about to bring
mighty things to pass."

So ended this eventful month of April. Wesley, whom Whitefield had
left as his successor, was preaching to thousands upon thousands
in Bristol and its vicinity, and already numbers were falling on
the ground as if "thunderstruck," and in the greatest excitement
calling upon God for mercy. Whitefield had prepared Wesley's way
in Bristol, and he was now doing the same in London. Moorfields--a
park laid out in grass plots, intersected by broad gravel walks, and
shaded by rows of well-grown elms--was "the city mall." Kennington
Common--a mile beyond the small hamlet of Newington, and situated at
the end of a vast conglomerated garden which extended to what is now
Westminster Bridge--was the rendezvous of London riff-raffs, and the
ghostly locale where hundreds of condemned felons had been hanged
and gibbeted. These, henceforth, were two of Whitefield's grand
cathedrals.[201]

[201] The following abusive doggrel was published in the _London
Daily Post_:--

ON MR. WHITEFIELD'S PREACHING IN MOORFIELDS, NEAR BEDLAM.

"_Map_, _Ward_, and _Taylor_ did our wonder raise,
Now _Whitefield_ has the giddy rabble's praise;
Infatuated crowds to hear him flock,
As once to _France_ for _Mississippi_ stock;
A proof more madmen out of _Bedlam_ dwell,
Than are confined within that spacious cell."

Doctor Trapp has just been mentioned. This gentleman, like
Whitefield, was born in Gloucestershire, and educated at Oxford;
but he was thirty-six years Whitefield's senior. He was a culpable
pluralist. In 1721, he became vicar of Christ Church, Newgate
Street, and rector of St. Leonard's, Foster Lane. In 1733,
the famous Lord Bolingbroke made him rector of Harlington, in
Middlesex; and, a year later, he was elected a joint lecturer of
St. Martin's-in-the-Fields. These were the church-preferments of
the fervent ecclesiastic, who deemed it his high duty to belabour
the poor Methodists. Turbulence was an element in which Dr. Trapp
liked to live. He had acted as manager for Dr. Sacheverell on his
memorable trial in 1709. Several of his principal publications had
been of a controversial character. There can be no question that he
had a keen relish for a scuffle. He was a man of extensive learning,
and Bishop Pearce pronounced him to be of all English students the
most diligent. His wit was considerable, but his temper hasty. The
one sharpened the other, and made it more gashing.

The sermon by Trapp, which Whitefield heard in Christ Church, on
Sunday, April 29th, was probably the first of the series. At all
events, the _Gentleman's Magazine_ announced that the "fourth and
last sermon against Mr. Whitefield and the Methodists" was "preached
on Sunday, May 20th," and that the sermons were to "be printed at
the earnest request of the audience."[202]

[202] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1739, p. 271.

Dr. Trapp, in compliance with "the earnest request" of his hearers,
immediately issued an octavo pamphlet of sixty-nine pages, with
the title, "The Nature, Folly, Sin, and Danger of being Righteous
over-much; with a particular view to the Doctrines and Practices of
certain Modern Enthusiasts. Being the Substance of Four Discourses
lately preached in the Parish Churches of Christ Church, and St.
Lawrence Jewry, London, and St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, Westminster.
By Joseph Trapp, D.D." Before the end of the year, the work reached
a third edition. A few extracts, obviously aimed at Whitefield, may
be useful.

In a paragraph censuring "ignorant, illiterate people who presume to
expound the Scriptures," the learned Doctor says:--

"Suppose another, though in holy orders, yet a raw novice
very lately initiated into them, shall take upon him, at his
first setting out, to execute, as it were, the office of an
apostle,--to be a teacher, not only of all the laity in all
parts of the kingdom, but of the teachers themselves, the
learned clergy, many of them learned before he was born,--to
reflect upon and censure them as if they did not know their
duty, or would not do it without being instructed and reproved
by _him_,--what is this but an outrage upon common decency
and common sense? the height of presumption, confidence, and
self-sufficiency; so ridiculous as to create the greatest
laughter, were it not so deplorable and detestable as to create
the greatest grief and abhorrence; especially if vast multitudes
are so sottish, and wicked too, as, in a tumultuous manner, to
run madding after him? Surely it is shocking and prodigious for
so _young a son of Levi to take much upon him_."

Such seems to have been the winding-up of the first sermon--the
one which Whitefield himself heard in Christ Church. No wonder
Whitefield wrote, "The preacher was not so calm as I wished him."

The next extract is equally personal and offensive.

"There is a mighty difference between appearance and reality.
There is often the deepest pride where there is no high or
lofty look, and the height of confidence and self-sufficiency
under the guise of the greatest modesty. But how shall we
_distinguish_? 'By their fruits ye shall know them.' A
pharisaical ostentation, and outward show of piety, praying, or
singing psalms _in the corners of the streets, to be seen of
men_, is one undoubted sign of pride, and that the worst sort of
it--_spiritual pride_. Again, he is proud who 'exercises himself
in great matters which are too high for him,'--who pretends to
be more than ordinarily knowing in things which he knows nothing
of,--who peremptorily censures his betters, and takes upon him
to teach his teachers. All this is contrary to the _spirit_ and
genius of the Gospel, to the _modesty_ and _humility_ of the
Christian religion. These are indications of the worst sort of
pride; or if not pride, it is a _folly_ that approaches very
near to _madness_."

In reference to the Moravian and other Religious Societies, in whose
meetings Whitefield so frequently expounded, the zealous, censorious
preacher says:--

"The Church itself is, by these irregular, upstart _Societies_,
even by the _best_ of them, and much more by the _worst_,
greatly weakened and impaired. For though they do constantly
attend divine service, as prescribed in the public offices, yet
I appeal to all _discerning_ and _judicious_ persons, whether,
_in the nature of things_, they are not likely to set a greater
value upon _their own particular meetings and exercises_, set
up purely by their own fancies, and commanded by no authority
of God or man. To be plain, if what I am informed of these
meetings be true, they are schismatical, in their _tendency_
at least, though not so designed; for there may be a schism
_in_ the Church, as well as a schism _from_ the Church. If it
be true that they consist of considerable numbers, that they
have prayers (some, too, extemporary ones), and preaching, or
something like it, I do not see how they can be deemed legal
assemblies. The public meetings of Protestant Dissenters from
the Church are tolerated by law, and licensed by authority;
but I never heard that these are either. If they should be, I
doubt there would be more danger _to_ the Church from a kind
of half-dissenters _in_ it, than from those who are total
dissenters _from_ it."

Whitefield's open-air preaching occasioned great disquietude to the
minister of three churches in London and one in the country. Dr.
Trapp remarks:--

"We have heard of _Field-Conventicles_ in Scotland, among the
enthusiasts of that country; which yet, I think, were there
always suppressed by the authority of Church or State, or
both. We have had, in former times, something of this nature
in England, as practised by Brownists, Anabaptists, Quakers,
Ranters, or such like. But for a _clergyman of the Church of
England to pray_ and _preach in the fields_ in the country, or
in the _streets_ in the city, is _perfectly new_; never heard
of before; a _fresh honour_ to the _blessed age_, in which
_we_ have the happiness to live. To pray, preach, and sing
psalms in the streets and fields is worse, if possible, than
_intruding into pulpits_ by downright _violence_ and _breach
of the peace_; and then _denying_ the plain fact with the most
_infamous prevarication_.[203] I could say much here; but am
quite _ashamed_ to speak upon a subject which is a _shame_ and
_reproach_, not only to our _Church_ and _country_, but to
_human nature_ itself. Can it promote the Christian religion, to
turn it into riot, tumult, and confusion?--to make it ridiculous
and contemptible, and expose it to the scorn and scoffs of
infidels and atheists? If it be alleged, as I think it is, that
Christ and His apostles prayed and preached in the fields, on
mountains, and on the sea-shore,--I ask, Have these creatures
the same spirit and power that they had? Is Christianity now in
its infancy, as it was then? Was the Church then established
as it is now? Are we now to be converted to Christianity, from
Judaism or heathenism, as people were in those days? Or if we
were, are such false and spurious apostles as these able to
convert us? I might here very properly urge the _canons_ of the
Church of England, and the _laws_ of the civil state. But the
thing, though detestable and of most pernicious tendency, is,
in another view, too contemptible to be longer insisted upon.
It would likewise be endless, as well as nauseous, to make
reflections upon that rhapsody of madness, spiritual pride, and
little less than blasphemy, if not quite so, which this _field
preacher_ calls his _Journal_; and so I say no more of it. Go
not after these impostors and seducers; but shun them as you
would the plague. Those who run after them are the _enemies_ of
our _religion_ and Church. These _Protestant enthusiasts_, with
all _Protestant heretics, schismaticks, and false teachers_,
on the one hand; and the _free-thinkers, infidels, deists, and
atheists_, on the other, are doing the work of _Papists_ for
them, to their hearts' desire."

[203] See the _Weekly Miscellany_ concerning the forcible intrusion
into the pulpit at St. Margaret's, Westminster.

In this fit of nausea and disgust Dr. Trapp might be dismissed; but,
before parting with him, another of his virulent outpourings must be
noticed.

Three months later in the year, the following was published:--"The
Nature, Usefulness, and Regulation of Religious Zeal. A Sermon
preached at St. Mary's, Oxon; before the Right Honourable Mr.
Justice Fortescue Aland and Mr. Baron Thompson; and before the
University of Oxford; at the Assizes held there, on Thursday, August
2nd, 1739. By Joseph Trapp, D.D., Minister of Christ Church and
St. Leonard's, Foster Lane, London. Published at the desire of the
Judges and the Vice-Chancellor." (8vo. 32 pp.)

One extract from this highly patronized sermon must suffice.

"No false zeal is more abusive than that of our _modern
infidels_, on the one hand, and our _modern enthusiasts_,
pretending to be the _only true believers_, on the other:
_Christianity_ and _Christians_ by the _former_, and our
_Established Church_ and _clergy_ by _both_; being outraged
with such virulence and malice, such insolence and contempt,
as was never heard of before; and would not be endured by any
Christian _nation_ under heaven, but _this_ in which we live.
Some _emotion_ in the affections, and in the blood and spirits,
is both becoming and useful; but rage and fury is neither. The
good Christian may have, and should have, some warmth and even
heat; but not be like a red-hot iron, hissing and sparkling
from the forge, and dropping fire wherever it reaches. A brisk
gale at sea is one thing, but a storm is another. Let false
zealots be like raging waves of the sea, foaming out their own
shame; but let the truly zealous Christian carefully avoid these
exorbitances. Let Popery and Protestant enthusiasm, infidelity,
and atheism, all leagued against Christianity in general and
the Church of _England_ in particular, rage like a possessed
pythoness; but let every good Christian know and consider _what
manner of spirit he is of_, which is not such a _manner of
spirit as that_."

Public attacks like these were hard to bear; especially in the case
of a young man of twenty-four, ardent, enthusiastic, ambitious,
and somewhat overweening, like Whitefield. In his sermon on "The
Marriage of Cana," Whitefield writes:--

"What a sad inference one of our masters of Israel, in a
printed sermon, has lately drawn from this commendation of
the bridegroom! His words are these: 'Our blessed Saviour
came eating and drinking, was present at weddings, and other
entertainments; nay, at one of them, worked a miracle to make
wine, when it is plain there had been more drank than was
absolutely necessary for the support of nature; and consequently
something had been indulged to pleasure and cheerfulness.'[204]

[204] Trapp's "Sermons on being Righteous over-much" (p. 17).

"I am sorry such words should come from the mouth and pen of a
dignified clergyman of the Church of England. Alas! how is she
fallen! or, at least, in what danger must her tottering ark be,
when such unhallowed hands are stretched out to support it! Well
may I bear patiently to be styled a blasphemer, and a setter
forth of strange doctrines, when my dear Lord Jesus is thus
traduced, and when those who pretend to preach in His name urge
this example to patronise licentiousness and excess!"

A more lengthy and less temperate critique by Whitefield will be
mentioned shortly. Meanwhile, a reply was published by the Rev.
Robert Seagrave, M.A., in an octavo pamphlet of 32 pages, with the
title, "An Answer to the Reverend Dr. Trapp's four Sermons against
Mr. Whitefield, shewing the Sin and Folly of being Angry over-much."
The title-page also bore the following text from the Apocrypha:
"He was made to reprove our thoughts. He is grievous unto us even
to behold; for His life is not like other men's; His ways are of
another fashion (Wisdom ii. 14, 15)." This pamphlet passed through
two editions in the year 1739.

Mr. Seagrave was born on November 22, 1693, at Twyford, in
Leicestershire, where his father was vicar from 1687 to 1720. At the
age of seventeen, he was admitted sizar of Clare Hall, Cambridge,
where he subsequently took the degrees of B.A. and M.A.[205] He
heartily sympathised with Whitefield; and failing to obtain a
church, or, perhaps, not desiring to be the minister of one, he
became, in 1739, a sort of extra parochial clergyman, and occupied
the Lorimers' or Leather-Cutters' Hall, situated at the north end
of Basinghall Street. This hall, for at least forty years, had
been used as a dissenting meeting-house, first by the Particular
Baptists, and next by a Society of Independents. Here, in 1706, the
celebrated Dr. Daniel Neal was ordained, and officiated as minister,
until his increasing congregation rendered it necessary to remove to
a larger meeting-house in Jewin Street.[206]

[205] Seagrave's Hymns, republished, with Preface, by Daniel
Sedgwick, 1860.

[206] Wilson's "Dissenting Churches," vol. ii., p. 559.

For some years, Mr. Seagrave preached in Lorimers' Hall with much
success. "He was a good minister of Jesus Christ, a workman who
needed not to be ashamed. He was a man of eminent piety, great
humility, and remarkable zeal and diligence, and very exemplary in
the whole of his conversation. Besides his Answer to Dr. Trapp,
he was the author of "Observations upon the Conduct of the Clergy
in Relation to the Thirty-Nine Articles, with an Essay towards a
Real Protestant Establishment;" also "A Letter to the People of
England;"[207] and likewise "Hymns for Christian Worship, 1742." He
was also the author of about half a dozen other pamphlets, tracts,
and sermons.

[207] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1814, p. 304.

Want of space makes it impossible to give an outline of Mr.
Seagrave's reply to Dr. Trapp; but three brief extracts from this
scarce production may be welcome.

"Little or nothing was objected to the Methodists, by the
clergy, while they continued _in_ our churches, excepting
some disorders and inconveniences arising, by their means, to
our places of worship; but, from the time they unexpectedly
undertook to preach in fields, and in a manner not altogether
favourable to _ecclesiastical maxims_ and _church authority_,
they have commenced impostors, enthusiasts, and novelists. They
have likewise acquired very additional blame for asserting
that they discern several valuable and worthy Christians
amongst Dissenters of every branch. To which I reply: (1) Does
preaching in a field _annul_ that character or _commission_
of a minister, in all respects ordained like the rest, which
divines themselves call an _indelible character_? A discovery
seems to be made, that the exercise of a minister's function
subsists no longer than he shall _absolutely_ coincide with
the majority of his brethren, or shall _think_ as his diocesan
_thinks_. (2) The Dissenters have mostly _kept_ the old truths
which _now_ begin to be discovered. Why should we confine _all_
religion, and _all_ learning, and _all_ knowledge to our _own_
Church? The Methodists think they see _more_ religion and real
knowledge at present amongst the Dissenters than (I am sorry to
say it) is _commonly_ seen in our own Church; and they have the
impartiality not to deny it."

"I shall not deny that instances of folly are imputable to the
Methodists. Persons have sung psalms in streets and corners; an
indiscretion this, but no crime. We ought to balance the _bad_
part with the _good_. Nothing but obstinacy and envy can deny
that a _great_ reformation has arisen upon the manners of the
age by the _itinerant's_ preaching. If the gospel be preached
in the church, it is well and desirable; but, when our clergy
_leave the old truths_, and are fallen into the scheme of Deism,
though they may not discern it, men have a right to hear the
truth in _the field_, or in a _meeting-house_, supposing they
can find it nowhere else."

One more extract, partly aimed at Dr. Trapp as a pluralist, must
suffice.

"Nothing can weaken the credit of any clergy so much as
_their own indiscretions_ and _exorbitancy_ of ambition. When
they afford suspicion of their being lovers of themselves,
and negligent of their respective flocks; when they break
the regularity of their own church by _pluralities_,
_dispensations_, and _other enormities_; and, above all,
when they are actually fallen aside from their foundation by
_departing from their own constituent articles_, a solemn
subscription notwithstanding,--this really may and ought to
weaken and impair, if not the _Church_, yet certainly the
reputation of such in it, who harbour the present _rash_ and
_overbearing_ principles.[208]

[208] In the _Weekly Miscellany_, for June 30, 1739, there
appeared a long article, of two pages, probably written by Dr.
Trapp himself. The writer says it would be foolish to answer every
"half-witted murderer of paper;" and therefore Trapp refuses to
reply to "Seagrave's Answer." The present article, however, would
serve in lieu of a mere formal rejoinder. Two sentences were as
follows:--Seagrave "abuses the clergy with much rudeness and
insolence; and, at the same time, pays his compliments to the
Dissenters, as if the learning and orthodoxy of the nation rested
chiefly, nay, almost only, in them." Again: "Pluralities are the
stale topic of every ignorant creature who hates the Church.
Pluralities are _necessary_ in many cases, _highly expedient_ in
others; nor could the Church well subsist without them."

It is time to return to Whitefield on the playground of the London
rabble, Kennington Common. He writes:--

"1739, Wednesday, May 2. Preached this evening to above ten
thousand, at Kennington Common, and spent the remainder of
the evening in conference with our brethren in Fetter Lane
Society. Our brethren, who have fallen into errors, have left us
voluntarily.

"Thursday, May 3. Preached, at six in the evening, at
Kennington, and great power was amongst us. The audience was
more numerous and silent than yesterday.

"Saturday, May 5. Preached yesterday and to-day at Kennington
Common, to about twenty thousand hearers, who were very much
affected.

"Sunday, May 6. Preached this morning in Moorfields, to about
twenty thousand people, who were very quiet and attentive, and
much affected. Went to public worship morning and evening; and,
at six, preached at Kennington. Such a sight I never saw before.
I believe there were no less than fifty thousand people, near
four-score coaches, besides great numbers of horses. There was
an awful silence among the people. God gave me great enlargement
of heart. I continued my discourse for an hour and a half.

"Tuesday, May 8. Preached in the evening, as usual, on
Kennington Common. Before I set out from town, it rained very
hard; but when I came to the Common, I saw, to my great
surprise, above twenty thousand people. Except for a few
moments, the sun shone out upon us; and I trust the Sun of
righteousness arose on some with healing in His wings.

"Wednesday, May 9. Waited at noon upon the trustees for Georgia.
They received me with the utmost civility, agreed to everything
I asked, and gave a grant of five hundred acres of land, to me
and my successors for ever, for the use of the Orphan House.
At night, God enabled me to preach to about twenty thousand,
for above an hour, at Kennington. The hearers contributed most
cheerfully and liberally towards the Orphan House. I was one of
the collectors. It would have delighted any one to see with what
eagerness and cheerfulness the people came up both sides of the
eminence on which I stood, and afterwards to the coach doors,
to throw in their mites. When we came home, we found we had
collected above £47, amongst which were £16 in halfpence.

"Thursday, May 10. Preached at Kennington, but it rained most
part of the day. There were not above ten thousand people, and
thirty coaches.

"Friday, May 11. Preached at Kennington to a larger audience
than last night, and collected £26 15s. 6d. for the Orphan House.

"Saturday, May 12. Agreed to-day, for myself and eleven others,
to go on board the _Elizabeth_, Captain Allen, to Pennsylvania,
where I design to preach the gospel in my way to Georgia, and
to buy provisions for my Orphan House. Many came to me in the
morning, telling me what God had done for their souls by my
preaching in the fields. In the evening, I preached to about
twenty thousand at Kennington. I offered Jesus Christ to all
that could apply Him to their hearts by faith.

"Sunday, May 13. Preached this morning to a prodigious number
of people in Moorfields, and collected for the orphans £52 19s.
6d., above £20 of which was in halfpence. Indeed, they almost
wearied me in receiving their mites, and they were more than one
man could carry home. Went to public worship twice, and preached
in the evening to near sixty thousand people.[209] Many went
away because they could not hear. After sermon, I made another
collection of £29 17s. 8d.

[209] The _Weekly Miscellany_ for May 19th says: "On Sunday
last, during the time of Mr. Whitefield's preaching on
Kennington Common, a well-dressed man dropped down dead, who was
said to be a householder near the Park, Southwark. Two or three
others fainted away in the crowd, with the heat."

"Monday, May 14. Spent most of this day in visiting some
friends, and settling my Georgia affairs. Spent the evening very
agreeably with several Quakers. How much comfort do those lose
who converse with none but such as are of their own communion!

"Tuesday, May 15. Preached this evening at Kennington.
Notwithstanding the rain, the people stood very attentive.

"Wednesday, May 16. Sent a Quaker to be baptized by my dear
brother, Mr. Stonehouse. Waited upon the honourable trustees,
who still treated me with the utmost civility. Dined with some
serious Quakers, and preached at Kennington, and have reason to
bless God, more and more, for the order and devotion of those
that come to hear the word.[210]

[210] On the same day, Whitefield and Charles Wesley attended a
Moravian meeting at Fetter Lane. Charles says, "A dispute arose
about lay-preaching. Many, particularly Bray and Fish, were
zealous for it. Mr. Whitefield and I declared against it." (C.
Wesley's Journal.)

"Thursday, May 17. Preached, after several invitations thither,
at Hampstead Heath, about five miles from London. The audience
was of the politer sort. Most were attentive, but some mocked.

"Friday, May 18. Dined with several of the Moravian Church,
and could not avoid admiring their great simplicity, and deep
experience in the inward life. At six, I preached in a very
large open place in Shadwell, being much pressed by many to go
thither. I believe there were upwards of twenty thousand people.
At first, through the greatness of the throng, there was a
little hurry; but afterwards all was hushed and silent. Near £20
was collected for the Orphan House. Received an excellent letter
from Mr. Ralph Erskine, a field-preacher of the Scots Church, a
noble soldier of the Lord Jesus Christ.

"Saturday, May 19. Dined at Clapham with a Quaker. Preached in
the evening at Kennington Common, to about fifteen thousand
people, who were very attentive and affected.[211] Afterwards,
I spent two hours at Fetter Lane Society, where we had a most
useful conference concerning the necessity of every Christian to
have some particular calling, whereby he may be a useful member
of the society to which he belongs. We all agreed to this. For
my own part, I think if a man will not labour, neither ought he
to eat. To be so intent on pursuing the one thing needful, as
to neglect providing for those of our own households, is to be
righteous over-much.

[211] His text was, "The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee." (C.
Wesley's Journal.)

"Sunday, May 20. Went with our brethren of Fetter Lane
Society to St. Paul's, and received the holy sacrament, as a
testimony that we adhered to the Church of England. Preached
at Moorfields[212] and Kennington Common, and, at both places,
collected near £50 for the Orphan House. A visible alteration
is made in the behaviour of the people; for, though there were
near fifteen thousand in the morning, and double the number in
the afternoon, they were as quiet as though there had not been
above fifty persons present. I did not meet with a moment's
interruption. I could say of the assembly, as Jacob did on
another occasion, 'Surely God is in this place.'"

[212] On the same day, Charles Wesley writes: "I received the
sacrament at St. Paul's, with best part of our Society." (C.
Wesley's Journal.) Whitefield's sermon at Moorfields was from the
text, Luke xix. 9, 10, and was immediately published, with the
title, "An Exhortation to come and see Jesus. A Sermon preached at
Moorfields, May 20, 1739. By George Whitefield, A.B., of Pembroke
College, Oxford. London: printed for C. Whitefield, in 1739." (12mo.
14 pp.)

On Monday, May 21st, Whitefield set out on a short preaching
excursion into the three counties of Hertford, Buckingham, and
Northampton; but, before following him, it may be useful to pause,
and to ponder these marvellous extracts from the young preacher's
Journal. Are they not unique? Is there any other man, except
Whitefield, whose diary, for nineteen consecutive days, contains a
series of statements like the foregoing? There can be little doubt
that Whitefield was always in danger of over-estimating the number
of his hearers. It is one of the peculiarities of his Journal and
letters to say there were _nearly_ a certain number, rather than
to say there were _more_ than a _lower_ number. But, after making
ample deductions on this account, the crowds attending his ministry
were enormous. Dr. Trapp, during these three weeks, was doing his
utmost, in his three metropolitan churches, to bring upon Whitefield
the ridicule and contempt of the London populace; but his priestly
effort was a failure. The more Trapp denounced the preacher, the
greater were the congregations that ran to hear him. Dr. Trapp was
vigorously assisted by Dr. Hooker, the conductor of the _Weekly
Miscellany_, which was then the principal newspaper of the Church
of England. On May 5th, one of its columns was filled with "Queries
to Mr. Whitefield," concerning "Principles, Doctrines, Articles
of Faith, Motives, and Extraordinary Light," full of banter and
ridicule. On May 12, nearly two pages of the comparatively small
newspaper were used in denouncing Whitefield and his proceedings.
Speaking of Whitefield, it says:--

"Immediately after his ordination to the _priesthood_; without
a license from any bishop; contrary to all the rules of the
Christian Church; contrary to the canons and constitutions of
our own Church, which so lately gave him his orders; contrary
to the laws of the land,--he goes strolling about the kingdom,
shewing the greatest contempt for our excellent liturgy, and
all forms of prayer, and using extemporary effusions; preaching
doctrines different from those which he subscribed before the
bishop, with an unparalleled degree of vanity and vainglory;
extolling himself, and, with the most unchristian spirit of
censoriousness, undervaluing and blaming the _established_
clergy."

In reference to the immense congregations daily assembled on
Kennington Common, the same article remarks:--

"If Whitefield and the Wesleys are permitted to hold their
_conventicles_ at pleasure, and to ramble up and down, singing
psalms, and preaching in the open streets, or in the more open
fields, wanton curiosity will carry thousands to hear them;
hundreds of the ignorant multitude will innocently be corrupted;
and the preachers' vanity and enthusiasm, if possible, will be
still more inflamed by a fond imagination that their hearers are
all _admirers_, whereas most of them would as eagerly attend
any other monster equally as strange as that of a clergyman
preaching in a _gown_ and _cassock_ on a common."

On May 26, nearly two pages of the same newspaper were again filled
with virulent abuse of Whitefield. The following is an extract:--

"I am told that this unfortunate young man is _forced_ upon this
method of preaching. Hard, indeed, if it be so; but I take it
to be much harder upon _us_ that we must be _forced_ to answer
such impertinence. Have the bishops, from whom alone he ought
to take directions, _commanded_ him to turn _mountebank_? Is he
compelled by military force, or by the violence of the people,
to mount the stage? On the contrary, does he not put out _bills_
in the daily papers, and invite people to assemble together
contrary to law? I know of no force but an _internal_ one--an
impetuous impulse, from a degree of _pride and vanity_ that is
equalled by nothing but his weakness and folly."

This turbid wrathfulness was far from pleasant; but it failed in its
purpose to put an end to Whitefield's preaching in the open air, and
equally failed in diminishing the number of Whitefield's hearers.
No doubt his action was irregular; perhaps, also, in his impetuous
zeal, he sometimes indulged in censorious remarks respecting the
clergy of the Established Church. As yet he was not a Dissenter;
but his open connection with the Moravian brotherhood in Fetter
Lane, and his repeated interviews with Quakers, fairly exposed him
to the reasonable suspicion of his enemies, that he had Dissenting
proclivities. He himself seems to have seen and felt this, and hence
the somewhat ostentatious sacramental attendance at St. Paul's
on May 20th. All this must be conceded; and it must likewise be
allowed, that one of Whitefield's besetting sins, or rather one of
his infirmities, was an unconsciously indulged inflatedness of mind,
which led him (innocently enough on his own part) to the employment
of bombastic expressions, and to the utterance of sentiments often
silly, sometimes fanatical, and generally such as a more prudent and
worldly wise man would not have used. It would be idle, it would be
dishonest, to deny that his published Journals abound in such-like
faults, though they have not in the present work been quoted. But
what then? Was it right, was it fair, to treat him with so much
contempt and ridicule? His moral character was without a speck. His
intellect and literary attainments, though not equal to those of his
friend Wesley, made him immensely superior to scores and hundreds
who were enjoying rich livings in the Established Church. He had no
wish to share their ecclesiastical emoluments, but was quite content
with his mongrel parish among the swamps of far-distant Georgia.
It is true, he desired to have the use of some of their churches,
to which he was not at all entitled; but he desired even this not
for his own benefit, but rather that he might have the opportunity
of proclaiming, trumpet-tongued, some of the forgotten truths of
the word of God, and that he might collect a little money for the
orphans in Georgia. The clergy had a perfect right to deny him the
use of their churches. Perhaps, being so young a man, it was hardly
modest for him to expect the privilege of using them; but, having
no other place in which to preach, why should he not be allowed to
preach in Kingswood, at Rose Green, on Hannam Mount, in Moorfields,
on Kennington Common, and Hampstead Heath? His zeal in the cause
of Christ, and his love for the souls of men, were not fictitious.
They were divinely implanted principles, the results of a genuine
conversion, and which ought not to be repressed. Wherever Whitefield
met a man, he met a sinner redeemed by the sacrificial death of his
Divine Redeemer. As yet he had not become a Calvinist. On Kennington
Common, he felt no restraint in "offering Jesus Christ to all" the
thousands there assembled. Christ had died for them. Whitefield
longed to save them. Why should doctors of divinity, and the writers
of anonymous articles in the Church of England newspaper, dare to
hinder him?

Whitefield has mentioned his collections for the Orphan House in
Georgia; and some, considering the hugeness of his congregations,
may think them scarcely worth recording; but two other facts must
be borne in mind. The age in which Whitefield lived was not one
remarkable for its charitable contributions; and, further, money
then was at least three or four times more valuable than money now.
Multiply by such a number the amount of Whitefield's collections,
and their comparison with _some_ of the Methodist collections of the
present day will not dishonour them.

It may reasonably be asked, what was there in this youthful
evangelist to draw around him such prodigious congregations? His
warmest friends must admit that he was far from being perfect. Not
only Churchmen, but Dissenters, saw his faults. It is a curious
fact, that Dr. Doddridge, in some respects the most distinguished
Nonconformist of the age, was present at one of the Kennington
Common meetings which have been already mentioned. In a letter dated
"Epsom, May 24, 1739," he writes:--

"I saw Mr. Whitefield preaching on Kennington Common, last week,
to an attentive multitude, and heard much of him at Bath; but,
supposing him sincere and in good earnest, I still fancy that
he is but a _weak_ man,--much too positive, says rash things,
and is bold and enthusiastic. I think, what he says and does
comes but little short of an assumption of inspiration or
infallibility."[213]

[213] Doddridge's Correspondence, vol. iii., p. 381.

In this unfavourable opinion, Dr. Doddridge was not alone. Dr.
Watts, the other great Dissenter then living, in a letter dated
"August 15, 1739," wrote as follows:--

"I wish Mr. Whitefield would not have risen above any pretences
to the ordinary influences of the Holy Spirit, unless he could
have given some better evidences of it. He has acknowledged to
me in conversation that he knows an impression on his mind to be
divine, though he cannot give me any convincing proofs of it. I
said many things to warn him of the danger of delusion, and to
guard him against the irregularities and imprudences which youth
and zeal might lead him into; and told him plainly that, though
I believed him very sincere, and desirous to do good to souls,
yet I was not convinced of any extraordinary call he had to some
parts of his conduct. He seemed to take this free discourse in a
very candid and modest manner."[214]

[214] Milner's "Life and Times of Dr. Isaac Watts," p. 638.

A witness of another kind may be introduced. Samuel Johnson was
nearly of the same age as Whitefield. Both had been students
in Pembroke College, Oxford. Johnson was fallible, faulty, and
full of personal prejudices; but he was a man of great ability,
and of unblemished truthfulness. He knew Whitefield, and was
not unqualified to pronounce an opinion concerning him. That
opinion must be judged by its own merits; but being expressed by
a distinguished contemporary, it deserves attention. Boswell,
Johnson's biographer, writes:--

"Of his fellow-collegian, the celebrated Mr. George Whitefield,
he said: 'Whitefield's popularity is chiefly owing to the
peculiarity of his manner. He would be followed by crowds, were
he to wear a night-cap in the pulpit, or were he to preach from
a tree."[215] "He never drew as much attention as a mountebank
does; he did not draw attention by doing better than others,
but by doing what was strange. Were Astley to preach a sermon
standing upon his head on a horse's back, he would collect a
multitude to hear him; but no wise man would say he made a
better sermon for that. I never treated Whitefield's ministry
with contempt: I believe he did good. He devoted himself to the
lower classes of mankind, and among them he was of use. But when
familiarity and noise claim the praise due to knowledge, art,
and elegance, we must beat down such pretensions.'"[216]

[215] Boswell's "Life of Johnson," chap. xvii.

[216] Ibid., chap. xliii.

Doubtless there is truth in Johnson's opinion, that, one reason why
Whitefield had such crowds to hear him was because it was a perfect
novelty to have a clergyman of the Church of England preaching,
in gown and cassock, in the open air. It was a further novelty
to see such a clergyman standing up to preach without reading
the appointed liturgy of the Church, and using extemporaneous
prayers in lieu of it. It is also probable that Whitefield created
considerable sensation by employing language such as the clergy in
their churches were not wont to use. All this may be conceded; and
it might likewise be allowed, that, to a large extent, Dr. Trapp and
the editor of the _Weekly Miscellany_ defeated their own purposes,
and that, by their virulent attempts to dishonour Whitefield, they
helped to make him more popular. On the other hand, however, it
must be borne in mind that opinions like those of Doddridge and
Watts were widely entertained both by Churchmen and Dissenters,
and that such a fact was not likely to contribute to the largeness
of Whitefield's congregations. The reasons above assigned, for
Whitefield's popularity, may be perfectly correct, but they are not
complete; for to them must be added the following: (1) Whatever his
faults might be, Whitefield was a natural orator of the highest
order. (2) The truths which distinguished his preaching were truths
exactly adapted to the wants and yearnings of human nature,--such as
meet the necessities of human beings of all classes, in all lands,
and belonging to all ages. (3) Speaking generally, these truths,
until recently, had been forgotten, and were not preached in the
churches and chapels of England. (4) Whitefield preached them with
a fervour which shewed that he believed them. (5) Above all, in
answer to the long-continued prayers of the Religious Societies,
and by the sovereign grace of God, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter,
was now moving the masses of the people, and making them anxious
concerning their personal salvation; and, further, He was connecting
with Whitefield's ministry a "power from on high," like that which
distinguished the Apostles' ministry at Pentecost, and making it
the means of turning men "from sin to holiness, and from the power
of Satan unto God." Let the reader ponder such facts as these,
and, perhaps, his wonder will cease at the tens of thousands who
tramped from London to Kennington Common to hear the unpolished and
imperfect sermons of this youthful Methodist, whose years had not
yet reached twenty-five.

While Whitefield was preaching to his large congregations on
Kennington Common and in Moorfields, Wesley was similarly employed
at Bristol and Kingswood. It is a curious fact that, though
Whitefield was forbidden to preach in Newgate Prison, Bristol,
Wesley was admitted. Another notable incident must be mentioned. In
Bristol and its neighbourhood, Wesley was daily witnessing the most
remarkable conversions,--conversions accompanied by those mysterious
convulsions that have perplexed all his biographers. In London,
Whitefield had prodigious congregations, and his oratorical powers
were far greater than those of his friend Wesley; but where were
his conversions? His congregations were often powerfully affected;
and, on May 12th, he speaks of "many" coming to him, and telling him
"what God had done for their souls by his preaching in the fields;"
but this, in substance, is all that he himself records. Perhaps this
difference in ministerial results may be accounted for by the fact,
that nearly the whole of the conversions under Wesley's ministry
took place in the meetings of the Religious Societies, where united
prayer was always joined to scriptural exposition. On the other
hand, during this month of May, Whitefield devoted himself almost
exclusively to the work of preaching to vast crowds in the open air,
where private spiritual enquiries and united prayers for penitents
were impracticable. Besides, at the first, Whitefield strongly
objected to such conversions as his friend Wesley was witnessing;
and plainly told him that, though he doubted not that God was in the
work, yet he equally believed the devil was interposing. He wrote:--

"Were I to give so much encouragement to those convulsions as
you have given, how many would cry out every night? I think it
is tempting God to require such signs."[217]

[217] _Methodist Magazine_, 1849, p. 165.

Whitefield, however, was not without conversions; and two notable
instances must be mentioned here.

Wesley, a few months before he died, said, "Joseph Humphreys was
the first lay preacher that assisted me in England, in the year
1738."[218] Who was Joseph Humphreys? The following particulars are
gleaned from a pamphlet of forty-four pages, published in 1742, and
entitled, "An Account of Joseph Humphreys' Experience of the Work of
Grace upon his Heart. Bristol: printed by Felix Farley."

[218] Wesley's Works, vol. iv., p. 473. I incline to think this date
is not correct.--L. T.

Joseph Humphreys was born at Burford, in Oxfordshire, October 28,
1720, where his father, for nearly thirty years, was the minister
of a Dissenting congregation. Joseph was educated at a grammar
school at Fairford, in Gloucestershire. His father died in 1733;
and being, says Joseph, "uncommonly zealous in his day both for
faith and holiness, he was almost universally despised both by
Church-people and Dissenters." After his father's death, Joseph was
sent to a school in London, "where young men were trained for the
ministry." At this early period of his life, he had determined to be
a minister, and says, "I used to write sermons of my own composing,
thundering exceedingly against all _unrepenting_ sinners." "The
pupils every evening took their turns in prayer;" and Joseph thought
himself "highly blessed in having his lot cast with such pious,
serious _young men_." He was soon shocked, however, by the fact
"that these same young men indulged in light and foolish talking and
jesting, playing at draughts, fives, blindman's buff, hunt the shoe,
and such-like ludicrous games, quite unbecoming such as professed
godliness." By degrees, Joseph grew to be as light-hearted as the
rest, and, without confessing it, became an infidel. After indulging
in a frightful excess of wickedness, he again began to be religious;
and writes:--

"I was for joining the Papists, Church-people, and Dissenters of
all denominations in _one_; I was for reconciling the Arians,
Socinians, Arminians, and Calvinists altogether; I would have
had them lay aside all disputable points, and harmonize in those
things wherein they were all agreed. I liked those men who were
for reducing the _Christian Articles_ to a _few_; and if any one
called the Pope _Antichrist_, I thought he was very ignorant and
uncharitable."

In the year 1737, Joseph became a member of the Independent Church,
in London, presided over by the Rev. Dr. Guyse; but was still
unconverted. Notwithstanding this, however, on June 18, 1738, he
began to preach. Six months afterwards, Whitefield returned to
England, and Humphreys writes:--

"About this time there was great talk of Mr. Whitefield; and,
accordingly, on May 2, 1739, I went to hear him on Kennington
Common. I liked him, because he so affectionately invited poor
guilty sinners to come to Jesus Christ by faith. I afterwards
heard him several times. I felt the power of the Lord to be with
him; and was much affected to see the seriousness and tears of
many in the congregations. The flocking of the multitudes to
hear the word made me think and say, 'It was never so seen in
Israel.' One evening, as I was coming home from hearing him, I
wept exceedingly, thinking what a hearty, pious minister he was
(though educated at such a wicked place as Oxford) in comparison
of what any of us at our academy were like to be. I earnestly
sought his acquaintance; and, accordingly, one evening I supped
with him and Mr. Howell Harris, and several more brethren, at a
public-house on Blackheath, just after his preaching to a most
numerous congregation. The _public-house_ seemed to be turned
into a _church_; and to me it was like heaven upon earth. One
Sabbath-day, I think it was June 3, as we were singing a hymn at
the academy, I had such a taste of the dying love of Christ as
I never had before. My heart was quite melted, and my eyes were
a fountain of tears. When I came forth, one of the pupils asked
me what was the matter with me? I told him I was _happy_. When
another enquired the same, I signified that I _felt_ more than I
could express."

Humphreys was still a student in the Dissenting Academy (which had
been removed to Deptford), and, though he was not nineteen years
of age, yet, being intended for the ministry, he began, in the
month of the ensuing August, to preach in "a large dancing room."
He had crowded congregations, and soon formed a Religious Society
consisting of a hundred and forty members. He writes:--

"I insisted chiefly upon a sinner's justification before God,
through the Redeemer's merits; and shewed the nature, necessity,
and blessedness of it. For this, I was soon violently opposed.
I became the butt of the common people; I was _singular_ in the
school; was threatened by my tutor; dropped by most of my old
friends; deemed _beside myself_ by some; and at last, December
25, 1739, was expelled the academy, for no other crime but this."

For about a year, Humphreys found a refuge in the academy of Mr. J.
Eames, in Moorfields; and, while pursuing his studies, ministered
to the Religious Societies of Deptford, Greenwich, and Ratcliffe.
The clergy preached against him; and two pamphlets were published,
which, says he, "were not worth reading, much less answering."

"The rude mob," he writes, "treated both _me_ and the _people_
most roughly; haling us about, throwing us upon the ground,
beating us, and pelting us with stones or brickbats, rotten
eggs, apples, dung, and fireworks. Officers sent their men
to _press_ me. I was hooted at along the streets; spit upon;
called names; threatened, reviled, and belied; hated of all,
and counted the filth of the world, and the offscouring of all
things. I was frequently in danger, not only of having my eyes,
but also my brains, beat out by the large flints that were
continually thrown upon the roof of the barn where I preached."

Often while young Humphreys was preaching, numbers of his hearers
were thrown into convulsions similar to those which occurred under
Wesley's ministry at Bristol. Humphreys writes:--

"Their bodies were strangely agitated; their bones would
sometimes seem to be out of joint; their breasts would heave
prodigiously; some would bite, tear, and beat themselves, and
do mischief to others also, unless they were forcibly held
down; and some would roar hideously, crying out that the devil
was coming to fetch them, or to torment them. That it was no
_feigned_ thing, at least in _most_ of them, is most certain.
That it was occasioned in some by _sympathy_, I will not deny;
but I do really believe that in others it was occasioned by a
_discovery_ of their _undone condition_; and was followed by
_true conversion_ to the Lord. I own that the cases of some who
were _thus affected_ was so unaccountable, to this day, I am at
a stand to determine _how_ or _what_ it was. For what I know,
they might be _torn by the devil_. God might suffer Satan to be
let loose upon them for a season; generally, however, it was so
_awful_, that the beholders durst not make game of it. I only
relate matters of fact; and do not pretend to say that all were
_renewed_ or _converted_ who were _thus_ affected, for I believe
no such thing, but the contrary. Neither could I ever look upon
these things as _signs_ from heaven for the establishment or
confirmation of any particular doctrine. I rather think the case
was often this: the word of God would come with a convincing
light and power into the consciences of sinners, whereby they
were _so far_ awakened, as to be seized with dreadful terrors.
The rebellion of their natures would be raised; the peace of the
strong man armed would be disturbed; hell within would begin to
roar; the devil, that before, being unmolested, lay quiet in
their hearts, would now be stirred up, and be most outrageously
angry, because of this convincing light and power of the word.
Hence, I believe, proceeded some of these agonies of body. And
all this might be, and perhaps frequently was, without any real
change of heart; for I depend upon no such things as proofs of
a person's conversion to God. Rather let this be made manifest
by the fruits of righteousness, in all gracious tempers and
conversation, with perseverance therein unto the end.

"September 1, 1740. I began to preach at the Foundery in London,
to Mr. Wesley's congregation, and many a powerful opportunity
there was. In the _private society_ also we had many _sweet
meetings_. At this time, I had a very great intimacy with the
Rev. Mr. John Wesley. We were together almost continually night
and day. There were many things very exemplary in him--worthy,
indeed, of every minister's and every Christian's imitation.
But, on account of some important doctrines of grace wherein we
differed, I was obliged, on April 25, 1741, to separate from him.

Space forbids further details respecting Joseph Humphreys. Suffice
it to say that, in the month of May, 1741, he joined himself to
Whitefield, and acted as one of his itinerant preachers. Such he was
in the twenty-first year of his age. In the pamphlet, from which
these facts are taken, he declares himself a Dissenter. In some
respects, he was a remarkable man; and the reader will meet with him
again. The following is Wesley's summary of his life:--

"1790. September 9. I read over the experience of Joseph
Humphreys, the first lay teacher that assisted me in England,
in the year 1738. From his own mouth, I learn that he was
perfected in love, and so continued for at least a twelvemonth.
Afterwards, he turned Calvinist, and joined Mr. Whitefield,
and published an invective against my brother and me in the
newspaper. In a while, he renounced Mr. Whitefield, and was
ordained a Presbyterian minister. At last he received Episcopal
ordination. He then scoffed at inward religion, and when
reminded of his own experience, replied, 'That was one of the
foolish things which I wrote in the time of my madness.'"

At the risk of wearying the reader, another of Whitefield's
converts, belonging to this period, must be introduced.

Joseph Periam was the son of respectable parents, who appear to have
resided at Bethnal Green. Joseph had been articled to an attorney,
and intended to devote himself to the legal profession. He read
Whitefield's sermon on the New Birth, and was converted. The change
in him was so great, that his father and friends thought him mad.
The "symptoms" or proofs of his madness were three. 1. He had fasted
for a fortnight. 2. He had prayed loud enough to be heard all over
a house four storeys high. 3. He had sold his clothes and given
the money to the poor. The first of these allegations was probably
a fact exaggerated. The second, in all likelihood, was perfectly
correct. The third also was literally true; for, says Whitefield,--

"Joseph ingenuously confessed to me, that, under his first
awakenings, he was one day reading the story of the young man
whom our Lord commanded to sell all he had, and to give to the
poor, and, thinking it must be taken in the literal sense, out
of love, to Jesus Christ, he sold his clothes, and gave the
money to the poor."

For such reasons, Joseph Periam was put into the general receptacle
of all London lunatics--Bethlehem Hospital; an old edifice founded
in 1547, and standing in St. George's Fields, Lambeth. The
institution was a disgrace to all connected with it. The miserable
inmates were treated most brutally. Their terrible affliction was
turned into pecuniary profit, and the hospital received about
£400 a year, in the form of fees, collected by exhibiting the
poor maniacs, chiefly naked, and uniformly chained to the walls of
their respective dungeons. The practice of entertaining the outside
public by thus shewing the inside patients of this infernal prison
house was not abolished until the year 1770; and, even then, the
abolition was unaccompanied by any other improvement of the usage of
the unhappy sufferers.[219] If men were not mad when they entered,
there was enough to make them mad before they left.

[219] "Pictoral Handbook of London."

Joseph Periam became the occupant of No. 50 in this dismal dungeon,
miscalled an hospital. "His room," says Whitefield, "was a cold
place, without windows, and had a damp cellar under it." On
entering, Joseph's first refection was a dose of physic. Whitefield
writes:--

'Being sensible that he wanted no physic, Joseph was unwilling
at first to take it; upon which four or five men took hold of
him, cursed him most heartily, put a key into his mouth, threw
him upon the bed, and said, 'You are one of Whitefield's gang,'
and so drenched him."

Poor Periam wrote to Whitefield as follows:--

"BETHLEHEM HOSPITAL, NO. 50.

"DEAR SIR,--I have read your sermon on the New Birth, and hope
I shall always have a due sense of my dear Redeemer's goodness
to me. May Almighty God bless and preserve you, and prosper your
ministerial function! I wish, sir, I could have some explanatory
notes upon the New Testament, to enlighten the darkness of my
understanding, to make me capable of becoming a good soldier of
Jesus Christ; but, above all, I should like to see you.

"I am, dear Sir, yours affectionately with my whole heart,
"JOSEPH PERIAM."

Whitefield writes:--

"According to his request, I paid him a visit, and found him in
perfect health both in body and mind."

On the 5th of May, 1739, in the midst of his marvellous services
on Kennington Common, Whitefield received another letter from
Periam, stating that he was "surrounded with nothing but profaneness
and wickedness;" that he had to go into his "cell at seven or
eight o'clock at night, and was not let out till six or seven in
the morning;" and that, being "debarred the use of candles, and
consequently books, all that time, except what was spent in prayer
and meditation, was lost; and though these exercises were good, yet
by constant repetition, and for want of change, they were deadened."
He also asked whether his objections to being thus "imprisoned were
inconsistent or wicked, and whether he might not, without offence
to God, make use of endeavours to be discharged?" He likewise wished
to know whether, being discharged, he might, "without offence to the
gospel of Jesus Christ, follow the business of an attorney?" And,
finally, the poor fellow asked, "If I cannot be discharged by proper
application, how can I best spend my time to the glory of God and my
own and my brethren's welfare?"

To this lengthened letter, Whitefield sent the following reply:--

"_May 7, 1739._

"DEAR SIR,--The way to salvation is by Jesus Christ, who is the
Way, the Truth, and the Life. The way to Christ is by faith.
'Whosoever liveth and _believeth_ in me,' says our Lord, 'though
he were dead, yet shall he live.' But this faith, if it is
saving faith, will _work_ by love. Come, then, to Jesus Christ
as a poor sinner, and He will make you a rich saint. This, I
think, serves as an answer to your first query.

"It is, no doubt, your duty, whilst you are in the house, to
submit to the rules of it; but, then, you may use all lawful
means to get yourself out. I have just now been with your
sister, and will see what can be done further. _Watch and pray._

"As for the business of an attorney, I think it unlawful for a
Christian; at least, exceeding dangerous. Avoid it, therefore,
and glorify God in some other station.

"I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

On May 9, Periam wrote again to Whitefield as follows:--

"My father was with me last night, when I shewed him your
letter. I told him, I utterly renounced the business, of an
attorney. He then asked me what profession I chose; which I
submitted to him, on condition it might prove agreeable to the
will of God. He was pleased to say, he thought me not mad, but
very well in my senses, and would take me out, if Doctor Monro
and the committee were of his opinion. Then he varied again, and
thought it convenient for me to stay the summer, and to take
physic twice a week, fearing a relapse. I told him, as a father,
he should be obeyed; but when, at parting, he mentioned my
leaving religion, I was somewhat stirred in my spirit, and told
him nothing should prevail upon me to leave Jesus Christ.

"This is the substance of what passed between us. Upon the whole
matter, sir, God gives me perfect resignation, and, I trust,
when He shall see fit, will discharge me. I find His love daily
more and more shed abroad in my heart. All things will work
together for my good. If opportunity will let you, I should be
glad to see you before you set out for America. May Almighty
God, in His infinite goodness, prosper, guide, and protect
you through this transitory life, and hereafter receive you
triumphantly into the heavenly Jerusalem, there to converse
with, and see the ever-blessed Jesus!"

Your loving and sincere friend,
"JOSEPH PERIAM."

"Upon reading this," says Whitefield, "I was sensibly touched
with a fellow-feeling of his misery; and, at my request, Mr.
Seward and two more friends waited upon the committee. But,
alas! they esteemed my friends as much mad as the young man,
and frankly told them, both I and my followers were insane.
My friend Seward urged the examples of the young persons, who
called the prophet, that was sent to anoint Jehu king, a mad
fellow; of our Lord, whom His own relations, and the scribes and
Pharisees, took to be mad; and of Festus's opinion of St. Paul.
He further urged, that, when young people were under their first
awakenings, they were usually tempted by the devil to run into
some extremes. In the midst of the conference, the committee
mentioned Periam's going to Georgia, and said, if I would take
him with me, they would engage that his father should give leave
to have him released. A day or two after, Mr. Seward waited
upon his father, who gave his son an excellent character, and
consented to his going abroad. After this, he waited upon the
doctor, who pronounced him well; and, on May 19th, he waited
again upon the committee, who behaved very civilly, and gave the
young man a discharge. He is now with me, and I hope he will be
an instrument of doing good. The hardships he has endured at
Bethlehem will, I hope, prepare him for what he must undergo
abroad."

Thus was Joseph Periam put into an execrable madhouse; and thus was
he taken out. It is not necessary to trace his subsequent career;
and this apparently long digression will be pardoned, when it is
remembered that, at the time, Periam's case caused great excitement,
and that it occupied a prominent position in a hostile pamphlet,
of ninety-six pages, entitled "The Life of the Rev. Mr. George
Whitefield, by an Impartial Hand."

It is time to return to Whitefield in London. In the midst of his
unequalled popularity, he wrote to his friend Harris, of Gloucester,
as follows:--

"LONDON, _May 10, 1739_.

"DEAR MR. HARRIS,--The hour for my imprisonment is not yet come.
I am not fit as yet to be so highly honoured. God only knows the
treachery of my heart; but, amidst all my late success, I have
scarce felt one self-complacent thought. I speak this to the
honour of God's free grace.

"In about three weeks, God willing, we embark for Pennsylvania.
The trustees have granted to me land, and everything upon my own
terms. The officers and general are exceeding kind to my friend
Habersham, upon my account, so that all things succeed beyond my
expectations.

"Ever, ever yours,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield's expectation of sailing so soon was not realized. On
May 21, he left London, and reached Hertford, between eight and
nine o'clock at night. His fame had gone before him, and, late as
was the hour, he preached, on a common near the town, to four or
five thousand hearers. Next morning, he preached in the same place,
to nearly as large a congregation; then he breakfasted with a
Dissenting minister; and then proceeded to Olney, where he arrived
about ten p.m. Being denied the use of the church pulpit, he, on the
day following, "preached in a field, near the town, to about two
thousand people." At five in the evening, he reached Northampton,
and "was most courteously received by Doctor Doddrige," the famous
Dissenting minister; and, "at seven, according to appointment,
preached, on a common, to about three thousand hearers." On
Thursday, May 24, he "preached again in the same place, at about
eight in the morning, but to a much larger audience." He then
hastened back to Olney, and, in the midst of an incessant rain,
preached "upon an eminence in the street." At seven in the evening,
he got to Bedford, and says, "I found the town fully alarmed. About
eight, I preached from the stairs of a windmill (the pulpit of my
dear brother and fellow-labourer, Mr. Rogers),[220] to about three
thousand people. Friday, May 25, preached at seven in the morning to
rather a larger congregation than before. Reached Hitchin about one
o'clock; and, at two, got upon a table in the market-place, near the
church; but some were pleased to ring the bells in order to disturb
us. Upon this, we removed into the fields; but, the sun beating
intensely on my head, I became exceedingly sick, and was obliged,
in a short time, to break off. I lay down for about two hours, and
then came and preached near the same place, and God was with us.
It was surprising to see how the hearts of the people were knit to
me. I could have continued longer with them; but, being under an
engagement to go to St. Albans, I hastened thither, but could not
preach on account of my coming in so late. Great numbers had been
there expecting me; and it grieved me to think how little I could
do for Christ." The people of St. Albans, however, were not wholly
disappointed; for, at seven next morning, he preached, in a field,
to about fifteen hundred people; and then "got safe to London by two
in the afternoon." In the evening of the same day, his congregation
on Kennington Common numbered "about fifteen thousand."

[220] The Rev. Jacob Rogers had been curate of St. Paul's, Bedford.
Whitefield says, "he has lately been thrust out of the synagogues
for speaking of justification by faith, and the new birth, and has
commenced a field-preacher. Once he was shut in prison for a short
time; but thousands flock to hear him, and God blesses him more and
more. I believe we are the first professed ministers of the Church
of England, who, without cause, are excluded from every pulpit."
A year afterwards, Mr. Rogers joined Ingham, in Yorkshire; and,
finally, became a Moravian. (See "The Oxford Methodists," pp. 115,
116, and 122.)

Thus did Whitefield spend the six days between Sunday, May 20,
and Sunday, May 27. The toil of travelling was not a trifle; but,
besides this, a dozen sermons were delivered, and all in the open
air. Whitefield writes:--

"Blessed be God! this has been a week of fat things: many
sinners convicted; and many saints much comforted, and
established in their most holy faith. I find there are some
thousands of secret ones yet living amongst us, who have not
bowed the knee to Baal; and this public way of acting brings
them out. It much comforts me, wherever I go, to see so many of
God's children, of all communions, come and wish me good luck in
the name of the Lord. I perceive the people would be everywhere
willing to hear, if the ministers were ready to teach them the
truth as it is in Jesus. Lord, do Thou spirit up more of my dear
friends and fellow-labourers to go out into the highways and
hedges, to compel poor sinners to come in! Amen!"

The _Weekly Miscellany_--the recognized newspaper of the Church
of England--could not allow even this brief country excursion to
pass unnoticed. On June 2, it had a short article to the following
effect:--

"On Tuesday last week, Mr. Whitefield called at Hitchin, on
his way to Bedford, and, at the desire of several Dissenters,
was prevailed on to return there on Friday last, at which time
several hundred Dissenters of that parish, and the neighbouring
Dissenters, attended him; but, being denied the use of the
church, he mounted a table in the market-place, on which the
bells were set a-ringing. He afterwards returned to the place of
execution, and, according to his usual method, sung a psalm, and
began to harangue his auditors from, 'We would see Jesus;' but,
being overcharged----, he was obliged to break off abruptly."

There can be no doubt, that, not only at Hitchin, but throughout the
whole of this week's tour, the Dissenters were Whitefield's chief
auditors; but the sneer at the end of the extract just given, was
a foul and filthy falsehood, altogether unworthy of the Church of
England's chief newspaper.

Being returned to London, Whitefield resumed his field-preaching
with as much zest as ever. On Sunday morning, May 27, he preached,
for nearly two hours, "to about twenty thousand at Moorfields."
During the day, he "went twice to public worship, and received
the blessed sacrament." In the evening, at Kennington Common, he
addressed a congregation of thirty thousand.

The following are extracts from his Journal:--

"Monday, May 28. Preached, after earnest and frequent
invitation, at Hackney, in a field belonging to Mr. Rudge,
to about ten thousand hearers. I insisted much upon the
reasonableness of the doctrine of the new birth, and the
necessity of our receiving the Holy Ghost, in His sanctifying
gifts and graces, as well now as formerly; and I could not help
exposing the impiety of those letter-learned teachers, who say,
we are not now to receive the Holy Ghost, and who count the
doctrine of the new birth, enthusiasm. Out of your own mouths
will I condemn you, you wicked blind guides. Did you not, at
the time of ordination, tell the bishop, that you were inwardly
moved by the Holy Ghost, to take upon you the administration of
the Church? Surely, at that time, you acted the crime of Ananias
and Sapphira over again. You lied, not unto man, but, unto God."

Thus did Whitefield openly attack the clergy of his own Church; for
the Journal containing this was immediately published, and, before
the end of the year 1739, passed through three editions. No wonder
that there were clerical replies of an angry sort. It was unwise,
for so young a man, to make such assaults; and, in many instances,
the castigations he received were not unmerited. His business was
not to annoy and irritate the clergy; but to preach forgotten
truths, and to convert sinners.

"Tuesday, May 29. Went to public service at Westminster Abbey.
Afterwards despatched business for my orphans, and preached, at
Kennington, to a most devout auditory, with much sweetness and
power.

"Wednesday, May 30. Waited upon the Bishop of Bristol,[221]
(who treated me with the utmost civility,) and received his
lordship's benefaction for Georgia. At the request of many, I
preached, in the evening, at Newington Common, to about fifteen
thousand people. The word came with power; and, seeing a great
multitude, I thought proper to collect for the Orphan House; and
£16 9s. 4d. were gathered on that occasion.

[221] Bishop Butler, the celebrated author of "The Analogy of
Religion, natural and revealed, to the Constitution and Course
of Nature." The bishop's "benefaction for Georgia" was five
guineas.

"Thursday, May 31. I preached at Kennington, to my usual
congregation; and three of my brethren in the ministry were
pleased to accompany me, which filled the people with exceeding
great joy.

"Friday, June 1. Dined at Old Ford, and gave a short exhortation
to a few people in a field. In the evening, preached at a
place called Mayfair, near Hyde Park Corner. The congregation,
I believe, consisted of near eighty thousand people. It was,
by far, the largest I ever preached to yet. In the time of my
prayer, there was a little noise; but they kept a deep silence
during my whole discourse. A high and very commodious scaffold
was erected for me to stand upon; and God strengthened me to
speak so loud, that most could hear, and so powerfully, that
most, I believe, could feel. All love, all glory be to God
through Christ!

"Saturday, June 2. Sent another Quaker to be baptized by Mr.
Stonehouse. Collected, by private contributions, nearly £50
for the orphans. In the evening, preached at Hackney to about
ten thousand; and £20 12s. 4d. were gathered for the same
objects.

"Sunday, June 3. Preached at Moorfields to a larger congregation
than ever, and collected £29 17s. 9d. for the Orphan House.
Went twice to public worship, and received the sacrament.
Preached in the evening at Kennington Common, to the most
numerous audience I ever yet saw in that place, and collected
£34 5s."[222]

[222] Charles Wesley, who seems to have been present, designates the
congregation "an innumerable multitude." _The Craftsman_, of June 9,
says, On Sunday night, Mr. Whitefield preached his farewell sermon
at Kennington Common, and collected £34 5s. for the Orphan House in
Georgia. The total sum collected by him for several charities is as
follows:--For the Orphan House, £966; for the poor in general, £150;
for erecting a church for the Saltzburghers, £77; total, £1193.

This, for the present, was Whitefield's farewell sermon on
Kennington Common. During the last five weeks, he had preached
twenty-one times in this open-air cathedral; the crowds who had
flocked to hear him were marvellous; upon the whole there had
been no disturbances worth mentioning; God had abundantly blessed
the young preachers' labours; and the services throughout had
astonished, not only Whitefield, but likewise Whitefield's friends
and enemies. The scene, when, on June 3, he took his leave of this
memorable spot, was profoundly affecting. He writes:--

"When I mentioned my departure from them, the people were melted
into tears. Thousands of ejaculations and fervent prayers were
poured out to God on my behalf, which gave me abundant reason to
be thankful to my dear Master. O what marvellous great kindness
has God shewn me in this great city! Indeed, I have seen the
kingdom of God come with power."

At this point, Whitefield concluded his "Journal from his Arrival at
London to his Departure from thence on his way to Georgia." This,
as already stated, was immediately published. All the important
facts in it have been narrated. Many juvenile reflections on passing
occurrences, and imprudent remarks respecting himself, have been
omitted. They were perfectly artless, and in an _unpublished_
journal would have been innocent. It is difficult to determine
whether Whitefield did right or wrong by giving his Journals to the
public. No doubt, they were read with the utmost avidity by his
friends; and it can hardly be questioned that they were, in many
instances, the means of arousing slumbering piety. They are also of
essential service to Whitefield's biographers, and no adequate life
of the great preacher can be written without a liberal use of them.
On the other hand, however, they created enormous prejudices against
the Methodists in general, and, as will soon be seen, brought upon
Whitefield in particular an amount of personal abuse almost without
parallel.

Before leaving the subject, it must be added that Whitefield's
two Journals of his "Voyage from London to Savannah in Georgia,"
extending from December 28, 1737, to May 7, 1738, were printed by
his injudicious friends, without his knowledge, in 1738. During the
year 1739, three other Journals were published by himself. 1. The
"Journal from his Arrival at Savannah to his Return to London."
(8vo. 38 pp.) 2. His "Journal from his Arrival at London to his
Departure from thence on his Way to Georgia." (8vo. 115 pp.) In both
instances the printer was James Hutton, the Moravian. The title of
the last mentioned, however, is not correct, for (through no fault
of his) Whitefield did not embark for Georgia until ten weeks after
he preached his farewell sermon on Kennington Common. Hence, 3.
During the same year, appeared the following: "A Continuation of the
Reverend Mr. Whitefield's Journal during the Time he was detained in
England by the Embargo." (8vo. 40 pp.) This extended from June 4 to
August 3, 1739; and from it and from other sources of information
the following facts are gleaned.

It has been already stated that Dr. Trapp's "fourth and last Sermon
against Mr. Whitefield and the Methodists," was preached on Sunday,
May 20. Soon after this, Whitefield published the following: "A
Preservative against unsettled Notions, and want of Principles, in
regard to Righteousness and Christian Perfection. An explanatory
Sermon on that mistaken text, 'Be not righteous over-much, neither
make thyself over-wise: why shouldest thou destroy thyself?' Being
a more particular Answer to Dr. Trapp's four Sermons upon the same
text than have yet been published. By George Whitefield, A.B., of
Pembroke College, Oxford. London: printed for G. Whitefield, in the
year 1739." (12mo. 33 pp.)

In all respects, this was an unwise publication. Prefixed to it is
a somewhat egotistic and ostentatious address, "To all the true
members of Christ's holy Church," in which Whitefield says:--

"As the whole of this great nation seems now more than ever
in danger of being hurried into one or other of these equally
pernicious extremes--irreligion or fanaticism--I thought myself
more than ordinarily obliged to rouse your, perhaps, drowsy
vigilance, by warning you of the nearness of your peril. Take
the friendly caution I give you in good part, and endeavour to
profit by it. Be mindless of me, and attend wholly to the saving
truths I here deliver to you from the mouth of God Himself. Of
this only be persuaded, that they are uttered by one who has
your eternal salvation as much at heart as his own."

The chief faults, however, of this sermonic pamphlet are its pious,
but personal abuse of Dr. Trapp. The minister of the four churches
of St. Leonard's, St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, Christ Church, and
Harlington, merited rebuke; but Whitefield's epithets and strictures
were of greater service to Dr. Trapp than to the man who wrote them.
With all his faults, Dr. Trapp was a distinguished man. At different
periods of his life, he had been Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford;
in the same college he had been appointed to the first Birkhead
professorship of poetry; he had filled the office of chaplain to Sir
Constantine Phipps, Lord Chancellor of Ireland; and he had published
several poetical and other works, of one of which the University of
Oxford had marked their approval, by conferring upon him the degree
of D.D. Further, he was now in his sixtieth year, and therefore
much more than twice the age of Whitefield. His attack on young
Whitefield had been fierce, almost savage; Whitefield's retaliatory
attack was what? The reader must judge for himself. Whitefield
writes:--

"This earthly-minded minister of a new gospel has taken a
text which seems to favour his naughty purpose of weaning the
well-disposed little ones of Christ from that perfect purity
of heart and spirit which is necessary to all such as mean to
live in our Lord Jesus. O Lord, what shall become of the flock
when their shepherds betray them into the hands of the ravenous
wolf! when a minister of Thy word perverts it to overthrow Thy
kingdom, and to destroy Scripture with Scripture! Solomon, in
the person of a desponding, ignorant, indolent liver, says to
the man of righteousness: 'Be not righteous over-much, neither
make thyself over-wise. Why shouldest thou destroy thyself?'
But must my poor, angry, over-sighted brother Trapp, therefore,
personate a character so unbecoming his function, merely to
overthrow the express injunction of the Lord to us, which
obliges us never to give over pursuing and thirsting after the
perfect righteousness of Christ till we rest in Him? Father,
forgive him, for he knows not what he says! Oh, what advantage
might not Satan gain over the elect, if the false construction
put upon this text by that unseeing teacher should prevail!
Yet though he blushes not to assist Satan to bruise our heel,
I shall endeavour to bruise the heads of both, by shewing the
genuine sense of the text in question."

Having given what he conceives to be "the genuine sense," Whitefield
proceeds:--

"This is the true, genuine sense of the text, and every other
sense put upon it is _false_ and _groundless_, and wrested
rather to pervert than to explain the truth. O Christian
simplicity, whither art thou fled? Why will not the clergy
speak the truth? And why must this false prophet suffer thy
people to believe a lie, because they have held the truth in
unrighteousness? Raise up, I beseech Thee, O Lord, some true
pastors, who may acquaint them with the nature and necessity of
perfect righteousness, and lead them to that love of Christian
perfection which the angry-minded, pleasure-taking Dr. Trapp
labours to divert them from, by teaching that 'all Christians
must have to do with some vanities.' Lord, open his eyes, and
touch his heart, and convert him, and all those erring ministers
who 'have seen vain and foolish things for Thy people, and have
not discovered their iniquity to turn away their captivity.'
For 'they have erred through wine, and through strong drink are
out of the way; the priest and the prophet have erred through
strong drink, they are swallowed up of wine, they are out of the
way through strong drink, they err in vision, they stumble in
judgment.'"

"It is not surprising to see a man of this cast of mind making a
vain ostentation of his little superficial acquaintance with the
ancient Greeks and Romans. What is this but acting conformably
to his principle, that _all Christians must have to do with
some vanities_? And shall we wonder to hear such an one prefer
their writings, to those of an apostle; or be astonished to
see him wound the apostle with raillery for wishing to 'know
nothing but Jesus Christ, and Him crucified'? No; with him it
is consistency to laugh and reprove you out of the _perfection
of righteousness_, which, however he may play with terms, is
with him the same as being _righteous over-much_. What will not
men advance who are drunk with passion, and intoxicated with
self-love! To such lengths does the love of the world hurry
these self-fond, merry-making worldlings. What wonder is it
that lovers and strugglers after the _perfect righteousness_ of
Christ should be charged with _enthusiasm_, with _folly_, with
_fanaticism_ and _madness_? Can you be amazed at it, in an age
'when all manner of vice abounds to a degree almost unheard
of'? when 'the land is full of adulterers,' and when, 'because
of swearing, the land mourneth'? Oh, how is the faithful city
become a harlot! Oh, how 'my heart within me is broken!' Because
of the clergy, 'all my bones shake! I am like a drunken man, and
like a man whom wine hath overcome; because of the Lord, and
because of the words of His holiness,' perverted by this deluded
clergyman. When the clergy become teachers of worldly maxims,
what can be expected from the laity?"

"Such is the language which the indolent, earthly-minded,
pleasure-taking clergy of the Church of England use to
strengthen the hands of evil-doers. Such is the doctrine of the
letter-learned divine, who has dipped his pen in gall to decry
_perfect righteousness_. But suffer not yourselves to be deluded
by him. As I have already shewn you, he is grossly (Lord, grant
he was not maliciously!) mistaken in his manner of explaining
this text. He acts the character of a vain libertine, full of
self-love and earthly desires. May I not--yea, must I not--warn
you, that this man is an enemy to _perfect righteousness_ in
men through Christ Jesus, and therefore _no friend_ to Christ?
Oh that my head were an ocean, and my eyes fountains of tears,
to weep night and day for this poor creature, this hoodwinked
member of the clergy!"

This is quite enough. It is a painful task to adduce such extracts;
but it would not be honest to withhold them. Whitefield's impetuous
character, and the immense number and extreme violence of the
publications against him and against the Methodists in general,
cannot be understood without them. Whitefield's "Answer to Dr.
Trapp's Four Sermons" was unworthy of him. It was an outburst of
petulant irritation, all the more offensive because arrayed in the
garb of piety. It did no good either to Whitefield or the cause of
Christ. It, and similar attacks, to be noticed shortly, brought
upon him and his fellow-Methodists an enormous amount of personal
abuse. No doubt, many of the clergy of the Church of England were
"indolent, earthly-minded, and pleasure-taking;" but this was not
the way to mend them. Whitefield's mission was not to rail against
the clergy, but to convert sinners. The only excuses that can be
made for him are, that he was young; that he was naturally impetuous
and imprudent; that he had been greatly irritated; and that,
perhaps, he was somewhat thrown off his balance by the unequalled
popularity to which he had attained.

Having taken a formal leave of his congregations on Kennington
Common, Whitefield, on June 4, proceeded to Blackheath. He writes:
There was nearly as large a congregation as there was at Kennington
yesterday. My discourse was nearly two hours long, and the people
were so melted down, and wept so loud, that they almost drowned my
voice. I could not but cry out, 'Come, ye Pharisees, come and see
the Lord Jesus getting Himself the victory.'"

Next morning, Whitefield preached on Bexley Common, "to about three
hundred people; and, in the evening, near Woolwich, to several
thousands;" and spent the night with Mr. Delamotte, of Blendon.

On June 6, he did what he had not been allowed to do for some time
past,--read prayers, and preached in two churches; in the morning,
at Bexley, by invitation of the vicar, the Rev. Henry Piers; and in
the evening, in a church adjoining Gravesend. "I have no objection,"
he writes, "against the excellent Liturgy of our Church, but highly
approve of it, if ministers would lend me their churches to use it
in. If not, let them blame themselves, that I pray and preach in the
fields."

During these three days spent at Blackheath, Blendon, Bexley, and
Gravesend, Whitefield was accompanied by Charles Wesley, who says:--

"Monday, June 4. I stood by G. Whitefield while he preached on
the mount in Blackheath. The cries of the wounded were heard
on every side. What has Satan gained by turning him out of the
churches?

"Tuesday, June 5. I was with him at Blendon. Bowers and Bray"
(two prominent Moravians) "followed us thither, drunk with the
spirit of delusion. George honestly said, 'They were two grand
enthusiasts.'

"Wednesday, June 6. Above sixty of the poor people had passed
the night in Mr. Delamotte's barn, singing and rejoicing. I sang
and prayed with them before the door. George's exhortations left
them all in tears."

These were strange scenes, but want of space forbids comment.

Charles Wesley returned to London, and had a tussle with the
Moravians. Two men, John Shaw and William Fish, were insolently
zealous. "Shaw pleaded for his spirit of prophecy;" and accused
Charles "with love of preeminence," and "with making proselytes
twofold more children of the devil than before." Fish said Charles
was delivered over unto Satan; and both he and Shaw declared
themselves no longer members of the Church of England. Charles was
also greatly annoyed by a mad prophetess, who had sprung up among
the brethren. Whitefield heard of all this, and wrote as follows to
the London Moravians:--

"BLENDON, _June 12, 1739_.

"MY DEAR BRETHREN IN CHRIST,--I am jealous over you with a godly
jealousy. I find more and more that Satan has desired to have
some of you in particular, that he may sift you as wheat, and,
if possible, divide and separate you all. I hear there is a
woman among you, who pretends to the spirit of prophecy; and,
what is more unaccountable, I hear that Brother B---- (Bray?)
seems to approve of her. You have great need, therefore, to try
the spirits, whether they be of God. The devil is beginning to
mimic God's work, and is now transforming himself into an angel
of light, in order more effectually to gain his point. I cannot
but think that Brother ---- is at present under a spirit of
delusion. He, as well as Brother ----, I believe, imagines there
will be a power given to work miracles, and that now Christ
is coming to reign a thousand years upon the earth. But what
need is there of miracles, such as healing sick bodies, when
we see greater miracles every day done by the power of God's
Word? Why should we tempt God in requiring further signs? As
for our Lord's coming at this time to reign upon the earth, I
answer, 'It is not for us to know the times and seasons, which
the Father hath put in His own power.' That a great work is
begun is evident; that it will be carried on, I doubt not; but
how it will end, I know not, neither do I desire to know. It is
sufficient for me to do the work of the day in its day, and to
rest satisfied in this, that all end in God's glory.

"My dear brethren, be not offended at this plainness of speech.
I would all the Lord's servants were prophets; but then, I would
not have people think themselves prophets of the Lord, when they
are only enthusiasts. If Mr. ---- is actuated by a good spirit,
why is he not patient of reproof? Why does he fly into a passion
when contradicted? Why does he pretend to be infallible, and
that God always speaks in him?

"Pure unfeigned love causes me to use this freedom. Many of you
God has worked upon by my ministry, and, therefore, I would not
have you ignorant of Satan's devices. O beware of him at this
time. Do not conceive prejudices against each other. Do not
dispute, but love. Purge out the old leaven from amongst you.
Build up each other in your most holy faith. My dear brethren, I
am your common servant in our dear Lord Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

This is not the place to detail, at greater length, the wranglings
between the Moravians and the Methodists; but, after this, with
the exception of attending a Moravian love-feast on June 25, and a
Society meeting on August 1, Whitefield seems to have had no further
connection with the Brethren.

On June 7, Whitefield preached again in the church near Gravesend,
and in Mr. Piers's church at Bexley; and, on the two following days,
at Bexley, Charlton, and Dulwich. He was invited to Charlton by the
Earl and Countess of Egmont, who entertained him "with the utmost
civility."

On June 10, Whitsunday, he writes:--

"Preached with more power than ever, and assisted in
administering the sacrament to about two hundred communicants
in Bexley Church.[223] Dined, gave thanks, and sang hymns at
Mr. Delamotte's. Preached with great power, in the evening,
on Blackheath, to above twenty thousand people, and collected
£16 7s. for the orphans. After sermon, I went to the _Green
Man_, near the place where I preached, and continued till
midnight instant in prayer, praise, thanksgiving, and Christian
communion. I believe there were fifty or sixty of us in all; and
numbers stood by as spectators. Many of them watched unto prayer
and praise all night."

[223] The Rev. Henry Piers was a warm-hearted friend of Whitefield
and the Wesleys; and a more detailed account of him may be given
hereafter. At present, suffice it to say, that, nine days after this
service at Bexley Church, the Archbishop of Canterbury expressly
forbad Mr. Piers to allow either Whitefield or the Wesleys to
preach in his church again. Mr. Piers obeyed the _letter_ of this
injunction--that is, his _pulpit_ was closed against them; but not
his _reading desk_, nor his _communion place_.

This was a unique scene, in a public house, on the night of
Whitsunday; but Whitefield writes:--

"I think it every Christian's duty to be particularly careful
to glorify God in places where He is most dishonoured. Some can
sing the songs of the drunkard in public houses; others can
spend whole nights in chambering and wantonness; why should
Christians be ashamed to sing songs of the Lamb, and spend
nights in devotion?"

The sermon preached at Bexley was founded upon John vii. 37-39, and
soon after was published with the following title: "The Indwelling
of the Spirit, the Common Privilege of all Believers. A Sermon
preached at the Parish Church of Bexley, in Kent, on Whitsunday,
1739. By George Whitefield, A.B., of Pembroke College, Oxford.
London: printed for C. Whitefield, in the year 1739." (12mo. 26
pp.) Two or three extracts from it will help to convey an idea of
the style of Whitefield's preaching at this important period of his
history, and of his apparent severity towards the clergy of the
Established Church.

Having laid down the doctrine, that the indwelling of the "Holy
Spirit is the common privilege and portion of believers in all
ages," he proceeds:--

"I am astonished that any who call themselves members, much
more, that many who are preachers of the Church of England,
should dare so much as open their lips against this. And yet,
with grief I speak it, persons of the Established Church seem to
be more generally ignorant of it than any Dissenters whatsoever.
But, good God! my dear brethren, what have you been doing? How
often have your hearts given your lips the lie! How often have
you offered God the sacrifice of fools, and had your prayers
turned into sin, if you approve of, and use our excellent
Church Liturgy, and yet deny the Holy Spirit to be the portion
of all believers! Oh that I had no reason to speak it! but
many, who use our forms, talk and preach against the necessity
of receiving the Holy Ghost now, as well as formerly; and not
only so, but cry out against those who do insist upon it, as
_madmen_, _enthusiasts_, _schismatics_, and _underminers_ of the
Established Constitution.

"But you are the schismatics, you are the bane of the Church of
England, who are always crying out, '_the temple of the Lord,
the temple of the Lord_;' and yet starve the people out of our
communion, by feeding them only with the dry husks of dead
morality. We subscribe to our Articles, and make them serve for
a key to get into Church preferment, and then preach contrary to
these very Articles to which we have subscribed. Far be it from
me to charge all the clergy with this hateful hypocrisy. No,
blessed be God! there are some left among us who dare maintain
the doctrines of the Reformation, and preach the truth as it is
in Jesus. But the generality of the clergy are fallen from our
Articles, and do not speak agreeable to them, or to the form
of sound words, delivered in the Scriptures. Woe be unto such
blind leaders of the blind! How can you escape the damnation of
hell? Not all your learning (falsely so called), nor all your
preferments, can keep you from the just judgment of God. Yet a
little while, and we all shall appear before the tribunal of
Christ. There, there will I meet you. There Jesus Christ, that
great shepherd and bishop of souls, shall determine who are
the false prophets, who are the wolves in sheeps' clothing. But
I can no more. It is an unpleasing task to censure any order
of men, especially those who are in the ministry; nor would
anything excuse it but necessity; that necessity which extorted
from our Lord Himself so many woes against the scribes and
Pharisees, the letter-learned rulers and teachers of the Jewish
Church. And surely if I could bear to see people perish for lack
of knowledge, and yet be silent towards those who keep from them
the key of true knowledge, the very stones would cry out."

Whitefield brought upon himself great opprobrium by frequently
designating the carnal and unconverted man "a motley mixture of
brute and devil." One of the earliest uses of this strong expression
occurs in the sermon from which the foregoing extract has been
selected; and, as the following is a good specimen of the plain,
powerful language the young preacher used, no excuse is needed for
its insertion.

"O man! whosoever thou art that deniest the doctrine of original
sin, if thy conscience be not scared as with a hot iron, tell me
if thou dost not find thyself, by nature, to be a motley mixture
of brute and devil? I know these terms will stir up the whole
Pharisee in thy heart; but stop a little, and let us reason
together. Dost thou not find that, by nature, thou art prone to
pride? Otherwise, wherefore art thou now offended? Again, dost
not thou find in thyself the seeds of malice, revenge, and all
uncharitableness? And what are these but the very tempers of the
devil? Again, do we not all, by nature, suffer ourselves to be
led by our natural appetites, always looking downwards, never
looking upwards to that God, in whom we live, move, and have our
being? And what is this but the very nature of the beasts that
perish? Out of thy own heart, therefore, will I oblige thee to
confess, what an inspired apostle has long since told us, that
the whole world, by nature, lies in the wicked one, that is, the
devil; and that we are no better than those whom St. Jude calls
_brute beasts_; for we have tempers, by nature, that prove to
a demonstration that we are altogether earthly, sensual, and
devilish."

One more extract must suffice. It presents Whitefield in another
aspect,--pathetically and lovingly entreating sinners to be
reconciled to God:--

"When Joseph was called out of the prison-house to Pharaoh's
court, we are told, he stayed some time to prepare himself; but
do you come with all your prison clothes about you. Come, poor,
and miserable, and blind, and naked, as you are; and God will
receive you, with open arms, as He did the prodigal. O let there
be joy in heaven over some of you believing. Let me not go back
to my Master, and say, Lord, they will not believe my report.
Believe me, I am willing to go to prison or death for you; but
I am not willing to go to heaven without you. The love of Christ
constrains me to lift up my voice like a trumpet. My heart is
now full. Out of the abundance of the love which I have for your
precious and immortal souls, my mouth now speaketh. Why should
I despair of any? No, I can despair of no one, when I consider
Jesus Christ has had mercy on such a wretch as I am. However you
may think of yourselves, I know that, by nature, I am but half a
devil, and half a beast. The free grace of Christ prevented me.
He saw me in my blood; He passed by; and said unto me, '_Live!_'
And the same grace, which was sufficient for me, is sufficient
for you also. Come, then, my guilty brethren, come and believe
on the Lord who brought you with His precious blood. Look up by
faith, and see Him whom you have pierced. Behold Him bleeding,
panting, dying. Behold Him with arms stretched out ready to
receive you all."

Remembering that these are perfectly fair specimens of Whitefield's
preaching, it is difficult to account for his enormous popularity.
There is no genius, no poetry, no learning, no elaborate exposition,
no profundity of thought, no embellishment of language, no
anecdotes, no dramatic illustrations. There is much that is
familiar, a little that is coarse, and more of egotism than is
seemly in a young man of twenty-four. But, notwithstanding all this,
Whitefield's popularity was unequalled.

The visit to Blackheath and its neighbourhood--in all respects a
pleasant one--extended to nearly a fortnight, and Whitefield's
principal home was the house of Mr. Delamotte at Blendon. Of course,
he preached daily, sometimes in Mr. Piers's church at Bexley,
occasionally at Dulwich, often at Blackheath, and two or three
times to a few "gentlemen and ladies," in Mrs. S----'s house, at
Lewisham. On one occasion, after he had preached in Bexley Church,
he helped to administer the sacrament to nearly three hundred
communicants, most of whom had followed him from London. Again and
again, on Blackheath, his congregations consisted of twenty thousand
people. Here, on Thursday, June 14, John and Charles Wesley came to
see him. John Wesley had been preaching out of doors, at Bristol
and at Kingswood; but, up to the present, he had avoided such an
ecclesiastical irregularity in London. He writes:--

"June 14. I went with Mr. Whitefield to Blackheath, where were,
I believe, twelve or fourteen thousand people. He a little
surprised me, by desiring me to preach in his stead; which I
did (though nature recoiled) on my favourite subject, 'Jesus
Christ, who of God is made unto us wisdom, righteousness,
sanctification, and redemption.' I was greatly moved with
compassion for the rich that were there, to whom I made a
particular application. Some of them seemed to attend, while
others drove away their coaches from so uncouth a preacher."

Whitefield was delighted that Wesley had dared to copy his example,
not only in Bristol, but in London. "I went to bed," says he,
"rejoicing that a fresh inroad was made into Satan's territories, by
Mr. Wesley's following me in field-preaching as well in London as in
Bristol. The Lord give him ten thousand times more success than He
has given me!"

The step was taken. Three days afterwards, Wesley began his wondrous
outdoor ministry in Moorfields and at Kennington Common; and, a week
after that, urged by Whitefield, Charles Wesley "broke down the
bridge, became desperate," went forth in the name of Jesus Christ,
found near ten thousand helpless sinners waiting for the word, in
Moorfields, and preached to them from Matt. xi. 28. At night, on
Kennington Common, he "cried to multitudes upon multitudes, 'Repent
ye, and believe the gospel.'" "The Lord," says high-church Charles,
"was my strength, and my mouth, and my wisdom."

Thus did the three great Methodists become outdoor preachers.
Whitefield was not with his friends on either of the Sundays when
they commenced to preach in Moorfields and at Kennington. On the
first Sunday, June 17, he had a glorious day among his friends in
Kent. He began by preaching in Bexley Church. Then he assisted
in administering the Lord's supper. Next, he baptized an adult,
twenty-eight years of age. Then he dined with the Delamottes at
Blendon, "and took sweet counsel with many Christian friends." After
this, he "preached to above twenty thousand people at Blackheath;"
and, Sunday though it was, finished up by again having supper, and
holding a meeting at the Green Man public-house. He writes: "There
were nearly three hundred in the room. I continued in exhortation
and prayer till eleven o'clock, and then retired to bed, much
pleased to think that religion, which had long been skulking in
corners, and was almost laughed out of the world, should now begin
to appear abroad, and openly shew herself at noonday."

Thus was Whitefield occupied on the day when Wesley, for the first
time, preached in Moorfields and at Kennington Common. And what
about the ensuing Sunday, June 24, when Charles Wesley dared to copy
John's example? Whitefield shall tell his own story. He writes:--

"Sunday, June 24. Read prayers, and assisted in administering
the sacrament at Bexley Church. Many came from far, and expected
to hear me preach; but the diocesan had been pleased to insist
on the vicar's denying me the pulpit. Whether for just cause,
God shall judge at the last day. If we have done anything worthy
of the censures of the Church, why do not the Right Reverend
the Bishops call us to a public account? If not, why do they
not confess and own us? They say it is not regular, our going
out into the highways and hedges, and compelling poor sinners
to come in. We ought not _so_ to beseech them to be reconciled
to God. They desire to know by what authority we preach, and
ask, What sign shewest thou that thou doest these things? Alas!
what further sign would they require? We went not into the
fields till we were excluded the churches. And has not God set
His seal to our ministry in an extraordinary manner? Have not
many that were spiritually blind received their sight? Have not
the deaf heard? the lepers been cleansed? the dead been raised?
That these notable miracles have been wrought, not in our own
names, or by our own powers, but in the name and by the power
of Jesus Christ, cannot be denied--and yet they require a sign!
But verily there shall no other sign be given to this evil and
adulterous generation!

"Preached in the afternoon to about three hundred people, in
Justice Delamotte's yard; and, in the evening, on Blackheath, to
upwards of twenty thousand, on these words, 'And they cast him
out.' God grant we may learn, when we are reviled, not to revile
again! When we suffer, may we threaten not, but commit our souls
into the hands of Him that judgeth righteously! Lord, endue us
with the spirit of Thy first martyr, St. Stephen, that we may
pray most earnestly for our very murderers!"

The sermon just mentioned was probably the same as one which was
soon after published, with the following title:--"The Spirit,
Doctrines, and Lives of our Modern Clergy, not conformable to
the Spirit of Christ. A Sermon preached at Islington and Bexley.
By George Whitefield, A.B., of Pembroke College, Oxford. London:
printed for C. Whitefield, in the year 1739." (12mo. 33 pp.) The
text was, Luke iv. 29, "And they thrust him out of the city."

Rightly to understand Whitefield's position, a few extracts from
this notable sermon are necessary.

"My brethren, if we will live godly, we must suffer persecution.
We must no more expect to go to heaven without being persecuted,
than to be happy without being holy. If you lead godly lives,
all the sons of Belial, all the scribes and Pharisees, will
hate you, and have you in reproach. They will point at you, and
cry, 'See, yonder comes another troop of his followers! There
are more of his gang!' You are counted as a parcel of ignorant
people, poor rabble, who are deceived by a vain young upstart
babbler, by a madman, one who is running into enthusiastic
notions, and endeavours to lead all his followers into his mad
way of thinking. The Pharisees may wonder what I mean by talking
of persecution in a Christian country; but, if they had their
will, they would as willingly put our feet in the stocks, shut
us up in prison, and take away our lives, as they have thrust us
out of their synagogues. But let not that discourage you from
hearing the word of God; for Jesus Christ can meet us as well in
a field, as between church walls."

"If you were of the world--if you would conform to the ways,
manners, and customs of the world--if you would go to a play,
or ball, or masquerade, the world would then love you, because
you would be its own. But, because you despise their polite
entertainments, and go to hear a sermon in the field, and will
not run into the same excess of riot as others, they esteem
you as methodically mad, and fit only for Bedlam. If you would
frequent horse-racing, assemblies, and cock-fighting, then you
would be caressed and admired by our gay gentlemen; but your
despising these innocent diversions, (as the world calls them,)
makes them esteem you as a parcel of rabble, of no taste, who
are going to destroy yourselves by being over-righteous. If you
would join them in singing the song of the drunkard, they would
think you a good companion; but because you are for singing
hymns, and praising the Lord Jesus Christ, they think you
enthusiasts. Indeed, our polite gentry would like religion very
well, if it did but countenance an assembly, or allow them to
read novels, plays, and romances; if they might go a-visiting
on Sundays, or to a play or ball whenever they pleased. In
short, they would like to live a fashionable, polite life,
to take their full swing of pleasures, and go to heaven when
they die. But, if they were to be admitted to heaven without a
purification of heart and life, they would be unhappy there.
It would be a hell to them. Angels and all good men would be
esteemed enthusiasts and madmen. Heaven might be agreeable, if
there were the same polite entertainments there, as they seem
so much pleased with here; but there is never a horse-course or
cock-pit all over heaven."

The same sermon contains a violent philippic against the clergy
of the Established Church. Whitefield accuses them of thrusting
him out of their churches, and of depriving him "of the rights and
privileges which" he "ought to enjoy." This was petulance. He had
no _right_ to preach in other men's churches. The clergy might be
discourteous in closing their churches against a young man recently
appointed to the living of Savannah in Georgia; but it is difficult
to conceive how such an act deprived him of his "rights and
privileges." No doubt, many of the clergy were unconverted; their
lives worldly; and their sermons short, jejune, and often heterodox;
but Whitefield's preaching _at_ and _against_ them was not the best
way to make them better. He proceeds:--

"Is it becoming a minister of the Church of England to frequent
those places of polite entertainment, which are condemned by all
serious and good men? Is it not inconsistent with all goodness
for ministers to frequent play-houses, balls, masquerades? Would
it not better become them to visit the poor of their flock,
to pray with them, and to examine how it stands with God and
their souls? Would it not be more agreeable to the temper of
the blessed Jesus, to be going about doing good, than going
about setting evil examples? How frequent is it for the poor
and illiterate people to be drawn away more by example than by
precept? How frequent is it for them to say, 'Sure there can
be no crime in going to a play, or to an ale-house,--no crime
in gaming and drinking, when a minister of our own Church does
this.' This is the common talk of poor, ignorant people, who
are too willing to follow the examples of their teachers. The
examples of the generality of the clergy occasion many persons,
committed to their charge, to run to the devil's entertainments.
Good God! are these the men who are charging others with making
too great a noise about religion?"

Enough! It is a curious fact that the sermon, from which these
extracts are taken, is not included in Whitefield's collected works.
Perhaps it was wisely omitted. It would have done no honour to its
author, and been no benefit to its reader. Still it was preached,
printed, published, sold, and read in 1739, and was one of the
things which contributed to bring upon Whitefield and the Methodists
the rage of both the pulpit and the press of that period.

It has been already stated, that, on the same day that this sermon
was delivered on Blackheath, Whitefield also preached "to about
three hundred people in Justice Delamotte's yard." His text in
the "yard" was Hebrews iv. 9. The sermon, or rather incoherent
address, founded upon this scripture, was likewise published, with
the following title: "An Exhortation to the People of God not to
be discouraged in their way, by the Scoffs and Contempt of Wicked
Men. A Sermon preached in Mr. Delamotte's Yard, at Blendon Hall,
near Bexley. By George Whitefield, A.B., of Pembroke College,
Oxford. London: printed for C. Whitefield, in the year 1739."
(12mo. 12 pp.) The general tone of the "Exhortation" is the same as
that of the sermon on Blackheath. It was an unwise act to commit
such productions to the press; but, being published, they must be
noticed. Under the shadow of the magistrate's mansion, the excited
young orator exclaimed:--

"Here we are scoffed and derided; but be not discouraged. Though
we are here the scorn and offscouring of all things, we are
as a gazing-stock to men and angels. They put us out of their
synagogues, and look upon us as persons unfit for their company;
but in that rest, which is prepared for you, we shall be gazed
at for our glory, and they be shut out of the church of saints,
and separated from us, whether they will or no, unless the Lord
Jesus Christ, by His free, rich, and sovereign grace, brings
them unto Himself. The letter-learned scribes and Pharisees
of the day look on us as madmen and enthusiasts. They think
it strange that we run not with them into all excess of riot,
and speak evil of us because we will not go to the devil's
diversions with them. We cannot go along the street, but every
one is pointing out his finger with scorn, and crying, 'Here
comes another of his followers.' 'What! are you, too, become one
of his disciples?' Let none of these things move you. Though you
are thus treated here, you will have no discouraging company in
heaven. You will have no scoffer there. You will not be counted
enthusiasts, madmen, and rabble there. Undergo a few reproaches
here patiently. Do not revile them again. Let them say what they
please of me; the reproaches, and scorn, and contempt of this
world will no ways hurt me, but will turn upon their own heads.
Therefore, I beseech you, do not answer them again; but leave it
to the Lord, who knows what is best for you and me."

During his visit to the Delamotte family at Blendon Hall, Whitefield
had a run into Herts and Essex. His five days' evangelistic
tour was full of incidents. He went to Hertford at the earnest
request of many of the people there. The "Baptist teacher" of the
town sent his horse to London to bring him. He was visited by
Quakers. He "breakfasted, dined, prayed, and sung hymns with Mr.
S----, a Dissenting minister." He preached thrice, his respective
congregations numbering from three to five thousand people each.

By invitation, also, he "hasted to Broad-Oaks, about twenty miles
from Hertford." Here a family resided divided against itself. Some
of the family were converted, and were "most violently opposed and
persecuted," by others who were not. The clergyman had been employed
by the opponents to cure the religionists of their madness, and,
among other things, he had preached against them. Whitefield went
to strengthen and to comfort the new converts; and says, "I spent
the most heavenly night I have known for a long while. We found
the sweets of opposition, and rejoiced greatly in the prospect of
suffering for Christ's sake. I believe the saints of old had never
so much comfort as when they were obliged to shut the doors for fear
of the Jews, and to hide themselves in dens and caves of the earth."

While at Broad-Oaks, Whitefield was visited by William Delamotte,
son of the magistrate residing at Blendon Hall. William had become
a Moravian, and was now a student in Cambridge University. The
following account of him and of his family will be read with
interest. Whitefield writes:--

"To increase our satisfaction," at Broad-Oaks, "Mr. Delamotte,
a convert of Mr. Ingham's, came from Cambridge to meet us. He
is scandalously opposed at that University. The students make
him a proverb of reproach, and abuse him in the rudest manner.
He has been forbid coming into one college; and two or three
who associate with him have been threatened by their tutors
for keeping him company. And here I cannot but remark what
wonderful mercies God has shewn this Mr. Delamotte's family.
About three or four years ago, God was pleased to touch the
heart of his brother Charles, who, hearing that Mr. Wesley was
going to Georgia, (though his father would have settled him
in a very handsome way,) offered to go abroad with him as a
servant. His parents' consent was asked; but they, and almost
all their relations, opposed it strenuously. However, the young
man being resolute, and convinced that God called him, they
at length somewhat consented. He went abroad, lived with Mr.
Wesley, served under him as a son in the gospel, did much good,
and endured great hardships for the sake of Jesus Christ. Behold
how God rewarded him for leaving all. While he was absent, God
was pleased to make use of the ministry of Mr. Ingham and Mr.
Charles Wesley in converting his mother, two sisters, and this
young gentleman at Cambridge; who, I pray God, may stand as a
barrier against the profaneness, debauchery, lukewarmness, and
deism of that seat of learning, and prove both a Barnabas and
Boanerges in the Church of England."

Whitefield's prayerful anticipations respecting William Delamotte
were scarcely realized. Within four years after this, the young man
died.[224]

[224] "Oxford Methodists," p. 85.

Whitefield spent two happy nights at Broad-Oaks; and during the
day-time preached twice at Saffron-Walden, once at Thaxted, and once
at Bishop-Stortford. He returned to the Delamotte's at Blendon in
sufficient time to preach his famous sermon against the clergy on
June 24th.

In most, probably in all, of these journeys and open-air services,
Mr. William Seward was Whitefield's companion. The following extract
from a long letter written to the Rev. Thomas Seward, at Genoa, will
be welcome:--

"BLENDON, IN KENT, _June 16, 1739_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--By God's providence, we are not yet
embarked for Georgia, so I have had the pleasure of receiving
your kind and well-meant answer. I knew my letter would surprise
you. I should have been surprised myself, had I been in your
circumstances. Before long, I hope we shall all be of one mind.
My brother Benjamin once opposed, as you do; but, blessed be
God, he is now become a fool for Christ's sake.

"On my own behalf, I cannot sufficiently praise God for
bringing me out of that darkness in which you left me, into His
marvellous light. I know you imagined me to be a true Christian
before you embarked, and so I thought myself. But I was almost a
stranger to the doctrines of the Spirit of God, of regeneration,
and of justification by faith only; nor do I remember to have
heard any of them preached or explained by our clergy. I prayed,
went to church, and gave alms; but why and wherefore I knew not.
I knew little or nothing of a _vital faith in Jesus Christ_.
I obeyed God and Christ in part, but not universally. I hated
sin, but had not dominion over it. You say, my dear brother,
that 'if a man who believes in Christ, and obeys God, is not a
Christian, what is Christianity?' But the question is, what this
_belief_ may be? Not a bare _historical_ assent to the truths
and facts recorded in the Scripture, (for this is _only the
faith of devils_,) but a _vital faith_ wrought in the heart by
the blessed Spirit of God, and productive of good works. This is
a _faith_ I never fully felt before Mr. Charles Wesley expounded
the seventh of Romans, and I cannot but always honour him as an
instrument in God's hand of shewing me the true way of salvation
by Jesus Christ. You may call this _Quakerism_, or what you
please; but I know it is the faith which Christ and His apostles
preached.

"You pray, my dear brother, that we may return to the Church
of England. We are not _dissenting_ from it; neither are
the Methodists, as the world, in derision, calls them. They
constantly preach up the articles, collects, homilies, and
liturgies of our own Church. But here lies the truth of the
matter. The doctrines of the _Reformation_ have lain a long
while dormant. The generality of our English clergy have sadly
fallen from them. God has raised up some to preach the truth as
it is in Jesus, and as held by our Church. He has set His seal
to their ministry. They have made abundantly more converts
than those zealous atheists you mentioned. The pleasure,
preferment-loving clergy envy their success, and, therefore,
are confederate against them. Perhaps you may think this
uncharitable; but I think I speak the truth in Christ.

"I am far from being bigotted to the Methodists, or to Mr.
Whitefield in particular, out of a blind zeal. I will follow him
no farther than he follows Christ. I believe him to be a sincere
good minister of Jesus Christ. You do not seem to think so. Who
wants charity, you or I? 'By their fruits ye shall know them,'
says our Lord. Do the other clergy bring forth such fruit?
You seem to reflect on me for going round the kingdom with
such a knight-errant as Whitefield. I wish you had used milder
terms. But, my dear brother, may I not justly turn the tables
upon yourself, and reflect on you for leaving your flock, and
travelling merely for profit, or little else? Perhaps you may
answer, you have committed your flock to the care of a curate.
But may I not reply to you, as St. Bernard did once on a like
occasion, 'Will your curate be damned for you?' Do not charge
others with being righteous over-much, before you can prove you
are righteous enough yourself. Return home, my dear brother;
watch diligently that flock committed to your care; catechize
and visit from house to house; live as Christ lived; teach as He
taught; leave off hunting after preferment, and cease to please
the polite world; and then I will think you a proper person to
judge whether the Methodists are enthusiasts or not.

"Excuse me, my dear brother, this seeming severity. Love for
God, love for you, constrains me to use this freedom. Yet a
little while, and I embark for Georgia. I have settled my
worldly affairs, and have taken care of my dear child. God has
begun a good work in our house. I believe He will carry it on.
He has given me my brother Benjamin, and will He not give me my
brother Thomas also? I am, your affectionate, though weak and
unworthy brother in Christ,

"WILLIAM SEWARD."

It has been already stated that, on the 14th of June, Wesley
was with Whitefield on Blackheath, and preached to Whitefield's
congregation. Four days afterwards, Wesley returned to Bristol, and,
a week later, Whitefield addressed to him the following important
letter. The two friends on some points differed in their opinions.
Whitefield disapproved of the "convulsions" of Wesley's converts
in Bristol. And again, though no Calvinism can be found in any of
the sermons which Whitefield as yet had published, it is evident,
from the subjoined epistle, that already he was inclined to the
predestinarian creed.

"LONDON, _June 25, 1739_.

"HONOURED SIR,--I cannot think it right in you to give so much
encouragement to those convulsions which people have been thrown
into under your ministry. Were I to do so, how many would cry
out every night! I think it is tempting God to require such
signs. That there is something of God in it, I doubt not. But
the devil, I believe, does interpose. I think it will encourage
the French Prophets,[225] take people from the written word, and
make them depend on visions, convulsions, etc., more than on the
promises and precepts of the gospel.

[225] For an elaborate account of the French Prophets, see
Southey's Life of Wesley, chapter viii.

"Honoured sir, how could you tell that some who came to you
'were in a good measure sanctified?' What fruits could be
produced in one night's time? 'By their fruits,' says our Lord,
'shall ye know them.'

"I hear, honoured sir, that you are about to print a sermon
against predestination.[226] It shocks me to think of it. What
will be the consequences but controversy? If people ask my
opinion, what shall I do? I have a critical part to act. God
enable me to behave aright! Silence on both sides will be best.
It is noised abroad already that there is a division between you
and me, and my heart within me is grieved. Providence to-morrow
calls me to Gloucester. If you will be pleased to come next
week to London, I think, God willing, to stay a few days at
Bristol. Your brother Charles goes to Oxon. I believe we shall
be excommunicated soon. May the Lord enable us to stand fast in
the faith, and stir up your heart to watch over the soul of,
honoured sir, your dutiful son and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[227]

[226] This sermon afterwards was published, and entitled "Free
Grace." It occasioned a breach in Whitefield's and Wesley's
friendship, as will be seen in subsequent pages.

[227] _Methodist Magazine_, 1849, p. 165.

Wesley did not come to London; but, as will soon be seen, Whitefield
went to Bristol. Meanwhile, the young Georgian clergyman was one of
the most notorious men in England. Even the _Gentleman's Magazine_,
in its number for the month of June, inserted a laudatory poem "on
Mr. Whitefield's preaching," in which Whitefield's sermons are
contrasted with the sermons of the Arians, and wonder is expressed
that the people should object to Whitefield's doctrines. With
indignant feeling the versifier writes:--

"No words for such a preacher are too bad;
Enthusiast, babbler, and a fool run mad!"

The _Weekly Miscellany_ hardly allowed a week to pass without
fulminating its wrath against the open-air preacher. In the month of
May, the Rev. Josiah Tucker,[228] a young man of eight-and-twenty,
curate of All Saints', Bristol, but afterwards a doctor of divinity,
and Dean of Gloucester, proposed three "queries" to Whitefield. In
the month of June, an anonymous friend deigned to answer them. This
increased the young curate's angry indignation, and he immediately
replied, accusing Whitefield of propagating "blasphemous and
enthusiastic notions which struck at the root of all religion, and
made it the jest of those who sat in the seat of the scornful." He
also related, rightly or wrongly, that "Whitefield, by his friends,
prevented the printing of his" (Tucker's) "queries in the _Bristol
Journal_;" and, instead of replying to them, wrote a letter telling
the querist "very lordly and laconically, 'My motto is, Answer him
not a word.'" Mr. Tucker continues, "He has, likewise, pronounced
sentence against me, 'That while I remain in this way of thinking,
he absolutely despairs of meeting me in heaven;' and says he can
produce two cobblers in Bristol who know more of true Christianity
than all the clergy in the city put together."

[228] Dr. Tucker rose to great eminence by his numerous
publications, which, oddly enough, were principally on political and
commercial subjects. He died in 1799, aged eighty-eight.

Whitefield had dared to preach at Charlton, in close proximity to
Greenwich, and this aroused Dr. Skerret, who published a corrective
sermon, for the safety of his flock, with the following title: "The
Nature and Proper Evidence of Regeneration; or, the New and Second
Birth: considered in a Sermon preached in the Parish Churches of
East Greenwich, in the County of Kent, upon Whitsunday, and St.
Peter the Poor, London, on Trinity-Sunday, 1739. By Ralph Skerret,
D.D., Chaplain to the Right Honourable Henry Earl of Grantham.
London, 1739." (8vo, 36 pp.) In his preface, Dr. Skerret accuses
Whitefield and his friends as "restless deceivers of the people;"
as "subtle and designing men;" and says "they break in upon
all relative duties, and the benefits of social life, by daily
assembling themselves in troops, upon hills and the neighbouring
commons, under a vain pretence of serving God more acceptably. But
all such service is contrary to common decency, unanimity, and good
order, and is a contempt of the established places of worship in
their own parishes."

The celebrated Dr. Byrom met Whitefield in London, at the end of
June; and, in a letter to his wife, observed:--

"While we were at Cousin W. Chad's last night, the so much
talked of Mr. Whitefield came in. He stayed about a quarter of
an hour and then took coach to Gloucestershire. I am surprised
at the progress which he has made, to which the weakness of his
printing adversaries does not a little contribute. He had lords,
dukes, etc., to hear him at Blackheath, who gave guineas and
half-guineas for his Orphan House. He does surprising things,
and has a great number of followers, both curious and real.
This field-preaching, they say, is got into France, as well as
Germany, England, Scotland, Wales, etc. People are more and more
alarmed at the wonder of it, but none offer to stop it, that I
hear of."[229]

[229] Dr. Byrom's "Private Journal and Literary Remains," vol. ii.,
pp. 246, 249.

Scraps like these are useful as helping to exhibit young
Whitefield's notoriety. He must now be tracked to the west of
England.

One of the kindest and most faithful friends of Whitefield and the
Wesleys was Mr. Ebenezer Blackwell, a banker in Lombard Street,
London. Mr. Blackwell had already joined the Methodists; and
Whitefield, on arriving at Cirencester, wrote to him the following
characteristic letter, now for the first time published:--

"CIRENCESTER, _June 27, 1739_.
"DEAR MR. BLACKWELL,--Last night, God brought us hither in
safety. I have now a few moments' leisure. How can I employ
them better than in writing you? I almost envy you, because,
when I left you, you were sick. Glorious lessons, dear sir, may
you learn from such a visitation. It may remind you of the much
greater sickness and disorder of your soul, and give you an
excellent opportunity of retiring in order to prepare yourself
for the buffetings of a ridiculing world. Ere I return, I expect
to hear you are stigmatized, not only in Lombard Street, but, in
all the places round about. For Christ's servants have always
been the world's fools. And, if you will live godly in Christ
Jesus, you, even you, must suffer persecution. But you know
in whom you have believed. He is able and willing to deliver
you. Go on, therefore, my dear friend, in the strength of
Christ. Make mention of His righteousness only. Give Him your
heart--your whole heart. Cleave to Him by faith in His blood;
and then you may bid men and devils defiance. Oh! Mr. Blackwell,
I would not have you a Demas for the world. But away with all
such thoughts. I cannot bear them. Dearest Mr. Blackwell, I am
ever yours in our Lord Jesus Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD.

"P.S.--My most hearty love to Brother Sparks, Horn, etc."

This, probably, was the first Methodist letter received by the
Lombard-street banker.

Whitefield's proceedings, during the next few days, are sketched in
the following extracts from his Journal:--

"Wednesday, June 27. I waited on the minister of Cirencester,
and asked him for the use of his pulpit; but he refused it,
because I had not my letters of orders. Went to public worship
at eleven; and preached to about three thousand people, in
a field near the town, at twelve. Was afterwards visited by
several gracious souls of the Baptist congregation, who brought
me five guineas for the Orphan House. About seven in the
evening, I reached Gloucester, and visited the Society, and
expounded for an hour to more people than the room would contain.

"Thursday, June 28. Preached in the morning to about a thousand
people in my brother's field. Went to public prayers at the
cathedral. Waited upon the bishop, who received me very civilly.
Visited some sick persons in the afternoon. Preached at night to
upwards of three thousand.

"Friday, June 29. Preached in my brother's field in the morning
to a large and very affected congregation. Went to the cathedral
service. Visited some religious friends; and preached to above
three thousand souls in the street at Painswick.[230] All was
hushed and silent. The Divine Presence was amongst us.

[230] It is, to say the least, surprising that the congregations
at Cirencester and at Painswick should each number three
thousand people. Even in 1801, the entire population of the
former place was only 4130; and of the latter, 3150. Assuming
Whitefield's figures to be correct, there must have been great
gatherings of people from the surrounding neighbourhoods.

"Saturday, June 30. Preached in the morning, in the
bowling-green at Stroud, to near two thousand people; and in
the evening, at Gloucester, to a larger and more affected
congregation than ever.

Thus ended another eventful month. On Sunday, July 1, Whitefield
preached not fewer than four times. First, in his brother's field at
Gloucester, at seven o'clock in the morning; and next at Randwick,
a village about seven miles from Gloucester, where he was allowed
to preach, both forenoon and afternoon, in the parish church. "The
church," says he, "was quite full, and about two thousand were in
the churchyard, who, by taking down the window behind the pulpit,
had the conveniency of hearing. Many wept sorely." At the conclusion
of the afternoon service, he hastened to Hampton Common, where,
he writes, "To my great surprise, I found no fewer than twenty
thousand, on horseback and foot, ready to hear me. I spoke with
greater freedom than I had done all the day before. About twelve at
night, I reached Gloucester, much fresher than when I left it in the
morning."

Notwithstanding his hard day's work, Whitefield preached next
morning, in his "brother's field, to a larger audience than ever."
He then went off to Tewkesbury. As soon as he arrived, four
constables, sent by the bailiff of the town, came either to arrest
or frighten him. One of Whitefield's friends, a lawyer, requested
the constables to shew their warrant. The officious quaternion had
no warrant to exhibit, and hence the lawyer "sent them about their
business;" and Whitefield, notwithstanding their threats, preached
in a field to a congregation of two or three thousand people.
Next morning, the preacher waited upon the bailiff, and asked him
why he had sent the constables, with their staves, to arrest him.
The bailiff threw the responsibility of his foolish act upon the
town council; but added, that "a certain judge" had threatened to
apprehend Whitefield "as a vagrant," if he dared to preach near the
place where he resided. "The judge," said Whitefield, "is welcome to
do as he pleases; but no magistrate, I conceive, has power to stop
my preaching, even in the streets." "No, sir," replied the bailiff;
"and if you preach here to-morrow, you shall have the constables
to attend you." "After this," says Whitefield, "I took my leave,
telling him to be careful to appoint constables to attend at the
next horse-races, balls, and assemblies."

From Tewkesbury, Whitefield proceeded to Evesham. Here again the
magistrates threatened to apprehend him if he "preached within their
liberties." Accordingly, to prevent this, he preached thrice from a
wall near Benjamin Seward's house, his congregations consisting of
thousands.

On Wednesday, July 4, after breakfasting with a Quaker, Whitefield,
accompanied by about thirty of his friends, left Evesham for
Pershore, whither he had been invited by the incumbent, the
Rev. Mr. Parks. Having read prayers and preached in Mr. Parks's
church, Whitefield writes: "About five in the evening, I took an
affectionate leave of Evesham friends, and, in company with about
one hundred and twenty on horseback, went to Tewkesbury, and never
saw a town so much alarmed. The streets were crowded with people
from all parts. I rode immediately through the town, and preached to
about six thousand hearers in a field, but saw no constables either
to molest or attend on me. Immediately after sermon, I took horse,
and reached Gloucester near midnight."

This was a marvellous scene, in a quiet country town of between
three and four thousand inhabitants. Think of a cavalcade, numbering
more than a hundred persons, with a young clergyman at their head,
riding, on a fine evening in summer, from ten to twelve miles--from
Evesham to Tewkesbury--and all the way making the welkin ring with
the singing of "psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs." No wonder
that Tewkesbury was, if not "alarmed," yet excited; and no wonder
that the Christian equestrians drew after them a congregation of six
thousand people.

Whitefield had preached thrice, and had ridden between thirty and
forty miles, and had not reached Gloucester till nearly midnight;
but, notwithstanding this, he preached again at Gloucester next
morning, and then set out to join his friend Wesley at Bristol.
Arriving in the evening at Chafford Common, about eight miles from
Gloucester, he found a congregation of more than ten thousand people
awaiting him, and preached to them about two hours, "till it was
nearly dark."

On the following morning, July 6, he resumed his journey; and,
when approaching Bristol, was met by numbers of his friends. As he
entered, the bells of the city were set a-ringing. "I was received,"
says he, "as an angel of God; and, at seven in the evening, preached
at Baptist Mills to about six or seven thousand people."

Three months had elapsed since he left Bristol and Kingswood to
the care of Wesley; and in the interval strange scenes had been
witnessed. Wesley, the high-churchman, had followed Whitefield's
example, by regularly preaching in the open-air. Under his ministry,
large numbers had been convinced of sin. Many of them had been
thrown into violent convulsions, and not a few had found peace
with God. Wesley had been permitted to preach in Newgate, from
which Whitefield had virtually been expelled. He had commenced
building, in the Horse Fair, Bristol, the first Methodist meeting
house. He had conveyed the property to eleven trustees; but, at
Whitefield's remonstrance, and by mutual consent, the trust deed
had been destroyed, and the management of the building was now
entirely in Wesley's own hands. He had also begun to build the
school at Kingswood, for which, on March 29, Whitefield had made the
first collection; and the site of which, on April 2, Whitefield had
consecrated, by kneeling upon a loose stone, and praying "that the
gates of hell might not prevail against the colliers' design."

Of course, Wesley met Whitefield, and went with him to Baptist
Mills, where, says the former, "he preached concerning 'the Holy
Ghost, which all who believe are to receive;' not without a just,
though severe, censure of those who preach as if there were no Holy
Ghost." Wesley continues:--

"Saturday, July 7. I had an opportunity to talk with Mr.
Whitefield of those outward signs which had so often accompanied
the inward work of God. I found his objections were chiefly
grounded on gross misrepresentations of matter of fact. But the
next day, he had an opportunity of informing himself better; for
no sooner had he begun, in the application of his sermon, to
invite all sinners to believe in Christ, than four persons sunk
down close to him, almost in the same moment. One of them lay
without either sense or motion. A second trembled exceedingly.
A third had strong convulsions all over his body, but made no
noise, unless by groans. The fourth, equally convulsed, called
upon God with strong cries and tears. From this time, I trust,
we shall all suffer God to carry on His own work in the way that
pleaseth Him."

So much as it respects Wesley. What did Whitefield say? He writes:--

"Saturday, July 7. Settled some affairs concerning our brethren,
and had a useful conversation about many things with my honoured
friend Mr. John Wesley. Dined at my sister's. Preached at
Baptist Mills, to near the same number of people as last night,
and found that Bristol had great reason to bless God for the
ministry of Mr. John Wesley. The congregations I observed to be
much more serious and affected than when I left them; and their
loud and repeated Amens, which they put up to every petition,
as well as the exemplariness of their conversation in common
life, plainly shew that they have not received the grace of
God in vain. That good, great good, is done is evident. Either
this is done by an evil or good spirit. If you say by an evil
spirit, I answer in our Lord's own words, 'If Satan be divided
against Satan, how can his kingdom stand?' If by a good Spirit,
why do not the clergy and the rest of the Pharisees believe
our report? It is little less than blasphemy against the Holy
Ghost to impute the great work, that has been in so short a time
wrought in this kingdom, to delusion and the power of the devil."

On Sunday, July 8, Whitefield preached thrice--first, at the Bowling
Green, Bristol, "to about ten thousand people;" next, at Hannam
Mount, to nearly the same number; and, in the evening, at Rose
Green, to about twenty thousand.

On Tuesday, July 10, he writes:--

"Preached yesterday evening, at the Brick-yard, to about eight
thousand people. Dined to-day with my honoured fellow-labourer,
Mr. Wesley, and many other friends, at Two-mile Hill, in
Kingswood, and preached afterwards to several thousand people
and colliers, in the school-house, which has been carried on so
successfully, that the roof is ready to be put up. The design,
I think, is good. Old as well as young are to be instructed. A
great and visible alteration is made in the behaviour of the
colliers. Instead of cursing and swearing, they are heard to
sing hymns about the woods; and the rising generation, I hope,
will be a generation of Christians. They seem much affected by
the word, and are observed to attend the churches and societies,
when Mr. Wesley is absent from them. Went immediately after
sermon was ended, with Mr. Wesley and several other friends, to
Bath, and preached to about three thousand people. It rained a
little all the while, but the people were patient and attentive.
Heard to-day, also, that the town clerk of Bristol did my
brother Wesley and me the honour to desire the grand jury, at
their quarter-sessions, to present our meetings, and to have
the Riot Act read, but they did not regard him. Nay, one, who
was called to serve on the petty jury, offered to submit to any
fine rather than do anything against us; who, he said, were true
servants of Jesus Christ.

"Wednesday, July 11. Preached" (at Bath) "in the morning, to
a larger audience than last night. Hastened to Bristol, and
preached, in the evening, at Baptist Mills. After this, my
brother Wesley and I went to the Women and Men's Societies,
settled some affairs, and united the two leading Societies
together.

"Thursday, July 12. Was busy most of the day in preparing a
sermon for the press, on 'The Indwelling of the Spirit,' which
I would recommend to all. Preached, in the evening, to eight or
nine thousand people, in the Bowling Green.

"Friday, July 13. Preached my farewell sermon, at seven in
the morning, to a weeping audience. My heart was full, and I
continued near two hours in prayer and preaching. The poor
people shed many tears, and sent up thousands of prayers on my
behalf. Their mites they most cheerfully contributed to the
school-house at Kingswood. Retired after sermon to vent my
heart, which was ready to burst with a sense of God's special,
distinguishing, repeated mercies."

Thus, for the present, ended Whitefield's ministry in Bristol, for
he was not there again until nearly two years afterwards. Wesley
writes:--

"July 13. In the afternoon, I left Bristol with Mr. Whitefield,
in the midst of heavy rain. But the clouds soon dispersed, so
that we had a fair, calm evening, and a serious congregation at
Thornbury."

Before following the two friends, an important incident must be
mentioned. The reader has already learned, that, from the first,
good Bishop Benson had been Whitefield's friend; but, on the day
Whitefield left Gloucester for Bristol, he received a letter from
the bishop, "in which," says he, "his lordship affectionately
admonished me, and expressed the opinion that I ought to preach the
Gospel only in the congregation to which I was lawfully appointed."

To this affectionate admonition, Whitefield returned the following
answer:--

"BRISTOL, _July 9, 1739_.

"MY LORD,--I thank your lordship for your lordship's kind
letter. My frequent removes from place to place prevented my
answering it sooner.

"I am greatly obliged to your lordship, in that you are pleased
to watch over my soul, and to caution me against acting contrary
to the commission given me at ordination. But, if the commission
we then receive obliges us to preach nowhere but in that parish
which is committed to our care, then all persons act contrary to
their commission when they preach occasionally in any strange
place; and, consequently, your lordship equally offends when you
preach out of your own diocese.

"As for inveighing against the clergy, without a cause, I deny
the charge. What I say, I am ready to make good whenever your
lordship pleases. Let those, who bring reports to your lordship
about my preaching, be brought face to face, and I am ready to
give them an answer. St. Paul exhorts Timothy not to receive
an accusation against an elder under two or three witnesses.
And even Nicodemus could say, the law suffered no man to be
condemned unheard. I shall only add, that I hope your lordship
will inspect the lives of your other clergy, and censure them
for being _over-remiss_, as much as you censure me for being
_over-righteous_. It is their falling from their Articles, and
not preaching the truth as it is in Jesus, that has excited
the present zeal of those, whom they, in derision, call _the
Methodist preachers_.

"Dr. Stebbing's sermon[231] (for which I thank your lordship)
confirms me more and more in my opinion, that I ought to be
instant in season and out of season; for, to me, he seems to
know no more of the true nature of regeneration than Nicodemus
did when he came to Jesus by night. Your lordship may observe
that he does not speak a word of original sin, or the dreadful
consequences of our fall in Adam, upon which the doctrine of the
new birth is entirely founded. No; like other polite preachers,
he seems to think that St. Paul's description of the wickedness
of the heathen is only to be referred to those of past ages:
whereas I affirm, we are all included as much under the guilt
and consequences of sin as they were.

[231] Dr. Stebbing's sermon will be noticed hereafter.

"Again, my lord, the doctor entirely mistakes us when we talk
of the _sensible_ operations of the Holy Ghost. I know not that
we use the word _sensible_; but, if we do, we do not mean that
God's Spirit manifests itself to our _senses_, but that it may
be perceived by the soul, as really as any sensible impression
made upon the body. Although the operations of the Spirit of God
can no more be accounted for than how the wind cometh and goeth,
yet may they be as easily felt by the soul as the wind may be
felt by the body. My lord, indeed, we speak what we know.

"But, says the doctor, 'These men have no proof to offer for
their _inward_ manifestations.' What proof, my lord, does the
doctor require? Would he have us raise dead bodies? Have we not
done greater things than these? I speak with all humility. Has
not God, by our ministry, raised many dead souls to a spiritual
life? Verily, if men will not believe the evidence God has given
that He sent us, neither would they believe though one rose from
the dead.

"Besides, my lord, the doctor charges us with things we are
entire strangers to,--such as denying men the use of God's
creatures; and encouraging abstinence and prayer to the neglect
of the duties of our station. Lord, lay not this sin to his
charge!

"But, the doctor, and the rest of my reverend brethren, are
welcome to judge me as they please. Yet a little while, and
we shall all appear before the great Shepherd of our souls.
There, there, my lord, shall it be determined who are His true
ministers, and who are only wolves in sheep's clothing. Our
Lord, I believe, will not be ashamed to _confess us publicly
in that day_. I pray God, we all may approve ourselves such
faithful ministers of the New Testament, that we may be able to
lift up our heads with boldness!

"As for declining the work in which I am engaged, my blood runs
chill at the very thought of it. I am as much convinced it is
my duty to act as I do, as I am that the sun shines at noonday.
I can foresee the consequences very well. They have already,
in one sense, thrust us out of the synagogues. By-and-by, they
will think it is doing God service to kill us. But, my lord,
if you and the rest of the bishops cast us out, our great and
common Master will take us up. However you may censure us as
evil-doers and disturbers of the peace, yet, if we suffer for
our present way of acting, your lordship, at the great day, will
find that we suffer only for _righteousness' sake_. In patience,
therefore, do I possess my soul. I will willingly tarry the
Lord's leisure. In the meanwhile, I shall continually bear your
lordship's favours upon my heart, and endeavour to behave, so as
to subscribe myself,

"My lord, your lordship's obedient son and obliged servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

This was a bold letter to the venerable prelate, who had always been
Whitefield's friend, and who, only six months before, had admitted
him to the orders of a priest. But to return, let us follow the
young evangelist in his wanderings. He writes:--

"Saturday, July 14. Preached" (at Thornbury) "at eight this
morning, to an attentive congregation. Breakfasted at a
Quaker's, and reached Gloucester, with my honoured friend, Mr.
John Wesley, and some others, in the afternoon. Went to the
cathedral prayers, and afterwards preached to a congregation a
third part larger than I have had in this place before.

Whitefield merely mentions the Quaker at Thornbury--Wesley gives
a more detailed account, and takes the opportunity of lashing the
pretended teachers of the people. He writes as follows:--

"July 14. We breakfasted" (at Thornbury) "with a Quaker, who
had been brought up in the Church of England; but, being under
strong convictions of inward sin, and applying to several
persons for advice, they all judged him to be under a disorder
of body, and gave advice accordingly. Some Quakers, with whom
he met about the same time, told him it was the hand of God
upon his soul; and advised him to seek another sort of relief
than those miserable comforters had recommended. 'Woe unto
you, ye blind leaders of the blind!' How long will ye pervert
the right ways of the Lord? Ye, who tell the mourners in Zion,
'Much religion hath made you mad!' Ye, who send them, whom God
hath wounded, to the devil for cure; to company, idle books, or
diversions! Thus shall they perish in their iniquity; but their
blood shall God require at your hands."

Next morning the two friends parted, not to meet again until the
year 1741, when, unfortunately, there was a rupture between them,
which, hereafter, will demand attention. Leaving Wesley to preach to
assembled thousands in Gloucester, Whitefield set out for London. He
writes:--

"Sunday, July 15. Left my honoured friend, Mr. Wesley, to preach
to about seven thousand souls in Gloucester. Preached twice in
Randwick Church, and assisted in administering the sacrament to
two hundred and seventy communicants. In the evening, at Hampton
Common, I was enabled to preach to about twenty thousand.

"July 16. Preached, at noon, at Tedbury, to about four thousand
people. Many, of divers denominations, came to meet me, with
whom I took sweet counsel. Visited, in the afternoon, Mr. O----,
a Baptist teacher. At seven, in the evening, preached to about
three thousand people at Malmesbury. Much opposition had been
made, by the Pharisees, against my coming; and the minister, in
particular, had written to the churchwarden to stop me.

"July 17. Preached to about two thousand, at eight in the
morning; and reached Cirencester at six in the evening. Here
also men breathed out threatenings against me. Numbers came from
neighbouring towns. My congregation was as large again as when I
preached here last.

"July 18. Preached at seven in the morning. I stood in the
valley, and the people on an ascent, that formed a most
beautiful amphitheatre. I reached Abingdon about seven in the
evening, and preached to several thousands. Much opposition
had been made against my coming. The landlord, whose house we
offered to put up at, genteelly told us he had not room for us.

"July 19. At the request of several well-disposed people,
preached again this morning, though not to so great a number as
before. Reached Basingstoke about seven at night. Being languid
and weary, I lay down soon after our coming to the inn; but
was shortly told the landlord would not let us stay under his
roof. Upon this, I immediately went to another inn. The people
made a mock of both me and my friends, as we passed along, and
fire-rockets were thrown around the door. About an hour after,
I received the following letter, by the hands of the constable,
from the mayor:--

"'BASINGSTOKE, _July 19, 1739_.

"'SIR,--Being a civil magistrate in this town, I thought it my
duty, for the preservation of the peace, to forbid you, or, at
least, dissuade you, from preaching here. If you persist in
it, in all probability it may occasion a disturbance, which,
I think, it is your duty, as a clergyman, as well as mine, to
prevent. If any mischief should ensue, (whatever pretence you
may afterwards make in your own behalf,) I am satisfied it will
fall on your own head, being timely cautioned by me, who am,
sir, your most humble servant,

"'JOHN ABBOT.

"'P.S.--The Legislature has wisely made laws for the
preservation of the peace; therefore, I hope no clergyman lives
in defiance of them.'"

Thus wrote Mr. Abbot, mayor of Basingstoke--a butcher by business,
but a stickler for peace. Whitefield immediately answered Mr.
Abbot's letter, with a high-sounding courtesy, more due to Mr.
Abbot's mayoralty than to his business:--

"HONOURED SIR,--I thank you for your kind letter, and I humbly
hope a sense of duty, and not a fear of man, caused you to write
it.

"If so, give me leave to remind you, honoured sir, that you
ought to be, not only a terror of evil-doers, but a praise to
them that do well. I know of no law against such meetings as
mine. If any such law exists, I believe you will think it your
duty, honoured sir, to apprise me of it, that I may not offend
against it. If no law can be produced, I think it my duty to
inform you that you ought to protect an assembly of people
meeting together purely to worship God.

"To-morrow, honoured sir, I hear there is to be an assembly of
another nature. Be pleased to be as careful to have the public
peace preserved at that; and to prevent profane cursing and
swearing, and persons bruising each other's bodies by cudgelling
and wrestling. If you do not this, I shall rise up against you
at the great day, and be a swift witness against your partiality.

"I am, honoured sir, your very humble servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Next morning, Whitefield waited upon the magisterial butcher, to
enquire about the law against his preaching. The mayor was unable
to answer the preacher's enquiry, but said, "Sir, you ought to
preach in a church." "So I would," replied Whitefield, "if your
minister would give me leave." "Sir," said Mr. Abbot, "I believe
you have some sinister ends in view. Why do you go about making a
disturbance?" "I make no disturbance," answered Whitefield. "It was
hard I could not come into your town without being insulted. It
was your business, sir, to wait, and, if there was any riot in my
meetings, then, and not till then, to interpose." "Sir," continued
the zealous mayor, "you wrote to me about the revel to-day." "Yes,"
rejoined Whitefield, "you ought to go, and read the riot act, and
put a stop to it."

Here the mayor and the preacher parted; but the contention was not
ended. On the same day, the angry official, with a fair amount of
scholarship for a man who handled the cleaver, as well as mace, sent
to Whitefield a polished epistle, as follows:--

"BASINGSTOKE, _July 20, 1739_.

"REV. SIR,--I received your extraordinary letter, and could
expect no other from so uncommon a genius.

"I apprehend your meetings to be unlawful, having no toleration
to protect you in it. My apprehension of religion always was,
and I hope always will be, that God is to be worshipped in
places consecrated and set apart for His service; and not
in brothels, and places where all manner of debauchery may
have been committed; but how far this is consistent with your
actions, I leave you to judge.

"As for the other assembly you are pleased to mention, 'tis
contrary to my will, having never given my consent to it, nor
approved of it, but discouraged it before your reverendship
came to this town; and, if these cudgellers persist in it, I
shall set them upon the same level with you, and think you all
breakers of the public peace. You very well know there are penal
laws against cursing and swearing, and I could wish there were
the same against deceit and hypocrisy.

"Your appearing against me as a swift witness, at the day of
judgment, I must own, is a most terrible thing, and may serve as
a bugbear for children, or people of weak minds; but, believe
me, reverend sir, those disguises will have but little weight
amongst men of common understanding.

"Yours,
"JOHN ABBOT."

To this Whitefield returned the following reply:--

"BASINGSTOKE, _July 20, 1739_.

"HONOURED SIR--Does Mr. Mayor do well to be angry? Alas! what
evil have I done? I honour you as a magistrate; but, as a
minister, I am obliged to have no respect of persons. Your
_apprehending_ my meetings to be unlawful, does not make them
so. There is no need of a toleration to protect me, when I do
not act unconformable to any law, civil or ecclesiastical. Be
pleased to prove that my meetings are schismatical, seditious,
or riotous, and then I will submit.

"But you say they are upon unconsecrated ground. Honoured sir,
give me leave to inform you, that God is not now confined to
places. Where two or three are gathered together in Christ's
name, there will Christ be in the midst of them. The Church, by
our ministers in their prayer before their sermons, is defined
to be, not the church walls, but a congregation of Christian
people. Such is mine.

"As for judging me, to my own Master I stand or fall. At His
dreadful tribunal I will meet you; and then you shall see what
is in the heart of, honoured sir, your very humble servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Notwithstanding the mayor's fulminated wrath, Whitefield went into
a field, and began to preach. He suffered no interruption worth
mentioning. Returning to the inn, he "prayed and sung psalms with
a few disciples, and then took his leave." Passing along, however,
he saw the "stage built for the cudgellers and wrestlers, and met
divers coming to the revel." He was already a mile from Basingstoke;
but, "seeing so many souls, for whom Christ died, ready to perish,
and no minister or magistrate to interpose," he at once returned,
mounted the stage, and began to shew the wrestlers, and cudgellers,
and their friends "the error of their ways." The boys huzzaed. One
of the "cudgellers" struck him with a cudgel. The crowd thronged
and pushed him. To obtain a hearing was impossible; and, hence, the
intrepid evangelist again set out for London. Perhaps it was well he
did; hence the following from a letter written to him by a Quaker:--

"BASINGSTOKE, _July 21, 1739_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND,--When I yesterday went up to thy inn, and
found thee just gone, I was sorry that I missed an opportunity
of taking my leave of thee, and of expressing the sense I had
of the presence and power of God with thee, especially in the
latter part of thy sermon, and in thy prayer after it. However,
I am truly glad that thou wert preserved out of the hands of
cruel men. Thou heardest of the threatenings of many; but the
malice of some went further. There were ten or twelve men
lying in wait to do thee a private mischief. I know this, by
the testimony of one of these very men, who boasted to me, 'We
would have given him a secret blow, and prevented his making
disturbances.'

"O thy noble testimony against the profaneness and vanity of the
age! It rejoiced me not a little. But when thou earnest to the
necessity, the nature, and the rewards of the new birth, thou
wert carried beyond thyself. The fountain of life was opened,
and flowed around amongst the living. I, for one, am a monument
of free grace and mercy. O God, how boundless is Thy love!

"My dear friend, may we finally be received up into the mansions
of glory, there to live with all the righteous generations, and
to sing with them, hallelujahs, glory, and praise, for ever and
ever. May the Ancient of Days keep thee in His arms, direct thee
by His Spirit, support, comfort, and watch over thee, is the
fervent prayer of thine in great sincerity,

"J. PORTSMOUTH."

Whitefield arrived in London on Saturday, July 21, and, in the
evening of the same day, "preached to upwards of ten thousand at
Kennington Common." During his absence, Moorfields and Kennington
Common had been supplied by Charles Wesley, and Whitefield writes:
"Blessed be God for what has been done here, since I left London,
by my honoured friend and fellow-labourer, Mr. Charles Wesley. All
love, all glory be to God for giving so great an increase!"

"Sunday, July 22. Received a letter from Mr. Ralph Erskine, of
Scotland. Some may be offended at my corresponding with him,
but I dare not but confess my Lord's disciples. Preached, at
seven in the morning, to about twenty thousand in Moorfields,
and collected £24 17s. for the school-house at Kingswood. Ye
scoffers, ye blind Pharisees, come and see, and then call
these tumultuous, seditious assemblies, if you can. Would to
God, they behaved so decently in any church in London! Went to
St. Paul's, and received the blessed sacrament. Preached in
the evening, at Kennington Common, to about thirty thousand
hearers, and collected £15 15s. 6d. for the colliers. God gave
me great power, and I never opened my mouth so freely against
the letter-learned clergymen of the Church of England. Every day
do I see the necessity of speaking out more and more. God knows
my heart, I do not speak out of resentment. I heartily wish the
Church of England was the joy of the whole earth; but I cannot
see her sinking into papistical ignorance, and refined Deism,
and not open my mouth against those who, by their sensual,
lukewarm lives, and unscriptural, superficial doctrines, thus
cause her to err."

Every day Whitefield was becoming more and more a Dissenter. The
Rev. Ralph Erskine was the head of a sect of Dissenters who had
recently seceded from the Church of Scotland. He and Whitefield were
already friendly correspondents. Erskine's letter to Whitefield
(mentioned in the above extract) is lost, but Whitefield's answer is
preserved. The following is a part of it:--

"LONDON, _July 23, 1739_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--Yesterday, with great pleasure, I
received your kind letter. I was afraid lest I should have
offended you. If this should be the case at any time, reprove
me sharply, and I shall thank you with my whole heart. I bless
God that my sermons are approved of by you. I am but a novice in
the school of Christ; but my Master enlightens me more and more
every day to know the exceeding great riches and freedom of His
grace to all who believe in Jesus Christ.

"By this time, I hope you have seen my journal, and have given
thanks for what great things God has done for my soul. An
appendix will be printed shortly. The success of the gospel
increases daily. Opposition, also, increases daily; but as
opposition abounds, so does my inward consolation. A sermon
of mine is now being printed, which will disturb the pleasure
of preferment-loving clergy, more than ever. Mr. Wesley has
not yet received your letter. He will readily correspond with
you. He fights the Lord's battles, as doth his brother, most
courageously. A noble reformation is begun among Kingswood
colliers, near Bristol. I am now collecting money for building
them a school-house. My tenderest affections await all the
Associate Presbytery.[232] I am opposed for owning you; but to
deny our Lord's disciples, in my opinion, is denying Christ
Himself. Providence detains me here. Pray write, by next post,
to, rev. and dear sir, yours most affectionately in the bowels
of Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[233]

[232] The Presbytery of the new Dissenting sect.

[233] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine."

Mr. Erskine's reply was of enormous length, filling ten printed
octavo pages. Brief extracts from it must suffice here.

"DUNFERMLINE, _August_ 21, 1739.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,--I have now read your journals and
sermons, and I can assure you, with reference to the whole work
in general, and the main scope of it, my soul has been made to
magnify the Lord for the very great things He has done for you
and by you. If I speak of any things wherein we differ, it shall
only be to shew the greatness of my love to you, and also to
prevent after mistakes."

Erskine then proceeds to express a hope that there will be "a happy
union in the Lord" between the Oxford Methodists and the Associate
Presbytery, "not only in a private and personal, but even in a more
public and general way." He affirms, truly enough, that "England's
reformation from Popery, and its superstitious and ceremonial
services, however great and glorious, was far from being so full
as that of Scotland;" and he trusts, that "when a new and general
reformation shall be set on foot, more of the rags of the Romish
Church will be dropped, such as many useless rites and customs
relating to worship, which have no scriptural foundation."

Erskine next criticises Whitefield's Journal. In reference to his
fellowship with Quakers, the Scotch Reformer says: "Whatever duties
of love you perform towards these men, I will never believe you mean
or intend to justify their principles and delusive notions."

On the subject of secession, Erskine writes:--

"You say that so long as the Articles of the Church of England
are agreeable to Scripture, you resolve to preach them up,
without either bigotry or party zeal. This is the case with
us. We preach up and defend, doctrinally and judicially,
those Articles of the Church of Scotland, agreeable to the
Scriptures, which the judicatories are letting go. Hence, I
conclude, you are just of our mind, as to separation from an
established Church. We never declared a secession from the
Church of Scotland, but only a secession from the judicatories,
in their course of defection from the primitive and covenanted
constitution, to which we stood bound by our ordination
engagements."

Whitefield's sermons are next examined, and objectionable sentiments
and sentences pointed out. Erskine concludes his long letter thus:--

"I see much of the glory and majesty of God, and many of the
stately steps and goings of our mighty king Jesus, in your
sermons and journals; and have, with tears of joy, adored His
name for what He is doing for you and by you. When I consider
how you and your brethren are stirred up of God to such a
remarkable way of witnessing for Him in England, against the
corruptions and defections of that Church; and when we of the
Associate Presbytery have been called forth in a judicial way
to witness against the corruptions and defections of the Church
of Scotland; and both at a juncture, when Popish powers are
combining together against us, and desolating judgments are
justly threatened from heaven, there is, perhaps, more in the
womb of Providence relating to our several situations, and
successes therein, than we are aware of. What He doth we know
not now, but we may know hereafter.

"We have lately been attending several sacramental solemnities
in our brethren's congregations, where vast multitudes of people
were assembled at the tents without doors, as well as in the
church; and I never found more of the presence of God than
on some of these occasions. The Spirit of God was sometimes
remarkably poured out. Enemies gnash with their teeth, but
the Lord carries on His work. My brethren salute you most
affectionately. They love and respect you in the Lord. I salute
the worthy Sewards and Wesleys in the Lord.

"I am, rev. and dear sir, yours most affectionately in our
blessed Immanuel,

"RALPH ERSKINE."[234]

[234] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine."

To return to Whitefield's Journal. He writes:--

"Monday, July 23. Preached this evening at Hackney Marsh, to
about two thousand people. I prayed and discoursed for above two
hours, and with greater demonstration of the Spirit than ever.
Every day have I more and more reason to rejoice in what God has
done for my own and others' souls. Thousands at the great day
will have reason to bless God for field-preaching.

"Tuesday, July 24. Despatched my private affairs, and preached
in the evening at Kennington Common, to about fifteen thousand.

"Wednesday, July 25. Preached this evening at Edmonton. The
congregation was large and attentive, and I rejoiced in having
an opportunity of offering salvation freely to the rich.

"Thursday, July 26. Preached to upwards of ten thousand at
Hackney Marsh, in a field where was to be a horse-race. I had
the opportunity of bearing my testimony against such unchristian
entertainments. Very few left the sermon to see the race, and
some of those soon returned. By the help of God, I will still go
on to attack the devil in his strongest holds. The common people
go to these diversions for want of knowing better.

"Friday, July 27. Preached at Kennington Common, to my usual
number of hearers. Went to Lewisham.

"Saturday, July 28. Visited the family of Justice Delamotte
at Blendon, where we exhorted and built up each other in the
knowledge and fear of God. Preached at Blackheath in the
evening, and came home rejoicing.

"Sunday, July 29. Preached this morning in Moorfields, to a much
larger congregation than we had last Sunday,[235] and collected
£24 9s.[236] for the school at Kingswood. Received the sacrament
at St. Paul's, and preached at Kennington Common in the evening,
where £20 was collected. God sent us a little rain, but that
only washed away the curious hearers. Nearly thirty thousand
stood their ground.

[235] Whitefield estimated his _last Sunday's_ congregation
at "about twenty thousand." It is only fair to say, that
Whitefield's estimates might be too high. In the _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for August, 1739, there appeared a letter, signed
"Thoninonca," stating that the writer was present when
Whitefield preached in Moorfields on July 29, and that, before
the audience was dismissed, he "made several marks where the
outermost of them stood; and, the next morning, he found the
distance of the farthest mark from the rostrum to be thirty-two
yards, and that of the nearest to it twenty-eight." He then
calculates "the space taken up by the standing congregation
to be 2827 yards;" and adds, "in a square yard, nine persons
may easily stand, and therefore 2827 square yards must contain
25,443 people." To this the editor appended a note: "Soldiers,
in close order, stand but four in a square yard, at which rule,
the circle will contain but 11,338."

[236] Let me here correct an error in the first and second
editions of "The Life and Times of Wesley." It is there stated
that Whitefield made only two collections for Kingswood School,
namely, one at Bristol on July 13th, and the other at Moorfields
on July 29th. To these, however, must be added the following.
Collections, on July 22, at Moorfields, £24 17s., and at
Kennington Common, £15 15s. 6d. And besides the one already
mentioned as being made at Moorfields on July 29, another, on
the same day at Kennington Common, amounting to £20, and another
of nearly £15, at Blackheath, on August 12.

"Monday, July 30. Was busied all the morning in directing those
to believe in Jesus Christ, who came asking me what they should
do to be saved? Preached at Plaistow. An uncommon power was in
the congregation.

"Tuesday, July 31. Preached at Newington, near Hackney, to about
twenty thousand people.

"Wednesday, August 1. Preached this evening at Marylebone
Fields, to near thirty thousand, and went afterwards to take my
leave of Fetter Lane Society. We parted in love.

"Thursday, August 2. Preached at Newington, to upwards of twenty
thousand people, and came home rejoicing to see what a great
work God has done in this city.

"Friday, August 3. Spent the day in completing my affairs and
taking leave of my dear friends. Preached in the evening, to
near twenty thousand, at Kennington Common. I chose to discourse
on St. Paul's parting speech to the elders at Ephesus, and
concluded with a suitable hymn; but could scarce get to the
coach, for the people's thronging me, to take me by the hand,
and give me a parting blessing.

"Saturday, August 4. Went in the morning to Deptford; prayed,
sung psalms, and gave a word of exhortation at two or three
houses. Preached at Blackheath, to about ten thousand, and went
to Blendon.

"Sunday, August 5. Expounded, prayed, and sung psalms at Mr.
Delamotte's door, with many who came last night from London.
Read prayers and assisted in administering the sacrament to
several hundred communicants in Bexley Church. Preached in the
afternoon, to about fifteen hundred, in Justice Delamotte's
yard; and again in the evening, to about twenty thousand, at
Blackheath.

"Monday, August 6. Preached in the evening at Chatham, to near
ten thousand people.

"Tuesday, August 7. Preached in the evening at Blackheath.
It rained very much the whole day; but there were about two
thousand present. I discoursed on the conversion of Zaccheus the
publican.

"Wednesday, August 8. At Deptford, went on board the ship; which
we now hallowed by the word of God, and prayer. Preached at
Blackheath, to near twenty thousand people, on the Pharisee and
the Publican.

"Thursday, August 9. Preached at Blackheath, to a very large
congregation, and went and lay on board the ship, in order to be
ready to finish my affairs in the morning.

"Friday, August 10. Finished my ship business, and preached in
the evening at Blackheath, to a yet greater congregation than
ever.

"Saturday, August 11. Began in the spirit of meekness to answer
the Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter. Preached in the evening
at Blackheath.

"Sunday, August 12. Preached, early in the morning, to some
hundreds, in Justice Delamotte's yard, most of whom came thither
last night, singing and praising God. Read prayers, heard a
truly Christian sermon from Mr. Piers, and assisted him in
administering the blessed sacrament, in his own church, to near
six hundred communicants. Preached at three in the afternoon,
to near three thousand, in Mr. Delamotte's yard, and to about
twenty thousand at Blackheath. At each place, the people were
exceedingly affected; and, at Blackheath, when I said, 'Finally,
brethren, farewell!' thousands immediately burst into strong
crying and tears. I continued my discourse till it was nearly
dark, and collected nearly £15 for Kingswood School.

"Monday, August 13. Finished, and sent to the press, my answer
to his lordship's Pastoral Letter. Rode with many of my dear
weeping friends to Erith; took my final and sorrowful farewell,
and went from thence in a boat, with my dear fellow-travellers
to Gravesend, where our ship was fallen down. Blessed be God for
detaining me in England by the embargo. Many others, as well as
myself, I hope, have reason to rejoice thereat.

"Tuesday, August 14. About eight last night, got on board the
_Elizabeth_, Captain Stevenson commander, bound from England to
Philadelphia. After much entreaty, went to Gravesend, and read
prayers, and preached in Mitton Church, near the town. Returned
to the ship by eight in the evening, and was much rejoiced at
retiring from the world."

And well he might. Eight months had elapsed since his return from
America to England. Strange had been his history. Unquestionably,
it is without a parallel. Much has been related; but much remains
untold. In the above condensed extracts from his journal, the reader
has seen how Whitefield spent his last few weeks in England. He
was full of joy, thankfulness, and hope; though all the while most
bitterly attacked both by the pulpit and the press. In his letters
he writes:--

"Matters go on most bravely in London. I think people are ten
times more affected than ever.[237] A great work of God is
doing here. The Lord Jesus gets Himself the victory everyday.
Free grace compels poor sinners to come in. As for my own soul,
God often gives me such foretastes of His love, that I am
almost continually wishing to be dissolved, that I may be with
Christ.[238] Had I a hundred hands, I could employ them all. The
harvest is very great. I am ashamed I can do no more for Him who
hath done so much for me. Every day affords fresh instances of
the power of His word. I am now about to attack Satan in one of
his strongholds, if I perish. To-night I preach, God willing,
where a horse-race is to be. I find my Master strengthens me for
the work.[239] Methinks, I could now sing my _Nunc Dimittis_
with pleasure, if my eyes could see my dear brother's salvation.
I hope you have conversed with Mr. Wesley. It will require
some degree of boldness to own either of us before men. God
vouchsafes to honour us: no wonder our names are cast out as
evil.[240] I rejoice there is a revival of true religion in
Scotland. The Spirit of God is moving thousands of souls in
England. God will work, and all oppositions must forward, but
not hinder it. I am no friend to sinless perfection. I believe
the being (though not the dominion) of sin remains in the hearts
of the greatest believers. At the call of Christ, I am now
going abroad, and expect to suffer many things before I return
home."[241]

[237] Date, July 23.

[238] " July 24.

[239] " July 25.

[240] Date, July 31.

[241] " August 3.

It is a remarkable fact, that, in Whitefield's sermons, the first
time he prominently refers to his doctrine of election, is in the
sermon he preached at Stoke Newington, on July 31, from Genesis
iii. 15.[242] In the same sermon, he also alludes to what, in the
extract just given, he designates "sinless perfection." These were
the principal points on which he and his friend Wesley afterwards
differed. Perhaps it is difficult to determine, with certainty,
the cause of his adopting these Calvinistic tenets; but it is a
curious coincidence, that he had recently entered into a hearty
correspondence with the Rev. Ralph Erskine, and that, within the
last two months, he had read Erskine's sermons.[243] In the "Life of
Sir Richard Hill," it is stated that Whitefield was not a Calvinist
until he went to America, in 1739. It was there, "he caught the tone
and imbibed the opinions of the great, the searching, but too gloomy
Jonathan Edwards. His 'Treatise on the Will' was too deep a book
for Whitefield, and the probability is, that the author himself was
somewhat out of his own depth when he wrote it.[244] No wonder that
when Whitefield first came into contact with Edwards, he 'winced a
little under his metaphysical probe;' but, at last, he adopted his
Calvinistic views, though it may be fairly doubted if he ever fully
understood them."[245] This is partly, but not perfectly correct.
There can be no doubt that, in America, Whitefield "caught the tone
and imbibed the opinions of Edwards;" but Whitefield was inclined to
Calvinistic doctrines before he met with Edwards, and it is almost
certain that he "imbibed" these from the sermons of his friends in
Scotland, Ralph and Ebenezer Erskine. Whitefield's Calvinism was
suddenly born in England, about the month of June, 1739; but it
was cradled and greatly strengthened in America, during the year
1740. From first to last, it was a confused sort of thing. Even
the Calvinistic author of the "Life of Sir Richard Hill" justly
acknowledges that "it may be fairly doubted" whether Whitefield
ever fully understood the Calvinism which he preached. To the end
of life, his theological erudition was comparatively small. His
forte was, not to discuss and defend "the five points," but, with a
full heart, to warn the wicked of their sin and danger, and to lead
and bring them to the all-sufficient Saviour. His throne was the
pulpit, not the professor's chair. He missed his way when he became
the defender of the philosophical niceties of the Calvinian creed.
Like Jonathan Edwards, he "was somewhat out of his own depth." I
must be excused for saying, once for all, he was led into error. I
totally disbelieve his Calvinian doctrines. But, having said as much
as this, and whilst sorrowing that his embracing those doctrines
should have occasioned a temporary breach of the friendship existing
between him and Wesley, it is an unquestionable fact that this
opened to Whitefield a wide field of usefulness, which, without
it, neither he nor Wesley could have occupied. Without this,
Whitefield could not have had the sympathy and co-operation of the
Presbyterians and Independents of America. It was this that prepared
the way for his popularity in Scotland. But for this, he would have
lacked the important patronage of the Countess of Huntingdon. This
was one of the prime sources of the immense influence he exercised
over Hervey, Berridge, Romaine, Venn, and many other contemporaneous
clergymen of the Church of England; and it also, to an untold
extent, enabled him to move and quicken the Dissenting ministers and
congregations of the land.

[242] Whitefield's Journal.

[243] A note of explanation, however, is necessary here. The first
edition of Whitefield's sermon on Genesis iii. 15, is widely
different from his sermon on the same text, published in his
collected works in 1772. In the former, the doctrines of election
and of sinless perfection are not mentioned. In fact, there is
scarcely any allusion to these doctrines in any of the sermons
preached by Whitefield prior to his second visit to America.

[244] Whitefield's Journal, June 9, 1739.

[245] "Life of Sir Richard Hill," p. 171.

In the foregoing extracts from Whitefield's Journals, some of the
sermons he preached are specified. Most of these were published;
and a few brief selections from them will, perhaps, best convey an
idea of the peculiarities of Whitefield's ministry at this important
period of his life.

On July 31, at Stoke Newington, his text was Genesis iii. 15, and
the following are two extracts from the sermon:--

"We must take care of healing before we see sinners wounded.
Sinners must hear the thunderings of Mount Sinai, before we
bring them to Mount Zion. They who never preach the law, it
is to be feared, are unskilful in delivering the glad tidings
of the gospel. Every minister should be a Boanerges, a son of
thunder, as well as a Barnabas, a son of consolation. There was
an earthquake and a whirlwind before the still small voice came
to Elijah. We must first shew people they are condemned, and
then shew them how they must be saved."

The next quotation is a good specimen of Whitefield's fiery
denunciation:--

"Are there any enemies of God here? The promise of the text
encourages me to bid you defiance. What signifies all your
malice? You are only raging waves of the sea, foaming out
your own shame. For you, without repentance, is reserved the
blackness of darkness for ever. The Lord Jesus sits in heaven,
ruling over all, and causing all things to work for His
children's good. He laughs you to scorn. He hath you in the
utmost derision, and therefore, so will I. Who are you that
persecute the children of the ever-blessed God? Though a poor
stripling, the Lord Jesus, the seed of the woman, will enable me
to bruise your heads."

In the sermon, at Blackheath, on August 7, respecting the conversion
of Zaccheus, the following passages occur:--

"I should think it no scandal to hear it affirmed, that none
but the poor attended my ministry. Their souls are as precious
to our Lord Jesus Christ as the souls of the greatest men. They
were the poor that attended Him in the days of His flesh; these
are they whom He hath chosen to be rich in faith, and to be the
greatest in the kingdom of heaven. Were the rich in this world's
goods generally to speak well of me, woe be unto me! I should
think it a dreadful sign that I was only a wolf in sheep's
clothing; that I spoke peace, peace, when there was no peace;
and prophesied smoother things than the gospel would allow. Hear
ye this, O ye rich! Let who will dare to do it, God forbid that
I should despise the poor! In doing so, I should reproach my
Maker. The poor are dear to my soul."

The next paragraph is an ample reply to the accusation that
Whitefield's preaching led to licentiousness:--

"What has been said of Zaccheus may serve as a rule whereby to
judge whether you have faith or not. You say you have faith; but
how do you prove it? Are you influenced by the faith, you say
you have, to stand up and confess the Lord Jesus before men?
Were you ever made willing to own, and humble yourselves for,
your past offences? Does your faith work by love, so that you
conscientiously lay up, according as God hath prospered you,
for the support of the poor? Do you give alms of all things
that you possess? And have you made due restitution to those
you have wronged? If you are not thus minded, do not deceive
yourselves. Though you may talk of justification, like angels,
it will do you no good; it will only increase your damnation.
You hold the truth, but it is in unrighteousness. Your faith,
being without works, is dead. You have the devil, not Abraham,
for your father. Unless you get a faith of the heart, a faith
working by love, with devils and damned spirits shall you dwell
for evermore."

On August 8, at Blackheath, Whitefield preached on the Pharisee
and Publican. Three extracts must suffice. The first contains
Whitefield's views on the use of forms of prayer, and praying
extemporary. Speaking of the Pharisee, he says:--

"He did not pray by form. His was an extempore prayer; for there
are many Pharisees who pray, and preach too, extempore. I do not
see why these may not be acquired, as well as other arts and
sciences. A man with a good elocution, ready turn of thought,
and good memory, may repeat his own and other men's sermons, and
may pray seemingly excellently well, and yet not have the least
grain of true grace in his heart. I speak this, not to cry down
extempore prayer, or to discourage those who really pray by the
Spirit. I would only hereby give a word of reproof to those who
are so bigoted to extempore prayer, that they condemn all who
use forms, as though not so holy and heavenly, as others who
pray without them. Alas! this is wrong. Not every one that prays
extempore is a spiritual, nor every one that prays with a form,
a formal man. Let us not judge one another. Let not him who uses
a form judge him who prays extempore, on that account; and let
not him who prays extempore despise him who uses a form."

The next quotation is on the prayer of the Publican, and is a good
example of the pith and point of Whitefield's preaching:--

"Methinks, I see him standing afar off, pensive, oppressed, and
even overwhelmed with sorrow. He smites upon his breast, his
treacherous, ungrateful, desperately wicked breast--a breast
now ready to burst; and at length, out of the abundance of his
heart, and with many tears, cries out, 'God be merciful to me a
sinner!' Not, God be merciful to yonder proud Pharisee! Not, God
be merciful to me a saint! for he knew 'all his righteousnesses
were as filthy rags.' Not, God be merciful to such or such an
one; God be merciful to me, even to me a sinner,--a sinner by
birth,--a sinner by thought, word, and deed,--a sinner as to my
person,--a sinner as to all my performances,--a sinner in whom
is no health, in whom dwelleth no good thing,--a sinner, poor,
miserable, blind, and naked,--a self-accused, self-condemned
sinner. What think you? Would this publican have been offended,
if any minister had told him he deserved to be damned? Would he
have been angry, if any one had told him, that, by nature, he
was half a devil and half a beast? No; he would have confessed a
thousand hells to have been his due; and that he was an earthly,
devilish sinner."

The next extract is one of Whitefield's terrible declamations;--

"Hear this, all ye self-justiciaries, tremble, and behold your
doom! a dreadful doom, more dreadful than words can express, or
thoughts conceive! If you refuse to humble yourselves, after
hearing this parable, I call heaven and earth to witness against
you this day, that God shall visit you with all His storms, and
pour all the vials of His wrath upon your rebellious heads. You
exalted yourselves here, and God shall abase you hereafter.
You are as proud as the devil, and with devils shall you dwell
to all eternity. Notwithstanding you come up to the temple to
pray, your prayers are turned into sin, and you go down to your
houses unjustified. And, if you are unjustified, the wrath of
God abideth upon you. You are in your blood. All the curses of
the law belong to you. Cursed are you when you go out; cursed
are you when you come in; cursed are your thoughts; cursed are
your words; cursed are your deeds. Everything you do, say, or
think, from morning to night, is only one continued series of
sin. However highly you may be honoured in the Church militant,
you will have no place in the Church triumphant. 'Humble
yourselves, therefore, under the mighty hand of God.' Pull down
every self-righteous thought, and every proud imagination, that
now exalteth itself against the perfect, personal, imputed
righteousness of the dear Lord Jesus. 'For he,' and he alone,
'that humbleth himself, shall be exalted.'"

No wonder that fiery eloquence like this attracted notice; and no
wonder that it brought upon the preacher the fierce censures of his
enemies. The _Weekly Miscellany_ was more furious than ever. The
following are specimens of its outpourings:--

On July 7, there was a long letter "to the Rev. Mr. Seagrave," in
which Whitefield and his friends were accused of causing "all the
miseries attending those poor, weak wretches and their families,
who, by the woes and curses denounced on them in default of raising
their imagination to the pitch of enthusiasm, had been driven into a
belief of their certain damnation, and, consequently, into all the
horrors of despair and distraction."

On July 21, the leading article, filling nearly two folio pages,
says:--

"The novelist in religion passes with me either for a fool or
a knave. These things frequently begin in want of sense, but
always end in want of honesty. To keep attention and prevent
satiety, false religion is continually changing its dress, as in
masquerades, varying its voice, and accommodating its motions,
according to all the mazes of error and sportive turns of
madness and folly. It gives the rein to every licentious humour,
or practises amazing austerities; it distorts the limbs, and
screws the features; it laughs, it sings, it weeps, it screams,
it groans, it raves in streets, bawls on commons, preaches from
walls, and carts, and stools, and windows; expounds, prays,
exclaims. The enthusiast is now a quietist, and does nothing;
and, anon, in perpetual motion, and never at rest. Sometimes, he
is a meteor, which just flashes and disappears; and, sometimes,
a direful comet, seen for a long time, and carrying mischief and
destruction in the sweep of his tail."

The article proceeds to stigmatise Whitefield as follows:--

"Behold, on yonder eminence, the preacher, with admiring,
subscribing crowds about him. 'He is young.' Good! 'How innocent
he looks.' Better! 'He has no human learning.' Best of all! 'He
knows everything without labour, without study.' Prodigious!
See! he spreads his hands, and opens his lips as wide as
possible. Hark! Hark! he talks of a sensible new birth! Then,
belike, he is in labour, and the good women around him are
come to his assistance. He dilates himself,--cries out,--the
hill swells into a mountain,--and _parturiunt montes, nascetur
ridiculus mus_. Well: he is, at last, delivered; he has felt the
new birth; and damns all that have not."

The learned lampooner calls Whitefield "a modern prating youth," "a
visionary _Anticle_, in a gown and cassock;" and proceeds to say:--

"It is quite impossible to be serious with buffoons in religion,
and mountebanks in theology; to dispute with a creature, who
disclaims sense, and is below argument. He holds forth from
the stairs of a wind-mill, and never was exceeded, but by the
Knight of de la Mancha flying on the sails of it. He has formed
a society of females, who are to confess their love affairs one
to another, and to take care there shall be a supply of new
Methodists for future generations. He has collected, without
letters, patents, license, or protection, larger sums than
usually appear upon any gaming table; and, yet, has incurred
no penalty by it. If this fund be employed for the purpose
given out, the Orphan House is like to exceed all the palaces
in Europe. Supposing this humour to go on, I know nothing the
growling clergy have to do, but to leave sense and honesty,
their little pulpits and less incomes; and to bawl profitable
exclamations, with great enlargement, on commons, and get
thousands by it. In short, we must put a stop to this sharping
trade of the Methodists; or we must all, man, woman, and child,
join in the plunder with them."

On August 4, nearly an entire page was used in defending Dr. Trapp,
and abusing Whitefield. In reference to Whitefield's exclamation, "O
that my head were waters," etc., the writer sneeringly remarks:--

"If his eyes were as full of tears as his heart could wish,
what a glorious man he would be to preach a funeral sermon!
And if his head were an ocean, he would certainly drown all
his congregation, even though he were to preach on Kennington
Common."

On August 11, the editor, Mr. Hooker, wrote nearly two pages, in
defence of Dr. Stebbing and Dr. Hammond, on the new birth, and, of
course, in denouncing Whitefield and his friends:--

"Some Methodists," says he, "have made their _boasts_ that
they are _become fools for Christ's sake_, in which there is
something of truth that they do not intend. But, if they think
it commendable to be _fools_ for Christ, I hope they will never
think it tolerable to be _knaves_ for Him too."

The _Weekly Miscellany_ continued, almost without interruption,
these coarse attacks, to the end of 1739; but one added extract must
suffice. On December 29, nearly two pages of the newspaper were
filled with a violent philippic against Whitefield as a Dissenter.
The writer says:--

"Whitefield has been attacked as an enthusiast, and often as
a teacher of false and pestilent doctrine; but not often as a
Dissenter."

Having adduced proofs that Whitefield was _ipso facto_ a Dissenter,
the article proceeds:--

"He runs about the world, preaches, prays, exhorts, expounds,
and does what he lists, where he lists, and how he lists; sets
at nought his diocesan wherever he comes; and does all, not only
independently, but, in defiance of him. This is your _Church
of England_ minister! An independent churchman! A perfect
original! The first of the kind! He has thrown off the liturgy
of the Church of England, and gives the people nothing but
his _extempore_ effusions in its stead. He not only uses, but
magnifies and extols, at a great rate, _extempore_ prayer, to
beget in people a disesteem of all _forms_."

The writer then adverts to Whitefield's patronising the preaching of
Howell Harris, the layman, and says:--

"The Dissenters are fond of him; but not a man among them has
the grace to go out into the highways and hedges, and compel
poor sinners to come in. None of them _ever would_, or _will
now_, supply, in his absence, his place, in Moorfields, or
on Kennington Common. Not they. They would never so much as
sit, like some of ours, in their proper habits, while he was
preaching, some on his right hand and some on his left, to do
him honour before the people. But they would breakfast, dine,
and eat a little supper with him. They would partake of his
entertainments, or entertain him themselves in their own houses,
and treat him most courteously, not only to engage him to speak
handsomely of them in his journals, but to encourage him; to
clap him on the back, and bid him go on in the glorious work
he had undertaken. But let them take care. _Proximus ardet._
Enthusiasm runs like wildfire, and, though it begins in the
Church of God Established, it may not stop there, but may run
among, and consume their own churches."

Among the London newspapers, the _Weekly Miscellany_ was the most
rabid of Whitefield's opponents; but, occasionally, others of them
had slashing articles against the young evangelist. For instance,
the _Craftsman_, of September 8, in a serio-comic article, propounds
"A Scheme of a new Court of Judicature, in which Methodists are to
preside." The members of the court were to be four-and-twenty in
number, "with an archon at the head of them: the first archon to
be the most excellent and industrious Mr. Whitefield, or, in his
absence, the ingenious Mr. Wesley; and the four-and-twenty to be
chosen from among the Methodists on Kennington Common." They were to
be provided with food and clothing; the clothing of each member was
to cost £2 6s. 8-1/2d. per year; the diet 2-3/4d. per day; and the
stipend was to be £2 a year, which would "be sufficient to buy them
books of devotion."

Besides attacks like these in the public papers, Whitefield was
severely censured in private conversation and correspondence. The
Rev. William Law was a man of distinguished piety and talent; and
his writings had been of eminent service to Whitefield and his
friends. Again and again, they sought his counsel; and, speaking
generally, he had always shewn them kindness. But even Mr. Law now
turned against the young evangelist. On August 10, Charles Wesley
waited upon him, and wrote:--

"He blamed Mr. Whitefield's journals, and way of proceeding;
said he had had great hopes that the Methodists would have been
dispersed, by little and little, into livings, and have leavened
the whole lump. Among other things, he said, 'Were I so talked
of as Mr. Whitefield is, I should run away, and hide myself
entirely.' 'You might,' I answered, 'but God would bring you
back like Jonah.'"[246]

[246] C. Wesley's Journal, i., p. 159.

Dr. Warburton, an attorney's son, born at Newark-upon-Trent, was
now rising into fame. He had recently published the first volume
of his great work on "The Divine Legation of Moses," and, twenty
years afterwards, was made bishop of Gloucester. In two letters, to
the Rev. Mr. Birch, one dated "September 16, 1738," and the other,
"September 10, 1739," Warburton says:--

"I have seen Whitefield's Journal, and read it with great
curiosity. The poor man is quite mad. His honesty, as you
say, is very conspicuous. The best way of exposing these idle
fanatics would be to print passages out of George Fox's Journal,
and Ignatius Loyola, and Whitefield's Journals, in parallel
columns.[247] Their conformity in folly is amazing. One thing
was extremely singular in Loyola: he became, from the modestest
fanatic that ever was, the most cold-hearted knave, by the
time his Society was thoroughly established. The same natural
temperament, that set his brains on a heat, worked off the
ferment. The case was so uncommon that his adversaries thought
all his fanaticism pretended. But, in this, they were certainly
mistaken. The surprising part of all was, that his folly and
knavery concurred so perfectly to promote his end. If I be not
mistaken in Whitefield, he bids fair for acting the second part
of Loyola, as he has done the first."[248]

[247] Query: Did Warburton suggest to Bishop Lavington the idea
of writing "The Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists compared"?
Lavington's work began to be published in 1749.

[248] Nichols' "Illustrations of Literature," vol. ii., pp. 96, 110.

Another private letter, by a very different personage, will be read
with interest. The celebrated Countess of Hertford, afterwards
Duchess of Somerset, writing to the Countess of Pomfret, then on the
continent, remarks:--

"I do not know whether you have heard of our new sect, who call
themselves Methodists. There is one Whitefield at the head of
them, a young man under five-and-twenty, who has, for some
months, gone about preaching in the fields and market-places
of the country; and in London, at Mayfair and Moorfields, to
ten or twelve thousand people at a time. He went to Georgia,
and returned to take priest's orders, which he did; and, I
believe, since that time, hardly a day has passed that he
has not preached, and generally twice. At first, he and some
of his brethren seemed only to aim at restoring the practice
of the primitive Christians, as to daily sacraments, stated
fasts, frequent prayers, relieving prisoners, visiting the
sick, and giving alms to the poor; but, upon sound ministers
refusing these men their pulpits, they have betaken themselves
to preaching in the fields; and they have such crowds of
followers, that they have set in a flame all the clergy of the
kingdom, who represent them as hypocrites and enthusiasts. As
to the latter epithet, some passages in Mr. Whitefield's latest
journals seem to countenance the accusation; but, I think,
their manner of living has not afforded any grounds to suspect
them of hypocrisy. The Bishop of London, however, has thought
it necessary to write a pastoral letter, to warn the people of
his diocese against being led away by them; though, at the
same time, he treats them personally with great tenderness and
moderation. I cannot say, Dr. Trapp has done the same, in a
sermon which he has published, entitled, 'The Great Folly and
Danger of being Righteous over-much,' a doctrine which does not
seem absolutely necessary to be preached to the people of the
present age."[249]

[249] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 197.

The pamphlets published, for and against Whitefield, were more than
ordinary people had time to read. The following is as complete a
list, for the year 1739, as, perhaps, it is possible to furnish:--

1. "A Defence of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

2. "An Expostulatory Letter to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

3. "A Letter to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield. Designed to correct his
mistaken Account of Regeneration, or the New Birth." By Tristram
Land, M.A.

4. "The Nature, Folly, Sin, and Danger of being Righteous
over-much." By Joseph Trapp, D.D.

5. "The Nature, Usefulness, and Regulation of Religious Zeal."
By Joseph Trapp, D.D.

6. "Dr. Trapp Tried and Cast; and allowed to the 10th of May
next to Recant." By Jonathan Warne.

7. "An Answer to the Rev. Dr. Trapp's four Sermons against Mr.
Whitefield." By Robert Seagrave, M.A.

8. "A Congratulatory Letter to the Rev. Dr. Trapp: occasioned by
his four Sermons against Enthusiasm." By T. S----y, Esq.

9. "A Caution against Religious Delusion. A Sermon on the New
Birth: occasioned by the Pretensions of the Methodists." By
Henry Stebbing, D.D.

10. "The Doctrine of Assurance: a Sermon, by Arthur Bedford,
M.A."

11. "The Nature and Proper Evidence of Regeneration." By Ralph
Skerret, D.D.

12. "The Trial of the Spirits; or, a Caution against Enthusiasm,
or Religious Delusion, in opposition to the Methodists. A Sermon
preached before the University of Oxford, by John Wilder, M.A."

13. "St. John's Test of knowing Christ, and being born of Him.
A Sermon preached in St. Paul's Cathedral, London, by Charles
Wheatley, M.A."

14. "A Letter to the Bishops, in relation to Mr. Whitefield."

15. "True Character of Mr. Whitefield."

16. "Enthusiasm Explained."

17. "Narrative of the Life of Mr. Whitefield."

18. "A Dialogue between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Garnor."

19. "The Mock Preacher."

20. "Enthusiasm no Novelty; or, the Spirit of the Methodists in
the years 1641 and 1642."

21. "The Conduct of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield vindicated from the
Aspersions and Malicious Invectives of his Enemies."

22. "The Pious Youth. Addressed to Mr. Whitefield."

23. "The Accomplished Methodist."

24. "An Earnest Appeal to the Public in relation to Mr.
Whitefield."

25. "The Case between Mr. Whitefield and Dr. Stebbing."

26. "The Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter to the People of his
Diocese, by way of Caution against Lukewarmness on the one hand,
and Enthusiasm on the other."

27. "A Supplement to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Answer to the
Bishop of London's last Pastoral Letter." By a Presbyter of the
Church of England.

28. "Observations on the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Answer to the
Bishop of London's last Pastoral Letter." By a Curate in the
country.

29. "Remarks on the Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter." By
Robert Seagrave.

30. "Letter to the Bishop of London, on his late Pastoral Letter
and Mr. Whitefield's Answer."

31. "Methodism Displayed; or, Remarks on Mr. Whitefield's Answer
to the Bishop of London's last Pastoral Letter. In a Letter to
Mr. Whitefield; or, in his absence, to any of his Abettors." By
James Bate, M.A.

32. "An Earnest Appeal to the Public; on occasion of Mr.
Whitefield's extraordinary Answer to the Pastoral Letter of the
Bishop of London: Intended to vindicate his Lordship from the
extravagant charges, and mean evasions contained in the said
pretended Answer; and to detect the true spirit and design of
its Author, from his notorious inconsistence with himself, his
disregard of the Church by whose authority he preaches, and
his treatment of those whom that Church hath constituted his
superiors. Addressed to the Rev. Mr. John Wesley (Mr. Whitefield
being absent)."

33. "A short Preservative against the Doctrines revived by Mr.
Whitefield and his Adherents: being a Supplement to the Bishop
of London's late Pastoral Letter." By a Curate of London.

34. "A Letter to the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of London,
occasioned by his Lordship's late Pastoral Letter and Mr.
Whitefield's Answer." By Philalethes.

35. "Anti-Methodism Displayed."

36. "A Compleat Account of the Conduct of that eminent
Enthusiast, Mr. Whitefield."

37. "A Letter to Robert Seagrave, M.A." By Timothy Scrubb.

38. "A Letter, from an English Brother of the Moravian
Persuasion, to the English Methodists."

39. "A Plain Address to the Followers and Favourites of the
Methodists."

40. "The Amorous Humours of one Whitefield."

41. "The Methodists: a Humorous Burlesque Poem; addressed to the
Rev. Mr. Whitefield and his Followers: proper to be bound up
with his Sermons, and the Journals of his Voyage to Georgia,"
etc.

42. "The Life and particular Proceedings of the Rev. Mr. George
Whitefield. By an Impartial Hand."

43. "Observations on the Remarks of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's
Journal, and on the Rev. Mr. Tristram Land's Letters," etc.

44. "The Dreadful Degeneracy of a great part of the Clergy, the
Means to promote Irreligion, Atheism, and Popery; to which is
prefixed a Letter to the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield."

45. "Judging for Ourselves; or, Free-thinking, the great Duty of
Religion. Displayed in two Lectures, by P. Annet. Addressed to
the New Sect of Methodists, all Faith-mongers, and Bigots. With
a Poem to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

46. "Observations and Remarks on Mr. Seagrave's Conduct and
Writings. In which his Answer to the Rev. Dr. Trapp's four
Sermons is more particularly considered."

47. "A faithful Narrative of the Life and Character of the
Rev. Mr. Whitefield, B.D., from his Birth to the Present Time:
containing an Account of his Doctrines and Morals, his motives
for going to Georgia, and his Travels through several parts of
England."

48. "An expostulatory Letter to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, and the
rest of his Brethren, the Methodists of the Church of England;
wherein the Rites and Ceremonies of that Church are considered;
and the partiality of those Gentlemen, with regard to the
practice of them, condemned."

49. "A Defence of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Doctrine of
Regeneration, in Answer to the Rev. Mr. Land. Designed to
correct his Mistakes, to wipe off his Aspersions, and to prevent
his doing Mischief among the People. By a Member of one of the
Religious Societies."

This long list of publications, all issued in the year 1739, is
abundant proof of the commotion created by young Whitefield and
the Methodists. A few, but only a few, were written in defence
of Whitefield. The last mentioned was one. In the same category
must be placed the two pamphlets by Mr. Seagrave, one of which
has been already noticed. No. 47 in the list is also favourable
to Whitefield, and is a well-written production. No. 21 is an
extravagant eulogium on Whitefield, and a violent attack on the
clergy of the Established Church. "Whitefield," says the writer,
"has set them an example, which they must, in some measure, follow.
But for him, they could have gone on in their old way as well as
ever; and their corn, and their wine, and their pigs, and their
eggs, and their apples would have come in as usual. All besides is
unnecessary trouble; and they detest the man who has put them upon
it." No. 27 also is favourable, but contains little that is worth
noticing. "Dr. Trapp Tried and Cast," by Jonathan Warne, tells the
Doctor that "there is more profound divinity in one of Whitefield's
sermons, than in the whole of his four discourses." "The Letter to
the Bishop of London," by Philalethes, was also a mild, but not
remarkable, defence of Whitefield. No. 43 is a rather elaborate
apology for some of Whitefield's unguarded sayings, and is ably
written. "The Dreadful Degeneracy of a great part of the Clergy," by
Jonathan Warne, is a long production of more than a hundred octavo
pages. It is, however, more a defence of the doctrines Whitefield
preached, than of Whitefield himself.

Out of the forty-nine publications, whose titles have been given,
not more than about ten can be regarded as at all favourable to the
young preacher. The rest were antagonistic, and, in many instances,
extremely virulent. In illustration of this, a few extracts, almost
promiscuously selected, must suffice.

Tristram Land, after declaring that Whitefield "cannot be exceeded
by the warmest-headed Quaker in the kingdom," proceeds to say:
"It is commonly reported you seldom converse with the clergy of
the Church of England, though you are pleased to visit Dissenting
teachers, and often mix with the younger part of the laity of all
denominations." Mr. Land further accuses Whitefield of "rudeness
to the whole body of" the Clergy; of "bringing contempt upon the
Liturgy;" of "creating misunderstandings between the parochial
clergy and their people;" of "raising causeless doubts and scruples
in the minds of some well-disposed Christians;" and of "encouraging
the practice of _conventicling_ in several parts of London."

Dr. Stebbing, in his Sermon on the New Birth, sneeringly observes:--

"Mr. Whitefield, who had his orders among us, and still
professes himself a member of the Church of England, tells us
of some conversations he had with Quakers, in his journeyings.
It seems they could not agree about the use of the sacraments
and the payment of tithes; but, says he, 'I think their notions
about walking and being led by the Spirit are right and good.'
The young man, you perceive, is in a very hopeful way! He is a
Quaker already in the first and leading principle of that sect;
and, as to his scruples about tithes, etc., they may _abate_ as
he grows better acquainted with his associates."

In "the Life of Whitefield, by an Impartial Hand," the young
preacher is accused, by the Rev. J. Tucker, of "propagating
blasphemous and enthusiastical notions." Mr. Tucker dolorously
adds:--

"Some of Mr. Whitefield's followers have insulted and reviled
me in passing along the streets; and declared that they looked
upon me as the enemy of God and His religion. This was owing to
Mr. Whitefield's pointing at me so often in his prayers, and
describing me in his harangues to the populace." Mr. Tucker
further relates, that, "to gain credit with the populace,
Whitefield often had in his mouth at Bristol this dreadful
imprecation, 'If what I say be not strictly true, may all that
ever heard me, may you that now hear me, and all that shall hear
me hereafter, rise up in judgment against me, and rejoice at my
_damnation_!'"

Mr. Wilder, in his Sermon "preached before the University of Oxford,
August 5, 1739," abounds in abusive epithets, which need not be
quoted; but two or three extracts will be useful as displaying the
fiery, fuming spirit of this university preacher; and the animosity
with which Whitefield was regarded.

"I cannot dismiss this point, without taking notice of the
indecent, false, unchristian reflections cast on the clergy of
our Church, charging them with popery and perjury, than which
nothing is more unjust, except the cruel mercies of those,
who pass sentence of damnation upon all who have not the same
spiritual pride, vanity, and enthusiasm as themselves."

"He" (Whitefield) "is but a young son of the prophets, yet,
if we will take his word for it, he is as much inspired, and
felt the Holy Ghost at imposition of hands, as much as Elisha
did, when Elijah dropped his mantle. Nay, he has the modesty to
compare himself, in his labours and afflictions, with the great
apostle of the Gentiles, and even with the Son of God Himself."

"Let us hear what this inspired man saith of the new birth. We
find, from his writings, that the new birth is a conversion and
change wrought in the mind of a man, by a sensible operation of
the Spirit of God; and that those who have not experienced some
such sensible change, in their hearts, are not born again, nor
in a state of salvation. If this be true, how few of all the
millions of the professors of Christianity are there, that have
been, or will be saved! Scarce any but the itinerant preacher,
a few of his followers, and some Quakers. If this doctrine be
true, how is the God of all mercy and goodness, the God of love,
comfort, and joy, turned into a cruel and tyrannical being, that
delights not to save, but to destroy mankind!"

"That they" (the Methodists) "teach doctrines inconsistent with,
and destructive of Christianity, appears from their encouraging
religious exercises, to the neglect of other Christian duties.
How many, while they run gaping after the spiritual food which
these rambling teachers pretend to distribute to them from
heaven, leave their business at random, and their families to
want the necessary food of this life; not considering that it is
their duty to attend, at the appointed seasons, on the services
and ordinances of God, under their proper pastors, not in
highways, in fields, or commons, but in those places which are
set apart for, and dedicated to, God's honour and worship."

"His" (Whitefield's) "boasting of the Lord's assisting him to
lift up his voice like a trumpet, makes me believe, that, rather
than return to a sober mind, and leave the field, to preach
sound doctrine in our churches, he is resolved to make his voice
the trumpet of war; and reduce, if possible, this Church and
State to anarchy and confusion: as it was effected once in the
last century, when by a successful rebellion begun, fomented,
and carried on, by the like spiritual enthusiasts, the life
of the best of kings was barbarously taken away; the best of
monarchies changed into a democracy; and this truly apostolical
Church wounded, mangled, and, by papists and puritans,
crucified, like our Saviour, between two thieves."

Such are fair specimens of the sermon which Mr. Wilder[250]
"preached before the University of Oxford." Young Whitefield was far
from perfect; and, certainly, the same may be said respecting his
rebukers.

[250] Rector of St. Aldates.

The Rev. Charles Wheatley, in St. Paul's Cathedral, London, was less
violent in his language than Mr. Wilder; but, in foot-notes, gives
unguarded extracts from Whitefield's Journals, and exclaims, "Was
there ever such a medley of vanity, and nonsense, and blasphemy
jumbled together?" In his sermon, also, he speaks of the Methodists,
as "assuming to themselves, upon all occasions, the peculiar
language of the Holy Ghost; equalling themselves, in everything they
do, to prophets and apostles; and boasting of immediate inspirations
and extraordinary communications with God; and, in proof of it,
laying a blasphemous claim to greater miracles than ever were
performed by our blessed Saviour Himself." Mr. Wheatley's sermon and
foot-notes were almost altogether levelled against Whitefield.

In another pamphlet (No. 28), "A Curate in the Country" writes:--

"I believe Mr. Whitefield set out with a zeal for God, though a
mistaken one. The pulpits were _then_ open to him, in confidence
that he would preach nothing contrary to the Gospel; but when
his mistakes were more known, and when his errors were so
notorious that even _charity_ could not but see them; and when,
to propagate these errors, he claimed the chair, visiting every
church, and violently taking possession of their pulpits, it
was the duty of the clergy to check the spreading evil, and
refuse him the liberty of misleading their people in their own
churches. This he calls being turned out of our synagogues, and
complains of it as a hardship. Who made him universal pastor?
Who committed to him the care of _all_ the churches? Do such
complaints become a meek disciple of Christ? Is such behaviour
the mark of a dutiful and true son of the Church of England?
What ill consequences may we not dread from so _bold_ an
invader, from so _unreasonable_ a separatist?"

"A Curate in London" (in Pamphlet No. 33) writes:--

"Let us not be carried away by pretences--'tis hard to say to
what. Pretences! of weak and heated men, such as have, in all
the different ages of the Church, built up a faith of their own,
always to the prejudice, frequently to the ruin, of that once
delivered to the saints."

In "Methodism Displayed," by the Rev. James Bate, M.A., Rector of
St. Paul's, Deptford, there is an almost unceasing reiteration of
charges of pride, pertness, and impudence.

The "Compleat Account of that eminent Enthusiast, Mr. Whitefield"
(No. 36) tells its readers, that this "extraordinary itinerant had
lately made a progress into the western parts of England, and some
parts of Wales, where, from _tombstones_, and _market-crosses_,
on _commons_ and _mountains_, he had preached to vast numbers of
ignorant people, and, since his return to London, in a wide place
near a building" (Bedlam) "which would suit him much better." "He
had succeeded the _mountebank_ in Moorfields, pretty near the place
where the _White Bear_ exhibits himself to public view every day
(but _Sundays)._ From the _wall_, instead of a _stage_, he harangued
his congregation, and, by the choice of his text, most blasphemously
compared himself, after his usual custom, to our blessed Saviour."

From Pamphlet No. 46 the following is taken:--

"Mr. Whitefield behaved at first in part like a clergyman, but
never altogether so. Then he was looked upon as an impudent bold
man; but since as a wicked man. When, though an ecclesiastic,
he opposed all ecclesiastical maxims, and ran counter to all
authority of the Church, he was deemed a novelist; but when
he daringly pleaded the impulse of the Holy Spirit for these
irregular proceedings, he was then, with equal justice, deemed
an enthusiast. Whether he is an impostor, God only knows."

After asserting that Whitefield has "sunk the house of God below a
play-house, and turned religion into a farce," the writer adds:--

"I think it beyond all contradiction that he is in practice a
Dissenter. He has long thought fit to renounce the Liturgy of
the Church of England, and to pray extempore in his own words.
The more we consider his words and works, the more will he
appear an enthusiast, a blasphemer, and a wavering, wandering
preacher of no establishment. He at first touched upon the
Church, but transgressed its order, so as not to continue in it.
At present, he seems near attached to the Dissenting communion,
though he does not omit to blend his notions with a good spice
both of the Roman Catholic and the Mahometan."

All this wrathful outpouring was bad enough; but _one_ of the
_most ribald_ publications against Whitefield was (No. 41) "The
Methodists: an Humorous Burlesque Poem, addressed to the Rev. Mr.
Whitefield and his Followers." Some parts of this foul production
cannot be quoted with decency. Two extracts, both relating to
Whitefield, must suffice. After describing the devil's journey from
Rome to Oxford, the scurrilous poetaster writes:--

"On holy Pembroke's ragged top
He first of all did choose to stop;
There spread his dusky dew around,
To quite _unconsecrate_ the ground;
Then to his _fav'rite Whitefield_ flies;
But first, because he'd not surprise
One to his heart and mind so dear,
He chose his horrid form to clear.
He straightway _shod_ his _cloven foot_,
Pull'd off his _horns_ and all to boot;
Then dress'd him in a student's gown,
And, thus equipp'd, to George went down.
He found the dinner on the table,
All eating fast as they were able,
(For Methodists still love to _eat_,
And always fondly praise a treat.)"

The following are the last lines of this disgraceful production:--

"Hail, O saint _Whitefield, ape of grace_,
Thou holy sinner, with a formal face;
Like a young _pelican_, with stomach good,
Prey on thy _mother's_ vital blood;
The place that foster'd thee despise,
And by _enthusiasm_ rise;
Content thyself to lead the _throng_,
And charm the vulgar right or wrong.
When Trapp, with solid, lasting sense,
Displays thy fatal influence,
Stare thou the reverend preacher in the face,
And squint and fleer at all he says:
Let boys and girls thy foll'wers be,
While men of sense thy converse flee:
Religion's sacred name degrade,
And sink thy calling to a trade.
For _orphans_, charity--always,
By fictitious means the money raise;
Rob _masters_ of their _servants' time_,
And rifle _beauty_ in its _prime_;
Make _wives_ their husbands rob, and then
Sing them a _hymn_, and rob ag'n.
Preach, chatter, throw thy arms, and prate,
Be formal as thou canst, and cheat;
But know, howe'er you've form'd your plan,
The _moral_ is the _honest_ man."

More than enough of this. Only one other of the attacks on
Whitefield can be noticed. This, however, was the most authoritative
and serious. Edmund Gibson, D.D., was a man of great ability and
learning, a laborious student, and one whose piety, it is said, was
equal to his erudition. He had now reached the age of three-score
years and ten, was Bishop of London, and Whitefield's diocesan.
It is no mean proof of the enormous excitement created by young
Whitefield and his friends, that this venerable and distinguished
man deemed it his duty to enter the lists against them. He had
already published three Pastoral Letters, "in defence of the
Gospel-revelation, and by way of preservative against the late
writings in favour of Infidelity." He now, on August 1, issued a
fourth, with the title, "The Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter to
the People of his Diocese; especially those of the two great Cities
of London and Westminster; by way of Caution, against Lukewarmness
on one hand, and Enthusiasm on the other." (8vo. 55 pp.) Before
the year was ended, this letter passed, at least, through
three editions. Nineteen pages were devoted to "lukewarmness;"
the remainder to "enthusiasm." The charges brought against the
Methodists are nine in number; and it is a remarkable fact, that all
of them are supported, exclusively, by quotations from Whitefield's
loosely worded Journals. The charges against Whitefield and his
friends are these:--1. A claim to _extraordinary communications_
with God, and more than ordinary assurances of a _special presence_
with them. 2. Talking in the language of those who have a special
and immediate _mission_ from God. 3. Professing to think and act
under the immediate guidance of a _Divine inspiration_. 4. Speaking
of their preaching and expounding, and the effects of them, as the
sole work of a _Divine power_. 5. Boasting of sudden and surprising
effects as wrought by the _Holy Ghost_, in consequence of their
preaching. 6. Claiming the spirit of _prophecy_. 7. Speaking of
themselves in the language, and under the character, of _apostles_
of Christ, and even of _Christ_ Himself. 8. Professing to plant
and propagate a _new Gospel_, as unknown to the generality of
ministers and people, in a Christian country. 9. Endeavouring to
justify their own _extraordinary_ methods of teaching, by casting
unworthy reflections upon the parochial clergy, as deficient in the
discharge of their duty, and not instructing their people in the
true doctrines of Christianity.

In support of these accusations, not fewer than ninety quotations
are made from Whitefield's Journals; but, excepting one in proof
of the last-mentioned allegation, there are none which are not
capable of an interpretation widely different from that supplied
by Bishop Gibson. No doubt, many are unfortunately expressed.[251]
In not a few, there is a semblance of ostentation, and even of
religious pride, which all educated and sober-minded Christians will
condemn. But, while honestly admitting such facts as these, it is
preposterous to affirm that either Whitefield or the Wesleys ever
made pretensions like those ascribed to them by the conscientious
bishop of the London diocese. He thought they did; but he was
prejudiced and mistaken.

[251] Poor Whitefield's Journals were a sore perplexity. Under date
"November 12, 1739," Wesley writes: "A young gentleman overtook me
on the road from Wycombe to Oxford, and, after a while, asked me if
I had seen Whitefield's Journals? I told him I had. 'And what do
you think of them?' said he. 'Don't you think they are d--n'd cant,
enthusiasm, from end to end? I think so.' I asked him, 'Why do you
think so?' He replied, 'Why, he talks so much about joy and stuff,
and inward feelings. As I hope to be saved, I cannot tell what to
make of it.'"

Whitefield was impulsive, and pre-eminently a man of action. The
Bishop's Pastoral Letter is dated, "August 1, 1739." On August 11,
Whitefield began his answer to the bishop's pamphlet; and, two days
afterwards, sent it to the press. It was composed at Blendon, and
is one of the smartest productions of his pen; its style firm, but
quiet and respectful; its language pure, pointed, forcible, and
without the diffusiveness which often characterised Whitefield's
writings. He had no assistance from the Wesleys, for John was in
the west of England, and Charles in London. The celerity with which
it was written deserves notice; for, during the two days and a half
devoted to it, Whitefield preached four sermons, read prayers once,
and, in Bexley church, assisted in administering the sacrament
to nearly six hundred persons. The title was, "The Rev. Mr.
Whitefield's Answer to the Bishop of London's last Pastoral Letter."
(8vo. 28 pp.) Want of space precludes the insertion here of copious
extracts. It is enough to say, 1. That, Whitefield distinctly and
truthfully affirms, "I never did pretend to the _extraordinary_
operations of the Holy Spirit. I only lay claim to His ordinary
gifts and influences." 2. That, so far from setting aside the
teaching of the Established Church, he says, "My constant way of
preaching is, first, to prove my propositions by Scripture, and
then to illustrate them by the Articles and Collects of the Church
of England. Those who have heard me can witness how often I have
exhorted them to be constant at the public service of the Church; I
attend on it myself; and would read the public Liturgy every day, if
your lordship's clergy would give me leave."

It is only fair to add, that, Whitefield honestly meets all the
charges brought against him; and that, upon the whole, his "Answer"
is complete and victorious.

This was Whitefield's only reply to the scores of antagonistic
pamphlets published during the year 1739. In the same year, however,
he issued a considerable number of other publications, of which the
following is a list:--

1. "A Journal of a Voyage from London to Savannah in Georgia.
In two parts. Part I. From London to Gibraltar. Part II. From
Gibraltar to Savannah. With a short Preface, shewing the reason
of its publication." 8vo. 55 pp.

2. "A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal, from
his Arrival at Savannah to his return to London." 8vo. 38 pp.

3. "A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal, from
his Arrival at London to his Departure thence on his way to
Georgia." 8vo. 115 pp.

4. "A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal, during
the time he was detained in England by the Embargo." 8vo. 40 pp.

5. "An Account of Money, received and expended by the Rev. Mr.
Whitefield, for the Poor of Georgia." 8vo. 23 pp.[252]

[252] Another publication may be mentioned, namely, "An Abstract
of the Life and Death of the Reverend, Learned, and Pious Mr.
Thomas Halyburton, M.A., Professor of Divinity in the University
of St. Andrews. With a Recommendatory Epistle by the Rev. George
Whitefield, and a Preface by the Rev. John Wesley. 1739." 102 pp.
Whitefield's "Epistle" is dated February 5, 1739. Speaking of
Halyburton, he says, "I cannot but look upon his life as the most
perfect copy of his blessed Master's that I have yet seen; and, as
such, I recommend it to all my friends."

These five publications have been so freely used in the foregoing
pages as to render further description unnecessary.

In the same year, 1739, appeared, 1. "Sermons on Various Subjects.
In two Volumes." (12mo. 161 and 150 pp.) And, 2. "The Christian's
Companion; or, Sermons on Several Subjects." (12mo. 335 pp.) The
sermons, however, contained in these volumes were partly sermons
already published in the years 1737 and 1738; and partly sermons
found in the following list,[253] and published separately.

[253] No sermon already noticed is included in the list.

1. "Directions how to hear Sermons. A Sermon preached at
Christ's Church in Spitalfields, London." 8vo. 18 pp.

2. "Worldly Business no Plea for the Neglect of Religion. A
Sermon preached at the Parish Church of St. Lawrence, Old Jewry,
London." 8vo. 17 pp.

3. "Satan's Devices. A Sermon preached at Great St. Helen's,
London." 8vo. 25 pp.

4. "The Marks of the New Birth. A Sermon preached at the Parish
Church of St. Mary, Whitechapel, London." 8vo. 23 pp.

5. "The Knowledge of Jesus Christ, the best Knowledge. A Sermon
preached at Great St. Helen's, London." 8vo. 18 pp.

6. "The Power of Christ's Resurrection. A Sermon preached at
Werburgh's, in the city of Bristol." 8vo. 20 pp.

7. "The Duty of Searching the Scriptures. A Sermon preached at
St. Michael, Cornhill." 8vo. 19 pp.

8. "The Folly and Danger of being not Righteous enough. A Sermon
preached at Kennington Common, Moorfields, and Blackheath." 8vo.
34 pp.

9. "The Necessity of the Righteousness of Christ. A Farewell
Sermon preached at Moorfields, June 3, 1739." 8vo. 25 pp.

10. "The Care of the Soul urged as the One Thing Needful. A
Sermon preached on Kennington Common, May 19, 1739." 8vo. 35 pp.

11. "Watching, the peculiar Duty of a Christian.[254] A Sermon
preached at Mary-le-bone, Moorfields, and Kennington Common."
8vo. 25 pp.

[254] This, in Whitefield's collected works, is entitled, "The
Wise and Foolish Virgins."

12. "An Exhortation to come and see Jesus.[255] A Sermon
preached at Moorfields, May 20, 1739." 8vo. 14 pp.

[255] In Whitefield's collected works, the title of this sermon
is "The Conversion of Zacchæus;" but there is a great difference
between the two.

13. "Jesus Christ the only Way to Salvation. A Sermon preached
on Kennington Common." 8vo. 24 pp.

14. "Prayers on Several Occasions."[256] 8vo. 24 pp.

[256] These Prayers were six in number. Afterwards, thirteen
more were published, including "A Prayer for a Rich Man;" "A
Prayer for a Poor Negro;" "A Prayer for a Woman lately married
to a believing Husband;" "A Prayer for a Man, convinced that it
is his duty to marry, for Direction in the Choice of a Wife;"
"A Prayer for a Woman desiring Direction of God, after an Offer
of Marriage is made to her," etc. All the Prayers are very
scriptural, and beautifully devout.

15.[257] "Faith acts above Reason, proved from the Example of
Abraham, in offering up Isaac. And the great Folly of Races.
A Sermon preached at Hackney-Marsh, during the time of the
Horse-Races."[258] 8vo. 19 pp.

[257] The following sermons were not published till the year
1740, but all of them were preached in 1739.

[258] This, in the collected works, is entitled, "Abraham's
Offering up his Son Isaac;" but, except in general outline, the
resemblance between the two discourses is small.

16. "Christ the Support of the Tempted. A Sermon preached at
Blackheath." 8vo. 23 pp.

17. "Christ the only Rest for the Weary and Heavy-laden. A
Sermon preached at Kennington Common." 8vo. 21 pp.

18. "God's free Grace in the Salvation of Sinners, proved
from the Conversion of St. Paul. A Sermon preached at
Newington."[259] 8vo. 34 pp.

[259] In the collected works, the title is, "Saul's Conversion."
The two sermons are very different.

19. "The Polite and Fashionable Diversions of the Age,
destructive to Soul and Body. A Sermon preached at Blackheath."
8vo. 31 pp.

20. "The Observation of the Birth of Christ, the Duty of all
Christians; or, the true way of keeping Christmas. A Sermon
preached at Bristol." 8vo. 21 pp.

21. "A New Heart, the best New Year's Gift, and Repentance the
only Way to obtain it. A Sermon preached at Bristol." 8vo. 35 pp.

22. "The great Duty of Charity recommended, particularly to
all who profess Christianity. A Sermon preached at Kennington
Common, and at Gloucester," etc. 8vo. 25 pp.

23. "Christ the only Preservative against a Reprobate Spirit. A
Sermon preached at Blackheath." 8vo. 29 pp.

24. "The Serpent's Beguiling Eve explained, considered,
and applied to all under Temptation. A Sermon preached at
Blackheath, Newington," etc.[260] 8vo. 29 pp.

[260] Entitled, in the collected works, "The Seed of the Woman,
and the Seed of the Serpent." The two are very different.

25. "The Folly and Danger of Parting with Christ for the
Pleasures and Profits of Life. A Sermon preached at Kennington
Common." 8vo. 33 pp.

26. "Christ the best Husband: or, an earnest Invitation to Young
Women to come and see Christ. A Sermon preached to a Society of
Young Women in Fetter Lane." 8vo. 28 pp.

27. "The Danger of Man resulting from Sin, and his Remedy by
Christ considered. A Sermon preached on Kennington Common." 8vo.
34 pp.[261]

[261] "The title, in the collected works, is, "What think ye of
Christ?" There is scarcely any resemblance between the two.

The whole of these twenty-seven publications were "printed for C.
Whitefield, London."

From an account book, in which Whitefield entered the times and
places of his ministerial labours, it appears that, during his
remarkable career, he preached upwards of eighteen thousand
sermons.[262] Of these, only eighty-one have been printed; and even
this number includes eighteen preached during the last seven years
of Whitefield's life, and which can hardly be regarded as authentic,
inasmuch as they were taken in shorthand as delivered from the
pulpit, and were printed without Whitefield's revision, consent, or
knowledge. This reduces the number of his _authentic_ discourses to
sixty-three. By these, the public have been accustomed to form their
opinions of Whitefield as a theologian and a preacher; and, because
the sermons are, in many respects, exceedingly defective, the
judgments pronounced respecting Whitefield's intellectual culture,
biblical learning, and literary skill, have not been favourable.
This is an unintended injustice to his character and fame. How
stands the case?

[262] _Gospel Magazine_, 1776, p. 443.

During his lifetime, Whitefield prepared about sixty-three of his
sermons for the public press. Of these, twenty have been already
noticed in the foregoing pages. Add to these the twenty-six sermons,
included in the list just given, and all preached during the year
1739, and it will be found, that, of the sixty-three authentic
sermons, printed in Whitefield's collected works, at least forty-six
were preached, and committed to the press, before he was twenty-five
years of age. Is it fair that Whitefield's sermonising abilities
should be determined by these juvenile productions?

Want of space renders it impossible to enlarge upon the remaining
twenty-six sermons not already noticed; and yet, as the year, in
which these sermons were delivered, was, in many respects, the most
important period of Whitefield's life, a few extracts, even at the
expense of wearying the reader, must be given.

_Spiritual Pride._--"To check all suggestions to spiritual
pride, let us consider that we did not apprehend Christ, but
were apprehended of Him; that we have nothing but what we
have received; that the free grace of God has alone made the
difference between us and others; that were God to leave us to
the deceitfulness of our own hearts, but one moment, we should
become weak and wicked like other men; that being proud of grace
is the most ready way to lose it; and that were we endowed
with the perfections of seraphims, if we were proud of those
perfections, they would but render us more accomplished devils."
(Sermon on Satan's Devices.)

_Catholic Spirit._--"When we confine the Spirit of God to this
or that particular church, and are not willing to converse with
any but those of the same communion, this is to be righteous
over-much with a witness; and so it is to confine our communion
within church walls, and to think that Jesus could not be in a
field, as well as on consecrated ground. This is Judaism; this
is bigotry; this is like Peter, who would not go to preach the
gospel to the Gentiles, till he had a vision sent from God. The
Spirit of God is the centre of unity; and wherever I see the
image of my Master, I never enquire of them their opinions:
I ask them not what they are, so they love Jesus Christ in
sincerity and truth; but embrace them as my brother, my sister,
and my spouse. This is the spirit of Christianity. Many persons
who are bigots to this or that opinion, when one of a different
way of thinking has come where they were, have left the room or
place on that account. This is the spirit of the devil; and,
if it were possible that these persons could be admitted into
heaven with these tempers, that very place would be a hell to
them. Christianity will never flourish till we are all of one
heart and of one mind. This may be esteemed as enthusiasm and
madness, and as a design to undermine the Established Church:
no, God is my judge, I should rejoice to see all the world
adhere to her Articles. I am a friend to her Articles. I am a
friend to her Homilies. I am a friend to her Liturgy; and, if
they did not thrust me out of their churches, I would read them
every day; but I do not confine the Spirit of God there, for,
I say it again, I love all that love the Lord Jesus Christ."
(Sermon on the Folly and Danger of not being Righteous enough.)

_Innocent Diversions._--"They talk of innocent diversions and
recreations. For my part, I know of no diversion but that of
doing good. If you can find any diversion which is not contrary
to your baptismal vow, of renouncing the pomps and vanities of
this wicked world; if you can find any diversion which tends to
the glory of God; if you can find any diversion which you would
be willing to be found at by the Lord Jesus Christ, I give you
my free license to go to them. But if, on the contrary, they
are found to keep sinners from coming to the Lord Jesus Christ;
if they are a means to harden the heart, and such as you would
not willingly be found in when you come to die, then, my dear
brethren, keep from them. Many of you may think I have gone too
far, but I shall go a great deal farther yet. I will attack the
devil in his strongest holds, and bear my testimony against
our fashionable and polite entertainments. What pleasure is
there in spending several hours at cards? Is it not misspending
your precious time, which should be spent in working out your
salvation with fear and trembling? Do play-houses, horse-racing,
balls, and assemblies tend to promote the glory of God? Would
you be willing to have your souls demanded of you while you are
at one of those places? What good can come from a horse-race,
from abusing God Almighty's creatures, and putting them to a
use He never designed them? The play-houses are nurseries of
debauchery, and the supporters of them are encouragers and
promoters of all the evil that is done there. They are the bane
of the age, and will be the destruction of the frequenters of
them. Is it not high time for the true ministers of Jesus Christ
to lift up their voices as a trumpet, and cry aloud against the
diversions of the age? If you have tasted of the love of God,
and have felt His power upon your souls, you would no more go
to a play than you would run your heads into a furnace. And
what occasions these places to be so much frequented is the
clergy's making no scruple to be at these polite entertainments
themselves. They frequent play-houses; they go to horse-races;
they go to balls and assemblies; they frequent taverns, and
follow all the entertainments that the age affords; and, yet,
these are the persons who should advise their hearers to refrain
from them. They always go disguised, for they are afraid of
being seen in their gowns and cassocks; for their consciences
inform them that it is not an example fit for the ministers of
the gospel to set." (Ibid.)

"Those, my brethren, are not weary and heavy-laden with a
sense of their sins, who can delight themselves in the polite
entertainments of the age. Now they can go to balls and
assemblies, play-houses and horse-racing. They have no thought
of their sins. They know not what it is to weep for sin, or
humble themselves under the mighty hand of God. They can laugh
away their sorrows, and sing away their cares. They are too
polite to entertain any sad thoughts, and the talk of death and
judgment is irksome to them, because it damps their mirth. They
could not go to a play, and think of hell. They could not go
quietly to a masquerade, and think of their danger. They could
not go to a ball, if they thought of their sins. But, at the
day of judgment, all will be over. All their carnal mirth, all
their pleasure, all their delight, will be gone for ever. They
think now that if they were to fast, or to pray, and meditate
and mourn, they would be righteous over-much. Their lives would
be a continual trouble, and it would make them mad. Alas! my
brethren, what misery must that life be, where there are no more
pleasant days, no more balls, or plays, no cards, or dice, no
horse-racing, and cock-fighting! How miserable will your life
be when all your joys are over, when your pleasures are all
past, no more mirth, or pastime! Do you think, my brethren,
there is one merry heart in hell? one pleasing countenance? or
jesting, scoffing, swearing tongue? A sermon now is irksome. The
offer of salvation, by the blood of Jesus Christ, is now termed
enthusiasm; but there you would give a thousand worlds for one
offer of mercy, which now you so much despise. Now you are not
weary of your diversions, nor heavy-laden with the sins with
which they are accompanied; but then you will be weary of your
punishments. Your cards and dice, your hawks and hounds, your
bowls and pleasant sports, will then be over! What mirth will
you have in remembering them!" (Sermon on Christ the only Rest
for the Weary and Heavy-laden.)

"What good can proceed from play-houses, where God is profaned,
the devil honoured, your time misspent, your souls endangered?
Dare any of you who profess Christianity, frequent these places?
Would you be willing to be found at a play, or reading one,
when God demands your souls? If so, why do not you, when upon
a sick or dying bed, instead of sending for a minister to pray
with you, send for a comedian to comfort you through the dark
valley of the shadow of death? But though these things are so
destructive, our learned Rabbins do not warn the people of their
danger. No; they are too great frequenters of them themselves.
If you come to hear a sermon, your families are ruined, they
are neglected. This is the cry of the Pharisees of this
generation; but if you spend six times the time at a play-house,
at a ball, at an assembly, at cards, dice, or any of their
polite entertainments, nothing is said then against ruining
your families, or losing your business. But, my brethren, ask
yourselves which will be best, at a dying hour, to think you
spent so much time at a play, a ball, or a neighbouring place of
vanity;[263] or of hearing the word of God from a poor despised
field-preacher? from a mountebank? from a babbler, as the world
is pleased to term me? You may call this enthusiasm, if you
like; but I speak the truth, I lie not; these diversions, these
innocent, polite, fashionable entertainments of the age, are
only hurrying the infidels, who attend them, faster to hell.
What is the common language of these polite entertainments, but
the language of hell? What are their frequent prayers, but for
damnation? Will these polite and fashionable entertainments
bring you to Jesus Christ? Will they make you sensible of the
need you have of Him? Can you see the necessity of being born
again, by following horse-racing, and by seeing a poor abused
creature carrying its rider faster into hell? But what makes
these places to be the more frequented, is, the clergy make no
scruple about being there themselves. They neglect the work of
their calling. Their sermons are but a week's study to please
the ears of the people, or to advance their own reputation.
If they were here, I, a boy, would tell them to their face
that they do not preach the doctrines of the Reformation; that
they feed not their hearers with food convenient for them. No:
Seneca, Cicero, Plato, or any of the heathen philosophers would
preach as good doctrine as we hear in most of our churches.
Our ministers subscribe to their Articles, and think no more
about them. They use them as a key to get preferment; and,
when they have got it, they put the key into their pockets.
Many, very many of our clergy, know no more of regeneration
than Nicodemus did, when he came to Christ by night. To talk of
feeling the Spirit of God, is esteemed as nonsense; and persons
have been forbidden the sacrament only for reading my books;
but, as my books and sermons are agreeable to the doctrines
of Jesus Christ, I dare venture my salvation on the truth of
them." (Sermon on the Polite and Fashionable Diversions of the
Age.)[264]

[263] Meaning "Vauxhall Spring Gardens."

[264] It is a curious fact that this sermon was not published in
Whitefield's collected works, in 1772.

"The clergy charge us with being over-righteous; but let them
take care lest they are not over-remiss. Let them examine their
own lives before they condemn others for enthusiasts. It is
manifest that their actions are unbecoming of Christians, and
more especially of ministers of the Church of England. They
make no scruple of frequenting taverns and public-houses. They
make no conscience of playing several hours at billiards,
bowls, and other unlawful games, which they esteem as innocent
diversions. Plurality of livings, and not the salvation of
your souls, is the aim, the chief aim, of many, very many,
of our present clergy. They have quite forsaken the good old
way, and brought up a new one which their fathers knew not.
They don't catechise. They don't visit from house to house.
They don't watch over their flocks, by examining their lives.
They keep up no constant religious conversation in families
under their care. No, my brethren, these things are neglected;
and if they were to be acted by any one, the person would be
esteemed as an enthusiast, and as righteous over-much. We
may justly cry to my letter-learned brethren, 'Physicians,
heal yourselves.' Don't flatter yourselves that a long gown,
and great preferment, authorise you to speak, write, or
preach against the doctrines of our Lord Jesus Christ. No, my
letter-learned, pleasure-seeking brethren, Jesus Christ, at the
day of judgment, will judge you, not as doctors and rulers, but
by the deeds done in the body, whether they be good, or whether
they be evil. At the great day, we shall all be upon a level.
No distinction there! No difference there! If they had preached
Jesus Christ in sincerity and truth, I would not have opened my
mouth against them; but when they exclaim, 'The temple of the
Lord! the temple of the Lord!' and are building up the temple
of the devil, if I were not to preach, the very stones would
cry out. They may thrust me out of their churches, but they
cannot thrust me from the Church of Christ. They are welcome to
say what they please of me. They may cast me out, and say all
manner of evil against me; yea, they may put me to death; but as
my day is, so my strength shall be. I have a gracious Master,
and into His hands I commit myself, and leave all my affairs to
His wise discretion." (Sermon on Jesus Christ the only Way of
Salvation.)[265]

[265] This sermon also was not included in Whitefield's collected
works, in 1772.

It would be easy to multiply extracts like these; but, to exhibit
more fully the character of Whitefield's preaching, a few of another
kind must be introduced.

_Self-Righteousness._--"How many are there who go to church,
and say their prayers, and receive the sacrament, and give alms
to the poor, and then think themselves good Christians, because
they have done so; and when we tell them that all this will not
do, they immediately cry out, we are preaching them to despair.
But, O good God! Thou knowest that I wish I could bring all men
off from this undoing delusion, that will but betray them into
everlasting misery. It is because I know such persons are more
odious, in the sight of God, than the vilest sinners, that makes
me so earnest in warning them of their guilt and danger; for
I have more hope of common swearers, drunkards, fornicators,
Sabbath-breakers, and harlots, and of deists and infidels,
than I have of such self-righteous Pharisees. It is against
these that almost all our Saviour's parables are levelled. If
you depend upon your own duties, you are but Pharisees and
hypocrites, for hypocrites may do all this as the Pharisees
did. There is no doubt that you are to do your duty; but, if
you depend upon your duties, you make a Saviour of them, and
deny the righteousness of our Lord Jesus Christ. You may go
in an easy, decent, and polite way of religion, and obtain a
reputation in the sight of men; but you are odious in the sight
of God, and incarnate devils within." (Sermon on the Necessity
of the Righteousness of Christ.)[266]

[266] This sermon was on the parable of the Pharisee and
Publican, but is altogether different from that, on the same
text, in Whitefield's collected works.

"O ye Pharisees, what fruits do ye bring forth? Why, you are
moral, polite creatures. You do your endeavours, and Jesus is
to make up the rest. You esteem yourselves fine, rational, and
polite beings, and think it is too unfashionable to pray. It
is not polite enough. Perhaps you have read some prayers, but
knew not how to pray from your hearts. No, by no means! That
was being righteous over-much! But if once, my brethren, you
were sensible of your being lost, damned creatures, and see
hell gaping ready to receive you, then, O then, you would cry
earnestly unto the Lord to receive you, to open the door of
mercy unto you. Your tones would then be changed. You would no
more flatter yourselves with your abilities and good wishes.
No: you would see how unable you were to save yourselves;
that there is no fitness, no free-will in you: no fitness but
for eternal damnation; and no free-will but that of doing
evil. Ye Pharisees, who are going about to establish your own
righteousness; who are too polite to follow the Lord Jesus
Christ in sincerity and truth; who are all for a little show,
a little outside work; who lead moral, civil, decent lives,
Christ will not know you at the great day, but will say unto
you, 'Depart from me, ye workers of iniquity, unto that place
of torment, prepared for the devil and his angels.' Good God!
and must these discreet, polite creatures, who never did any
one harm, but led such civil, decent lives, must they suffer
the vengeance of eternal fire? Cannot their righteous souls
be saved? Where then must the sinner and the ungodly appear?"
(Sermon on Christ the only Rest for the Weary.)

_Warnings._--"O the folly and madness of this sensual world! O
consider this, you who think it no crime to swear, whore, drink,
or scoff and jeer at the people of God,--consider how your
voices will then be changed, and how you will howl and lament
at your own madness and folly. He, who is now your merciful
Saviour, will then be your inexorable Judge. Now He is easy to
be entreated; then all your tears and prayers will be in vain.
Your wealth and grandeur will stand you in no stead. You can
carry nothing of these into the other world. What horror and
astonishment will then possess your souls! Then all your lies
and oaths, your scoffs and jeers at the people of God, all your
filthy and unclean thoughts and actions, will be brought at once
to your remembrance, and at once be charged upon your guilty
souls." (Sermon on a New Heart, the best New-Year's Gift.)

"Alas! our great men had much rather spend their money in a
play-house, at a ball, an assembly, or a masquerade, than in
relieving a poor distressed servant of Jesus Christ. They had
rather spend their estates on their hawks and hounds, on their
whores, and on their earthly, sensual, and devilish pleasures,
than in comforting, nourishing, or relieving one of their
distressed fellow-creatures. But what difference is there
between the king on the throne and the beggar on the dunghill,
when God demands their breath? There is no difference in the
grave. There will be none at the day of judgment. You will not
be excused because you have had a great estate, and a fine
house, and have lived in all the pleasures that earth could
afford you. You will be judged not according to the largeness
of your estate, but according to the use you have made of it."
(Sermon on the great Duty of Charity recommended.)

"Sinners! how fearful soever you may be of appearing before
this tribunal, you will be obliged to do it. Then you will
call for the rocks and mountains to fall upon you, to hide you
from the face of the Lord God. Then you will see Him whom your
sins have pierced. Then you will be called to answer for your
revilings and mockings against the people of God. Then it will
plainly appear who are the enthusiasts, and who the madmen. Then
we shall see who have been fools, and who were the fitter for
Bedlam." (Sermon on the Serpent's beguiling Eve.)

"Oh! brethren, it is a certain, but an awful truth, that your
souls will be thinking and immortal beings, even in spite of
themselves. They may indeed torment, but they cannot destroy
themselves. They can no more suspend their power of thought and
perception, than a mirror its property of reflecting rays that
fall upon its surface. Do you suspect the contrary? Make the
trial immediately. Command your minds to cease from thinking but
for one quarter of an hour. Can you succeed in that attempt? Or
rather, does not thought press in with a more sensible violence
on that resistance; just as an anxious desire to sleep makes
us so much the more wakeful? Thus will thought follow you
beyond the grave. Thus will it, as an unwelcome guest, force
itself upon you, when it can serve only to perplex and distress
you. It will for ever upbraid you, that notwithstanding the
kind expostulations of God and man, notwithstanding the keen
remonstrances of conscience, and the pleadings of the blood of
Christ, you have gone on in your folly, till heaven is lost, and
damnation incurred; and all for what? for a shadow and a dream!"
(Sermon on the Care of the Soul urged as the One Thing Needful.)

_Entreaties._--"You all, my brethren, must be born again. You
must feel yourselves lost and undone in yourselves, or there is
no salvation for you in the Lord Jesus Christ. Men may be angry
with me for telling you these things, and may come and carry me
to prison, or to death; but my inward satisfaction at having
been made instrumental of bringing any poor sinners home to
Jesus Christ, I esteem more than a balance for all that I can
suffer: If this is to be vile, I beg of God I may be yet more
vile. If this is to be mad, I pray God I may be yet more mad, in
my Master's cause. Let His own will be done in me, with me, by
me, and upon me, so I may not be brought as a witness against
you in the great day. As this is my last time of speaking to
you, in this place, I would invite you the more earnestly to
come to the Lord Jesus Christ. O do not lay the blame of your
perishing upon our doctrine. Do not lay the fault upon us; for
the Lord now sends His servants to call and invite you to Him;
and if you still refuse both Him and us, what must I say? I
must appear in judgment against you; and, oh! what shall I say?
The very thought, methinks, chills my blood." (Sermon on the
Necessity of the Righteousness of Christ.)

"I come to you, not with the enticing words of man's wisdom,
but with plainness of speech. Perhaps many may slight me for
this way of preaching; but I am not willing to go without you
to Christ. It is a love for your better part that constrains
me. O that I had ten thousand lives to give away, that I might
win you to Christ! Had I the tongue of an angel, that I might
speak so loud that the whole world could hear me, I would bid
the Christian world preach a common salvation, a common Saviour,
unto all who lay hold on Him by faith. Are you seeking where
to wash? I tell you not to go to the river Jordan, but to the
blood of Christ. You need not fear to go. Though He has given
His grace to thousands, He has still enough. Come, ye publicans;
come, ye harlots; come to Jesus Christ. O do not let me go
without my errand. Do not force me to say, 'Who has believed
my report?' I cannot bear the thought of it. I must lift up
my voice, like a trumpet, begging you to lay down your arms,
and to return home, that your loving Father may dress you in
His spotless robe. Come and see whether Christ will make ample
recompence for all, for more than all this world can give.
Consider, if you do not, your damnation is from yourselves. Must
I weep over you, as our Saviour did over Jerusalem? I beseech
you, by all that is good and dear to you, do not cast away your
souls for ever. O mind, in this your day, the things that belong
to your peace, before they are for ever hidden from your eyes.
Could I speak with the tongues of men or angels, with all the
rhetoric possible, I could never tell the worth of Christ. He is
a good Master; indeed He is. I wish all that hear me this day
would lay hold on Him, by faith, and take Him on His own terms.
Do not be angry with me for my love. How glad would I be to
bring some of you to God! Come! He calls you by His ministers.
Bring your sins with you, that He may make you saints. He will
sanctify all who believe on Him." (Sermon on Watching, the
peculiar Duty of a Christian.)

"Come, come unto Him. If your souls were not immortal, and you
in danger of losing them, I would not thus speak unto you; but
the love of your souls constrains me to speak. Methinks, this
would constrain me to speak unto you for ever. Come, all ye
drunkards, swearers, Sabbath-breakers, adulterers, fornicators!
Come, all ye scoffers, harlots, thieves, and murderers; and
Jesus Christ will save you. He will give you rest, if you are
weary of your sins." (Sermon on Christ the only Rest for the
Weary.)

"O fly, fly unto the Lord Jesus Christ. I invite you all to
accept of Him. I offer Jesus Christ to the greatest profligate
on earth. Surely, there are none can say, I preach damnation
now. They cannot say I am sending you to hell now. No, my
brethren, I preach salvation to all of you, who will come and
accept the Lord Jesus Christ. Oh! I know not how to leave you,
without some hopes of your coming to Him." (Sermon on Polite and
Fashionable Diversions.)

"The devil shews men the bait, but hides the hook. He promises
great wages; but his wages are really death here, and eternal
damnation hereafter. If you want to know more what wages the
devil gives his servants, you need not stir from the place
where you now are. Look yonder,[267] and there you will see
how he pays them. He seeks your souls to destroy them; but,
my brethren, fear him not. Though he is your enemy, he is a
chained one. He can go no farther than he is permitted. He could
not hurt a herd of swine, till he had leave of Jesus Christ."
(Sermon on the Danger of Man resulting from Sin.)

[267] Pointing, on Kennington Common, to the gallows, where three
men were hanging in chains.

These are long extracts, at the end of an inconveniently long
chapter; but, it must be borne in mind, that, the fame of Whitefield
chiefly rests on his character as a preacher; and that there are
only thirty-five of his published sermons which belong to dates
subsequent to the year 1739; and that even more than half of these
were taken from his lips, in shorthand, and printed without his
revision or consent.

It is scarcely necessary to enlarge upon the foregoing extracts. The
reader can form his own opinions of Whitefield's oratory, courage,
tenderness, earnestness, and fidelity. He can also judge of the
young preacher's imprudence, perhaps rudeness, in using language so
violent concerning the clergy of the Established Church. One fact,
however, must be noted. These sermons, as _originally published_,
contain scarcely any allusion whatever to Calvinian tenets.
Whitefield, no doubt, became a Calvinist; but this change in his
theology did not occur, until he was about to embark, the second
time, for Georgia. Indeed, though, in the seventeen sermons which
remain unnoticed, and which were written and revised by Whitefield
himself, there are passages embodying the doctrines of election
and final perseverance; also passages on imputed righteousness and
sinless perfection, propounding views not in harmony with those of
his friend Wesley; yet such passages, comparatively speaking, are
few in number, and are totally exempt from bitterness. It is also
right to add, that, Whitefield's Calvinism never interfered with his
warmhearted declarations concerning the _universality_ of redeeming
love, and the willingness of Christ to save _all_ who come to Him.
Doubtless there was some degree of inconsistency in this; but it
only shews that the man's heart was larger than his creed.

Excepting two or three, there is nothing in the remaining seventeen
sermons just mentioned which requires further notice. They are,
however, in most respects, his ablest and his best. There is less
incoherency of thought and language. There is an entire absence of
attacks on the clergy of the Church of England. The style is more
polished; the sentences more finished. There is more biblical and
anecdotal illustration. And there is a greater depth of religious
feeling and experience.

Excellent, however, as _these_ sermons are, they necessarily fail
to convey a full idea of Whitefield's marvellous preaching power.
His words could be printed, but not his intonations, action,
tears, smiles, solemnity, and pathos. Whitefield was born an
orator. His oratory was the gift of his Creator. He could not be
natural without using it. To have laid it aside would have been
affectation. His oratory, however, is a thing not to be seen in
his published sermons, but to be imagined. There was eloquence in
his very attitudes, in the accents of his voice, in his gestures,
in the features of his face, and in the motions of his hands.
These things could not be printed. To say nothing of his almost
unequalled voice, his versatility was wonderful. At will, he could
be a Boanerges, or a Barnabas. One moment, he would thunder on Mount
Sinai; the next, would whisper mercy on Mount Calvary. At all times,
he was inexpressibly earnest, and his hearers felt he believed the
truths he uttered. A writer, in the _New York Observer_, eloquently
observes:--

"We read Whitefield's printed sermons, and they disappoint
us. Of all men in the world, he was the last who should
have published his sermons. So much did he owe to physical
temperament, to the volume and varied intonations of his
voice, to the irrepressible fires of a soul all alive to the
grand and overpowering visions of divine truth, to a sort of
inspiration kindled by the sight of thousands whose eyes were
ready to weep and whose hearts were ready to break the moment
his clarion voice rang out on their expectant ears--so much did
he owe to these circumstances, that his eloquence cannot be
appreciated by any account of it which can be given verbally, or
be delineated on paper. Vain is it, therefore, to look into his
printed sermons to find his power. His power as a pulpit orator,
also, cannot be separated from his pious emotions, nor from
his religious views. Had he embraced a theory of religion less
emotional, more after the pattern of rationalists or ritualists,
his eloquence would have been lost to the world. Never would his
soul have taken fire, nor his lips glowed with the burning coal
of enthusiastic passion. But he believed in man's ruin by sin,
in the certain interminable woe that awaited the impenitent;
in the mercy of God through Jesus Christ, and the free offer
of salvation through faith in the cross. Such were his views,
and, under these convictions, he looked upon his audiences.
He saw but one hope set before them, and with his whole soul
moved and melted by the love of Christ on the one hand, and
the love of souls on the other, he pressed every hearer, with
all the energy of a dying man speaking to dying men, to accept
the great salvation. Nor do we think that the pulpit can reach
its appropriate power, nor for any length of time retain it,
unless these grand cardinal doctrines of grace are the inspiring
themes."

These remarks are as just as they are eloquent; but it is now time
to follow Whitefield in his transatlantic wanderings.

_SECOND VISIT TO AMERICA._

AUGUST 1739 TO MARCH 1741.

Marvellous were the scenes which Whitefield had witnessed during the
last few months. If ministerial success were a proof that the man
thus honoured ought to remain where he is, Whitefield ought to have
remained in England. He had, however, formally accepted the distant
living of Savannah. The Trustees of Georgia had cheerfully acceded
to all his wishes. He had collected considerable sums of money for
the erection of his contemplated Orphanage. He had promised the
people of Savannah that he would return to them. People on both
sides the Atlantic expected this. On the other hand, and despite the
ribald persecutions to which he had been subjected, he had strong
inducements to stay at home. Hundreds, perhaps thousands, during
the last half-year, had been converted by his ministry, and needed
pastoral attention. The crowds that flocked to hear him had not at
all diminished, but were as great as ever. Multitudes wished to keep
him. To fill his place was extremely difficult, perhaps impossible.
But solemn promises had been made; and, in accordance with these,
public, as well as private, arrangements had taken place; all
rendering a return to Georgia an imperative necessity. No doubt,
Whitefield was anxious that the great work, which had been begun in
London and elsewhere, should be conserved, and be carried on; and he
seems to have requested Charles Wesley to act as his successor. At
all events, Charles wrote as follows:--

_"August 10, 1739._

DEAR GEORGE,--I forgot to mention the most material occurrence
at Plaistow; namely, that a clergyman was there convinced of
sin. He stood under me, and appeared, throughout my discourse,
under the strongest perturbation of mind. In our return, we
were much delighted with an old spiritual Quaker, who is clear
in justification by faith only. At Marylebone, a footman was
convinced of more than sin; and now waits with confidence for
all the power of faith. Friend Keen seems to have experience,
and is right in the foundation.

"I cannot preach out on the week-days, for the expense of coach;
nor accept of dear Mr. Seward's offer; to which I should be less
backward, would he take my advice. But while he is so lavish of
his Lord's goods, I cannot consent that this ruin should, in any
degree, _seem_ to be under my hand.

"I am continually tempted to leave off preaching, and hide
myself like J. Hutchins. I should then be freer from temptation,
and at leisure to attend to my own improvement. God continues
to work _by_ me, but not _in_ me, that I can perceive. Do not
reckon upon me, my brother, in the work God is doing: for I
cannot expect He should long employ one who is ever longing and
murmuring to be discharged. I rejoice in your success, and pray
for its increase a thousand-fold."[268]

[268] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 159.

Four days after the date of this letter, Whitefield embarked for
America. His party consisted of seventeen persons, including Mr.
Seward and himself.[269] One of these was Joseph Periam, whom
Whitefield had rescued from a madhouse. Another was Mr. Gladman, a
captain, whose ship, during Whitefield's first visit to America, had
been thrown upon a sandbank, near the Gulf of Florida, where he and
his crew had to exist, as they best could, for thirty days, when
they launched a raft; and, after floating about a hundred and forty
leagues, came to Tybee Island, near Savannah. Whitefield shewed the
captain kindness. They returned to England in the same ship. The man
was converted. Many situations were offered him; but he declined
them all, gave himself to the work of God, and was now one of
Whitefield's companions to Georgia.

[269] See "An Account of Money received and disbursed for the Orphan
House in Georgia. By George Whitefield. 1741." Only eleven, however,
had their expenses paid out of the public subscriptions. Whitefield
and Seward paid the passage-money for themselves and four others.

The voyage was of eleven weeks' continuance; but was not marked by
any notable occurrence. Whitefield had public prayers twice a day.
On Sundays, he preached and administered the sacrament. Sometimes,
he and his friends held a love-feast; and, on several occasions,
he allowed a Quaker to preach in his cabin. Often he suffered
deep depression, and was profoundly humbled by revelations of his
sinfulness in the sight of God. A large portion of his time was
spent in writing letters, so that, when he landed, he had more than
sixty ready for the post.

One of these, now for the first time published, was addressed to Mr.
Blackwell, the Lombard Street banker:--[270]

"ON BOARD THE 'ELIZABETH,' GOING TO THE DOWNS,

"_August 16, 1739._

"DEAR MR. BLACKWELL,--I must write you, though so lately parted
from you. I know the temptations which surround you. If I love
you, I must watch over your soul. Perhaps, ere now, your father
is launched into eternity. Yet a little while, you and I must
follow. Oh, let us live the life of the righteous, that our
future state may be like his. Nothing but a living faith in
Jesus Christ can support us in a dying hour. What would the
self-righteous Pharisees of this generation give for this pearl
of inestimable price when God takes away their souls? Oh, my
dear friend, it is worth being laughed at. It is worth ten
thousand worlds. You will not think much then of renouncing
one world for it. You have put your hand to the plough: I know
you will scorn to look back. Your carnal relatives will do
their utmost to make you ashamed of the cross of Christ; but be
not ashamed of it, for it is the power of God unto salvation.
Neither be ashamed of His disciples, though men of low degree,
and accounted fools for His sake. No, rather choose to suffer
affliction with His people; for, if we suffer, we shall also
reign with Him. Oh, let your delight be with the saints that
are in the earth, and with them that excel in virtue. You are
blessed with many such. I beseech you, by the mercies of God in
Christ Jesus our Lord, forsake not the assembling of yourselves
together. And, as in my presence, so in my absence, see that
you work out your salvation with fear and trembling. Let Jesus
Christ be the Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end of all
your thoughts, words, and actions. Suffer Him to work His whole
will in, by, and upon you. And fail not writing to, and praying
for,

"Ever, ever yours,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[270] Kindly furnished by Mr. George Stampe, of Grimsby.

Extracts from a few other letters, written during the voyage to
America, may be useful. The first was addressed to Charles Wesley:--

"HONOURED AND DEAR SIR,--God has been pleased to send us a
comfortable passage. The Orphan House accounts come right within
£10.

I have great assurances given me that it will be a Pietas
Georgiensis, equally remarkable with the Pietas Hallensis. I
shall continue in Georgia above six months. If Mr. Hutchins
would come to supply my place, I would keep the parsonage of
Savannah. Otherwise, I will resign all but the Orphan House. I
have read Guise and Doddridge on the Evangelists, and written
to both. The former I think excellent; the latter, ingenious,
elaborate, but too superficial. Neal's 'Lives of the Puritans'
have been of use. I think they held the truth as it is in
Jesus. The Quakers have set us an example of patient, resolute
suffering, as the best means to weary our enemies. I want the
Lives of Luther and Calvin, to get some short account of the
history of the Reformation. At my return, I trust I shall speak
boldly, as I ought to speak. The account of my infant years was
written by the will of God. Pray, let it be published, without
any material diminution or addition. He who hideth his sins
shall not prosper. My Letter to the Religious Societies I give
to the schools at Bristol. The Lord prosper the work of your
hands upon you! I have written to the Bishop of Gloucester, and
have delivered my soul, by meekly telling him of his faults.
I long to hear how affairs go on in England. Are you yet the
Lord's prisoner? If they make any laws whatsoever, I trust
notwithstanding I shall preach with all boldness. Oh, dear sir,
pray publicly, as well as in private, for your unworthy, loving
servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[271]

[271] _Arminian Magazine_, 1778, p. 179.

To other friends, Whitefield wrote:--

"Our ship is now going to the Downs. God strengthens me mightily
in the inner man. The sermon I have sent you is one of my
extempore sermons. My brother, the captain, has been with me
this last week. If he leaves off disputing, and will come to
Christ as a poor lost sinner, he will do well. The Bishop of
London has lately written against me. I trust God has assisted
me in writing an answer. It is now (August 14) in the press.
All the self-righteous are up in arms. My Master makes me more
than a conqueror through His love. Mr. Ingham has about forty
Societies in Yorkshire. Both the Mr. Wesleys go on well. Go
where you will, religion (either for or against it) is the talk.
Probably a suffering time will come. You will not be ashamed
of me, though I should be a prisoner. Soon after this reaches
Georgia, I hope to see you. My stay will be as short as possible
at Philadelphia. I must not delay coming to my dear, though
poor, charge. I expect to find Savannah almost desolate;[272]
but our extremity is God's opportunity. I believe it will lift
up its drooping head."

[272] This letter was evidently written to some one at Savannah;
probably the clergyman. The reference is to the war then raging
in Georgia between Spain and England.

"I thank God for His goodness to brother Howell Harris. The
storm is diverted for a while, but I expect it to break upon
my head one time or another. God has, for a while, prepared me
a place of refuge in the ship from whence I write this. I have
almost forgotten that I was in the world. My family on board
is quite settled, and we live and love like Christians. I am
now reading the 'Book of Martyrs.' They make me blush to think
how little I suffer for Christ's sake. They warm my heart, and
make me think the time long till I am called to resist even unto
blood. But I fear the treachery of this heart of mine."

"Since my retirement from the world, I have seen more and
more how full I am of corruption. Nothing could possibly
support my soul under the many agonies which oppress me, but a
consideration of the freeness, eternity, and unchangeableness of
God's love to me, the chief of sinners. In about a twelvemonth,
probably, I shall return again to my native country. Satan, no
doubt, will endeavour to stir up all his forces against me. By
the help of my God, I will once more come forth with my sling
and my stone. I shall wait with impatience to hear how the work
goes on in my absence. I trust God, by this time (Nov. 10),
has sent more labourers into His harvest. I verily believe the
right hand of the Lord will bring mighty things to pass. O how
do I long to see bigotry and party-zeal taken away, and all the
Lord's servants more knit together!"

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--When with you last, I thought you
spoke too favourably of horse-races and such things. But what
diversion ought a Christian or a clergyman to know, or speak of,
but that of doing good? Many who are right in their principles,
are worse than I could wish in their practice. O for a revival
of true and undefiled religion in all sects whatsoever! I long
to see a catholic spirit overspread the world. May God vouchsafe
to make me an instrument in promoting it! Methinks, I care not
what I do or suffer, so that I may see my Lord's kingdom come
with power."

The following is taken from a letter to the Erskines and their
confederates in Scotland:--

"Though I know none of you in person, yet, from the time I heard
of your faith and love towards our dear Lord Jesus, I have been
acquainted with you in spirit, and have constantly mentioned
you in my poor prayers. I find the good pleasure of the Lord
prospers in your hands; and I pray God to increase you more and
more. Scotland, like England, has been so much settled upon
its lees for some time, that I fear our late days may properly
be called the midnight of the Church. I cannot but think a
winnowing time will come after this ingathering of souls. O that
we may suffer only as Christians, and then the Spirit of Christ
and of glory will rest upon us. In patience possess your souls.
I will leave my cause to God. The eternal God will be your
perpetual refuge. He who employs will protect. As your day is,
so shall your strength be."[273]

[273] To shew the malignant feeling of the public press against
Whitefield, and the falsehoods used to injure him, the following
is extracted from _Read's Weekly Journal_, of October 20,
1739:--"Edinburgh, October 9. It is said that the Rev. Mr.
Whitefield, whose savoury Journals used to be quoted with applause
by our Scot seceders, has of late addressed himself to one of
these champions, in a letter which contains his opinions of their
principles; and, in the strongest terms, condemns them as the
authors of a detestable schism, endeavours to persuade them to
return to their duty, and to leave off their divisive courses. This
letter has given great offence; and Mr. Whitefield, from being a
reformer, a saint, and a shining light, is degenerated, in their
discourses, into one whose heart is corrupted, who will not lift up
a testimony against the corruptions of the Church: in short, as one
(oh horrid!) who will not rebel against an authority which he swore
to maintain."

Other friends were addressed as follows:--

"The innumerable temptations, that attend a popular life,
sometimes make me think it would be best for me to withdraw.
But then, I consider that He who delivered Daniel out of the
den of lions, and the three children out of the fiery furnace,
is able and willing to deliver me also out of the fiery furnace
of popularity and applause, and from the fury of those, who,
for preaching Christ and Him crucified, are my inveterate
enemies. In His strength, therefore, and at His command, when
His providence shall call, I will venture out again. As yet, my
trials have been nothing. Hereafter, a winnowing time may come;
and then we shall see who is on the Lord's side, and who dare to
confess Christ before men."

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--The Christian world is in a deep
sleep. Nothing but a loud voice can awaken them out of it. It
would rejoice me to hear of your success in the Lord. In about
a twelvemonth, I purpose to return to England. I long to die
unto myself, and to be alive unto God. Methinks, I would always
be upon the wing; but, alas! I have a body of sin, which, at
times, makes me cry out, 'Who shall deliver me?' I thank God,
our Lord Jesus Christ will deliver. But I never expect entire
freedom till I bow down my head, and give up the ghost. Every
fresh employ, I find, brings with it fresh temptations. God
always humbles before He exalts me. Sometimes I speak and write
freely, at other times I am comparatively barren; one while on
the mount, another while overshadowed with a cloud; but, blessed
be God! at all times, at peace with Him, and assured that my
sins are forgiven. I want to leap my seventy years. I long to be
dissolved, and to be with Christ. But I must be made perfect by
sufferings. I expect no other preferment."

In a letter to Mr. Hutchins, one of the Oxford Methodists,
Whitefield wrote:--

"And how does my dear Mr. Hutchins? Is he yet commenced a
field-preacher? I am persuaded my dear friend is under the
guidance of God's Spirit, and, therefore, am convinced he will
be directed for the best. Ere now, I trust, he has been upon
many a mount, stretching out his hands, and inviting all that
are weary and heavy-laden to come to Jesus Christ. In about a
twelvemonth, I think of returning to England. I should rejoice
if you would come and supply my place at Savannah. If not, I
must resign the parsonage, and take upon me only the care of the
orphans. I intend bringing up two or three, who are with me, for
the ministry: more, no doubt, will shortly be added to their
number. If you could come and teach them the languages, for an
hour or two in the day, we could serve both the Orphan House
and Parsonage together. Great things I trust will come out of
Georgia."

"I know so much of the corruption of my heart, that, were God
to leave me to myself but one moment, I should with oaths and
curses deny my Master. As for my final perseverance, I bless
God, I have not the least doubt thereof. The gifts and callings
of God are without repentance. Whom He loves, I am persuaded, He
loves to the end. But then, I fear lest, being puffed up with
abundance of success, I should provoke the Lord to let me fall
into some heinous sin, and thereby give His adversaries reason
to rejoice. A public life is attended with innumerable snares;
and a sense of my unworthiness and unfitness so weighs me down,
that I have often thought it would be best for me to retire.
But I know these are all suggestions of the enemy. Why should I
distrust Omnipotence? Having had a legion of devils cast out of
my heart by the power of Christ, why should I not tell what He
hath done for my soul, for the encouragement of others? By the
help of God, I will speak. The more Satan bids me hold my peace,
the more earnestly will I proclaim to believing saints, that
Jesus will have mercy on them. Oh! had I a thousand lives, my
dear Lord Jesus should have them all."

The following seems to have been written to certain students at
Oxford:--

"Look round, look round, my brethren, and, in imitation of your
common Lord, weep over the desolations of the University wherein
you live. Alas! how is that once faithful city become a harlot!
Have pity upon her, ye that are friends; and, whatever treatment
you may meet with from an ungrateful world, endeavour to rescue
some of her sons out of that blindness, ignorance, bigotry, and
formality, into which she is unhappily fallen. Arise, ye sons of
the prophets. Shine forth, ye who are appointed to be the lights
of the world. The rulers of this world will endeavour to put you
under bushels; but, if your light is of God's kindling, all the
devils in hell shall not be able to extinguish it. How will you
be apt to teach hereafter, unless you begin to teach now? All
God's people will wish you God speed. I am sure I do with all my
heart."

The next extract is from a letter addressed to the students of a
Dissenting college--perhaps Dr. Doddridge's:--

"As God has been pleased to bless my ministry to your souls, I
think it my duty to watch over you for good. I heartily pray
that you may be burning and shining lights in the midst of a
crooked and perverse generation. Though you are not of the
Church of England, yet, if you are persuaded in your own minds
of the truth of the way wherein you walk, I leave it. Whether
_Conformists_ or _Nonconformists_, our main concern should be,
to be assured that we are called and taught of God; for none but
such are fit to minister in holy things. It rejoiced me much to
see such dawnings of grace in your souls; only I thought most of
you were bowed down too much with a servile fear of man: but,
as the love of the Creator increases, the fear of the creature
will decrease. Unless your hearts are free from worldly hopes
and worldly fears, you will never speak boldly, as you ought to
speak. The good old Puritans, I believe, never preached better
than when in danger of being taken to prison as soon as they
had finished their sermons; and, I am persuaded, unless you go
forth with the same temper, you will never preach with the same
demonstration of the Spirit, and of power. Study your hearts
as well as books. Ask yourselves, again and again, whether you
would preach for Christ, if you were sure to lay down your lives
for so doing. But enough of this. I love to hope well of you
all."

The following was addressed to Howell Harris, and shews that
Whitefield was now a Calvinist. While Harris was preaching at
Pontypool, in the month of June, an officious official came and read
the Riot Act, though there was not the least likelihood of a riot
taking place. Harris asked him if he was accustomed to read the Act
at "cock-matches"? This increased the man's anger, and Harris was
arrested, carried before a magistrate, and committed for trial, at
Monmouth Assizes, in August following. Having procured bail for
his appearance, he surrendered himself at the proper time; but no
evidence whatever was produced against him, and, of course, he was
dismissed.

"I congratulate you on your success at Monmouth. God has yet
further work for you to do, ere you are called before rulers
and governors, for His name's sake. In about a twelvemonth, I
hope to make a second use of your field-pulpits. Our principles
agree, as face answers to face in the water. Since I saw you,
God has been pleased to enlighten me more in that comfortable
doctrine of _election_, etc. At my return, I hope to be more
explicit than I have been. God forbid, my dear brother, that we
should shun to declare the whole counsel of God!"

The next extract also expresses the same sentiments:--

"What was there in you, and in me, that should move God to
choose us before others? Was there any fitness foreseen in us,
except a fitness for damnation? I believe not. No, God chose
us from eternity; He called us in time; and, I am persuaded,
will keep us from falling finally, till time shall be no more.
Consider the gospel in this view, and it appears a consistent
scheme."

In a letter to Hervey, Whitefield wrote:--

"The many happy hours I spent with you at Oxon, and the benefit
I have received from your instructions and example, are yet
fresh upon my memory. I long to have my dear friend come forth
and preach the truth as it is in Jesus. Not a righteousness
or inward holiness of our own, whereby we may make ourselves
meet, but the righteousness of another, even the Lord our
righteousness; upon the imputation and apprehending of which
by faith, we shall be made meet, by His Holy Spirit, to live
with, and to enjoy God. Let me advise dear Mr. Hervey to lay
aside all prejudice, and to read and pray over St. Paul's
Epistles to the Romans and Galatians; and then let him tell me
what he thinks of this doctrine. Most of your old friends are
now happily enlightened. God sets His seal to such preaching
in an extraordinary manner, and, I am persuaded, the gates of
hell shall never be able to prevail against it. O that dear Mr.
Hervey would also join with us! O that the Lord would open his
eyes to behold aright this part of the mystery of godliness! How
would it rejoice my heart! how would it comfort his own soul! I
have written to dear Mr. Orchard,[274] as well as to you, out of
the simplicity of my heart."

[274] Paul Orchard, Esq., of Stoke Abbey, Devonshire, one of
Hervey's kindest friends. The extract immediately preceding this is
from the letter to Mr. Orchard.

The following refers to the painful mental exercises through which
Whitefield passed during his voyage to America:--

"The Searcher of all hearts alone knows what agonies of soul
I have undergone since my retirement from the world. The
remembrance of my past sins has overwhelmed me, and caused
tears to be my meat day and night. Indeed, I have mourned as
one mourneth for a firstborn; but I looked to Him whom I have
pierced. I was enabled to see the freeness and riches of His
grace, the infiniteness and eternity of His love; and my soul
received comfort. O the excellency of the doctrine of election,
and of the saints' final perseverance, to those who are sealed
by the Spirit of promise! I am persuaded, till a man comes to
believe and feel these important truths, he cannot come out
of himself; but, when convinced of these, and assured of the
application of them to his own heart, he then walks by faith
indeed, not in himself, but in the Son of God, who died and gave
Himself for him."

The next extract is from a letter to the father of Joseph Periam,
whose incarceration in a madhouse has been already mentioned:--

"Though unknown to you in person, yet, as you were pleased to
think me worthy of the care of your dear son, I think it my
duty to acquaint you of his welfare. I bless God that he came
with me. He is diligent and pious, and, I trust, will be a
comfort to you in your declining years. His mind seems settled
and composed; and, by reading and following the Bible, he is a
partaker of that peace which the world cannot give. His dear and
honoured father is much upon his heart. How would it rejoice him
to hear that you also were become a Christian indeed! Be not
offended, dear sir, at my expressing myself thus. Christianity
is more than a name and a bare outward profession. Morality of
itself will never carry us to heaven. No, Jesus Christ is the
way, the truth, and the life. There is no being happy without
a lively faith in Him, wrought in the heart by the blessed
Spirit of God. This faith transforms the whole man, delivers him
from the tyranny of his passions, and makes him entirely a new
creature. This is the reason why it is foolishness to the world.
Your son's case, in this respect, was not singular. As soon as
ever we commence Christians, we commence fools for Christ's
sake. Every truly religious man must be deemed a madman."[275]

[275] It may be added here, that, in a foot-note in the edition of
his Journals published in 1756, Whitefield states: "Joseph Periam
married one of the Orphan-house mistresses. After a few years, both
died; and I have now two of their sons in the Orphan House, who are
very promising boys."

In the month of June, 1739, in a letter to a friend, Wesley made use
of the memorable declaration, which has been quoted times without
number, "I look upon all the world as my parish." In the following
extract, Whitefield employs the same expression, thus shewing
that it was not peculiar to Wesley, but common among the Oxford
Methodists:--

"The whole world is now my parish. Wheresoever my Master calls
me, I am ready to go and preach His everlasting gospel. My only
grief is that I cannot do more for Christ. I ought to love and
do much, having had so much forgiven. Oh pray, dear sir, that I
may never be weary in well-doing."

In the following paragraph Whitefield shews his intention in
reference to the parish of Savannah:--

"I intend resigning the parsonage of Savannah. The Orphan
House I can take care of, supposing I should be kept at a
distance. Besides, when I have resigned the parish, I shall be
more at liberty to make a tour round America, if God should
ever call me to such a work. However, I determine nothing; I
wait on the Lord. I am persuaded He will shew me what is His
will. How earnestly do I desire to be dissolved, that I may
be with Christ! Sometimes, my weak body gives me hopes that I
shall not be long in the flesh; but then, the strength that is
communicated to me, and the consideration that I have but just
begun my testimony, fill me with fears, lest I should live to be
grey-headed. But I endeavour to resign myself wholly to God. If
He preserves me from falling into sin, and from dishonouring His
holy name, let Him do what seemeth Him good with me."

These extracts are "odds and ends;" but they are useful, as
unfolding Whitefield's character and principles, his opinions and
intentions, the state of his mind and heart, after his wondrous
services in England, and during his voyage to America. Another
letter, or rather pastoral epistle, written at this period, demands
a more lengthened notice. It was published soon afterwards, with
the following title: "A Letter from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield,
to the Religious Societies lately set on foot in several parts
of England and Wales. Wrote on board the _Elizabeth_, Captain
Stevenson, during the voyage to Philadelphia, 1739. Edinburgh:
printed for James Beugo, Bookseller, in Dumferling, 1740."[276] (26
pp.) Whitefield had been closely associated with these Societies
in London, Bristol, and elsewhere; he highly approved of them; and
it was natural to expect that he would take a profound interest in
their continued existence and prosperity. The reader must be content
with short extracts from this long epistle.

[276] The same letter, in the same year, was printed in London, "by
W. Strahan, and sold at Mr. James Hutton's," (8vo. 28 pp.,) with
the additional statement on the title-page, that it was "published
for the benefit of the school lately erected among the colliers
in Kingswood, near Bristol." This edition had also the following
characteristic motto prefixed, taken from the works of St. Hilary:--

"One thing I forewarn you of--beware of Antichrist; for it is evil
to be taken, as you are, with the love of stone walls; it is evil
to have a veneration for the church of God, as you have, in houses
and edifices; it is evil to cry, as you do, Peace, peace, under
these: for is there any doubt to be made, whether Antichrist will
fix his seat in these? To me, mountains, and forests, and fens, and
prisons, and pits, are the safer places; for in these it was that
the prophets--either waiting for, or being actually overwhelmed
with, the Spirit of God--prophesied, or spake as they were moved by
the Holy Ghost."

_Legality of the Religious Societies._--"If you fear God, and
truly honour the king, and are of the number of those who
are quiet in the land, no reason can be urged against your
Societies. In this respect, a private prelate has no more
authority than a private presbyter. If it be lawful for more
than five to meet in a private vestry, it is equally lawful for
more than five to meet in a private house; as is the practice
of some of the Societies, who are under the government of those
called the Twelve Stewards. If it be enquired of you, 'By what
authority you sometimes pray without a premeditated form of
words?' you may enquire, 'By what authority any one reads the
Church Forms, who is not commissioned so to do, and that in any
place but in the church, where only they are appointed to be
read, and only by one so commissioned?' If they reply, 'You have
Dr. Woodward's Form;' you may answer them with this question,
'What difference is there, in respect to others, between a
person's reading a form, which few who hear it know beforehand,
and a person's praying extempore, as the Holy Spirit gives him
utterance?' If they laugh at the mention of 'praying by the
Spirit,' I hope you know better. Stand fast, therefore, in the
liberty wherewith Christ has made you free; and be not afraid
to make innovations in the Church, which does not confine its
members to forms, except within the walls of the church, nor
even there altogether."

_Admission of new members._--"You ought to be _very cautious_
whom you admit into fellowship with you. Examine them again
and again, not barely whether they receive the sacrament, and
go to church, but whether they be in the faith. Set them upon
proving their own selves; and by no means receive them into
your brotherhood, unless they can produce sufficient evidences
of their having tasted the good word of life, and felt the
powers of the world to come. Some may object that this is not
a very good way to increase and multiply you as to number;
but it is the best, the only way, to establish and increase a
communion of true saints. Such a Society, consisting of a few
solid Christians, is far preferable to one that is filled with
a multitude of such as do not bring forth fruit unto holiness,
but have only the fig-leaves of an outward profession. Formal
hypocrites will do any Society more harm than good."

_Object of their meetings._--"The end of your meeting is not
that you may think yourselves more holy than your neighbours,
much less to form a sect or party, or to promote a schism or
sedition in the Church or State. No: such thoughts, I trust,
are far from you; for they are earthly, sensual, devilish.
The only end which I hope you all propose by your assembling
yourselves together, is the renewing of your depraved natures,
and promoting the hidden life of Jesus Christ in your souls."

_Doctrine._--"I think it my bounden duty to exhort you to
contend earnestly for the doctrine of _justification by faith
only_, because so many blind guides are lately gone out into
the world. It is much to be feared that many of our present
preachers are no better than doctrinal papists. One of the most
reputed orthodox prelates in the kingdom, in a late pastoral
letter, advises his clergy, 'so to explain the doctrine of
justification in the sight of God by faith only, as to make
good works a necessary condition.' Such advice from a Roman
cardinal would be no more than we might expect; but, coming
from a bishop of the Church of England, is surprising, and much
to be lamented. God forbid that you should so learn Christ!
No, my brethren, in the great mystery of man's redemption by
Jesus Christ, boasting is entirely excluded. We must not expect
to be saved, or in any way to recommend ourselves to God, by
any or all the works of righteousness which we have done, or
shall, or can do. The Lord Christ is our righteousness, our
whole righteousness--imputed to us, instead of our own. 'We
are accounted righteous before God, only for the merits of our
Lord Jesus Christ, by faith,' saith the eleventh article of our
Church. Observe, my brethren, justified _by_ or _through_ faith,
and not _for_ faith; for faith is only a means or instrument
whereby the whole righteousness of Jesus Christ is applied to
the sinner's soul. Whosoever thus believes may be assured that
his pardon is sealed in heaven, notwithstanding he has lived in
an open breach of God's commandments all his lifetime before.
This faith, however, will not be dead, idle, or inactive;
for it is not a faith of the head, or a bare assent to things
credible as credible; the devils thus believe and tremble; but
it is a faith of the heart, a living principle of new life,
infused into the soul by the Spirit of God, applying that
inwardly, which was wrought for him outwardly by the obedience
and death of Jesus Christ, and continually exciting the
possessor of it to shew it forth by his works; not as necessary
conditions, but as proofs of his justification in the sight of
God; and as so many tokens of his gratitude and love for what
God has done for his soul."

_Christian fellowship._--"Content not yourselves with reading,
singing, and praying together; but set some time apart to
confess your faults, and to communicate your experience one to
another. For want of this, (which I take to be one chief design
of private meetings), most of the old Societies in London, I
fear, are sunk into a dead formality, and have only a name to
live. They meet on a Sabbath evening, read a chapter, and sing
a psalm; but seldom, if ever, acquaint each other with the
operations of God's Spirit upon their souls; notwithstanding
this was the great end of those who first began these Societies.
Hence it is, that, they have only the form of godliness left
amongst them, and continue utter strangers to the state of one
another's hearts. My brethren, let not your coming together
be thus altogether in vain, but plainly and freely tell one
another what God has done for your souls. To this end, you
would do well, as others have done, to form yourselves into
little companies of four or five each, and meet once a week to
tell each other what is in your hearts; that you may then also
pray for, and comfort each other, as need shall require. None
but those who have experienced it, can tell the unspeakable
advantages of such a union and communion of souls. I know not
a better means in the world to keep hypocrisy out from amongst
you. Pharisees and unbelievers will pray, read, and sing psalms;
but none, save an Israelite indeed, will endure to have his
heart searched out."

Counsels like these are always in season. Whitefield never
instituted class-meetings, in the same sense as his friend Wesley
did; but he strenuously urged the use of that Christian fellowship,
which was the chief object of such meetings when they were first
commenced. The reader will do well, in this age of ritualistic
formality, to ponder some of the points in Whitefield's "Letter to
the Religious Societies of England, in 1739."

Enough has been written to shew the views and feelings with which
Whitefield returned to America, in 1739. He, William Seward, and
another friend, landed at Lewis Town, about a hundred and fifty
miles from Philadelphia, on October 30. He writes:--

"God is the great householder of the whole world, and I look
upon all persons as so many parts of His great family. As there
is here the same sun, so there is here the same God--in America
as in England. I would have all places alike to me, so I am
where God would have me to be; but I hope I shall never account
myself at home till I arrive at my heavenly Father's house
above. I trust my heart is there already. Oh, when shall I shake
off this earthly tabernacle! It sadly confines my soul. Lord,
help me patiently to tarry till my blessed change comes!"

Next day the young evangelist, by request, preached "to a serious
and attentive congregation;" and, at five in the afternoon, he and
his two friends set out for Philadelphia, the place to which the
ship, they had left, was bound. After a ride of twenty-seven miles
through the woods, they came, at ten o'clock at night, to what was
called a tavern. The host and hostess made them a cake of unleavened
bread, and set before them a few eggs and a little cider, and they
went to bed rejoicing.

The day following, they rode fifty miles, and "came to a more
convenient inn." Whitefield says, "Our Lord comforted us as we came
on our way; and our hearts burned within us whilst we talked to one
another in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs."

On the third day, they reached Philadelphia, where the _Elizabeth_,
with what Whitefield calls his "family," had arrived in safety.

Pennsylvania, of which Philadelphia was the capital, was an English
settlement about two hundred and fifty miles in length, and nearly
the same in breadth.[277] As is well known, this large extent of
territory had been granted to William Penn, the Quaker, about sixty
years previous to Whitefield's visit. In 1682, Penn began to found
his important colony. The soil, in general, was extremely fertile.
Game of all kinds was amazingly plentiful. Deer, hares, turkeys,
pheasants, partridges, wild ducks, wild geese, swans, and pigeons,
were innumerable. In the immense forests, were bears, panthers,
wild cats, and wolves; while, in the low grounds, were found minks,
musk rats, and opossums. The woods consisted of the oak, the ash,
the beech, the chestnut, the cedar, the walnut, the cypress, the
hickory, the sassafras, and the pine,--all of which, in many
instances, were gracefully festooned with vines. Fruits, including
apples, cherries, pears, peaches, plums, and melons, grew in rich
abundance. Penn's colony originally consisted chiefly of English
Quakers, who, in consequence of their refusing to pay tithes and
church dues, had frequently found themselves the inmates of English
prisons. These, together with a few Dutch and Swedish settlers
already on the ground, began to transform this glorious wilderness
into a cultivated land. The Indians--the original proprietors--were
treated with justice and kindness. Religious and civil freedom was
made the basis of government. All persons professing to believe in
one God were freely tolerated; and all who professed to believe in
Jesus Christ, of whatever denomination, were eligible for government
posts and offices. The result was, emigrants and refugees, of all
persuasions, flocked to Pennsylvania, to put themselves under the
protection of its founder's laws; lands were cultivated; towns were
built; and when Penn died, about twenty years before Whitefield's
first visit, the colony was, in every sense, free and flourishing.

[277] "European Settlements in America." Sixth edition, 1777.

In 1739, the population of Pennsylvania was probably not more than
from fifty to a hundred thousand,[278] and consisted of Quakers,
Episcopalians, Calvinists, Lutherans, Independents, Baptists,
Presbyterians, and "Dumplers, a sort of German sect, who wore long
beards and a habit resembling that of Friars." As might be expected,
governmental power was chiefly in the hands of Quakers, and, with
rare exceptions, it was humanely exercised.

[278] Twenty-two years afterwards, it was about 250,000, half of
whom were Germans, Swedes, or Dutch. ("European Settlements." Sixth
edition. 1777.)

Philadelphia, the chief town of the colony, stood upon a neck of
land, immediately at the confluence of the rivers Delaware and
Schuylkill. It was planned in an oblong form, and designed to extend
two miles, from river to river There were to be eight parallel
streets, all two miles in length, to be intersected by sixteen
others, each in length a mile, and all of them broad, spacious, and
even; with proper spaces left for the public buildings, churches,
and market places. In the centre was a square of ten acres. The two
principal streets were each one hundred feet wide; and most of the
houses had a small garden and orchard attached to them. When William
Penn began his work in 1682, Philadelphia consisted of three or
four insignificant cottages. "Conies were yet undisturbed in their
hereditary burrows; the deer fearlessly bounded past blazed trees,
unconscious of foreboded streets; and the stranger that wandered
from the river bank was lost in the thickets of an interminable
forest. Two years afterwards, the place contained about six hundred
houses, and the schoolmaster and the printing-press had begun their
work."[279] In 1761, the population of Philadelphia was about
13,000.[280]

[279] Bancroft's "History of the United States."

[280] "European Settlements."

The state of religion, in Pennsylvania, was lamentable. The
Rev. Samuel Blair, a Presbyterian minister, living at the time,
observes:--

"There were some sincerely religious people, and a considerable
number pretty exact in the observance of the external forms of
religion; but with this, the most part seemed to rest contented,
and to satisfy their consciences with a dead formality. A
lamentable ignorance of the main essentials of true practical
religion, and the doctrines relating thereto, generally
prevailed. The nature and necessity of the new birth were but
little known or thought of. The necessity of a conviction of
sin and misery, in order to a saving closure with Christ, was
hardly known at all. It was thought that, if there was any need
of a heart-distressing sight of the soul's danger, it was only
needful for the grosser sort of sinners; and for any others to
be thus deeply exercised, was generally looked upon to be a
great evil and temptation. There was scarcely any suspicion of
the danger of depending upon self-righteousness, and not upon
the righteousness of Christ alone, for salvation. The necessity
of being first in Christ by a vital union, and in a justified
state, before our religious services can be well-pleasing and
acceptable to God, was very little understood. The common
notion seemed to be, that, if people were aiming to be in the
way of duty as well as they could, there was no reason to be
much afraid. According to these principles, people generally
were careless at heart, and stupidly indifferent about the
great concerns of eternity. It was sad to see with what a
careless behaviour the public ordinances were attended, and how
people were given to worldly discourse on the Lord's-day. In
public companies, a vain and frothy lightness was apparent in
the deportment of many professors. Religion, as it were, lay
a-dying, and ready to expire its last breath of life in this
part of the visible church."[281]

[281] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 150.

It is hoped that this brief account of Pennsylvania will not be
thought irrelevant. It was here that Whitefield began his itinerant
career in England's transatlantic colonies. During the four months
he had spent in Georgia, in 1738, his ministry had been earnest,
but regular. Now, in Pennsylvania, he became what he had been, for
seven months in England, not a fixed star, but a flaming comet, his
course eccentric, and calculated to alarm episcopal, presbyterian,
and other kinds of precisians in the English settlements, quite as
much as the same sort of methodical religionists had been alarmed
in England. In both countries his action was unpremeditated. On his
return to England, at the end of 1738, he had not the least idea
of becoming an open-air and itinerant evangelist. He came to be
ordained a priest, and to collect subscriptions for his contemplated
Orphan House. In like manner, when he returned to America in 1739,
he had no conception that the next fourteen months would be occupied
as they were. He was intentionally returning to Savannah, there,
for about a year, to fulfil the duties of his office as a regular
appointed minister of the Church of England, and also, in such a
capacity, to provide a home for the orphans of his parish. Instead
of this, however, most of his time, as will soon be seen, was spent,
not in Georgia, but in itinerating in the other English settlements.
This was exceedingly irregular; but, looking at results, who will
say that it was wrong? When he arrived at Philadelphia, he did not
intend it; but, unquestionably, his Master did. The churches in the
English colonies needed a religious impulse quite as much as the
churches of the mother-country. Under God, the young evangelist and
his fellows had moved and agitated England; and now he was employed,
by a Providence which cannot err, and greatly to his own surprise,
in moving and agitating America. Let us follow him.

After riding, during the day, sixty miles, through woods and forests
and partially cultivated lands, he arrived at Philadelphia, at
eleven o'clock at night, on Friday, November 2, 1739. Where he
slept, we are not informed; perhaps, nowhere; for most likely, at
such an hour, the sober-minded Philadelphians had all retired to
rest. Next morning, he "went on board the _Elizabeth_ to see his
family;" he visited the officials of the town; he held Christian
communion "with some gracious souls;" and he "hired a house at a
very cheap rate, and was quite settled in it before night."

Sunday, Nov. 4. He "read prayers and assisted at the communion
in the morning; dined with one of the churchwardens, and
preached to a large congregation in the afternoon; went in the
evening to a Quakers' meeting, and heartily wished they would
talk of an outward as well as inward Christ."

Monday, Nov. 5. He "read prayers and preached to a large
auditory; dined with the other churchwarden; was visited in
the afternoon by the Presbyterian minister; went afterwards to
see the Baptist minister; and spent part of the evening most
agreeably with two loving Quakers."

Tuesday, Nov. 6. He "read prayers and preached; went to the
funeral of a Quaker's child, and, as none of the Quakers spoke,
he gave a word of exhortation; was visited in the evening by the
Presbyterian and Baptist ministers; and admitted some women to
prayers with his family."

Wednesday, Nov. 7. He "read prayers and preached in the church;
and gave a word of exhortation to more than a room full of
people at his own hired house."

Thursday, Nov. 8. He "read prayers and preached to a more
numerous congregation than he had seen yet; dined with an
honest, open-hearted, true Israelitish Quaker; and preached, in
the evening, from the Court-house stairs, to about six thousand
people."

Friday, Nov. 9. He "read prayers and preached as usual in the
morning; was visited in a kind manner by the minister of the
parish; and preached again at six in the evening, from the
Court-house stairs, to, he believed, nearly eight thousand
hearers. Even in London, he never observed a more profound
silence. The night was clear, but not cold; and lights were in
most of the windows round about."

Saturday, Nov. 10. "About eleven, he read prayers and preached
in the church; then dined with the minister of the parish;
at his return home, was much comforted by the coming of Mr.
Tennent, an old grey-headed disciple and soldier of Jesus
Christ; about three, went to the prison, and preached on the
trembling jailor; returned home with the Swedish minister
and Mr. Tennent; conversed with them of the things of God;
and, in the evening, preached, to as large a congregation as
there was the night before, from the Court-house stairs." He
adds: "I continued my discourse above an hour, and, when I had
finished, the people seemed so unwilling to go, that I began
to pray afresh, and I hope the Lord sent them home not without
a blessing. After preaching, my house was filled with people
who came to join in psalms and family prayer. Many wept most
bitterly whilst I was praying. Their hearts seemed to be loaded
with a sense of sin, the only preparative for the visitation of
Jesus Christ. Blessed be the Lord for sending me hither! Lord,
give me humility, and make me truly thankful! Amen, Lord Jesus!"

Thus did Whitefield begin his memorable ministry in Pennsylvania.

Mr. Tennent has just been mentioned, and, as he and his family
will hereafter be often introduced to the reader's notice, a brief
account of him and them seems requisite.

The Rev. William Tennent, senior, was from Ireland, and was an
ordained minister of the Established Church of that country. He was
chaplain to an Irish nobleman; but, being conscientiously scrupulous
about conforming to the terms imposed on the clergy, he was deprived
of his living; and, in 1718, migrated to Pennsylvania, with his
wife, four sons, and a daughter.[282] He applied to be received
as a member of the Presbyterian Synod of Philadelphia. That body
required him to state in writing the reasons of his dissent from
the Episcopal communion. One of the most prominent of his reasons
was, that the Church of Ireland connived "at Arminian doctrines."
His case was considered; his credentials were satisfactory; he was
admitted a member of the Synod, and settled at Neshaminy, twenty
miles north of Philadelphia.[283] There, about the year 1720, he
erected a school, long known as the "Log College," where some of
the most distinguished ministers of that period received their
education. Among these were his four sons, and Messrs. Rowland,
Campbell, Lawrence, Beatty, Robinson, and Samuel Blair. He died in
1743. He is described as "a man of great integrity, simplicity,
industry, and piety;" and to him the American churches were much
indebted.

[282] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1807, p. 249.

[283] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States."

Charles Tennent, one of the four sons, was minister of the
Presbyterian Church at Whiteclay Creek.[284]

[284] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1807, p. 249.

John was licensed by the Newcastle Presbytery, and was settled at
Freehold, New Jersey, where his labours were greatly blessed. His
chapel was usually crowded; religion became the general subject of
discourse; the terror of God fell on the inhabitants of the place;
and many were converted. John Tennent's ministry was of short
duration. He was called to the Freehold congregation in 1730, and
died in 1732.[285]

[285] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States."

He was succeeded by his brother William, in 1733. The religious
excitement, commenced under the ministry of John, continued, less or
more, for about a dozen years. Mr. William Tennent writes: "Those
who were brought to the Saviour were all prepared for it by a sharp
law-work of conviction, discovering to them their sinfulness both
by nature and practice, as well as their liableness to damnation
for their original and actual transgressions. They all confessed
the justice of God in their eternal perdition; and thus were shut
up to the blessed necessity of seeking relief by faith in Christ
alone."[286] For forty-four years, Mr. Tennent officiated as pastor
of the church at Freehold. He died on the 8th of March, 1777.[287]
The old house at Freehold, in which John and William Tennent used
to preach, is still standing in its primitive simplicity. The
building is forty feet by sixty, and, beneath its middle aisle, are
deposited the remains of William Tennent. In one of the walls is a
handsome monumental tablet, recording the chief dates of his earthly
pilgrimage.[288]

[286] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States."

[287] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1807, p. 292.

[288] Belcher's "Biography of Whitefield," p. 117.

Gilbert Tennent became a licentiate of the Newcastle Presbytery in
1725, and, in 1726, was ordained minister of New Brunswick, in New
Jersey. "For eighteen months after his settlement at New Brunswick,
Mr. Tennent saw no evidence that any one had been savingly benefited
by his labours. He then commenced a serious examination of the
members of his church, as to the grounds of their hope, which he
found, in many cases, to be but sand. Such he solemnly warned, and
urged to seek converting grace. He preached much, at this time, upon
original sin, repentance, the nature and necessity of conversion,
and endeavoured to alarm the secure by the terrors of the Lord.
These efforts were followed by the conviction and conversion of
a considerable number of persons."[289] Gilbert Tennent became
prominent in his endeavours to reform abuses in the Presbyterian
churches, and not infrequently was in conflict with his brethren.
As early as 1735, he succeeded in persuading the synod to pass a
resolution that due care should be taken to examine candidates both
for the ministry and for the Lord's supper, respecting the evidences
of the grace of God in them, as well as their other necessary
qualifications. In 1740, he read a paper to the New Brunswick Synod,
complaining that the preaching of a number of its members was
"powerless and unsavoury," "too general," "soft and flattering,"
and, therefore, "unsuccessful." He also, in the same year, preached
and published his famous sermon on the danger of an unconverted
ministry, which led to a Presbyterian schism. He described the
generality of the ministers of that generation as "letter-learned
Pharisees, plastered hypocrites, having the form of godliness, but
destitute of its power." He told the people that the reason why they
had seen so few cases of conviction or conversion among them was
because "the bulk of their spiritual guides were stone blind and
stone dead."[290]

[289] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States."

[290] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church in the United
States."

In 1740, Whitefield persuaded him to act as his successor in Boston,
and in the Province of New England generally. Tennent consented,
and away he went to his new sphere of labour, with almost rustic
simplicity; wearing his hair undressed, and a large great-coat girt
with a leathern girdle. His ministry in New Jersey had been greatly
blessed; and now, in New England, it was hardly less successful than
Whitefield's had been. He seemed "to shake the country, as with an
earthquake. Wherever he came, hypocrisy and Pharisaism either fell
before him, or gnashed their teeth against him. Cold orthodoxy also
started from her downy cushion to imitate or to denounce him; for,
like Elijah on Carmel, he made neutrality impossible." In 1743, he
established a new church in Philadelphia, consisting of Whitefield's
followers, and closed his laborious and eminently successful
ministry in the year 1765.[291] For more than forty years, he had
enjoyed an unshaken assurance of his interest in redeeming love. As
a preacher, he had but few equals. His publications were more than a
score in number. At his death, he was succeeded in the congregation
at Philadelphia by the Rev. James Sproat, who had been converted by
his ministry.

[291] Philip's "Life and Times of Whitefield" and Hodge's "History
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States."

These are very imperfect notices of the Tennents; but they will help
the reader to understand ensuing extracts from Whitefield's Journals
and correspondence.

On Monday, Nov. 12, Whitefield left Philadelphia for the purpose of
visiting New York. Four horses were lent to him and to his friends.
He writes:--

"About one, we got safe to Burlington, in the Jerseys, twenty
miles from Philadelphia. Immediately after dinner, I read
prayers and preached in the church, to a mixed but thronged and
attentive congregation. About eight in the evening, we reached
Trent, another town in the Jerseys, and went to rest in peace
and joy.

"Tuesday, Nov. 13. Left Trent at six in the morning, and reached
Brunswick, thirty miles distant, at one. Here we were much
refreshed with the company of Mr. Gilbert Tennent, an eminent
Dissenting minister, about forty years of age, son of that good
old man who came to see me on Saturday at Philadelphia. God, I
find, has been pleased greatly to own his labours. He and his
associates are now the burning and shining lights of this part
of America. Several pious souls came to see me at his house,
with whom I took sweet counsel. At their request, I read the
Church Liturgy and preached in Mr. Tennent's meeting-house; for
there is no place set apart for the worship of the Church of
England. I was above an hour in my sermon, and I trust I shall
hear it was not preached in vain.

"Wednesday, Nov. 14. Set out from Brunswick, in company with
Mr. Tennent and my other fellow-travellers; and, as we passed
along, we spent our time most agreeably in telling one another
what God had done for our souls. About four, we reached New
York, where we were most affectionately received by the family
of Mr. Noble.[292] I waited upon Mr. V----y, the commissary,
but he was not at home. Then I went to the meeting-house to
hear Mr. Gilbert Tennent preach, and never before heard such
a searching sermon. He convinced me more and more that we can
preach the gospel of Christ no further than we have experienced
the power of it in our own hearts. Being deeply convicted of
sin, by God's Holy Spirit, at his first conversion, Mr. Tennent
has learned experimentally to dissect the heart of the natural
man. Hypocrites must either soon be converted or enraged at his
preaching. He is a son of thunder, and does not fear the faces
of men. After sermon, we spent the evening together at Mr.
Noble's house. My soul was humbled and melted down with a sense
of God's mercies, and I found more and more what a babe and
novice I was in the things of God.

[292] It was in compliance with Mr. Noble's request that
Whitefield visited New York.

"Thursday, Nov. 15. Waited upon Mr. V----; but he seemed to be
full of anger and resentment, and, before I asked him for the
use of his pulpit, denied it. He said, they did not want my
assistance. I replied, if they preached the gospel, I wished
them good luck in the name of the Lord; but, as he had denied
me the church without my asking the use of it, I would preach
in the fields, for all places were alike to me. I, therefore,
preached in the fields, to upwards of two thousand, at three in
the afternoon; and expounded, at six in the evening, to a very
thronged and attentive audience, in the reverend and worthy Mr.
Pemberton's[293] meeting-house. In the field, a few mocked, but,
after speaking to them, they grew more serious. At night, the
people seemed exceedingly attentive, and I have not felt greater
freedom in preaching, and more power in prayer, for a long while.

[293] The Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, who, in 1727, became minister
of the Presbyterian Church in New York. In 1754, he was
installed minister of the New Brick Church, in Boston. To the
end of life, he was one of Whitefield's faithful friends. He
died in 1777, aged 72.

"Saturday, Nov. 17. Preached, in the afternoon, at the
meeting-house, to a full congregation; and again at night, to a
great multitude standing round the doors.

"Sunday, Nov. 18. Preached, this morning at eight o'clock, to
a very attentive auditory. Went to the English Church, both
morning and evening. At night, a great multitude flocked to hear
the word. Some petitioned to have the use of the Town Hall, but
it was denied. I thought of expounding out of a window, and to
let the people stand in the street; but, at last, with much
difficulty, I got into the meeting-house, and, the people being
prevailed on to open the windows, numbers could hear, who stood
outside. About ten o'clock, I took boat, with my friends, and
had a pleasant passage to a place about half-way to Elizabeth
Town, where we lay down with joy, and thankfulness for the great
goodness the Lord had shewn us."

One who was present at these services in New York, wrote as follows,
in Prince's "Christian History":--

"I never saw, in my life, such attentive audiences as Mr.
Whitefield's in New York. All he said was demonstration, life,
and power. The people's eyes and ears hung upon his lips. They
greedily devoured every word. He preached, during four days,
twice every day. He is a man of middle stature, of a slender
body, of a fair complexion, and of a comely appearance. He is
of a sprightly, cheerful temper, and acts and moves with great
agility and life. The endowments of his mind are uncommon; his
wit is quick and piercing; his imagination lively and florid;
and, as far as I can discern, both are under the direction of a
solid judgment. He has a most ready memory, and, I think, speaks
entirely without notes. He has a clear and musical voice, and a
wonderful command of it. He uses much gesture, but with great
propriety. Every accent of his voice, every motion of his body
_speaks_; and both are natural and unaffected. If his delivery
be the product of art, it is certainly the perfection of it,
for it is entirely concealed. He has a great mastery of words,
but studies much plainness of speech. He spends not his zeal in
trifles. He breathes a most catholic spirit; and professes that
his whole design is to bring men to Christ; and that, if he can
obtain this end, his converts may go to what church, and worship
God in what form, they like best."

Such was the commencement of Whitefield's ministry in New York. His
own Church would not admit him; and, therefore, he began to preach
in Dissenting chapels. This was not pre-designed. Whitefield was a
child of Providence; and when that seemed to point out his path,
he felt no hesitancy, but, utterly regardless of the frowns and
flatteries of men, he did what he deemed to be his duty. There was
no dogged obstinacy about him. Perhaps one of his failings was that
he was too persuadable; but even such a failing (if such existed)
always leaned to the side of virtue. Writing, whilst at New York, to
the Rev. Benjamin Colman, D.D., of Boston, who had mentioned him in
a letter to Mr. Pemberton, he says:--

"I love to be acquainted with old servants of Jesus Christ.
I delight to sit at their feet and receive instruction from
them. You said right, reverend sir, when you said 'I was but
a young divine.' Indeed, I am a novice in the things of God.
I can only say that I desire to know the whole will of God,
that I may communicate it to others. Reverend sir, into what a
lethargy is the Christian world fallen! Foolish and wise virgins
are all slumbering and sleeping. It is high time for all who
love the Lord Jesus to lift up their voices like trumpets, and
to give warning of the Bridegroom's coming. Many, I hope, are
already alarmed.[294] Philadelphia people receive the gospel
gladly. Here [at New York] there has been a little opposition,
and, therefore, I hope success will be given to the word. Oh,
reverend sir, entreat the Lord that I may be kept humble, and
dependent upon our dear Lord Jesus. Shortly I expect to suffer
for Him. May I not deny Him in that hour!"

[294] Dr. Colman, in a letter to Dr. Watts, dated "Boston, January
16, 1740," says, "Mr. Whitefield arrived some months ago at
Philadelphia, where, and through the Jerseys and at New York, he
preached daily to incredible multitudes with great eloquence and
zeal. America is like to do him much honour. He proposes to see
Boston, in his return to Europe, about June next; and our town and
country stand ready to receive him as an angel of God. Ministers and
people, all but his own Church, speak of him with great esteem and
love. He seems spirited from on high, in an extraordinary manner,
assisted and prospered." (Milner's "Life and Times of Dr. Isaac
Watts," p. 652.)

Writing to his mother, Whitefield says:--

"NEW YORK, _November 16, 1739_.

"HONOURED MOTHER,--New friends are raised up every day,
whithersoever we go. The people of Philadelphia have used me
most courteously, and many, I believe, have been pricked to
the heart.... Oh, my honoured mother, my soul is in distress
for you. Flee, flee, I beseech you, to Jesus Christ, by faith.
Lay hold on Him, and do not let Him go. God has given you
convictions. Arise, arise, and never rest till they end in sound
conversion. Dare to deny yourself. My honoured mother, I beseech
you, by the mercies of God in Christ Jesus, dare to take up your
cross, and follow Christ."

These are beautiful exhibitions of humbleness, simplicity,
earnestness, and love. Let us follow Whitefield in his return to
Philadelphia.

"Monday, Nov. 19, Took boat about five in the morning, and
reached Elizabeth Town at seven. Dined with Mr. Dickinson,[295]
a worthy Dissenting minister, who had sent a letter of
invitation to New York, and offered me the use of his
meeting-house. About twelve, I preached in it, according to
appointment, to upwards of seven hundred people. God was pleased
to open my mouth against both ministers and people, among all
denominations, who imprison the truth in unrighteousness.

[295] The Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, for thirty-nine years
minister of the first Presbyterian Church in Elizabeth Town,
New Jersey, and also first president of New Jersey College. He
likewise was a practising physician of considerable reputation.
He was much celebrated as a preacher; and his publications were
creditable to his head and heart. He died, universally lamented,
in 1747, aged 59.

"Tuesday, Nov. 20. Reached New Brunswick about six last night;
and preached to-day, at noon, for near two hours, in Mr.
Tennent's meeting-house, to a large assembly gathered together
from all parts. About three in the afternoon, I preached again;
and, at seven, I baptized two children, and preached a third
time. Among others who came to hear the word, were several
ministers, whom the Lord has been pleased to honour, in making
them instruments of bringing many sons to glory.[296]

[296] One of these was the Rev. Theodore James Frelinghuysen,
minister of the Reformed Dutch Church at Raritan, New Jersey. He
was an able, evangelical, and eminently successful preacher. He
died in 1754.

"Wednesday, Nov. 21. Set out early, with about a score in
company, for Maidenhead, a little more than twenty miles from
New Brunswick, where, at Mr. Tennent's request, I had appointed
to preach to-day. At noon, I preached from a waggon to about
fifteen hundred persons. Here one Mr. Rowland,[297] another
faithful minister of Jesus Christ, gave us the meeting. He has
been a preacher about two years, has gone about doing good,
and has had many seals to his ministry. Much of the simplicity
of Christ was discernible in his behaviour. After sermon, in
company with above thirty horse, I went to Trent Town, ten
miles from Maidenhead, and preached, in the Court House, in the
evening.

[297] Mr. Rowland was a remarkable man. He was a Presbyterian
in doctrine and practice, but, on account of some irregularity
in his being called to the ministry, the Presbytery refused to
recognise him. He, accordingly, began to preach in barns and
other unconsecrated places. In the spring of 1739, numbers of
persons, in Lawrence, Hopewell, and Amwell, three contiguous
towns in New Jersey, were powerfully affected by his preaching,
and their convictions of sin were attended with great horror,
trembling, and weeping. John Rowland was an irregular
revivalist, exceedingly effective and useful. (Hodge's "History
of the Presbyterian Church in the United States.")

"Thursday, Nov. 22. Set out for Neshaminy (twenty miles from
Trent Town), where old Mr. Tennent lives, and keeps an academy,
and where I was to preach to-day, according to appointment. We
came thither about twelve, and found above three thousand people
gathered together in the meeting-house yard, and Mr. William
Tennent preaching to them, because we were beyond the appointed
time. When I came up, he stopped, and sung a psalm, and then I
began to speak. At first, the people seemed unaffected, but, in
the midst of my discourse, the hearers began to be melted down,
and cried much. After I had finished, Mr. Gilbert Tennent gave
a word of exhortation. At the end of his discourse, we sung a
psalm, and then dismissed the people with a blessing. After our
exercises were over, we went to old Mr. Tennent, who entertained
us like one of the ancient patriarchs. His wife seemed to me
like Elizabeth, and he like Zacharias; both, as far as I can
find, walk in all the ordinances and commandments of the Lord
blameless. We had sweet communion with each other, and spent
the evening in concerting measures for promoting our Lord's
kingdom. It happens very providentially that Mr. Tennent and his
brethren are appointed to be a presbytery by the synod, so that
they intend breeding up gracious youths, and sending them out
into our Lord's vineyard. The place wherein the young men study
now is, in contempt, called _the College_. It is a log-house,
about twenty feet long, and nearly as many broad; and, to me,
it seemed to resemble the school of the old prophets. From this
despised place, seven or eight worthy ministers of Jesus have
lately been sent forth; more are almost ready to be sent; and
a foundation is now laying for the instruction of many others.
The devil will certainly rage against them; but the work, I
am persuaded, is of God, and will not come to nought. Carnal
ministers oppose them strongly; and, because people, when
awakened by Mr. Tennent or his brethren, see through them, and
therefore leave their ministry, the poor gentlemen are loaded
with contempt, and looked upon as persons who turn the world
upside-down.

"Friday, Nov. 23. Parted with dear Mr. Tennent and his
worthy fellow-labourers; but promised to remember each other
_publicly_ in our prayers. Rode to Abingdon, about ten miles
from Neshaminy, and preached to above two thousand people from
a porch-window belonging to the meeting-house. It is surprising
how such bodies of people, so scattered abroad, can be gathered
at so short a warning. At Neshaminy, I believe, there were
nearly a thousand horses. The people, however, did not sit upon
them to hear the sermon, as in England, but tied them to the
hedges; and thereby much disorder was prevented. Though it was
cold, the congregation stood very patiently in the open air,
and seemed in no hurry to return home after the discourses were
ended. As soon as I had finished at Abingdon, I hastened to
Philadelphia, where I found my family in good order, and all
things carried on according to my desire. Oh, how can I express
my thankfulness for this little excursion!"

This was a new kind of life to Whitefield. In England, he had
preached, when he was permitted, in churches, and when not
permitted, in Moorfields and places similar. Here he was preaching
in Presbyterian, or, as he regarded them, Dissenting meeting-houses,
or in open spaces surrounded by the grand old forests, through
which he and his companions joyously pursued their sylvan journeys.
Professedly, he was a Church of England clergyman, but practically
a Dissenting minister. Of course, his action was ecclesiastically
irregular, but it occasioned him no anxiety or uneasiness. He was
preaching the gospel, and that to him was quite enough. When he got
back to Philadelphia, he wrote quite a batch of letters, all bearing
the same date, November 28; but extracts from two only must suffice.

To the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, he says, perhaps with more lowliness
than was decorous:--

"I have been much concerned since I saw you, lest I behaved not
with that humility toward you, which is due from a babe to a
father in Christ; but you know, reverend sir, how difficult it
is to meet with success, and not be puffed up with it. If any
such thing was discernible in my conduct, oh pity me, and pray
to the Lord to heal my pride. Alas! who can hope to be justified
by his works? My preaching, praying, etc., are only _splendida
peccata_. The blood of Christ, applied to my soul by a living
faith, is the only thing that can render them acceptable."

He was not only in close communion with the Presbyterians of
America, but he wrote as follows to the Rev. Ralph Erskine, the
Presbyterian Reformer, in Scotland:--

"I bless the Lord, from my soul, for raising you and several
other burning and shining lights to appear for Him in this
midnight of the Church. My heart has been much warmed by
reading some of your sermons, especially that preached before
the Associate Presbytery. I long more and more to hear of the
rise and progress of your proceedings, and how far you would
willingly carry the reformation of the Church of Scotland. My
ignorance of the constitution of the Scotch Church is the cause
of my writing after this manner. I should be obliged to you, if
you would recommend to me some useful books, especially such
as open the holy sacrament. I like Boston's 'Fourfold State of
Man' exceedingly. Under God, it has been of much service to my
soul. I believe I agree with you and him in the essential truths
of Christianity. I bless God, His Spirit has convinced me of
our eternal election by the Father through the Son; of our free
justification through faith in His blood; of our sanctification
as the consequence of that; and of our final perseverance and
glorification as the result of all. These, I am persuaded, God
has joined together; these neither men nor devils shall ever be
able to put asunder. My only scruple at present is, 'whether
you approve of taking the sword in defence of your religious
rights?' One of our English bishops, when I was with him, called
you _Cameronians_. They, I think, took up arms, which I think
to be contrary to the Spirit of Jesus Christ and His apostles.
Some few passages in your sermon before the Presbytery, I
thought, were a little suspicious of favouring that principle.
I pray God your next may inform me that I am mistaken; for
when zeal carries us to such a length, I think it ceases to be
zeal according to knowledge. Dearest sir, be not angry at my
writing thus freely. I wish you good luck in all your pious
undertakings. I pray God to prosper the work of your hands, and
to make you a noble instrument in bringing many sons to glory."

There can be no question that Whitefield's intercourse with the
Presbyterians of America powerfully affected him.[298] This was not
surprising; for, apart from the fact that the clergy of his own
Church generally disdained him, these Presbyterian ministers were
men of kindred spirits to his own, intensely earnest, and blessed
with the highest enjoyments of religion. The following letter
addressed to Whitefield will shew "what manner of men they were." As
will be seen, it was written immediately after Whitefield's first
visit to New York.

[298] It was not without reason, that, thirty-eight years after
this, Wesley said: "Mr. Whitefield, by conversing with the
Dissenters, chiefly the Presbyterians in New England, contracted
strong prejudices against the Established Church." (Wesley's Answer
to Rowland Hill's "Imposture Detected," p. 4.)

"NEW BRUNSWICK, _December 1, 1739_.

"VERY REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--I think I never found such
a strong and passionate affection to any stranger as to you,
when I saw your courage and labour for God at New York. I found
a willingness in my heart to die with you, or to die for you.
The reason why I spoke so little, for the most part of the
time while I was with you, was a shameful sense I had of my
ignorance and barrenness, after such a multitude of waterings
and sealings as God had given me. Though I am as a brute
beast before God, one of the meanest and vilest worms that
ever crawled on the creation of God, yet I must say, to His
praise, and my own shame, that I have had, in time past, such
discoveries of my great Father's dear affection as have overcome
me. For months together, my soul has been so ravished with
divine objects, that my animal spirits have been wasted, and my
sleep much broken. I have been made to loathe my food, because
of the superior sweetness I have found in Christ. I could not
refrain my soul from a secret longing for reproach, poverty,
imprisonment, and death, for a glorious Christ, that, thereby,
I might testify a grateful regard to His unspeakably dear and
venerable majesty. I could not refrain wishing that every hair
of my head was a life, that I might lay it down freely for my
Lord Jesus. The fear of bringing any reproach on His religion
has many times brought bitter tears from my eyes and heart.
Sometimes, when travelling on the road, when I beheld the canopy
of heaven, my heart has been suddenly ravished with love to God
as my Father; so that I could not forbear crying out, in the
pleasing transports of a childlike affection, 'Father! Father!'
with a full and sweet assurance that He was my Father, and my
God. In the night season, when I awoke, my soul was still with
God. The passion of my soul for Christ was so vehement, that my
dreams were full of Him. Thus it was for a long tract of time,
But, alas! when the great God wisely withdrew His quickening
presence, and let Satan loose upon me, O what terrible havoc
did he make in my soul! and that, alas! too much with my will.
I thought myself a monster in iniquity, and that there was some
peculiar brutishness in my heart, that none had but myself. This
made me often wish for death to get clear of it. This has often
enraged my soul so against sin and myself for it, that I have
thought, if it were lawful, I could freely try to pluck my heart
out, and tear it in pieces.

"Since you were here, I have been among my people, dealing with
them plainly about their souls, in their houses; examining them
one by one as to their experiences; telling natural people the
danger of their state; exhorting them that were totally secure,
to seek convictions, and those that were convinced, to seek
Jesus; and reproving pious people for their faults. Blessed be
God! I have seen hopeful appearances of concern.

"I am, etc.,
"GILBERT TENNENT."[299]

[299] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. 3.

To return to Whitefield. In New York, he was not allowed to preach
in the Church of England; but his preaching in the Presbyterian
meeting-house received the sanction of his Divine Master. A few days
after his departure, the Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton wrote to him as
follows:--

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--You left New York under a deep and
universal concern. Many were greatly affected, and I hope
abiding impressions are left upon some. Some, who were before
very loose and profligate, look back with shame upon their
past lives and conversation, and seem resolved upon a thorough
reformation. I mention these things to strengthen you in the
blessed cause you are engaged in, and to support you in your
abundant labours. When I heard so many were concerned for their
eternal welfare, I appointed a lecture on Wednesday evening,
though it was not the usual season; and, though the warning was
short, we had a numerous and attentive audience. In short, I
cannot but hope that your coming among us has been the means of
awakening some to a serious sense of practical religion, and may
be the beginning of a good work in this sinful place. I pray
God to take you under His gracious protection, to sustain you
under your many trials, and make you gloriously successful in
converting sinners from the error of their ways. My wife joins
me in affectionate regards to you, Mr. Seward, and your other
friends, whom we love in sincerity.

"I am, your affectionate brother and very humble servant,
"E. PEMBERTON."

Whitefield returned to Philadelphia on Friday, November 23. On
Saturday, November 24, he preached, morning and afternoon, to "a
vast concourse of all denominations," in the English Episcopal
Church. The next day, a scene occurred within the consecrated
building. Whitefield writes:--

"Sunday, Nov. 25. Was somewhat alarmed this morning by one,[300]
who, after my sermon, told the congregation in the church,
with a loud voice, 'That there was no such term as _imputed
righteousness_ in Holy Scripture; that such a doctrine put
a stop to all goodness; and that we were to be judged for
our good works and obedience, and were commanded _to do and
live_.' When he had ended, I denied his first proposition,
and brought a text to prove that 'imputed righteousness' was
a scriptural expression; but, thinking the church an improper
place for disputation, I said no more at that time. In the
afternoon, however, I discoursed upon the words, 'The Lord
our righteousness,' and shewed how the Lord Jesus was to be
_our whole righteousness_. I proved how the contrary doctrine
overthrew all divine revelation, and endeavoured to answer
objections. I produced the Articles of our Church, and concluded
with an exhortation to lay aside reasoning infidelity, and
to submit to Jesus Christ, who is the end of the law for
_righteousness_, to every one that believeth. The church was
thronged within and without; all were wonderfully attentive; and
many, as I was informed, were convinced that the Lord Christ was
_our righteousness_.

[300] This was "a young gentleman, once a minister of the Church
of England, but now secretary to Mr. Penn."

"Monday, Nov. 26. Read prayers and preached twice in the church,
to very large and attentive congregations. The word came with
great power; and people now apply to me so fast for advice under
convictions, and so continually crowd in upon me, that I have
not time to write to my English friends.

"Tuesday, Nov. 27. According to appointment, I preached at
German Town,[301] seven miles from Philadelphia, from a balcony,
to above six thousand people. I spoke nearly two hours. Great
numbers continued weeping for a considerable time. A German most
kindly entertained me. I think there are not less than fifteen
denominations of Christians in German Town, and yet all agree
in one thing, that is, to hold Jesus Christ as their head, and
to worship Him in spirit and in truth. The Germans are about
to translate my Journals into High Dutch. About eight in the
evening we reached Philadelphia.

[301] Oldmixon, in his "British Empire in America," published
in 1708, says, "_German Town_, a corporation of high and low
Dutch. There are above 200 houses in it. Peach trees are planted
all along before the doors, which, in the time of bloom, make a
beautiful road for a mile together. The town is very pleasant
and airy, being wonderfully cleared from trees."

"Wednesday, Nov. 28. Read prayers and preached, as usual, to a
thronged congregation. Heard of more who were under convictions.
In the morning, notice had been given that I would preach my
farewell sermon in the afternoon. But the church, (though as
large as most of our London churches,) being not large enough to
contain a fourth part of the people, we adjourned to the fields,
and I preached for an hour and a half from a balcony, to upwards
of ten thousand hearers, very attentive and much affected.

"Blessed be God for such success at New York and Philadelphia.
One of the printers has told me he has taken above two hundred
subscriptions for printing my Sermons and Journals. Numbers of
letters have been sent me from persons under convictions. As I
have sown spiritual things, the people were willing I should
reap carnal things. They have, therefore, sent me butter, sugar,
chocolate, pickles, cheese, and flour, for my poor orphans.

"Thursday, Nov. 29. Had the satisfaction of settling all my
family affairs, and gave orders for my family to set sail
immediately after my leaving Philadelphia. From seven in the
morning, the people thronged round the door, and, when we
parted, oh, how bitterly did they weep! Nearly twenty gentlemen
accompanied me on horseback out of the town. About seven miles
off, another company was waiting to meet us, so that, at last,
we were nearly two hundred horse. By three, we reached Chester,
and I preached to about five thousand people from a balcony. It
being court-day, the justices sent word they would defer their
meeting till mine was over; and the minister of the parish,
because the church would not contain the people, provided the
place from which I spoke. I was told that near a thousand of the
congregation came from Philadelphia."

For the present, Whitefield had left Pennsylvania, and was on his
way, through Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina, to Georgia. Before
attending him, the following must be added respecting his first
visit to Philadelphia.

A _printer_ has just been mentioned. There can be no doubt that this
was the celebrated Benjamin Franklin.[302] This remarkable man was
now in the thirty-third year of his age. Some nineteen years before,
he had entered Philadelphia, hungry, tired, and dirty; his pockets
filled with shirts and stockings, and the whole of his worldly
wealth consisting of a Dutch dollar. He was now an industrious
printer; for several years had published "Poor Richard's Almanack;"
had filled the office of clerk to the General Assembly; and had
recently been appointed postmaster. He was also an alderman and a
magistrate, but took no part in the business of the bench, commonly
employing himself while sitting there "in contriving magic squares
and circles." Of his subsequent career, and of the high honours
conferred upon him, it is not necessary here to speak.

[302] In the _Pennsylvania Gazette_, a newspaper published by
Franklin, appeared the following notice, November 15, 1739:--

"The Rev. George Whitefield having given me copies of his Journals
and Sermons, with leave to print the same, I propose to publish
them with all expedition, if I find sufficient encouragement. The
Sermons will make two volumes, and the Journals two more, which
will be delivered to subscribers at two shillings for each volume,
bound. Those, therefore, who are inclined to encourage this work
are desired speedily to send in their names to me, that I may take
measures accordingly."

Of course, Whitefield attracted the attention of Franklin. The
latter writes:--

"In 1739, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived among us. He was,
at first, permitted to preach in some of our churches; but
the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refused him[303]
their pulpits, and he was obliged to preach in the fields. The
multitudes, of all sects and denominations, that attended his
sermons, were enormous, and it was a matter of speculation to
me (who was one of the number) to observe the extraordinary
influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they
admired and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of
them, by assuring them they were naturally _half beasts and
half devils_. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in
the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless and
indifferent about religion, it seemed as if all the world
were growing religious, so that one could not walk through
Philadelphia in the evening without hearing psalms sung in
different families of every street.

[303] This occurred in the spring of 1740.

"Mr. Whitefield, on leaving us, went preaching all the way
through the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province
had lately been begun; but, instead of its being made with
hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labour, the only
people fitted for such an enterprise, it consisted of families
of broken shopkeepers, and other insolvent debtors, and many of
indolent habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in
the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure
the hardness of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving
many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of these
inspired Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan
House there, in which they might be supported and educated."[304]

[304] "Memoirs of Life and Writings of Benjamin Franklin," vol. i.
4to. London, 1818.

So much from America's great printer, electrician, statesman,
and diplomatist, Benjamin Franklin. The reader is now invited
to accompany Whitefield through the three colonies of Maryland,
Virginia, and Carolina. Whitefield writes:--

"Friday, November 30. Preached at noon, and again at three
in the afternoon, at Wilmington. Spent the evening in sweet
conversation with Mr. William Tennent, brother to Mr. Gilbert
Tennent, a faithful minister of Jesus Christ, and with several
Germans, whose hearts God has been pleased to knit to me in a
close and intimate union.

"Saturday, December 1. Reached Newcastle by ten in the morning,
and preached to about two thousand people from a balcony.
Preached, at four o'clock, at Christian Bridge, to about the
same number as at Newcastle. Near two hundred horse came on the
road with us.

"Sunday, December 2. Returned last night to Newcastle, that
I might see my dear family, who came thither in the sloop
just after I had left. This morning, went on board, prayed,
sung psalms, gave a word of exhortation, and rejoiced much
to see all things in such excellent order. My dear friend,
Captain Gladman, told me how kind the people of Philadelphia
had been to my family after my departure. One brought them
butter, another beer, etc., and the collector would not take
his perquisite for clearing the sloop. About ten, we came to
Christian Bridge again, and by twelve reached Whiteclay Creek,
the place appointed for my preaching. The weather was rainy,
but upwards of ten thousand people were assembled. There were
several hundreds of horses. I preached from a tent, erected for
me by order of Mr. William Tennent, whose meeting-house was near
the place. I continued in my first discourse an hour and a half,
after which we went into a log-house, took a morsel of bread,
and warmed ourselves. I preached a second time from the same
place. God caused His power to be known in the congregation.
Many souls were melted down.[305]

[305] Benjamin Franklin's newspaper, of this date, contains the
following:--"On Thursday last, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield left this
city" (Philadelphia), "and was accompanied to Chester by about
one hundred and fifty horse, and preached there to about seven
thousand people. On Friday, he preached twice at Wilmington,
to about five thousand; on Saturday, at Newcastle, to about
two thousand five hundred; and the same evening, at Christiana
Bridge, to about three thousand; on Sunday, at Whiteclay Creek,
he preached twice, resting about half an hour between the
sermons, to about eight thousand, of whom three thousand, it is
computed, came on horseback. It rained most of the time, and yet
they stood in the open air."

"Monday, December 3. Came to North East in Maryland, where I
had appointed to preach to-day. Little notice having been given,
there were not above fifteen hundred people; but God was with
us, and many were deeply affected. Immediately after sermon, we
passed over Susquehannah ferry, about a mile broad, and were
received at a gentleman's house. The gentleman told us he had
been a little melancholy, and had sent for some friends to help
him to drive it away. I found the bottle and the bowl were the
means to be employed; but, blessed be God, the design was, in
a good measure, prevented by our coming. All joined in family
prayer; and I went to bed pitying the miserable condition of
those who live a life of luxury and self-indulgence. They are
afraid to look into themselves; and, if their consciences are at
any time awakened, they must be lulled asleep again by drinking
and evil company.

"Tuesday, December 4. Baited at Joppa, a little town about
fifteen miles from the place where we lay. I gave a word of
exhortation to about forty people in the church.

"Wednesday, December 5. Lay last night at Newtown, fifteen
miles from Joppa; ate what was set before us; joined in family
prayer; and, as opportunity offered, put in a word for God.
In the morning, we sung and prayed. By four in the afternoon,
we reached Annapolis, a little town, but the metropolis of
Maryland. The house where we lodged was very commodious, but the
people of it seemed to be surprised when they heard us talk of
God and Christ.

"Thursday, December 6. Waited on the governor, and was received
with much civility. Went to pay my respects to the minister
of the parish, who happened not to be within; but, whilst we
were at dinner, he came, and offered me his pulpit, his house,
or anything he could supply me with. About four, he came and
introduced me and my friends to a gentleman's house, where we
had some useful conversation. Our conversation ran chiefly on
the new birth, and the folly and sinfulness of those amusements,
whereby the polite part of the world are so fatally diverted
from the pursuit of the one thing needful.

"Friday, December 7. Preached in the morning and evening to
small polite auditories. The governor came to the morning
service, and, at noon, I and my friends dined with him.

"Saturday, December 8. Came to Upper Marlborough, and wrote
letters to some under convictions at Philadelphia."

Here let us pause. Besides his letters to penitents at Philadelphia,
Whitefield wrote the two following--the first to the Rev. Ebenezer
Pemberton, and the second to Mr. Noble, his host at New York:--

"UPPER MARLBOROUGH, _December 8, 1739_.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--Till now, I have neither had leisure nor
freedom to answer your kind letter. Blessed be God, who has
opened the hearts of some of His people at New York to receive
the word. May He enable you to water what His own right hand
hath planted! I wish you good luck in the name of the Lord.
I wish all His servants were prophets. Oh that He would be
pleased to send forth experimental labourers into His harvest!
I fear that, amongst you, as well as in other places, there
are many who are well versed in the doctrines of grace (having
learned them at the university); but, notwithstanding, are
heart-hypocrites, and enemies to the power of godliness. Dear
sir, I use this freedom, because I love simplicity. Pardon
me, for out of the fulness and sincerity of my heart, my pen
writeth. Oh, entreat the God of all grace to give me humility,
so shall success not prove my ruin. Mr. Noble's letter, and my
next Journal, will acquaint you how the Lord Jesus has been
getting Himself the victory since I left New York. There has
been such little opposition, that I have been almost tempted to
cry out, 'Satan, why sleepest thou?' Oh, dear sir, thank God on
my behalf; for, indeed, He deals most lovingly with, rev. sir,
your most unworthy brother and fellow-labourer,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"UPPER MARLBOROUGH, _December 8, 1739_.

"DEAR SIR,--I cannot defer writing to dear Mr. Noble any longer.
This afternoon God brought us hither. Some are solicitous
for my staying here to-morrow. As it seems to be a call from
Providence, I have complied with their request. Oh that I may
be enabled to lift up my voice like a trumpet, and to speak
with the demonstration of the Spirit and with power! These
parts are in a dead sleep. At Annapolis, I preached twice, and
spoke home to some ladies concerning the vanity of their false
politeness. But, alas; they are wedded to their quadrille and
ombre. The minister of the place was under convictions. He wept
twice, and earnestly begged my prayers. He will not frighten
people, I believe, with harsh doctrine. He loves to prophesy
smooth things. God blessed the word wonderfully at Philadelphia.
I have great reason to think many are brought home to God. Oh,
help me, help me, dearest Mr. Noble, help me to be thankful; and
accept my thanks, though late, for all favours received when
at New York. Salute your dear wife, my kind hostess. Exhort
her to be severely kind to her little boy. I am your weak, but
affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, Whitefield had been in the midst
of a great revival. In Maryland, he felt himself in a moral and
religious desert. His Journal continues:--

"Sunday, December 9. Preached at Upper Marlborough, to a small,
polite, and seemingly very curious audience. There being no
sermon in the afternoon, we took horse, and went a Sabbath-day's
journey as far as Piscataway, where I wrote some letters to our
English friends.

"Monday, December 10. Reached Potomac by three in the afternoon.
Potomac is a river which parts the two provinces of Maryland
and Virginia. It is six miles broad. We attempted to go over
it; but, after we had rowed about a mile, the wind blew so
violently, and night was coming on so fast, that we were obliged
to go back and lie in the person's house who kept the ferry,
where they brought out such things as they had.

"Tuesday, December 11. Had a delightful passage over the river
this morning. Observed the country to be much more open, and the
roads better, than in Maryland. Passed over two more ferries in
the day's journey, and were put to some little inconvenience for
want of finding a public-house in the way. However, at last, we
met a poor woman, who was going to sell cakes to the trained
bands, of which we bought some; and, a few miles farther, a
planter let us have some provender for our beasts, and a little
milk and small beer for ourselves. At six at night, we got to
a place called Seals Church, twenty-nine miles from Potomac.
Here we called at a person's house to whom we were recommended;
but the mistress of it was not at home, and the overseer of the
slaves, at first, was unwilling to receive us. However, finding
we were wet and strangers, he was at last prevailed upon to let
us abide there all night; and furnished us with a good fire,
with some little meat, and milk, and a cake baked on the hearth,
which was exceedingly refreshing, and afforded us no small
matter for praise and thanksgiving.

"Wednesday, December 12. We came to Piscataway ferry, where the
man of the house spared us some corn and sheaves for our horses,
but had neither milk nor bread in the house for ourselves.
However, I endeavoured to feed him with spiritual bread; but he
seriously asked one of us if I was not a Quaker. At four in the
afternoon, we reached an ordinary, and were refreshed with what
meat they had. In the evening, some gentlemen came disordered
in liquor; but the woman of the house kept them from us, and
we slept very comfortably on the bed that she made us in the
kitchen.[306] I talked to her of religion, and told her that we
were to be born again. She said that was true, but it was to be
done _after death_.

[306] These references to hunger, and kitchen accommodation, may
appear strange, but are sufficiently explained by the following
extract from a letter which Whitefield wrote to Gilbert Tennent:
"In these parts, Satan seems to lead people captive at his will.
The distance of the plantations prevents people assembling
together. Here are no great towns, as in other provinces, and
the commonalty is made up of negroes and convicts; and if they
pretend to serve God, their masters, Pharaoh-like, cry out, 'Ye
are idle, ye are idle.'"

"Thursday, December, 13. Set out just as the sun rose; got to
an ordinary by noon; ate what was set before us with some
degree of thankfulness; and reached the house of Colonel Whiting
long before night. Here God spread a plentiful table for us.

"Friday, December 14. Reached Williamsburg, the metropolis of
Virginia, by the evening.

"Saturday, December 15. Dined with the governor, who received me
most courteously. Paid my respects to the Rev. Mr. Blair, the
Commissary of Virginia. He received me with joy, and asked me to
preach. He has been chiefly instrumental in raising a beautiful
college at Williamsburg, in which is a foundation for about
eight scholars, a president, two masters, and professors in the
several sciences. Here the gentlemen of Virginia send their
children. The present masters came from Oxford. Two of them were
my contemporaries there. I rejoiced in seeing such a place in
America.[307]

[307] A college was erected at Williamsburg as early as the
year 1700, mostly at the charge of King William and Queen Mary,
who gave £2000 towards it, also twenty thousand acres of land,
and the duty of a penny a pound on all tobacco exported, from
Virginia and Maryland, to the plantations. It was soon entirely
destroyed by fire. (Oldmixon's "British Empire in America," vol.
i., p. 301.)

"Sunday, December 16. Preached in the morning. Several gentlemen
came from York, fourteen miles off. There being no sermon
customarily in the afternoon, I left Williamsburg, promising, if
possible, to visit these parts again in the summer.

"Monday, December 17. Got over a ferry three miles broad last
night, and met with a young man who shewed us the way to Captain
R----n's, who entertained us with much generosity, and was so
kind as to accompany us fourteen miles this morning. We came to
an ordinary about thirty miles from the place where we lay last
night. Here we met with what some would call very indifferent
entertainment. Bashfulness, and a fear of being troublesome,
have kept us from embracing offers of gentlemen's houses; but
we have heard a good report of the generosity of the Virginia
gentlemen. I find they are so willing, and accustomed to
entertain strangers, that few think it worth their while to keep
public ordinaries.

"Tuesday, December 18. Being indisposed with fever, and one of
our horses being foundered, it was thought desirable to stay at
the ordinary the whole day.

"Wednesday, December 19. We took a short day's journey of about
twenty-six miles, and were most affectionately received by
Colonel O----n, in North Carolina.

"Thursday, December 20. Took leave of our kind host, and
travelled cheerfully onwards. About noon, we alighted in the
woods, to give our horses provender, and to take a little
refreshment ourselves, which we have done every day this week,
because there are no ordinaries in the way. By four in the
afternoon, we reached Eden Town, a little place, beautifully
situated by the water-side. Here we were well entertained at a
public-house.

"Friday, December 21. We went in a pettiagua over the sound,
and were nearly seven hours in our passage. It was about twelve
miles over. We met with a convenient ordinary on the other side.

"Saturday, December 22. We came to Bath-Town, a distance of
nearly fifty miles. It is by far the longest stage, and the
roads are the worst we have had, since we began our journey.
The ground, most part of the way, was swampy, and the country
uninhabited. It was as hot as it is at Midsummer in England; but
we had a sweet breeze, which made our riding through the woods
exceeding pleasant. About midway, we met with an ordinary, where
we refreshed ourselves and beasts. We observed a variety of
birds; and, in the evening, heard wolves howling like a kennel
of hounds.

"Sunday, December 23. Sent to the minister of the place, and had
some conversation with him last night. Preached, at noon, to
nearly a hundred people, which, I found, was an extraordinary
congregation, there being seldom more than twenty at church.

"Monday, December 24. Crossed Pamplico river, about five miles
wide, yesterday morning. Lay at an ordinary at the water-side.
Reached Newborn Town, thirty miles from Bath Town, by six at
night.

"Tuesday, December 25. Went to public worship, and received the
holy sacrament, which was celebrated in the Court House. In the
afternoon, the people were uncommonly attentive. One told me I
had given him a home stroke. The woman where we lodged would
take nothing for our Christmas dinner, and wished we could stay
with them longer.

"Wednesday, December 26. Met with comfortable refreshment at an
ordinary on the road, and lodged at a little house in the woods,
about thirty-five miles from where we lay last night. I baptized
two children. I believe there may be hundreds of children in
this province unbaptized, for want of a minister.

"Thursday, December 27. Set out about eight in the morning, and
got to an ordinary, about thirty-three miles distant, before
six at night. I went, as my usual custom is, among the negroes
belonging to the house. One man was sick in bed, and two of his
children said their prayers after me very well.

"Friday, December 28. After about fifteen miles' ride, we
comfortably refreshed both ourselves and beasts at a poor
widow's ordinary, who, a few days ago, had buried her husband.
After dinner, we had a pleasant ride to New Town on Cape Fear
River, nearly eighteen miles from the place where we baited.
We rejoiced greatly that the Lord had brought us so far on our
journey, and had not suffered us to go out of our way, through
so many almost uninhabited woods.

"Sunday, December 30. Wrote letters to my friends in England.
Read prayers, and preached, both morning and evening, in
the Court House. There being many of the Scotch amongst the
congregation, who lately came over to settle in North Carolina,
I was led to make a particular application to them, and to
remind them of the necessity of living holy lives, and giving
proof of their zeal for those truths which they had heard
preached to them, with great purity and clearness, in their
native country. About five in the evening, I and my friends
passed the ferry, and lay at the house of the High Sheriff of
the county.

"Monday, December 31. Set out early, and met with more perils
by land than we have been exposed to yet. The swamps and creeks
which lay in the way were filled with water; and the bridges,
being out of repair, rendered travelling very dangerous. In
one place, we were obliged to swim our horses; in many, the
waters were very high, and were not to be passed without much
difficulty. But we met with two good guides, by whose assistance
we were brought, at night, to a little house, where with
pleasure we reflected on the dangers and deliverances of the day.

1740. Tuesday, January 1. About sunset, we came to a tavern,
five miles within the province of South Carolina. I believe the
people of the house, at first, wished I had not come to be their
guest; for, it being New Year's Day, several of the neighbours
were met together to divert themselves by dancing country
dances. By the advice of my companions, I went in amongst them.
All were soon put to silence, and were, for some time, so
overawed, that, after I had discoursed with them on the nature
of baptism, and the necessity of being born again, in order to
enjoy the kingdom of heaven, I baptized, at their entreaty,
one of their children, and prayed as I was enabled, and as the
circumstances of the company required.

"Wednesday, January 2. Rose early, prayed, sung a hymn, gave
another word of exhortation to the dancers; and, at break of
day, we mounted our horses. For nearly twenty miles, we rode
over a beautiful bay, and were wonderfully delighted to see
the porpoises taking their pastime. We intended to call at a
gentleman's house, about forty miles distant from our last
night's lodging, but we missed the way, and came to a hut full
of negroes. We enquired after the gentleman's house whither we
were directed; but the negroes said they knew no such man, and
that they were but new-comers. From these circumstances, we
inferred that they might be some of those who had lately made
an insurrection in the province, and had run away from their
masters. We, therefore, thought it best to mend our pace, and,
soon after, we saw another nest of negroes dancing round about
a fire. When we had gone about a dozen miles, we came to a
plantation, the master of which gave us lodging, and our beasts
provender. During the day, we had ridden nearly three-score
miles, and, as we thought, in great peril of our lives.

"Thursday, January 3. Had a hospitable breakfast; set out late
in the morning; and, for the ease of our beasts, rode not above
nineteen miles the whole day. 'A good man,' says Solomon, 'is
merciful to his beast.'

"Friday, January 4. About eight in the evening, after riding
forty-three miles, we came to a tavern, five miles from
Charleston.

"Saturday, January 5. Left our lodging before daylight, and,
after we had passed over a three-mile ferry, we reached
Charleston about ten in the morning.

"Sunday, January 6. Went to public service in the morning,
but did not preach, because the curate had not a commission
to lend the pulpit, unless the commissary (then out of town)
were present. Most of the town, however, being eager to hear
me, I preached, in the afternoon, in one of the Dissenting
meeting-houses, but was grieved to find so little concern in
the congregation. The auditory was large, but very polite. I
question whether the court-end of London could exceed them in
affected finery, gaiety of dress, and a deportment ill-becoming
persons who have had such Divine judgments lately sent amongst
them. I reminded them of this in my sermon; but I seemed to them
as one that mocked.

"Monday, January 7. Finding the inhabitants desirous to hear
me a second time, I preached, in the morning, in the French
church. The audience was so great, that many stood without the
door. I felt much more freedom than I did yesterday. Many were
melted into tears. One of the town, most remarkably gay, was
observed to weep. Instead of the people going out (as they did
yesterday) in a light, unthinking manner, a visible concern was
in most of their faces. After sermon, I and my friends dined
at a merchant's; and, as I was passing along, a letter was put
into my hands, wherein were these words: 'Remember me in your
prayers, for Christ's sake, who died for me a sinner.' Many
of the inhabitants, with full hearts, entreated me to give
them one more sermon, and, though I was just about to take the
boat, I thought it my duty to comply with their request. Notice
was immediately given, and, in about half an hour, a large
congregation was assembled in the Dissenting meeting-house. In
the evening, I supped at another merchant's house, and had an
opportunity, for nearly two hours, to converse of the things of
God with a large company.

"Tuesday, January 8. Left our horses in Charleston, and set out
for Georgia, in an open canoe, having five negroes to row and
steer us. The poor slaves were very civil, and laborious. We lay
one night on the water; and, about five on Wednesday evening,
arrived at Beaufort in Port Royal, one hundred miles from
Charleston.

"Wednesday, January 9. The wind being high, and sailing
impracticable, we stayed at Beaufort all the morning, and dined
with kind Mr. Jones, the minister of the place, who received us
with great civility. Afterwards, the weather being fair, and
the tide serving, we again took boat. In the night, we made a
fire on the shore. A little after midnight, we prayed with the
negroes; took boat again; and reached Savannah the next day,
where I had a joyful meeting with my dear friends, who had
arrived three weeks ago."

Thus, after a journey of five months' duration, Whitefield once
more reached his parish in America. If it be asked, what induced
him and his friends to leave their ship, at Capen Lopen, on October
30th, and to spend ten weeks in travelling to Georgia by land,
through the four provinces of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and
Carolina? the best and, indeed, the only answer is, we cannot tell.
It seemed a strange freak for Whitefield to send what he called his
"family" to Savannah by water, and for himself and William Seward
and others to travel to the same place, a distance of at least six
or seven hundred miles, through primeval forests, uncultivated
plains, and miasmal swamps. But even out of this curious vagary came
great results; for, in these colonial wanderings, Whitefield became
acquainted with the Tennents and other Presbyterian ministers; and
this affected the whole of his future life.

When Whitefield sailed to America in 1739, he intended to return to
England in about a twelve-month. His principal object was to erect
and institute his Orphan House in Georgia. As will be seen shortly,
he did much more than this; but his other labours were not included
in his first design. His own account of the commencement of the
Orphan House is as follows:--

"Some have thought that the erecting of such a building was
only the produce of my own brain; but they are much mistaken.
It was first proposed to me by my dear friend, the Rev. Mr.
Charles Wesley, who, with his Excellency General Oglethorpe,
had concerted a scheme for carrying on such a design before
I had any thoughts of going abroad myself. It was natural to
think, that, as the government intended this province for the
refuge and support of many of our poor countrymen, numbers of
such adventurers must necessarily be taken off, by being exposed
to the hardships which unavoidably attend a new settlement.
I thought it, therefore, a noble design to erect a house for
fatherless children, and was resolved, in the strength of God,
to prosecute it with all my might. This was mentioned to the
Honourable the Trustees. They took it kindly at my hands; and,
as I then began to be pretty popular at Bristol and elsewhere,
they wrote to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, asking leave for
me to preach a charity sermon on this occasion in the Abbey
Church. This was granted, and I, accordingly, began immediately
to compose a suitable discourse; but, knowing my first stay in
Georgia would be but short, on account of my returning to take
priest's orders, I thought it most prudent, first, to go and see
for myself, and defer prosecuting the scheme till I returned, to
England.

"When I came to Georgia, I found many poor orphans, who, though
taken notice of by the Honourable Trustees, yet, through the
neglect of persons that acted under them, were in miserable
circumstances. For want of a house to breed them up in, the poor
little ones were tabled out here and there, and, besides the
hurt they received by bad examples, forgot at home what they
learnt at school. Others were at hard services, and likely to
have no education at all. Upon seeing this, I thought I could
not better shew my regard to God and my country, than by getting
a house and land for these children, where they might learn to
labour, read, and write, and, at the same time, be brought up in
the nurture and admonition of the Lord.

"Accordingly, at my return to England in the year 1738, to take
priest's orders, I applied to the Honourable Society for a
grant of five hundred acres of land, and laid myself under an
obligation to build a house upon it, and to receive, from time
to time, as many orphans as the land and stock would maintain.

"As I had always acted like a clergyman of the Church of
England, and had preached in many of the London churches,--and
as I had but a few months before collected nearly £1000 for
the children belonging to the charity schools in London and
Westminster,--it was natural to think that I might now have the
use of some of these churches to preach in, for the orphans
of Georgia. But, by the time I had taken priest's orders, the
clergy began to be much embittered. Churches were gradually
denied to me; and I must let this good design drop, or preach
in the fields. Indeed, two churches, one in Spitalfields and
one in Bristol, were lent me upon this occasion; but these
were all.[308] However, God kept me from being discouraged.
I collected for the Orphan House in Moorfields £52, one
Sabbath-day morning, £22 of which were in copper. The people
offered willingly, and took more pains to come through the crowd
to put their contributions into my hat, than some would to have
gotten them. In the afternoon, I collected again at Kennington
Common;[309] and continued to do so at most of the places where
I preached. Besides this, two or three bishops and several
persons of distinction contributed; till, at length, having
about £1010, I gave over collecting, and went with what I had to
Georgia. Multitudes offered to go with me; but I chose to take
only a surgeon and a few more of both sexes, who I thought would
be useful in carrying on my design. These cheerfully embarked
with me, desiring nothing for their pains, but food and raiment.
My dear fellow-traveller, William Seward, Esq., also joined with
them, and was particularly useful to me. Our first voyage was to
Philadelphia, where I was willing to go for the sake of laying
in provision. In January, 1739, I met my family in Georgia;
and, being unwilling to lose any time, I hired a large house,
and took in all the orphans I could find in the colony. Most of
the orphans were in poor case; and three or four were almost
eaten up with lice. About the month of March, I began the great
house, having only about £150 in cash. I called it Bethesda,
because I hoped it would be a house of mercy to many souls."[310]

[308] This account was written in 1746; but, through forgetfulness
on Whitefield's part, it is not correct. On February 2, 1739, he
preached in Islington Church, and made a collection amounting to
£22 11s.; and, two days afterwards, he preached and made another
collection, in the Church of St. George's in the East, which
amounted to £18. ("Account of Money received and disbursed for the
Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield. London: 1741.")

[309] Altogether, Whitefield made three collections in Moorfields,
making an aggregate sum of £112 14s.; and six on Kennington Common,
amounting to £173 10s. 4d. (Ibid.)

[310] Whitefield's Works, vol. iii., p. 466.

In the above extract, Whitefield says certain bishops and persons
of distinction contributed to his Orphan House in Georgia. The
bishops who contributed were, Dr. Benson, Bishop of Gloucester, £10
10s.; and Dr. Butler, Bishop of Bristol, £5 5s. The "persons of
distinction" included Lady Cox, £5 5s. Her sister, Madam Bridget
Bethel £5 5s.; Lady Betty Hastings, £10; the Rev. Mr. Kinchin, £2
2s.; Rev. Mr. Broughton, £1 1s.; Rev. Westley Hall, £5 5s.; Rev.
Benjamin Ingham, £1 1s.; (the four last mentioned were Oxford
Methodists.) Whitefield himself, £80 10s.; William Seward, Esq.,
£100; Benjamin Seward, Esq., £50; the Honourable Dixey Windsor, £5
5s.; Rev. Mr. Radliff, Master of Pembroke College, £1 1s.; Rev. Dr.
Doddridge, £1 1s.; John Thorold, Esq., £5 5s.; Mr. James Hutton, £2
2s.; Howell Harris, £1 1s.; the Countess of Egmont, £5 5s.; Rev.
Henry Piers, 10s. 6d.

Whitefield's Report, published in 1741, contains other interesting
items. For instance, besides those already mentioned, collections
were made by Whitefield in other places, amounting to £227 4s.
9d.; and to these must be added "a collection by the Rev. Mr.
Cole, Dissenting minister at Gloucester, £12 10s.;" and also the
collections and subscriptions raised in America, making a total of
£2530 2s. 9d. And even this was not all. William Seward contributed
four horses; Mr. Hugh Bryan, of South Carolina, gave a canoe, eleven
barrels of rice, five barrels of beef, and six sheep; Mr. Hazelton,
of the same province, five sheep, six geese, and four turkeys;
divers friends at Charleston gave him linen, china, a hogshead of
molasses, 250 lb. of wool, a cow, five sugar-loaves, nine hams, and
a bag of coffee; and friends in Pennsylvania contributed cheeses,
hams, hung beef, children's stays, shirts, about ten thousand
bricks, and "a large folio Turkey-leather Bible." Among the items
of expenditure were the following:--Sarah Greenhough, of London,
for eighty-four pairs of shoes, £5 1s. 6d.; John Bray, for mortars,
stills, etc., £20 1s. 10d.; James Hutton, for surgery books, £3
4s. 8d.; Isaac Burton, for two wigs, £2 6s.; Robert Norman, for
gunpowder, £19; Mr. Day, for drawing a plan for the Orphan House, £2
10s.; passage for eleven persons to Georgia, £87 5s. 6d:; Mr. Hugh
Bryan, for twenty-one cows, twenty-one calves, a bull, two horses,
a mare, a colt, and ten sows, £65 18s. 6-1/4d.; for two servants
_bought_ of Mr. George Cuthbert, £12; Captain Mackay, for 15,700
shingles, £7 17s.; Isaac Young, for cartage of 28,000 bricks, a
mare, and two drawing steers, £23 6s.; Hugh Wire, for 1365 lb. of
pork, £9 3s.; ten cows and calves, £30; eighteen cows, £36; one
bull, £1; forty-eight hogs and eight sheep, £20; Hugh Ross, for
fencing the gardens, £41 12s. 8d.; several labourers, for fencing
the whole 500 acres, £37 3s. "The total of cash paid for the Orphan
House since it was settled December, 1739, £3,358 7s. 5-1/4d.;"
leaving a deficiency in December, 1741, of £828 4s. 8-1/4d.

Almost all the building materials used in the erection of the Orphan
House had to be conveyed from Savannah, a distance of about a dozen
miles; and, there being no road between Bethesda and Savannah, one
of the items of expenditure in Whitefield's financial statement is,
"Paid labourers who are employed in clearing land, going in boats,
tending on carpenters and bricklayers, and in making a cart road,
near twelve miles, from Savannah to Bethesda, £258 14s. 4-1/2d.,
besides their provisions." For thirty years, Bethesda was the
object of Whitefield's constant solicitude. "It compelled him to
travel, and inspired him to preach." James Habersham, one of those
who went out with him in 1738, was his factotum, and, for many
years, rendered most valuable service. This comparatively humble
man afterwards rose to considerable distinction. He became governor
of the province of Georgia; he was the father of Joseph Habersham,
the distinguished patriot whom Washington, in 1795, appointed
Post-Master General of the United States; and he was also one of the
executors of Whitefield's will. The _Honourable_ James Habersham
will be often mentioned in the succeeding pages. It is now time,
however, to return to Whitefield's diary and letters. He reached
Savannah on January 10, 1740, and the next day went to Bethesda. He
writes:--

"1740. Friday, January 11. Went this morning, with some friends,
to view a tract of land, consisting of five hundred acres,
which Mr. Habersham, whom I left schoolmaster of Savannah, was
directed, I hope by Providence, to make choice of for the Orphan
House. It is situated on the northern part of the colony, about
ten miles from Savannah, and has various kinds of soil in it;
a part of it very good. Some acres, through the diligence of
my friend, are cleared. He has also stocked it with cattle and
poultry. He has begun the fence, and built a hut. I choose to
have it so far off the town, because the children will be more
free from bad examples. It is my design to have each of the
children taught to labour, so as to be qualified to get their
own living."

Oddly enough, there is here a break in Whitefield's Journal, the
next entry being dated January 24th; but the following extracts will
help to fill the chasm. William Stephens, Esq., in his "Journal of
the Proceedings in Georgia," published in 1742, writes:--

"1740. January 11. Mr. Whitefield, accompanied by three or four
others, arrived at Savannah. Mr. Norris quietly gave up the
church to Mr. Whitefield. Mr. Whitefield gave to me a document
relating to the land on which to build his Orphan House. I
told him that Mr. Habersham had already applied to General
Oglethorpe, when he was at Savannah, and that the general had
ordered five hundred acres to be run out, and had signed a
warrant for this; and that, accordingly, Mr. Habersham had taken
possession of the five hundred acres, and begun fencing and
clearing it.

"January 13. Mr. Whitefield's name, which of late has made so
much noise in England, could not fail in drawing all sorts
of people to the church. Both morning and evening, he made
justification by faith only the subject of his discourse; which
he pressed home with great energy, denouncing anathemas on all
such as taught otherwise.

"January 15. Mr. Norris goes as clergyman to Frederica. Mr.
Whitefield has employed nearly all the sawyers, carpenters, and
bricklayers in Savannah, to build his Orphan House, on the five
hundred acres, which Mr. Habersham selected, about ten miles
from Savannah.

"January 20. Mr. Whitefield read prayers at seven; again at
ten, with a sermon; again at three, with a sermon; a lecture at
seven; besides the sacrament after the second morning service,
when he administered to between thirty and forty. Both the
sermons were on Justification and Regeneration. I hope for one
on Good Works before long."

During the thirteen days omitted in his Journal, Whitefield was
not only preaching and looking after the affairs of Bethesda,
but writing letters, some of which were of great interest and
importance. To the Rev. Ralph Erskine he wrote as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _January 16, 1740_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--You may depend on my not being
prejudiced against you or your brethren, by any evil report.
They only endear you to me more and more; and were your
enemies to represent you as black as hell, I should think you
the more glorious in the sight of heaven. I assure you, dear
sir, I am fully convinced of the doctrine of election, free
justification, and final perseverance. My observations on the
Quakers were only intended for those particular persons with
whom I then conversed. The tenets of the Quakers in general,
about justification, I take to be false and unscriptural. Your
adversaries need take no advantage against you by anything I
have written; for I think it every minister's duty to declare
against the corruptions of that church to which he belongs.
This is your case in Scotland, and ours in England. I see no
other way for us to act at present, than to go on preaching
the truth as it is in Jesus; and then, if our brethren cast us
out, God will direct us to take that course which is the most
conducive to His glory and His people's good. I think I have
but one objection against your proceedings,--your insisting
only on _Presbyterian government_, exclusive of all other
ways of worshipping God. Will not this necessarily lead you
(whenever you get the upper hand) to oppose and persecute all
that differ from you in their church government, or outward
way of worshipping God? Our dear brother and fellow-labourer,
Mr. Gilbert Tennent, thinks this will be the consequence, and
said he would write to you about it. For my own part, though I
profess myself a minister of the Church of England, I am of a
catholic spirit; and, if I see any man who loves the Lord Jesus
in sincerity, I am not very solicitous to what outward communion
he belongs.

"God is doing great things in America. My Journal, which I send
with this, will shew you what He has done already. Affairs of
the Orphan House go on well. Some few, even here, love the Lord
Jesus. Oh, dear sir, pray for us, and especially for your weak,
unworthy brother and fellow-labourer in Christ,,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[311]

[311] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 141, and "Life and Diary of
Rev. R. Erskine," p. 310.

To Mr. Gilbert Tennent, Whitefield wrote the following:--

"SAVANNAH, _January 22, 1740_.

"MY HONOURED FRIEND AND BROTHER IN CHRIST,--I have experienced
many inward trials since I last saw you; but I find they work
continually for my good. I have received a sweet, endearing,
instructive letter from Mr. Ralph Erskine. I have answered it,
and told him you promised to write about the necessity of a
catholic spirit. Dr. Colman[312] also has favoured me with a
loving epistle. I have read his sermons since I saw you. They
are acute and pointed, but I think not searching enough by many
degrees. I love writers that go to the bottom. I hope to be
with you at the Synod; but I sometimes doubt whether I shall
have sufficient matter given me to preach upon. Michael and the
dragon, I hear, are carrying on war most bravely in England. I
really believe we shall not die, till we see the kingdom of God
come with power. The affairs of the Orphan House are in great
forwardness. I have much to say, but time and business will not
permit. Blessed be God, eternity is at hand, and then we shall
have time enough. I have read some of your books to my great
profit. I want to be taught the way of God more perfectly, etc.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[312] The Rev. Benjamin Colman, D.D., was born at Boston, New
England, in 1673. At the age of twenty-two, he embarked for London,
and was taken prisoner by a French privateer. On being released,
he proceeded to England, where he became acquainted with Howe,
Calamy, Burkitt, and other ministers of distinction. In 1699, he
returned to Boston, and was appointed the first minister of the
church in Brattle Street, where he continued to officiate until his
death in 1747. He was neither a Presbyterian nor an Independent,
but something between the two. His learning, talents, piety, and
usefulness secured him universal respect; and he certainly was one
of the most distinguished ministers in New England.

An extract from another letter, belonging to this period, deserves
insertion. It was addressed "to the Inhabitants of Maryland,
Virginia, and North and South Carolina."

"SAVANNAH, _January 23, 1740_.

"As I lately passed through your provinces, I was touched with a
fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor negroes. Could I have
preached more frequently among you, I should have delivered my
thoughts in my public discourses; but, as business here required
me to stop as little as possible on the road, I have no other
way to discharge the concern that lies upon my heart than by
sending you this letter. How you will receive it, I know not;
but, whatever be the event, I must inform you, in the meekness
and gentleness of Christ, that I think God has a quarrel with
you, for your cruelty to the poor negroes. Whether it be lawful
for Christians to buy slaves, I shall not take upon me to
determine;[313] but sure I am it is sinful, when bought, to use
them worse than brutes; and, I fear, the generality of you, who
own negroes, are liable to such a charge; for your slaves, I
believe, work as hard as the horses whereon you ride.

[313] Soon after this, Whitefield became a slave-owner.

"These, after they have done their work, are fed and taken
proper care of; but many negroes, when wearied with labour in
your plantations, have been obliged to grind their own corn
after they return home.

"Your dogs are caressed and fondled at your tables; but your
slaves, who are frequently styled dogs or beasts, have not
an equal privilege. They are scarce permitted to pick up the
crumbs which fall from their masters' tables. Nay, some, as I
have been informed by an eye-witness, have been, upon the most
trifling provocation, cut with knives, and have had forks thrown
into their flesh: not to mention what numbers have been given
up to the inhuman usage of cruel task-masters, who, by their
unrelenting scourges, have ploughed upon their backs, and made
long furrows, and, at length, brought them even to death itself.

"I hope there are but few such monsters of barbarity suffered
to subsist among you. Some, I hear, have been lately executed
in Virginia for killing slaves; and the laws are very severe
against such as murder them.

"Perhaps it might be better for the poor creatures themselves
to be hurried out of life, than to be made so miserable as
they generally are in it. Indeed, considering the usage they
commonly meet with, I have wondered that we have not more
instances of self-murder among them, or that they have not more
frequently risen in arms against their owners. Virginia has
been once, and Charleston more than once, threatened in this
way. And, though I pray God the slaves may never be permitted
to get the upper hand, yet, should such a thing be permitted by
Providence, all good men must acknowledge the judgment would be
just. Is it not the highest ingratitude, as well as cruelty,
not to let your poor slaves enjoy some fruits of their labour?
Whilst I have viewed your plantations cleared and cultivated,
and have seen many spacious houses built, and the owners of
them faring sumptuously every day, my blood has almost run
cold within me, when I have considered how many of your slaves
had neither convenient food to eat, nor proper raiment to put
on, notwithstanding most of the comforts you enjoy were solely
owing to their indefatigable labours. The Scripture says, 'Thou
shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the corn.' Does
God take care of oxen? And will He not take care of negroes?
Undoubtedly He will. 'Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for
your miseries that shall come upon you.' Behold, the provision
of the poor negroes, which have reaped down your fields, which
is by you denied them, 'crieth, and the cries of them which have
reaped are entered into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth.'"

Whitefield's letter to the slave-owners was printed, and, as will
soon be seen, its bold speaking brought him into trouble. Meanwhile,
in his church at Savannah, he not only continued to preach on
his favourite subjects, justification and the new birth, but he
announced that he would administer the sacrament on all Sundays and
holidays. On February 3, in his sermon, he denounced the clergy as
"slothful shepherds and dumb dogs," and declared his opinion that
"the author of 'The Whole Duty of Man' had sent thousands to hell."
This created another feud; and, as if this were not enough, on March
7 he quarrelled with Mr. Norris, the late minister at Savannah, and
charged him with preaching false doctrine, with fiddling, and with
playing at cards with ladies, and told him he should never again
assist him in administering the sacrament.[314]

[314] "Journal of Proceedings in Georgia," by William Stephens, Esq.
Vol. ii. 1742.

Of course, Whitefield was also busily occupied with his Orphanage.
He writes:--

"Tuesday, January 29. Took in three German orphans, the most
pitiful objects, I think, I ever saw. No new negroes could look
more despicable, or require more pains to instruct them. Were
all the money I have collected to be spent in freeing these
three children from slavery, it would be well laid out. I have
also in my house near twenty more, who, in all probability, if
not taken in, would be as ignorant of God and Christ as the
Indians. Blessed be God, they begin to live in order.

"Wednesday, January 30. Went with the carpenter and surveyor,
and laid out the ground whereon the Orphan House is to be built.
It is to be sixty feet long, and forty wide. The foundation is
to be brick, and is to be sunk four feet within, and raised
three feet above the ground! The house is to be two stories
high, with a hip-roof: the first ten, the second nine feet high.
In all, there will be near twenty commodious rooms. Behind are
to be two small houses, the one for an infirmary, the other
for a workhouse. There is also to be a still-house for the
apothecary; and, I trust, before my return to England, I shall
see the children and family quite settled. I find it will be an
expensive work; but it is for the Lord Christ. He will take care
to defray all charges. The money that will be spent, on this
occasion, will keep many families from leaving the colony. There
are near thirty working at the plantation already, and I would
employ as many more, if they were to be had.

"Monday, February 4. Met, according to appointment, all the
magistrates, who heard the recorder read the grant given me by
the trustees, and took a minute of their approbation of the same.

"Monday, February 11. Took in four fresh orphans, and set out,
with two friends, to Frederica, in order to pay my respects to
General Oglethorpe, and to fetch the orphans in the southern
parts of the colony.

Seventeen days were spent in this journey to the south of Georgia;
but, before following Whitefield, further extracts from his letters
may be welcome. To Mr. William Delamotte, who had joined the
Moravians, and who, with Benjamin Ingham, was converting hundreds in
Yorkshire,[315] Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. Blessed be God, for the good report
I hear of your zeal for our dear Immanuel. Go on. I am persuaded
the pleasure of the Lord will prosper in your hands. God blesses
the affairs of the Orphan House. The work is large, but we have
omnipotence for our support. I believe I shall take in near
fifty children. Fear not to speak the truth: if driven out of
England, here is a noble range for you in America."

[315] "Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 47.

To the Rev. William Tennent, he addressed the following:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. I am abashed to think what our
all-gracious Redeemer has done by my unworthy hands, and rejoice
to hear that He is working by yours. God willing, I hope to be
with you at the synod. I find as yet I scarce know anything; but
if I give out of my little stock, I trust the Lord will increase
it, as He did the little lad's loaves and fishes. My Journal,
which I have sent to Philadelphia, will tell you what God has
done in Maryland and Virginia. I believe a foundation of great
things is laying there."

To a "sister" he sent the ensuing account of his Calvinian
experience:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. Nothing so much comforts my soul as
the thought that God will never leave me. If He does, it must
be for my unworthiness; but, on that account, it cannot be;
for He never chose me on account of my worthiness. He loved me
freely; He prevented me by His grace; He chose me from eternity;
He called me in time; and, I am persuaded, will keep me till
time shall be no more. This consideration makes my faith to work
by love. Now I can live not barely upon my feelings, which are
blessed things, but on the promises. Though I fall, I know I
shall rise again. The Lord Jesus will not suffer the purchase of
His blood to be lost. He knew for whom He died, and neither men
nor devils shall ever pluck them out of His hands. I hope, ere
long, our brethren will lay all carnal reasoning aside, and see
and preach the truth, in this respect, as it is in Jesus."

To Mr. Noble, of New York, he wrote as follows:--

"Savannah, January 31, 1740. I purpose to revisit New York at
the appointed time. You told me, 'our Lord has not sent me
into His vineyard at my own charge.' Indeed, I always find
He furnishes me with things convenient. Nay, He is often so
abundant in goodness and truth, that I am obliged to cry out,
in holy admiration, 'My Lord and my God!' Blessed be God, the
Orphan-house affairs succeed well. Many souls will be redeemed
by it from temporal, and, I trust, from eternal bondage. I am
building a large house, have many servants, and a good stock of
cattle. It will cost much money; but our Lord will see to that.
My friends at New York will assist me when I come amongst them."

Howell Harris, the brave Welshman, always occupied a warm place in
Whitefield's large and loving heart. The following was addressed to
him:--

"Savannah, Feb. 4, 1740. Will this find you in prison, or not?
Your last letter gave me some expectation, that, ere long, you
would be both in prison and bonds. By-and-by, I shall follow
perhaps. My dear brother, let us continue instant in season and
out of season. Let us continually preach up free grace, though
we die for it. We cannot lose our lives in a better cause. As I
am enabled, I remember you at the throne of grace. In general,
I sigh out my prayers. I have not had much enlargement in
preaching since I have been here. I sometimes think my heart is
more vicious and perverse than any one's; and yet Jesus Christ
will come and dwell in me. Methinks I hear you say, 'Glory be to
free grace! All praise be given to electing love!' Let all who
love the Lord Jesus say, Amen!"

In his seventeen days' journey to the southern part of Georgia,
Whitefield came to the Scots' settlement at Darien, and was kindly
received by Mr. McLeod, the Presbyterian minister. Thence he
proceeded to Frederica, where he was courteously treated by General
Oglethorpe. He preached in a room belonging to the storehouse, and
"the general, the soldiers, and the people attended very orderly."
Returning to Darien, he preached five sermons to Mr. McLeod's
congregation. On February 26, he set out with four orphans, lay two
nights in the woods, and reached Bethesda, at noon, on the 28th. A
fortnight afterwards, he embarked for Charleston. He writes:--

"1740. Friday, March 14. Arrived last night at Charleston, being
called there to see my brother, who lately came from England.
Waited on the commissary" (the Rev. Alexander Garden), "but met
with a cool reception. Drank tea with the Independent minister,
and preached to a large auditory in his meeting-house.

"Saturday, March 15. Breakfasted, sung a hymn, and had some
religious conversation on board my brother's ship. Preached in
the Baptist meeting-house; and, in the evening, again in the
Independent meeting-house, to a more attentive auditory than
ever.

"Sunday, March 16. Preached, at eight in the morning, in the
Scots' meeting-house, to a large congregation. Went to church
and heard the commissary represent me under the character of
the Pharisee, who came to the temple, saying, 'God, I thank
Thee that I am not as other men are.' Went to church again in
the afternoon; and, about five, preached in the Independent
meeting-house yard, the house not being capacious enough to hold
the auditory.[316]

[316] The commissary preached against Whitefield; and the Rev.
Joseph Smith, Independent minister, on March 26, defended him
in a sermon founded upon the text, "I said, I will answer also
my part, I also will shew my opinion." First of all, Mr. Smith
dwells on the doctrines which Whitefield everywhere preached;
namely, original sin, justification by faith alone, and the
new birth. He then proceeds to give his opinion of Whitefield
himself. He says: "He is certainly a finished preacher, and a
great master of pulpit oratory, while a noble negligence runs
through his style. How is his tongue like the pen of a ready
writer! With what a flow of words did he speak to us upon the
great concerns of our souls! In what a flaming light did he
set eternity before us! How did he move our passions with the
constraining love of Christ! The awe, the silence, the attention
which sat upon the face of so great an audience, was an argument
how he could reign over all their powers. So charmed were the
people with his manner of address, that they shut up their
shops, forgot their secular business, and laid aside their
schemes for the world; and the oftener he preached, the keener
edge he seemed to put upon their desires of hearing him again.
How bold and courageous did he look! He was no flatterer, would
not suffer men to settle upon their lees, and did not prophesy
smooth things. The politest, the most modish of our vices, the
most fashionable of our entertainments, he struck at, regardless
of every one's presence but His in whose name he spake. How rich
has he been in all good works! What an eminent pattern of piety
towards God! How holy and unblameable in all conversation and
godliness! He affects no party, nor sets himself at the head of
any. He is always careful to time his Sabbath discourses, so as
not to interfere with the stated hours of worship in that Church
of which he is a professed member and minister; because, as he
told us, he would not tempt away hearers from their proper and
respective pastors. He appears to me a man full of the Holy
Ghost and of faith. Though his prayers in this pulpit were
all extempore, yet how copious, how ardent, with what compass
of thought! He prays in public with that spirit, variety, and
fluency which could only be expected from a man who was no
stranger to the sacred duty in private. For charity, as it
consists in compassion and acts of beneficence, we have few men
like-minded. Strolling and vagabond orphans, poor and helpless,
without purse and without a friend, he seeks out, picks up, and
adopts into his family. He is now building a house, and laying
the best foundation for their support and religious instruction,
without any visible fund; encouraged to go on in faith, from the
shining example of the great professor in Germany, who began
a like pious work with almost nothing, and raised it to such
perfection as is the wonder of all who hear it."

Such was the public testimony of the Independent minister at
Charleston, delivered at the time when the clergyman of the
Church of England was doing his utmost to bring young Whitefield
into disrepute. His chapel, in which Whitefield preached, and
where he collected upwards of £70 sterling for the Orphanage,
was then called the "White Meetinghouse," and occupied the site
of the present circular church. ("Methodism in Charleston," p.
20.)

"Monday, March 17. Preached, in the morning, in the Independent
meeting-house, and was more explicit than ever in exclaiming
against balls and assemblies. Preached again in the evening,
and, being excited thereto by some of the inhabitants, I
spoke in behalf of the poor orphans, and collected upwards of
£70 sterling, the largest collection I ever yet made on that
occasion.

"Tuesday, March 18. Preached twice again this day, and took
an affectionate leave of my hearers. I believe a good work is
begun in many. Every day several have come to me, telling me,
with weeping eyes, how God had been pleased to convince them
by the word preached. Invitations were given me from some of
the adjacent villages, and many came to town daily, from their
plantations, to hear the word.

"Friday, March 21. Went on board the sloop, prayed, sung a hymn,
and took an affectionate leave of my dear brother and other
friends. Got over the bar, and reached Savannah about noon.

"Tuesday, March 25. Went to Bethesda, and, with full assurance
of faith, laid the first brick of the great house. The workmen
attended, and with me kneeled down and prayed. After we had sung
a hymn suitable to the occasion, I gave a word of exhortation to
the labourers, and bid them remember to work heartily, knowing
that they worked for God. Near forty children are now under
my care, and near a hundred mouths are daily supplied with
food. The expense is great, but our great and good God, I am
persuaded, will enable me to defray it.

"Sunday, March 30. Found myself sick and weak in body, but was
strengthened to go through most of the duties of the day, and
to take an affectionate leave of my parishioners, because it
appeared that Providence called me towards the northward."

This northern journey occupied the next two months; but, before
narrating its incidents, some of Whitefield's troubles must be
mentioned. Like all impulsive men, he was frequently imprudent, and,
naturally enough, imprudence engendered mischief.

From the foregoing extracts it will be seen that Whitefield was
denounced, from the pulpit, by the Rev. Alexander Garden, M.A.,
Rector of St. Philip's, Charleston.[317] Remembering all that had
occurred during Whitefield's visit to England in 1739, and also
remembering that, since his return to America, Whitefield had
preached more frequently in Dissenting meeting-houses than in his
own parish church at Savannah, it is not surprising that Mr. Garden
gave Whitefield "a cool reception" when he went to Charleston. It is
matter of regret, however, that he should have used the pulpit to
proclaim his displeasure; and it is a matter of additional regret,
that the youthful evangelist copied, to any extent, so objectionable
an example. It is said that, while Alexander Garden expatiated on
the text, "Those who have turned the world upside-down are come
hither also," George Whitefield retorted by enlarging on the words,
"Alexander the coppersmith hath done me much evil: the Lord reward
him according to his works."[318]

[317] Mr. Garden was born in Scotland in 1685, and came to
Charleston about 1720. He was the commissary of the Bishop of London
for the Carolinas, Georgia, and the Bahama Islands. He died in 1756.

[318] "Memoir of General Oglethorpe," p. 268.

But this was not all. Early in the year, a small pamphlet of sixteen
pages was published, with the following title: "Three Letters from
the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, namely: Letter 1. To a Friend in
London, concerning Archbishop Tillotson; Letter 2. To the same
on the same subject; Letter 3. To the Inhabitants of Maryland,
Virginia, and North and South Carolina, concerning their Negroes.
Printed and sold by Benjamin Franklin, at the New Printing Office,
near the Market, Philadelphia, 1740."[319]

[319] Mr. Stephens, in his "Proceedings in Georgia," 1742,
says:--"1740, March 22. Mr. Whitefield returned from Charleston.
The Carolina newpapers advertise that he has published two
letters there; one shewing 'Archbishop Tillotson knew no more of
Christianity than Mahomet,' and the other shewing the fundamental
errors of a book entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man.' This confirmed
my belief of what I had been told--that he made one of his orphans
throw that book into the fire, with great detestation."

The third of these letters has been already noticed; the other two
must have attention. The first is dated Savannah, January 18, 1740,
and is meant to vindicate Whitefield's assertion, that "Archbishop
Tillotson knew no more of Christianity than Mahomet." Whitefield
writes:--

"This has been looked upon as one of the most unjustifiable
expressions that ever proceeded out of my mouth. I dare not
say that the expression came originally from me. My dear and
honoured friend, Mr. John Wesley, if I mistake not, first spoke
it in a private Society, where he was expounding part of the
Epistle to the Romans, and proving the doctrine of justification
by faith alone, in contradistinction to good works. But, upon
the maturest deliberation, _I_ say again, what I have often
said before, that Archbishop Tillotson _knew no more about true
Christianity than Mahomet_. Whatever high opinion others may
have of that great man, I must confess he was never a favourite
of mine. My sermon on the eternity of hell's torments was
directly levelled against a discourse of his on that subject;
and, since then, my dislike of him has been much increased,
because I have observed that all natural men generally speak
well of his works. Did he teach the truth as it is in Jesus,
thousands, who now admire, would throw aside his discourses as
waste paper. But I would not lay all the stress of my objections
here; but from his own writings will I prove my assertion. Any
spiritual man who reads them may easily see that the Archbishop
knew of no other than a bare historical faith; and, as to the
method of our acceptance with God, and our justification by
faith alone (which is the doctrine of Scripture and of the
Church of England), he certainly was as ignorant thereof as
Mahomet himself."

Whitefield then proceeds to quote extracts from Tillotson's
writings, to prove his assertion. It would have been much wiser for
Whitefield to have kept quiet.

His second letter concerning Tillotson consists chiefly of extracts
from Dr. Edwards's (late of Cambridge) book, entitled "The Preacher;
shewing the Offices and Employments of those of that character in
the Church." The letter concludes thus:--

"And now, my dear friend, have I been rash in my censure of
the Archbishop, or not? I know, writing or speaking against so
learned a Rabbi is like Luther's writing against the indulgences
of the Pope. But, no matter for that. The mystery of iniquity,
wrapped up in the writings of Archbishop Tillotson, has been hid
long enough. It is time now to reveal it to the world."

All this may seem to be heroic; but it was not modest. The work
of young Whitefield was not to attack Archbishop Tillotson, whose
death took place long before Whitefield's birth; but to preach Jesus
Christ. He was soon rebuked--far too bitterly, but not undeservedly.

Soon after Whitefield's visit to Charleston, and the publication of
his unwise letters, there appeared a quarto pamphlet, of fifty-four
pages, with the following title: "Six Letters to the Rev. Mr.
George Whitefield. The first, second, and third on the subject of
Justification; the fourth containing remarks on a pamphlet entitled
'The Case between Mr. Whitefield and Dr. Stebbing stated;' the
fifth containing remarks on Mr. Whitefield's two Letters concerning
Archbishop Tillotson and the book entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man;'
and the sixth containing remarks on Mr. Whitefield's second Letter
concerning Archbishop Tillotson, and on his Letter concerning
the Negroes. By Alexander Garden, M.A., Rector of St. Philip's,
Charleston, and Commissary in South Carolina. Together with Mr.
Whitefield's Answer to the first Letter. Boston, 1740."[320]

[320] A reply, by A. Croswell, to the first half of these letters,
was published in 1741, with the following title: "An Answer to the
Rev. Mr. Garden's first three Letters to the Rev. Mr. Whitefield.
With an Appendix concerning Mr. Garden's Treatment of Mr.
Whitefield. Boston, 1471." (16mo. 60 pp.) The "Answer" is purely
theological; the "Appendix" will be referred to hereafter.

The first of Mr. Garden's letters dwells on good works, as springing
out of faith, and preceding justification. Whitefield's "Answer" is
as follows:--

"CHARLESTON, _March 18, 1740_.

"REV. SIR,--Both by your conversation, sermon, and letter, I
perceive you are angry over-much. Were I ever so much inclined
to dispute, I should stay till the cool of the day. Your letter
more and more confirms me that my charge against the clergy is
just and reasonable. It would be endless to enter into such a
private debate as you, rev. sir, seem desirous of. You have read
my sermon" (on "What think ye of Christ?") "be pleased to read
it again; and, if there be anything contrary to sound doctrine
or the Articles of the Church of England, let the public know
it from the press, and thus let the world judge whether you or
my brethren the clergy have been rashly slandered by, rev. sir,
your very humble servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield would not fight, but he made others angry. Mr. Garden's
second letter was on the same subject as his first, but was free
from personal abuse. In the third, the commissary became ireful.
Whitefield is accused of "wilful and malicious, arrogant and wicked
slander," and of using "miserable distinctions" and "mob harangues."
He is charged with employing "poisoned insinuation, false and
insidious," and is told he has "no talent at proving anything." In
reference to Whitefield's saying, in his Journal, he has kindled a
fire which all the devils in hell will not be able to extinguish,
Mr. Garden remarks: "Alas! the fire you have kindled is that of
slander and defamation,--a fire which no devil in hell, nor Jesuit,
nor Deist on earth, will ever go about to extinguish, but will fagot
and foment it with all their might, as too effectually serving their
interests."

The fourth letter, dated April 15, 1740, is purely theological;
the fifth is clever, but abusive. Mr. Garden says Whitefield has
"exposed himself to the utmost scorn and contempt of every reader."
"In your mountebank way," the rector continues, "you have, young
David-like, as you fancy, slain your Goliath" (Tillotson), "but
his works and memory will long survive after you and your dirty
pamphlets are sunk into oblivion. But might not one such conquest
have sufficed you, as it did young David? No: your noble spirit
scorns only to _imitate_, but must _excel_. No sooner have you
dispatched this champion of the uncircumcised in heart and ears,
but, advancing from a David into a knight of _Lamanca_, you go
straight in pursuit of new adventures! And who unhappily falls in
your way but another son of Anak, the author of the 'Whole Duty
of Man'?[321] Down he must come; and thus you gird yourself for
the battle." Then again, because Whitefield says God has given
him "a _true_ knowledge of the doctrines of grace," Mr. Garden
associates him with the Pope and the Mufti, and calls them "a motley
Triumvirate of Infallibles--your _Reverence_, the _Pope_, and
the _Mufti_! each of you claiming the gift of the true knowledge
of the doctrines of grace, and yet each denying his claim to the
other,--the claim the result of the most consummate assurance,
wherewith you jointly and severally disturb and confound the world."

[321] Whitefield's letter on the "Whole Duty of Man" was published
in the _Daily Advertiser_ of July 2nd, 1740. It is an immensely long
production, and really not worth quoting. He says he had looked
over "the index and general titles" of the book, and could not find
"the word Regeneration so much as once mentioned." The letter is
chiefly theological; but Whitefield would have been better employed
in preaching, than in writing this verbose epistle. It did no credit
either to his head or heart, and was not inserted in his collected
works in 1771.

Mr. Garden's sixth letter is dated July 30, 1740, and chiefly
relates to Whitefield's printed attack on the slave-owners of
Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas. Mr. Garden declares "the
generality of owners use their slaves with all due humanity." He
thinks the owners, in their respective colonies, may prosecute
Whitefield for slander. He then retorts on Whitefield as follows:--

"I have heard the _report_ of your _cruelty_ to the poor orphans
under your care, not only in pinching their bellies, but in
giving them up to taskmasters or mistresses, who plow upon
their backs, and make long furrows there, in a very inhuman
manner; but would you think it fair and honest in me, if, on
such _hearsay or report_, I should print and publish a letter
directed to you, pretending a necessity of informing you that
God had a quarrel with you, for your cruelty to the poor
orphans?"

All this priestly vituperation, on both sides, is greatly to be
lamented. It degraded ministerial character; it injured the cause of
Christian truth; it afforded sport to unconverted men. Whitefield's
attack on the clergy in general, and on Tillotson in particular,
was, to say the least, unwise; and Commissary Garden's replies were
unworthy of his character as a gentleman and Christian minister. Mr.
Garden, unfortunately, will turn up again; but, for the present, he
must be dismissed, that attention may be given to another of young
Whitefield's troubles.

As already stated, on February 4, Whitefield, by appointment, met
the magistrates of Savannah for the purpose of hearing the Recorder
read the document by which the Trustees of Georgia made Whitefield
a grant of five hundred acres of land. One of the magnates present
was Mr. Parker, who was maintaining two orphan boys of the name
of Tondee, the elder being a well-grown lad of fifteen or sixteen
years. Whitefield claimed the boys for his Orphanage. Parker
objected to part with the older boy, on the ground that, having
maintained him during his childhood, it would be unfair to take him
away now, when he was capable of working for his living. No doubt,
Mr. Parker had reason on his side; but Whitefield replied, "The boy
is much fitter for my purpose than for yours, as he can be employed
for the benefit of the other orphans." Parker lost his temper; but
Whitefield took away the boys.

Another case, even more daring and high-handed than this, occurred
about the same time. A man of the name of Mellidge, one of the
first forty freeholders of Savannah, died, and left several young
children, towards whom General Oglethorpe shewed particular favour.
After a few years, the eldest boy, proving himself to be intelligent
and industrious, was employed by the General in planting; and the
eldest girl having become capable of taking care of the younger
children, the whole nest of orphans, in the spring of 1740, found
a home in the house of their elder brother John. On arriving in
Georgia, Whitefield very improperly took possession of all the
younger Mellidges, and removed them to his Orphanage. John, their
natural protector, complained to Oglethorpe. Oglethorpe, who was
then at Frederica, knowing that the family was now no public
incumbrance, wrote the following sensible letter on the subject:--

"I have inspected the grant relating to the Orphan House. Mr.
Seward said that the trustees had granted the orphans to Mr.
Whitefield; but I shewed him that it could not be in the sense
he at first seemed to understand it. The trustees have granted
the _care_ of the _helpless_ orphans to Mr. Whitefield, and
have given him five hundred acres of land, and a power of
collecting charities, as a consideration for maintaining all the
orphans who are in necessity in this province; and thereby the
trustees think themselves discharged from the maintaining of
any. But, at the same time, the trustees have not given, as I
see, any power to Mr. Whitefield to receive the effects of the
orphans, much less to take by force any orphans who can maintain
themselves, or whom any other substantial person will maintain.
The trustees, in this, act according to the law of England:--In
case orphans are left destitute, they become the charge of the
parish, and the parish may put them out to be taken care of;
but if any person will maintain them, so that they are not
chargeable to the parish, then the parish doth not meddle with
them."

Backed by the General's opinion, John Mellidge waited upon
Whitefield, and requested him to permit his brothers and sisters
to return to the home he himself had provided for them. Whitefield
replied, "Your brothers and sisters are at their proper home
already. I know no other home they have to go to. Give my service
to the General, and tell him so." Oglethorpe was not a man to be
trifled with by a young clergyman; and hence, on hearing young
Mellidge's report, he peremptorily ordered Mr. Jones, a functionary
of Savannah, to remove the children from Whitefield's Orphanage; and
Jones, during Whitefield's absence, obeyed the order. Whitefield was
angry, and threatened to appeal to the trustees; but the Mellidges
prospered, and, after the expiration of the trustees' charter,
John Mellidge, the valiant protector of the little orphans, became
the representative of Savannah in the first General Assembly of
Georgia.[322]

[322] "Memoir of General Oglethorpe," p. 272.

It is impossible to justify Whitefield in proceedings like these;
and, certainly, they brought upon him anxiety and trouble, which,
though deserved, he need never have experienced.

Another unpleasantness, belonging to this period, must be mentioned.
True, it involves no reproach either to one party or the other;
but, no doubt, it was painful to both. Whitefield had become a
Calvinist; but his friend Wesley, eleven years his senior, and
vastly more learned, was an Arminian, and, moreover, held the
doctrine, that, though Christians can never be freed from "those
numberless weaknesses and follies, sometimes improperly termed sins
of infirmity," yet, it is the privilege of all to be saved "entirely
from sin in its proper sense, and from committing it." He had also
recently published his "Journal from his Embarking for Georgia to
his Return to London;" and also the Life of Halyburton, with a
Preface, in which he propounded the view just mentioned. Nothing
more need be said to illustrate the references in the following most
affectionate and deeply interesting letter:--

"SAVANNAH, _March 26, 1740_.

"HONOURED SIR,--Since I returned here, I received your letter
and journal. I thank you for both, and shall wait almost with
impatience to see a continuance of your account of what God is
doing or has done amongst you. He knows my heart. I rejoice in
whatever God has done by your hands, I, _prae, sequar, etsi non
passibus equis_.

"I could now send a particular answer to your last; but, my
honoured friend and brother, for once hearken to a child, who is
willing to wash your feet. I beseech you, by the mercies of God
in Christ Jesus our Lord, if you would have my love confirmed
towards you, write no more to me about misrepresentations
wherein we differ. To the best of my knowledge, at present,
no sin has _dominion_ over me, yet I feel the strugglings of
indwelling sin day by day. I can, therefore, by no means, come
into your interpretation of the passage mentioned in the letter,
and as explained in your Preface to Mr. Halyburton.

"The doctrine of _election_, and the _final perseverance_ of
those who are truly in Christ, I am ten thousand times more
convinced of, if possible, than when I saw you last. You
think otherwise. Why then should we dispute, when there is no
probability of convincing? Will it not, in the end, destroy
brotherly love, and insensibly take from us that cordial union
and sweetness of soul, which I pray God may always subsist
between us? How glad would the enemies of the Lord be to see us
divided! How many would rejoice, should I join and make a party
against you! How would the cause of our common Master every
way suffer by our raising disputes about particular points of
doctrine!

"Honoured sir, let us offer salvation freely to all by the blood
of Jesus; and whatever light God has communicated to us, let
us freely communicate to others. I have lately read the life
of Luther, and think it in no wise to his honour, that the
last part of his life was so much taken up in disputing with
Zwinglius and others, who, in all probability, equally loved
the Lord Jesus, notwithstanding they might differ from him in
other points. Let this, dear sir, be a caution to us. I hope it
will to me; for, by the blessing of God, provoke me to it as
much as you please, I do not think ever to enter the lists of
controversy with you on the points wherein we differ. Only, I
pray to God, that the more you _judge me_, the more I may _love
you_, and learn to desire no one's approbation, but that of my
Lord and Master Jesus Christ.

"Ere this reaches you, I suppose you will hear of my late
excursion to Charleston. A great work, I believe, is begun
there. Enclosed, I have sent you Mr. Garden's letters. They will
serve to convince you, more and more, of the necessity you lie
under to be instant in season and out of season.

"Oh, dear honoured sir, I wish you as much success as your heart
can wish. Were you here, I would weep over you with tears of
love, and tell you what great things God hath done for my soul,
since we parted last. I often and heartily pray for your success
in the gospel. May your inward strength and outward sphere
increase day by day! May God use you as a choice and singular
instrument of promoting His glory on earth! And may I see you
crowned with an eternal and exceeding weight of glory in the
world to come! This is the hearty desire of, honoured sir, yours
most affectionately in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

An exquisitely beautiful epistle! All must lament that, soon after
this, there was a temporary estrangement between these faithful and
loving men.

Two days after the date of the foregoing letter, Whitefield wrote to
his friend, Benjamin Ingham, and abruptly announced that he believed
it was the will of God that he should marry; but, at the same time,
prayed that he might not obtain a wife till he could live as though
he had none. The reason of this apparently sudden change was, that
of the four women who had accompanied him from England to manage his
Orphanage in America, one was settled in Philadelphia; another was
dead; the third was dying; and the fourth was the only one likely
to afford him aid. Whitefield had already fixed his mind upon the
young lady whom he intended to ask to be his wife; but certainly he
was one of the oddest wooers that ever wooed. Hence the following
letters--probably the first love letters of his life, and, without a
doubt, among the strangest that an educated and thoroughly unselfish
and Christian man ever wrote. The first was addressed to the young
lady, the object of his choice; the second to her parents.

"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _April 4, 1740_.

"DEAR MISS E----, Be not surprised at the contents of this. The
letter sent to your honoured father and mother will acquaint you
with the reasons.

"Do you think you could undergo the fatigues that must
necessarily attend being joined to one who is every day liable
to be called to suffer for the sake of Jesus Christ? Can you
bear to leave your father and kindred's house, and to trust on
Him, who feedeth the young ravens that call upon Him, for your
own and children's support, supposing it should please Him to
bless you with any? Can you undertake to help a husband in the
charge of a family, consisting perhaps of a hundred persons? Can
you bear the inclemencies of the air, both as to cold and heat,
in a foreign climate? Can you, when you have a husband, be as
though you had none, and willingly part with him, even for a
long season, when his Lord and Master shall call him forth to
preach the gospel, and command him to leave you behind?

"If, after seeking to God for direction, and searching your
heart, you can say, 'I can do all these things through Christ
strengthening me,' what if you and I were joined together in
the Lord, and you came with me, at my return from England, to
be a helpmeet for me in the management of the Orphan House? I
have great reason to believe it is the Divine will that I should
alter my condition, and have often thought you were the person
appointed for me. I shall still wait on God for direction, and
heartily entreat Him that, if this be not of Him, it may come to
nought.

"I write thus plainly, because, I trust, I write not from
any other principles but the love of God. I shall make it my
business to call on the Lord Jesus; and would advise you to
consult both Him and your friends. For, in order to obtain a
blessing, we should call both the Lord Jesus and His disciples
to the marriage. I much like the manner of Isaac's marrying
Rebekah; and think no marriage can succeed well, unless both
parties concerned are like-minded with Tobias and his wife.

"I think I can call the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob to
witness that I desire to take you, my sister, to wife, not for
lust, but uprightly; and, therefore, I hope He will mercifully
ordain, if it be His blessed will we should be joined together,
that we may walk as Zacharias and Elisabeth did, in all the
ordinances of the Lord blameless. I make no great profession
to you, because I believe you think me sincere. The passionate
expressions which carnal courtiers use, I think, ought to be
avoided by those that would marry in the Lord. I can only
promise, by the help of God, to keep my matrimonial vow, and to
do what I can towards helping you forward in the great work of
your salvation.

"If you think marriage will be in any way prejudicial to your
better part, be so kind as to send me a denial. I would not be a
snare to you for the world. You need not be afraid of speaking
your mind. I trust, I love you only for God, and desire to be
joined to you only by His command, and for His sake. With fear
and much trembling I write, and shall patiently tarry the Lord's
leisure, till He is pleased to incline you, dear Miss E----, to
send an answer to your affectionate brother, friend, and servant
in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _April 4, 1740_.

"MY DEAR FRIENDS,--Since I wrote last, we have buried our sister
L----; Rachel I left at Philadelphia; and sister T---- seems to
be in a declining state; so that sister A---- alone is like to
be left of all the women which came over with me from England.

"I find, by experience, that a mistress is absolutely necessary
for the due management of my increasing family, and to take off
some of that care which, at present, lies upon me. Besides,
I shall, in all probability, at my next return from England,
bring more women with me; and I find, unless they are all truly
gracious, (or indeed if they are) without a superior, matters
cannot be carried on as becometh the gospel of Jesus Christ. It
hath been, therefore, much impressed upon my heart that I should
marry, in order to have a helpmeet for me in the work, whereunto
our dear Lord Jesus hath called me.

"This comes, (like Abraham's servant to Rebekah's relations,) to
know whether you think your daughter, Miss E----, is a proper
person to engage in such an undertaking? If so, whether you will
be pleased to give me leave to propose marriage unto her?

"You need not be afraid of sending me a refusal; for, I bless
God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that
foolish passion, which the world calls _love_. I write, only
because I believe it is the will of God that I should alter
my state; but your denial will fully convince me, that your
daughter is not the person appointed by God for me. He knows
my heart; I would not marry but for Him, and in Him, for ten
thousand worlds. But I have sometimes thought Miss E---- would
be my helpmeet; for she has often been impressed upon my heart.
I should think myself safer in your family, because so many
of you love the Lord Jesus, and, consequently, would be more
watchful over my precious and immortal soul.

"After strong crying and tears at the throne of grace for
direction, and after unspeakable troubles with my own heart, I
write this. Be pleased to spread the letter before the Lord;
and, if you think this motion to be of Him, be pleased to
deliver the enclosed to your daughter: if not, say nothing, only
let me know you disapprove of it, and that shall satisfy, dear
sir and madam, your obliged friend and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Of course, Whitefield's curious courtship failed, as it deserved
to fail; but the question naturally arises, Who was the young lady
whom Whitefield proposed to marry? There cannot be a doubt that
"Dear Miss E----" was Elizabeth Delamotte, the daughter of the
Middlesex magistrate, who lived at Blendon, whose son Charles
went with the Wesleys to Georgia, and whose son William was now a
Moravian preacher, and, (in union with Benjamin Ingham,) was doing
his utmost to convert the benighted inhabitants of the West Riding
of the county of York. The full address of Whitefield's letter to
the parents of "Miss E----" is not given, the editor of Whitefield's
collected works merely supplying "To Mr. and Mrs. D----," which
coincides with the opinion just expressed. From Charles Wesley's
Journal, it is perfectly clear that one of Mr. Delamotte's daughters
was named Elizabeth.[323] The reader need not be told that, during
the summer of 1739, Whitefield was a frequent and delighted visitor
at Mr. Delamotte's house,[324] and that it was here that he wrote
his Answer to the Bishop of London's Pastoral Letter. Since his
return to America, he had written Mr. Delamotte a most loving
letter;[325] and an equally loving one to Mr. Delamotte's wife,[326]
both dated "Philadelphia, November 10, 1739." Indeed, unless I
am mistaken, he had written to Miss Elizabeth herself. Hence the
following extract from a letter "to Miss Elizabeth D----," dated
"Savannah, February 1, 1740":--

"You do well to go about doing good; your Master did so before
you. Dare, _dear Miss_, to follow His good example, and never
fear the revilings of men. Set your face as a flint against all
the adversaries of our Lord. Keep up a close walk and communion
with God. Nothing else can preserve you from idols. There is
nothing I dread more than having my heart drawn away by earthly
objects. For, alas! what room can there be for God, when a rival
has taken possession of the heart? Oh, my dear sister, pray
that no such evil may befall me. My blood runs cold at the very
thought thereof.

[323] See vol. i., pp. 74, 78, 79, 101-113, etc.

[324] See his Journal.

[325] See Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 88.

[326] Ibid., p. 102.

"In a multiplicity of business, have I written you these lines.
I thank you for your kind letter; and hope I shall always retain
a grateful sense of the many favours I have received from your
dear family. My kindest respects attend your sister. I long
to hear of her being brought into the glorious liberty of the
children of God. How does your father? how does my dear brother
Charles? and how does your little sister? My heart is now full.
Writing quickens me. I could almost drop a tear, and wish
myself, for a moment or two, in England. But hush, nature! God
here pours down His blessings on your sincere friend and servant
in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

All this is presumptive evidence; the following is direct.
Whitefield wrote his love letters on April 4, 1740. On the 28th day
of the same month, he dispatched his friend Seward to England, on
important business. On the 26th of June next ensuing, he wrote as
follows to Mr. Seward:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 26, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER SEWARD--I have received many agreeable letters
from England; but find, from _Blendon letters_, that Miss _E----
D----_ is in a seeking state only. Surely that will not do. I
would have one that is full of faith and the Holy Ghost. My poor
family gives me more concern than all things else put together.
I want a _gracious_ woman that is dead to everything but Jesus,
and is qualified to govern children, and direct persons of her
own sex. Such a one would help, and not retard, me in my dear
Lord's work. I wait upon the Lord every moment; I hang upon my
Jesus; and He daily assures me He will not permit me to fall by
the hands of a woman. I am almost tempted to wish I had never
undertaken the Orphan House. At other times, I am willing to
contrive matters so that I may not marry. My dearest brother,
adieu! By this time, I trust, you are near England. Take heed
that the people you bring believe on Jesus," etc., etc.

The reader will excuse the length of these extracts. This was really
one of the most curious of the little episodes in Whitefield's life;
and no previous biographer has attempted to shew who the lady was
whom Whitefield proposed to make his wife.

On April 2, Whitefield and William Seward, embarked in their own
sloop, the _Savannah_, and, after a ten days' voyage, landed at
Newcastle, in the province of Pennsylvania, where they were kindly
entertained by Mr. Grafton. The day (April 13) being Sunday, and the
episcopal minister of the parish being ill, Whitefield was allowed
the use of his pulpit, and, at once, commenced preaching. After
the morning service, William Seward rode to Christian Bridge, and
to Whiteclay Creek, (where Charles Tennent was the Presbyterian
minister,) for the purpose of announcing that Whitefield would
preach again at Newcastle in the afternoon. Such was the young
preacher's popularity, that the service in the Presbyterian
meeting-house was given up, and Tennent and above two hundred
others mounted their horses, and galloped to Newcastle, arriving in
time to hear Whitefield's sermon on the conversion of Zaccheus.

"Mr. Tennent," says Seward, "informed us of the great success
which had attended our brother Whitefield's preaching, when
we were here last. For some time, a general silence was fixed
on people's minds, and many began seriously to think on what
foundation they stood. A general outward reformation has been
visible. Many ministers have been quickened, and congregations
are increased."[327]

[327] Seward's Journal, p. 4.

On Monday, April 14, at eleven in the morning, Whitefield preached
at Wilmington to about three thousand, using as his pulpit the
balcony of the house where he lodged. At night, he and his friends
arrived at Philadelphia. Seward writes:--

"On our arrival, though late, many friends came to see us,
particularly Mr. Jones, the Baptist minister, who told us of two
other ministers, Mr. Treat and Mr. Morgan, who were so affected
by our brother Whitefield's spirit, that the latter had gone
forth preaching towards the sea coast in the Jerseys, and in
many other places; and the former had told his congregation that
he had been hitherto _deceiving_ himself and them, and that he
could not preach again at present, but desired them to join in
prayer with him."[328]

[328] Ibid., p. 5.

No wonder that Whitefield's enthusiastic soul was stirred within
him. In a letter, written on the day he reached Philadelphia, he
says:--

"People are much alarmed already. I find God has been pleased
to do great things, by what He enabled me to deliver when last
here. Two ministers have been convinced of their formal state,
notwithstanding they held and preached the doctrines of grace.
One plainly told the congregation he had been deceiving himself
and them, and could not preach any more, but desired the people
to pray with him. The other is now a flame of fire, and has
been much owned of God. Very many, I believe, of late have been
brought savingly to believe on the Lord Jesus. The work much
increases. A primitive spirit revives; and many, I hope, will
be brought to live steadfast in the apostle's doctrine, in
fellowship, in breaking of bread, and in prayer."

Whitefield spent nine days, from April 14 to 23, in Philadelphia and
its immediate neighbourhood. The enthusiasm created by his visit was
enormous. His friends erected a stage for him on what was called
Society Hill, and around this, as if drawn by magic, his immense
congregations gathered. First of all he applied for the use of the
parish church, but the clergyman refused, because Whitefield had
"written against Archbishop Tillotson."[329] Upon this, Whitefield,
as usual, made the open air his church, and, in this quiet Quaker
city, preached to audiences numbering from five to fifteen thousand
people each. Remembering how recently the city had been founded,
and bearing in mind the sparseness of the surrounding populations,
the wonder is how such vast crowds were drawn together. In this
respect, a congregation of thirty thousand in Moorfields was a
small affair when compared with a congregation of ten thousand on
Society Hill, in Philadelphia. The power accompanying Whitefield's
preaching was marvellous. Numbers, including several negroes, came
to him privately, deeply convinced of sin, and asking his advice
and prayers. The clergyman of the Church of England preached a
sermon, from James ii. 18, upon justification _by works_. In the
evening of the same day, Whitefield, on Society Hill, took the same
text, and preached, to about fifteen thousand people, a sermon
on justification _by faith_, after which he made a collection
for his Orphan House, amounting to £80 currency. This was the
_second_ collection, for the same object, which Whitefield made
on that memorable Sabbath; for, in the early morning, at seven
o'clock, he had preached to about ten thousand, and collected for
his orphans £110 sterling. His friend, William Seward, with the
connivance of the owner, locked the doors, and took away the keys,
of "the Assembly-room, the Dancing School, and the Music Meeting,"
promising to pay the proprietor for any loss he might sustain. The
enemies of Whitefield were enraged by this proceeding, and "some
gentlemen," says Seward, "threatened to cane me."[330] "Scoffers,"
writes Whitefield, "muttered in coffee-houses, cursed, drunk a bowl
of punch, and then cried out against me for not preaching up more
morality."[331]

[329] Seward's Journal, p. 5.

[330] Ibid., p. 6.

[331] Whitefield's Journal.

Whitefield did not confine his preaching to Philadelphia. During
his nine days' visit, he preached, from a horse-block, to three
thousand people, at Abington,[332] the place where the Rev. Mr.
Treat, already mentioned, had been the minister. Accompanied by
a cavalcade of about forty persons, he rode to Whitemarsh and to
German Town, and preached, in each place, to assembled thousands.
He went to Greenwich, in the West Jerseys, and to Gloucester, about
four miles from Philadelphia, many of the Philadelphians forming
part of his audience, and singing in the boats all the way there and
back.

[332] Seward's Journal, p. 7.

Benjamin Franklin writes respecting Whitefield's present visit to
Philadelphia as follows:--

"Mr. Whitefield preached up this charity" (the Orphan House),
"and made large collections; for his eloquence had a wonderful
power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I
myself was an instance. I did not disapprove of the design;
but, as Georgia was then destitute of materials and workmen,
and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at great
expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the
house at Philadelphia, and to have brought the children to it.
This I advised; but he was resolute in his first project, and
rejected my counsel; and I, therefore, refused to contribute. I
happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course
of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection;
and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me. I had,
in my pocket, a handful of copper money, three or four silver
dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded, I began to
soften, and concluded to give the copper. Another stroke of his
oratory determined me to give the silver; and he finished so
admirably that I emptied my pocket wholly into the collector's
dish, gold and all. At this sermon, there was also one of our
club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in
Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, emptied
his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of
the discourse, however, he felt a strong inclination to give,
and applied to a neighbour, who stood near him, to lend him
money for the purpose. The request was fortunately made to,
perhaps, the only man in the company who had the firmness not to
be affected by the preacher. His answer was, 'At any other time,
friend Hopkinson, I would lend thee freely, but not now, for
thee seems to me to be out of thy right senses.'"

Franklin adds:--

"Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he
would apply these collections to his own private emolument;
but I, who was intimately acquainted with him, (being employed
in printing his sermons, journals, etc.,) never had the least
suspicion of his integrity; but am, to this day, decidedly of
opinion that he was, in all his conduct, a perfectly _honest
man_. Our friendship was sincere on both sides, and lasted
to his death. He used sometimes to pray for my conversion,
but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers
were heard. Upon one of his arrivals from England, at Boston,
he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but
knew not where he could lodge when there, as his old friend
and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to German Town. My answer
was, 'You know my house. If you can make shift with its scanty
accommodation, you will be most heartily welcome.' He replied
that, if I made that kind offer for _Christ's_ sake, I should
not miss of a reward. And I returned, 'Don't let me be mistaken;
it is not for _Christ's_ sake, but for _your_ sake.' This
incident will shew the terms on which we stood.

"The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he
consulted me about his Orphan-house concern, and his purpose
of appropriating it to the establishment of a college. He had
a loud and clear voice,[333] and articulated his words so
perfectly that he might be heard and understood at a great
distance, especially as his auditories observed the most
perfect silence.[334] He preached one evening from the top
of the Court House steps, which are in the middle of Market
Street, and on the west side of Second Street, which crosses
it at right angles. Both streets were filled with his hearers
to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market
Street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard,
by retiring backwards down the street towards the river, and
I found his voice distinct till I came near Front Street,
when some noise in that street obscured it. Imagining then a
semicircle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that
it was filled with auditors, to each of whom I allowed two
square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than
thirty thousand. By hearing him often, I came to distinguish
easily between sermons newly composed and those which he had
often preached in the course of his travels. His delivery of
the latter was so improved by frequent repetition, that every
accent, every emphasis, every modulation of the voice, was
so perfectly well turned and well placed, that, without being
interested in the subject, one could not help being pleased with
the discourse. His writing and printing from time to time, gave
great advantage to his enemies. Unguarded expressions, and even
erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might have been
afterwards explained or qualified; but _litera scripta manet_.
Critics attacked his writings violently, and with so much
appearance of reason, as to diminish the number of his votaries,
and prevent their increase. So that, I am satisfied that if he
had never written anything, he would have left behind him a
much more numerous and important sect; and his reputation, in
that case, would have been still growing even after his death;
because, there being nothing of his writing on which to found
a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes would
be left at liberty to attribute to him as great a variety of
excellences as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to
have possessed."[335]

[333] It is said that once, when preaching on Society Hill,
Whitefield was heard at Gloucester Point, a distance, by water, of
two miles. (Belcher's Biography of Whitefield, p. 102.)

[334] The following anecdote is given, as a foot-note, in Franklin's
Memoirs. Early in life, Whitefield was preaching in a field. A
drummer, who happened to be present, rudely beat his drum to drown
the preacher's voice. Whitefield spoke very loud, but failed to make
himself heard. "Friend," cried he, "you and I serve the two greatest
masters existing: you beat up for volunteers for King George; I for
the Lord Jesus. In God's name, let us not interrupt each other.
The world is wide enough for both; and we may get recruits in
abundance." The drummer went away in great good humour, and left
Whitefield in full possession of the field.

[335] "Memoirs of Life and Writings of B. Franklin," vol. i., p. 87.

A testimony such as this from an outsider like Benjamin Franklin
is worth quoting. What about others? The Rev. John Muirhead, in a
letter to the Rev. Ralph Erskine, wrote:--

"Mr. Whitefield, that man of God, came into this town last
September, and preached with surprising success. Consolation
and thunder were intermixed in all his discourses, so that
numbers were made to cry out, 'What shall we do to be saved?'
While the iron might be said to be hot, that Boanerges, Mr.
Gilbert Tennent, came, and laboured with still greater success
among us. Many hundreds of souls came under great distress.
Lectures are set up and continued almost every day in the week.
God's blessed Spirit is poured out on some of all ages and
complexions. God has perfected praise from the mouths of many
hundreds of children. Many poor Ethiopians are made to stretch
out their hands to God. In my little congregation, a hundred and
seventy-eight souls have applied to me, either to relate what
God had done for them, or to ask direction how to manage under
soul trouble. One thing I would notice, the work of Christ has
been greater since these men of God have gone hence; but they
brought the sacred fire along with them, and now it is kindled
into a divine flame. God has made many townships and ministers
light tapers at our torches; namely, Roxburg, Brookline,
Cambridge, Charleston, Ipswich, Newburg, Rhode Island, with many
more towns through almost all the provinces of English America.
I do not know that I have ever read anything like this blessed
time since the apostles' days."[336]

[336] "Life and Diary of the Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 284.

Another writer observes:--

"The effects produced, in Philadelphia, by the preaching
of Mr. Whitefield were astonishing. Numbers of almost all
religious denominations and many who had no connection with
any denomination, were brought to enquire, with the utmost
earnestness, what they should do to be saved. Such was the
engagedness of multitudes to listen to spiritual instruction,
that there was public worship, regularly, twice a day, for
a year; and, on the Lord's-day, it was celebrated generally
thrice, and frequently four times. The city contained twenty-six
societies for social prayer and religious conference. So great
was the enthusiasm to hear Mr. Whitefield preach, that many from
Philadelphia followed him on foot to Chester, to Abington, to
Neshaminy, and some even to New Brunswick, in New Jersey, the
distance of sixty miles. In 1743, a church was formed by Mr.
Gilbert Tennent out of those who were denominated converts of
Mr. Whitefield. No less than a hundred and forty individuals
were received at first, after a strict examination, as members
of this newly constituted church. The admission of a large
number more was delayed, only because their spiritual state
had not yet attained such maturity as to afford satisfaction
to the officers of the church; but among those received on the
first examination was the eminent Christian whose story is here
recorded, and who was to be, for more than sixty years, one of
the church's brightest ornaments."[337]

[337] "Memoirs of Mrs. Hannah Hodge."

Whitefield was thus, under God, the means of creating a Presbyterian
church in Philadelphia. But more than this. A permanent building
was erected for the use of the Tennents and their associates; and
this building afterwards became the seat of the University of
Pennsylvania.[338] Here Whitefield preached whenever he visited the
city, and here his friends, the Tennents, together with Messrs.
Rowland, Blair, and Finley, ministered during his absence.[339]

[338] Concerning this same building, Franklin writes: "It being
found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its
inclemencies, the building of a house was proposed. Sufficient sums
were soon received to procure the ground and erect the building,
which was a hundred feet long, and seventy broad. Both house and
ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of _any
preacher of any religious persuasion_, who might desire to say
something to the people of Philadelphia. The design of the building
not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in
general, it follows, that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were
to send a missionary to preach Mahomedanism to us, he would find a
pulpit at his service." (Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin.)

[339] Hodge's "History of the Presbyterian Church of the United
States."

One other important transaction occurred during this nine days'
visit to Philadelphia. Besides sustaining the Orphan House in
Georgia, Whitefield formed a project, 1. To erect a school for
negroes in Pennsylvania; and 2. To found a settlement, in the same
province, as a sort of refuge for such of his English converts as
might be persecuted for conscience' sake. On April 22, William
Seward wrote as follows: "Agreed with Mr. Allen[340] for five
thousand acres of land on the forks of the Delaware, at £2,200
sterling; the conveyance to be made to Mr. Whitefield, and after
that assigned to me, as security for my advancing the money."[341]

[340] William Allen, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, distinguished as
a friend to literature, and a patron of Benjamin West, the painter.
He died in England, in 1780.

[341] Seward's Journal, p. 20.

Immediately after this, William Seward set sail for England. Hence
the following letter,[342] addressed to "Mr. Blackwell, at Mr. James
Martin and Co.'s, bankers, in Lombard Street, London." The letter
has not before been published.

[342] Lent by Mr. G. Stampe, of Grimsby.

"WRITTEN AT SEA, _June 9, 1740_.

"(To be put in the post, on my landing at Dover or Deal.)

"DEAR MR. BLACKWELL,--I am sent over by Brother Whitefield,
on several affairs of consequence to the Church of Christ:
particularly to fetch Brother Hutchins to supply Brother
Whitefield's place at the Orphan House, while he comes to
England himself next spring; also to transact several matters
with the Trustees of Georgia; and to make collections for a
negro school in the province of Pennsylvania, where we have
bought 5,000 acres of very good land for that purpose, and for
settling such English friends upon as God shall incline to go
over next year, in a ship we shall buy, and to be commanded by
Captain Gladman, who comes with me.

"The land, by my desire, is conveyed to Brother Whitefield, but
mortgaged to me for £2,200, the purchase-money. I think it is
as good a security as the Bank of England,--perhaps better; but
you know we aim not at an earthly, but a heavenly inheritance.
Still, we must provide things honest in the sight of all men.

"I design to land at Dover or Deal, and to call at Blendon for
one night, or two at most; and, as I must raise money to answer
the bills of exchange I have drawn for the sum aforesaid, I
desire you, if you can conveniently, to sell for me £1,650 old
South Sea annuities, and £585 4s. 5d. South Sea stock. If not
convenient to you, desire Mr. Cole to do it; and (God willing)
I shall be in town two or three days afterwards to sign the
transfers. But, first of all, please to enquire if there be
any alteration made in these by my brother Benjamin, with whom
I left general letters of attorney. When you have done the
business, please to write me a penny-post letter, to Mr. John
Bray's, brazier, in Little Britain, where I am to lodge while in
town.

"I am sorry my paper is so crowded with business that I have
no room to enlarge upon the great things God has done for us
in Savannah, Charleston, Philadelphia, New Jersey, New York,
and other places. The light of the glorious gospel of Jesus
Christ has shone into many hearts, as you may judge by our
collecting £210 sterling, for the Orphan House, at three sermons
in Charleston and Philadelphia. Help us to give thanks for the
abundant mercy and grace bestowed upon us since we saw you. The
Lord preserved us in travelling about 1400 miles by land, and
10,000 by water. Though in many perils, out of all the Lord
delivered us.

"My stay in England may be three months, between London,
Bristol, Gloucester, etc. Pray that I may have good success in
all things, that so I may quickly return to our dear friends
in Georgia. I have a letter for you from our dear brother
Whitefield.

"Your unworthy brother in Christ,
"WILLIAM SEWARD."

The whole of this benevolent design collapsed. William Seward landed
in England on the 19th of June; and, four months afterwards, was
killed by a brutal persecutor in the principality of Wales. This put
an end to the affair; and Pennsylvanian negroes and English refugees
were left to the care of Providence.

On April 23, Whitefield proceeded from Philadelphia to Neshaminy,
where he was warmly welcomed, and preached, in the yard of the
Presbyterian meeting-house, to above five thousand people. The
next day, he preached, first at Shippack, "a very wilderness part
of the country," but where two thousand hearers were assembled.
Here he met the celebrated Moravian, Peter Bohler, who preached in
Dutch, after he had finished. Riding ten miles farther, (forty from
Philadelphia,) he came to Henry Anti's plantation, and addressed
about three thousand. The evening was spent most pleasantly, the
Dutch praying and singing in _their_ language, and Whitefield
praying in _his_.

On April 25, he rode to Amwell, and preached to five thousand.
Here he was met by Gilbert Tennent, Mr. Rowland, Mr. Wales, and
Mr. Campbell, four godly Presbyterian ministers, who had given
the people three gospel sermons before his arrival. He and his
friends spent the evening in singing and praying in the fields. The
day following he reached New Brunswick, where his friend Gilbert
Tennent was minister. Sunday, April 27, was a notable day. He
writes:--

"I preached morning and evening," (at New Brunswick,) "to near
seven or eight thousand people; and God's power was so much
amongst us in the afternoon sermon, that the cries and groans
of the people would have drowned my voice. One woman was struck
down; and, at night, another woman came to me under strong
convictions. She cried out, 'I can see nothing but hell.'"

The afternoon sermon was preached by Gilbert Tennent, from the text,
"I will search Jerusalem with candles, and punish them that are
settled on their lees." William Seward adds, that the collections,
morning and evening, were about £25 sterling.

During his brief sojourn at New Brunswick, Whitefield wrote a long
letter, referring, among other things, to the Pennsylvanian scheme
just mentioned. It was printed, with the following title: "A Letter
from the Rev. Mr. George Whitefield to a Friend in London. Dated
at New Brunswick, in New Jersey, April 27, 1740. Printed by W.
Strahan, 1740." (8vo. 8 pp.) Only a part of this letter is given in
Whitefield's collected works; and the following is a mere extract
from the original:--

"The Orphan-house affairs go forward beyond expectation. I
have upwards of forty children now in my house at Savannah,
near seventy persons in family, and upwards of a hundred to
provide for every day. As yet, we want for nothing. The great
Householder of mankind gives us all things richly to enjoy. I
had rather _live by faith, and depend on God_, for the support
of my great and increasing family, than have the largest
_visible fund_ in the universe. About five weeks ago, the
Charleston people contributed upwards of £70 sterling, towards
the support of my little ones. A glorious work was also begun
in the hearts of the inhabitants. Many negroes, likewise,
are in a fair way of being brought home to God. In my public
discourses, I have freely offered the Lord Jesus to them, if
they will believe on Him; and have actually taken up five
thousand acres of very good land, in order to erect a school
for the education and maintenance of all such negroes, whether
young or old, as shall be sent to me. Young ones I intend
to buy, and do not despair of seeing shortly a room full of
that _despised generation_, making melody with grace in their
heart unto the Lord. Here, also, my dear English friends, if
persecution should come upon them, may find a refuge from the
storm. The land is good, and will yield a great increase, and
all may here worship God in their own way. Many apply to me to
have _a lot_ amongst us, but I defer giving them a positive
answer till it shall please God to bring me back to England.
In the meanwhile, I have ordered a house to be built, and some
land to be cultivated. If any of my friends will be pleased to
contribute towards carrying on the school for the poor negroes,
the bearer of this, my dear brother Seward, will bring it with
him to Georgia.

"_He_ comes to fetch a fellow-labourer to supply my place
during my absence. If he succeeds, you may expect to see me the
beginning of next year; if not, I shall continue in America. I
daily receive most importunate invitations to preach in all the
countries round about. God is pleased to give a great blessing
to my _printed sermons_. They are now in the hands of thousands
in these parts.

"You will not be surprised that there are many adversaries; but,
alas! what are they? _Covetous, proud boasters, self-willed
blasphemers, having a form of godliness, but denying the power
thereof._ If I pleased such men, I should not be a servant of
Jesus Christ. What most of all grieves them is my two letters
against Archbishop Tillotson. The first you have already read;
the second I now send you. I abhor controversy and disputation;
but _my Master's_ glory now calls me to be more explicit than
I have been yet. Blessed be His name! many who were before
_blinded_ by that great man, now see; and one of my Savannah
parishioners, once a great favourer of the Archbishop, being
lately _awakened_, sent me seventeen volumes of the Archbishop's
sermons, to be disposed of as I pleased.

"The clergy, I find, are most offended at me. The Commissary
of Philadelphia has denied me the pulpit; and, last Sunday,
preached up an _historical faith_, and _justification by works_.
The bigotted, _self-righteous Quakers_ now also begin to spit
out a little of the venom of the serpent. They cannot bear the
doctrine of _original sin_ and _imputed righteousness_ as the
cause of our acceptance with God. One of their head teachers
called original sin original nonsense. I have not yet met with
much opposition from the _Dissenters_; but, when I come to tell
many of them, _ministers_ as well as _people_, that they _hold
the truth in unrighteousness_--that they talk and preach of
_justifying faith_, but never truly _felt_ it in their hearts,
as I am persuaded numbers of them have not,--then they, no
doubt, will _shoot out their arrows, even bitter words_. But
I am not to have respect to persons or parties. The more I am
opposed, the more joy I feel."

All must lament that Whitefield felt it a duty to be such a
religious Ishmaelite; but, at the same time, all must admire the
man's benevolence, faith, and courage, in sustaining a family of a
hundred persons, by voluntary contributions, which he confidently
expected, but was powerless to command. It was not braggardism,
when Whitefield said, he had rather depend on God for the support
of his orphan family than on large endowments quite sufficient and
absolutely given for such an object. Whitefield was reverently
treading in the footsteps of Professor Francke, and was the
predecessor of George Muller, and of other praying and trustful
philanthropists of the present day. His scheme for founding a
negro-school, and a refuge for his persecuted English friends, also
displays his large-heartedness; and, though the scheme was not
executed, this was not because it was utopian, but because William
Seward, a few months afterwards, fell a martyr to his Christian
zeal and fidelity. Seward had determined to give up himself and his
fortune "to assist Whitefield in his generous undertaking;"[343]
but the Divine Ruler ordered it to be otherwise. Whitefield says he
had directed a school for the negroes to be built, and "some of the
five thousand acres of land to be cultivated." This order seems to
have been given to Peter Bohler, whom he had met at Skippack three
days before; and who, with his Moravian pilgrim band, left their
settlement near Savannah, and immediately set out for the forks of
Delaware, travelling through forests where the white man had never
trod, and imperiling their lives from savage Indians, but all the
way singing the fine hymns of their native land to the God of all
grace for the continued tokens of His care and blessing. On May 30,
Bohler and his friends assembled under the shadow of a broad black
oak: for the first time, the solitudes of the vast forest echoed
with sweet songs of praise; workmen wielded the axe; carpenters used
the saw; and Bohler conducted daily worship, and encouraged everyone
by his counsels and example. The work proceeded with great rapidity;
but, at length, an order was received from Whitefield, requiring
Bohler and his brethren to abandon the undertaking; and Bishop
Nitschmann requested Bohler's return to Europe, where his services
were urgently demanded. On January 29, 1741, Bohler obeyed his
bishop's summons; but, before long; Whitefield offered the sale of
the land to the Brethren; and, in 1743, the purchase was completed,
and the Moravian settlement of Nazareth established.[344]

[343] Seward's Journal, p. 52.

[344] "Memorials of Peter Bohler," by Lockwood, pp. 97--99; and
Holmes's "History of the Church of the United Brethren," vol. i., p.
369.

Whitefield, having written the long letter from which the foregoing
extract is taken, had now to separate from his devoted friend,
William Seward. The latter writes:--

"1740. April 28. Had a most affectionate parting with our dear
brother Whitefield, and our other brethren. We fell upon each
other's necks and embraced each other, and wished for that happy
time when we shall part no more; but we must first finish the work
given us to do, and then we may with comfort say, 'Father, into Thy
hands I commend my spirit.'"[345]

[345] Seward's Journal.

On the same day, Whitefield wrote:--

"Took a sorrowful leave of Captain Gladman, and my dear brother
and fellow-traveller, Mr. Seward, whom I have dispatched to
England to bring me over a fellow-labourer, and to transact
several affairs of importance. Hitherto, Captain Gladman has had
the command of our sloop; but I have now committed the care of
it to his mate, whom God was pleased to bring home to Himself
when I was last at Philadelphia."

In foot-notes to a subsequent edition of his Journal, Whitefield
adds concerning Seward:--

"This was the last time I saw my worthy friend; for, before
my return to England, he was entered into his rest;" and,
concerning the mate, he says, "This young man lived with me and
served the Orphan House cheerfully and gratis for several years.
Afterwards, he married one of the orphans, and is now [1756]
settled as a merchant in Philadelphia, where both continue to
adorn the gospel of our Lord."

On the day he parted with Mr. Seward, Whitefield proceeded to
Woodbridge, where he preached to about two thousand people, and
"dined at the Dissenting minister's house." Thence, he rode to
Elizabeth Town, and preached "in the meeting-house," to a like
congregation, which included two clergymen and ten Dissenting
ministers. The next day, he arrived at New York, and preached on
"the common, to five or six thousand." During the night, the people
erected him a scaffold, from which, on Wednesday, April 30, he
preached twice, his night congregation numbering upwards of seven
thousand.

At this period, Whitefield's health was feeble; but his Christian
ardour would not permit him to indulge in rest. On May 1, he went,
in the morning, to Long Island, where "God had lately begun a most
glorious work, by the ministry of two young Presbyterian ministers."
Here, the Dutch ministers gave him the use of their church; and,
though exceedingly unwell, he preached nearly an hour and a half.
He then hurried back to New York; and, in the evening, addressed "as
large a congregation as ever." On May 2, he "preached twice in the
field, and once in the meeting-house." On May 4, he writes:--

"Sunday. Preached, at seven in the morning, in the
meeting-house.[346] Went to the English church twice; and
preached in the evening to about eight thousand in the field.
After sermon, numbers came to me, giving God thanks for what
they had heard, and brought several large contributions for my
poor orphans. Blessed be God! by public collections and private
donations, I have received upwards of £300 since I came hither."

[346] No doubt, Dr. Pemberton's, in Wall Street, at that time the
only Presbyterian meeting-house in New York. (Stevens's "History of
Methodism," vol. i., p. 143.)

Next day, he left New York, and came to Freehold, William and
Gilbert Tennent meeting him on the way. On May 6, he preached
to about three thousand at Freehold; rode, in company with many
others, sixteen miles to Allen's Town, where he preached to the
same number; and then went twenty miles farther, to Burlington,
where he arrived at midnight. After a few hours' sleep, he crossed
the ferry into Pennsylvania, preached to four thousand at Bristol,
hurried to Philadelphia, was warmly welcomed by his "kind host, Mr.
Benezet,"[347] and concluded the day by hearing "Mr. Jones, the
Baptist minister, who preached the truth as it is in Jesus."

[347] Anthony Benezet was born in France in 1713. At the age
of eighteen, he came to Philadelphia, and was apprenticed to a
merchant. Two years after Whitfield's present visit, he abandoned
business, and became the master of the Quakers' English school of
Philadelphia; and this honourable, though not lucrative, office he
continued to fulfil, with little intermission, until his death,
in 1784. By his unwearied exertions, he was the means of first
attracting public attention to the enormities of slavery. Hundreds
of negroes followed him to his grave.

This was enormous labour for an enfeebled man. He writes:--

"Thursday, May 8. Had what my body much wanted, a thorough
night's repose. Was called up early to speak to those under
convictions. The first who came was an Indian trader,[348] whom
God was pleased to bring home by my preaching when here last. He
is just come from the Indian nation, where he has been praying
with and exhorting all he met. He has hopes of some of the
Indians; but his fellow-traders endeavoured to prejudice them
against him. However, he proposes to visit them again in the
autumn. Preached, at eleven, to six or seven thousand people,
and cleared myself from some aspersions that had been cast upon
my doctrine, as though it tended to Antinomianism. At five
in the evening, I preached to a rather larger audience; and,
afterwards, rode ten miles to a friend's house, that I might be
in readiness to preach, according to appointment next morning.

[348] The "Indian trader" was, probably, Samson Occum, who will
be noticed hereafter.

"Friday, May 9. Preached at Pennytack, to about two thousand
people; and again, in the evening, at Philadelphia; and
afterwards settled a Society of young men, many of whom, I
trust, will prove good soldiers of Jesus Christ.

"Saturday, May 10. Preached twice to-day, and to larger
congregations than ever; and, in the evening, settled a
Society of young women, who seemed to be under the strongest
convictions, and to be seeking Jesus sorrowing. Their cries
might be heard a great way off.

"Sunday, May 11. Preached to about fifteen thousand people in
the morning. Went twice to church, and heard myself taken to
task by the preacher. In the afternoon, I preached my farewell
sermon, to very near twenty thousand hearers. After I had taken
my leave, many visited my lodgings, amongst whom, I believe,
were fifty negroes, who came to tell me what God had done
for their souls. Some of them have been effectually wrought
upon, and in an uncommon manner. Many of them have begun to
learn to read. One, who was free, said she would give me her
two children, whenever I settle my school. I hope masters and
mistresses will see that Christianity will not make their
negroes worse slaves. I intended to have settled a Society
for negro men and negro women; but that must be deferred till
it shall please God to bring me to Philadelphia again. I have
been much drawn out in prayer for them, and have seen them
exceedingly wrought upon under the word preached. I cannot well
express how many others, of all sorts, came to give me a last
farewell. I never yet saw a more general awakening in any place.
Many of the Quakers have been convinced of the righteousness of
Jesus Christ, and openly confess the truth as it is in Jesus;
for which, I believe, they will shortly be put out of their
synagogues. With preaching, and praying, and conversing, I was
truly weary by eight at night; but I went and baptized two
children, took my leave of both the Societies, and, at my return
home, supped with some Christian friends, and went to bed,
desirous to be humbly thankful for what the Lord had done at
Philadelphia.

"Monday, May 12. Rose early to answer those who came for private
advice. Visited three persons, one of whom was under such deep
convictions, that she had taken scarce anything to eat for a
fortnight. Another had a prospect of hell set before her last
night in the most terrifying colours; but, before morning,
received comfort. When I came to my lodgings, my friends were
waiting to accompany me on horseback, and great numbers of the
common people were crowding about the door. About nine, I left
Philadelphia, and, when I came to the ferry, was told that
people had been crossing over, as fast as two boats could carry
them, ever since three in the morning. After we had waited some
time, I and my friends got over, and I preached at Derby, seven
miles from Philadelphia to about four thousand hearers. There I
took a sorrowful leave of many, and then preached at Chester,
about nine miles off, to two thousand; and collected there and
at Derby upwards of £40 for the orphans. Here I parted with more
friends; but several went with me to Wilmington, fifteen miles
from Chester. We got in about eleven at night. My body was weak;
but God strengthened me to pray, to sing psalms, and to exhort a
room full of people for about an hour.

"Tuesday, May 13. In the morning, preached at Wilmington to
five thousand; and, at Whiteclay Creek, in the evening, to
three thousand. At both places, we collected about £24 for the
Orphan House. After sermon at Whiteclay Creek, I rode towards
Nottingham with Mr. William Tennent, Mr. Craghead, and Mr.
Blair,[349] all worthy ministers of the Lord Jesus, and with
many others belonging to Philadelphia. We rode through the
woods singing, and praising God, and got to a Quaker's house at
midnight.

[349] The Rev. Samuel Blair was a native of Ireland, but came
to America in early life. He was trained for the ministry in
the "Log College" of good old Mr. Tennent at Neshaminy. About
the year 1745, he took charge of the church at Fagg's Manor,
and opened a classical and theological academy. He was a man of
great learning and piety, a profound divine, and an impressive
preacher.

"Wednesday, May 14. Preached at Nottingham both morning and
evening. It surprised me to see such a multitude gathered
together, at so short a warning, and in such a desert place.
I believe there were near twelve thousand. I had not spoken
long, before I perceived numbers melting. As I proceeded, the
influence increased, till, at last, thousands cried out, so
that they almost drowned my voice. I myself was so overpowered
with a sense of God's love, that it almost took away my life.
At length, I revived, and was strengthened to go with Messrs.
Blair, Tennent, and some other friends, to Mr. Blair's house,
twenty miles from Nottingham. In the way, we refreshed our souls
by singing psalms and hymns. We got to our journey's end at
midnight.

"Thursday, May 15. Preached at Fagg's Manor, three miles from
Mr. Blair's house. The congregation was about as large as that
at Nottingham. Most of the people were drowned in tears. The
word was sharper than a two-edged sword. The bitter cries and
groans were enough to pierce the hardest heart. Some of the
people were as pale as death; others were wringing their hands;
others lying on the ground; others sinking into the arms of
their friends; and most lifting up their eyes to heaven, and
crying to God for mercy. They seemed like persons awakened by
the last trump, and coming out of their graves to judgment.
After dinner, I rode to Newcastle, twenty-four miles from Fagg's
Manor, preached to about four thousand, prayed with several who
came many miles under violent convictions, and then went on
board our sloop, the _Savannah_."

To return, for a moment, to Whitefield in Philadelphia. His success
here was marvellous. Hence the following letter, published in the
_New England Journal_, of June 24, 1740:--

"Philadelphia, June 12, 1740. During the session of the
Presbyterian Synod, which began here on the 28th of last
month, and continued to the 3rd inst., there were no less than
fourteen sermons preached on Society Hill, to large audiences,
by the Revs. Messrs. Tennent, Davenport, Rowland, and Blair;
besides what were delivered in the Presbyterian and Baptist
meetings, and expoundings and exhortations in private houses.
The alteration in the face of religion in Philadelphia is
surprising. Never did the people shew so great a willingness to
attend sermons, nor the preachers greater zeal and diligence in
performing the duties of their function. Religion has become
the subject of most conversations. No books are in request, but
those of piety and devotion. Instead of singing idle songs and
ballads, the people are everywhere entertaining themselves with
psalms and hymns and spiritual songs. All this, under God, is
owing to the successful labours of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

So much from one of Whitefield's friends. Another letter, from a
foe, condemns the movement, but, in reality, confirms what has just
been said. In the Boston _Post Boy_, of June 23, 1740, appeared the
following:--

"Philadelphia, June 5, 1740. Field-preaching prevails with the
vulgar in Philadelphia so much, that industry, honest labour,
and care for their families seem to be held, by many, as sinful,
and as a mark that they neglect the salvation of their souls.
Mr. Whitefield and his adherent ministers have infatuated the
multitude with the doctrines of regeneration, free grace,
conversion, etc., representing them as essential articles of
religion, though, in reality, they are inconsistent with true
religion, natural and revealed, and are subversive of all order
and decency, and repugnant to common sense. Every day we have
instances of the melancholy fruits of these sermons. Many, of
weak minds, are terrified into despair, by the threatenings of
eternal vengeance. Some are so transported with the passions
which influence them, that they believe they have had the
beatific vision, and immediate intercourse with Him who is
invisible.

"I have informed you of all this, because Mr. Whitefield intends
to visit Boston in the autumn, where, I understand, he is
impatiently waited for. I wish his ministry there may not be
attended with the same bad effects, as here, by diverting and
disturbing the labouring people, who are generally too much
inclined to novelties, especially in point of religion. Mr.
Whitefield is the more to be guarded against, because, I can
assure you, he is qualified to sway and keep the affections of
the multitude."

On the day this caution was written, Whitefield, after an absence
of nine weeks, arrived in his parish of Savannah. In his wanderings
he had collected nearly £500 sterling for his orphans, and was
taking home with him a bricklayer, a tailor, two maidservants, and
two little girls, the last mentioned being the children of the man
who had kept the dancing school, and the assembly and concert room
in Philadelphia.[350] Whitefield could not be idle. The wind being
contrary, he went on shore at Reedy Island three days in succession,
and preached to such congregations as could be gathered. For the
same reason, he also spent two days at Lewis Town, during which he
read prayers and preached thrice in the English Church, and likewise
addressed two crowds from a balcony out of doors, the church not
being capable of holding them. His leisure hours he employed in
writing letters to his friends. The following was addressed to
William Seward, who had recently gone as his envoy to England:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _May 19, 1740_.

[350] One of these afterwards became the wife of Whitefield's
factotum, Mr. Habersham. In his "Journal of the Proceedings in
Georgia," Mr. Stephens writes: "1740, June 5. Mr. Whitefield
came back in his sloop, fully laden with provisions of all
sorts, and ten passengers (men and women) of divers trades
useful to his purpose, namely, a tailor, shoemaker, glazier,
etc."

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--The war between Michael and the dragon has
much increased since you left. Mr. C----[351] has preached most
of his people away from him. He lashed me most bravely the
Sunday before I came away. Mr. A---- also preaches against me;
and Mr. J---- is very inveterate. At New York, the word ran.
Twice or thrice our Lord appeared for us in a glorious manner.
Mr. Tennent and his brethren glow with divine warmth. Last week,
at Nottingham, and at Mr. Blair's, how did God manifest His
glory! We had about twelve thousand hearers; and such a melting,
such a crying, was scarcely ever seen. Blessed be God! the
devil's children begin to throw off the mask. At Philadelphia,
affairs go on better and better; only Satan now begins to throw
many into fits. I have generally preached twice, and ridden
nearly thirty miles a day since your departure. I believe the
work will go on better here than in England. We are more united
in our principles, and do not print one against another. We are
now at Reedy Island, waiting for the wind. I heard of a ship
going to Dublin, and could not lose the opportunity of writing
to my dear brother Seward. I need not remind you to hasten over
as fast as possible. Our Lord has taught you not to stay by the
way. I am somewhat better as to bodily health. My Master never
fails me. Oh exhort all to fall in love with Jesus, and to pray
for, ever yours, in the best of bonds,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[351] No doubt, the clergyman of Philadelphia.

The next was to an "Indian trader," and is full of good advice to a
young missionary to the heathen:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _May 19, 1740_.

"I received your letter, and have been reading part of your
journal. I think it your bounden duty to go amongst the Indians
again, not as a _minister_, but as a private Christian, whose
duty it is, when converted himself, to strengthen his brethren.
An effectual door, I hope, is opening amongst some of the
heathen. It is plain God calls you, and I wish you good success
in the name of the Lord. Be sure you keep a close walk with God.
Be much in prayer; and prepare for hardships. Your greatest
perils will be amongst your own countrymen; but the Lord Jesus
will make you more than conqueror. The word of the Lord will
make its own way. Beg of God to give you true notions of our
free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Bring your Indian
hearers to believe, before you talk of baptism or the supper of
the Lord. Otherwise they will catch at a shadow and neglect the
substance. Improve the leisure you now enjoy, and see that you
feel the truths you speak. Feed on this promise, 'It shall be
given you in that hour what you shall say.' Your circumstances
call for a fulfilling of it. Tell them what God has been doing
here, and how happy Jesus Christ will make them. Be sure to tell
them, that true faith is not merely in the head, but in the
heart, and that it certainly will be productive of good works.
Frequently meditate on God's free love to yourself. That will
best qualify you to speak of it affectionately to others. I
could say more, but time will not permit.

"Your affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The ensuing was addressed to Wesley, and refers to their unpleasant
difference of opinion on the subject of Calvinian doctrines.

"CAPE-LOPEN, _May 24, 1740_.

"HONOURED SIR,--I cannot entertain prejudices against your
conduct and principles any longer, without informing you.
The more I examine the writings of the most experienced men,
and the experiences of the most established Christians, the
more I differ from your notion about not committing sin, and
your denying the doctrines of election and final perseverance
of the saints. I dread coming to England, unless you are
resolved to oppose these truths with less warmth, than when I
was there last. I dread your coming to America, because the
work of God is carried on here (and that in a most glorious
manner) by doctrines quite opposite to those you hold. Here are
thousands of God's children, who will not be persuaded out of
the privileges purchased for them by the blood of Jesus. Here
are many worthy experienced ministers, who would oppose your
principles to the utmost. God direct me what to do! Sometimes
I think it best to stay here, where we all think and speak the
same thing. The work goes on without divisions, and with more
success, because all employed in it are of one mind.

"I write not this, honoured sir, from heat of spirit, but out
of love. At present, I think you are entirely inconsistent
with yourself; and, therefore, do not blame me, if I do not
approve of all you say. From my soul, I wish you abundant
success. I long to hear of your being a spiritual father to
thousands. Perhaps I may never see you again, till we meet in
judgment. Then, if not before, you will know that sovereign,
distinguishing, irresistible grace brought you to heaven. Then
will you know that God loved you with an everlasting love, and,
therefore, with loving-kindness did He draw you.

"Honoured sir, farewell! My prayers constantly attend both you
and your labours. My next journal will acquaint you with new
and surprising wonders. I am supported, under the prospect of
impending trials, with an assurance of God's loving me to the
end; yea, even to all eternity. Ere this reaches you, I suppose
you will hear of my intention to marry. I am quite as free as a
child. If it be God's will, I beseech Him to prevent it. I would
not be hindered in my dear Lord's business for the world. God
blesses the Orphan House. Do not be angry with, but pray for,
honoured sir, your unworthy brother and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The doctrinal views of the two friends were different; but they were
as loving and faithful to each other as they had ever been. The
controversy between them will frequently recur.

When Whitefield arrived at Savannah, on the 5th of June, he was most
warmly welcomed by his family and friends, and was soon rejoiced by
the prosperity of the work of God. He writes:--

"Savannah, Friday, June 6. Blessed be the God of all grace,
who continues to do for us marvellous things! This afternoon,
one of the men that I brought over was enabled to wrestle with
God exceedingly, both for himself and others. After this, I
went up and prayed for near half an hour with some of the women
of the house and three girls, who seemed to be weary with the
weight of their sins. When we came to public worship, young and
old were all dissolved in tears. After service, several of my
parishioners, all my family, and the little children, returned
home crying along the streets, and some could not avoid praying
very loud."

The next day, Whitefield wrote to James Hutton, the London Moravian,
as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 7, 1740_.

"MY DEAR, DEAR BROTHER,--With great comfort, I received your
long wished-for letter. Let all former misunderstandings between
me and your friends be entirely forgotten. I always pitied your
parents, and most earnestly prayed for them and you.

"O what wonderful things is God doing in America! Savannah also,
_my dear Savannah_, especially my little orphans, now begin to
feel the love of Jesus Christ. I arrived here two days ago, in
an hour quite unexpected by my friends. How did we weep over one
another for joy! Perhaps I may never feel the like again, till I
meet the sons of God in glory. I prayed with three of the girls
before I went to church, and I prayed also with my other dear
friends. When we came to church, the power of the Lord came upon
all. Most of the children, both boys and girls, cried bitterly.
The congregation were drowned in tears. When I came home, I
went to prayer again. It would have charmed your heart to have
heard the little ones, in different parts of the house, begging
Jesus to take full possession of their hearts. The same power
continues to-day. For near two hours, four or five of the girls
have been before the Lord weeping most bitterly. God blesses me
in everything I undertake. Our Orphan House comes under better
regulations every day, and I am persuaded will produce some true
followers of Jesus Christ.

"My dear brother, may the Lord be with you! For Christ's sake,
desire brother Wesley to avoid disputing with me. I think I had
rather die, than see a division between us; and yet, how can we
walk together, if we oppose each other? Adieu! Dear James, with
much tenderness, I subscribe myself ever yours,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield was in a sort of amazed and wondering ecstasy. Six days
later he wrote the following to a minister at New York:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 13, 1740_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--Many of the dear children of God
are too apt to confine God to this or that particular way of
acting; whereas He is a sovereign agent, and His sacred Spirit
bloweth when, and where, and how it listeth. When an uncommon
work is to be done, no doubt, He will work upon His chosen
instruments in an uncommon manner. What the event of the present
general awakening will be, I know not. I desire to follow my
dear Lord blindfold, whithersoever He is pleased to lead me.

"Wonderful things have been done ever since my arrival at
Savannah. Such an awakening among little children, I never saw
before. Oh, my dear brother, how ought such manifestations of
God's glory to quicken our souls, and excite us to lay ourselves
out more and more in the service of the best of masters, Jesus
Christ! Every day, He fills me with Himself, and sometimes
brings me upon the confines of eternity. Methinks, I often stand
upon Mount Pisgah, and take a view of the heavenly Canaan, and
then long to be gathered to my people. But my work is scarce
begun. My trials are yet to come. What is a little scourge of
the tongue? what is a thrusting out of the synagogues? The time
of temptation will be when we are thrust into an inner prison.
But, 'if Thou, O dearest Redeemer, wilt strengthen me in the
inner man, let enemies plunge me into a fiery furnace, or throw
me into a den of lions!' In the meanwhile let us all keep a
close walk with Jesus.

"I am, etc.,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Towards the end of the month, Whitefield visited the settlement of
the Saltzburgh refugees, at Ebenezer. He writes:--

"Wednesday, June 25. Went on Monday to Ebenezer, and returned
to Savannah this evening. Surely there is a difference, even
in this life, between those who serve the Lord, and those
who serve Him not. All other places of the colony seem to be
like Egypt, where was darkness, but Ebenezer, like the land
of Goshen, wherein was great light. I walked near four miles
in almost one continued field, covered with a most plentiful
crop of corn, pease, potatoes, etc., all the product of a few
months' labour. But God gives the labourers a peculiar blessing.
They are unanimous, and the strong help the weak. I had sweet
communication with their ministers. Our sister Orphan House
there is blessed by their means; and yesterday was set apart
as a day of thanksgiving for some assistance, lately sent the
little ones, from Germany and Savannah.

At this period, Philip Henry Molther, the Moravian preacher, was
occasioning great excitement in the meetings bf the Brethren in
London. Molther's views of the means of grace were, to say the
least, extremely confused and foggy. Both the Wesleys felt it their
duty to expose his heresy. Charles writes:--"A new commandment,
called '_stillness_,' has repealed all God's commandments, and given
a full indulgence to corrupted nature." There were also disputes
respecting a fitness to believe in Christ, and other matters, which
it is needless to refer to here.[352] While the contention was
proceeding, James Hutton wrote to Whitefield on the subject; and
Whitefield's reply is too valuable, and too appropriate to the state
of things at the present day, to be omitted.

[352] See "The Life and Times of Wesley," vol. i., pp. 297-310.

"SAVANNAH, _June 25, 1740_.

"DEAREST JAMES,--Your last letter I received on Saturday.
Blessed be God, that our friends preach up poverty of spirit,
for that is the only foundation whereon to build solid abiding
comfort. The stony ground received the word with joy; but how
did those hearers stand in the day of temptation? It is very
possible that the heart may have much joy floating on the top
of it, and yet be as hard as the nether millstone. Hence it is
that so many, who boast of rest in their flashes of joy, are
self-willed, impatient of reproof, despisers of others in a
mourning state, and wise in their own conceits. The believer who
has a truly broken and contrite heart hangs upon God, and thinks
before he speaks. This is the state which I want all our friends
to arrive at. How can they stand, who never felt themselves
condemned criminals? who were never truly burdened with a sense,
not only of their actual but of original sin, especially the
damning sin of unbelief? who were never brought to see and
heartily confess, that after they had done all, God might,
notwithstanding, deny them mercy; and that it is owing solely to
His sovereign love in Christ Jesus that we can have any hopes of
being delivered from the wrath to come?

"For preaching in this manner, I like Messrs. Tennents. They
wound deep before they heal. They know that there is no promise
made but to him that believeth; and, therefore, they are careful
not to comfort over-much those who are convicted. I fear I
have been too incautious in this respect, and have often given
comfort too soon. The Lord pardon me for what is past, and teach
me more rightly to divide the word of truth for the future!

"I am, etc.,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

One of the clerical friends of Whitefield and of the two Wesleys was
the Rev. George Stonehouse, Vicar of Islington, who sold his living,
and became a Moravian. The following letter was addressed to him:--

"SAVANNAH, _June 26, 1740_.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--And is one of the priests also obedient to
the word? Blessed be God! who has translated you from darkness
to light. He seems to be thrusting out more labourers into the
harvest. Glory be to His free grace that you are one of the
happy number! Oh, dear sir, rejoice and be exceeding glad. Let
the love of Jesus constrain you to go out into the highways and
hedges to compel poor sinners to come in. Some may say, 'This
is not proceeding with a zeal according to knowledge;' but I am
persuaded, when the power of religion revives, the gospel must
be propagated in the same manner as it was first established, by
_itinerant preaching_. Go on, dear sir, go on, and follow your
glorious Master without the camp, bearing His reproach. Never
fear the scourge of the tongue, or the threatenings that are
daily breathed out against the Lord, and against His Christ.
Suffer we must. Ere long, perhaps, we may sing in a prison, and
have our feet fast in the stocks; but faith in Jesus turns a
prison into a palace, and makes a bed of flames become a bed of
down. Let us be faithful to-day, and our Lord will support us
to-morrow.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

An extract of a letter to another Moravian, William Delamotte, will
help to illustrate Whitefield's religious experience and ecstasies.

"SAVANNAH, _June 28, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have abundant reason to bless God for
sending me abroad. I cannot say, I have improved my retirement
as I ought; but I can say, it has been highly beneficial to my
soul. I have a garden near at hand, where I go to meet and talk
with my God, at the cool of every day. I often sit in silence,
offering my soul, as so much clay, to be stamped just as my
heavenly potter pleases; and, whilst I am musing, I am often
filled, as it were, with the fulness of God. I am frequently
at Calvary, and frequently on Mount Tabor; but always assured
of my Lord's everlasting love. Oh, continue to pray for me. I
want to have a proper mixture of the lion and the lamb, of the
serpent and the dove. I do not despair of attaining it. Jesus
is love; Jesus willeth my perfection; Jesus hath died for me;
Jesus can deny me nothing. He has given me Himself; will He not
then freely give me all things besides? I wait for Thy complete
salvation, O Lord! O grace, grace! O Jesu! Jesu! Was there ever
love like Thine? Lord, I abhor myself in dust and ashes. O that
I could praise and love Thee as I ought!

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The following, addressed to Wesley, refers, not only to Calvinian
disputes, but, to the action which Wesley had taken in resisting the
"_stillness_" of Philip Henry Molther.

"SAVANNAH, _June 25, 1740_.

"MY HONOURED FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I thank you for all the
petitions you have put up in my behalf. I want to be as my
Master would have me; I mean, meek and lowly in heart.

"For Christ's sake, dear sir, if possible, never speak against
election in your sermons. No one can say that I ever mentioned
it in public discourses, whatever my private sentiments may be.
For Christ's sake, let us not be divided amongst ourselves.
Nothing will so much prevent a division as your being silent on
this head.

"I should have rejoiced at the sight of your Journal. I long to
sing a hymn of praise for what God has done for your soul.

"I am glad to hear that you speak up for an attendance on the
means of grace, and do not encourage persons who run before they
are called. The work of God will suffer much by such imprudence.
I trust you will still persist in field-preaching. Others are
strangers to our call. I know infinite good has been done by it
already, and greater good will yet be done thereby every day.
May God bless you more and more, and cause you to triumph in
every place!

"Next Monday, God willing, I go to Charleston. My family is
well regulated. I have nearly a hundred and thirty to maintain
daily, without any fund. The Lord gives me a full undisturbed
confidence in His power and goodness. Dear sir, adieu! I can
write no more. My heart is full. I want to be a little child.
O continue to pray for your most unworthy, but affectionate
brother and servant in our dear Lord Jesus Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is difficult to define the position which Whitefield now
occupied. He was a clergyman of the Church of England, and Savannah
was his parish. He had been eight months in America; but he had
spent far more time in preaching for Dissenters, and in the open
air, than he had spent in his own parochial church.[353] He had also
practised other ecclesiastical irregularities. Mr. Stephens, in his
"Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia," writes:--

"1740, June 22. Mr. Whitefield always prays and preaches
extempore. For some time past he has laid aside his surplice;
and has managed to get justification by faith, and the new
birth, into every sermon.

"June 30. Mr. Whitefield went off to Carolina, and appointed Mr.
Habersham to read prayers and sermons during his absence. When
he returned, a Mr. Tilly, an Anabaptist teacher, came with him,
and preached and expounded several times in his church."

[353] It cannot be denied that, throughout his marvellous career,
Whitefield was, practically, a Dissenter. Thomas Olivers, who knew
him well, observes: "That Mr. Whitefield was strongly prejudiced
in favour of the Dissenters, as Dissenters, is notorious. I
myself have, perhaps on forty occasions, both at my own house and
elsewhere, heard him speak, with great partiality, of our English
Dissenters in general--particularly of the Puritans of old, and also
of our modern Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists. The whole
world knows how uncommonly fond he was of the Scotch Presbyterians,
and of the American Independents; while the Episcopalians, in both
these countries, were almost entirely overlooked by him." (Olivers'
"Rod for a Reviler," 1777, p. 22.)

Of course, Whitefield knew that all this was ecclesiastically wrong;
and it is not surprising that he expected, what he considered to be,
persecution. His previsions were soon realised. He again left his
parish, Savannah, on June 30, and arrived at Charleston on July 2.
In his Journal he writes:--

"Sunday, July 6. Charleston. Preached twice yesterday, and twice
to-day, and had great reason to believe our Lord got Himself
the victory in some hearts. Went to church in the morning
and afternoon, and heard the commissary preach as virulent,
unorthodox, and inconsistent a discourse as ever I heard in my
life. His heart seemed full of choler and resentment; and, out
of the abundance thereof, he poured forth so many bitter words
against the Methodists in general, and me in particular, that
several, who intended to receive the sacrament at his hands,
withdrew. Never, I believe, was such a preparation sermon
preached before. I could not help thinking the preacher was of
the same spirit as Bishop Gardner in Queen Mary's days. After
the sermon, he sent his clerk to desire me not to come to the
sacrament, till he had spoken with me. I immediately retired
to my lodging, rejoicing that I was accounted worthy to suffer
this further degree of contempt for my dear Lord's sake. Blessed
Jesus, lay it not to the commissary's charge! Amen and Amen!"

The commissary was angry, too angry, perhaps, to be prudent and
dignified. At all events, on the next day, he issued the following
formidable document:--

"Alexander Garden, lawfully constituted Commissary of the Right
Reverend Father in Christ, Edmund, by Divine permission,
Lord Bishop of London, supportedby the Royal authority
underwritten.

"ALEXANDER GARDEN,

"To all and singular Clerks and literate persons whomsoever, in
and throughout the whole Province of South Carolina, wheresoever
appointed, greeting; to you conjunctly and severally, we commit,
and, strictly enjoining, command that you do cite, or cause to
be cited, peremptorily, George Whitefield, Clerk and Presbyter
of the Church of England, that he lawfully appear before us,
in the Parish Church of St. Philip's, Charleston, and in the
judicial place of the same, on Tuesday, the fifteenth day of
this instant July, betwixt the hours of nine and ten in the
forenoon, then and there in justice to answer certain articles,
heads, or interrogatories, which will be objected and ministered
unto him concerning the mere health of his soul, and reformation
and correction of his manners and excesses, and chiefly for
omitting to use the Form of Prayers prescribed in the Communion
Book. And further to do and receive what shall be just in that
behalf, on pain of law and contempt. And what you shall do in
the premises, you shall duly certify us, together with these
presents.

"Given under our hands, and seals of our office, at Charleston,
this seventh day of July, in the year of our Lord, one thousand
seven hundred and forty."

On the morning of the day in which this curious document was
published, Whitefield "went to the house of one Mr. Chandler,[354]
a gracious Baptist minister, about fourteen miles from Charleston,
and, according to appointment, preached in his meeting-house."
The next day, he "hastened to Dorchester, and preached twice in
Mr. Osgood's[355] meeting-house, a young but worthy Independent
minister." The following evening, July 9, he "preached under a tree
near Mr. C.'s meeting-house," the congregation being too large
to be accommodated in the building. He then rode to Charleston,
and "preached, about six in the evening, in the usual place."
On Thursday, July 10, he "went over the water, and read prayers
and preached, at the request of the churchwardens and vestry, in
Christ's Church." On Friday, he preached twice in Charleston, and
received, from the commissary, by the hands of his apparitor, the
following citation:--

"You are hereby cited to appear at the Church of St. Philip's,
Charleston, on Tuesday the fifteenth day of this instant July,
betwixt the hours of nine and ten in the forenoon, before
the Reverend Alexander Garden, Commissary, to answer to such
articles as shall there be objected to you.

"WILLIAM SMITH, Apparitor."

[354] Isaac Chandler was born at Bristol in 1701; but, in 1733, went
to South Carolina. Three years afterwards, he became pastor of a
Baptist church on Ashley River, where he continued until his death,
in 1749. Among his other publications was a sermon on "Establishment
in Grace," preached at Charleston, in 1740, by the desire of
Whitefield, at the commencement of a course of lectures by ministers
of different denominations.

[355] The Rev. John Osgood was born at Dorchester, South Carolina;
graduated at Harvard College; and, in 1735, was ordained minister
of the Independent church in his native town. In 1754, he followed
a part of his church to a new settlement, about thirty miles from
Savannah, where he remained until his death, in 1773.

Whitefield had thus four days' notice to answer questions and
accusations, not specified, and concerning which he could only form
conjectures. How did he spend the interval?

On Saturday, July 12, he went to John's Island, about twenty miles
up the river, and read prayers and preached twice, in the church. On
Sunday, July 13, he preached, morning and evening, in Charleston;
and, in the forenoon, went to church, and heard Commissary Garden
preach, or rather rave. Whitefield writes:--

"Had some infernal spirit been sent to draw my picture, I think
it scarcely possible that he could have painted me in more
horrid colours. I think, if ever, then was the time that all
manner of evil was spoken against me falsely for Christ's sake.
The commissary seemed to ransack church history for instances
of enthusiasm and abused grace. He drew a parallel between me
and all the _Oliverians_, _Ranters_, _Quakers_, and _French
Prophets_, till he came down to a family of the _Dutarts_,
who lived, not many years ago, in South Carolina, and were
guilty of the most notorious incests and murders. To the honour
of God's free grace be it spoken, whilst the commissary was
representing me thus, I felt the blessed Spirit strengthening
and refreshing my soul. God, at the same time, gave me to see
what I was by nature, and how I had deserved His eternal wrath;
and, therefore, I did not feel the least resentment against
the preacher. No; I pitied, I prayed for him; and wished, from
my soul, that the Lord would convert him, as He once did the
persecutor Saul."

Notwithstanding this violent outpouring, from Whitefield's
ecclesiastical accuser and judge, only forty-eight hours before the
trial was to take place, Whitefield, on the following day, again
preached twice in Charleston, as though nought had happened.

The next day, July 15, the court assembled at St. Philip's Church,
and consisted of the commissary, and the Rev. Messrs. Guy,
Millichamp, Roe, and Orr.[356] The spectators, of course, were
numerous. First of all, the commissary handed Whitefield a paper,
containing a list of the accusations against him, and which he
was desired to answer. Whitefield refused to answer, until he was
satisfied concerning the authority of the court to examine him. The
commissary said, "They would proceed to censure him." Whitefield
reminded his judges of the example of the heathen magistrates, who
exceeded their authority in condemning St. Paul unheard. Mr. Garden
then sent his apparitor for his commission, from the Bishop of
London, to act as commissary. Whitefield examined it, and objected
that the Royal authority was not underwritten. Upon this, a Latin
commission without a seal was read. Whitefield replied, that, though
there might be a _general power_ given the bishop to exercise
ecclesiastical jurisdiction in that province, yet the extent of that
jurisdiction was to be determined by _particular_ Acts of Assembly.
And, further, that he belonged to Georgia, a different province, and
was in South Carolina only as an itinerant. He also added, that,
though he had preached in the fields near London, the bishop had
never attempted to exercise such authority over him; and that the
Trustees of Georgia, to his knowledge, doubted whether the Bishop
of London had any jurisdiction in the transatlantic colonies. He,
therefore, requested that he might have till to-morrow morning, to
inform himself of the extent of jurisdiction of the commissary's
court in South Carolina. The request was grudgingly granted; and,
leaving the court, Whitefield concluded the day by preaching twice
in Charleston.

[356] Messrs. Guy, Millichamp, Roe, and Orr, are totally unknown
to fame. Except for this incident in the life of Whitefield, their
names would have been forgotten.

Next morning, July 16, Whitefield, by the advice of his friends,
presented an _exception_ against Garden acting as his judge,
because he had reason to believe he was prejudiced against him.
The commissary read the _exception_, and refused to accept it.
Whitefield protested against all further proceedings, as null and
void; and left the court. Being recalled by the apparitor and
registrar, he returned, and handed in his _exception_ to be read and
filed. Mr. Graham, the commissary's attorney, insisted upon having
the _exception_ tried in court; but, as Whitefield had referred it
to the examination of six arbitrators (three to be nominated by him,
and three by the commissary), Mr. Rutledge, Whitefield's attorney,
protested against all further proceedings, and against Whitefield
having to appear in court again, until the arbitrators had met, and
come to an agreement. Such were the proceedings of the second day.
On leaving the court, Whitefield went to James' Island, and read
prayers and preached.

On the day following, Whitefield appeared again before his
self-constituted judges, and asked if his _exception_ was to be
referred to arbitration, or to be repelled? Being told that the
_exception_ was repelled, he then lodged an appeal to his Majesty
in the High Court of Chancery; and went again to James' Island, and
preached in Madam Woodward's barn.

Nothing remarkable occurred during the next three days, except that
the irrepressible evangelist preached twice every day in Charleston;
and that, on Saturday afternoon, the apparitor again brought him
before the commissary, to take an oath that he would lodge his
appeal within a twelvemonth, and deposit £10 sterling as a guarantee
that his oath would be fulfilled. Finding that the commissary had
authority to require this, the oath was taken, and the £10 deposited.

Thus ended the first trial in the first Episcopal Court in the
British Colonies.[357] Appealing to the High Court of Chancery was
an expensive business; but Whitefield did appeal. It so happened,
however, that the hearing of his appeal was so deferred as to give
the ecclesiastical judge of Charleston a new opportunity to vent his
anger. For a year and a day, all proceedings in Commissary Garden's
court were stayed; but, at the expiration of that time, Whitefield
was again summoned to attend before his Charleston judges; and, as
he neither appeared nor put in an answer, the following decree was
pronounced against him. After reciting that his frequently preaching
in Dissenting meeting-houses, without using the forms of prayer
prescribed by the Book of Common Prayer, had been proved by Hugh
Anderson, Stephen Hartley, and John Redman, the decree, in a cloud
of high-sounding words, continued,--

"Therefore we, Alexander Garden, the Judge aforesaid, having
first invoked the name of Christ, and setting and having God
Himself alone before our eyes, and by and with the advice of
the Reverend persons, William Guy, Timothy Millichamp, Stephen
Roe, and William Orr, with whom in that part we have advised
and maturely deliberated, do pronounce, decree, and declare the
aforesaid George Whitefield, clerk, to have been at the times
articled, and now to be a priest of the Church of England, and
at the times and days in that part articled to have officiated
as a minister in divers meeting-houses in Charleston, in the
province of South Carolina, by praying and preaching to public
congregations; and at such times to have omitted to use the
Form of Prayer prescribed in the Communion Book, or Book of
Common Prayer; or at least according to the laws, canons, and
constitutions ecclesiastical in that part made, provided, and
promulged, not to have used the same according to the lawful
proofs before us in that part judicially had and made. We,
therefore, pronounce, decree, and declare that the said George
Whitefield, for his excesses and faults, ought, duly and
canonically, and according to the exigence of the law in that
part of the premises, to be corrected and punished, and also
to be suspended from his office; and, accordingly, by these
presents, we do suspend him, the said George Whitefield; and,
for being so suspended, we also pronounce, decree, and declare
him to be denounced, declared, and published openly and publicly
in the face of the Church."[358]

[357] "Answer to the Rev. Mr. Garden's Letters to the Rev. Mr.
Whitefield; with an Appendix concerning Mr. Garden's Treatment of
Mr. Whitefield. By A. Crosswell. Boston, 1741."

[358] _Nashville Christian Advocate_, March 4, 1871.

As to how far the proceedings of this petty court of colonial
clergymen, and their high-flown decree, were legal, I am not able to
express an opinion; but it is scarcely possible to repress a smile
at the official pomposity of Whitefield's judges. How was Whitefield
himself affected? Writing to a friend four days before the trial
commenced, he says:--

"July 11, 1740. I have been at Charleston a week. The Lord
has been pleased to work on many hearts. On Sunday, the
commissary denied me the sacrament; but, my dear Master fed me,
notwithstanding, with the bread which cometh down from heaven.
Persecution seems to be coming on more and more. On Tuesday,
I am cited to appear before the commissary and his court in a
judicial way. I leave the event to my Lord Jesus. If we suffer,
we shall reign with Him."

To other friends, the day after the trial was concluded, Whitefield
wrote:--

"Praise the Lord, O my soul! Our glorious Emmanuel seems to
have girded His sword upon His thigh, and to be riding on
from conquering to conquer. He is getting Himself the victory
in Charleston. A glorious work is begun here. Many souls are
awakened. The alteration in the people, since I came here at
first, is surprising. I preach twice a day generally, either in
the town or in the villages around. The commissary shoots out
his arrows, even bitter words. He has denied me the sacrament,
and cited me to appear before him and his court. I was obliged
to appeal home. Oh, my dear brother, pray that I may be humble,
and of a childlike spirit. Every day God shews me fresh
instances of His love. There are some faithful ministers among
the Baptists.

"God seems to be carrying on as great a work in Charleston as
in Philadelphia. Surely our Lord intends to set the world in
a flame. O that the holy fire of His divine love were kindled
in every heart! Do not let us forsake Him, though we live in a
crooked and perverse generation. Last night, I appeared a third
time in a public court; but they did not accept my _recusatio
judicis_, and I appealed home; so that now I have free liberty
to embark when Providence pleaseth.

"God will work, and who shall hinder? The commissary's detaining
me here, has much tended to the furtherance of the gospel. I
put in my _exception_ against his sitting as my judge, and
it was repelled; so that I have appealed home, and all other
proceedings here are stopped. By this means, I shall have
liberty to preach the gospel without further interruption, and
my call to England will be more clear. The Philadelphia people
are building a house for me, one hundred and six feet long and
seventy-four wide. The Lord is bringing mighty things to pass.
The inhabitants here are wondrous kind. We often see the stately
steps of our dear Lord in His sanctuary. I am more than happy. I
am amazed at the Divine goodness. Lord, I abhor myself in dust
and ashes! See the wonders of the Lord. Help us to praise Him.
O pray that an humble, childlike spirit may be given to ever
yours in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Appropriately might Whitefield have applied to himself the words of
St. Paul: "We are troubled on every side, yet not distressed; we
are perplexed, but not in despair; persecuted, but not forsaken;
cast down, but not destroyed." His success in Charleston had been
marvellous. He wrote:[359]--

"At my first coming, the people of Charleston seemed to be
wholly devoted to pleasure. One, well acquainted with their
manners and circumstances, told me that they spent more on their
polite entertainments than the amount raised by their rates
for the poor. But now the jewellers and dancing-masters begin
to cry out that their craft is in danger. A vast alteration is
discernible in ladies' dresses; and some, while I have been
speaking, have been so convinced of the sin of wearing jewels,
that, I have seen them, with blushes, put their hands to their
ears, and cover them with their fans. The reformation, also, has
gone further than externals. Many moral, good sort of men, who
before were settled on their lees, have been awakened to seek
after Jesus Christ; and many a Lydia's heart has been opened to
receive the things that were spoken. Indeed, the word came like
a hammer and a fire. Several of the negroes did their work in
less time than usual, that they might come to hear me; and many
of their owners, who have been awakened, have resolved to teach
them Christianity. Had I time and proper schoolmasters, I might
immediately erect a negro school in South Carolina, as well as
in Pennsylvania. Many would willingly contribute both money and
land."

[359] Whitefield's Journal. First edition.

This was the man whom Commissary Garden wished to silence. His
effort was a futile one. As jubilant as ever, Whitefield, on
July 24, set sail for Savannah, where, though seriously unwell,
on Sunday, August 3, at the almost imperative request of several
friends who had come a great distance to hear him, he _tried_ to
preach. He writes:--

"Before I had prayed long, Mr. B. dropped down, as though shot
with a gun. The influence spread. The greatest part of the
congregation were under great concern. Tears trickled down
apace, and God comforted us much at the sacrament."

On the following Sunday, he expounded, as usual, early in the
morning; "and read part of the prayers at ten o'clock, but got
Mr. Tilly, a Baptist minister, to preach." The Rev. Mr. Jones, of
Port Royal, officiated for him in the afternoon; and the day was
concluded with the following scene in Whitefield's house. He says:--

"I began to speak to my friends around me of the things of God.
A great alteration was discernible in most of the company, and
many burst into tears. Ere I had done, some of my parishioners
came up, and joined with the rest of my family. I was enabled
to wrestle with God in their behalf. The room was filled with
cries, and many sought Jesus sorrowing. Several were in great
agonies of soul, and a Cherokee Indian trader, who was present,
said he never saw or felt the like before."

Whitefield spent a third Sunday, August 17, with his parishioners,
at the close of which, he went on board his sloop, and was absent
for the next four months. Before following him, two or three
extracts from his letters may be useful. To Mr. Noble, of New York,
he wrote as follows:--

"SAVANNAH, _August 15, 1740_.

"God has been pleased to bring me low, by inward weakness and
faintness of spirits. I have sometimes been kept from preaching;
but, when I have spoken, the word has come with power. A
serious, lively Baptist minister, named Tilly, is here. He has
preached often for me; and, last Sunday, received the sacrament
in our way. O bigotry, thou art tumbling down apace! Blessed be
God! Next week, God willing, I embark for Charleston, and from
thence purpose going to New England. God wonderfully provides
for my orphans. I am kept from every degree of doubting."

To his mother he addressed the following:--

"CHARLESTON, _August 22, 1740_.

"Every day I love and honour you more and more; and, when you
come to judgment, God will shew you how many tears I have shed
in secret for you, and for my dear sister. Honoured mother, flee
to Jesus. Behold, with open arms, yonder He stands ready to
embrace you, if you feel your misery, and are willing to come
to Him to find rest. For near six weeks past, I have been under
great weakness of body. I am now somewhat better; but, without a
miracle, cannot think of being long below. Every day I long to
be dissolved and to be with Christ."

Whitefield's correspondence with Wesley was chiefly on the
doctrines of election and final perseverance. The ensuing is too
characteristic to be omitted:--

"CHARLESTON, _August 25, 1740_.

"Dear and honoured Sir,--Last night I had the pleasure of
receiving an extract from your Journal.[360] This morning I read
it. I pray God to give it His blessing. Many things, I trust,
will prove beneficial, especially the account of yourself.
Only, give me leave, with all humility, to exhort you not to
be strenuous in opposing the doctrines of election and final
perseverance, when, by your own confession,[361] 'you have not
the witness of the Spirit within yourself,' and, consequently,
are not a proper judge. I remember dear brother E---- told me
one day, that he was 'convinced of the perseverance of the
saints.' I told him, you were not. He replied, 'But he will be
convinced when he has got the Spirit himself.' For some years,
God has given me this living witness in my soul. I have not,
since then, indulged any doubts (at least, for no considerable
time), about the forgiveness of my sins. Nay, I can scarce say
that I have ever doubted at all. When I have been nearest death,
my evidences have been the clearest. I have been on the borders
of Canaan, and do every day long for the appearance of our Lord
Jesus Christ; not to evade sufferings, but with a single desire
to see His blessed face.

[360] "An extract of the Rev. John Wesley's Journal from August
12, 1738, to November 1, 1739. No. III."

[361] No doubt the reference here is to Wesley's remarkable
confessions, in the Journal afore-mentioned, under the dates of
October 14, and December 16, 1738.

"Perhaps the doctrines of election and final perseverance have
been abused; but, notwithstanding, they are children's bread,
and ought not to be withheld from them, supposing they are
always mentioned with proper cautions against the abuse.

"Dear and honoured sir, I write not this to enter into
disputation. I hope I feel something of the meekness and
gentleness of Christ. I cannot bear the thought of opposing
you; but how can I avoid it, if you go about, as your brother
Charles once said, to drive John Calvin out of Bristol? Alas! I
never read anything that Calvin wrote. My doctrines I had from
Christ and His apostles. I was taught them of God; and, as God
was pleased to send me out first, and to enlighten me first,
so I think He still continues to do it. My business seems to
be chiefly in planting; if God send you to water, I praise His
name. I wish you a thousandfold increase.

"I find, by young Mr. W----'s letter, there is disputing
among you about election and perfection. I pray God to put a
stop to it; for what good end will it answer? I wish I knew
your principles fully. If you were to write oftener, and more
frankly, it might have a better effect than silence and reserve.

"I have lately had many domestic trials, and that about points
of doctrine, not from myself, but from others in my absence. I
daily wait upon God, depending on His promise, that all things,
even this, shall work together for my good. Many in Charleston,
I believe, are called of God. You may now find a Christian,
without searching the town as with a candle. Mr. Garden is less
furious, at least in public. He has expended all his strength,
and finds he cannot prevail.

"Adieu! honoured sir, adieu! With almost tears of love to you
and the brethren, do I subscribe myself,

"Your most affectionate brother and servant in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Commissary Garden had done his utmost to silence the young
evangelist, but had failed. Whitefield arrived again in Charleston
on August 21; and, though in feeble health, he preached, during his
brief sojourn, once every day, and twice on Sundays. He writes:--

"The audiences were more numerous than ever. It was supposed
that not less than four thousand were in and about the
meeting-house, when I preached my farewell sermon. Being denied
the sacrament at church, I administered it thrice in a private
house; namely, yesterday, yesterday seven-night, and this
morning. Never did I see anything more solemn. The room was
large, and most of the communicants were dissolved in tears.
Surely Jesus Christ was evidently set forth before us. Baptists,
Churchmen, and Presbyterians, all joined together, and received
according to the Church of England, excepting two, who desired
to have it sitting. I willingly complied, knowing it was a thing
quite indifferent."

Of course all this was scandalous in the eyes of Mr. Garden; but to
keep Whitefield within the grooves of church order was impossible.
Having, for the present, finished his work at Charleston, he again
embarked, and proceeded to Rhode Island. During the voyage, he wrote
the following letter to "The Right Reverend Father in God, Edmund
Lord Bishop of London."

"ON BOARD THE SAVANNAH, _September, 1740_.

"MY LORD,--Although your lordship has been pleased to caution
the people against running into those extremes, to which your
lordship apprehended my doctrine would lead men; yet I am
persuaded that will not any way influence your lordship as
to the contents of this letter. The one single point which
it contains, is this query, Whether the commissary of South
Carolina has power given him, from your lordship, to exercise
any _judicial_ authority against me, or against any other
clergyman, who does not belong to his province?

"The reason of my putting this question, I suppose, your
lordship will be apprised of, before this reaches your
lordship's hands. I have been lately cited to appear in an
ecclesiastical court, erected by the Rev. Mr. Garden, for not
reading the Common Prayer in the meeting-house, which, unless
I would be silent, I was obliged to preach in at Charleston,
because the commissary would not let me have the use of his
church. I appeared; and have appealed, according to law, to four
of His Majesty's commissioners for reviewing appeals, to know
whether the commissary ought not to have accepted a _recusatio
judicis_, which I lodged in the court. This, I suppose, they
will determine. I only desire your lordship's explicit opinion,
whether Mr. Garden, (supposing he has power over his own clergy)
has authority to erect such a court to arraign me, belonging to
the province of Georgia. The bearer hereof will give me your
lordship's answer; in favouring me with which, your lordship
will oblige your obedient son and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is doubtful whether the words "obedient son and servant" were
quite appropriate. At all events, it is certain, that, there
had been several things in the past career of the "obedient son
and servant," of which his _lordship_ disapproved. The reply of
Bishop Gibson has not been published; but that the impeachment by
Commissary Garden's court caused Whitefield considerable thought, if
not anxiety, is evident from another letter, which Whitefield sent
to a friend in London, probably by the same messenger as conveyed
the letter addressed to his Diocesan. He writes:--

"The bearer brings the authentic copy of my appeal. I sent you
another copy from Carolina. Be pleased to keep this I have now
sent, till you hear of my coming to England. If I come in the
spring, I will lodge it myself; if not, be pleased to lodge it
for me, and I will pay all expenses."

Whitefield landed at Newport, in Rhode Island, on Sunday evening,
September 14, and immediately became acquainted with the "Rev. Mr.
Clap,[362] who had been the minister of a Dissenting congregation in
the island upwards of forty years. "He was," says Whitefield, "the
most venerable man I ever saw. He looked like a good old Puritan.
His countenance was very heavenly, and I could not but think, whilst
at his table, that I was sitting with one of the patriarchs. People
of all denominations respect him. He abounds in good works; gives
all he has away; and is wonderfully tender of little children.
He rejoiced much to see me, and prayed most affectionately for a
blessing on my coming." Whitefield and this venerable Dissenting
minister waited on the clergyman of the Church of England, and
desired the use of his pulpit. The request was granted, and, on
the two succeeding days, Whitefield read prayers and preached
in the consecrated edifice, "at ten in the morning and three in
the afternoon." The congregations were very large; and, at the
conclusion of the afternoon service of the second day, more than a
thousand people followed the young evangelist to the house where he
lodged. "I therefore," says he, "stood upon the threshold, and spake
for near an hour on these words, 'Blessed are they that hunger and
thirst after righteousness: for they shall be filled.' It was a very
solemn meeting. Glory be to God's great name!"

[362] The Rev. Nathaniel Clap was now seventy-two years of age. He
died in 1745.

On Wednesday, September 18, Whitefield arrived at Boston, then the
capital of New England.[363] This is not the place to write the
remarkable history of this English settlement It has been estimated
that more than twenty-one thousand emigrants settled in New England
prior to the year 1640. The majority of these were Puritans, or
Congregationalists; and Cotton Mather says four thousand were
Presbyterians. Of the two thousand ministers cast out of the Church
of England by the Act of Uniformity, in 1662, a considerable number
fled for refuge to this distant colony. The revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, in 1685, drove hundreds of thousands of French
Protestants from their native country; and of these not a few
became New Englanders. To a great extent, the population consisted
of godly refugees. A good general idea concerning the religious
denominations of the settlement as a whole, may be gathered from
Oldmixon's description of Boston in the year 1708. "Boston," says
he, "is the capital of New England, and the biggest city in America,
excepting two or three on the Spanish continent. There are abundance
of fine buildings in it, public and private: as the court-house,
market-place, Sir William Phip's house, and others. There are
several handsome streets. It contains ten or twelve thousand
souls; the militia consisting of four companies of foot. There are
three parish churches, a French church, and two meeting-houses in
the city. The Old Church, North Church, and South Church belong
to the Presbyterians, who are the _Church of England as by law
established_; the French church belongs to the French Protestants;
and the meeting-houses, to a congregation of Church of _England_ men
and Anabaptists."

[363] The name of the northern states of the North American Union,
namely, Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
and Connecticut.

As to the creed of these miscellaneous religionists, there cannot
be a doubt that, speaking generally, it was Calvinistic, and quite
in harmony with those views of election and final perseverance which
Whitefield had embraced. In such a colony, Wesley would have been
branded as a heretic; whereas Whitefield was warmly welcomed as a
friend, whose faith was gloriously orthodox.

Whitefield was invited to Boston by the Rev. Dr. Colman, was warmly
welcomed by almost all the Bostonians, except a famous doctor of
divinity, who met him in the streets, and said, "I am sorry to see
_you_ here;" and to which Whitefield quietly remarked, "So is the
devil."[364]

[364] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 142.

On September 19, Whitefield commenced his preaching work in the
capital of New England. He writes:--

"Friday, September 19. I was visited by several gentlemen and
ministers, and went to the governor's with Mr. Willard,[365] the
secretary of the province, a man fearing God, and with whom I
have corresponded, though before unknown in person. The governor
received me with the utmost respect, and desired to see me as
often as I could. At eleven, I went to public worship at the
Church of England, and afterwards went home with the commissary.
He treated me very courteously; and, it being the day whereon
the clergy of the Established Church met, I had an opportunity
of conversing with five of them. In the afternoon I preached
to about four thousand in Dr. Colman's meeting-house; and
afterwards exhorted and prayed with many who came to my lodgings.

[365] Josiah Willard was the son of the Rev. Samuel Willard,
minister in Boston, and vice-president of Harvard College.
In 1717, King George the First appointed him Secretary of
the Province of Massachusetts, an office which he held for
thirty-nine years. He was also a judge of the probate court, and
a member of the Council. He died in 1756, aged 75.

"Saturday, September 20. Preached in the morning, to about six
thousand hearers, in the Rev. Dr. Sewall's[366] meeting-house;
and afterwards, on the common, to about eight thousand; and
again, at night, to a thronged company at my lodgings.

[366] The Rev. Joseph Sewall, D.D., was son of the Chief Justice
of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, and was ordained minister
of the Old South Church, in Boston, in the year 1713. He died in
1769, aged 80, having been the pastor of the Old South Church
for fifty-six years.

"Sunday, September 21. Went in the morning, and heard Dr. Colman
preach. Dined with his colleague, the Rev. Mr. Cooper.[367]
Preached in the afternoon at Mr. Foxcroft's[368] meeting.
Immediately after, on the common, to about fifteen thousand; and
again, at my lodgings, to a greater company than before.

[367] The Rev. William Cooper, having graduated at Harvard
College, became the colleague of Dr. Colman in 1716. He died
in 1743, at the early age of 49; and declared, just before his
death, that "since the year 1740, more people had come to him in
concern about their souls" than had come during the whole of his
previous ministry.

[368] The Rev. Thomas Foxcroft was ordained minister of the
first Congregational Church in Boston, in the year 1717. No
minister was more universally admired. He was the author of a
large number of publications, including a sermon occasioned by
the visit and labours of Whitefield in 1740, and an apology
for Whitefield in 1745. After a ministry of more than half a
century, he died in 1769, aged 72.

"Monday, September 22. Preached this morning, at the Rev. Mr.
Webb's[369] meeting-house, to six thousand hearers in the house,
besides great numbers standing about the doors. In the afternoon
I went to preach at the Rev. Mr. Checkley's[370] meeting-house;
but God was pleased to humble us by a very awful providence.
The meeting-house being filled, on a sudden all the people were
in an uproar, and so unaccountably surprised, that some threw
themselves out of the windows, others threw themselves out of
the gallery, and others trampled upon one another; so that five
were actually killed, and others dangerously wounded. I happened
to come in the midst of the uproar, and saw two or three lying
on the ground in a pitiable condition. I gave notice I would
immediately preach upon the common. The weather was wet, but
many thousands followed in the field.

[369] The Rev. John Webb was ordained the first minister of the
New North Church, in Boston, 1714. He died in 1750, aged 62. His
colleague pronounced him "one of the best of Christians and one
of the best of ministers."

[370] The Rev. Samuel Checkley was the first minister of the New
South Church, in Summer Street, Boston. He died in 1769, in the
fifty-first year of his ministry, aged 73.

"Tuesday, September 23. Went this morning, with Dr. Colman and
the Secretary, to Roxbury, to see the Rev. Mr. Walter,[371] a
good old Puritan. He and his predecessor, the Rev. Mr. Eliot,
commonly called the 'Apostle of the Indians,' have been pastors
of that congregation a hundred and six years. About eleven, I
preached in the Rev. Mr. Gee's[372] meeting-house, and also in
the afternoon, to thronged congregations.

[371] The Rev. Nehemiah Walter was born in Ireland. In 1688, he
was ordained, as colleague of the apostolic Eliot. He married
the daughter of Increase Mather; and, after a ministry of
sixty-eight years, died in 1750, aged 86.

[372] The Rev. Joshua Gee was ordained pastor of the Old North
Church, Boston, as colleague with Cotton Mather, in 1723. He
possessed a strong and penetrating mind, but "preferred talking
with his friends to everything else." He died in 1748, aged 50.
The Old North Church was demolished, by the British army, in
1776, and the timber of it used for fuel.

"Wednesday, September 24. Preached at Cambridge, the chief
college[373] in New England for training the sons of the
prophets. It has one president, four tutors, and about a hundred
students. The college is scarce as big as one of our least
colleges at Oxford; and, as far as I could gather from some
who knew the state of it, not far superior to our universities
in piety. Discipline is at a low ebb. Bad books are become
fashionable among the tutors and students. Tillotson and
Clark are read, instead of Sheppard, Stoddard, and such-like
evangelical writers; and, therefore, I chose to preach from
these words,--'We are not as many, who corrupt the word of God;'
and God gave me great freedom and boldness of speech. A great
number of neighbouring ministers attended, as indeed they do at
all other times. The president of the college and minister of
the parish treated me very civilly. In the afternoon, I preached
again, in the court. I believe there were about seven thousand
hearers. The Holy Spirit melted many hearts.[374]

[373] As early as 1708, Oldmixon wrote: "Cambridge is a
university, and has two colleges--Harvard College, and Stoughton
Hall."

[374] Whitefield preached under an elm at Cambridge; and
beneath the shade of the same tree Washington first drew his
sword in the cause of the revolution, on taking the command of
the American army. From this circumstance, the tree was ever
afterwards called "Washington's Elm." It may also be added,
that, one of the students, converted by Whitefield's sermon, on
this occasion, was Daniel Emerson, who was ordained, in 1743,
first minister of Hollis, New Hampshire, the pastorate of which
place he retained until his death in 1801. "He was truly a son
of thunder, a flaming light; and was almost incessantly engaged
in preaching, attending funerals, etc., far and wide. He was
made the means of extensive revivals of religion." (Belcher's
"Biography of Whitefield.")

"Thursday, September 25. Preached the weekly lecture at Mr.
Foxcroft's meeting-house. After public worship, I went, at
his Excellency's invitation, and dined with him. Most of the
ministers of the town were invited with me. Before dinner,
the governor sent for me into his chamber. He wept, wished me
good luck in the name of the Lord, and recommended himself,
ministers, and people to my prayers.[375] Immediately after
dinner, I prayed for them all; and then crossed the ferry, and
preached at Charlestown, lying on the north side of Boston. The
meeting-house was very capacious, and quite filled.

[375] The governor was the Honourable Jonathan Belcher, a native
of Massachusetts, where his father was a wealthy merchant.
After an academical education in his own country, he came to
Europe, was twice at Hanover, and was introduced to the Court
there when the Princess Sophia was the presumptive heiress to
the British crown. The gracefulness of his person, his talents,
and property, procured him considerable notice. In 1730, he
was appointed Governor of New England, and continued in that
office until the year 1740, the time of Whitefield's visit.
He lived in great state, was hospitable, fond of splendid
equipages, and of an aspiring turn of mind. In 1741, he became
Governor of the New Jerseys, and was succeeded in New England
by Governor Shirley. To enable the reader to estimate the value
of some of Whitefield's collections for the orphans, it may
be added that, when Belcher left New England, the currency
was so much depreciated, that £100 sterling was equal to £550
Massachusetts currency. Belcher, to the end of his life, was one
of Whitefield's most faithful friends. (Milner's "Life of Dr.
Watts," and Johnston's "History of Bristol and Bremen.")

"Friday, September 26. Preached in the morning at Roxbury to
many thousands of people. Dined at Judge Dudley's. In the
afternoon, preached from a scaffold erected without the Rev.
Mr. Byles's[376] meeting-house, to a congregation nearly double
of that in the morning.

[376] The Rev. Mather Byles, D. D., was the first pastor of the
church in Hollis Street, Boston. From 1733 to the revolution in
1776, he continued to discharge his ministerial functions with
great acceptance; but, because he then sympathised with the
royalists rather than with the revolutionists, he was brought
to a public trial, and was denounced as a person inimical to
America. After this, he was not connected with any church. His
literary merits introduced him to some of the most distinguished
men in England, including Pope and Watts. He died in 1788, aged
82.

"Saturday, September 27. In the morning, preached at the Rev.
Mr. Welstead's meeting-house; in the afternoon, on the common,
to about 15,000 people. Oh, how did the word run! I could scarce
abstain from crying out, 'This is no other than the house of God
and the gate of heaven.'

"Sunday, September 28. Preached, in the morning, at good Dr.
Sewall's meeting-house, to a very crowded auditory, and, £555
currency were collected for the Orphan House. In the afternoon,
I preached at Dr. Colman's; and here £470 were collected. In
both places, all things were carried on with great decency and
order. After sermon, I had the honour of a private visit from
the governor. I then went and preached to a great number of
negroes, on the conversion of the Ethiopian; and, at my return,
gave a word of exhortation to a crowd of people, who were
waiting at my lodgings. I went to bed greatly refreshed with
divine consolations."

Whitefield had now spent ten days in Boston and its immediate
neighbourhood. The next seven days were employed in visiting
several important towns at a greater distance; after which, the
popular evangelist returned to the capital of the province. Before
following him in his itinerancy, selections from letters, written at
this period, will be useful. The following was addressed to him by
Charles Wesley:--

BRISTOL, _September 1, 1740_.

"MY DEAREST BROTHER AND FELLOW-LABOURER IN THE GOSPEL,--You will
sing, rejoice, and give thanks for the Divine goodness toward
me. God has lifted me up from the gates of death.[377] For this
month past, He has visited me with a violent fever. There was
no human probability of my surviving it; but I knew in myself
that I should not die. I have not finished my course, and scarce
begun it. The prayer of faith prevailed. Jesus touched my hand,
and immediately the fever departed from me. I am now slowly
recovering my strength, and can walk across my room; but I have
no use of my hand or head yet. I wait on the Lord, and shall
renew my strength.

[377] Charles Wesley was seized with fever while conducting
a religious service in Bristol, on August 6. His illness was
extremely violent, and, during its continuance, some of the
newspapers announced that he was dead.

"The great work goes forward, maugre all the opposition of earth
and hell. The most violent opposers of all are our own brethren
of Fetter Lane that were. We have gathered up between twenty and
thirty from the wreck, and transplanted them to the Foundery.
Innumerable have been the devices to scatter this little flock.
They are indefatigable in bringing us off from our 'carnal
ordinances,' and speak with such wisdom from beneath, that, if
it were possible, they would deceive the very elect.

"You will expect some account of your own household. But what
shall I say concerning them? I must either deceive or grieve
you; but you have a right to the simple truth. Your mother
continues dead in sin, yet well affected toward us. Your sister
(God help her! God convert her!) is far, very far, from the
kingdom of heaven. She has forsaken the word, and servants, and
ministers of Christ, put herself out of the bands, and is the
worst enemy they have. Her complaints, that the Methodists were
burdensome to her, forced me, after paying for my board, to
hasten to my lodging at the New Room. But this is a trifle; it
is her own private behaviour and her carriage towards the Church
of God, I totally condemn. Infinite pains have been taken with
her to set her against my brother and me. I know not what to do
with her or for her, and had long since given her up had she not
been the sister of my friend.

"My brother has been most grossly abused; his behaviour (if I
may be a witness) has been truly Christian. All the bitterness
his opposers have shewn, and the woes and curses they have
denounced against him, have never provoked him to a like return,
or stirred his temper, or impaired his charity; much less are
we cooled in our affection towards you, by all the idle stories
we hear of your opposition to us. Well-meaning Mr. Seward has
caused the world to triumph in our supposed dissensions, by his
unseasonable journal. Your zealous, indiscreet friends, instead
of concealing any little difference between us, have told it in
Gath, and published it in Askelon; but I trust, by our first
meeting, all will know that those things whereof they were
informed concerning us are nothing, while we stand fast in one
mind and in one spirit, striving together for the faith of the
gospel. This is of the last importance to the cause we maintain,
which suffered so much, as you well observe, by the dissensions
of the first Reformers. Their divisions stopped the work of
God then, and in the next age destroyed it. Oh, my friend, if
you have the glory of God and the salvation of souls at heart,
resolve, by the Divine grace, that nothing upon earth, nor under
the earth, shall part us. God increase the horror He has given
me of a separation! I had rather you saw me dead at your feet
than openly opposing you. All the lovers of discord, I trust,
shall be confounded; even those, of whatever denomination, who,
through fondness for their own opinion, would destroy the work
of God. Many, I know, desire nothing so much as to see George
Whitefield and John Wesley at the head of different parties, as
is plain from their truly devilish pains to effect it; but be
assured, my dearest brother, our heart is as your heart. Oh, may
we always thus continue to think and speak the same things!
When God has taught us mutual forbearance, long-suffering, and
love, who knows but He may bring us into an exact agreement
in all things? In the meantime, I do not think the difference
considerable. I shall never dispute with you touching election;
and, if you know not yet to reconcile that doctrine with God's
universal love, I will cry unto Him, 'Lord, what we know not,
shew Thou us!' but never offend you by my different sentiment.
My soul is set upon peace, and drawn after you by love stronger
than death. You know not how dear you are to me; not dearer,
I will be bold to say, to any of your natural or spiritual
relations.

"CHARLES WESLEY."[378]

[378] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. ii., p. 170.

The doctrinal differences between Whitefield and the Wesley
brothers, and the possibility of their being separated, evidently
caused the whole three to feel great anxiety. The following extracts
from Whitefield's letters, coupled with Charles Wesley's letter,
will sufficiently prove this:--

"BOSTON, _September 23, 1740_.

"_Sinless perfection_, I think, is unattainable in this life.
Shew me a man that could ever justly say, 'I am perfect.' It
is enough if we can say so when we bow down our heads and give
up the ghost. _Indwelling sin_ remains till death, even in the
regenerate, as the article of the Church expresses it. There is
no man that liveth and sinneth not in thought, word, and deed.
However, to affirm such a thing as _perfection_, and to deny
_final perseverance_, what an absurdity is this![379] To be
incapable of sinning,[380] and capable of being finally damned,
is a contradiction in terms. From such doctrine may I ever turn
away! I hear many amongst you, who begun in the spirit, are
now ending in the flesh. Christ hath freely justified them;
that is, entitled them to all His merits; and yet they must do
so-and-so to keep themselves in a justified state. Alas! this is
sorry divinity! I have not so learned Christ--no; His gifts and
callings are without repentance. Whom He loves, He loves to the
end. Work I will, but not to keep myself in a justified state.
My Lord hath secured that; but I will work to shew my gratitude
for His putting me into a justified state."

[379] Logic was never Whitefield's forte. Adam was perfect, and yet
Adam failed in final perseverance.

[380] This is a wanton perversion of Wesley's doctrine; but let it
pass. I purposely abstain from discussing controverted doctrines.
Others have done that. Here I have no space for it. My object is
honestly to exhibit Whitefield's principles, doctrines, and life,
and to leave it to others to censure or commend.

The following was addressed to Howell Harris:--

"BOSTON, _September 24, 1740_.

"And is dear brother Howell Harris yet alive in body and soul? I
rejoice in your success. I hope your conversation was blessed to
dear Mr. Wesley. O that the Lord may batter down his free-will,
and compel him to own His sovereignty and everlasting love! Some
of Fetter Lane Society, I fear, are running into sad errors. My
coming to England will try my fidelity to my Master. Nothing
but His strength can enable me to bear all contradictions with
meekness."

On September 25, Whitefield wrote a long letter to Wesley, in which
he tried to shew that, what he calls the doctrine of _sinless
perfection_ is unscriptural; and concludes with a reference to
the recent publication of Wesley's celebrated sermon, entitled
"Free Grace," in which he exhibited and refuted the doctrine of
predestination. Whitefield writes:--

"I find your sermon has had its expected success; it has set the
nation a disputing. You will have enough to do now to answer
pamphlets. Two I have already seen. O that you would be more
cautious in casting lots![381] O that you would not be rash and
precipitate! If you go on thus, honoured sir, how can I concur
with you? It is impossible. I must speak what I know. Thus I
write out of the fulness of my heart. About spring, you may
expect to see, ever, ever yours in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[381] Whitefield, in another place, asserts that Wesley received
a letter charging him with not preaching the gospel, because he
did not preach election. Upon this, Wesley drew a lot to determine
whether he should publish his Anti-Calvinistic views. The answer was
"_preach and print_;" and, accordingly, he preached and printed his
sermon on "Free Grace."

Things were approaching a crisis. Three days afterwards, Whitefield
wrote to Wesley another letter,--the least loving he had ever sent
to his "honoured friend."

"BOSTON, _September 28, 1740_.

"DEAR BROTHER WESLEY,--What mean you by disputing in all your
letters?[382] May God give you to know yourself; and then you
will not plead for _absolute perfection_, or call the doctrine
of _election_ a 'doctrine of devils.' My dear brother, take
heed. See you are in Christ a new creature. Beware of a false
peace. Strive to enter in at the strait gate; and give all
diligence to make your calling and election sure. Remember you
are but a babe in Christ, if so much. Be humble; talk little;
think and pray much. Let God teach you; and He will lead you
into all truth. I love you heartily. I pray you may be kept from
error, both in principle and practice. Salute all the brethren.
If you must dispute, stay till you are master of the subject;
otherwise you will hurt the cause you would defend. Study to
adorn the gospel of our Lord in all things; and forget not to
pray for your affectionate friend and servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[382] Probably letters had arrived during the three days' interval.

This hortatory letter was very different in tone from the letter
which Whitefield had previously addressed to Wesley; and,
considering Wesley's seniority and other circumstances, it was
scarcely modest. Whitefield was growing angry, though, perhaps, he
hardly knew it. To another friend he wrote, on September 26:--

"I hope nothing will cause a division between me and Messrs.
Wesley. But I must speak what I know, and confute error
wheresoever I find it."

On the same day he wrote to the Rev. Benjamin Ingham, the Moravian
evangelist in Yorkshire:--

"I find our friends are got into disputing one with another. O
that the God of peace may put a stop to it! If we are divided
among ourselves, what an advantage will Satan gain over us!
Let us love one another, excite all to come to Christ without
exception, and our Lord will shew us who are His."

Before proceeding with Whitefield's Journal, another letter must be
introduced. William Delamotte was acting as Ingham's coadjutor in
Yorkshire. He had left the Church of England, and become a Moravian.
About this period, he began to preach, but his career was soon
ended. He died February 22, 1743, and was buried at St. Dunstan's
in the East, London.[383] To this brother of the young lady, whom
Whitefield, in so strange a manner, had asked to become his wife,
the following was addressed:--

"BOSTON, _September 28, 1740_.

"DEAR BROTHER WILLIAM,--I thank you for your kind letter from
Osset. I wish it was written with more life. I fear you are
turning almost to a spirit of bondage; but it is good for you to
be sifted, to make an experienced minister of Jesus Christ.

"I could not but smile, to find you wink at the _decency of my
dress_. Alas! my brother, I have long since known what it is
to be in that state, into which I fear you are about to enter.
I once thought that Christianity required me to go nasty. I
neglected myself as much as you would have me, for about a
twelvemonth; but, when God gave me the spirit of adoption, I
then dressed _decently_, as you call it, out of principle; and I
am more and more convinced, that the Lord would have, me act, in
that respect, as I do.

"God only knows whether you have done right in leaving the
University, or in declining to exhort. If you do not preach till
you are perfectly free from all sin, I believe you will never
preach again. I could never hear of such a minister or Christian
yet. Jesus Christ sent His disciples to preach before they were
perfect; nay, when they were weak in grace. Exercise the talents
you have; that is the way to get more. Thus God has dealt with
me for these seven years.

"Many of our friends talk against election. A good reason may be
given. I believe they have never taken pains to search into the
true state of the case. But I will say no more. Our dear Master
is doing wonders amongst us. Praise Him lustily, and with a good
courage, Adieu!

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

[383] "Memoirs of James Hutton," pp. 94, 229.

We must now return to Whitefield's itinerary. Leaving Boston on
Monday morning, September 29, he rode forty miles to Ipswich;
and, during the day, preached twice, at Marble Head and Salem, to
assembled thousands. Next day, he had two immense congregations at
Ipswich and Newbury. On Wednesday, October 1, he wrote:--

"Preached in the morning, though not with so much freedom
as usual, at Hampton, to some thousands in the open air.
Some, though not many, were affected. After dinner, rode to
Portsmouth, fourteen miles from Hampton, and preached to a
polite auditory, and so very unconcerned, that I began to
question whether I had been preaching to rational or brute
creatures. Immediately after sermon, I went over a very stony
way to York, thirteen miles from Portsmouth, to see one Mr.
Moody, a worthy, plain, and powerful minister of Jesus Christ,
though now much impaired by old age. He has lived by faith for
many years, has been much despised by bad men, and as much
respected by the true lovers of the blessed Jesus.

"Thursday, October 3. Was comforted to hear good Mr. Moody tell
me, that he believed I should preach to a hundred new creatures
in his congregation this morning. And, indeed, I believe I did.
I preached both morning and evening. The hearers looked plain
and simple; and tears trickled apace down their cheeks.

"Friday, October 3. Preached this morning, at Portsmouth, to a
far greater congregation than before; but, instead of preaching
to dead stocks, I had now reason to believe I was preaching to
living men. People began to melt soon after I began to pray, and
the influence increased more and more during the whole sermon.
Good Mr. Shutlif, the minister, when he afterwards sent me £97,
collected at this time for the orphans, wrote thus: 'You have
left great numbers under deep impressions, and I trust in God
they will not wear off.' After dinner, I hastened to Hampstead,
and preached to several thousands of people with a great deal of
life and power. Collected £41 for the orphan children, and set
out directly for Newbury, which we reached about eight at night.

"Saturday, October 4. Preached in the morning to a very thronged
congregation. Collected £80. Hasted to Ipswich. Preached to a
larger congregation than when there last. Collected £79 for the
orphans. Got to Salem at night.

"Sunday, October 5. Preached, at eight in the morning, in the
meeting-house, at the minister's request. Read prayers, and
assisted at the sacrament, in the Church of England. Preached
again, in the afternoon, in the meeting-house; and collected £72
for the orphans.

"Monday, October 6. Preached at Marble Head about eleven. The
two ministers presented me with £70 for the Orphan House, which
they had collected yesterday in their own private meetings. Went
to Maulden, fourteen miles from Marble Head, and preached, but
not with so much enlargement as in the morning. Got privately
into Boston about seven at night; and, though I had ridden a
hundred and seventy-eight miles, and preached sixteen times, yet
I was not in the least wearied."

Whitefield might have added to this account of his week's work in
the country, that, he had collected £359 for his orphans in Georgia.
Further extracts from his Journal, which now will soon be ended,
cannot fail to interest the thoughtful reader:--

"Tuesday, October 7. Preached, both morning and evening, in Dr.
Colman's meeting-house, with much power. I now, almost hourly,
receive letters from persons under convictions.

"Wednesday, October 8. Went with the governor, in his coach,
to Mr. Webb's meeting-house, where I preached, morning and
evening, to very great auditories. Both times, many hearts were
melted down. I think I never was so drawn out to pray for little
children, and invite them to Jesus Christ. I had just heard of a
child, who, after hearing me preach, was immediately taken sick,
and said, 'I will go to Mr. Whitefield's God.' In a short time
he died. This encouraged me to speak to little ones; but, oh,
how were the old people affected, when I said, 'Little children,
if your parents will not come to Christ, do you come, and go to
heaven without them.' There seemed to be but few dry eyes. I
have not seen a greater commotion during my preaching at Boston.

"Thursday, October 9. Every morning, since my return, I have
been applied to by many souls under deep distress. Expounded at
Dr. Sewall's meeting-house, which was very much crowded. The
Lord enabled me to open my mouth boldly against unconverted
ministers; for, I am persuaded, the generality of preachers talk
of an unknown and unfelt Christ. The reason why congregations
have been so dead is, because they have had dead men preaching
to them. O that the Lord may quicken and revive them! How can
dead men beget living children? It is true, indeed, that God
may convert men by the devil, if He chooses; and so He may by
unconverted ministers; but, I believe; He seldom makes use of
either of them for this purpose. No: He chooses vessels made
meet by the operations of His blessed Spirit. For my own part,
I would not lay hands on an unconverted man for ten thousand
worlds. Unspeakable freedom God gave me while treating on
this head: and many ministers were present. In the afternoon,
I preached, on the common, to about fifteen thousand people,
and collected upwards of £200 of New England currency for the
orphans. In the evening, I went to the almshouse, and preached
for near half an hour; then I went to the workhouse, where I
exhorted a great number of people for near an hour more; and
then, hearing there was a considerable number waiting for a word
of exhortation at my lodgings, God strengthened me to give them
a spiritual morsel. Soon after I retired to rest.

"Friday, October 10. Was still busied, from the very moment I
arose until I went out, in answering those that came to me under
great distress. Went over Charlestown ferry, where I preached
with much freedom of spirit. Hastened to Redding, twelve
miles from Charlestown, where I preached to many thousands. A
considerable moving was discernible in the congregation.

"Saturday, October 11. Went again to Cambridge, and preached,
at the meeting-house door, to a great body of people, who stood
very attentively (though it rained), and were much affected. It
being the town of the University, I discoursed on these words,
'Noah, a preacher of righteousness' and endeavoured to shew
the qualifications for a true evangelical preacher of Christ's
righteousness. After sermon, the president kindly entertained
me and my friends.[384] About four, we reached Boston, where I
preached, immediately, in Ur. Sewall's meeting-house. I exhorted
a great number afterwards at my lodgings; and then was employed,
till near midnight, in settling my private affairs, answering
letters, and speaking to those under conviction.

[384] Dr. Colman, in a letter written at the time, says: "The
college is entirely changed. The students are full of God. Many
of them appear truly born again. The voice of prayer and of
praise fills their chambers; and joy, with seriousness of heart,
sits visibly on their faces. I was told yesterday that not
seven, out of the one hundred in attendance, remain unaffected."
("Wesley and his Coadjutors," by Larrabee, vol. ii., p. 140.)

"Sunday, October 12. Spoke to as many as I could, who came for
spiritual advice. Preached, with great power, at Dr. Sewall's
meeting-house, which was so exceedingly thronged, that I was
obliged to get in at one of the windows. Went with the governor,
in his coach, to the common, where I preached my farewell sermon
to near twenty thousand people,--a sight I have not seen since
I left Blackheath. Numbers, great numbers, melted into tears.
After sermon, the governor went with me to my lodgings. I stood
in the passage, and spoke to a great company, both within and
without doors. The remainder of the evening was almost entirely
spent in speaking to persons under great distress of soul.

"Monday, October 13. Took an affectionate leave of many dear
friends. Went with the governor, in his coach, to Charlestown
ferry, where he handed me into the boat, kissed me, and with
tears bid me farewell. Blessed be God! for what He has done
at Boston. I hope a glorious work is begun, and that the Lord
will stir up faithful labourers to carry it on. Boston is a
large populous place, and very wealthy. It has the form kept
up very well, but has lost much of the power of religion. I
have not heard of any remarkable stir in it for many years.
Ministers and people are obliged to confess that the love
of many is waxed cold. Both seem too much conformed to the
world. There is much of the pride of life to be seen in their
assemblies. Jewels, patches, and gay apparel are commonly worn
by the female sex. I observed little boys and girls commonly
dressed up in the pride of life; and the infants, that were
brought to baptism, were wrapped in such finery, that one would
think they were brought thither, to be initiated into, rather
than to renounce, the pomps and vanities of this wicked world.
Boston, however, is remarkable for the external observance of
the Sabbath. Men in civil offices have a regard for religion.
The governor encourages them; and the ministers and magistrates
seem to be more united, than those in any other place where I
have been. I never saw so little scoffing; never had so little
opposition. Still, I fear, many rest in a head-knowledge, are
close Pharisees, and have only a name to live. Boston people are
dear to my soul, and were very liberal to my dear orphans. I
promised to visit them again. There are nine meeting-houses of
the Congregational persuasion; one Baptist; one French; and one
belonging to the Scotch-Irish."

Thus ended Whitefield's first visit to the capital of New England.
"God works by me," he wrote, "more than ever. I am quite well in
bodily health. Ministers, as well as people, are stirred up, and
the Government is exceeding civil. I have already collected upwards
of £400 sterling for the Orphan House. God shews me that America
must be my place for action."[385] The following description of
Whitefield's preaching is extracted, from a work published in
Boston, entitled "The Rebels":--

"There is nothing in the appearance of this remarkable man which
would lead you to suppose that a Felix would tremble before him.
To have seen him when he first commenced, one would have thought
him anything but enthusiastic and glowing; but, as he proceeded,
his heart warmed with his subject, and his manner became
impetuous, till, forgetful of everything around him, he seemed
to kneel at the throne of Jehovah, and to beseech in agony for
his fellow-beings.

[385] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 217.

"After he had finished his prayer, he knelt a long time in
profound silence; and so powerfully had it affected the most
heartless of his audience, that a stillness like that of the
tomb pervaded the whole house.

"Before he commenced his sermon, long, darkening columns crowded
the bright sunny sky of the morning, and swept their dull
shadows over, the building, in fearful augury of the storm that
was approaching.

"'See that emblem of human life,' said he, as he pointed to a
flitting, shadow. 'It passed for a moment, and concealed the
brightness of heaven from our view; but it is gone. And where
will you be, my hearers, when your lives have passed away like
that dark cloud? Oh, my dear friends, I see thousands sitting
attentive, with their eyes fixed on the poor unworthy preacher.
In a few days, we shall all meet at the judgment-seat of Christ.
We shall form a part of that vast assembly which will gather
before His throne. Every eye will behold the Judge. With a voice
whose call you must abide and answer, He will enquire, whether
on earth you strove to enter in at the strait gate; whether you
were supremely devoted to God; whether your hearts were absorbed
in Him. My blood runs cold when I think how many of you will
then seek to enter in, and shall not be able. O what plea can
you make before the Judge of the whole earth? Can you say it
has been your whole endeavour to mortify the flesh, with its
affections and lusts? No! you must answer, I made myself easy in
the world, by flattering myself that all would end well; but I
have deceived my own soul, and am lost.

"'O false and hollow Christians, of what avail will it be that
you have done many things? that you have read much in the sacred
Word? that you have made long prayers? that you have attended
religious duties, and appeared holy in the eyes of men? What
will all this be, if, instead of loving God supremely, you have
been supposing you should exalt yourselves in heaven by acts
really polluted and unholy?

"'And you, rich men, wherefore do you hoard your silver?
Wherefore count the price you have received for Him whom you
every day crucify in your love of gain? Why, that, when you are
too poor to buy a drop of cold water, your beloved son may be
rolled into hell in his chariot, pillowed and cushioned.

"'O sinner! by all your hopes of happiness, I beseech you to
repent. Let not the wrath of God be awakened! Let not the
fires of eternity be kindled against you! See there!' said the
impassioned preacher, pointing to a flash of lightning, 'It is
a glance from the angry eye of Jehovah! Hark!' continued he,
raising his finger in a listening attitude, as the thunder broke
in a tremendous crash, 'it was the voice of the Almighty as He
passed by in His anger!'

"As the sound died away, Whitefield covered his face with his
hands, and fell on his knees, apparently lost in prayer. The
storm passed rapidly by, and the sun, bursting forth, threw
across the heavens the magnificent arch of peace. Rising and
pointing to it, the young preacher cried, 'Look upon the
rainbow, and praise Him who made it. Very beautiful it is in the
brightness thereof. It compasseth the heavens about with glory,
and the hands of the Most High have bended it.'"[386]

[386] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield."

This may be taken as a fair specimen of Whitefield's impromptu
eloquence. It is said, Whitefield was requested, by his hearers, to
furnish a copy of his sermon for publication. "I have no objection,"
said he, "if you will print the lightning, thunder, and rainbow with
it."

What were the results of Whitefield's preaching in the capital
of New England, and in its immediate vicinity? This question is
answered, in part, by the following extracts from letters, published
at the time in a folio newspaper, entitled, "Postscript to the
_South Carolina Gazette_, No. 361. Charleston: printed by Peter
Timothy, in King Street." The letters seem to have been addressed to
the Rev. Josiah Smith,[387] of Charleston, and were sent by him to
Mr. Timothy for publication.

[387] The Rev. Josiah Smith graduated at Harvard College in 1725,
was ordained minister for Bermuda in 1726, and afterwards took
charge of the Presbyterian Church in Charleston. Having become a
prisoner of war at Charleston, he was sent on parole, in 1781, to
Philadelphia, where he died in the same year, aged 76. He published
a considerable number of sermons, including one on the preaching of
Whitefield, in 1740.

"_October 1, 1740._

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--You raised our expectations of Mr.
Whitefield very much; but, now we have seen and heard him, we
all own that our expectations are answered and exceeded, not
only in his zealous and abounding labours, but in his command of
the hearts and affections of his hearers. He has been received
here" (Boston) "as an angel of God and servant of Jesus Christ."

"_October 22, 1740._

"I perceive you are impatient to know what manner of entering in
Mr. Whitefield had among us. _His own[388] received him not_;
but _we_ (ministers, rulers, and people,) generally received him
as an angel of God, or as Elias, or John the Baptist risen from
the dead. When he preached his farewell sermon, on our common,
there were, at a moderate computation, twenty-three thousand
present. Such a power and presence of God with a preacher, and
in religious assemblies, I never saw before, and am ready to
fear I shall never see again. The prejudices of many are quite
conquered, and the expectations of others vastly outdone, as
they freely own. A considerable number are _awakened_, and many
Christians seem to be greatly quickened. In this town" (Boston)
"whoever goes to lessen Mr. Whitefield's reputation, is in
danger of losing his own. He has preached twice at Cambridge. He
has there one warm friend, Mr. ----, the tutor, who has followed
him to Northampton, and will, for aught I know, follow him to
Georgia. But Mr. Whitefield has not a warmer friend anywhere
than in the first man among us. Our governor can call him
nothing less than the Apostle Paul. He has shewn him the highest
respect; carried him in his coach from place to place; and could
not help following him fifty miles out of town."

[388] The clergy of the Church of England.

"_November 1, 1740._

"I received yours by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, with whom I
coveted a great deal more private conversation than I had
opportunity for, by reason of the throngs of people, that were
almost perpetually with him; but he appears to me to be full
of the love of God, and to be fired with an extraordinary zeal
for the cause of Christ. He applies himself, with the most
indefatigable diligence, to promoting the good of souls. His
head, his heart, and his hands seem to be full of his Master's
business. His discourses (especially when he goes into an
expository way) are very entertaining. Every eye is fixed upon
him, and every ear chained to his lips. Most are very much
affected; many awakened and convinced; and a general seriousness
is excited. His address to the passions is wonderful, and
beyond what I have ever seen. Although I can by no means go his
length in censuring, yet I can make allowance for such things,
when I see the fervour of his soul, and how the zeal of God's
house hath eaten him up. I can truly say that his preaching has
quickened _me_, and I believe it has many ministers besides,
as well as the people.[389] Several of my flock, especially
of the younger sort, have been with me, manifesting the great
convictions that were stirred up in them by Mr. Whitefield's
preaching; and there is this also among other good effects of
his preaching, that the word preached now by _us_ seems more
precious to them, and comes with more power upon them."

[389] Among other ministers, converted by Whitefield's preaching
at Boston, was John Porter, pastor at Bridgewater, who writes: "I
knew nothing rightly of my sin and danger, of my need of a Saviour,
of the way of salvation by Him; neither was I established in the
doctrines of grace, till I heard that man of God, Mr. Whitefield, at
Boston." Six months after this, a revival took place at Bridgewater,
and a large number of the population were converted. Another
minister similarly benefited was the Rev. Jonathan Parsons, of
the West Parish of Lyme, where, in the spring of 1741, occurred a
revival quite as wonderful as that at Bridgewater. At Portsmouth,
where Whitefield preached on October 3, 1740, God's work was
remarkably revived some months afterwards. In fact, as is well
known, for two or three years subsequent to Whitefield's visit,
nearly the whole of New England became another "valley of vision,"
where "the breath from the four winds" breathed, and, as the newly
quickened prophets "prophesied," in thousands of instances, "dry
bones" were made to live. It would be absurd to attribute the
_whole_ of this to Whitefield's visit; but there cannot be a doubt
that, in an indirect way, by the impressions he made on ministers
and churches, his usefulness was great. (See Gillies' "Historical
Collections," vol. ii., pp. 184-338.)

The Rev. William Cooper wrote:--

"Ministers and people received Mr. Whitefield with raised
expectations, and found them all answered. We lead our people
to the crowded assemblies, but the Church ministers warn their
people against hearing him. The day he arrived, he preached in
our meeting-house to 5,000 hearers. He is a holy, fervent youth,
but I think has too much action with his fervour. He strikes
pleasing light in opening the Scripture, and has the greatest
command Over the affections of the audience, in the application,
I ever knew. We are, at times, all in tears. Young and old have
been greatly affected, and we have great reason to bless God for
his visit."[390]

[390] _Home Missionary Magazine_, 1827, p. 7.

These extracts are useful in shewing the impressions left on the
minds of Christian ministers and persons of education, who had been
among Whitefield's hearers. From Prince's "Christian History,"
published soon afterwards, we learn other facts. The Rev. Mr.
Prince, father of the publisher just mentioned, writes:--

"Though Mr. Whitefield, now and then, dropped expressions that
were not so accurate and guarded as we should expect from
aged and long-studied ministers, yet I had the satisfaction
to observe his readiness to receive correction as soon as
offered. He was a most importunate wooer of souls to come to
Christ. He applied his exhortations to the elderly people, the
middle-aged, the young, the Indians, and the negroes; and had a
most winning way of addressing them. He affectionately prayed
for our magistrates, ministers, colleges, candidates for the
ministry, and churches, as well as people in general. Multitudes
were greatly affected, and many awakened by his lively ministry.
Though he preached every day, the houses were exceedingly
crowded; and almost every evening the house where he lodged was
thronged to hear his prayers and counsels. He also preached in
several neighbouring towns; travelled and preached as far as
York, above seventy miles north-east of Boston; returned hither,
and gave us his farewell sermon on October 12. Upon his leaving
us, great numbers were concerned about their souls; so that our
assemblies were surprisingly increased, and the people wanted to
hear us oftener than ever."[391]

[391] The Rev. Nathaniel Appleton, D.D., who, after a faithful and
successful ministry of sixty-six years, died in 1784, preached, on
November 30, 1740, a sermon at Cambridge, from, "I have planted,
Apollos watered, but God gave the increase." The sermon was
published, and was stated to have been "occasioned by the late
powerful and awakening preaching of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield."

Colonel Brattle, a representative of Cambridge in the general court,
published two letters in the _Boston Gazette_, for April 20, and
June 29, 1741; in which he vindicated the college at Cambridge
against Whitefield's strictures upon it, but, at the same time,
admitted that, "by the preaching of Whitefield and Tennent, the
students _in general_ had been deeply affected, and their enquiry
now was, 'What shall we do to be saved?' These gentlemen," continues
the colonel, "have planted, Mr. Appleton has watered; but, after
all, it was God who gave the increase." Brattle adds, that "the
overseers of the college thought it proper to set apart the forenoon
of June 12, 1741, humbly to bless and praise the God of all grace
for His abundant mercy to that Society."

Thus was Whitefield employed, by God, in reviving religion in
American churches, as Wesley was in England. The two men had two
separate missions, and well they fulfilled them. Two months after
Whitefield's departure, he was succeeded in Boston, by Gilbert
Tennent, "a man," says the Rev. Mr. Prince,[392] "of considerable
parts and learning; free, gentle, condescending. Many had been
awakened by his ministry in New Jersey, where he lived; and he had
as deep an acquaintance with the experimental part of religion as
any I have conversed with. He seemed to have no regard to please
the eyes of his hearers with agreeable gesture, nor their ears with
delivery, nor their fancy with language; but to aim directly at
their hearts and consciences, to lay open their ruinous delusions,
to shew them their numerous secret, hypocritical shifts in religion,
and to drive them out of their deceitful refuge, wherein they made
themselves easy with the form of godliness without the power.
From the terrible and deep convictions he had passed through in
his own soul, he seemed to have such a lively view of the Divine
Majesty,--the spirituality, purity, extensiveness, and strictness
of His law, with His glorious holiness and displeasure at sin, His
justice, truth, and power in punishing the damned,--that the very
terrors of God seemed to rise in his mind afresh, when he displayed
and brandished them in the eyes of unreconciled sinners."

[392] The Rev. Thomas Prince was ordained pastor of the Old South
Church, Boston, as colleague with Dr. Sewall, in 1718. He was an
eminent preacher; and Dr. Chauncy pronounced him the most learned
man in New England, excepting Cotton Mather. For more than fifty
years, he availed himself of every opportunity of collecting public
and private papers relating to the civil and religious history of
New England; but, during the war of independence, his collection was
almost entirely destroyed. He received Whitefield with open arms;
and, amid all vicissitudes, remained his faithful friend. He died in
1758, aged 71.

Gilbert Tennent remained nearly four months in Boston, and was
marvellously instrumental in carrying on the work which had been
begun by Whitefield. His preaching was searching, and often
terrible. Many hundreds were convinced of sin by his powerful
ministry. The ministers of Boston were inspired with new faith, and
life, and power. "And now," says Mr. Prince, "was such a time as we
never knew. The Rev. Mr. Cooper was wont to say, that more came to
him, in one week, in deep concern about their souls, than had come
in the whole twenty-four years of his preceding ministry. I can also
say the same as to the numbers who repaired to me. Mr. Cooper had
about six hundred persons in three months; and Mr. Webb had, in the
same space, above a thousand. There repaired to us boys and girls,
young men and women, Indians and negroes, heads of families and
aged persons; some in great distress for fear of being unconverted;
others lest they had all along been building on a righteousness of
their own, and were still in the gall of bitterness and bond of
iniquity; some fearing lest the Holy Spirit should withdraw Himself;
others in great anxiety lest He should leave them for ever. Nor were
the same persons satisfied with coming once or twice, as formerly;
but they came again and again, I know not how often, complaining of
their evil and accursed hearts; of their past and present unbelief;
of their pride, hypocrisy, and perfidiousness; of their love and
captivity to sin; and of their utter impotence to help themselves,
or even to believe on Christ."

This wondrous movement continued for a year and a half after
Whitefield's departure from Boston. Thirty religious Societies were
instituted in the city. Ministers, besides attending to their usual
work, preached in private houses almost every night. Chapels were
always crowded. "The very face of the town seemed to be strangely
altered. Even the negroes and boys in the streets left their usual
rudeness, and taverns were found empty of all but lodgers." "Our
lectures," wrote Dr. Colman, in a letter to Dr. Isaac Watts, dated
September 15, 1741, "our lectures nourish, our Sabbaths are joyous,
our churches increase, our ministers have new life and spirit in
their work."[393]

[393] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., pp. 163-183.

But it is time to follow Whitefield in his glorious wanderings.
Leaving Boston, on Monday, October 13, he proceeded to Concord,
"preached to some thousands in the open air, and collected about
£45 for the orphans." Next day, he preached at Sudbury and at
Marlborough. He writes:--

"When I came into the meeting-house at Marlborough, to my
surprise, I saw Governor Belcher there; and, though it rained,
and he was much advanced in years, he went with us as far as
Worcester.

"Wednesday, October 15. Perceived Governor Belcher to be more
affectionate than ever. After morning prayer, he took me by
myself, and exhorted me to go on in stirring up the ministers;
for, said he, 'reformation must begin at the house of God.' As
we were going to meeting, he said, 'Mr. Whitefield, do not spare
rulers any more than ministers, no, not the chief of them.' I
preached in the open air to some thousands. The word fell with
weight. After sermon, the governor remarked, 'I pray God, I may
apply what has been said to my own heart. Pray, Mr. Whitefield,
that I may hunger and thirst after righteousness.' Dinner being
ended, with tears in his eyes, he kissed me, and took leave of
me."

Two days afterwards, Whitefield arrived at Northampton, where, a few
years before, there had been a remarkable work of God. Northampton
was founded about the year 1655, and its population now consisted
of two hundred families. Its first minister was the Rev. Eleazar
Mather, who was ordained in 1669. He was succeeded, in 1672, by
the Rev. Mr. Stoddard, whose ministry was exercised at Northampton
for the long period of fifty-seven years, during which he had what
he called "five harvests," or revivals of religion. In 1729, Mr.
Stoddard died, and his grandson, Jonathan Edwards, took his place.
Mr. Edwards was not an orator, like Whitefield. He had no Boanergean
voice to thunder in the ear, nor had he physical power to "dang
to pieces" pulpits and Bibles. He was, says one who knew him, "a
preacher of a low and moderate voice, a natural way of delivery, and
without any agitation of body, or anything else in the manner, to
excite attention, except his habitual and great solemnity, looking
and speaking as in the presence of God, and with a weighty sense of
the matter delivered."[394]

[394] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 169.

At the time when Mr. Edwards commenced his ministry, the Northampton
Church was in a Laodicean state, and the town generally too much
resembled Sodom and Gomorrah. "Licentiousness," writes Mr. Edwards,
"prevailed among the youth of the town. Many of them were very much
addicted to night-walking, and frequenting the taverns. Very often
they got together, in conventions of both sexes, for mirth and
jollity, which they called frolics; and they would often spend the
greater part of the night in them." In 1735, a change took place.
Mr. Edwards, in his "Narrative of late Surprising Conversions in New
England," published in 1737, observes:--

"There was scarcely a single person in the town of Northampton,
either old or young, that was left unconcerned about the things
of the eternal world. Those, who were wont to be the vainest and
loosest, were now generally subject to great awakenings. The
town seemed to be full of the presence of God. It never was so
full of love, nor so full of joy; and, yet, so full of distress,
as it was then. There were remarkable tokens of God's presence
in almost every house. Our public services were beautiful."

This remarkable movement spread to South Hadley, Suffield,
Sunderland, Green River, Hatfied, West Springfield, Long Meadow,
Enfield, Westfield, Northfield, Windsor, Coventry, Durham,
Stratford, New Haven, Guildford, Mansfield, Preston, and other
places. Edwards calculated that three hundred were converted
in Northampton only; and the conversions in other towns were
proportionately numerous. The whole region, now visited by
Whitefield, had, five years before, been blessed with "showers of
blessing." How was Whitefield welcomed? The following are extracts
from his Journal:--

"Friday, October 17. We crossed the ferry to Northampton, where
no less than three hundred souls were saved about five years
ago. Their pastor's name is Edwards, successor and grandson
to the great Stoddard, whose memory will be always precious
in New England. Mr. Edwards is a solid, excellent Christian,
but, at present, weak in body. When I came into his pulpit, I
found my heart drawn out to talk of scarce anything besides
the consolations and privileges of saints, and the plentiful
effusion of the Spirit upon believers. When I came to remind
them of their former experiences, and how zealous and lively
they were at that time, both minister and people wept much.

"Saturday, October 18. At Mr. Edwards's request, I spoke to
his little children, who were much affected. Preached at
Hadfield, five miles from Northampton, but found myself not
much strengthened. Preached in the afternoon to Mr. Edwards's
congregation. God vouchsafed to give me an affecting prospect
of the upper world, and, therefore, I was enabled to speak with
some degree of pathos. Few eyes were dry, and it seemed as if a
time of refreshing was come from the presence of the Lord.

"Sunday, October 19. Preached this morning, and good Mr. Edwards
wept during the whole time of exercise. The people were equally
affected; and, in the afternoon, the power increased yet more.

"Monday, October 20. Left Northampton in the evening, and rode
eighteen miles to Westfield, where I preached next morning to
a pretty large congregation. Hastened to Springfield, crossed
a ferry, preached to a large auditory, and then returned and
preached to those who could not get over the ferry, by reason
of the wind. After I left Springfield, my horse, coming over a
broken bridge, threw me over his head, directly upon my nose. I
was stunned for awhile, my mouth was full of dust, and I bled a
little; but, falling upon soft sand, I got not much damage.

"Tuesday, October 21. Preached at Suffield, to several thousands
of people. A great impression was made. I insisted much, in my
discourse, upon the doctrine of the new birth, and also upon
the necessity of a minister being converted before he could
preach Christ aright. The word came with great power, and a
general impression was made upon the people in all parts of the
assembly. Many ministers were present, and most of them thanked
me for my plain dealing. One of them, however, was offended; and
so would more of his stamp, if I were to continue longer in New
England. Unconverted ministers are the bane of the Christian
Church. I honour the memory of that great and good man, Mr.
Stoddard; but I think he is much to be blamed for endeavouring
to prove that unconverted men maybe admitted into the ministry.
How he has handled the controversy I know not; but I believe no
solid argument can be brought in defence of such a doctrine. The
sermon lately published by Mr. Gilbert Tennent, entitled, 'The
Danger of an Unconverted Ministry,' I think unanswerable."[395]

[395] Though all held it desirable that a minister should be
converted, yet, many also entertained the pernicious theory of
Stoddard. Whitefield again and again, fearlessly attacked the
theory, and, thereby, gave great offence.

Thus ended Whitefield's first visit to Jonathan Edwards of
Northampton. A young lady, _née_ Miss Sarah Pierpont, but now the
wife of Edwards, wrote as follows:--

"_October 24, 1740._

"DEAR BROTHER JAMES,--I want to prepare you for a visit from
the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, the famous preacher of England. He
has been sojourning with us, and, after visiting a few of the
neighbouring towns, is going to New Haven, and from thence to
New York. He is truly a remarkable man, and, during his visit,
has, I think, verified all that we have heard of him. He makes
less of the doctrines than our American preachers generally do,
and aims more at affecting the heart. He is a born orator. You
have already heard of his deep-toned, yet clear and melodious,
voice. It is perfect music. It is wonderful to see what a spell
he casts over an audience by proclaiming the simplest truths
of the Bible. I have seen upwards of a thousand people hang on
his words with breathless silence, broken only by an occasional
half-suppressed sob. He impresses the ignorant, and not less the
educated and refined. It is reported that while the miners of
England listened to him, the tears made white furrows down their
smutty cheeks. So here, our mechanics shut up their shops, and
the day-labourers throw down their tools, to go and hear him
preach, and few return unaffected. A prejudiced person, I know,
might say that this is all theatrical artifice and display; but
not so will any one think who has seen and known him. He is a
very devout and godly man, and his only aim seems to be to reach
and influence men the best way. He speaks from a heart all
aglow with love, and pours out a torrent of eloquence which is
almost irresistible. I wish him success in his apostolic career;
and, when he reaches New Haven, you will, I know, shew him warm
hospitality.

"Yours, in faithful affection,
"SARAH."[396]

[396] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 278.

So much from Jonathan Edwards's wife. What said Edwards himself? He
writes:--

"Mr. Whitefield came to Northampton about the middle of October,
1740, and preached four sermons in the meeting-house. The
congregation was extraordinarily melted by every sermon; almost
the whole assembly being in tears. His sermons were suitable to
the circumstances of the town; containing just reproofs of our
backslidings; and, in a most moving and affecting manner, making
use of our great mercies as arguments with us to return to God,
from whom we had departed. Immediately after this, the minds of
the people in general appeared more engaged in religion. The
revival at first was principally among professors, to whom Mr.
Whitefield had chiefly addressed himself; but, in a short time,
there was a deep concern among young persons. By the middle of
December, a very considerable work of God appeared, and the
revival continued to increase."

Thus, at Northampton, as in other places, Whitefield's visit was
the precursor of a religious revival. In this instance, the work
continued for the next two years. Very often the meeting-house was
"full of outcries, faintings, and convulsions." A great number of
children were converted. Congregations frequently remained, praying
and singing, for hours after the public service was concluded.
"The town seemed to be in a great and continual commotion, day and
night."[397]

[397] Prince's _Christian History_, No. 46.

After parting with Jonathan Edwards, Whitefield proceeded to New
York. At Hertford and Weathersfield, on October 22, he "preached
to many thousands, with much freedom and power." The day after, he
had a congregation of four thousand at Middletown; and then rode
to New Haven, where, says he, "I was most affectionately received
by Mr. Pierpont, brother to Mr. Edwards of Northampton." Here he
spent three days; and, of course, here he preached. At one of his
services, the governor, the Council, and the members of the Lower
House of Assembly formed part of his congregation. He also dined
with "the Rev. Mr. Clap,[398] Rector of New Haven College, about
one-third part as big as that of Cambridge, and containing about
a hundred students." Here he took the opportunity of "speaking
to the students, and shewing the dreadful ill consequences of an
unconverted ministry;" and, at his lodgings, he collected £35 for
his orphans in Georgia. Leaving New Haven, he preached at Milford,
Stratford, Fairfield, Newark, and Stanford. On these occasions,
many ministers were present, some of whom confessed they were not
converted. Before entering the province of New York, Whitefield
wrote:--

"I have now had an opportunity of seeing the greatest and
most populous part of New England. On many accounts, it
certainly exceeds all other provinces in America; and, for the
establishment of religion, perhaps all other parts of the world.
The towns all through Connecticut, and eastward toward York, in
the province of Massachusetts, near the river-side, are large
and well peopled. Every five miles, or perhaps less, you have
a meeting-house; and, I believe, there is no such thing as a
pluralist or non-resident minister in both provinces. God has
remarkably, at sundry times and in divers manners, poured out
His Spirit in several parts; and it often refreshed my soul to
hear of the faith of their good forefathers, who first settled
in these parts. Notwithstanding they had their foibles, surely
they were a set of righteous men. Many glorious men of God have
come out of their colleges. The civil government of New England
seems to be well regulated; and, I think, at the opening of
all their courts, either the judge or a minister begins with a
prayer. Family worship, I believe, is generally kept up; and the
negroes are better used than in any other province I have seen.
In short, I like New England exceeding well."

[398] The Rev. Thomas Clap, who died, at Scituate, in 1767, aged 63.
By some means, he became one of Whitefield's opponents, and will be
mentioned in subsequent pages.

Whitefield arrived at New York on Thursday, October 30, and was
again the guest of Mr. Noble. Here he spent four days. He writes:--

"Friday, October 31. Preached in good Mr. Pemberton's
meeting-house. Two or three cried out. Mr. Noble could scarce
restrain himself; and, look where I would, many seemed deeply
wounded.

"Saturday, November 1. Preached twice, as yesterday, to very
crowded auditories, and neither time without success.

"Sunday, November 2. Preached in the morning with some freedom.
In the evening, the whole congregation was alarmed. Crying,
weeping, and wailing were to be heard in every corner, and many
were to be seen falling into the arms of their friends.

"Monday, November 3. Preached both morning and afternoon, and
perceived the congregations still increase. There was a great
and gracious melting among the people both times. Near £110
currency was collected for the orphans; and, in the evening, at
seven, we took boat, and reached Staten Island about ten."

For many months, Whitefield had been living and working in close
connection with Presbyterian ministers. Most of them were ardent
admirers of the young evangelist; but some were critical and
distrustful. Hence the publication of a tract of thirty-two pages,
with the following Presbyterian title: "The Querists; or, an extract
of sundry passages taken out of Mr. Whitefield's printed Sermons,
Journals, and Letters; together with some Scruples proposed in
proper Queries raised on each remark. By some Church Members of the
Presbyterian Persuasion."[399] The "Querists," in their preface,
say, they "are at a loss what to make of some of Whitefield's
expressions; if they have any meaning at all, we fear it is a bad
one." The tract is calmly, but very keenly written; being, however,
purely doctrinal, it is scarcely necessary to furnish an outline of
its contents. Suffice it to say that Whitefield is treated fairly,
though with great fidelity.

[399] This small pamphlet, first published in Philadelphia, was
reprinted in London, in 1741, with two letters appended, written
by the Rev. Charles Tennent and a minister in Boston; and also
Whitefield's "Answer to the Querists." (8vo. 52 pp.) Tennent's
letter is dated Philadelphia, October 16, 1740; and, after admitting
that Whitefield had used unguarded expressions, says: "I believe Mr.
Whitefield to be sound in the faith, and a most eminent servant of
Jesus Christ."

While at New York, Whitefield wrote an answer to the Querists, which
was shortly published.[400] It is dated "November 1, 1740." A great
part of this production is too minute to be interesting to the
general reader. Whitefield, however, ingenuously confesses there
are passages in his printed sermons that he regrets. He writes:--

"I think it no dishonour to retract some expressions that
dropped from my pen before God was pleased to give me a more
clear knowledge of the doctrines of grace. St. Augustine, I
think, did so before me. The Lord's dealing with me was somewhat
out of the common way. I received the Spirit of adoption before
I had conversed with one man, or read a single book, on the
doctrine of 'free justification by the imputed righteousness of
Jesus Christ.' No wonder, then, that I was not so clear in some
points at my first setting out in the ministry. Our Lord was
pleased to enlighten me by degrees; and I desire your prayers,
that His grace may shine more and more in my heart, till it
breaks forth into perfect day."

[400] The following is the title of an American edition: "A
Letter from the Rev. Mr. Whitefield to some Church Members of the
Presbyterian Persuasion; in answer to certain Scruples and Queries
relating to some passages in his printed Sermons and other Writings.
To which is added two Letters from Nathaniel Lovetruth to the Rev.
Mr. Whitefield, containing some exceptions to his aforesaid Letter.
Third edition. Philadelphia: printed, South Carolina, Charleston.
Reprinted by Peter Timothy, 1741." (16mo. 8 pp.) There is nothing in
_Lovetruth's_ letters that is worthy of being quoted.

Whitefield then proceeds to notice all the passages in his sermons
to which the "Querists" objected, and adds:--

"And now, to convince you that I am not ashamed to own
my faults, I can inform you of other passages as justly
exceptionable. In my sermon on justification, I seem to assert
_universal redemption_, which I now absolutely deny. In my
'Almost Christian,' I talk of works _procuring_ us so high a
crown. In my sermon on 'the Marks of the New Birth,' I say,
'We shall endure to the end, _if we continue so_.' These,
and perhaps some other passages, though capable of a candid
interpretation, I now dislike; and, in the next edition of my
sermons, I propose to alter them. In the meanwhile, I shall be
thankful to any that will point out my errors; and I promise, by
Divine assistance, they shall have no reason to say that I am
one who hates to be reformed."

In 1739, there was published "An Abstract of the Life and Death
of Mr. Thomas Halyburton;" with a "Recommendatory Epistle" by
Whitefield, and a "Preface" of six pages by Wesley. In the
"Preface," Wesley introduced his doctrine of Christian perfection;
and, because Whitefield's "Recommendatory Epistle" stood in close
connection with Wesley's "Preface," the "Querists" suspected him of
holding Wesley's doctrine. In reference to this, Whitefield writes:--

"As for your insinuating that I countenance Mr. Wesley in his
errors, I do no such thing. I prefaced Halyburton's memoirs
before I saw what Mr. Wesley had written; and, since I have seen
it, have more than once said, 'If I had known what Mr. Wesley
had written, I would not have prefaced Halyburton at all.' I
have torn off that part of his preface from several of those
books which I have given away lately, and, by sundry letters,
have acquainted him in what, I think, in this particular, he
errs."

Whitefield then proceeds to deny the accusation that he was
an Antinomian, and refers to the objections of the "Querists"
concerning his favourable opinion of certain Quakers to whom he had
been introduced; after which he continues:--

"I am no friend to casting lots; but I believe, on extraordinary
occasions, when things can be determined no other way, God, if
appealed to, and waited on by prayer and fasting, will answer by
lot now, as well as formerly.

"Do not condemn me for preaching _extempore_, and for saying I
am helped _immediately_ in that exercise; when thousands can
prove, as well as myself, that it has been so. Neither should
you censure me as one that would lay aside reading. I am of
Bishop Sanderson's mind, 'Study without prayer, is atheism;
prayer without study, presumption.' Blame not me for the warmth
of some of my adherents, as you call them. One of your ministers
knows how sharply I rebuked one of them, for his warmth, at
Fagg's Manor. I am for loving as brethren, and wish all would
imitate the lowly Jesus; but I cannot discommend those, who,
in the spirit of meekness, exclaim against dry, sapless,
unconverted ministers. Such surely are the bane of the Christian
Church.

"Some of the latter part of your queries, for your own, and not
for my sake, I shall not mention. I hope I can say with more
sincerity than Hazael, 'Is your servant a dog, that he should do
what you suggest.' But I pray to God to forgive you. He knows
my heart. My one design is to bring poor souls to Jesus Christ.
I desire to avoid extremes, so as not to be a bigot on the one
hand, or confound order and decency on the other. And I could
heartily wish that the reverend Presbytery, when they advised
you to publish your queries, had also cautioned you against
dipping your pen in so much gall."

Whitefield's answer to the "Querists" might easily be criticised;
but, except as it reveals his principles and character, we are
inclined to let it pass.

When he left New York on November 3, he proceeded to Philadelphia,
which he reached five days afterwards. On the way, he preached at
Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge, New Brunswick, and Trenton. At
the first-mentioned place, his pulpit was a waggon; and, in his
congregation, a young man, in the greatest distress, begged him to
pray for his conversion; and a grey-headed one told him, that, by
his ministry, he had been brought out of darkness into light. Here
also he was met by Gilbert Tennent, and by Mr. Cross, the minister
of Baskinridge. Tennent told him of his glorious success in West
Jersey and in Maryland; and Cross rejoiced his soul by relating
"the great and wonderful things" he had recently witnessed in his
congregations at Baskinridge. At Newark, after he had preached, the
house, in which he lodged, was filled with young men, all weeping
for their sins. At Baskinridge, he had a crowd of three thousand
people. He writes:--

"In every part of the congregation, some one or other began to
cry out, and almost all were melted into tears. A little boy,
about eight years of age, wept as though his heart would break.
Mr. Cross took him up into the waggon, which so affected me,
that I broke from my discourse, and told the people that, since
old professors were not concerned, God, out of an infant's
mouth, was perfecting praise; and the little boy should preach
to them. After sermon, Mr. ---- gave notice of an evening
lecture in his barn. Mr. Gilbert Tennent preached first; and
I then began to pray, and gave an exhortation. In about six
minutes, one cried out, 'He is come, He is come!' and could
scarce sustain the manifestation of Jesus to his soul. The eager
crying of others, for the like favour, obliged me to stop; and I
prayed over them, as I saw their agonies and distress increase.
Most of the people spent the remainder of the night in prayer
and praises."

At New Brunswick, Whitefield received encouraging letters from
Savannah, and wrote: "I resolved to give up the Savannah living. A
parish and the Orphan House, which I must travel to provide for, as
well as to preach, are too much for me." Here, also, he and Gilbert
and William Tennent had prayer together, and arranged that Gilbert
should go and help to carry on the work of God at Boston. "We parted
in tears," says Whitefield; "but with a full assurance that we
should see and hear great things before we met again."

Before proceeding farther, extracts from Whitefield's letters must
be introduced. They were all written within two days after his
arrival at Philadelphia.

The following was addressed to the Honourable Jonathan Belcher,
Governor of New England, and refers to Gilbert Tennent's mission,
just mentioned:--

"I snatch a few moments to send your excellency my
acknowledgments for all the honours received at Boston; they
are much upon my heart. Great things hath the glorious Emmanuel
done for me and His people on the way here. The word has been
attended with much power. Surely our Lord intends to set America
in a flame. This week, Mr. Gilbert Tennent purposes to set out
for Boston, in order to blow up the fire lately kindled there.
I recommend him to your excellency as a solid, judicious, and
zealous minister of the Lord Jesus Christ. He will be ready to
preach daily. I suppose his brethren" (the Presbyterians) "will
readily open their doors. May the Lord, at the same time, open
the people's hearts, that they may diligently attend to the
things that shall be spoken!

"Dear sir, the welfare of your own soul lies upon me night
and day. I remember your tears; I remember your excellency's
words, 'Mr. Whitefield, pray that I may hunger and thirst after
righteousness.' O how did these words rejoice me! May God give
you to see and follow the simplicity of the blessed Jesus!
Whilst you are in the world, may you not be of it! May you be
dead to magnificence, and alive to nothing but what leads you
directly to your God! Honoured sir, I make no apology for this
freedom. Your excellency bid me not spare rulers; no, not the
chief of them. Indeed, I long after your salvation. O that I
could do anything to promote it!"

To another friend, Whitefield wrote:--

"I arrived at this place" (Philadelphia) "last Saturday
evening, having preached at Staten Island, Newark, Baskinridge,
New Brunswick, and Trenton, in my way hither from New York.
A wonderful presence of God was observable at New York,
Baskinridge, and Newark. I preached here twice yesterday, and
also to-day, in a large house built by the people since I was
here last. The Lord highly favours me. I am more sick, of
myself, and more in love with Christ daily. He is a dear, dear
Master. O that all would love Him with all their hearts!"

Writing to Howell Harris, Whitefield exultingly remarks:--

"My soul is knit to you. We both speak and think the same
things. Jesus manifests His glory daily in these parts. His
word is like fire. Last week I saw many struck down. Our Lord
is working upon little children. America, ere long, will be
famous for Christians. Surely the candlestick will shortly be
removed from England. Little did I think, when Mr. E---- J----
wrote, that I should preach in all the chief places of America;
but that is now done. Glory be to rich, free, sovereign grace!
Perhaps, about spring, I may embark for my native country. O
Wales, thou art dear to my soul! Expect another journal shortly;
but wait till we come to glory, fully to see and hear what God
has done for your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It was a mournful thing that almost the only one to whom Whitefield
wrote complaining letters was his old friend Wesley. The following,
though published elsewhere, is too interesting to be omitted.
It was written on Sunday, the day after Whitefield's arrival at
Philadelphia.

"_November 9, 1740._

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--I received yours, dated March 11, this
afternoon. O that we were of one mind! for I am yet persuaded
you greatly err. You have set a mark you will never arrive
at, till you come to glory. I think few enjoy such continued
manifestations of God's presence as I do, and have done for
some years; but I dare not pretend to say I shall be absolutely
perfect.[401] Oh, dear sir, many of God's children are grieved
at your principles. O that God may give you a sight of His free,
sovereign, electing love!

[401] Whitefield evidently misunderstood Wesley's doctrine of
Christian perfection. Wesley never contended for _absolute_
perfection.

"But no more of this. Why will you compel me to write thus? Why
will you dispute? I am willing to go with you to prison and to
death; but I am not willing to oppose you. My heart is now much
affected. Indeed, I love and honour you. Dear, dear sir, study
the covenant of grace, that you may be consistent with yourself.
I fancy I shall embark for England about spring; but am not
yet determined. God shews me His goodness plenteously every
day. I dwell in Christ, and Christ dwells in me. Glory be to
sovereign grace! I seem to have a new body, and the Lord Jesus
greatly enriches my soul. Oh! I am a poor sinner; but our Lord
frequently manifests Himself in such a manner, that it throws me
into an agony which my body is almost too weak to bear. Honoured
sir, adieu! Oh, build up, but do not lead into error, the souls
once committed to the charge of your affectionate, unworthy
brother and servant in the loving Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

We return to Whitefield's Journals. The young evangelist spent a
successful and happy week among his friends in Philadelphia. He
writes:--

"Sunday, November 9. Preached in the morning, to several
thousands, in a house built since my last departure from
Philadelphia. It is a hundred feet long, and seventy feet broad.
It was never preached in before. The roof is not yet up; but the
people raised a convenient pulpit, and boarded the bottom."[402]

[402] This is the house mentioned by Franklin. (See p. 377.) In the
1756 edition of his Journals, Whitefield says, "The house is now,
by consent, become an academy as well as preaching place; and, when
I was last at Philadelphia, I heard several youths speak in it so
oratorically as would have delighted even a Cicero or a Demosthenes"
(p. 428).

During the ensuing week, he preached in this roofless building twice
every day, except one morning, when there was so much snow within
the walls, that he was obliged to avail himself of a Presbyterian
meeting-house. On Sunday, November 16, after his morning and evening
sermons, he collected £150 sterling for his orphans; and, in the
afternoon, baptized, in the unconsecrated edifice, five adult women.
During his sojourn, he met Mr. Brockden, Recorder of Deeds, an
infidel, upwards of sixty years old, who had been converted by his
preaching, and who told him that now, "such were his communications
from God, he thought he could die a martyr for the truth." Another
of Whitefield's converts was a Captain H----l, formerly, says
Whitefield, "almost a scandal and reproach to human nature. He used
to swear to ease his stomach, and used to go on board the transport
ships, and offer a guinea for every new oath" that the sailors had
invented. "Now," writes Whitefield, "he is zealous for the truth,
and shews forth his faith by his works."

There cannot be a doubt that Whitefield's preaching in Philadelphia
was not only immensely popular, but also greatly blessed. He tells
us, that, almost every day many were convinced of sin; and that
several Societies had been formed, "not only of men and women, but
of little boys and little girls."

On Monday, November 17, he bid adieu to his Philadelphian
friends, and started for Savannah. On the way, he preached, as
usual, to assembled thousands, at Gloucester, Greenwich, Piles
Grove, Cohansie, Salem, Newcastle, Whiteclay Creek, Fagg's Manor,
Nottingham, Bohemia, St. George's, Reedy Island, and Charleston. He
arrived at Savannah on Saturday, December 13. He had been absent
from his parishioners eighteen weeks, had travelled about a thousand
miles, preached nearly two hundred times, and collected, in goods
and money, upwards of £700 sterling for his Orphanage.

The following extracts from his letters will, it is hoped, interest
the reader.

One of the places at which he preached, on his way to Georgia, was
the Moravian settlement, called Salem; and here he seems to have met
Peter Bohler. Hence the following to James Hutton, the distinguished
Moravian in London:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _November 24, 1740_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I rejoice to hear that you are
married.[403] I salute your wife and my sister in Christ. May
you love one another as Christ and His Church!

[403] In this same year 1740, Hutton went to Germany, where
the Brethren considered it necessary that he should marry, in
order that there might be a sister in London to attend to the
work of God among the females. Hutton bowed to this decision:
proposed to Louise Brandt, a native of French Switzerland; and
was married by Count Zinzendorf, at Marienborn, on July 3, 1740.
("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 56.)

"I have lately conversed closely with Peter Bohler. Alas! we
differ widely in many respects; therefore, to avoid disputations
and jealousies on both sides, it is best to carry on the work
of God apart. The divisions among the Brethren[404] sometimes
grieve, but do not surprise me. How can it be otherwise, when
teachers do not think and speak the same things? O how do I
long for heaven! Surely, there will be no divisions, no strife
_there_, except who shall sing with most affection to the Lamb
that sitteth upon the throne. Dear James, there I hope to meet
thee; for the dear Jesus, I believe, has locked thee fast in His
almighty arms. Lean thou on His sacred bosom night and day. Keep
close to Him, and be, what I long to be, a little child. My dear
brother, I should be glad to wash any of the Brethren's feet.
Indeed, I am now willing to be the servant of all. The more the
Lord honours me, the more I feel my unworthiness. Help me, dear
James, to praise my Saviour. A glorious church is rising in
America. The Lord mightily reveals His arm. It would please you
to see His stately steps in the great congregation. I only want
fellow-labourers.

[404] The allusion here is doubtless to the contentions at that
time existing among the Moravians in London.

"I desire you to print nothing against your conscience; only do
not immediately censure everything that may not seem clear to
you. Our Lord may guide me into things which as yet you may not
see into. The day of judgment will discover all. Adieu!

"Ever, ever yours in our blessed Emmanuel,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield made himself one with all who loved his
Master--Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Moravians, Baptists,
Independents, and even Quakers. "Give none offence," wrote the great
Apostle, "neither to the Jews, nor to the Gentiles, nor to the
Church of God. Even as I please all men in all things, not seeking
my own profit, but the profit of many, that they may be saved" (1
Cor. x. 32, 33).

The last paragraph in Whitefield's letter refers to the fact that
Hutton had been Whitefield's publisher. Whitefield now, however,
had become such a decided Calvinist, that Hutton's conscience began
to trouble him for printing and circulating doctrines which he
disbelieved; and when Whitefield returned to England, a few months
afterwards, one of the distresses awaiting him was Hutton's absolute
refusal to publish any of his writings. He was losing the services
of James Hutton on the ground of a difference in religious opinion;
but, at the same time, he was securing the services of Benjamin
Franklin, the printer and publisher at Philadelphia, to whom
religious opinions were of no great consequence. The following was
addressed to Franklin two days after the letter sent to Hutton:--

"REEDY ISLAND, _November 26, 1740_.

"DEAR MR. FRANKLIN,--I thank you for your letter. You may print
my life,[405] as you desire. God willing, I shall correct my
two volumes of Sermons,[406] and send them the very first
opportunity. Pray write to me by every ship that goes shortly to
Charleston.

[405] Doubtless the "Short Account of God's Dealings with the
Rev. Mr. George Whitefield, from his Infancy to the Time of his
Entering into Holy Orders," first published by James Hutton, in
1740.

[406] "Sermons on Various Subjects, in two volumes, by George
Whitefield. Printed for James Hutton, London, 1739."

"I shall embark for England, God willing, about February. I
desire I may hear from you there also, as often as possible. I
have prefaced '_Jenks_' and 'Presumptuous Sinners Detected.' Mr.
Bradford has the latter, because he said he was to print it. You
may have it of him. The 'Ornaments of the Daughter of Sion'[407]
you may have hereafter.

[407] All these were tracts by other writers.

"Dear sir, adieu! I do not despair of your seeing the
reasonableness of Christianity. Apply to God; be willing to do
the Divine will, and you shall know it. Oh! the love of God to
your unworthy friend,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Whitefield's tour through the British provinces of America had been
a triumphal progress; but, after all, his happiness was not unmixed.
He had come under the animadversion of certain ministers and members
of the Presbyterian Church. He was full of anxiety concerning the
"_stillness_" and contentions of the London Moravians. And, of
course, the doctrinal differences between him and his old friend
Wesley occasioned great disquietude. The following is another of the
letters that passed between them:--

"BOHEMIA, MARYLAND, _November 24, 1740_.

"DEAR AND HONOURED SIR,--O that there may be harmony, and very
intimate union between us! Yet it cannot be, since you hold
_universal redemption_. But no more of this. Perhaps, in the
spring, we may see each other face to face. This evening, I
propose to embark for Georgia. Wonderful things our Lord brings
to pass, in these parts, every day. Here is a close opposition
from some of the Presbyterian clergy. The seed of the serpent
is the same in all, of whatever communion. I expect much more
opposition every hour. The devil rages in London. He begins
now to triumph indeed. The children of God are disunited among
themselves. The King of the Church shall yet over-rule all
things for good. My dear brother, for Christ's sake, avoid all
disputation. Do not oblige me to preach against you; I had
rather die. Be gentle towards the" (Moravians?) "They will get
great advantage over you if they discover any irregular warmth
in your temper. I cannot for my soul unite with them.

"Honoured sir, adieu.
"Yours eternally in Christ Jesus,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Wesley shrunk from disputation as much as Whitefield did. It is
true, he had published his sermon entitled "Free Grace;" but it
contained no mention of the name of his friend Whitefield. Wesley
was ready to wage war with error, but not with his brother "George."
The last letter which Whitefield had received from Wesley was the
following:--

"LONDON, _August 9, 1740_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--I thank you for yours, May the 24th.[408] The
case is quite plain. There are bigots both for predestination
and against it. God is sending a message to those on either
side. But neither will receive it, unless from one of his own
opinion. Therefore, for a time, you are suffered to be of one
opinion, and I of another. But when His time is come, God will
do what man cannot--namely, make us both of one mind. Then
persecution will flame out, and it will be seen whether we count
our lives dear unto ourselves, so that we may finish our course
with joy.

"I am, my dearest brother, ever yours,
"JOHN WESLEY."

[408] See p. 389.

Whitefield's reply to this was dated "Bethesda in Georgia, December
24, 1740;" but more of this anon.

On his arrival in Georgia, Whitefield found his family removed, from
his "hired house" in Savannah, to his newly erected Orphanage at
Bethesda. He writes:--

"At my return, I found my orphan household removed from Savannah
to Bethesda, and great improvements made during the time of
my absence. The great house will be finished, God willing, in
about two months. It would have been finished by this time, if
the Spaniards had not taken a schooner laden with bricks and
other provisions to a considerable value; but God, about the
same time, stirred up the heart of a planter in South Carolina,
lately converted at the Orphan House, to send my family some
rice and bread. At other times, when they have wanted food, the
Indians have brought plenty of venison. My family now consists
of above eighty persons. Next year my expenses will be much
contracted; but at present I am in debt about £500 sterling.
However, I know in whom I have believed--One who is able to pay
it. My public accounts will be published as soon as I arrive in
London, with a prospect of the Orphan House and other little
houses and gardens annexed unto it."

Whitefield's "public accounts" were printed with the following
title: "An Account of the Money received and disbursed for the
Orphan House in Georgia. By George Whitefield, A.B., late of
Pembroke College, Oxford. London, 1741." (8vo. 45 pp.) The following
is taken from his own published narrative:--

"When I left England, I proposed to take in only twenty
children; but, when I arrived in Georgia, I found, besides the
orphans, so many objects of charity among the poor people's
children, that I resolved in this, as well as in all other
respects, to imitate Professor Francke, and make a provision for
_their_ maintenance also.

"Two of the boys were put out apprentices just before I left
Savannah, one to a bricklayer, another to a carpenter; a third
is to be bound to the surgeon belonging to the Orphan House; one
weaves in a loom at home; two I put to a tailor, whom I brought
over; and the rest are now fitting themselves to be useful to
the commonwealth. Whoever among them appear to be sanctified,
and have a good natural capacity, I intend, under God, for the
ministry.

"None of the girls are put out as yet, but are taught such
things as may make them serviceable whenever they go abroad.
Two or three of them spin very well. Some of them knit, wash,
and clean the house, and get up the linen, and are taught
housewifery. All capable are taught to sew; and the little
girls, as well as the boys, are employed in picking cotton. I
think I have no less than three hundred and eighty-two yards of
cloth already in the house, and as much yarn spun as will make
the same quantity.

"I have now forty-nine children under my care; twenty-three
English, ten Scots, four Dutch, five French, and seven
Americans. Twenty-two of these are fatherless and motherless,
sixteen boys and six girls. Of the others, some are fatherless,
and some without mothers; all objects of charity, except three,
whose friends recompense the Orphan House for their maintenance.
One of the orphans is an infant. I pay four shillings a week
for nursing it. Since December last, we have had eighteen more
children who have been maintained occasionally, to assist their
parents, and been dismissed when they were wanted at home.

"Though the children are taught to labour for the meat that
perisheth, yet they are continually reminded, to seek _first_
the kingdom of God and His righteousness, and then to depend
upon God's blessing on their honest endeavours for having
food and raiment added unto them. I intend, when the house is
finished, to have this precept of our Lord written over the
entrance at the great door.

"As my design in founding the Orphan House was to build up souls
for God, I endeavour to preach most of all to the children's
hearts. But that they may be able to give a reason of the hope
that is in them, I constantly instruct them out of the Church of
England's Articles, which I turn into catechetical questions. I
am often pleased to hear how judiciously some will answer the
questions put to them. The power of God has been frequently
visible among them. Many of the girls seem to be tender-hearted.
Several of the boys have been under strong convictions.

"We are now all removed to Bethesda. We live in the out-houses
at present; but, in less than two months, the great house
will be finished so as to receive the whole family. It is now
weather-boarded and shingled; and a piazza of ten feet wide is
built all around it, which will be wonderfully convenient in the
heat of summer. One part of the house would have been entirely
finished, had not the Spaniards lately taken from us a schooner
laden with ten thousand bricks, and a great deal of provision,
with one of our family. But, notwithstanding this and many other
hindrances, the work has been carried on with great success and
speed. There are no less than four framed houses, and a large
stable and cart-house, besides the great house. In that, there
will be sixteen commodious rooms, besides a large cellar of
sixty feet long and forty wide. Near twenty acres of land are
cleared round about it, and a large road made from Savannah to
the Orphan House, twelve miles in length--a thing not before
done since the province has been settled.

"None but those on the spot can tell the expense, as well as
inconveniency, that attends building in Georgia. Most of our
bricks cost forty shillings sterling per thousand, when landed
at the plantation. Common labourers, besides their provisions,
have twenty-five shillings sterling a month. We have often been
in difficulties; but the Lord has relieved us out of them. When
the schooner was lost, a person, lately converted, sent us
eleven barrels of rice, and five barrels of beef. And, in my
absence, when my family had little or no provisions, the Indians
brought in plenty of deer, till they were supplied with food
some other way. The contributions in Charleston, New England,
New York, and Pennsylvania have been extraordinary.

The Infirmary, which has likewise been supported by this
institution, has been of great service. The surgeon informs me,
that, if every one had been obliged to pay for their nursing
and medicine, it would have cost them £200 sterling. I have now
three or four sick. I keep a woman to attend them constantly.

"God has blessed our family with health. Only two have died
since my arrival; and those were two who came with me from
England,--the tailor, and one of the women.

"I have left behind me, as my assistants (who have no other
gratuity than food and raiment), two schoolmasters, and
their wives, who are schoolmistresses; one young man, as
superintendent and chief manager of the outward things; the
surgeon, and his wife; a shoemaker, and a spinster; besides
labourers and monthly-hired servants: I think, in all, I have
upwards of eighty. The Lord, I am persuaded, is able and willing
to provide for them.

"I think we have near two hundred hogs, and a hundred head of
cattle. I give a man £40 sterling per annum, to take care of
them. As yet, we have had no advantage from our stock, it being
a very dry season last summer; so that our cattle of all kinds
have scarce food to eat. But, in a year or two, we hope to have
a considerable quantity of fresh provisions for our family.

"As for manuring more land than the hired servants and great
boys can manage, I think it is impracticable without a few
negroes. It will in no wise answer the expense.

"I am now several hundreds of pounds in debt, on the
Orphan-house account. Some particular friends have been pleased
to assist me; and I doubt not but our Lord will enable me to
pay them, and also will raise up fresh subscriptions for the
maintenance of my large family.

"Great calumnies have been spread abroad concerning our
management of the children. People shoot out their bitter arrows
in America, as well as in England. One poor man was filled with
such resentment at the reports he had heard of our cruelty to
the children, that he came one day, out of South Carolina, to
take away two of his boys, which, out of compassion, I had taken
into the Orphan House; but when he came, and saw the manner
in which they were educated, he was so far from taking his
children away, that he desired to come and live at the Orphan
House himself. I speak not this by way of boasting, or to wipe
off reproach; for I know, let me do what I will, I shall never
please natural men.

"God only knows the concern that lies upon me on account of
this family, not only in respect to their bodily, but their
spiritual provision. I hope all who wish well to Zion will help
me with their prayers, as well as with their alms, that the
establishment may be rightly styled _Pietas Georgiensis_, and
that, like the _Pietas Hallensis_, it may become the joy of the
whole earth. Even so, Lord Jesus, Amen, and Amen.

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD.
"_Bethesda, December 23, 1740._"

On a small scale, comparatively, Whitefield was endeavouring to
imitate one of the most surprising institutions in Europe, the
orphanage of Professor Francke, at Halle, in Germany. The "plan
of elevation" of his "great house," as he calls it, is before us.
The building, with a high roof, and belfry at the top, and also a
colonnade all round about, consisted, first, of the large cellar
already mentioned, and also "Mr. Whitefield's kitchen." On the
ground floor, the entrance hall was a chapel; on the left was the
library, and behind it the "orphan's dining-room;" on the right,
"Mr. Whitefield's two parlours," with the staircase between them.
On the second and third floors were "Mr. Whitefield's study" and
"Mr. Whitefield's chamber;" the "manager's room;" two "bed-chambers"
for the boys; the same for the girls; and five other chambers for
general use. Behind the house was "Salt Water Creek," and at the
front were the "peach orchard" and the gardens. Extending right and
left, was the Orphan House estate, measuring five hundred acres, a
large portion of it covered with oaks, pines, and hickory trees;
a considerable portion consisting of swamps and marshes; and the
remainder marked "good rice land." Considering the scarcity of
labour, and the unfitness of Europeans for outdoor work in such a
climate, it is hardly surprising that Whitefield began to see it
would be "impracticable" to cultivate his land without the services
of "_a few negroes_."

Whitefield's "great house" was, in reality, an orphanage, an
infirmary, and a poor house all in one. Up to the present, it had
cost him £3,358 7s. 5-1/4d. Towards this amount, he had received,
in England and America, £2,530 2s. 9d.;[409] to which must be
added a large number of valuable gifts in kind, embracing horses,
hogs, sheep, geese, turkeys, and a cow; furniture, books, linen,
crockery, glass, bricks, nails, pewter spoons, and a cannon; rice,
butter, cheese, hams, sugar-loaves, coffee, tea, chocolate, pickles,
candles, beef, treacle, pease, and flour; and "a large folio
Turkey-leather Bible."

[409] See p. 349.

How did the young preacher regulate his large family? Fortunately,
this is a question which can be answered. From a pamphlet, entitled
"The Manner of the Children's spending their Time at the Orphan
House in Georgia," it appears, that the children had to rise every
morning at five o'clock, and that their first employment was to
spend a quarter of an hour in private prayer. At six, all the
family assembled in the chapel where a psalm was sung, and the
second lesson for the morning expounded by Whitefield; or, if he
were absent, in lieu of the exposition, the manager read Burkitt's
or Matthew Henry's notes. At seven, Ken's morning hymn was sung,
and extempore prayer offered. Between seven and eight, the children
had their breakfast; and, at intervals, sang hymns. From eight to
ten, they were employed at carding, spinning, picking cotton or
wool, sewing, and knitting. Some had to clean the house, others
to fetch water, and others to cut wool. Certain of the boys were
"placed under tailors, shoemakers, carpenters," etc. At ten, all
went to school, some to reading, and some to writing. At noon, all
of them dined in the same room together; "and between that and two
o'clock, every one was employed in something useful, but _no time_
was allowed for _idleness or play_, which are _Satan's darling hours
to tempt children to all manner of wickedness_, as lying, cursing,
swearing, and uncleanness; so that," continues the writer, "though
we are about seventy in family, we hear no more noise than if it
was a private house." From two to four, the children were again at
school; and from four to six, at work. At six, they had supper, and
singing. At seven, all the family assembled in the chapel, where a
service was held similar to that at six in the morning. At eight,
Whitefield catechised the children. At nine, they had some slight
refreshment, and prepared for bed, each child, in private, again
praying for a quarter of an hour. On Sundays, there were four public
services, and "all the family dined on cold meat." There was "but
one purse in the house, none having any other wages than food and
raiment convenient for them."

The Orphan House now really became Whitefield's parish. To watch
over it, and to provide for its necessities, furnished him with as
much work as he felt at liberty to undertake. He writes:--

"1740. Monday, December 29. Enjoyed a very comfortable
Christmas at Bethesda. One woman, I trust, received Christ in a
glorious manner; and several others were brought under strong
convictions. Having appointed Mr. Barber,[410] who came with
me from Rhode Island, to take care of the spiritual, and Mr.
Habersham to superintend the outward affairs of the Orphan
House, and settled all things to my satisfaction; and being
called by Providence, on various accounts, to return to England,
I, last night, took a sorrowful and affectionate leave of my
family, and this day went to Savannah to take leave there. In
the evening, I preached at Savannah, and took my final leave of
the people, it being inconsistent with my other affairs to act
as their pastor any longer. Another minister is not yet come,
but is expected daily. I gave the trustees notice, in January
last, of my design to give up the parsonage. Blessed be God! I
am now more free to go whithersoever the Lord shall be pleased
to call me. I yet hope well of Georgia, though, at present, it
is in a very declining and piteous state. It will flourish,
I believe, when settled upon a religious foundation. Glory
be to God! I leave behind me some who love the Lord Jesus in
sincerity."[411]

[410] The following account of Mr. Barber is extracted from a pious,
but unfriendly, writer, and must be taken _cum grano salis_:--When
Whitefield came to America, Barber "esteemed him a wonderfully holy
man," and believed he would "be an eminent promoter of a glorious
revival of vital religion through the whole land." Barber, at
once, set to work, "and spent about a week in going from house to
house through all the parish of Oyster-Ponds, solemnly warning the
people, and exhorting them to repent, for the kingdom of heaven
was at hand. And this he did as one _extraordinarily instructed_
and _commissioned_ for that purpose." He then went through all the
parishes of Southold, where Mr. Davenport was pastor; and, "as he
counted his mission somewhat like that of our Lord's disciples,
who were sent before Him into every city, whither He Himself would
come, he _took no money with him_, neither _change of apparel_,
nor _shoes_, but was shod with _boots_; and, as he passed along,
he publicly declared that he "_had laid aside all study_ and
_forethought_ of what he should deliver in his _public speeches_ to
the people, and depended wholly on the _immediate direction of the
Holy Ghost_." He next proceeded to _Oldmans_, where "he abode some
months, and led an inactive and idle life, till he was grown very
_fat_ and _ragged_, alleging, in his justification, that he had
received _no direction from the Spirit to remove thence_, and must
remain there so long as _the cloud abode upon the tabernacle_." At
length, "he went to Rhode Island to see Mr. Whitefield, and joined
himself to him." ("Seasonable Thoughts on the State of Religion in
New England." By Charles Chauncy, D.D., 1743, pp. 183-189.)

[411] Immediately after Whitefield's death, in 1770, a "Short
Sketch" of his character was published by an old friend, still
resident in Savannah, to the following effect: "Until within a few
years past, Mr. Whitefield has been constantly loaded with debt
on account of his Orphan House, although he was at the same time
traduced as a cheat, who, under the specious pretence of promoting a
charitable institution, was amassing great wealth to himself. When
he was the stated minister of this parish, the then inhabitants
of Savannah, and Highgate, and Hampstead, together with the
Saltzburghers of Ebenezer, and the people of Darien and Frederica,
all partook of his bounty to a very large amount, while he almost
denied himself the necessaries of life. He constantly performed
Divine service publicly very early every morning, and at the close
of the day every evening, when he always expounded part of the first
or second lesson. Every Sunday, he administered the holy communion,
and had public service four times during the day. His congregations
were very numerous; for, though there were many Dissenters in the
parish, there were few absenters. He also made it his daily practice
to visit in rotation from house to house, without any regard to
religious denominations or party distinctions." (_Gospel Magazine_,
1771, pp. 77-80.) There is nothing new in this, and yet it is
valuable as the testimony of a gentleman who was one of Whitefield's
parishioners at Savannah, and who says he was well acquainted with
Whitefield's proceedings.

No doubt, Georgia was in a "piteous state." The Spaniards of Florida
were harassing the province; and Oglethorpe was doing his utmost
to resist and punish them. To some extent, he had succeeded, but
certain malcontents, in Savannah, were as busy as the Spaniards in
endeavouring to ruin the colony. These men, under the leadership of
a Doctor Tailfer, formed themselves into a club, which met at the
house of one Jenkins, where they concocted the vilest machinations
against Oglethorpe. Their object was to reduce the colony into such
weakness and insignificance as to compel the trustees to gratify
their desires for slaves and spirituous liquors, so that they might
indulge to the extent of their wishes in idleness and dissipation.
Tailfer and Williamson--the successful rival of John Wesley--hoped,
by their agitation, to obtain a monopoly of the trade in negroes;
and, because they were disappointed in their expectation, resorted
to the most malicious and revengeful acts. To disturb the quiet
of Savannah, they instituted races _within_ the town, from the
gate of the Public Garden to the middle of Johnson's Square. They
hired the most miserable hacks, and, by drink, obtained riders to
contribute to their mischievous diversion;--the members of Tailfer's
club being the principal betting men. Besides this, they published
scurrilous pamphlets, one of which was sarcastically dedicated "To
his Excellency James Oglethorpe." The writer, in his address to
Oglethorpe, sneeringly remarks:--

"You have protected us from ourselves, by keeping all earthly
comforts from us. You have afforded us the opportunity of
arriving at the integrity of primitive times, by entailing a
more than primitive poverty upon us. The valuable virtue of
humanity is secured to us by your care to prevent our procuring,
or so much as seeing, any negroes (the only creatures proper
to improve the soil), lest our simplicity might mistake the
poor Africans for greater slaves than ourselves. And, that we
might fully receive the benefit of those wholesome austerities,
you have denied us the use of spirituous liquors, which might
at least divert our minds from the contemplation of our happy
circumstances."

From an early period, Tailfer had been turbulent, and his daily
employment had been to misrepresent the public measures, disperse
scandal, and incite discontent. At length, a short time before
Whitefield left, Tailfer's club was dissolved; and the doctor and
his crew migrated to Charleston.[412] "The fear of the Spaniards,"
says Stephens, "was what drove them away."

[412] "Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, pp. 265-276."

This account conveys an unfavourable idea of the state of
Whitefield's parish--a parish, however, to which he had devoted
but little service. Three years had elapsed since Whitefield had
first embarked for Savannah. Ever since, he had been the nominal
incumbent; and yet, during this whole period, he had spent only
twenty-nine weeks and two days in the province of Georgia; Savannah,
Frederica, Bethesda, and other places all included. Perhaps, if
the parson had been more with his people, the demagogues, Tailfer,
Williamson, and their gang, might have been less mischievous than
they were. At all events, the tie between Whitefield and Savannah
had been so slender, that there could be no great wrench when the
young incumbent relinquished his living.

Whitefield left Savannah on New Year's Day, 1741; and arrived
at Charleston on Sunday, January 4. Here he spent nearly the
next fortnight. He preached twice every day, besides expounding
in the evenings; and, as usual when at Charleston, he got into
trouble. A Mr. Hugh Bryan[413] had written a letter, "in which it
was hinted that the clergy break their canons." At the writer's
request, Whitefield revised the letter for the press. The letter
was published. Immediately Mr. Bryan was arrested; and, on being
questioned, confessed that Whitefield corrected the letter, and made
alterations in it. Upon this, on Saturday, January 11, a constable
came to Whitefield with a warrant addressed "To all and singular
the Constables of Charleston," to the following effect:--

"Whereas I have received information upon oath, that George
Whitefield, clerk, hath made and composed a false, malicious,
scandalous, and infamous libel against the clergy of this
province, in contempt of His Majesty and his laws, and against
the King's peace;

"These are, therefore, in His Majesty's name, to charge and
command you and each of you forthwith to apprehend the said
George Whitefield, and to bring him before me to answer the
premisses. Hereof fail not, at your peril. And for your so
doing, this shall be your and each of your sufficient warrant.

"Given under my hand and seal this 10th day of January, in the
fourteenth year of his Majesty's reign, Anno Domini, 1741.

"B---- W----."

[413] Not long after this, Hugh Bryan imagined himself to be a
prophet, and sent twenty closely written sheets, filled with his
predictions, to the Speaker of the South Carolina House of Assembly.
It was, also, rumoured that he was encamped in the wilderness, and
was gathering together all sorts of people--especially negroes;
and that he had procured firearms, for some secret and dangerous
purpose. Warrants were issued for his apprehension; but, before
they could be served, he discovered his delusion, confessed his
errors, and begged for pardon. The man was not traitorous, but mad.
In order to ascertain whether the "invisible spirit," with whom he
imagined he had held converse, was an angel or the devil, he nearly
drowned himself. A long account of the whole affair was ordered
to be printed by the House of Assembly, on March 3, 1742; and was
published in the Boston _Postboy_, of May 3, 1742.

On receiving such a formidably-worded document, Whitefield appeared
before the magisterial magnates, confessed that he had corrected Mr.
Bryan's letter for the press, and gave security to appear, by his
attorney, at the next general quarter sessions, "under the penalty
of £100 proclamation money."

This was on Saturday; and, as shewing that much of Whitefield's
pulpit eloquence was impromptu, it may be added, that, next morning,
he preached "upon Herod's sending the wise men to find out Christ,
under a pretence that he intended to come and _worship_ Him, when
in reality he intended to _kill_ Him." From this, Whitefield
"endeavoured to shew how dreadful it was to persecute under a
pretence of _religion_."

In the afternoon, the young preacher's text was more pointed still:
"They proclaimed a fast; and set Naboth on high among the people,
and there came in two men, children of Belial, and sat before him;
and the men of Belial witnessed against him, even against Naboth,
in the presence of the people, saying, Naboth did blaspheme God and
the king. Then they carried him forth out of the city, and stoned
him with stones, that he died" (1 Kings xxi. 12, 13). "My hearers,"
writes Whitefield, "as well as myself, made the application. It
was pretty close. I especially directed my discourse to men of
authority, and shewed them the heinous sin of abusing the power
which God hath put into their hands."

Whitefield was as much beloved by the populace of Charleston as he
was hated by its "authorities and powers." He writes:--

"January 16, Friday. Preached twice every day this week, and
expounded in the evening as usual. Congregations much increased
since Saturday night last; and I never received such generous
tokens of love from any people as from some in Charleston.
They so loaded me with sea-stores, that I sent many of them to
Savannah. Having now all things finished according to my mind, I
preached my farewell sermon last night, and spoke at the burial
of a Quaker woman, at the desire of her surviving friends. I
this day went on board the _Minerva_, Captain Meredith, in which
I took passage for myself and some others to England."

Whitefield arrived in England on the 11th of March following; but,
before attending him in his voyage, some other matters must be
noticed.

Nearly a year and a half had elapsed since his embarkation for
America. His time had been occupied to the utmost; and marvellous
had been the results of his evangelistic labours. The same may be
said of his friends, John and Charles Wesley. Charles had been in
Whitefield's native county, preaching, in the fields, to assembled
thousands. In Bristol and Kingswood, enormous crowds had attended
his ministry, and great numbers had been converted. Often did he
meet with persons who had been convinced of sin by Whitefield's
preaching; and sincerely he rejoiced on account of his friend's
success. He had visited the native place of William Seward, and
had been treated by some of the Seward family with the greatest
incivility. In London he had preached, not only in the Foundery,
but, on Kennington Common, and in other places where Whitefield had
been wont to lift up his trumpet voice. He had had to fight the
Moravians, or rather their errors; and had been honestly assisted
by Benjamin Ingham and Howell Harris; but of "Rabbi Hutton," as
he calls Whitefield's publisher, he says: "Poor James was all
tergiversation. O how unlike himself! The honest, plain, undesigning
Jacob is now turned a subtle, close, ambiguous Loyola."

John Wesley had converted the old Foundery, in London, into a
Methodist meeting-house. He and Philip Henry Molther had had a
passage at arms. Many of the Moravians considered him an apostate;
but others followed him from Fetter Lane to the now ecclesiastical
Foundery, where, on July 23, 1740, he formed them into the first
Methodist Society in London. In Bristol and Kingswood, he had
witnessed strange things, amply narrated in his "Journals," and
in his "Life and Times." The interval which had elapsed since
Whitefield embarked for America, had been a time of warfare and of
trial; but it had also been a time of triumph. Wesley had laid the
foundation of the great Methodist communities now existing; but what
of Whitefield?

"It is a remarkable fact, that, considering the sparseness of
the American population, the crowds attending Whitefield's
preaching were, perhaps, unparalleled in the history of the
Church of Christ. There is also another important fact which
it would be obstinacy to call in question, namely, that among
the Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists of America,
Whitefield's ministry had been immensely useful; and, further,
that, from the outside multitudes, he had gathered not a few
into the fold of Christ. But, notwithstanding his marvellous
popularity and success, Whitefield formed no societies of his
own in America. He was not there, as the founder of a sect.
God seems to have sent him, not to plant new churches; but, by
preaching the gospel, to revive old ones. For the former, he had
no tact; for the latter, his qualifications were extraordinary.
He formed no churches of his own; and yet his Herculean labours
were far from being lost. The labours of no one man, save those
of Wesley alone, (and even those only indirectly,) have exerted
so mighty an influence upon the religious interests and destiny
of America, as those of George Whitefield."

Dr. Abel Stevens, whose knowledge of American Church history is,
perhaps, unequalled, observes:--

"The Congregational Churches of New England, the Presbyterians
and Baptists of the Middle States, and the mixed colonies of
the South, owe their later religious life and energy mostly to
the impulse given by Whitefield's powerful ministrations. The
'great awakening' under Edwards had not only subsided before
Whitefield's arrival, but had reacted. Whitefield restored
it; and the New England Churches received under his labours
an inspiration of zeal and energy which has never died out.
He extended the revival from the Congregational Churches
of the Eastern to the Presbyterian Churches of the Middle
States. In Pennsylvania and New Jersey, where Frelinghuysen,
Blair, Rowland, and the two Tennents had been labouring with
evangelical zeal, he was received as a prophet from God; and
it was then that the Presbyterian Church took that attitude
of evangelical power and aggression which has ever since
characterised it. Whitefield's preaching, and especially the
reading of his printed sermons in Virginia, led to the founding
of the Presbyterian Church in that State, whence it has extended
to the South and South-west. The stock, from which the Baptists
of Virginia and those in all the south and south-west have
sprung, was also Whitefieldian. And, though Whitefield did not
organise the results of his labours, he prepared the way for
Wesley's itinerants. When he descended into his American grave,
they were already on his track. They came not only to labour,
but to organise their labours; to reproduce, amid the peculiar
moral necessities of the new world, both the spirit and method
of the great movement as it had been organised by Wesley in the
old."[414]

[414] "History of Methodist Episcopal Church."

Excepting the legal proceedings taken against him at Charleston,
Mr. Garden's letters, and the not ill-tempered animadversions of
the "Querists" in Philadelphia, Whitefield had encountered no
opposition in America worth mentioning; but, in England, he was
still "an astonishment, a proverb, and a byword," to his enemies.
Among the numerous pamphlets and other publications, in which he was
more or less criticised and abused, the following may be mentioned.
His unwise letter against Archbishop Tillotson gave birth to "The
Sentiments of Archbishops Tillotson and Sharp on Regeneration; and
of Bishop Moor, etc., on Justification by Faith only. Recommended
to the perusal of the more serious and considerate Followers of
Mr. Whitefield. With a Preface, wherein is represented the evil
tendencies of his Principles and Conduct, both to Civil Society and
the Christian Religion. By a Friend of True Religion." (8vo. 47 pp.)

The sting of this pamphlet is in its preface, of fourteen pages;
which begins by stating, that, the social duties of man cannot "be
reconciled with such daily fasting, praying, frequent preaching, and
strict austerities of life as our _modern religious_, the sanctified
Mr. Whitefield and his proselytes, seem to practise themselves and
recommend to others. As God thought proper to appoint but one day
in seven to be dedicated to His own more immediate service, how
presumptuous is it for any one to alter the rule and order of God,
by taking from their labour the industrious two or three hours in
a day (perhaps more) to attend on prayer and preaching! It would
be well if this _modern religious_, this person of great sanctity
and more peculiar holiness, would seriously consider how much his
diurnal aerial preaching, and _new method_ of recommending practical
religion, tend to injure public society and private families; to
destroy trade and commerce; to occasion riot and drunkenness,
lewdness and extravagance, by interrupting the hand of the diligent
and industrious; and, instead of promoting true religion, sincere
and unaffected piety, by recommending severe austerities, scrupulous
niceties, and erroneous notions, to drive some to despair, and to
deter others from embracing the religion of our blessed Saviour."

After quoting from Whitefield's autobiography, the writer proceeds
to say, "What a mixture is here of enthusiasm and presumptuous
self-arrogance! What strange doctrine does this babbler teach!
What an encouragement does he give to Deists to persevere in
their infidelity, and to reject that gospel of Christ, which this
wonderfully illuminated, this _would-be-thought_ divinely inspired
teacher, pretends to recommend! His arrogancy and monstrous
presumption appear in aspersing the memory of our immortal
Tillotson; but Tillotson's name will be venerable to all, for
piety, good sense, and learning, and will remain so to the latest
posterity, when this _upstart_ will be buried in oblivion, or will
be only remembered as a vain and arrogant person." The author
concludes with choice aspersions like the following:--"Pragmatical
teacher;" "puerile declaimer, intoxicated with spiritual pride;"
"ostentatious and vain-glorious;" and "so full of his own sagacity
as to be past conviction."

Whitefield's letter against Archbishop Tillotson was only one of his
imprudent productions. His "Letter to a Friend in London, shewing
the fundamental Error of a Book, entitled 'The Whole Duty of Man,'"
occasioned the publication of the following:--"A modest and serious
Defence of the Author of 'The Whole Duty of Man,' from the False
Charges and gross Misrepresentations of Mr. Whitefield and the
Methodists his Adherents. By a Presbyter of the Church of England.
London, 1740." (8vo. 44 pp.)

Want of space renders it impossible to enter into the theological
discussion. Suffice it to say, that "Presbyter" writes with great
ability; but occasionally there is a passage which is uncharitable
and unjust. The following is the concluding paragraph:--

"Our Saviour tells us, that every tree is known by its fruit;
and what are the fruits of the Spirit? Not vain and confident
boasting; not rash, uncharitable censures, damning all that do
not feel what they feel; not gathering tumultuous assemblies,
to the disturbance of the public peace, or the prejudice of
families; not denying man the use of God's creatures, which He
hath appointed to be received with thanksgiving; not setting
at nought all rule and authority, nor intruding into other
men's labours; not encouraging abstinence, prayer, or any
other religious exercises, to the neglect of the duties of our
station. Not these, nor any such disorderly doings, however
coloured with a specious show of piety, are the fruits of the
Spirit; but love, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness,
meekness. God is not the author of confusion, but of peace and
of a sound mind; and, whenever you observe contrary effects in
those who pretend to more than common gifts, you may be very
certain, that, whatever spirit else they are led by, they are
not led by the Spirit of God."

Whitefield's Letters against Tillotson and "The Whole Duty of
Man" called forth another pamphlet, of sixteen pages, entitled,
"A curious Letter, from a Gentleman to Mr. Whitefield, wherein he
proves that Mr. Whitefield knows much less of Christianity than
either Archbishop Tillotson or the Author of 'The Whole Duty of
Man:' With Remarks by Aquila Smyth, Layman of the Church of England."

Mr. Smyth is too abusive to be respected. He says Whitefield had
written and published his two letters, "in the gall of bitterness,
in the spirit of pride, malice, and envy; and had depreciated the
most valuable works of other men on purpose to aggrandise himself,
and gain credit and reputation to his own weak, nay, impudent, nay,
wicked performances."

The following is the last sentence of Mr. Smyth's pamphlet:--

"Who but a set of mad and frantic minds, would ever have
deserted a Church, where all the necessaries to salvation are
so constantly preached and practised, for the sake of following
some fiery zealots, who have withdrawn themselves from the
communion of the Church of England, more for want of her
preferments, than her want of the principles and practices of
Christianity?"

One of the most virulent pamphlets, published against Whitefield in
1740, bore the following title: "The true Spirit of the Methodists,
and their Allies fully laid open." (8vo. 98 pp.) The pamphlet is
an over-heated defence of Dr. Trapp, but the writer also takes the
opportunity of abusing the Methodists in general, and Whitefield
in particular. A _few_ of the sentences and passages in which
Whitefield is personally attacked are as follows:--

"In a confused huddle of stuff, he (Whitefield) abuses Dr.
Trapp." "What he says about the beast with seven heads coming
out of the sea, and Solomon's seven abominations in the heart,
is perfect _Quakerism_, enthusiastic madness and malice." "This
is some of Whitefield's nonsensical and malicious jargon." "What
can one say more to this notorious slanderer, and liar, who says
just what he pleases to abuse the clergy with all the malice
of hell, without alleging the least appearance of one single
proof?" "Whitefield's cant and nonsense again!" "He concludes
with his ungodly jumble of _railing_ and _praying_." "He is
both impious and ignorant; and his labours tend not to the
salvation, but to the damnation of souls." "All the world knows
the pride, impudence, and insolence of Whitefield." "Whitefield
has, within these three years, gathered more money than one of
the generality of the clergy receives, from his preferment, in
twenty."

Another publication must be noticed, "The Trial of Mr. Whitefield's
Spirit. In some Remarks upon his Fourth Journal. London, 1740."
(8vo. 55 pp.) This is a cleverly written pamphlet; and, from
the author's standpoint, not particularly unfair. No doubt, it
is scathing; but that, perhaps, arises from the faultiness of
Whitefield's published Journals. The writer declares, that, he has
never seen Whitefield, and has no ill-will towards him. Indeed,
he had been "rather prejudiced in his favour; and, at his first
appearance, he had thought, his diligence in his ministry was
truly commendable." By reading his Journals, however, his now
anonymous censor had become "convinced that he was actuated by a
high degree of enthusiasm, which had prompted him to say many things
inconsiderate, uncharitable, and even blasphemous."

A few extracts from this able pamphlet must suffice.

"Mr. Whitefield is more positive, more contemptuous, and fierce
in his expressions [in his fourth Journal] than heretofore: More
assuming and bold in applying to himself what can never belong
to any one but the Son of God: And his censures of persons,
_civil_ and _sacred_, who do not _confess and own him_, as
he daringly expresses it, are opprobrious and unchristian in a
higher degree than in the former Journals."

"Such affected expressions as these sufficiently mark out the
disposition of this man's heart--a solicitude about what the
crowd thinks or says of his preaching, a self-satisfaction and
complacence in his own performances, with an impotence of mind
unable to conceal its pleasure, when at any time it fancies it
has performed beyond the common degree of its abilities."

"The conduct of this gentleman, in publishing the daily
occurrences of his life, is without example, and unjustified
by any precedent among the saints of God. As the Holy Spirit
Himself, in recording even the life of the blessed Jesus, has
comprised it in a very short and compendious narrative, and
observed a surprising modesty and reserve (if we may so express
it) in giving us the account of His deeds and doctrines; it
must infallibly follow that Mr. Whitefield's pompous history
of his ministry, and of the smallest circumstances relating to
his affairs, can never proceed from the same Spirit, which has
recorded with so sparing a hand the memorials of the Author and
Finisher of our salvation."

"The Holy Spirit has nowhere in Scripture been pleased to be so
particular as these modern casuists in marking out precisely
what exercise, amusement, or diversion is criminal. It is only
Mr. Whitefield and his brotherhood, who denounce damnation to
men on their appearing at a horse-race, a ball, or an assembly;
whither persons, who live in a habit of virtue, and keep their
passions under due subjection, may no doubt as safely go, as to
any other places of public resort. And even these gentlemen may
possibly be conscious to themselves, that _their_ unrestrained
resort to their _women-societies_ may subject them to the same
sorts of hazards and trials, that are supposed to beset people
at balls and assemblies."

In addition to these publications, another must be noticed,
the vilest of the vile, and, in many places, so polluted, that
it would be a crime to quote it, "The Expounder Expounded; or,
Annotations upon that incomparable piece, entitled, A Short Account
of God's Dealings with the Rev. Mr. G----e W----f----d. By R----ph
J----ps----n, of the Inner Temple, Esq. London, 1740." (8vo. 85
pp.) For the sake of decency, the mere mentioning of this filthy,
obscenely jocular, and blasphemous publication must suffice.

To all these must be added the _Weekly Miscellany_, which continued
to entertain its readers with leading articles, denouncing
Whitefield, and full of Mr. Hooker's characteristic banter.

To be pelted with such paper pellets was far from pleasant; but it
was inevitable. No man can attain to Whitefield's notoriety without
being criticised, by both friends and foes. It is a tax which man
must pay for being popular. Besides, it cannot be denied, that,
_some_ of Whitefield's castigations were not altogether unmerited.

In the midst of all this abuse, however, an encomium was published,
which, as an extremely rare curiosity, may fitly close the present
chapter. This was a curious, but not ill-executed engraving, with
the title, "The Parallel Reformers; or, the Renowned Wickliff and
the Reverend Mr. Whitefield compared; shewing, by many parallel
instances, the great resemblance between the pious Divines in
respect of Christian zeal and fortitude. Improved from some curious
observations lately published at Boston, in New England, and
reprinted at London: Whereunto are added their Effigies curiously
engraved."

Nothing need be said respecting the "effigies," except that, under
Whitefield's, there is the following:

"Champion of God, thy Lord proclaim,
Jesus alone resolve to know;
Tread down thy foes in Jesu's name:
Go--conqu'ring and to conquer go.

"CHARLES WESLEY."

Mr. Lewis's outline of Wickliff's history need not be given; but the
following (especially Mr. Nixon's prophecy) is too curious to be
omitted:--

"There has scarce anything appeared, says our New England
author, in these last ages of the Church, more remarkable than
the conduct and character of this wonderful young minister,
Mr. Whitefield. Were he to escape persecution, he would want
one evidence of his Divine mission, one badge of a disciple of
Christ. Our author leaves it to others to determine whether
what Mr. Fox says of Wickliff can with equal justice be said
of Mr. Whitefield, namely, 'That even as the morning star in
the midst of a cloud, and as the moon at the full, and as the
bright beams of the sun, so doth this man shine and glitter in
the temple and church of God.' But this he is sure of, that
there is a vast resemblance between the men. For, both were
born in the same country; both educated in the same university;
both ministers in the same Church of England; both champions
for the same faith, even that faith that was at first delivered
to the saints. Wickliff and his followers, (as Bishop Burnet
affirms,) in those early days, like Mr. Whitefield and his
followers in our own time, preached not only in churches, but
also in the open fields, churchyards, and markets, without
license from the Ordinary, etc.; the one a glorious reformer
of the Church from Popery, the other an illustrious restorer
of the doctrines of the Reformation; the one labouring to
reduce the Church to that purity which she attained 200 years
after him, the other endeavouring to revive those truths
which she universally embraced almost 200 years before him:
both men of like zeal, both treated in the same manner. Mr.
Whitefield preaches against, and laments the degeneracy of,
our modern divines, with respect to the doctrines of original
sin, free-will, justification of man, of good works, of the
new birth or regeneration, of works before justification, of
predestination, and election, etc. He militates against moral
preachers and their doctrines, as well as against the immorality
of men's lives. Mr. Wickliff, on the other hand, opposed the
absurd doctrines, visions, lives, and insolent behaviour of
the clergy. He, like his great Master, inculcated the morality
of the gospel, and the study of the Holy Scriptures, instead
of preaching for doctrines the commandments of men. Some of
his peculiar doctrines are said to be these; viz., He not
only denied the Pope's supremacy, but was against any persons
assuming the title and authority of being the _Head of the
Church_, asserting that it is blasphemy to call any one _Head
of the Church_ save Christ alone. He condemned Episcopacy, as
being a creature of princes' setting up; for he asserted that,
in the time of the apostles, there were only two orders, viz.,
priests and deacons, and that a bishop doth not differ from a
priest. He was for having ministers maintained by the voluntary
contributions of the people, and not by tythes settled on them
by law, saying that tythes are pure alms, and that pastors are
not to exact them by ecclesiastical censures. He was not for
giving the Church a _power to decree Rites and Ceremonies_, and
to _determine Controversies of Faith_. For, it is said, that,
he slighted the authority of General Councils, and affirmed
that wise men leave that as impertinent, which is not plainly
expressed in Scripture. He was also against prescribed Forms of
Prayer, but especially against imposing of them. Nay, further,
it is affirmed to be a doctrine of Mr. Wickliff, that baptism
doth not confer, but only signify, grace, which was given
before. And he calls those fools and presumptuous, who affirm
such infants cannot be saved who die without baptism.

"There are not a few who think the following prophecy of _Nixon_
(being as yet, it is supposed, unfulfilled) has a respect to the
Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ and his followers, and that it will have
its accomplishment in the Christian people called Methodists:--

"_A young new set of men, of virtuous manners, shall come, who
shall prosper, and make a flourishing Church for two hundred
years._"

Among the countless Methodist broad-sheets, issued in the days of
Whitefield and the Wesleys, there are none more curious than this of
J. Lewis, of Bartholomew Close, London.

_WHITEFIELD'S RETURN TO ENGLAND IN 1741._

MARCH TO JULY, 1741.

Whitefield embarked at Charleston on the 16th of January, 1741, and
landed at Falmouth on March 11. His time on board was principally
occupied in composing sermons, and in writing letters, chiefly to
the friends whom he had left behind him. A few extracts will be
useful.

To the Rev. Mr. Cooper, at Boston, he wrote:--

"Last Saturday" (January 10) "I was taken up, for being
concerned in correcting the enclosed printed letter, written by
Mr. Hugh Bryan.[415] I am bound over to appear next sessions, as
well as Mr. Bryan: he, I believe, for libelling the king, and I
for libelling the clergy, in saying they break the canons daily.
These are earnests of what I must expect to meet in my native
country; but our Lord will be our refuge in every storm. I
expect my family will be like the burning bush. I find, I am in
debt for them upwards of £600; but the Lord will provide. I wish
to sink exceeding low, and cry out, 'Grace! grace! O the love of
God! the sovereignty of Christ! the unchangeable loving-kindness
of our heavenly Father!' Excuse me, dear Mr. Cooper; my heart
is full. I want all men to love the Lord Jesus. It greatly
rejoices me, to hear so many are coming to Him. I cannot but
think that He will let His Word run, and be abundantly glorified
in America. Boston people are much upon my heart. The memory of
their forefathers is precious to me. May you live to see the
spirit of scriptural _Puritanism_ universally prevail! I hope
you will write every opportunity. If I am in prison, to hear
that Boston people are alive to Christ will make me arise at
midnight to sing praises to God."

[415] Whitefield speaks of Mr. Bryan as "a wealthy, moral, civilised
planter, of South Carolina."

To another friend, he wrote as follows:--

"_February 8, 1741._

"I expect to suffer great things. The Lord, however, is able
to deliver me out of all. I have just now had His Divine
assistance in composing a sermon. This is the sixth which I
have finished since I have been on board. O my dear brother,
love a precious Christ, and shew it by adorning His gospel in
all things. He has highly favoured you. If you and I think
anything too much to be done for Him, we are of all men the most
ungrateful. O the love of Christ! I feel it--I feel it. Write to
me. If in prison, my friends will bring the letter to me there.
God will hear me for you, even in a dungeon."

To a minister at Charleston, he wrote:--

"_February 17, 1741._

"I have been enabled to prepare nine discourses for the press.
My body waxes stronger; and, last night, the great God, in a
glorious manner, filled and overshadowed my soul. I am panting
for the complete holiness of Jesus my Lord. At the receipt of
this, turn your prayers into praises, and then turn your praises
into prayers, in behalf of your affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The following was addressed to Mr. Jonathan Barber, whom he had
left at Bethesda, to officiate as a sort of chaplain, during his
absence:--

"_February 17, 1741._

"We have hitherto had scarce any contrary winds, and are now
near the Western Isles. We had one storm the first week, but
almost ever since have been favoured with weather, as well as
wind. O that you would call the family together, and praise the
Lord for the mercies conferred on us, the unworthiest of the
sons of men! I long to hear what the Lord has done for your
souls. Do you live in love? Do you strive together with me in
your prayers? Does Bethesda answer its name? Is it, indeed, a
house of mercy? I hope to have these questions answered in the
affirmative."

Strangely enough, though Whitefield was in debt, and was constantly
speaking as though he was about to be sent to prison, he was, at the
same time, contemplating marriage. Hence the following to a friend
at Charleston:--

"_February 17, 1741._

"My soul is in a heavenly frame, swallowed up in God. It is
almost too big to speak. I will give it vent by writing to you.
Our Master has shewn me several tokens for good, which I desired
of Him in secret prayer. Last night, I think I received as full
satisfaction as I could desire, in respect to _my marriage_. I
believe what I have done is of God; though I know not when my
heart was more disengaged from earthly thoughts than now. I only
desire that Jesus may be glorified in me, whether it be by life
or by death."

To Mr. James Habersham, Whitefield's overseer at Bethesda, he wrote
as follows:--

"_February 18, 1741._

"Yesterday we humbled ourselves[416] before God, and, by prayer
and fasting, sought for a blessing, and direction in all our
affairs. I wish I had kept family fasts at Savannah. Suppose
you had one monthly at Bethesda? I shall make all possible
haste back, and remit money to you as often as I can. I am
persuaded, God will not let you want. I would not have anything
left undone, that is necessary for the family's comfortable
subsistence. The Lord is our shepherd; therefore, we shall not
want. My dear friend, let us study to be holy, even as Christ is
holy. Let these be your daily questions, 'Am I more like Christ?
Am I more meek and patient? Does my practice correspond with my
knowledge? and am I a light to enlighten and inflame all that
are around me?'"

[416] Whitefield had companions in his voyage to England.

The Rev. Ralph Erskine and his friends occupied a position in
Scotland, similar to that occupied by the Wesleys and by Whitefield
in England. Up to the present, Whitefield and Erskine had never met;
but they had exchanged letters. Some of these have been already
given. The following is another:--

"ON BOARD THE 'MINERVA,' _February 16, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR SIR,--You and your brethren are dearer
to me than ever. Your 'Sonnets and Sermons' have been blessed
to me and many. The former are reprinted in America. I want
all your own and your brother's works. Since I have been on
board, I have been much helped by reading the 'Marrow of Modern
Divinity.' I have just perused 'Boston on the Covenant;' and,
this morning, have been solacing myself with your 'Paraphrase
upon Solomon's Song.' Blessed be our Lord, for helping you in
that composition!

"Thanks be to rich and sovereign grace! I have experienced
much of the Spirit's influences in making nine sermons, which
I intend to print by subscription towards carrying on a Negro
School, I am going to settle in Pennsylvania. The price of them
bound will be four shillings. If you or your friends would
take a few, it might be for the glory of God. My Journal,
which I bring over, will acquaint you how the work of God goes
on abroad.[417] Indeed, it is wonderful. The Orphan House
has succeeded far beyond expectation. I will send you the
particulars as soon as I print my 'Account.'

[417] This was published soon after his return to England. The
title was, "A Continuation of the Rev. Mr. Whitefield's Journal,
from a few days after his Return to Georgia, to his Arrival at
Falmouth, on the 11th of March, 1741: Containing an Account of
the Work of God in Georgia, Rhode Island, New England, New York,
Pennsylvania, and South Carolina. The Seventh Journal. London:
printed for W. Strahan, 1741." (8vo. 85 pp.)

"I am now going to England, expecting to suffer great things.
I hear, there are sad divisions and errors sprung up among the
brethren. In the spirit of meekness I have answered dear Mr.
Wesley's sermon, entitled 'Free Grace;' and trust God will
enable me to bear a full and explicit testimony to all His
eternal truths.

"I believe it is my duty to marry. You will help me with your
prayers in this, as in all other respects. You see, dear sir,
how freely I open my heart to you, though I have never seen you
face to face. If it be the will of God, I shall be glad to come
into your parts before I leave England; but I fear my speedy
return to America will not permit me. I purpose to embark again
in the latter end of July or the beginning of August.

"I hope my love will find acceptance with your dear brother, and
all the Associate Presbytery. My prayers always attend them. I
should be glad to sit at their feet, and be taught the way of
God more perfectly. Excuse this long letter. You are very dear
to your unworthy friend, brother, and servant in the blessed
Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[418]

[418] Life and diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine, p. 320.

Every chapter of Church history amply illustrates the Divine
utterance, "My thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your
ways my ways, saith the Lord." Whitefield intended to re-embark for
America in four months; but forty months elapsed before he again set
sail. Great events occurred during this large section of his life;
and, of these, not the least important was his visit to Ralph and
Ebenezer Erskine. But more of this anon.

In the foregoing letter, Whitefield mentions his having written
an answer to Wesley's sermon on "Free Grace." The two loving
friends were now at variance. This painful episode in the lives of
Whitefield and Wesley must be briefly noticed.

Soon after Whitefield embarked for America, in August, 1739, Wesley
published the following:--"Free Grace: a Sermon preached at Bristol.
By John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. Bristol:
printed by S. and F. Farley, 1739." (pp. 35.) "Wesley's sermon on
'Free Grace,'" says the late Rev. Thomas Jackson, "is the most
powerful and impassioned of all his compositions." The Calvinistic
doctrine of election, involving, as Wesley contends, the doctrine
of reprobation, is condemned in the strongest terms. Wesley, with
his accustomed conciseness, puts the matter thus: "Call it by
whatever name you please, 'election, preterition, predestination,
or reprobation,' it comes in the end to the same thing. The sense
of all is plainly this,--by virtue of an eternal, unchangeable,
irresistible decree of God, one part of mankind are infallibly
saved, and the rest infallibly damned; it being impossible that any
of the former should be damned, or that any of the latter should be
saved." Wesley states his objections to such a doctrine; and, it
is not too much to say, that his objections are unanswerable. His
publication of this famous sermon was not an act of wantonness. In
a brief address to the reader, he says, "Nothing but the strongest
conviction, not only of what is here advanced as 'the truth as it is
in Jesus,' but also that I am indispensably obliged to declare this
truth to all the world, could have induced me openly to oppose the
sentiments of those whom I esteem for their works' sake; at whose
feet, may I be found in the day of the Lord Jesus!"

This was written and published in 1739. Dr. Whitehead says, Wesley
sent a copy of his sermon "to Commissary Garden, at Charleston,
where Mr. Whitefield met with it; and though the subject of
predestination was treated in that sermon, in a general way, without
naming or pointing at any individual, yet Mr. Whitefield found
himself hurt, that Mr. Wesley should publicly oppose an opinion
which he believed to be agreeable to the word of God."[419]

[419] Whitehead's "Life of Wesley," vol. ii., p. 133.

This, however, was not the only thing which gave offence. In 1740,
appeared the following: "Hymns and Sacred Poems. Published by
John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and Charles
Wesley, M.A., Student of Christ Church, Oxford. London: printed by
W. Strahan; and sold by James Hutton, 1740." (12mo, 207 pp.) To
these "Hymns and Sacred Poems," Wesley prefixed a preface of eleven
pages, in which he taught and enforced his doctrine of Christian
perfection. That doctrine he never set higher than in this memorable
preface; indeed, in after life, he wished to modify some of its
strong assertions. The reader has already seen, in the extracts
from letters already given, that, Whitefield was as strongly opposed
to the views of Wesley on this subject, as he was to Wesley's
opinions on predestination. But more than this: Wesley's "Hymns and
Sacred Poems" contained certain hymns on "Universal Redemption,"
one of which, consisting of thirty-six stanzas, had been affixed to
Wesley's sermon on "Free Grace." The hymn was written by Charles
Wesley, and includes the following verses:--

"_For every man He tasted death,
He suffer'd once for all_;
He calls as many souls as breathe,
And all _may_ hear the call.

A power to choose, a will to obey,
Freely His grace _restores_;
We all _may_ find the living way,
And call the Saviour ours.

When God invites, shall man repel?
Shall man the exception make?
'Come, freely come, _whoever will_,
And living water take.'

Thou canst not mock the sons of men;
Invite us to draw nigh,
Offer Thy grace to all, and then
Thy grace to most deny!

Horror to think that God is hate!
Fury in God can dwell!
God could a helpless world create,
To thrust them into hell!

Down there an endless death to die,
From which they could not flee:--
No, Lord! Thine inmost bowels cry
Against the dire decree!"

Charles Wesley's strongly worded verses offended Whitefield. They
exhibited his favourite doctrine in a repulsive light. Hence, on
December 24, 1740, he wrote, at Bethesda, his "Answer to Wesley's
Sermon on Free Grace,"--an answer which will be noticed shortly.
Meanwhile, on his passage to England, he addressed the following to
Charles Wesley and his brother conjointly:--

"_February 1, 1741._

"MY DEAR, DEAR BRETHREN,--Why did you throw out the bone
of contention? Why did you print that sermon against
predestination? Why did you, in particular, my dear brother
Charles, affix your hymn, and join in putting out your late
hymn-book? How can you say, you will not dispute with me about
election, and yet print such hymns, and your brother send his
sermon, against election, to Mr. Garden, and others in America?
Do not you think, my dear brethren, I must be as much concerned
for truth, or what I think truth, as you? God is my judge, I
always was, and hope I always shall be, desirous that you may be
preferred before me. But I must preach the gospel of Christ, and
that I cannot _now_ do, without speaking of election. My answer
to the sermon is now being printed at Charleston; another copy I
have sent to Boston; and another I now bring with me, to print
in London. If it occasion a strangeness between us, it shall not
be my fault. There is nothing in my answer exciting to it, that
I know of. O my dear brethren, my heart almost bleeds within me!
Methinks, I could be willing to tarry here on the waters for
ever, rather than come to England to oppose you."[420]

[420] Whitehead's "Life of Wesley," vol. ii., p. 133.

All this occurred previous to Whitefield's landing at Falmouth,
on the 11th of March, 1741. A year and a half ago, Whitefield
had left England with a popularity unequalled. He returned under
circumstances which, to a temperament like his, must have been
exceedingly distressing. His important friend, William Seward, was
dead. James Hutton, who had hitherto been his publisher, had refused
to act in this capacity any longer, because Whitefield had embraced
the Calvinian creed.[421] For the same reason, an estrangement
between Whitefield and his most tenderly beloved friends, John and
Charles Wesley, seemed to be inevitable. He had contracted large
debts, and had nought to pay them. By his injudicious censures
pronounced against Tillotson and the author of "The Whole Duty
of Man," thousands of his former admirers had been prejudiced
against him. Many of his quondam friends were now his foes; but
a few remained faithful, and had already commenced to build him
a "tabernacle," closely adjoining Wesley's Foundery, in the
neighbourhood of Moorfields. A fortnight after he landed in England,
he wrote the following letter to James Habersham, at Bethesda:--

[421] Hutton uniformly acted upon the principle, that he ought
not to publish anything which he himself did not believe to be in
accordance with the word of God. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p. 69.)

"LONDON, _March 25, 1741_.

"MY DEAR SIR,--We arrived at Falmouth last Wednesday
seven-night, and got here the Sunday following. Blessed be God!
we had a summer's passage.[422]

[422] Whitefield brought a negro boy with him. When he arrived
in London, he committed the boy to the care of the Moravians,
who undertook to provide for him until he should be of the age
of twenty-one. He was sent to Germany. When Whitefield was
returning to America, in 1744, he wished to take the boy back
to his mother, in Carolina. The Moravians objected; Whitefield
had to submit; and, in the same year, the boy was baptized at
Lindheim, and was named Andrew. ("Memoirs of James Hutton," p.
81.)

"I find, many of our friends are sadly divided, and, as far as
I am able to judge, have been sadly misled. Congregations, at
Moorfields, and Kennington Common, on Sunday, were as large
as usual: on the following weekdays, quite contrary; twenty
thousand dwindled down to two or three hundred.

"It has been a trying time with me. I have a large orphan
family, consisting of near a hundred persons, to be maintained,
about four thousand miles off, without the least fund, and in
the dearest part of his Majesty's dominions. I am, also, above
£1000 in debt for them, and am not worth £20 in the world
of my own. I am threatened to be arrested for £350, drawn
for, in favour of the Orphan House, by my late dear deceased
friend and fellow-traveller, Mr. Seward. My bookseller, who,
I believe, has gotten some _hundreds_ by me, being drawn away
by the Moravians, refuses to print for me. Many, very many of
my spiritual children, who, at my last departure from England,
would have plucked out their own eyes to have given me, are
so prejudiced, by the dear Messrs. Wesleys' dressing up the
doctrine of election in such horrible colours, that they will
neither hear, see, nor give me the least assistance: yea, some
of them send threatening letters, that God will speedily destroy
me. As for the people of the world, they are so embittered by
my _injudicious and too severe expressions_ against Archbishop
Tillotson, and the author of the 'Whole Duty of Man,' that they
flee from me as from a viper. And, what is most cutting of all,
I am now constrained, on account of our differing in principles,
publicly to separate from my dear, dear old friends, Messrs.
John and Charles Wesley, whom I still love as my own soul.

"Through infinite mercy, however, I am enabled to strengthen
myself in the Lord my God. I am cast down, but not destroyed;
perplexed, but not in despair. A few days ago, in reading
Beza's 'Life of Calvin,' these words were much impressed upon
me, 'Calvin is turned out of Geneva, but, behold a new church
arises!' Jesus, the ever-loving, altogether lovely Jesus, pities
and comforts me.

"My friends are erecting a place, which I have called a
_Tabernacle_, for morning's exposition. I have not made, nor
can I, as yet, make any collections; but let us not fear. Our
heavenly Father, with whom the fatherless find mercy, will
provide. Let us only seek first the kingdom of God, and His
righteousness, and all other necessary things shall be added
unto us.

"In about a fortnight, though I scarce know an oak from a
hickory, or one kind of land from another, I am subpoenaed to
appear before Parliament, to give an account of the province of
Georgia, when I left it. This, I suppose, is occasioned by the
party, which has been so inveterate against the honourable the
trustees, whom they accuse of misemploying the public moneys.
The event, which undoubtedly will be in favour of the trustees,
you may know hereafter. In the meantime, believe me to be yours
most affectionately,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Trouble awaited Whitefield, not only in London but at Kingswood. In
1739, he commenced a school for the colliers in Kingswood, and left
Wesley to finish it. In the spring of 1740, Wesley opened it, and
appointed John Cennick to be its master. Soon after his appointment,
Cennick turned Calvinist, and imbued some of the members of
Kingswood Society with his principles. "Alas!" wrote Charles Wesley,
on November 30, 1740, "we have set the wolf to keep the sheep. For
many months, John Cennick has been undermining our doctrine and
authority." Cennick, and those who entertained his views, formed
themselves into a separate society, and held meetings apart from
their brethren. He also wrote to Whitefield in America, urging him
to return without delay, to assist him in the doctrinal warfare he
was waging among the poor colliers. A few days before Whitefield
landed at Falmouth, the Kingswood controversy reached its crisis.
After various warnings and expostulations, Wesley, on March 6th,
called on the people to make their choice between him and Cennick.
Fifty-two seceded with Cennick, and upwards of ninety remained with
Wesley. From this time, to use Wesley's words, "there, were two
sorts of Methodists; those for particular, and those for general,
redemption."[423]

[423] Wesley's Works, vol. viii., p. 335.

As soon as Whitefield arrived in London, Cennick informed him of
what had taken place; and, in reply, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, _March 25, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Hasten hither with all speed; and then
we shall see what God intends to do for us and by us. It is a
trying time now in the church. The Lord give us a due mixture
of the lamb and lion! Some, who have been led astray, begin to
recover. The Lord make way for His own truths! My love to the
colliers, and all friends. Many, I suppose, will be shy. I am
become a monster even to several who were wrought upon by my
ministry; but it must needs be that offences should come. Adieu!
Excuse brevity. Hasten, and speak face to face with yours most
affectionately in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Amid all this Methodist confusion, Whitefield arrived in England.
One of his first acts after his coming was to publish his answer
to Wesley's Sermon on "Free Grace." The title was, "A Letter to
the Rev. Mr. John Wesley, in Answer to his Sermon, entitled 'Free
Grace.' By George Whitefield, A.B., late of Pembroke College,
Oxford. London: printed by W. Straham, for T. Cooper." (8vo. 31
pp.) Affixed to it were the Articles of the Church of England,
on "Original or Birth Sin," "Free Will," and "Predestination and
Election;" and also a hymn, by the great Dissenter, Dr. Watts,
containing the following verses:--

"Behold the potter and the clay,
He forms his vessels as he please;
Such is our God, and such are we,
The subjects of His high decrees.

Doth not the workman's pow'r extend
O'er all the mass, which part to choose,
And mould it for a nobler end,
And which to leave for viler use?

May not the sov'reign Lord on high
Dispense His favours as He will;
Choose some to life, while others die,
And yet be just and gracious still?

What, if to make His terror known,
He lets His patience long endure,
Suff'ring vile rebels to go on,
And seal their own destruction sure?

Shall man reply against the Lord,
And call his Maker's way unjust,
The thunder of whose dreadful word
Can crush a thousand worlds to dust?"

Of set purpose, the theological arguments of both Wesley and
Whitefield are here omitted. The reader must be satisfied with
those parts of Whitefield's letter that are purely personal.

"BETHESDA, IN GEORGIA, _December 24, 1740_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,--God only knows what
unspeakable sorrow of heart I have felt on your account, since I
left England last. Whether it be my infirmity or not, I frankly
confess, that, Jonah could not have gone with more reluctance to
Nineveh, than I now take pen in hand to write against you. Were
nature to speak, I had rather die than do it; and yet, if I am
faithful to God, I must not stand neuter any longer. I am very
apprehensive that our common adversaries will rejoice to see us
differing among ourselves. But what can I say? The children of
God are in danger of falling into error. Nay, numbers have been
misled, whom God has been pleased to work upon by my ministry;
and a greater number are still calling aloud upon me, to shew
also my opinion. I must then shew, that I know no man after the
flesh, and that I have no respect of persons, any further than
is consistent with my duty to my Lord and Master, Jesus Christ.

"This letter, no doubt, will lose me many friends. Perhaps
God has laid this difficult task upon me, to see whether I am
willing to forsake all for Him, or not. From such considerations
as these, I think it my duty to bear an humble testimony, and
to plead earnestly for the truths which, I am convinced, are
clearly revealed in the word of God; in the defence whereof, I
must use great plainness of speech, and treat my dearest friends
upon earth with the greatest simplicity, faithfulness, and
freedom, leaving the consequences of all to God.

"For some time before, and especially since, my last departure
from England, both in public and private, by preaching and
printing, you have been propagating the doctrine of _universal
redemption_. And, when I remember how Paul reproved Peter for
his dissimulation, I fear I have been sinfully silent too long.
O then be not angry with me, dear and honoured sir, if now I
deliver my soul, by telling you, that I think, in this, you
greatly err.

"Before I enter upon the discourse, entitled 'Free Grace,'
give me leave to notice what, in your preface, you term an
indispensable obligation to make it public to all the world. I
must own, that, I always thought you were quite mistaken upon
that head. The case, you know, stands thus: When you were at
Bristol, I think, you received a letter from a private hand,
charging you with not preaching the gospel, because you did
not preach election. Upon this, you drew a lot: the answer
was, 'preach and print.' I have often questioned, as I do now,
whether, in so doing, you did not tempt the Lord. A due exercise
of religious prudence, without a lot, would have directed you in
that matter. Besides, I never heard that you enquired of God,
whether or not election was a gospel doctrine. But, I fear,
taking it for granted, it was not, you only enquired, whether
you should be silent, or preach and print against it?[424]
However this be, the lot came out, '_preach and print_;'
accordingly, you preached and printed against election. At my
desire, you suppressed the publishing of the sermon whilst I was
in England; but soon sent it into the world after my departure.
O that you had kept it in! However, if that sermon was printed
in answer to a lot, I am apt to think, one reason why God
should so suffer you to be deceived was, that, hereby a special
obligation might be laid upon me faithfully to declare the
Scripture doctrine of election.

[424] Thirty-seven years' after this, during the great Calvinian
controversy, Rowland Hill taunted Wesley by stating that he
cast "lots for his creed." Thomas Olivers, the confidential
friend of Wesley, in his "Rod for a Reviler," replied to this
as follows:--"It is hard not to believe that the relaters of
this story are totally void of veracity, honour, and conscience.
The well-known fact is neither more nor less than this. When
Mr. Whitefield, by embracing and preaching Calvinism, turned
aside from the original doctrines of Methodism, it was a doubt
with Mr. Wesley, not whether he should _believe_ Calvinism,
but whether he should _preach and print_ against it. What
made this a matter of doubt was, if he did expressly preach
and print against it, he would oppose Mr. Whitefield, whom he
dearly loved. On the other hand, if he did not preach and print
against it, Mr. Whitefield's great influence would draw vast
multitudes into his mistake. In this strait, it is true, he cast
a lot, which came up to this effect, 'As thou hast long believed
Calvinism to be a delusion, regardless of friends and enemies,
preach and print against it.' Now, will good men, will men of
honour, will men who make the smallest pretence to integrity,
conscience, truth, justice, or anything else that is good, call
this 'Casting lots for his creed'?" ("A Rod for a Reviler."
London, 1777, pp. 9, 10.)

* * * * *

"I frankly acknowledge, I believe the doctrine of reprobation,
in this view, that God intends to give His saving grace, through
Jesus Christ, only to a certain number, and that the rest of
mankind, after the fall of Adam, being justly left of God to
continue in sin, will at last suffer that eternal death, which
is its proper wages.

* * * * *

"I would not judge of the truth of election, by the experience
of any particular persons. If I did, (O bear with me in this
foolishness of boasting!) I think I might glory in election. For
these five or six years, I have received the witness of God's
Spirit. Since that, I have not doubted a quarter of an hour of
a saving interest in Jesus Christ. And, if I must speak freely,
I believe your fighting so strenuously against the doctrine of
election, and pleading so vehemently for a sinless perfection,
are among the reasons or culpable causes, why you are kept out
of the liberties of the gospel, and from that full assurance of
faith, which they enjoy, who have experimentally tasted, and
daily feed upon, God's electing, everlasting love."

* * * * *

"Dear, dear sir, O be not offended! For Christ's sake, be not
rash! Give yourself to reading. Study the covenant of grace.
Down with your carnal reasoning! Be a little child; and, then,
instead of pawning your salvation, as you have done in a late
hymn-book, if the doctrine of _universal redemption_ be not
true; instead of talking of _sinless perfection_, as you have
done in the preface to that hymn-book; and instead of making
man's salvation to depend on his own _free will_, as you have
in this sermon, you will compose a hymn in praise of sovereign
distinguishing love. You will caution believers against striving
to work a perfection out of their own hearts, and print another
sermon the reverse of this, and entitle it, 'Free Grace
_Indeed_.' Free, because not free to all; but free, because God
may withhold or give it to whom and when He pleases.

"Dear sir, as I told you before, so I declare again, nothing but
a single regard to the honour of Christ has forced this letter
from me. I love and honour you for His sake; and, when I come to
judgment, will thank you, before men and angels, for what you
have, under God, done for my soul."

The spirit breathing in this letter is beautiful. The opinions of
Whitefield and Wesley were wide apart; but their heartfelt affection
for each other was undiminished. Had they been left to themselves,
they would lovingly have agreed to differ. John Cennick, a good
man, and brave evangelist, was violently prejudiced against the
Wesleys, and had more influence with Whitefield than was profitable.
Noble-hearted Howell Harris, also, felt so strongly respecting the
disagreement, that, in a letter dated October 27, 1740, his godly
wrath branded Wesley's opposition of the Calvinian doctrines with
the offensive epithet, "hellish infection." Joseph Humphreys, whom
Wesley had employed to preach in the Foundery, London, renounced
his connection with Methodism's founder, embraced Whitefield's
tenets, and became an ardent and active partisan. J. Lewis started
the first Methodist newspaper ever published, and succeeded in
securing Whitefield, Cennick, Harris, and Humphreys as its principal
contributors.[425] Under such circumstances, division became almost
inevitable. Whitefield's letters plainly shew that this was a
disaster which he devoutly dreaded; and Wesley, nearly forty years
afterwards, declared that he and his brother endeavoured to prevent
it. He writes:--

"Who made the division? It was not I. It was not my brother.
It was Mr. Whitefield himself; and that notwithstanding all
admonitions, arguments, and entreaties. Mr. Whitefield first
wrote a treatise against me by name. He sent it to my brother,
who endorsed it with these words, 'Put up again thy sword into
its place.' It slept a while; but, after a time, he published
it. I made no reply. Soon after, Mr. Whitefield preached
against my brother and me by name. This he did constantly,
both in Moorfields, and in all other public places. We never
returned railing for railing, but spoke honourably of him, at
all times, and in all places. But is it any wonder, that those
who loved us should no longer choose to hear him? Meantime,
was it we that turned their hearts against him? Was it not
_himself_?' It was not merely the difference of doctrine that
caused the division. It was rather Mr. Whitefield's _manner_
wherein he maintained his doctrine, and treated us in every
place. Otherwise difference of doctrine would not have created
any difference of affection; but he might lovingly have held
particular redemption, and we general, to our lives' end. Even
when he preached in the very Foundery, and my brother sat by
him, he preached the absolute decrees in the most peremptory and
offensive manner.[426] What was this, but drawing the sword,
and throwing away the scabbard? Who then is chargeable with the
contention and division that ensued?"[427]

[425] The title was, "The Weekly History; or, an account of the
most remarkable particulars relating to the present progress of
the Gospel. London: printed by J. Lewis. Price one penny." The
newspaper was a small folio of four pages; and the first number
appears to have been issued on April 11, 1741, exactly a month after
Whitefield's arrival from America. In No. 4, the editor says: "The
Rev. Mr. Whitefield intends to supply me with fresh matter every
week." The periodical was continued weekly until November 13, 1742,
when No. 84 was issued, to which the editor appended the following
note: "Now that this first volume is finished, we purpose to begin
the next in a more commodious manner. It is to be printed in a neat
pocket volume, and to be delivered (every week, as it was at the
first,) at the Tabernacle, and at people's houses, at the price of
one penny."

[426] No doubt, Whitefield evinced bad taste in doing this; but the
error, in Wesley's meeting-houses, was not repeated. At the time
of Whitefield's death, Wesley, in a letter published in Lloyd's
_Evening Post_, remarked: "Mr. Whitefield did not everywhere preach
the eternal covenant and absolute predestination. I never heard him
utter a sentence on one or the other. Yea, all the times he preached
in West-street chapel, and in our other chapels throughout England,
he did not preach these doctrines at all, no, not in a single
paragraph." (Wesley's Works, vol. xiii., p. 378.)

[427] Wesley's Works, vol. xi., p. 463.

This seems to bear somewhat hardly against Whitefield; but there
is no means of disproving it. Whitefield, naturally impetuous, had
impulsive advisers; and, no doubt, with the best intentions, said
things which probably he himself afterwards regretted. No zeal
is more rabid than that engendered by theological disputes; and,
very often, the fierceness of the zeal is increased by the godly
earnestness of the disputers.

In one respect, Wesley had thrown down the gage; that is, he had
published a sermon against predestination, in which Whitefield now
believed; but he had not mentioned Whitefield's name, nor had he
used a single expression that could be thought to allude to him. He
had, also, six weeks before Whitefield's arrival in London, done
another thing which partisans might perhaps interpret maliciously.
By some means, a private letter, which Whitefield had written to
Wesley (and which is referred to, p. 414), had been printed;[428]
no doubt, because it condemned Wesley's doctrine of perfection,
and the publication of his sermon on "Free Grace." This letter,
dated "Boston, September 25, 1740," was printed without either
Whitefield's or Wesley's leave; and a great number of copies were
distributed in the Foundery, and at its door. Of course, Wesley,
at once, perceived the meanness and malice of this proceeding; and
wrote:--

"1741. February 1, Sunday. Having procured one of the copies, I
related, after preaching, the naked fact to the congregation,
and told them, 'I will do just what I believe Mr. Whitefield
would, were he here himself.' Upon which I tore it in pieces
before them all. Every one who had received it, did the same. So
that, in two minutes, there was not a whole copy left. Ah! poor
Ahithophel!"

[428] See _Weekly Miscellany_ of March 14, 1741.

It is highly probable that Whitefield's friends and admirers
would resent this public tearing up of one of his epistles; but,
remembering the surreptitious character of the whole proceeding,
and also the malevolence of the object to be accomplished, every
right-minded man will at once acknowledge, that, apart from the
thing being done in a place of public worship, there was nothing in
Wesley's act to be condemned.

How did the matter end? The following are extracts from Wesley's
Journal:--

"1741. March 28, Saturday. Having heard much of Mr. Whitefield's
unkind behaviour, since his return from Georgia, I went to him
to hear him speak for himself, that I might know how to judge.
I much approved of his plainness of speech. He told me, he and
I preached two different gospels; and, therefore, he not only
would not join with me, or give me the right hand of fellowship,
but was resolved publicly to preach against me and my brother,
wheresoever he preached at all. Mr. Hall (who went with me) put
him in mind of the promise he had made but a few days before,
that, whatever his private opinion was, he would never publicly
preach against us. He said, that promise was only an effect of
human weakness, and he was now of another mind.

"April 4, Saturday. I believed both love and justice required
that I should speak my sentiments freely to Mr. Whitefield,
concerning the letter he had published, said to be in answer to
my sermon on 'Free Grace.' The sum of what I observed to him was
this: 1. That, it was quite imprudent to publish it at all, as
being only the putting of weapons into their hands, who loved
neither the one nor the other. 2. That, if he was constrained
to bear his testimony (as he termed it) against the error I
was in, he might have done it by publishing a treatise on this
head, without ever calling my name in question. 3. That, what
he had published was a mere burlesque upon an answer, leaving
four of my eight arguments untouched, and handling the other
four in so gentle a manner, as if he were afraid they would
burn his fingers. However, that, 4. He had said enough of what
was wholly foreign to the question, to make an open (and,
probably, irreparable) breach between him and me; seeing 'for
a treacherous wound, and for the betraying of secrets, every
friend will depart.'"

The last sentence, of course, refers to Whitefield's imprudent and
unfriendly revelation respecting Wesley casting lots to ascertain
whether he should "_preach and print_;" and it is only fair to add,
that this was the only part of Whitefield's letter that was "wholly
foreign to the question" in debate.

So much in reference to the difference respecting Calvinism. There
was, however, another bone of contention--Kingswood School, and the
school at Bristol. It seems that Whitefield, somewhat petulantly,
had complained of the adornment of the chapel Wesley had built at
Bristol, and of the "lodgings" which had been provided in it for
him and for his brother. He had found fault, "that the children
at Bristol were clothed as well as taught;" and that "those at
Kingswood had been neglected." Wesley, in the month of April, 1741,
wrote a long letter in reply to these accusations. He tells his
old friend, that the only adornment in Bristol chapel consisted of
"a piece of green cloth nailed to the desk; and two sconces, for
eight candles each, in the middle." In reference to the "lodgings,"
he says, "There is a little room by the school where I speak to
persons who come to me; and a garret, in which a bed is placed for
me. And do you grudge me this? Is this the voice of my brother, my
son, Whitefield?" The accusation of the children of Kingswood School
being neglected is positively denied. "One master and one mistress,"
writes Wesley, "have been in the house ever since it was capable of
receiving them. A second master has been placed there some months
since; and I have long been seeking for two proper mistresses; so
that as much has been done, if not more, than I can answer to God
and man." Wesley concludes his letter thus:--

"You rank all the maintainers of universal redemption with
Socinians. Alas! my brother, do you not know that the Socinians
allow no redemption at all? that Socinus himself speaks thus:
_Tota redemptio nostra per Christum metaphora?_ and says
expressly, 'Christ did not die as a ransom for any, but only as
an example for mankind'? How easy were it for me to hit many
other palpable blots in that which you call an 'Answer' to my
sermon! And how above measure contemptible would you then appear
to all impartial men, either of sense or learning! But I spare
you; mine hand shall not be upon you. The Lord be judge between
me and thee! The general tenor both of my public and private
exhortations, when I touch thereon at all, as even my enemies
know, if they would testify, is, 'Spare the young man, even
Absalom, for my sake.'"[429]

[429] Wesley's Works, vol. xii., p. 148.

Whitefield and Wesley were separated; but, within eighteen months
after the publication of Whitefield's letter, their old friendship
was entirely re-established; and ever afterwards, to the end of
life, Wesley and Whitefield loved each other with a love like that
of David and Jonathan. This will be amply shewn in succeeding pages.
Meantime, however, Whitefield was in great distress. He, afterwards,
wrote as follows:--

"I had written an answer" [to Wesley's sermon on Free Grace],
"which, though revised and much approved of by some good and
judicious divines, I think had some too strong expressions
about absolute reprobation, which the apostle leaves rather to
be inferred than expressed. The world was angry with me for
writing my letters against the author of 'The Whole Duty of
Man' and Archbishop Tillotson; and numbers of my own spiritual
children were angry with me for writing my Answer to Mr.
Wesley. Instead of having thousands to attend me, scarce one
of my spiritual children came to see me from morning to night.
Once, at Kennington Common, I had not above a hundred to hear
me. Never had I preached in Moorfields on a week-day; but, in
the strength of God, I began on Good Friday. For some time, I
continued to preach twice a day under one of the trees, and had
the mortification of seeing numbers of my spiritual children,
who but a twelvemonth ago would have plucked out their eyes
for me, running by me whilst preaching, disdaining so much as
to look at me; and some of them putting their fingers in their
ears, that they might not hear one word I said. Ten thousand
times would I rather have died than part with my old friends. It
would have melted any heart to have heard Mr. Charles Wesley
and me weeping, after prayer, that, if possible, the breach
might be prevented. Once I preached in the Foundery, on Gal.
iii., but no more. All my work was to begin again. A like scene
opened at Bristol, where I was denied preaching in the house I
had founded. Busybodies, on both sides, blew up the coals. A
breach ensued. But, as both sides differed in judgment, and not
in affection, and aimed at the glory of our common Lord, (though
on both sides we hearkened too much to tale-bearers,) we were
kept from anathematizing each other, and went on in our usual
way; being agreed in one point, endeavouring to convert souls to
the ever-blessed Mediator."[430]

[430] Gillies' "Life of Whitefield."

Thus, in England, Whitefield found trouble; from America he derived
joy. Towards the end of the month of March, his two superintendents
in the Georgia Orphan House, Messrs. Habersham and Barber, wrote
him letters respecting a remarkable religious movement among the
children there. Two young men, employed on the estate, had been
converted since Whitefield left; and a number of the children had
been put into two bands, and were "allowed to spend two or three
hours every day in reading, praying, and singing hymns together."
One day, Joseph Periam left them in the school picking cotton, when
one of them exclaimed, "If we do not believe on the Lord Jesus
Christ, we shall all go to hell." At once, the entire company fell
upon their knees, and began to pray, "Lord God Almighty, have
compassion upon us. Prick us to the heart. Pluck us as firebrands
out of the burning. O Lord Jesus Christ, wash us in Thy blood. Take
away our hard, stony hearts, and give us hearts of flesh." No wonder
that Habersham wrote to Whitefield, saying, "Does not your soul leap
for joy, and say, 'Bless the Lord, O my friends, and let us magnify
His name together'?"[431]

[431] The _Weekly History_, July 25, 1741, and August 22, 1741.

The Rev. Gilbert Tennent, also, wrote to Whitefield as follows:--

"NEW YORK, _April 25, 1741_.

"VERY DEAR BROTHER,--In my return homewards, I have been
preaching daily, ordinarily three times a day, and sometimes
oftener. Through grace, I have met with success much exceeding
my expectations. In Boston, there were many hundreds, if not
thousands, under soul-concern. When I left that place, many
children were deeply affected, and several had received
consolation. Some aged persons in church communion, and some
open opposers, were convinced; and divers of the young and
middle-aged, together with several negroes, were converted.
At Charleston, multitudes were awakened. At Cambridge, in the
college and town, the shaking among the dry bones was general;
and several of the students have received consolation. In these
places, I found fruits of your ministry. In Ipswich, there was
a general concern among the inhabitants; and here, also, I saw
some of the results of your labours. The concern at Newport was
very considerable. Divers Quakers and children, with others,
came to me, in distress about their souls. At Newhaven, the
concern was general, both in the college and town. About thirty
students came, on foot, ten miles to hear the word of God. I
believe thousands have been awakened. Glory be to God on high!

"I thank you, sir, that you did excite me to this journey. The
work of God spreads more and more. My brother William has had
remarkable success this winter at Burlington. I hear that there
are several Religious Societies formed there. Mr. John Cross has
had great success at Staten Island; and many have been awakened
by the labours of Mr. Rollinson in divers places of the York
government. Mr. Mills has had much success in Connecticut; and
Mr. Blair, in Pennsylvania. The Lord bless you, dear brother!

"GILBERT TENNENT."[432]

[432] Gillies' "Historical Collections," vol. ii., p. 132.

Six months ago, Whitefield had persuaded Gilbert Tennent to become,
_pro tempore_, an intinerant preacher; and now such was the
evangelist's report of his success. Whitefield had consolations, as
well as trials. "As cold waters to a thirsty soul, so is good news
from a far country" (Prov. XXV. 26).

After his arrival from America, Whitefield remained about six
weeks in London, during which, he employed himself in preaching to
diminished congregations on Kennington Common, and in Moorfields.
He was also summoned to "the Parliament House" to give evidence on
Georgia affairs; and also urged his "appeal" against the decision of
Commissary Garden's Court in Charleston. He writes:--

"London, April 10, 1741. I have been at the Parliament-house.
The Georgia affair was adjourned. The gentlemen seemed
apprehensive that my account of the colony would have too much
weight. It was somewhat of a trial to be in the House. My
'Appeal' will come to nothing, I believe. I have waited upon the
Speaker. He received me kindly."[433]

[433] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 258.

On April 22, Whitefield left London for Bristol, where he remained
a week. The following letters were written during this brief visit;
the first and second to friends in London, the third probably to
Howell Harris.

"BRISTOL, _April 25, 1741_.

"Dear brother Charles" (Wesley) "is more and more rash. He
has lately printed some very bad hymns. To-day, I talked with
Brother N----. He tells me, that, for three months past, he has
not sinned in thought, word, or deed.[434] He says, he is not
only free from the _power_, but the very _in-being_ of sin. He
now asserts it is _impossible_ for _him_ to sin. I talked with
three women. One said she had been perfect these twelve months;
but, alas! she shewed many marks of imperfection whilst I was
with her. I asked her if she had any pride. She said, 'No.' I
asked if she ever prayed for pardon, at night, for her sins and
infirmities. She said, 'No; for she did not commit any sin.' I
spoke to another woman, who said she had not sinned in thought,
word, or deed, this twelvemonth. I asked her, and every one of
the rest, whether they ever used the Lord's Prayer. They were
unwilling to answer, but afterwards said, 'Yes.' I asked them
whether they used it for themselves, and could say, 'Forgive
us our trespasses.' They said, 'No; they used it for others
only.'"[435]

[434] If Whitefield acquired his knowledge of Wesley's doctrine of
Christian perfection mainly from witnesses such as these, no wonder
that he was prejudiced against it.

[435] The _Weekly History_, No. 4.

BRISTOL, _April 27, 1741_.

"My dear Friend and Brother,--On Tuesday, April 22, I left
London; and preached, on Wednesday and Thursday morning, at
Newbury, to large congregations. On Friday evening, I preached
at Bristol; and have continued to do so, twice every day, to
great and affected auditories. Great manifestations of the
Divine presence have attended my sermons. Praise the Lord, O my
soul! My body is sometimes weak, but my soul rejoices in God my
Saviour. I find it necessary, through the increase of awakened
souls, to get a society room built adjoining our new Tabernacle.
I pray God to fill it with His glory; and beg leave to subscribe
myself your affectionate friend, brother, and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"BRISTOL, _April 28, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Blessed be God for knitting us together in
love! It is now a trying time with the church. Our Lord is now
chiefly wounded in the house of His friends. The Lord keep us
both from a party spirit on one hand, and from too much rashness
and positiveness on the other! I speak thus, because you seem
offended that some affirm, 'there is no such thing as dominion
over indwelling sin, nor rest from working for life wholly.' Now
this is certainly true in one sense. We shall never have such a
dominion over indwelling sin as to be entirely delivered from
the stirring of it; and the greatest saint cannot be assured,
but, some time or other, for his humiliation or punishment
for unfaithfulness, God may permit it to break out into some
actual breach of His law, and in a gross way too. Let us not be
high-minded, but fear. It is equally true, that we shall not
rest wholly from working for life; for, whilst there is any
part of us unregenerate, that part will be always leading us to
the old covenant. But I suppose you have been tinctured with
the doctrine of _sinless perfection_. No wonder, therefore, you
write thus. As for _assurance_, I cannot but think, all who are
truly converted must know that there was a time in which they
closed with Christ; but, then, as so many have died with only a
humble hope, and have been under doubts and fears, though they
could not but be looked upon as Christians, I am less positive
than once I was, lest haply I should condemn some of God's dear
children. The farther we go in the spiritual life, the more cool
and rational shall we be, and yet more truly zealous. I speak
this by experience.

"Many have been convinced in London. I preach here twice daily,
to large congregations, with great power. The Lord, I believe,
will yet bring mighty things to pass.

"I am, your most affectionate brother,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Passing by the question of Whitefield's orthodoxy, it may be added,
that, though his friend Charles Wesley was in Bristol at this
period, and was preaching with great success, there seems to have
been no intercourse between them. In Whitefield's letters, Wesley is
not mentioned; and, in Wesley's Journals, there is no allusion to
Whitefield, except, perhaps, in the following paragraph:--

"1741. May 4. I met the bands in Kingswood. One, who, in the
fear of God, and mistrust of himself, had heard Mr. W----,
assured me, he had preached barefaced reprobation. The people
fled from the reprobating lion. But, again and again, as he
observed them depart, the preacher of sad tidings called them
back, with general offers of salvation. Vain and empty offers
indeed! What availed his telling them that, for _aught he knew_,
they might be _all_ elect? He did not believe them all elect; he
could not: therefore, he only mocked them with an empty word of
invitation; and if God sent him to preach the gospel to every
_creature_, God, according to his scheme, sent him to _deceive_
the greatest part of mankind."[436]

[436] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 272.

Charles Wesley regarded Whitefield's Calvinism with abhorrence;
and Whitefield regarded some of Wesley's doctrines as pernicious
heresy. In a letter, dated "Gloucester, May 5, 1741," Whitefield
writes: "At Bristol, error is in a great measure put a stop to."
And, in another, dated "Bristol, May 16, 1741, he says: "Sad tares
have been sown here. It will require some time to pluck them up.
The doctrines of the gospel are sadly run down, and most monstrous
errors propagated. They assert, that, 'the very in-being of sin must
be taken out of us, or otherwise we are not new creatures.' Oh,
dear sir, exhort all to pray for us, that I may be faithful to my
Lord, and yet be kept gentle in my temper. At present, our dear Lord
causes me to triumph in every place."

After paying a short visit to Gloucester, Whitefield returned to
Bristol, where he continued till the end of the month of May.
There can be no doubt, that, at this time, the Bristol Methodists
marshalled themselves under two different banners. Whitefield and
Charles Wesley were in the city, but there is no evidence that they
ever sought each other's company. Whitefield, as he thought, was
successfully plucking up the tares that his former friends, the
Wesleys, had sown; and Charles Wesley was labouring with all his
might to destroy Whitefield's doctrine of reprobation. He writes:--

"May 19. I am more and more confirmed in the truth by
its miserable opposers. I talked lately with Mr. H----,"
(Humphreys?)[437] "and urged him with this dilemma: 'For what
did God make this reprobate--to be damned, or to be saved?' He
durst not say that God made even Judas to be damned, and would
not say that God made him to be saved. I desired to know for
what third end He could make him; but all the answer I could get
was, 'It is not a fair question.' Next I asked, 'Whether he that
believeth not shall be damned, because he believeth not?' 'Yes,'
he answered; and I replied, 'Because he believeth not what?'
Here he hesitated, and I was forced to help him out with the
Apostle's answer, 'That they all might be damned who believed
not the truth.' 'What truth?' I asked again, 'but the truth of
the gospel of _their_ salvation? If it is not the gospel of
_their_ salvation, and yet they are bound to believe it, then
they are bound to believe a lie, under pain of damnation; and
the Apostle should have said, 'That they all might be damned who
believed _not a lie_.' This drove him to assert, that no man
was damned for _actual_ unbelief, but only for what he called
_original_; that is, for not believing before he was born. 'But
where,' said I, 'is the justice of this?' He answered, not
over-hastily, 'I confess there is a mystery in reprobation.' Or,
to put it in Beza's words, which I then read him, 'We believe,
though it is incomprehensible, that it is just to damn such as
do not deserve it.' Further, I asked him, 'Why does God command
all men everywhere to repent? Why does He call, and offer His
grace to, reprobates? Why does His Spirit strive with every
child of man for _some_ time, though not always?' I could get
no answer, and so read him one of his friend Calvin's: 'God
speaketh to them, that they may be the deafer; He gives light
to them, that they may be the blinder; He offers instruction to
them, that they may be the more ignorant; and uses the remedy,
that they may _not_ be healed' (Calvin, Instit. l. iii., c. 24).
Never did I meet with a more pitiful advocate of a more pitiful
cause. And, yet, I believe he could say as much for reprobation
as another. I told him _his_ predestination had got a millstone
about its neck, and would infallibly be drowned, if he did not
part it from reprobation."[438]

[437] There can be little doubt that "Mr. H----" means Joseph
Humphreys, already noticed in a previous chapter. Humphreys says:
"The division between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley was a sore trial
to me. I loved them both, but, for a while, thought of joining with
neither, because I seemed to think there were extremes on both
sides. However, afterwards, I had by much the greatest satisfaction
on Mr. Whitefield's side, with whom I openly joined at the beginning
of May, 1741. At which time, I first preached in the Bowling-green,
at Bristol, for a while, to a congregation distinct from that of
Wesley's; afterwards, at the Tabernacle, in London," etc. ("Account
of Joseph Humphreys' Experience." Bristol, 1742. p. 42.)

[438] C. Wesley's Journal, vol. i., p. 277.

The two Methodist leaders felt strongly on the subject of their
respective doctrines; and that their partisans were quite as zealous
as their leaders will be evident from the following extracts
from Charles Wesley's Journal, written at and about the time of
Whitefield's visit to Bristol:--

"May 25. While I was passing by the Bowling-green, a woman cried
out, 'The curse of God light upon you,' with such uncommon
bitterness, that I could not but turn and stop to bless her.
When I asked her why she cursed me, she answered, 'For preaching
against Mr. ----.' I had, indeed, a suspicion, from her dialect,
that she was one of the self-elect; but stayed heaping coals of
fire upon her head, till at last she said, 'God bless you all!'

"May 31. To several, God shewed Himself the God of consolation;
particularly to two young Welshmen, whom His providence sent
hither from Carmarthen. They had heard most dreadful stories of
us Arminians, Freewillers, Perfectionists, Papists, which all
vanished like smoke when they came to hear with their own ears.

"June 8. A woman spoke to me of her husband. He was under strong
convictions, while he attended the word; but the first time he
heard the _other gospel_, he came home _elect_, and, in proof of
it, _beat his wife_. His seriousness was at an end. His work was
done. God doth not behold iniquity in Jacob. He uses his wife
worse than a Turk (his predestinarian brother), and tells her,
if he killed her he could not be damned."

Charles Wesley was far more alarmed by the Calvinian controversy
than his brother John. The following letter, kindly supplied by
Mr. G. Stampe, of Grimsby, has not before been published. It is
addressed "To the Rev. Mr. Wesley, at Mr. Hooper's, maltster,
Bristol," and is endorsed, in John's handwriting, "September 28,
1741. In a panic about G. W." It begins abruptly, as follows:--

"Extract of a letter from Bristol.--'I am exceedingly afraid
lest predestination should be propagated among us in a more
subtle and dangerous manner than has hitherto been attempted.
Mr. Whitefield preaches holiness very strongly, and "free
grace" to all; yet, at the same time, he uses expressions which
necessarily imply reprobation. He wraps it up in smoother
language than before, in order to convey the poison more
successfully. Our Society, on this account, go to hear him,
without any scruple or dread. We have sufficiently seen the
fatal effects of this devilish doctrine already, so that we
cannot keep at too great a distance from it. For my part, by the
grace of God, I never will be reconciled to reprobation, nor
join with those who hold it. I wish there might be a _real_ and
_thorough_ union betwixt us.'

"O thou eternal Phrygian! I am too full to write or speak! Do
you know the value of souls! precious, immortal souls! yet trust
them within the sound of predestination? This is outdoing your
own outdoings. Stop the plague _just now_, or it will be too
late. Send me word, first post, that you have warned our flock
from going to hear the other's gospel. O how you are outwitted!
The subtle Scots[439] (those sons of Zeruiah) are too hard
for you. I pity you and those few sheep in the wilderness,
who are left to the wolf. For mine, and your own, and theirs,
and Christ's sake, open your eyes; regard not fair speeches;
renounce your credulity and George Whitefield, till he renounces
reprobation. 'But that he does already, and preaches holiness
and free grace for all!' And are you, can you be so easily
caught? O that virtue of credulity! Send me word, I say, by
next post, that you have restrained the unwary; or I shall, on
the first preaching night, renounce George Whitefield on the
house-top.

[439] John Wesley was now in Bristol, and Whitefield was in
Scotland.

"P.S. When it was told the Grand Turk that all the princes
of Christendom were entering into a confederacy against him,
he answered, 'When these fingers are joined,' (holding them
up,) 'then will the Christians agree.' So the world may say
concerning our Societies and the Predestinarians joining against
them.

"I have received a letter from Mr. Hutchins, of Lincoln College,
with an order upon his brother to pay you £12 (I think it is).
You should send me your order to receive it.

"CHARLES WESLEY."

These extracts furnish glimpses of a lamentable state of things in
Bristol, where, within the last three years, both Whitefield and
the Wesleys had witnessed some of their most glorious triumphs.
Old friends were divided, and loving Christians had become furious
partisans. In the midst of this unhallowed strife, Whitefield wrote
as follows:--

"Bristol, May 16, 1741. I rejoice that God lets you see more
and more into the corruptions of your heart. The more perfect
you are, the more you will see and bewail your imperfections in
thought, word, and deed; the more will you be able to sing, 'In
the Lord alone, and not in myself, have I complete righteousness
and strength.' The doctrine of electing love is precious to
my soul. I am enabled to speak of it feelingly to others. My
soul is kept in peace and sweetness. Our Lord's cause needs not
noise and rashness. I desire that none of my wild-fire may be
mixed with the pure fire of holy zeal coming from God's altar.
Brother H----" (Humphreys?)" is more and more enlightened; but,
withal, more and more quickened every day. He finds there is no
such thing as _sinless_ perfection, and yet is pressing after
holiness of heart and life rather more than ever."

"Bristol, May 18, 1741. I am just setting out for Wiltshire.
The Lord has been much with us. Yesterday, I preached three
times. At every sermon, a sweet melting was observed in the
congregation. Last evening, I gave your sister the sacrament.
She is recovering. I afterwards administered the sacrament at
Mr. T----'s, and had a love-feast. Jesus was in the midst of us.
I know not but I may come towards London next week. I wonder not
at your heaviness. Before every increase of your work, you must
expect some trials. Humblings are necessary for your spirit, and
mine." (Extract from a letter to John Cennick.)

"Bristol, May 23, 1741. The Lord only knows how He will be
pleased to dispose of me. Great afflictions I am sure of having;
and a sudden death, blessed be God! will not be terrible. I
know that my Redeemer liveth. I every day long to see Him, and
enjoy Him without interruption for evermore. I desire patiently
to wait, till my blessed change shall come. The Lord has been
with me here. There is a great awakening in Wiltshire; and the
work is most wonderfully carried on in New England. I leave
Bristol, and go, through Wiltshire, to London, next Monday. I
then purpose going to Staffordshire, and then, through Wales,
to Scotland. A wider door than ever is opened for preaching the
everlasting gospel."

"Bristol, May 23, 1741. I thank you and the other gentlemen
for their kind invitation to me to Scotland. I believe it will
be near three months before I can see Edinburgh. On Monday,
I set out for London; then I purpose to go into Essex, and
then to return through Bristol and Wales in my way to you. I
intreat all my brethren to pray for me, that I may come in
the fulness of the blessing of the gospel of Christ. I am a
poor, weak, unworthy worm. God has been with me here, and in
Gloucestershire. In Wiltshire there is a great awakening. Oh,
dear sir, never was a weak wretch sent on such an important
errand. I have many trials, of various kinds. Jesus supports me;
Jesus makes me more than conqueror. Dear sir, help me to praise
Him."

Whitefield and Wesley now had not only separate congregations, but
separate meeting-houses. In Bristol, Wesley occupied the chapel
which he had built in Broadmead; and in Kingswood, the school-room
which had been begun by Whitefield, and completed by himself. As
yet, Whitefield had no chapel in Bristol; but, in Kingswood, John
Cennick and others assisted him in building a room near the one
which Wesley used.[440] In London, Wesley had converted the ruinous
old Foundery, near Moorfields, into a place of worship; and now, in
1741, the friends of Whitefield procured a piece of ground close
to Wesley's Foundery, and employed a carpenter to build a large
temporary shed to screen his Moorfields congregations from the cold
and rain. It is a curious fact, that, Whitefield never mentions
this erection till it was ready to be opened. Its promoters were
Calvinistic Dissenters; and originally it was only intended to be
used during the few months he might stay in England, prior to his
return to Georgia. Providence, however, had otherwise determined.
Notwithstanding its unseemly proximity to Wesley's Foundery, within
this wooden fabric, of large dimensions, immense crowds were
gathered; a great spiritual awakening took place; a Society was
formed; and, during Whitefield's absence, and at the desire of the
people, Messrs. Cennick, Adams, Jenkins, Howell Harris, Seagrave,
Humphreys, and others, were employed to assist in carrying on the
worship, in succession.[441] Two facts respecting this original
tabernacle must be remembered: 1. It sprang, not from Whitefield,
but from a voluntary movement among his adherents, composed chiefly,
if not wholly, of Protestant Dissenters; and, 2. The expense of its
erection was borne, not by him, but by them. For twelve years, this
wooden shed was Whitefield's metropolitan cathedral. As will be
seen hereafter, the history of its society and congregations was
chequered; but still, beneath its roof, there were many displays of
God's abounding mercy. In 1753, it was superseded by the erection,
on the same site, of the substantial brick building which, for more
than a hundred years, was used by Whitefield's successors.[442]

[440] "Life and Times of Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p. 198.

[441] Gillies says, Whitefield "disliked the place fixed upon,
because it was so near the Foundery, and looked like erecting altar
against altar."

[442] _New Spiritual Magazine_, 1783, vol. i., p. 20; _Christian
Witness_, 1847, p. 204; etc.

This uncouth structure seems to have been opened for public worship
about a month after Whitefield's return from America; for, on April
19, 1741, he made collections in it, for his Orphan House, amounting
to £23 11s. 1d.[443] It is mentioned in the following letters, the
first to James Habersham, at the Orphan House in Georgia, and the
second to John Cennick, Whitefield's _locum tenens_, at Bristol.

[443] Continuation of the Orphan House Accounts, 1742.

"LONDON, _June 1, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I have sent several letters
to Georgia, and lately also a parcel of things for the children.
God appears much in our congregations. We seldom have a dry
meeting. As to outward things, I never was more embarrassed; but
my consolations are equivalent. Praise the Lord, O my soul! I
am not apprehensive of any opposition from Government. I have
waited on the Speaker. He treated me kindly, and assured me that
there would be no persecution in this king's reign.[444] They
know I am loyal from principle; but, I believe, I shall yet be
greatly humbled. I hope you enjoy peace. May the Lord bless you
and the whole household! I am sometimes enabled to pray with
great faith for you all. The Lord will yet provide.

[444] The reference here is probably to the action taken against
Whitefield, by Commissary Garden, in Charleston.

"I am to preach thrice to-day. It is now past five in the
morning. I am going to the _Tabernacle lately erected_, for a
morning lecture. We have sweet meetings. Blessed be God!

"I subscribe myself yours eternally,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

* * * * *

"LONDON, _June 3, 1741_.

"I have enjoyed the especial presence of God ever since I came
to London. I preach three times daily. Congregations increase. I
am going to have a society room joined to the _Tabernacle_. The
Lord is really on our side. O let us be meek and quiet. O let us
wait, and we shall see the salvation of God. I preach daily at
Deptford. Our dear Master helps me to preach and pray with great
power. Your ministry has been blessed. Let us both give glory
to Everlasting Love. Remember me most kindly to all in Wine
Street.

"Ever yours in the blessed Jesus,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To all intents and purposes, Whitefield was now a Dissenting
minister. In America, his ministerial associates and friends were
almost, without exception, Nonconformists. In England, nearly
all the churches were closed against him. Protestant Dissenters
had built him a wooden chapel, and, without either the ground
or the edifice being rendered sacred by episcopal benedictions,
Whitefield became its chief minister. Yea, more, like his friend
Wesley, obtaining no help from the English clergy, he hesitated
not to employ laymen to occupy his pulpit during his evangelistic
wanderings.

"All," says he, "was wonderfully over-ruled for good, and for
the furtherance of the gospel. A fresh awakening immediately
began. Congregations grew exceeding large; and necessity
reconciling me more and more to lay-preaching, I sent, at
the people's desire, for Messrs. Cennick, Harris, Seagrave,
Humphreys, and others, to assist." (M. S.)

Howell Harris was the first that Whitefield invited to supply
his place in London. Hence the following, written soon after the
Tabernacle was opened:--

"LONDON, _June 6, 1741_.

"MY BROTHER HOWELL HARRIS,--I do assure you that my heart is as
your heart. I am quite sick of _Christless consenters_. They
talk, and that is all. I, like you, am heartily despised by most
of them. I am resolved to preach against their lukewarmness and
worldly-mindedness. May God open my mouth wide when I come to
Wales! Outward enemies are now more quiet. Enemies within the
church--carnal professors and self-righteous Pharisees--most try
us. Let us not fear. Jesus Christ will give us the victory over
all.

"God mightily strengthens me. Our congregations are very large
and solemn. I never had greater freedom in preaching.

"You need not fear my believing any reports to your
disadvantage. I love you in the bowels of Jesus Christ. I was
not in the least offended when B---- H---- wrote me word that
'you thought in some things I did not act as a _little child_.'
The more open you are with me the better. If nature and pride
rise in my heart, I will go to Jesus, abhor myself, and pray for
my dear reprovers.

"I want to see you face to face. Satan does not love that
Christ's ministers should come together. I wish you could
come up immediately, and stay in London whilst I am in the
country; or, rather, go and preach in Bristol, Gloucester, and
Wiltshire, for about a fortnight, and then come up to London.
This, I believe, will be best. About that time, God willing, I
shall return from Essex; and then we can consult what is best to
be done for the cause of our dear Master. I am glad to hear that
Brother Rowlands is with you. Go on, in the strength of our dear
Lord, and you shall see Satan, like lightning, fall from heaven.
Times are not yet dark enough for the dawning of a thorough
reformation. At eventide, God speaks.

"Cease not to pray for yours eternally in Christ Jesus,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The "brother Rowlands," mentioned in this letter, was probably
the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, Rector of Llangeitho, in the county of
Cardigan. Rowlands was a remarkable man. He entered the ministry of
the Establisment when unconverted, and was wont to descend from his
pulpit to join in the athletic games of his parishioners. Through
curiosity, he went to hear Griffith Jones; became a changed man; and
began to preach, "like thunder," among the Welsh mountains. This
was about the year 1737. Like Whitefield, he became an itinerant
clergyman. Besides serving his own Church, for a salary of £10 a
year, he made frequent detours through the mountainous regions of
Wales and into England, preaching in the Methodist chapels, in the
open air, and wherever he had a chance. Multitudes followed him
from town to town; and his overwhelming eloquence often kindled an
enthusiasm which it is difficult to describe. Whitefield writes:
"The power of God, under the ministry of Mr. Rowlands, was enough
to make a person's heart burn within him. At seven in the morning,
have I seen perhaps ten thousand from different parts, in the midst
of a sermon, crying, _Gogoniant!_ (Glory!) ready to leap for joy."
Even when repeating the Church service, tears and convulsive sobs,
followed by cries of _Gogoniant_, would break out, and run through
the multitude like a contagious fever. As early as 1746, Rowlands
had as many as three thousand communicants to whom he was accustomed
to administer the sacrament.[445] At length, his irregular labours
evoked warnings from his bishop, and, at last, his license was
rescinded. "And now," says an able writer in the _London Quarterly_
_Review_ (1849), "from every part of Wales--from the mouth of the
Wye up to the Dovey and the Conway--people flocked to hear the
eloquence, and to receive the sacrament from the hands, of one who
had acquired the dignity of a martyr."

[445] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1814, p. 418.

This is not the place for further details of the life of Daniel
Rowlands. The reader will meet with him again; but, it may be added,
that, in a preface to three of his sermons, published in 1778, (8vo.
98 pp.,) it is stated that, "for about forty years," he had been
"the most laborious and successful minister in Wales;" and that he
still travelled "through most of the counties yearly, to spread
abroad the riches of God's grace." No places, though some were very
large, were sufficient "to hold his auditories. Above a hundred
preachers in Wales esteemed him as their father, most of whom met
him four times a year to consult about the most likely means of
promoting the Redeemer's interests; and he administered the Lord's
supper to thousands monthly, some of the communicants coming a
distance of upwards of fifty miles."

In the foregoing letter, to Howell Harris, Whitefield says,
"Outward enemies are now more quiet." Compared with the opposition
encountered in previous years, this was true; but the "outward
enemies" were not entirely silent. One of the pamphlets published
against him was the following: "A Comparison between the Doctrines
taught by the Clergy of the Church of England, and the Doctrines
taught by Whitefield, Seagrave, and others: in which the true notion
of preaching Christ is stated; the doctrinal preaching of the
Established Church is vindicated; and the Methodists proved guilty
of not preaching the Gospel of Christ. To which is added, the Wisdom
of fleeing from Persecution, exemplified in the Conduct of the Rev.
Mr. Whitefield at Charleston, in South Carolina. London: 1741."
(8vo. 28 pp.)

The _Gentleman's Magazine_, also, ministered to the gratification of
its readers by scurrility like the following. After pointing out the
doctrinal differences between Wesley and Whitefield, it continued:--

"It is plain that one of them has a lying spirit; and, since
their pretences are so much alike, we may conclude that it is
the same spirit in both. The controversy has grown to so great
a height, that Mr. Whitefield tells his auditors, that, if they
follow Mr. Wesley's doctrines, they will be _damned, eternally
damned_. On the other hand, Mr. Wesley tells his congregations,
that, if they follow Mr. Whitefield, it will bring all to
_distraction and confusion_ at last. Now, here is oracle against
oracle, revelation against revelation, and the God of truth in
one is declared to be a liar, by what He mentions in the other"
(p. 321).

The _Weekly Miscellany_, as usual, excelled all other publications
by the grossness and violence of its personal abuse. In the numbers
for March 14, 21, 28, there were long leading articles against
Whitefield. Throughout the whole of April, there were similar
articles against Wesley. On May 2, both Whitefield and Wesley were
vigorously attacked, and the opinion was expressed, that, "they are
privately set on by popish emissaries, to promote their interests,
and to take advantage of our being engaged in a war abroad to raise
disturbance at home; and, in the end, to bring in the Pretender upon
us, and so to involve us in blood, ruin, and confusion, to the utter
subversion of both church and state."

These mendacious onslaughts were continued every week up to June
27, when Mr. Hooper's infamous _Weekly Miscellany_ expired, and was
succeeded by the _New Weekly Miscellany, or Westminster Journal_. As
a specimen of its final foamings against Whitefield, the following
is taken from its concluding number:--

"Observations on Mr. Whitefield's conduct in America.--Mr.
Hooker,--You have heard in all the public prints of the designed
insurrection of the blacks in New York, to murder all the
English on that continent,--how many houses they set on fire
with that intention,--how they armed themselves with guns and
knives for that purpose,--how near they were to execute their
design,--with what difficulty it was suppressed,--how many
persons have been executed upon that account,--and how many are
still in prison in order to take their trials for that bloody
conspiracy.

"What I submit to your consideration is, how far Mr. Whitefield
has been instrumental in bringing this about. He tells us, in
his Journals, how he has travelled above fourteen hundred miles
in America, particularly to Pennsylvania, New England, New York,
Rhode Island, and South Carolina: and that, in all these places,
he has taken care to inveigh against the clergy of the Church
of England; that he has frequently preached in the dissenting
meetings, and has been carressed by their teachers. Now the
consequence of all this is to raise feuds and animosities among
ourselves. Mr. Whitefield has contended very strenuously for
the conversion and baptizing of the negroes. The design is
good, if well managed; but it does not appear that he made
much application to the _planters_, their masters, who ought
principally to be consulted. For the education of the negroes,
he has purchased five thousand acres of land in Pennsylvania,
which he has taken care to settle, upon himself and his heirs
for ever, for that purpose."

By such perversions and insinuations, this malignant writer proceeds
to assert, that, one result of Whitefield's preaching has been
to make the negroes discontented and turbulent, so "that all the
planters are forced to be doubly on their guard, and are not sure,
when they go to bed, but that they shall have their throats cut
before the next morning. The same preaching may be the overturning
of several of the colonies. How far Mr. Whitefield is answerable
before God, for the consequences of these proceedings, must be left
to his own conscience to determine."

It is remarkable, that, in the very midst of these weekly libellous
attacks, Whitefield placidly remarks, "Outward enemies are now more
quiet." Their falsehoods and bitterness were now comparatively
disregarded. He had become accustomed to violent abuse, and, in
defiance of it, went on his way rejoicing. He had foes, but he also
had friends. To John Cennick, at Kingswood, he wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, _June 8, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--How sweetly does Providence order all things
for us! Just before yours came, I was resolved to send you £20,
to begin the Society Room at Kingswood. Mrs. C---- gives it,
and, I believe, will make it fifty. This gentlewoman has been
made instrumental in relieving me out of my late distress. You
know how I was threatened to be arrested, soon after my arrival,
for above £300, due on account of the Orphan House in Georgia.
This drove me to my knees. The example of Professor Francke
encouraged me to pray. God was pleased to give me an answer
of peace. Having, as I thought, a full assurance of immediate
help, I went to sleep most comfortably. Early the next morning,
a friend came to enquire, if I knew where a gentlewoman of
his acquaintance might put out three or four hundred pounds.
I replied, Let her lend it to me, and, in a few months, God
willing, she shall have it again. Upon being acquainted with my
circumstances, she most cheerfully lent me the sum I wanted.
Praise the Lord, O my soul!

"I would have you lay the foundation" (of the Society Room at
Kingswood) "immediately; but take care of building too large or
too handsome. Notwithstanding my present embarrassments, who
knows but it may be in my power to discharge my Orphan-house
debt, and make collections here for Kingswood School too? When
I could get no assistance from my old friends, and spiritual,
prejudiced children, and was almost quite penniless, a serious
person, whom I never saw or heard of, came the other day and put
a guinea into my hand. On receiving it, something, as it were,
said to me, 'Cannot that God who sent this person to give thee
this guinea, make it up fifteen hundred?' As I told a friend
immediately, to whom I ran down, so I shall tell you, I doubt
not that this will be the case. My debt is all for God, and
contracted in providing for the fatherless and widow.

"As to the work here, though perhaps I may be blamed by some for
venturing so far, blessed be God, it goes on sweetly. All things
happen for the furtherance of the gospel.

"Eternally yours in Christ Jesus,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To his friend, the Rev. Josiah Smith, of Charleston, he wrote:--

"LONDON, _June 9, 1741_.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--Blessed be God, the word runs and is
glorified. The heat of the battle is now, I hope, pretty well
over. God is pleased to give me great power, and to strengthen
me both in body and soul. Our congregations are large and
awful. We generally see and feel much of the Divine presence
in the sanctuary. Many are pricked to the heart. I have three
truly experienced young men who have joined me.[446] Affairs
being somewhat settled here, I am going a long journey of
several months, through several counties in England, Wales, and
Scotland. The door was never opened wider for my preaching the
everlasting gospel.

[446] Probably his three lay preachers, Howell Harris, John
Cennick, and Joseph Humphreys.

"At present, there is no great fear of opposition from the men
in power; though I hear the House of Lords intend to give a
hearing to my appeal.[447] However it be, I am easy. The Lord
Jesus over-rules everything for the good of His church.

[447] Against the decisions of Commissary Garden's court at
Charleston.

"I suppose I cannot come over to you till about next spring. In
the meanwhile, I am, etc.,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

From the letter Whitefield wrote to Cennick, it is evident he was
still seriously in debt on account of his orphans in America; but he
was full of faith that God would provide for his necessities. His
confidence was not misplaced. On the 11th of June, Mr. Habersham,
his superintendent, wrote to him, saying:--

"You would be surprised to see Bethesda. God has given us the
appearance of a plentiful crop. The garden and plantation now
afford us many comfortable things, and in great plenty. Our
stores are well stocked with flour and beef. The house would
be soon finished, if we could get bricks. J. S---- is ready
to do all our bricklayers' work _gratis_. Brother W---- is a
great blessing to the family, and has spun and woven a great
deal for us. All the boys now sleep in the great house. They
have also coats, and lie in sheets of their own making. By this
means, they are kept sweet and clean. We have a fine growing
stock of cattle; and, if God should so order it that we should
have a plantation in Carolina, we should need but little, if
any, assistance from abroad. If our building were now done, our
expenses would be trifling to what they have been."[448]

Besides cheering intelligence like this, Whitefield began to receive
considerable assistance from friends in England. On one day, June
13, 1741, he had occasion to write to three different clergymen,
thanking them for their contributions. To the "Rev. Mr. U----" he
says: "Dear sir, I most heartily thank you for promising me your
assistance in respect to the orphans. I am persuaded our Lord will
be well pleased. He gives me great encouragement." To the "Rev. Mr.
S----, at Worcester," he writes: "As you are so aged and infirm, I
take it as an especial favour that you are pleased to write to me.
You need make no apology, reverend sir, for your plain dealing. I
love those best, who deal most sincerely with me. I also thank you
for your kind benefaction. My arrears upon the Orphan House are
yet large; but, I hope, ere long, the Lord will enable me to pay
them all. At present, I am kept from doubting." And to the third
clergyman, "the Rev. Mr. F----, at Southampton," he says, with a
characteristic gush of gratitude, "Just now I have received your
kind letter, and the generous benefaction of you and your friends
for the Orphan House. It came very opportunely, and strengthens my
faith in the blessed Jesus. I find He helps me by ways I know not."

Towards the end of June, Whitefield left London, to preach in the
provinces, and to make collections for his Orphanage.[449] In a
letter to John Cennick, dated "Hertford, July I, 1741," he says:--

[448] _Weekly History_, September 5, 1741.

[449] The following list of the collections for his Orphan House,
which Whitefield made in _England_, during the year 1741, will
shew, at least some of the country towns he visited. The list is
taken from his "Continuation of the Account of the Orphan House in
Georgia, from January 1741 to June 1742."

1741. COLLECTIONS AT £ _s._ _d._

April 12, Moorfields, London. 19 16 4
12, Charles' Square, London 16 16 10
19, The Tabernacle, London 23 11 1
May 17, Bristol 4 1 6
June 7, The Tabernacle, London 16 4 3-1/2
14, The Tabernacle, London 18 17 0
19, Rotherhithe, London 5 4 10
22, The Tabernacle, London 26 1 10
29, Halstead, Essex 12 9 6
29, Braintree, Essex 32 13 2
30, Weathersfield, Essex 10 0 6
30, Waldon, Essex 15 9 10
July 1, Stortford, Herts 13 9 9
1, Bedford, Bedfordshire 19 9 4
6, Great Gransden, Huntingdonshire 6 19 2
8, Burwell, Cambridgeshire 6 4 4
9, Bury, Suffolk 8 13 10
10, Sudbury, Suffolk 10 16 9
12, Dedham, Essex 8 13 0
12, Colchester, Essex 13 13 0
13, Coggeshall, Essex 8 2 10
15, Matchin, Essex 13 14 6
18, The Tabernacle, London 28 8 6

Total £339 10 10-1/2

"I have been enabled to preach twice every day, and to ride
several miles. The congregations have been everywhere very
large. God's presence has accompanied the word. People's hearts
have been enlarged. Within these few days, we have collected
near £100 for the poor orphans. Numbers of souls, I believe, are
under convictions. In some places, we have had near ten thousand
hearers."

In another letter, written at Colchester, eleven days later, he
tells Mr. Habersham, "I have been a circuit into Hertfordshire,
Essex, Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, and Suffolk. The word is
attended with power, and the alarm in the country greater than
ever. Contributions increase. I am more and more convinced that
evangelizing is my proper business at present."

In a third letter, addressed to "Mr. Howell Harris, at Mr. Syms's,
in the Paved Alley, Leadenhall Market, London," and which has not
heretofore been published, Whitefield wrote:--

"COGGESHALL, _July 13, 1741_.

"I must snatch a few moments to write to my dear brother Howell.
I rejoice to hear that the Lord is with you. May He cause all
opposition to fall before you! He has been doing great things
for me since I left London. Surely you pray for me. I am much
strengthened in body and soul. On Wednesday night, I hope to be
in London, and to preach in the Tabernacle on Thursday evening.
May the Lord sanctify our meeting! I must away to preach. The
clock strikes ten. Adieu!

"Your affectionate brother and servant,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In a fourth letter, dated July 18, he writes: "God has mightily
blessed my journey in the country. Thousands and tens of thousands
have flocked to hear the word, and near £180 have been collected for
the Orphan House."

It is a curious fact, that Whitefield's congregations and large
collections were represented as a national evil. In the _New Weekly
Miscellany_, for August 8, 1741, Richard Hooker wrote:--

"About a fortnight ago, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield returned to
London, from his progress of three weeks through the counties of
Hertford, Essex, Bedford, Cambridge, and Suffolk, during which
time he preached six-and-forty times, with such good success,
that the common enemy may guess thereby what mobs may be raised,
in these and other places, to disturb the kingdom, whenever
there is occasion. In his journeys, he collected upwards of £180
for the Orphan House in Georgia; and, on Sunday, the 19th of
July, in the morning, he had a collection at his New Booth in
London, where there were several half-guineas, and other sums
of lesser value given; but what was collected in the whole is
uncertain; only it is observed, that whatever money is sent
out of the nation in a time of war, when taxes are so high,
and trade decays, is a weakening of the public. And, as the
old proverb saith, 'Every little helps' to bring on the common
calamity, all this looks like a judicial infatuation, at a
time when we have so many real objects of charity in our own
kingdom. It is observable, that he pays in none of this money
to the trustees for Georgia; so that he hath no vouchers for
what he receives, and is accountable to no one, but as he sees
fit. And as the late famous Jonathan Wild, the thief-catcher,
had a correspondent in Holland, one Johnson, who received from
him such goods as he could not sell in England, so the Rev. Mr.
Whitefield hath one, Habersham, in Georgia, to receive all such
money as he knows not how otherwise to dispose of."

Enough for the present of the redoubtable Richard Hooker.
Whitefield, forsooth, was endangering the nation! And Jonathan Wild
might have claimed him as a suitable companion! Abuse like this
was far from pleasant; but Mr. Hooker found it difficult to exist
without bespattering his neighbours.

Whitefield's Dissenting friends had built him a large "New Booth,"
as Mr. Hooker politely called the Tabernacle; but his restless zeal
could not be confined within limits so contracted. Wesley, though
ecclesiastically irregular in his ministerial labours, most rigidly
refrained from identifying himself with Nonconformists. Whitefield,
on the other hand, wished to be the helper of all Christian
denominations. The following letter, to Joseph Humphreys, deserves
attention:--

"COGGESHALL, _July 13, 1741_.

"I received your letter at Bury; but cannot think that matters
are quite ripe, or that you are duly qualified for settling a
church. God lets me see, more and more, that I must evangelize.
I find you are for settling. Do as God shall direct: I am easy.
I only wish you may find settled persons to be your assistants.
Without this, a church cannot be rightly ordered. I have no
freedom, but in _going about to all denominations_. I cannot
join with any one, so as to be fixed in any particular place.
Every one has his proper gift. Field-preaching is my place. In
this, I am carried as on eagles' wings. God makes way for me
everywhere."

Thus, already, Whitefield had determined the plan which he
steadfastly pursued to the end of life. He was an ordained clergyman
of the Church of England; but was always ready to preach for any
other church whatever. In this respect, there was always a marked
difference between him and his friends John and Charles Wesley.
For this, he had been partly trained in England, but especially in
America, where his preaching labours had been chiefly in connection
with Nonconformist churches, and had been greatly blessed.

On July 24th, Whitefield embarked, at Gravesend, for Scotland,
where he landed six days afterwards. During the voyage, he wrote
twenty-seven letters, ten of which were to boys and girls in his
Orphan House. One of the letters, addressed to "the Students under
conviction at the Colleges of Cambridge and Newhaven, in New England
and Connecticut," must close the present chapter:--

"DEAR GENTLEMEN,--With unspeakable pleasure I have heard,[450]
that there seems to be a general concern among you about the
things of God. It was no small grief to me, that I was obliged
to say of your college, that 'your light was become darkness.' I
heartily thank God for sending dear Mr. Tennent among you. What
great things may we not now expect to see in New England, since
it hath pleased God to work so remarkably among the sons of the
prophets? Now we may expect a reformation indeed, since it is
beginning at the house of God.

[450] By Gilbert Tennent's letter, dated "New York, April 25,
1741." See p. 476.

"A dead ministry will always make a dead people. Whereas, if
ministers are warmed with the love of God themselves, they
cannot but be instruments of diffusing that love among others.
This, this is the best preparation for the work whereunto
you are called. Learning without piety will only make you
more capable of promoting the kingdom of Satan. Henceforward,
therefore, I hope you will enter into your studies, not to get
a parish, nor to be polite preachers, but to be great saints.
This, indeed, is the most compendious way to true learning;
for, an understanding enlightened by the Spirit of God is more
susceptible of divine truths, and, I am certain, will prove most
useful to mankind. The more holy you are, the more will God
delight to honour you. He loves to make use of instruments which
are like Himself. I hope that the _good old divinity_ will now
be precious to your souls, and that you will think it an honour
to tread in the steps of your pious forefathers. They were
acquainted with their own hearts, and, therefore, from their own
experience, they knew how to succour others. O may you follow
them, as they followed Christ!

"I trust you will not be offended at me for sending you these
few lines. I write out of the fulness of my heart. I make
mention of you always in my prayers. Forget me not in yours; and
fail not to give thanks, as well as pray, for your affectionate
brother and servant, in our common Lord,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

_FIRST VISIT TO SCOTLAND._

AUGUST TO NOVEMBER, 1741.

At the very time when Wesley was founding Methodism in Bristol and
in London, certain charges were brought, by the Commissioners of the
General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, against the following
ministers of that community: namely, Ebenezer Erskine, of Stirling;
William Wilson, of Perth; Alexander Moncrieff, of Abernethy; James
Fisher, of Kinclaven; Ralph Erskine, of Dunfermline; Thomas Mair,
of Orwell; Thomas Nairn, of Abbots-hall; and James Thompson, of
Burntisland.

Ebenezer Erskine was ordained, at Portmoak, in 1703; and Ralph, at
Dunfermline, in 1711. The former was now sixty-one years of age,
and the latter fifty-six. Both the brothers had been educated in
the University of Edinburgh; were men of talent; were diligent
in the discharge of their parochial duties; and were eminently
successful in their ministry. For instance, Ralph writes: "Sabbath,
July 10, 1737. I preached at half-past seven in the morning. The"
(sacramental) "tables began to be served a little before nine, and
continued till about twelve at night, there being between four and
five thousand communicants."

The Erskines, however, were not only successful preachers and
pastors, but were reformers. When they disliked a thing, they said
so. They refused to take the oath of abjuration, not because they
were Jacobites, or disloyal to the House of Hanover; but because
the oath seemed to imply an approval of Episcopacy, and because its
avowed design was the security of the Church of England.

In other ways, they also made themselves singular. The dominant
party in the Church of Scotland were, if not hostile, yet
indifferent, to the most important doctrines of religion. To correct
prevailing and tolerated heresies, an old book was re-published,
entitled "The Marrow of Modern Divinity," and consisting chiefly
of extracts from Luther and other eminent Protestant divines. The
dignitaries of the Kirk condemned the book. The Erskines heartily
approved of it. A fierce controversy arose out of this.

Again: in 1712, Parliament revived the law respecting patronage in
the Church of Scotland. This led to great excitement, and great
wrongs. At the General Assembly in 1730, there were twelve cases of
appeal against the intrusion of obnoxious ministers. The Assembly
not only dismissed the appeals, but enacted that, henceforth,
no reasons of dissent "against the determination of Church
judicatories" should be entered on the record. Angry discussions
followed. Ebenezer Erskine, in 1732, laid before the Assembly a
"representation of grievances," signed by himself and others, and
spoke accordingly. In the same year, as moderator of the Synod of
Perth and Stirling, he opened the Synod, by preaching a sermon, in
the course of which he remonstrated against the act of the preceding
Assembly with regard to the settlement of ministers, alleging that
it was contrary to the word of God, and the established constitution
of the Church. For this, the Synod passed upon him a vote of
censure. Erskine appealed to the General Assembly; but the censure
of the Synod was confirmed, and Erskine was appointed to be rebuked
and admonished at the bar of the Assembly. He refused to submit to
this. His brother Ralph and the other ministers, already mentioned,
sympathised with him. Further agitation followed, and the result of
the whole was, the following charges were preferred against them:--

1. That they had seceded from the Church of Scotland by a
total withdrawing from attendance upon, and submission to, its
judicatories. 2. That they had formed them selves into a Presbytery,
and had exercised judicial presbyterial power, not only over their
own congregations, but also over the whole church. 3. That they
had published a printed paper, not only assigning the grounds of
their own irregular conduct, but condemning the Church and the
judicatories thereof. 4. That they had administered the sacraments
to persons of other congregations, without the knowledge or consent
of the ministers who had the pastoral oversight of such persons. 5.
That they had ordained elders, and had appointed and kept fasts in
different parts of the country, to the neglect of their own proper
ministerial work. 6. That they had licensed one or more persons to
preach. 7. That they had, "in a pretended judicial manner," annulled
"the sentence of the lesser excommunication," pronounced, by the
presbytery of Dumblain, upon Archibald Edmund, and had baptized
the said Archibald's child. 8. That they had taken upon them to
excommunicate David Lesley, in the parish of the West Kirk, near
Edinburgh. 9. That they had preached, and had baptized several
children, in the parish of West Kirk, without proper certificates
from the ministers of the said parish, etc., etc.[451]

[451] "Acts of Proceedings of Ministers and Elders, met at
Edinburgh, May 16, 1739."

Such, in substance, were the accusations which the two Erskines
and their friends were summoned to answer, in the presence of the
General Assembly, on the 10th of May, 1739. The accusations were
disregarded, and the recusant ministers were expelled. Up to this
period, the whole of the inhabitants of Scotland, with the exception
of a few Popish, Episcopalian, and Cameronian Dissenters, belonged
to the Established Church of the country. Now was instituted a new
sect, "The Associate Presbytery," or "United Secession Church."[452]

[452] In 1847, "The United Secession Church" and the "Presbytery of
Relief," which had its origin in the "deposition" of the Rev. Thomas
Gillespie, in 1752, were amalgamated, and took the designation,
"United Presbyterian Church." The former had four hundred
congregations, and the latter about one hundred.

That the Church of Scotland, as well as the Church of England,
needed a reformation, is a fact which cannot admit of doubt.
Abundant evidence might be adduced in proof of this. The following
selections must serve as specimens.

On December 3, 1736, the Erskines and their associates drew up
an "Act, Declaration, and Testimony, for the Doctrine, Worship,
Government, and Discipline of the Church of Scotland," in which it
was alleged:--

"1. No due care has been taken in _licensing_ young men as
_probationers_ for the holy ministry. Many have been licensed,
who, by their general and loose harangues in the pulpit,
discover their ignorance of Christ and Him crucified, and their
estrangement from the power of godliness. There is as little of
Christ to be found in their sermons as in the systems of heathen
morals.

"2. The acceptance of presentations has become fashionable; and
the judicatories of the Church, instead of checking this corrupt
practice, have so far encouraged it, that the settlement of
_presentees_ has been appointed, when almost the whole parish
was _dissenting_ and _reclaiming_.

"3. The _conduct_ of the General Assemblies of the Church has
not been _equal_ and _impartial_ in matters of doctrine.

"4. Several _arbitrary acts_ and _decisions_ have been framed
and passed by the General Assemblies of the Church, whereby the
government of the house of God has been undermined, and the
discipline sinfully perverted.

"5. All the above-mentioned steps of defection and apostasy
are followed with many evident signs and causes of the Lord's
departure; such as abounding profanity, impiety, and the vilest
immoralities of all sorts, wherewith the land is greatly
polluted. The profane diversions of the _stage_, together with
night _assemblies_ and _balls_, these sinful occasions of
wantonness and prodigality, are encouraged and countenanced in
the most considerable cities of the nation. Popish errors and
delusions abound more and more; and the abominable idolatry
of the mass is openly frequented, yet no proper or effectual
remedies are applied against this growing evil. Church
discipline is not duly exercised against Papists, according
to former laudable acts and constitutions of this Church. The
_penal statutes_ against _witches_ have, of late, been repealed,
contrary to the express letter of the law of God. The power of
religion is daily decaying through the land; the very form of it
is despised by many, and rested upon by others. Our _nobility_
and _barons_, who have sometimes displayed heroic zeal, have
generally burst the Lord's bonds asunder, insomuch that the very
form of family worship is either despised or neglected by the
most part of them. Our _burgesses_ and _commons_, for the most
part, know not the way of the Lord, nor the judgments of their
God. The _ministers_ in the house of God are under a more than
ordinary restraint of the Spirit of God; and he that speaks
against the prevailing evils makes himself a prey."

This is a dark picture; and the following is not brighter. It is
taken from a sermon, by Ebenezer Erskine, published in 1736, and
entitled, "The Tabernacle of David ruined by Man, and reared up by
the Mighty God."

"God has, in a great measure, departed from high and low,
rich and poor; departed from magistrates, ministers, and
people. Little of God is to be seen in ordinances, or in the
judicatories of His Church. Oh what barrenness under a dispensed
gospel! Oh what abounding profanity! what cursing and swearing!
what tyranny and oppression, particularly in ecclesiastical
liberties and privileges! How are intruders enrolled among the
number of the ambassadors of Christ! How are the privileges
of the Lord's people sacrificed, in order to compliment the
man with the _gold ring_ and the _gay clothing_! The land is
groaning under a weight of sin; and the sin of the land is
crying for vengeance from the hand of God. In many corners of
Scotland, an empty jingle of human oratory, and dry harangues
of heathenish morality, are substituted in the room of the
gospel of Christ; a natural kind of religion preached up, and
the supernatural mysteries of the gospel generally exploded,
as unfashionable among many of our young ministers! We have
ministers now-a-days, who, instead of teaching men to deny
themselves, do teach them, from press and pulpit, that self-love
is the foundation of moral virtue, and that carnal reason is the
first principle of religion. Although Arian, Socinian, Arminian,
and other detestable and abominable, errors are rampant, where
is there a suitable banner of a testimony united against them?
Higher censures have been inflicted upon men for preaching the
truths of God, than upon others for denying the supreme Deity
of the Son of God. As for formality of worship, look through
the most of our worshipping assemblies in Scotland, and we
shall find the carcase of worship, instead of the soul of it,
presented unto the living God. Nothing but dead ministers, and
dead people, dead preaching, hearing, praying, and praising.
The generality of ministers and people sit down with a form of
godliness, while the life and power of it are quite gone."

Three more extracts must suffice. The following is selected from a
pamphlet of sixty-three pages, published in 1733, with the title,
"The present State of the Church of Scotland, with the Duty of the
Members thereof enquired into, in a Sermon, at the opening of the
Synod of Perth and Stirling, October 9, 1733. By Mr. Henry Lindsay,
Minister of the Gospel at Rothkennar."

"Of late years, Atheism, Infidelity, and Profanity have abounded in
these lands. Many have cast off all fear of God. Our _youth of
better fashion_, and others who pretend to be wise above their
neighbours, have most shamefully degenerated into the grossest
errors. The preaching of Christ, in His person, offices, and
salvation, is become, by too many among us, as a subject out of
date; while our itching ears crave something that is new, and we
are rather pleased to have our imaginations and fancies tickled by
_polite phrases_ and _eloquent expressions_, than to have our hearts
affected with a sense of sin."

In 1733, Ebenezer Erskine published a sermon, entitled, "The Grones
of Believers under their Burdens," in which he says:--

"Oh how rampant are atheism and profanity! Impiety, like
an impetuous torrent, carries all before it. It is become
fashionable among some to be impious and profane. Religion
is faced down by bold and petulant wits. Our divisions also
are lamentable. Court and country, church and state, are
divided; ministers divided from their people, and people from
their ministers; and both ministers and people divided among
themselves; and every party and faction putting the blame upon
each other. The defections and backslidings of the Church
are innumerable. Public days of fasting and humiliation are
rare. How very few are they whose hearts are bleeding for the
abounding wickedness of the day! Many professors of religion
take to themselves a scandalous latitude in cursing, swearing,
lying, drinking, and cheating."

In 1744, the Erskines and their party published a pamphlet of 122
pages, with the title, "Act of the Associate Presbytery, concerning
the Doctrine of Grace." The following is an extract from it:--

"A flood of errors has broken in upon the land, whereby
the Lord's name is dreadfully dishonoured; the doctrine of
justification by grace is wofully corrupted; the proper
imputation of the righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ, for
our justification before God, is denied; the foundations of our
holy religion are overturned; thousands of precious souls are
destroyed; and wide steps made towards popery and paganism.
There is a dreadful prevalency of Deism; the seed of Arianism
is sown; and there is also a general growth of Arminianism.
Profaneness and wickedness overspread the whole land. All ranks
of persons have corrupted their ways. The Holy Scriptures
are burlesqued. Popish errors and delusions are spreading.
The idolatrous mass is openly frequented. The name of God is
profaned by ordinary swearing and by perjury. The land is also
defiled with murders, drunkenness, prodigality, vanity in
apparel, foolish jesting, rioting, wantonness, yea, with open
adulteries and uncleanness of all sorts. Profane and sinful
customs are countenanced and encouraged, both at court, and in
some eminent places of the nation--such as the diversions of
the stage, masquerades, balls, and other similar seminaries of
lewdness and lasciviousness. Likewise fraud and injustice are
to be found amongst us; together with oppressions, lying, envy,
malice, evil-speaking, backbiting, falsehood, and covetousness."

This description of the state of things in Scotland is far from
nattering; but it is substantially correct. Scotland, as well as
England, needed a reformation; and it is not surprising that, when
Whitefield heard of the Erskines, he should sympathise with them. He
was the first of the Methodists who opened a correspondence with
the outcast ministers. Ralph Erskine writes:--

"April 17, 1739. I received a letter this month from Mr.
Whitefield, dated Bristol, March 10, 1739, shewing the great
outpouring of the Spirit in England and Wales, and his utility
in bringing home many souls to Christ; as also his hearing of
our success in Scotland, and desiring to have a line from me. I
did not suddenly answer, till I heard more about him, which I
did, both in public prints and by letters from London, having
written for an account of him."[453]

[453] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 287.

Erskine was satisfied with what he heard. In his diary, he
repeatedly mentions praying for Whitefield and his brethren.
Friendly letters were exchanged; and a correspondence continued
during the next two years.

As might naturally be expected, the Erskines attracted the attention
of Whitefield and the Wesleys. In some respects the men were
similar; in others they were widely different. The Erskines were
dissatisfied with the state of the Church of Scotland; and so were
Whitefield and the Wesleys with the state of the Church of England.
The Erskines were expelled from the Church of Scotland, and yet
claimed to be members of it. Whitefield and the Wesleys, though not
expelled from the Church of England, were practically silenced, for
almost all the pulpits of the Church were closed against them. The
Erskines were now tent-preachers, and preachers in the open-air;
so were Whitefield and his friends. The Erskines, though still
maintaining that they were members of the Church of Scotland,
were openly employed in organising a seceding church. Whitefield
and the Wesleys still called themselves members of the Church
of England; and yet they were actively, though unintentionally,
creating dissenting sects. Scotland greatly needed protesters like
the Erskines; and England greatly needed open-air preachers like
Whitefield and the Methodists.

A finer field of usefulness than Scotland, or one more adapted
to Whitefield's peculiar genius, doctrines, and mode of action,
it would have been difficult to find. Scotland had often had
meteor-like men, who had startled the country by their unexpected
advent and proceedings; and Whitefield was now added to the number.
The faith of Scotland, speaking generally, was, like that of
Whitefield, Calvinistic. Field-preaching--so offensive to the Church
dignitaries of England--was no novelty across the Tweed. During
the preceding century, Presbyterians, driven from their churches
by persecuting papists, had transmitted to their descendants a
partiality for religious assemblies in the fields. Everything seemed
to be in Whitefield's favour.

Still, the circumstances just mentioned were not the reasons why he
went to Scotland. As the reader has already seen, the Erskines and
their friends occupied the same position in Scotland that the Oxford
Methodists did in England. Both parties, without design, had become
national evangelists, and were strangely exciting the churches of
their respective countries.

The correspondence, begun in 1739, was continued. A month after
Whitefield's return to England in 1741, Ralph Erskine wrote to him
as follows:--

"DUNFERMLINE, _April 10, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Glory to God! who has
enlightened you so clearly, and enabled you to give testimony
so faithfully, against the dangerous errors that are springing
up. Blessed be God! that you are set for the defence of the
gospel, and that I hear your song of distinguishing grace, and
of our Lord's powerful presence with you. Go on, dear brother,
in asserting and publishing the doctrine of sovereign grace,
reigning through His righteousness to eternal life; for this,
and only this gospel will be the organ of omnipotency, and the
power of God to the salvation of sinners. We and our people have
all a notion of you as being in the way of reformation. I am
persuaded that your coming to us would be matter of great joy.
How great is our need of such awakening gales of heaven, as you
speak of in the last visit you made to Georgia.

"Come, if possible, dear Whitefield, come. There is no face
on earth I would desire more earnestly to see. Yet, I would
desire it _only_ in a way that, I think, would tend most to the
advancing of our Lord's kingdom, and the reformation work, among
_our_ hands. Such is the situation of affairs among us, that,
unless you come with a design to meet and abide with us of 'The
Associate Presbytery,' and if you make your public appearances
in the places especially of their concern, I would _dread_ the
consequence of your coming, lest it should seem equally to
countenance our persecutors. Your fame would occasion a flocking
to you, to whatever side you turn; and, if it should be in their
pulpits, as no doubt some of them would urge, we know how it
would be improven against us. I know not with whom you could
_safely_ join yourself, if not with us.

"Mr. Wilson, in Perth, who teacheth as our Professor of
Divinity, has more candidates for the ministry under his charge
than most of the public colleges, except Edinburgh. I have two
sons with him, who seem to be promising youths.

"You are still dearer and dearer to me. By your last Journal, I
observed your growing zeal for the doctrine of grace.

"I am, reverend and dear brother, yours in Him, who is the best
centre of our love and union--_the Lord our righteousness_,

"RALPH ERSKINE."[454]

[454] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 322; and
_Evangelical Magazine_, 1814, p. 508; and Oliphant's Whitefield.
Edinburgh, 1826.

Whitefield's reply to this strange proposal, to join "The Associate
Presbytery," will be found in the following letters to Ebenezer
Erskine and his brother Ralph:--

"BRISTOL, _May 16, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I owe you much love. Only want of time
prevents my writing to you oftener.

"This morning I received a kind letter from your brother
Ralph, who thinks it best for me wholly to join 'The Associate
Presbytery,' if it should please God to send me into Scotland.
This I cannot altogether agree to. I come only as an occasional
preacher, to preach the simple gospel, to all who are willing
to hear me, of whatever denomination. It will be wrong in me to
join in a reformation, as to church government, any further than
I have light given me from above. If I am quite neuter as to
that in my preaching, I cannot see how it can hinder or retard
any design _you_ may have on foot. My business seems to be to
evangelise,--to be a Presbyter at large.

"When I shall be sent into your parts, I know not. I write this,
that there may not be the least misunderstanding between us. I
love and honour 'The Associate Presbytery.' With this I send
them my due respects, and most humbly beg their prayers. But let
them not be offended, if, in all things, I cannot immediately
fall in with them. Let them leave me to God. Whatever light He
is pleased to give me, I hope I shall be faithful to it.

"I love you tenderly, but am almost ashamed to subscribe myself
your brother in the best of bonds,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

To Ralph Erskine, Whitefield wrote, on the same subject, as
follows:--

"LONDON, _June 4, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I have not yet determined the exact
time of coming to Scotland; but, I believe, I shall be with you
in about three months. I cannot but think that 'The Associate
Presbytery' are a little too hard upon me. If I am neuter as
to the particular reformation of church government till I
have further light, it will be enough. I come simply to preach
the gospel, and to be received only as an occasional itinerant
preacher by all, and not to enter into any particular connection
whatever. The Lord, I hope, will order my goings in His ways.

"I have need of your prayers. My trials are great, my comforts
far greater. We are likely to have settled Societies in several
places.

"I am, reverend and dear sir, your unworthy fellow-labourer and
affectionate brother and servant in Christ,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

In reply to Whitefield's letter of May 16, the Rev. Ebenezer Erskine
wrote as follows:--

"HILLDOWN, NEAR DUNBAR, _June, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND VERY DEAR BROTHER--As our Assembly did last year
eject us from our churches, and exclude us from our ministry and
legal maintenance, for lifting up our reformation testimony; so,
from all I can hear, they have, in May last, appointed several
violent intrusions to be made upon Christian congregations;
whereby the flock of Christ is scattered more and more upon the
mountains. The wandering sheep come with their bleatings to 'The
Associate Presbytery;' whereby our work is daily increasing, in
feeding and rallying our Master's flock, scattered and offended
by the Established Church.

"From this, you will easily see what reason 'The Associate
Presbytery' have to say, 'Come over to Scotland, and help us!'
We hear that God is with you of a truth; and, therefore, we wish
for as intimate a connection with you as possible, for building
the fallen tabernacle of David in Britain, and particularly in
Scotland when you shall be sent to us.

"This, dear brother, and no party views, is at the bottom of any
proposal made by my brother Ralph, in his own name, and in the
name of his Associate Brethren. It would be very unreasonable
to propose or urge that you should incorporate as a member
of our Presbytery, and wholly embark in every branch of our
reformation, unless the Father of lights were clearing your way
thereunto. All intended by us, at present, is, that, when you
come to Scotland, your way may be such as not to strengthen the
hands of our corrupt clergy and judicatories, who are carrying
on a course of defection, and worrying out a faithful ministry
from the land.

"Far be it from us to limit your great Master's commission to
preach the gospel to every creature. We ourselves preach the
gospel to all, promiscuously, who are willing to hear us; but we
preach not upon the call and invitation of the ministers, but
of the people, which, I suppose, is your own practice now in
England. Should this also be your way when you come to Scotland,
it could do 'The Associate Presbytery' no manner of harm. But
if, besides, you could find freedom to company with us, to
preach with us and for us, and to accept our advices in your
work, while in this country, it might contribute much to weaken
the enemy's hand, and to strengthen ours in the work of the
Lord, when the strength of the battle is against us.

"I am truly sorry for the Wesleys--to see them so far left to
themselves. I have seen your letter to them, and praise the Lord
on your behalf, who enables you to stand up so valiantly for the
truth, and with so much light and energy.

"I am, etc.,
"EBENEZER ERSKINE."[455]

[455] Fraser's "Life of Ebenezer Erskine," pp. 424-427.

Thus the matter stood when Whitefield arrived in Scotland on July
30, 1741. Whatever might be the motives of the two Erskines, one of
them sixty years of age, and the other fifty-six, it was scarcely
a creditable proceeding to endeavour to inveigle an impulsive
young man of six-and-twenty to join himself to their own seceding
party. No doubt, they thought, that, in their present difficulties,
he might render them important service; for Whitefield was the
most popular preacher that England had; but they ought to have
remembered, that, however harsh the treatment to which he had been
subjected by the Church of which he was an ordained minister, he had
never formally severed his connection with that Church; and that
he had, again and again, declared his intention to be, at least
for some time to come, an itinerant preacher, ready to labour in
connection with all churches, but unwilling to become the settled
pastor of any one in particular.

Whitefield spent his first night in Scotland with Ralph Erskine, at
Dunfermline; who, the next day, wrote to his brother Ebenezer as
follows:--

"DUNFERMLINE, _July 31, 1741_.

"Mr. Whitefield came to me yesternight about ten. I had
conversation with him alone this forenoon. I only mention this
one thing about his ordination; he owned he then knew no other
way, but said he would not have it that way again for a thousand
worlds. As to his preaching, he declares he can refuse no call
to preach Christ, whoever gives it: were it a Jesuit priest or
a Mahomedan, he would embrace it for testifying against them.
He preached in my meeting-house this afternoon. The Lord is
evidently with him."[456]

[456] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 326.

Was Ralph Erskine strictly correct in his statement that Whitefield
said, if he had life to begin again, he would not be ordained a
minister of the Church of England "for a thousand worlds"? Many will
doubt this; others will believe it. Let it pass. The reader will
welcome Whitefield's own account of the first two services he held
in Scotland. In a letter to John Cennick, he wrote:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 1, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--As the Messrs. Erskine gave me the first
invitation to Scotland, and have been praying for me in the most
public, explicit, I could almost say, extravagant manner, for
near two years past, I was determined to give them the first
offer of my poor ministrations. Accordingly, I went yesterday
to Dunfermline, where dear Mr. Ralph Erskine has got a large
seceding meeting-house. He received me very lovingly. I preached
to his and the town's people,--a very thronged assembly. After
I had done prayer, and had named my text, the rustling made by
opening the Bibles all at once quite surprised me,--a scene I
never was witness to before. Our conversation after sermon,
in the house, was such as became the gospel of Christ. They
entertained me with various accounts of the 'Seceders'' labours.
At one of their late occasions, a woman was so deeply affected,
that she was obliged to stop her mouth with a handkerchief to
keep herself from crying out. They urged a longer stay, in order
to converse more closely, and to set me right about church
government, and the solemn league and covenant. I informed them,
that, I had given notice of preaching in Edinburgh; but, as
they desired it, I would, in a few days, return, and meet 'The
Associate Presbytery,' in Mr. Ralph Erskine's house. This was
agreed on.

"Dear Mr. Erskine accompanied me, and, this evening, I preached,
to many thousands, in a place called _the Orphan House Park_.
The Lord was there. Immediately after sermon, a large company,
among whom were some of the nobility, came to salute me. Amidst
our conversation, came in a portly, well-looking Quaker, nephew
of Messrs. Erskine, formerly a Baptist minister in the north of
England, who, taking me by the hand, said, 'Friend George, I am
as thou art. I am for bringing all to the life and power of the
ever-living God; and, therefore, if thou wilt not quarrel with
me about my hat, I will not quarrel with thee about thy gown.'
In this respect, I wish all, of every denomination, were thus
minded.

"I find God has blessed my work in these parts. I am most
cordially received by many who love the Lord Jesus. I have just
been in company with a nobleman, who, I believe, truly fears
God; and also with a lady of fashion, who discovers a Christian
spirit. I already hear of great divisions; but Jesus knows how
to bring order out of confusion.

"Be pleased to read this to all in Wine Street" (Bristol), "and
remember me kindly to all who love the glorious Redeemer.

"I am, etc.,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[457]

[457] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 304; and "Life and Diary of
Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 327.

In accordance with the intimation given in this letter, Whitefield
met "The Associate Presbytery," at Dunfermline, on Wednesday,
August 5, 1741. The ministers present were the Rev. Messrs. Ralph
and Ebenezer Erskine, Moncrieff, Gibb, Thomas and James Mair, and
Clarkson. Two elders were also present, namely, Messrs. James
Wardlaw and John Mowbray.[458]

[458] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 333.

Three days after this conference was held, Whitefield gave the
following account of it, to his friend Mr. Noble, of New York:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 8, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--'The Associate Presbytery' are so confined
that they will not so much as hear me preach, unless I will join
with them. Mr. Ralph Erskine, indeed, did hear me, and went with
me into the pulpit of the Cannongate Church. The people were
ready to shout for joy; but, I believe, it gave offence to his
associates.

"I met most of them, according to appointment, on Wednesday
last. A set of grave venerable men! They soon proposed to form
themselves into a presbytery, and were proceeding to choose
a moderator. I asked them for what purpose? They answered,
to discourse, and set me right about the matter of church
government, and the Solemn League and Covenant. I replied, they
might save themselves that trouble, for I had no scruples about
it; and that settling church government, and preaching about
the Solemn League and Covenant, was not my plan. I then told
them something of my experience, and how I was led out into my
present way of acting. One, in particular, said he was deeply
affected; and dear Mr. Erskine desired they would have patience
with me; for that, having been born and bred in England, and
having never studied the point, I could not be supposed to be
so perfectly acquainted with the nature of their covenants.
One, much warmer than the rest, immediately replied, 'that no
indulgence was to be shewn me; that England had revolted most
with respect to church government; and that I, born and educated
there, could not but be acquainted with the matter now in
debate.' I told him, I had never yet made the Solemn League and
Covenant the object of my study, being busy about matters, as I
judged, of greater importance. Several replied, that every pin
of the tabernacle was precious. I said, that, in every building,
there were outside and inside workmen; that the latter, at
present, was my province; that if they thought themselves called
to the former, they might proceed in their own way, and I
should proceed in mine. I then asked them seriously, what they
would have me to do? The answer was, that I was not desired to
subscribe immediately to the Solemn League and Covenant, but
to preach only for them till I had further light. I asked, why
only for them? Mr. Ralph Erskine said, 'they were the Lord's
people.' I then asked, whether there were no other Lord's people
but themselves; and, supposing all others were the devil's
people, they certainly had more need to be preached to; and,
therefore, I was more and more determined to go out into the
highways and hedges; and that, if the Pope himself would lend me
his pulpit, I would gladly proclaim the righteousness of Jesus
Christ therein. Soon after this, the company broke up; and one
of these, otherwise venerable men, immediately went into the
meeting-house, and preached upon these words, 'Watchman, what of
the night? Watchman, what of the night? The watchman said, The
morning cometh, and also the night; if ye will enquire, enquire
ye: return, come.' I attended; but the good man so spent himself
in the former part of his sermon, in talking against prelacy,
the Common Prayer Book, the surplice, the rose in the hat, and
such-like externals, that when he came to the latter part of his
text, to invite poor sinners to Jesus Christ, his breath was so
gone, that he could scarce be heard. What a pity that the last
was not first, and the first last!

"The consequence of all this was an open breach. I retired; I
wept; I prayed; and, after preaching in the fields, sat down
and dined with them, and then took a final leave. At table, a
gentlewoman said, she had heard that I had told some people
that, 'The Associate Presbytery' were building a Babel. I said,
'Madam, it is quite true; and I believe the Babel will soon fall
down about their ears.' But enough of this. Lord, what is man?
what the best of men? but men at the best! I think I have now
seen an end of all perfection. Our brethren in America, blessed
be God! have not so learned Christ. Be pleased to inform them of
this letter.

"Ever yours in our common Lord,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

The only fact, that can be added to this simple statement, is found
in the following extract from a manuscript written by Ebenezer
Erskine:--

"As Mr. Whitefield shewed an inclination to proceed to a
conference about toleration, it was proposed, that, seeing
toleration of all sects is an opinion of his, it was thought
fit to consider what is the form of government Christ has laid
down in His word. And, agreeably to this, Mr. Whitefield put
the question, Whether Presbyterian government be that which is
agreeable to the pattern shewn in the mount? and, supposing that
it is, whether it excluded a toleration of such as Independents,
Anabaptists, and Episcopalians, among whom there are good men?
Mr. Ebenezer Erskine said to him, 'Sir, God has made you an
instrument of gathering a great multitude of souls to the faith
and professing of the gospel throughout England, and also in
foreign parts; and now it is fit that you should consider how
that body is to be organised and preserved; which cannot be
done without following the example of Paul and Barnabas, who,
when they had gathered churches by the preaching of the gospel,
visited them again, and ordained over them elders in every
city; which you cannot do alone, without some two or three met
together, in a judicative capacity, in the name of the Lord.
Unto all which, Mr. Whitefield replied, that he reckoned it his
present duty to go on preaching the gospel without proceeding to
any such work. It was urged that, after his death,--the flock
might be scattered, and fall into the hands of grievous wolves,
without any to care for them. He said, that he, being of the
communion of the Church of England, had none to join him in that
work; and that he had no freedom to separate from the Church of
England, until it excommunicated him."[459]

[459] "Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 335.

This is all the _authentic_ information that exists respecting the
memorable conference at Dunfermline. It is certainly amusing, and
invites criticism; but the reader must form his own judgment of the
chief actors in this ecclesiastical assembly. Suffice it to remark
here, that, Whitefield's friends of "The Associate Presbytery"
became extremely wroth; "From that time, they not only disavowed all
connection with him, but preached against him publicly, and even
went so far as to stigmatise him as an agent of the devil."[460]
This is not an unfounded assertion. In 1742, the Rev. Adam Gibb, one
of the members of "The Associate Presbytery," who met Whitefield at
Dunfermline on August 5, 1741, published a closely written pamphlet
of seventy-five pages, with the following title: "A Warning against
countenancing the Ministrations of Mr. George Whitefield, published
in the New Church at Bristow, upon Sabbath, June 6, 1742. Together
with an Appendix upon the same subject, wherein are shewn, that
Mr. Whitefield is _no_ Minister of Jesus Christ; that his _call_
and _coming_ to Scotland are _scandalous_; that his practice is
_disorderly_, and _fertile_ of disorder; that his _whole_ doctrine
is, and his success _must_ be, _diabolical_; so that people ought to
_avoid_ him, from _duty_ to God, to the Church, to themselves, to
their fellow-men, to posterity, and to _him_. By Adam Gibb, Minister
of the Gospel at Edinburgh." (12mo.) A few extracts from this sour
pamphlet must be given.

[460] "Life of Rev. John Erskine, D.D.," p. 96.

"It is no unusual thing with Mr. Whitefield, in his Journals,
to apply unto himself things said of and by the Christ of God.
In the 'Account of God's Dealings with Him,' he holds himself
out as comparable with Christ, at his birth in an inn, in his
suffering of thirst, and in the transition from suffering to
relief. The general scope of his Journals is to publish and
celebrate himself; the _matter_ thereof being generally such as
is for no man's advantage, nor worth any man's while to know. He
goes through the world preaching as some _notable_ person, or as
a general _quickener_ of ministers and people, while standing
_co-ordinate_ with none of them; and it is well known, that
much of his preaching is employed in publishing his own _sin_,
_sufferings_, _exaltation_, _achievements_, and _concern_ for
the salvation of men."

"As this foreigner" (Whitefield) "comes here without any
Scripture mission or call, so his known and avowed _principles_
are _prelatical_, and thus contrary to the word of God. His
_present_ ministrations have a _direct_ tendency to introduce
among us a _latitudinarian_ scheme; and particularly to make men
_sceptics_ as to the _discipline_ and _government_ of the house
of God. True, indeed, this is propagated under a very specious
pretence,--a _pretence_ of _universal charity_ for good men,
that differ about these things. And now matters are come to that
pass with many, that it is reckoned _uncivil_ and _uncharitable_
to make any ado about our _Reformation standards_ of discipline
and government, though founded in the word of God."

"That Mr. Whitefield is no minister of Christ appears from
the _manner_ wherein that office, he professes to bear, is
_conveyed_ to him. He derives it from a _diocesan bishop_, who
derives his office from the king, and the king professes not to
be a church-officer at all."

"The awful _profanation_ of the Lord's day, which the noise of
Mr. Whitefield's ministrations _introduces_, deserves especial
consideration. It is well known, that, on this day, multitudes
in Edinburgh wait publicly (and very indecently too) for his
appearance, through several hours before the time appointed
for it, and that while public worship is exercised through
the city, where these people profess no scruple to join. The
_profanity_ of this practice needs no proof, and the profanity
of _countenancing_ it needs as little."

"The complex scheme of Mr. Whitefield's doctrine is
_diabolical_, as proceeding through diabolical _influence_, and
applied unto a diabolical _use_, against the Mediator's glory,
and the salvation of men. This is the awful _point_ whereunto
the whole articles of our charge against him are gathered."

"We conclude, that, all Mr. Whitefield's _hearers_ are
_exposing_ themselves to _Satanical_ influence: and, from the
preceding reasonings, it follows, that all who _espouse_ his
way, must be either the formal _subjects_ of _such Satanical_
operation as we have been considering, or be _led_ by Satan
unto _blind_, _unreasonable_, and _furious contending_ for that
gloomy cause. Is not this, then, most _hellish hurt_, which they
acquire in countenancing him?"

"How _awful_ is the condition and progress of this man, while
_roaming_ about far and near, and warmly casting forth floods of
doctrine calculated for transmitting _devils_ into the _hearts_
of men! At the same time, God is giving up many ministers,
and multitudes of people, to run after him, over the belly of
_reason_ and _religion_; and to publish their embarking with
him, better than ever they did with the _Christ_ of God. Thus is
he, in the judgment of God, become a _plague_ to their _heads_,
_hearts_, and _eyes_, rendering them _blind_, _infatuated_,
and _furious_ in a new career of apostasy from God. They are
evidently given up to the lust of _Satan_, rendering them either
_patients_, _apprentices_, or _journeymen_, with reference to
the _drug_ of _Satanical_ doctrine that is now vended among us."

Such was the language used, concerning Whitefield, by one
of the very men who, only ten months before, had done their
utmost to induce him to identify himself with their "Associate
Presbytery."[461] And to shew that he was not an exception among his
brethren, it may be added, that, in 1744, "The Associate Presbytery"
itself published a long official document of 138 pages, in which,
after enumerating the sins of Scotland, they added:--

"The sins and provocations of this land are further increased
by the kind reception that many, both ministers and people,
have given to Mr. George Whitefield, a professed member and
priest of the superstitious Church of England; and by the great
entertainment that has been given to _latitudinarian tenets_,
as propagated by him and others; whereby any particular form
of church government is denied to be of Divine institution,
and also, whereby, under a pretence of _catholic love_, a
scheme is laid for uniting parties of all denominations in
church communion, in a way destructive of any testimony for the
declarative glory of Immanuel, as Head and King of Zion, and for
the covenanted reformation of this Church and land."[462]

[461] It is only just to Mr. Gibb to say, that, in after years, he
regretted the publication of his pamphlet. "At that time," said
he, "my blood was too hot, and I was unable to write with becoming
temper." ("Life and Diary of Rev. Ralph Erskine," p. 351.)

[462] Act of the Associate Presbytery for renewing the National
Covenant of Scotland. December 23, 1743.

Another pamphlet published against Whitefield was the following: "A
Letter, from a Gentleman in the Country to his Friend in Edinburgh,
concerning Mr. Wh--f--d: wherein his Mission, Doctrine, and
Character are impartially enquired into and examined. Edinburgh,
1741." (31 pp.) The writer wants to know Whitefield's authority for
preaching in Scotland, and asks, "Was there really a necessity for
sending down a young man, meanly educated, to teach the Scottish
clergy their duty, and direct them to more accuracy, life, and zeal
in the discharge of the several parts of their function?" He further
asks, "Shall I believe, what is told me, that, though Mr. Whitefield
has declared himself a member of the Church of England, yet, he has
not so much as once, since he came to Scotland, begun or concluded
his worship with the Lord's Prayer or the Doxology?" The general
conclusion of the writer is, that Whitefield "has more of craziness
than grace; and that this son of Levi takes far too much upon him."

To say the least, there was something pitiably mean in this action
of the men who had invited Whitefield to visit Scotland. Because
he declined to join their sect, they became his calumniating
enemies. There can be little doubt that their bigotry enhanced
Whitefield's popularity. He spent thirteen weeks in Scotland; and
his letters, written during this period, will amply prove what has
just been stated. At the risk of being prolix, somewhat copious
extracts must be given. At least thirty towns had the benefit of his
ministrations, though the first month seems to have been employed in
Edinburgh and its immediate neighbourhood. He writes:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 8, 1741_.

"On Sunday evening" (last), "I preached in a field near the
Orphan House, to upwards of fifteen thousand people; and on
Monday, Friday, and Saturday evenings, to near as many. On
Tuesday, I preached in the Cannongate Church; on Wednesday and
Thursday, at Dunfermline; and, on Friday morning, at Queen's
Ferry. Everywhere the auditories were large, and very attentive.
Great power accompanied the Word. Many have been brought under
convictions."[463]

[463] One of Whitefield's hearers wrote, under date of "Sunday,
August 9, 1741," as follows: "Numbers of all ranks, all
denominations, and all characters, come to hear him, though his
sermons abound with those truths which would be unwelcome from
the mouths of others. Three hours before noon he appoints for
people under distress to converse with him." (Gillies' "Memoirs of
Whitefield.")

To the Rev. Mr. Willison, minister at Dundee, he addressed the
following:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 10, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I just now had the pleasure of your
letter, for which be pleased to accept my hearty thanks.

"Glory be to free grace! Many are here brought under
convictions. The glorious Emmanuel is pleased to clothe His word
with power. I am amazed at His loving-kindness, and want heaven
and earth to join with me in praising His holy name.

"I wish you would not trouble yourself or me by writing about
the corruptions of the Church of England. I believe there is
no Church perfect under heaven; but, as God is pleased to send
me forth simply to preach the gospel to all, I think there is
no need of casting myself out. The divisions in Scotland are
affecting, and will occasion great searchings of heart."

To the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, of Aberdeen, he wrote:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 10, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your kind and obliging
letter. I hope to come into the northern parts; but the precise
time I cannot tell.

"I find it best simply to preach the pure gospel, and not to
meddle at all with controversy. The present divisions are a sore
judgment to Scotland. This is my comfort, Jesus is king. I have
been with several of 'The Associate Presbytery,' but I see no
hopes of accommodation. O that the power of religion may revive!
Nothing but that can break down the partition wall of bigotry."

One of the noblemen with whom Whitefield became acquainted in
Edinburgh was Lord Rae, to whom he wrote as follows:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 11, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--I hope this will find your lordship safe at your
journey's end, rejoicing in God for giving His angels charge
concerning you in the way. The Lord of all lords has dealt most
lovingly with me since your departure hence. His power has been
frequently made known in the great congregation, and many come
to me daily, crying out, 'What shall I do to be saved?' I hope
we shall see the kingdom of God come with power. This is the
full desire of my soul. I am determined to seek after and know
nothing else. Besides this, all other things are but dung and
dross. O my Lord, why should we, who are pilgrims, mind earthly
things? Why should we, who are soldiers, entangle ourselves with
the things of this life? Heavenly-mindedness is the very life of
a Christian. It is all in all."

Another nobleman, who became one of Whitefield's friends, was the
Marquis of Lothian. The following is an extract from Whitefield's
letter to him:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 12, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--I am surprised to find your lordship so condescending
as to write to me. How bright does humility shine in great
personages! I pray God to give your lordship grace to determine
to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified. He is the
only centre of true happiness. In Him alone, solid, lasting
joys are to be found. Having Jesus, I find, in Him I possess
all things. But whither am I going? Your lordship will excuse
me. I pray God to visit you with His great salvation. I thank
your lordship for your intended benefaction to the poor Georgia
orphans. I hope the glorious Emmanuel will accept it at your
hands."

Another letter, apparently to Howell Harris, who probably was
supplying Whitefield's pulpit at the Tabernacle, London, was as
follows:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 13, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--'The Associate Presbytery' have been
hard upon me; but I find no freedom any longer than I continue
just as I am, and evangelize to all. I know not that I differ
from you in one thing.

"Glory be to God for what He has done in London! He is doing
great things here. I walk in the continual sunshine of His
countenance. Every day, fresh seals are given of my ministry.
This morning, God opened my mouth to speak to preachers of
the gospel. Be pleased to accept this summary account of my
proceedings. On Sunday morning, I preached to the orphans here;
and in the evening to as many people as the Sunday before.
Every day since, excepting Monday, I have preached, either in
the churches or field, twice a day; and, yesterday, I collected
upwards of £93 for the Georgia orphans. People are daily coming
under deep convictions, and fresh invitations are sent me to
preach at divers places round about. On Sunday, I purpose
to preach in the country, and also the greater part of the
following week, and shall return again about Friday to this
city. O my brother, exhort all to praise the Lord!"

In a letter to David Erskine, of Stirling, one of the sons of
Ebenezer Erskine, Whitefield seems to attribute the blame of the
bigoted proceedings of the Dunfermline conference to others than to
the two Erskine brothers:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 13, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--The treatment I met with from 'The Associate
Presbytery' was not altogether such as I expected. It grieved
me, as much as it did you. I could scarce refrain from bursting
into a flood of tears. I wish all were like-minded with your
honoured father and uncle. Matters then would not be carried on
with so high a hand. Such violent methods, such a narrow way of
acting, can never be the way to promote and enlarge the kingdom
of the blessed Jesus. It surely must be wrong to fix such bounds
to ourselves, as forbid even our hearing those who love the Lord
Jesus in sincerity, and have also been owned of Him. Christ
would not have done so. Supposing the scheme of government,
which 'The Associate Presbytery' contend for, to be scriptural,
yet forbearance and long-suffering ought to be exercised towards
such as differ from them. I am persuaded, there is no such form
of government, prescribed in the book of God, as excludes a
toleration of all other forms whatsoever. If the New Testament
outward tabernacle was to be built as punctual as the Old, as
punctual directions would have been given about the building
of it; whereas, it is only deduced by inference, and thus we
see Independents, Presbyterians, and Episcopalians bring the
same text to support their particular scheme; and, I believe,
Jesus Christ thereby would teach us to exercise forbearance to
each other. If the scheme of 'The Associate Presbytery' were to
take effect, they must, out of conscience, restrain and grieve,
if not persecute, many of God's children who could not come
into their measures; and I doubt not but their present violent
methods, together with the corruptions of the Assembly, will
cause many to turn Independents, and set up particular churches
of their own. This was the effect of Archbishop Laud acting with
so high a hand; and whether it be presbytery or episcopacy, if
managed in the same manner, it will be productive of the same
effects.

"Blessed be God! I have not so learned Christ. I preach the
simple gospel; and our glorious Jesus is pleased to attend
it with His power. O dear sir, I love and honour your pious
father. Remember me in the kindest manner to the good old man.
I pray God, his last days may not be employed too much in the
non-essentials of religion. My heart is knit to the family.
God willing, I am to preach at Falkirk on Tuesday evening, and
purpose to be at Stirling that night, and to preach twice there
the next day. If it was thought advisable, I would collect for
the Orphan House at Georgia in the afternoon."

In another letter, dated "Edinburgh, August 15, 1741," Whitefield
speaks of more than "three hundred in the city seeking after Jesus,"
and says: "Every morning I have a levee of wounded souls. At seven
in the morning, we have a lecture in the fields, attended not only
by the common people, but persons of great rank. I have reason
to think several of the latter sort are coming to Jesus. Little
children also are much wrought upon. Congregations consist of many
thousands. I preach twice daily, and expound in private houses at
night, and am employed in speaking to souls under distress great
part of the day."

On August 24, Whitefield tells James Habersham, his Orphan-house
superintendent, that, he had collected, in Scotland, nearly £200,
and had a prospect of collecting much more. He had "bought five
hundred yards of cloth for the dear orphans' winter wear;" but was
still hundreds of pounds in debt.

To Ralph Erskine, who had insinuated that Whitefield's wish to raise
money for his orphans had made him a temporizer, the following was
addressed:--

"EDINBURGH, _August 24, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your kind letter. I
believe it proceeded from love; but, as yet, I cannot think
the Solemn League and Covenant is obligatory upon me. Indeed,
dear sir, you mistake if you think I temporize on account of
the orphans. Be it far from me. I abhor the very thought of it.
I proceed now, just as I have ever done since I entered the
ministry; and, so far from not setting a hedge about our Lord's
garden, if I were called to it, I should set a much closer hedge
than that which 'The Associate Presbytery' are planting. I
should enquire into people's experiences, before I admitted them
to the Lord's table. I should have church members meet in church
fellowship, and tell one another what God has done for their
souls. You seem to think I am not open to light. That I may give
you satisfaction, I am willing to confer with Mr. Wilson,[464]
at Perth, where I am to be on Thursday, September 3. On Tuesday
next, I purpose preaching at Dunfermline. I am engaged to sup at
your colleague's house, but intend to lie at yours."

[464] "The Associate Presbytery's" professor of Divinity. See p. 505.

Towards the end of August, Whitefield appears to have made a
preaching tour in the Scottish provinces.[465] In a letter
dated "Perth, September 3," 1741, he says: "For nine days past,
I have preached, twice every day, to very large and affected
auditories, in many towns and villages." At Dundee, "good was
done." At Crieff, he had "a most precious meeting." At Glasgow, he
"preached ten times.[466] The congregations were very large, as
were the contributions, and many were brought under the deepest
convictions."[467] After his return to Edinburgh, the following was
addressed to a friend in London:--

"EDINBURGH, _September 24, 1741_.

[465] The following was Whitefield's preaching plan, from
Monday, August 24, to Tuesday, September 8:--

August 24, morning and afternoon at Edinburgh; 25, forenoon
in Cannongate Church, and evening in the park; 26, Newbottle
twice; 27, Whitburn; 28, Torphichen and Linlithgow; 29, twice
at Falkirk; 30, Airth; 31, twice at Stirling; September 1,
Culross and Dunfermline; 2, twice at Kinross; 3, Perth; 4 to 6,
Dundee; 7, Kinglassie; and 8, Edinburgh. (Gillies' "Memoirs of
Whitefield.")

[466] Most, if not all, of Whitefield's sermons at Glasgow were
preached in the High Church yard; and at least eight of them
were "taken from his own mouth, and published at the earnest
desire of many of the hearers: namely, two sermons, delivered
on Friday, September 11, from Jer. xxxii. 16 (pp. 20), and Luke
xv. (pp. 20); two, on Saturday, September 12, from Luke iv. 18,
19 (pp. 28), and Acts ix. (pp. 40); two, on Sunday, September
13, from Jer. vi. 14 (pp. 24); Rom. xiv. 17 (pp. 35); one, on
Monday, September 14, from 2 Tim. iii. 12 (pp. 28); and one, on
Tuesday, September 15, from 1 Cor. i. 30 (pp. 39)."--_Notes and
Queries_, vol. v., 1858, p. 340.

[467] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 319.

"On Sunday last, I preached here four times, twice in a church,
and twice in the fields; in the evening, I collected £20 for the
Royal Infirmary. On Monday morning, I visited the children in
the three hospitals; and preached, in the evening, in the park.
On Tuesday and Wednesday, I preached at Kinglassie, Aberdour,
and Inverkeithing. On Thursday, I visited the prison; and,
in the evening, preached to the children of the city, with a
congregation of near twenty thousand, in the park."

To Lord Rae, Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"GALASHIELS, _September 28, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--I have received your lordship's liberal benefaction
for the orphans, for which, and all other favours, you have my
hearty thanks. The innumerable instances of God's goodness
quite melt me down. The word of God prevails more and more.
Everywhere Jesus Christ is getting Himself the victory in poor
sinners' hearts. I trust, your lordship's daughters will feel
the power of Christ's blood. Happy they, who do feel it. They
are sons and daughters of the Lord Almighty. What a rich person
is the poorest Christian! He is joint-heir with Jesus Christ."

Another nobleman must be introduced. From the year 1741 to 1753, the
Earl of Leven and Melville was His Majesty's Commissioner in the
General Assembly of the Church of Scotland,--the head of a family
whose history had been closely connected with Presbyterian struggles
and triumphs. He was a senator of the College of Justice, and one
of the Lords of Police for Scotland. He married Mary, daughter of
Colonel Erskine, of Carnock; and died on the 2nd of September,
1754.[468] The following was addressed to him:--

"EDINBURGH, _October 2, 1741_.

[468] Annals of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland,
from 1739 to 1752.

"MY LORD,--Last night, I returned from the south country, and
received your lordship's kind letter. My invitation to Coupar
was in the name of many: who the persons were that signed the
letter, I cannot tell. I have sent it enclosed in this. Had I
known it to be more agreeable to your lordship, I would have
appointed the meeting at Melville; but, I fear, as public notice
has been given, it will now be impracticable. I cannot possibly
stay with your lordship all Tuesday, having to preach at Dundee;
but, in my return from Aberdeen, I hope to be at your lordship's
house. I am glad you intend to be at Kinglassie. I shall have
both sermons early; and hope the glorious Jesus will be with us
in going to Melville.

"O, my lord, I want a thousand tongues to shew forth the
Redeemer's praise. Having Him, though I have nothing else, I
find I possess all things. I have not forgotten your lordship
since I wrote last. You are and will be much upon my heart.
I have heard of the piety of your lordship's ancestors. Take
courage, my lord, and fear not to follow a crucified Jesus
without the camp, bearing His reproach. Beware of honour,
falsely so called. Dare to be singularly good; and be not
ashamed of Jesus or His gospel. Look to Christ by faith, and
your lordship's great possessions will not retard, but promote,
your progress in the divine life. What sweet communion will you
then enjoy with God, in your walks and gardens! They will then
be a little paradise to your soul."

Wherever he was, Whitefield never forgot his orphans in Georgia.
His establishment there was now large and prosperous. The buildings
were completed. The summer crops had been plentiful. The family
consisted of eighty-four persons, men, women, and children. Nineteen
others were employed in cultivating the estate. They had upwards
of a hundred head of cattle; and, during the year, had "planted
upwards of twenty acres, and had cleared twenty acres more, to
enjoy the conveniency of the air." "We live," wrote Mr. Habersham,
"entirely within ourselves, except a few necessaries which we cannot
do without, and are obliged to purchase elsewhere. Twice a day,
we eat _hominy_[469] of our own raising, and, at present, without
molasses. For dinner, we eat beef of our own stock, and peas for
bread, of all which we have plenty, and shall have for three months
to come. Our garden is very fruitful of greens, turnips, etc., and
we expect a good crop of potatoes. In short, we have a sufficiency
of wholesome food. Glory be to God! we daily see our heavenly
Father's hand supplying us in this wilderness land; but I must have
cash, not only to pay debts, but also to buy clothing and many other
necessaries."[470]

[469] Indian corn boiled in water.

[470] Whitefield's Works, vol. iii., pp. 444, 445.

While the honoured guest of the Earl of Leven and Melville,
Whitefield sent the following letter to his faithful superintendent
in Georgia:--

"MELVILLE, _October 5, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I have, by the ship which
brings you this, sent you £70 worth of different sorts of goods,
to be disposed of, and the money to be applied to the use of the
Orphan House. I have also sent six hundred yards of cloth, a
present of my own, to make the boys and girls coats and gowns,
some whereof I have had made up here. The other things were
given by various persons. Amongst these, you will find some
damask tablecloths, which I desire you will sell, they being too
good, in my opinion, for our use. I have been enabled to pay my
brother, and also Mr. N----'s bill of £300.[471] There is yet
£200 to be paid; but very shortly, I hope to discharge that also.

[471] The following are the sums, which Whitefield collected for his
Orphan House, during his present visit to Scotland:--

1741. £ _s._ _d._
Private benefactions, in money 149 18 2

COLLECTIONS.
Aug. 12. Orphan House Park, Edinburgh 93 4 0
23. Ditto 38 13 1
26. Newbottle 9 5 6
29. Falkirk 5 10 0
29. Airth. 11 18 2
30. Stirling 21 17 0
31. Culross 16 16 6
31. Dunfermline 17 2 6
Sept. 1. Kinross 4 16 0
4. Perth 10 0 0
6. Dundee 14 14 0
10. Fintray 3 0 0
13. Glasgow 62 10 0
15. Ditto 17 19 6
17. Paisley 15 3 0
19. Inverkeithing 5 16 4
27. Galashiels 12 9 0
29. Maxtown 5 5 0
Oct. 1. Haddington 12 6 6
4. Kinglassie 5 0 0
13. Aberdeen 21 6 10
16. Montrose 9 13 4-1/2
18. Brechin 6 12 0
20. Forfar 2 0 0
-----------------
Total £572 16 5-1/2

"I have been in Scotland about two months; and God has been
pleased to bless my ministrations in an abundant manner. The
good that has been done is inexpressible. I am intimate with
three noblemen, and several ladies of quality, who have a great
liking for the things of God.[472] I am now writing in an earl's
house, surrounded with fine furniture; but, glory be to free
grace! my soul is in love only with Jesus.[473] I have some
thoughts of visiting Ireland. Whether I shall do that, or come
to America, in the spring, God only knows. I long to see you and
the rest of my dear family. Thousands of prayers are put up for
us, and thousands of lies are spread abroad against us."

[472] Among these were Lady Mary Hamilton, Lady Jane Nimmo, Lady
Dirleton, and Lady Frances Gardiner.

[473] Six weeks after this, Whitefield was married; but let that
pass. His meaning here, of course, was that in _comparison_ with
others he was "in love only with Jesus."

Of "the thousands of lies," the following, extracted from a letter
written not long after Whitefield's visit, may be taken as a
specimen:--

"Wherever he went, he had a gaping crowd around him, and had the
address to make them part with their money. He was a pickpocket,
and inflexible about the article of gathering money. He went off
to England with a full purse, but with a ruined reputation among
all except his bigoted admirers. Very few ministers enter into
the spirit of Whitefieldism."[474]

[474] Wakeley's "Anecdotes of Whitefield," p. 231.

Whitefield refers to the same sort of calumny in the following,
which was to a friend in Edinburgh:--

"MELVILLE, _October 5, 1741_.

"The calumnies of evil men are not to be regarded. I value
them not in the least. My largest donations have been from the
rich. The mites, which the lower sort of people have given, I
am persuaded will not prevent their paying their debts, and
will not impoverish their families. Mr. W---- wishes there may
be a contribution for myself; but I will not admit of any such
thing. I make no purse. What I have, I give away. Freely I have
received; freely I desire to give. 'Poor, yet making many rich,'
shall be my motto still. My great and professed design is to
bring poor sinners to Jesus Christ; but, as my orphan family is
now large, and has daily to be provided for, without the least
visible fund; and as I believe much glory will redound to God
from the Orphan House, I think it my duty to speak to those who,
for Christ's sake, are willing to afford help. I would have no
one afraid of doing too much good, or think that a little given
in charity will impoverish the country."

From Melville, Whitefield proceeded to Aberdeen, where he spent
several days; and here a strange scene occurred. The two ministers
of the Kirk were the Rev. Mr. Bisset and the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, with
the latter of whom Whitefield had been in correspondence. In a long
letter, Whitefield writes as follows:--

"ABERDEEN, _October 9, 1741_.

"At my first coming here, things looked a little gloomy; for the
magistrates had been so prejudiced by one Mr. Bisset, that, when
applied to, they refused me the use of the kirkyard to preach
in. This Mr. Bisset is colleague with one Mr. Ogilvie, at whose
repeated invitation I came hither. Though colleagues of the same
congregation, they are very different in their natural tempers.
The one is, what they call in Scotland, of a _sweet-blooded_;
the other, of a choleric disposition. Mr. Bisset is neither a
Seceder, nor quite a Kirkman, having great fault to find with
both. Soon after my arrival, dear Mr. Ogilvie took me to pay
my respects to him: he was prepared for this, and immediately
pulled out a paper, containing a great number of insignificant
queries, which I had neither time nor inclination to answer.
The next morning, it being Mr. Ogilvie's turn, I lectured
and preached. The magistrates were present; the congregation
was very large; and light and life fled all around. In the
afternoon, Mr. Bisset officiated; and I attended. He began his
prayers as usual; but, in the midst of them, naming me by name,
he entreated the Lord to forgive the dishonour that had been
put upon him, by my being suffered to preach in that pulpit;
and, that all might know what reason he had to put up such a
petition, he, in about the middle of his sermon, not only urged
that I was a curate of the Church of _England_, but also quoted
a passage or two from my printed sermons, which, he said, were
grossly _Arminian_. Most of the congregation seemed surprised
and chagrined, and especially his good-natured colleague, Mr.
Ogilvie, who immediately after sermon, without consulting me,
stood up and gave notice that Mr. Whitefield would preach in
about half an hour. The interval being so short, the magistrates
returned into the sessions-house; and the congregation patiently
waited, big with expectation of hearing my resentment. At the
time appointed, I went up, and took no other notice of the
good man's ill-timed zeal, than to observe, in some part of my
discourse, that, if the good old gentleman had seen some of my
later writings, wherein I had corrected several of my former
mistakes, he would not have expressed himself in such strong
terms. The people, being thus diverted from controversy with
man, were deeply impressed with what they heard from the word of
God. All were hushed, and more than solemn; and, on the morrow,
the magistrates sent for me, and begged I would accept of the
freedom of the city."[475]

[475] It is a remarkable fact, that, during his first visit
to Scotland, in 1741, Whitefield received the compliment of
honorary burgess tickets from four of the principal towns of the
country--Stirling, Glasgow, Paisley, and Aberdeen. In 1742, the same
honour was conferred upon him by Irvine; and, in 1762, by Edinburgh.

For the present, poor Mr. Bisset was vanquished. Besides expounding
in private houses, Whitefield added five more sermons to the two
already preached; many of his hearers "were brought under great
convictions; and the people much regretted his departure."[476]

[476] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 334.

Leaving Aberdeen on Wednesday, October 13, Whitefield began his
journey back to Edinburgh. On October 14, he preached at Stonhithe
and Benham; on the 15th, thrice at Montrose; on the 16th and 17th,
five times at Brechin; on the 18th, twice at Forfar; on the 19th,
twice at Coupar, near the residence of Earl Leven, whose guest he
was; and on the 20th and 21st, four times at Dundee, where, he says,
"the concern among the hearers was very remarkable." A week after
this, he set out for Wales, but, before he went, he preached and
lectured, in Edinburgh, in three days, not fewer than sixteen times.
Hence the following to John Cennick, his curate at the Tabernacle,
London:--

"EDINBURGH, _October 27, 1741_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Although it be past eleven at night,
I cannot miss a post. The Lord is doing great things here. On
Sunday last (October 24), the Lord enabled me to preach four
times, and to lecture, in the evening, in a private house.
Yesterday, I preached three times, and lectured at night.
To-day, Jesus has enabled me to preach seven times; once in the
Church, twice at the Girls' Hospital, once in the Park, once at
the Old People's Hospital, and afterwards twice in a private
house. Notwithstanding, I am now as fresh as when I arose in the
morning. Both in the church and park, the Lord was with us. The
girls in the hospital were exceedingly affected, and so were
the standers by. One of the mistresses told me, that she is
now awakened in the morning by the voice of prayer and praise;
and the master of the boys says, that they meet together every
night to sing and pray, and that, when he goes to their rooms,
to see if all be safe, he generally disturbs them at their
devotions. The presence of God, at the Old People's Hospital,
was wonderful. The Holy Spirit seemed to come down like a mighty
rushing wind. Every day, I hear of some fresh good wrought by
the power of God. I scarce know how to leave Scotland. I believe
I shall think it my duty to pay the inhabitants another visit
as soon as possible. Above £500 have been collected, in money
and goods, for the poor orphans. To-morrow, I shall leave this
place, and go through Wales in my way to London."

Before he left Edinburgh, Whitefield wrote another letter to Earl
Leven, which, considering the high office held by that nobleman
in the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, was somewhat
singular, but, at the same time, bravely faithful. His lordship had
given Whitefield a horse, for his long journey through Wales to
London.

"EDINBURGH, _October 26, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--It is now past eleven at night. All is wrapt in awful
silence. My soul is in a quiet, composed frame. I have been
giving your lordship's letter a second reading. The Holy Spirit
seems to be moving upon your soul; and I trust you will now
awake into a new world, and know what it is to live by faith.
O that the stone of infidelity, which before lay at the door
of your heart, may now be rolled away! O that you may rise,
be loosed from your corruptions, and go about doing good! My
lord, if you could be brought to love secret prayer, and to
converse feelingly with God in His word, your heaven would begin
on earth: you would enjoy more pleasure than in all manner of
riches. What will those avail, if you are not rich towards God?
As for praying in your family, I entreat you not to neglect
it. You are bound to do it. Apply to Christ for strength to
overcome your present fears. They are the effects of pride, or
infidelity, or of both. After once or twice, the difficulty will
be over.

"It rejoices me to think that I shall one day, perhaps, see a
church in Melville House. Happy, happy are you, my lord, in
having such a consort, who will forward you in every good word
and work. As God shall enable me, I shall bear you both upon my
heart. My riding upon your lordship's horse will often remind
me to pray for the donor. I should be glad to hear, from time to
time, what the Lord is doing for your soul. Since you have laid
your commands upon me, I shall write as often as possible.

"It is late; the clock has struck twelve. Methinks, I could
wish the cry was now made, 'Behold, the Bridegroom cometh!' My
soul longs to go forth to meet Him. This evening, I was greatly
refreshed in preaching on these words, 'This is my beloved, and
this is my friend, O daughters of Jerusalem.' When shall I see
Him as He is? Well may your lordship say, 'He is altogether
lovely.' Eternity is too short to utter all His praise."

The reader has now the substance of Whitefield's own account of
his first tour in Scotland. Many anecdotes in relation to it still
exist, and the following may be taken as specimens.

When preaching at Dunfermline, it was known that Whitefield would
make a collection for his Orphan House in Georgia. A gentleman, of
some importance in the town, determined he would not be persuaded
by the great orator to be a contributor, and, before leaving home,
emptied his pockets of all his money. Whitefield, in the course of
his sermon, mentioned the excuses often made for not practising
beneficence, and, among others, dwelt upon the case of those who
designedly came to religious services without their cash. The
prudent gentleman at once borrowed of a friend half a guinea for the
collector.[477]

[477] "Life of Rev. John Erskine, D. D.," p. 194.

Whitefield's power of riveting the attention of his auditors
was marvellous. It is related, by one of his biographers, that
a gentleman, who had been to hear him in the Orphan House Park,
Edinburgh, was met, on his way home, by an eminent minister, under
whom he usually sat. The minister, indignant at the aberration of
this distinguished member of his flock, expressed his surprise that
he should have gone to hear such a rambling preacher as Whitefield
was. "Sir," replied the admonished gentleman, "when I hear you,
I am planting trees all the time; but during the whole of Mr.
Whitefield's sermon, I had no time for planting even one."[478]

[478] "Memoirs of Whitefield," by Seymour, p. 52.

In one of his journeys, Whitefield was told of a widow with a
large family, whose landlord had distrained her furniture, and
was about to sell it, unless her rent was paid. Whitefield's purse
was never large, but his sympathy was great, and he, immediately,
gave the five guineas which the helpless woman needed. The friend,
who was travelling with him hinted, that the sum was more than he
could reasonably afford; to which the gushing, if not perfectly
accurate, reply was, "When God brings a case of distress before
us, it is that we may relieve it." The two travellers proceeded
on their journey, and, before long, encountered a highwayman, who
demanded their money, which they gave. Whitefield now turned the
tables on his friend, and reminded him how much better it was for
the poor widow to have the five guineas than the thief, who had just
robbed them. They had not long resumed their travel, before the
man returned, and demanded Whitefield's coat, which was much more
respectable than his own. This request was also granted, Whitefield
accepting the robber's ragged habiliment till he could procure a
better. Presently, they perceived the marauder again galloping
towards them most furiously; and now, fearing that their lives
were threatened, they also spurred their horses, and, fortunately,
arrived at some cottages, before the highwayman could stop them.
The thief was baulked, and, no doubt, was immensely mortified; for,
when Whitefield took off the man's tattered coat, he found, in one
of its pockets, a carefully wrapped parcel containing one hundred
guineas.[479]

[479] _Gospel Magazine_, 1816, p. 172.

But enough of floating anecdotes, which may, or may not be true.

It must be owned that Whitefield rendered but little service to "The
Associate Presbytery," at whose invitation he went to Scotland; but
that was the fault, not of Whitefield, but, of the members of the
Presbytery themselves. His labours were almost entirely those of
an evangelist preaching in the fields, or of a brother minister,
belonging to another church, courteously admitted to the pulpits
of the established Kirk of Scotland. His services, however, were
none the less successful because not confined to the Seceders.
There cannot be a doubt, that, as the labours of the Wesleys and
of Whitefield were the means of quickening the religious life of
the Church of England, so the labours of Whitefield were, to a
great extent, the means of arousing the dormant energies of the
sister Church of Scotland. Whitefield, as well as Knox, deserves
a monument on the Calton Hill. Some evidence of this has been
already furnished, and much more will be found in succeeding pages.
Whitefield's own account of his first visit to Scotland may seem
extravagant, and scarcely deserving of implicit credence. To silence
such suspicion, the following extracts from letters written at the
time, will be as useful as they are welcome.

A week after Whitefield's departure, a friend wrote to him as
follows:--

"EDINBURGH, _November 5, 1741_.

"In the Tolbooth Church," (where the Rev. Alexander Webster
was minister,) "there has been at sacrament a hundred more
than usual, whereof about thirty young ones had never been
admitted before, and of these, eighteen were converted by your
ministry."[480]

[480] _Weekly History_, November 28, 1741.

A fortnight later, another friend in Edinburgh said:--

"The seed sown by your ministry daily appears, and in new
instances. I am told the first night a play was acted here this
season there were but about six ladies at it; the second, two;
and the third and last, none at all. The little children of this
city cannot forget you. Their very hearts leap within them upon
hearing your name."[481]

[481] Ibid., December 5, 1741.

In another letter, from a friend in Scotland, dated, "December 12,
1741," it is stated, that, Whitefield spent five days in Glasgow,
and preached ten times in the High Church yard, to vast multitudes
reckoned at from ten to fifteen thousand. Above sixty persons were
converted by his preaching.[482]

[482] Ibid., December 12, 1741.

Six months after Whitefield's departure, a minister in Edinburgh
wrote:--

"Since you left Scotland, numbers, in different places, have
been awakened. Religion, in this sinful city, revives and
flourishes. Ordinances are more punctually attended. People hear
the word with gladness, and receive it in faith and love. New
meetings, for prayer and spiritual conference, are being begun
everywhere. Religious conversation has banished slander and
calumny from several tea-tables. Praise is perfected out of the
mouths of babes and sucklings. Some stout-hearted sinners are
captivated to the obedience of Christ."[483]

[483] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. xxvii.

In reference to the same city, Edinburgh, the Rev. Dr. Muir wrote:--

"More than twenty praying societies have been established in
this place. Amongst them are several meetings of boys and girls.
There are also several meetings of young women. There are
numbers of young men, who meet for the purpose of glorifying
God, and promoting Christian knowledge. A good number of old
men, substantial, standing Christians, meet for edification
and instruction, and are thereby often revived and very much
refreshed. Upon the whole, we hope, there is such a flame
kindled as shall never be extinguished. This is not all: for
several country people are beginning to assemble together in
little meetings, to worship God; particularly about two miles
from this place, where several ploughmen and other illiterate
persons meet for the most noble purposes, and greatly increase
in numbers, grace, and knowledge. About Old Cambus, six miles
from Dunbar, many are meeting together for social prayer and
mutual conversation respecting matters of religion. There are
several other societies for prayer prospering very well."[484]

[484] Prince's _Christian History_, No. xxxiv.

Another minister, the Rev. Mr. McCulloch, informed Whitefield, that
fifty persons had been converted by his ten sermons in Glasgow;
and that many others had been convinced of sin, and were seeking
salvation.[485] The Rev. Mr. Ogilvie, at Aberdeen, stated, that
Whitefield had been the means of reviving, in that city, "a just
sense and concern for the great things of religion. I often think,"
says the writer, "that the Lord sent him here, to teach me how to
preach, and especially how to suffer. His attachment to no party,
but to Christ, appears to me a peculiar excellency in him. While he
stayed among us, he answered our expectations so much, that he has
scarce more friends anywhere than here, where, at first, almost all
were against him. The word came with so much power, that, I hope,
several of different denominations will bless the Lord for ever,
that they ever heard him."[486]

[485] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. xiii.

[486] Ibid., No. xxvii.

The Rev. Mr. Willison, of Dundee, wrote:--

"Mr. Whitefield is hated, and spoken against by all the
episcopal party and even the most of our clergy labour to
diminish and expose him. But I look upon this youth, as raised
up by God for special service, for promoting true Christianity
in the world, and for reviving it where it is decayed. I see
the man to be all of a piece; his life and conversation to be
a transcript of his sermons. He is singularly fitted to do the
work of an evangelist; and I have been long of opinion, that, it
would be for the advantage of the world, were this still to be a
standing office in the Church. I have myself been witness to the
Holy Ghost falling upon him and his hearers oftener than once;
not in a miraculous, though in an observable manner. Many here
are blessing God, for sending him to this country, though Satan
has raged so much against it. Though he is ordained a minister
of the Church of England, he has always conformed to us, both
in doctrine and worship, and lies open to conform to us in
other points. God, by owning him so wonderfully, is pleased to
give a rebuke to our intemperate bigotry and party zeal, and to
tell us, that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth
anything, but the new creature."[487]

[487] _Glasgow Weekly History_, No. xiii.

One more contemporaneous testimony must suffice. A gentleman,
"eminent for learning and knowledge of the world," remarked:--

"Mr. Whitefield's soundness in the faith, his fervent zeal,
and unwearied diligence in promoting the cause of Christ; the
plainness and simplicity, the affection and warmth of his
sermons, and the amazing power that accompanied them; together
with his meekness, humility, and candid and catholic spirit,
convinced the people that there was reason to think well of him.
Conversions were become rare in Scotland; little liveliness
was to be found even in real Christians; and bigotry and blind
zeal were producing animosities and divisions, and turning away
the attention of good men from matters of infinitely greater
importance. The episcopal clergy gave him no countenance,
though a few of their people did. In the Established Church of
Scotland, some of the more rigid Presbyterians would not hold
communion with him, on account of his connection with the Church
of England, and because he assumed the office of an evangelist,
peculiar, in their apprehension, to the first ages of the
Church. Some were mightily dissatisfied with him for preaching
the Calvinistic doctrines of election, original sin, efficacious
grace, justification through faith, and the perseverance of the
saints; and others, because he inveighed against the playhouse,
dancing assemblies, games of chance, haunting taverns, vanity
and extravagance in dress, and levity in behaviour and
conversation. But, upon many in Edinburgh, of all ranks and
ages, especially young people, deep impressions were made; and
many of them waited on him privately, lamenting their former
immoral lives, or stupid thoughtlessness about religion, and
expressing their anxious concern about obtaining an interest in
Christ, and the sanctifying influences of the Spirit."[488]

[488] Gillies' "Memoirs of Whitefield."

_SEVEN MONTHS IN ENGLAND._

NOVEMBER 1741 TO JUNE 1742.

Whitefield left Edinburgh on October 29, 1741, and rode on Earl
Leven's horse, three hundred miles, to Abergavenny in Wales, for the
purpose of marrying Mrs. James, a widow lady, who, up to this period
of his history, is never even mentioned in any of Whitefield's
letters. The marriage ceremony was performed at St. Martin's Chapel,
near Caerphilly, in the parish of Eglws Ilan. The following is a
copy of the register, in the handwriting of the Rev. John Smith, the
then vicar of Eglws Ilan:--

GEORGE WHITEFIELD
AND
ELIZABETH JAMES,
_Married, November 14, 1741_.[489]

[489] "Memoirs of Christmas Evans," p. 176.

Of Mrs. James's previous history, nothing has been published.[490]
She was a friend of the Methodists, and of Wesley, as well as of
Whitefield. Only six weeks before her marriage, Wesley was her
guest, at Abergavenny, and writes, "She received us gladly, as she
had done aforetime."[491] Exactly a month before she became Mrs.
Whitefield, Wesley was again in the same neighbourhood, and was
warmly attacked by his quondam friends, but now his Calvinistic
foes, Thomas Bissicks and Joseph Humphreys. Mrs. James kindly
interfered, and Wesley, not without reason, calls her "a woman of
candour and humanity."[492]

[490] Her maiden name was Burnell. (Gillies' "Memoirs of
Whitefield.")

[491] Wesley's Works, vol. i.; p. 319.

[492] Ibid., vol. i., p. 321.

Whitefield did everything religiously. On the day before his
marriage, writing to Earl Leven, he remarks:--

"I find a restraint upon me now, so that I cannot write. God
calls me to retirement, being to enter the marriage state
to-morrow. I am persuaded your lordship will not fail to pray,
that we may, like Zacharias and Elisabeth, walk in all the
ordinances and commandments of the Lord blameless."

Five days subsequent to his marriage, he says, to a friend at
Edinburgh, "On Saturday, I was married, in the fear of God, to one
who, I hope, will be a helpmeet to me. I expect to be in London in
about three weeks. My wife I shall leave in the country for some
time."

To another friend in Edinburgh he writes: "Jesus was called to,
Jesus was present at, the marriage." In a letter to James Habersham,
he says: "The Lord has given me a wife. Her name was James, a widow,
between thirty and forty years of age. She has been a housekeeper
many years. Once gay; but, for three years last past, a despised
follower of the Lamb of God. I left her about three weeks ago,
and am going to settle affairs, and bring her up to London."
Shortly after, writing to his friend Gilbert Tennent, he remarked:
"About eleven weeks ago, I married, in the fear of God, one who
was a widow, of about thirty-six years of age, and who has been
a housekeeper for many years; neither rich in fortune,[493] nor
beautiful as to her person, but, I believe, a true child of God, and
one who would not, I think, attempt to hinder me in His work for
the world. In that respect, I am just the same as before marriage.
I hope God will never suffer me to say, 'I have married a wife, and
therefore I cannot come.'"

[493] The _Gentleman's Magazine_, in announcing Whitefield's
marriage, stated that his wife had a fortune of £10,000!
(_Gentleman's Magazine_, 1741, p. 608.)

These are all the references which Whitefield makes to the new
relationship into which he had so recently entered. Why did he
marry? That is a question which cannot easily be answered, unless
it be supposed that he wanted a matron for his Orphan House, in
Georgia. Men like Whitefield and Wesley, almost always from home,
ought to remain unmarried. Their wives, naturally enough, very often
become _Xantippes_.

The _Gentleman's Magazine_, when it announced Whitefield's marriage,
referred its readers to a prayer, in his last Journal, which was as
follows:--

"Northampton, October 19, 1740. Mrs. Edwards" (wife of the
celebrated Jonathan Edwards) "is a woman adorned with a meek and
quiet spirit. She talked feelingly and solidly of the things
of God, and seemed to be such a helpmeet for her husband, that
she caused me to renew those prayers, which, for some months, I
have put up to God, that He would send me a daughter of Abraham
to be my wife. I find, upon many accounts, it is my duty to
marry. Lord, I desire to have no choice of my own. Thou knowest
my circumstances. Thou knowest I only desire to marry in and
for Thee. Thou didst choose a Rebecca for Isaac; choose one for
me, to be a helpmeet for me, in carrying on that great work
committed to my charge! Lord, hear me! Let my cry come unto
Thee!"

Southey flatly asserts that Whitefield's "marriage was not a happy
one,"[494] but adduces no evidence in proof of this. Cornelius
Winter also says: "Mr. Whitefield was not happy in his wife,
but I fear some, who had not all the religion they professed,
contributed to his infelicity. He did not intentionally make his
wife unhappy. He always preserved great decency and decorum in his
conduct towards her. Her death set his mind much at liberty. She
certainly did not behave in all respects as she ought. She could be
under no temptation from his conduct towards the sex, for he was a
very pure man, a strict example of the chastity he inculcated upon
others."[495] Great importance has been attached to this account,
because Cornelius Winter was an inmate of Whitefield's house; but
it is only fair to add, that Winter was not born until a year after
Whitefield's marriage, and that his introduction to Whitefield's
house was within a year and a half of Mrs. Whitefield's death. On
the other hand, as the reader will hereafter find, Whitefield not
unfrequently speaks of his wife in endearing terms; and, in 1768,
he preached her funeral sermon, and praised her many virtues. She
also, on more than one occasion, evinced qualities of mind deserving
more than ordinary commendation. Three years after her marriage,
whilst she and Whitefield were on their way to Georgia, the ship in
which they sailed was threatened by an enemy. Guns were mounted,
and chains put about the masts. The wildest confusion reigned, and
Whitefield confessed that he was "naturally a coward;" but his wife
"set about making cartridges," and did her utmost in having all
things ready for the "fire and smoke."[496] At another time, when a
mob gathered round her husband, and stones flew in all directions,
and the great preacher began to fear, she, who was standing by
his side, pulled his gown, and cried, with genuine heroism, "Now,
George, play the man for God." Such a woman would almost seem to
have deserved more attention than it was possible for her husband to
pay her.

[494] "Life of Wesley."

[495] "Memoirs of Rev. C. Winter," by William Jay, p. 80.

[496] Whitefield's Works, vol. ii., p. 68.

Be that as it may, it is a fact, that, within a week after his
marriage, Whitefield again started out on his evangelistic
ramblings, leaving his newly wedded wife behind him in Wales.[497]
A few extracts from his letters, written at this period, will
illustrate the principles and actions of the man.

[497] The _Weekly History_, for November 28, 1741, says: "On
Saturday, November 7, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield arrived at
Abergavenny, where he preached several times, as also at Trevecca,
Erwood, Pontypool, Waterford, etc. On Saturday last, he came to
Bristol, where he has continued to preach twice every day, to
crowded auditories; and visible success attends his labours."

Lady Dirleton was one of the "honourable women" with whom Whitefield
became acquainted in Scotland; and to her he addressed the
following:--

"BRISTOL, _November 22, 1741_.

"HONOURED MADAM,--Your ladyship enjoys great advantages, and
glorious means of making progress in spiritual things. You are
rich in this world's goods: may God make you rich in faith and
good works! It gives me comfort to think, what sweet freedom I
have enjoyed, when opening the Scriptures in your ladyship's
house. Surely, God was with us of a truth. In Wales, we had much
of the Divine presence. The people there are so hungry after
the word, that they are resolved not to leave wrestling with
the Most High, till He shall be pleased to send me thither. I
think I can say, that God brings me nearer and nearer to Himself
daily; and I will not rest, till I am moulded into the image of
my bleeding Lord. I pray God, that your ladyship may be content
with no degrees of holiness; but may be daily pressing forward,
till you arrive at the mark of the prize of the high calling in
Christ Jesus."

To a friend in Edinburgh, he wrote:--

"BRISTOL, _November 27, 1741_.

"I am resolved not to rest till everything, contrary to true,
catholic, Christian love, be rooted out of my soul. Christ's
blood and Spirit are able to do this for me. I only need to pray
to God to make me willing to have it done. I believe I shall see
greater things than ever. We cannot expect too great things from
God."

To a friend in London, he remarked:--

"BRISTOL, _November 30, 1741_.

"I rejoice that your soul is thirsting for holiness. God grant
it may never cease till you experience the full and glorious
liberty of His children! I see plainly how Satan loves to
drive to extremes. Since there is no such thing as having the
in-being of sin destroyed, he would not have people press
after a delivery from the power of it. This also is owing to
the corruption of our hearts. The old man doth not love to be
crucified and slain; but I hope the language of your heart and
mine is this--

'Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control,
That would refuse Thy sway;
Diffuse Thy image through my soul,
And bring the perfect day.

Scatter the last remains of sin,
And seal me Thine abode;
O set me purified within,
A temple meet for God.

My root of holiness Thou art,
For faith hath made Thee mine;
With all Thy fulness, fill my heart,
Till I am wholly Thine.'

"No wonder, when we come to be thus minded, if carnal ministers,
and carnal professors of all kinds, cry out against us. Nay,
even some who have tasted that the Lord is gracious, having
slumbered and slept, and mixed too much with the world, even
such frequently fight against their privileges, and rest in an
infant state of piety. But, I believe, the Lord will rouse them,
and let the world know what the blood of Jesus can and will
do. Blessed be His name! we have a growing church at Bristol.
Yesterday, and several other times, the Lord has filled many,
as with new wine. Sometimes, I scarce have known whether I have
been in or out of the body; but, I find, the more I receive of
grace, the more I desire to lie as a poor, very poor sinner,
at the feet of Christ. Several have just now been with me, who
have, this last week, drunk deep of Divine love. They are now
full of the comforts of the Holy Ghost. Let us, my dear brother,
live a life of great nearness to Jesus; and labour day by day to
perfect holiness in the fear of God. There is a glorious rest to
be entered into even here. May the Lord make us partakers of it!"

These are notable extracts. Their tone and language are remarkably
different from the tone and language of Whitefield's previous
correspondence. Strangely enough, though fresh from Calvinistic
Scotland, he was evidently veering round to something like Wesley's
doctrine of Christian perfection. In 1740, the two Wesleys had
published a volume of "Hymns and Sacred Poems," with a preface, in
which Wesley propounded his views of Christian holiness in language
the strongest he ever used. Indeed, in after life, he himself
modified several of the expressions in this remarkable preface, and
honestly admitted that some of them were far too strong. The hymns,
and especially the preface, when first published, greatly disturbed
Whitefield's serenity, and, no doubt, partly led to the temporary
estrangement between him and Wesley, which had then occurred.
But, notwithstanding this, in the foregoing letter, Whitefield
breathes out the desires of his soul, in three of the most forcibly
worded verses in Wesley's book. It is true, he slightly alters the
phraseology, and likewise injures it; but there is no material
alteration of sentiment. The verses, as the Wesleys published them,
were as follows:--

"Reign in me, Lord, Thy foes control,
Who would not own Thy sway;
Diffuse Thy image through my soul;
Shine to the perfect day.

Scatter the last remains of sin,
And seal me Thine abode;
O make me glorious all within,
A temple built by God.

My inward holiness Thou art,
For faith hath made Thee mine:
With all Thy fulness fill my heart,
Till all I am is Thine!"

Such was part of Wesley's hymn on "Christ our Sanctification.
Stronger language, on the subject, he never used; and, yet, this was
now the language of his friend Whitefield. If the views of the two
were not perfectly identical, there certainly was a near approach,
on the part of Whitefield, to the doctrine Wesley taught. Why was
this? There can be little doubt, that, it was greatly owing to the
brotherly influence of Howell Harris. To a large extent, Whitefield
had been made the tool of excited partisans, both in London and
in Bristol. The men were violently opposed to Wesley, but were
too small to even think of conquering him, without Whitefield's
aid. Whitefield was naturally unsuspicious, and, he was also fond
of being regarded and consulted as a leader. Wesley's opponents
knew all this, and used their opportunity for annoying him. Bitter
complaints were made to Whitefield, respecting the doctrines that
he taught. Whitefield, whose heart was always better than his head,
became confused, and he was induced to strongly condemn some of
Wesley's doctrines, without really understanding what they were.
Estrangement followed; and, for the last six months, the two old
friends had been divided. During Whitefield's visit to Scotland,
Howell Harris seems to have acted as his curate, in London; where he
also had an important interview with the Wesley brothers. Hence the
following, addressed to Whitefield:--

"_October, 1741._

"DEAR BROTHER WHITEFIELD,--I believe that jealousies will not be
entirely eradicated until correspondence with those who indulge
a party-spirit, and are not like little children, ceases. I have
seen, more than ever, since I came home, what carnal professors
are.[498] The Lord has helped me to bear my testimony against
sin, and to declare that all those who labour for deliverance
from the dominion of sin, self, and unbelief, shall be set
free; they shall so behold the glory of God in the face of
Jesus Christ, as to be changed into His image, from glory to
glory, as by the Spirit of the Lord (2 Cor. iii. 18; Rom. vi.
14, viii. 2; 2 Peter i. 4; and 2 Cor. v. 15). When I mentioned
this liberty from the power of sin, I was abused as one holding
sinless perfection; and, I find, they have troubled you with
this information. I have always stated, that the body of sin
remains in believers, but that the power of it is destroyed. By
dwelling on sanctification, we shall find self and carnal reason
in arms against us; just the same as the pride of the Pharisees
is against us, when we preach justification by faith. These
opposers would be glad to influence you. They were in hopes
to set brother Cennick and myself by the ears, but the Lord
disappointed them.

[498] He had a serious encounter with Joseph Humphreys and
Thomas Bissicks, about the time he thus wrote to Whitefield.
Wesley, in reference to this dispute, observes, "H. Harris kept
them at bay till about one o'clock in the morning. I then left
them and Capt. T---- together. About three, they left off just
where they began." (Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 321.)

"Now, as to brother Wesley. The Lord gave me, on a certain day,
such earnestness to pray for him, and such faith that he would
be led into all truth, that all my prejudices were removed, and
I felt I could speak to him in love. Still, I had no thoughts
of so doing, until he invited me to visit him. Then I opened my
heart to him, and told him how the Lord taught me every truth.
He allowed everything, and said, that we, through grace, shall
not fall away. I saw room to hope, that the Lord would bring us
together in truth.[499] As to free-will, he utterly denied it.
He does really mean what he says. He did so openly, in Charles
Square. 'God,' said he, 'is willing to save you all, if you
will. What I mean by saying _if you will_, is, not if you have a
faint wish to go to heaven, but, if you will submit to Christ,
in all His offices, for salvation--if you are willing He should
save you from sin, as well as hell; else you cannot be saved.'

[499] Probably this interview with Wesley was the same as that
of which Wesley gives an account, in his Journal, under the
date of October, 1741. He writes: "Howell Harris came to me.
He said, as to the decree of reprobation, he renounced and
utterly abhorred it. And as to the not falling from grace, 1. He
believed that it ought not to be mentioned to the unjustified,
or to any that were slack or careless, much less that lived in
sin. 2. He did himself believe it was possible for one to fall
away, who had been 'enlightened' with some knowledge of God, who
had 'tasted of the heavenly gift, and had been made partaker of
the Holy Ghost;' and wished we could all agree to keep close, in
the controverted points, to the very words of Holy Writ. 3. That
he accounted no man so justified as not to fall, till he had a
thorough, abiding hatred of all sin, and a continual hunger and
thirst after all righteousness. Blessed be thou of the Lord,
thou man of peace! Still follow after peace and holiness."
(Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 320.) See Letter, by Charles
Wesley, endorsed "September 28, 1741, p. 482.

"Brother Charles Wesley came to town last Saturday night, and
we providentially met. He owned he had no free-will until four
years ago; that it was God who chose him first; and not he
God: and that he is kept faithful by the faithfulness of God.
He spoke tenderly of you, and seemed to be quite loving and
teachable."[500]

[500] "Life and Times of Howell Harris," by Morgan, p. 93.

Harris's letter seems to have touched Whitefield, and to have filled
his heart with a gush of warm affection, which found utterance in
the following letter, which he, immediately, wrote to Wesley:--

"ABERDEEN, _October, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--I have for a long time expected
that you would have sent me an answer to my last; but, I
suppose, you are afraid to correspond with me, because I
revealed your secret about the '_lot_.'" (See p. 469.) "Though
much may be said for my doing it, yet I am sorry now that any
such thing dropped from my pen, and I humbly ask pardon. I find
I love you as much as ever; and pray God, if it be His blessed
will, that we may be all united together.

"For some days, it has been upon my mind to write to you, and
this morning I received a letter from brother Harris, telling
me how he had conversed with you and your dear brother. May
God remove all obstacles that now prevent our union! Though I
hold particular election, yet I offer Jesus freely to every
individual soul. You may carry sanctification to what degrees
you will, only I cannot agree that the in-being of sin is to be
destroyed in this life.

"Oh, my dear brother, the Lord has been much with me in
Scotland. I every morning feel fellowship with Christ, and He is
pleased to give me peace and joy in believing.

"In about three weeks, I hope to be at Bristol. May all
disputings cease, and each of us talk of nothing but Jesus, and
Him crucified! This is my resolution. The Lord be with your
spirit!

"I am, without dissimulation, ever yours,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

When Whitefield arrived in Bristol, Wesley was recovering from a
severe and dangerous fever; and, though neither of them mentions
the fact, there can be little doubt, that the old friends met, and
conversed together, as Whitefield proposed they should. As noticed
in foregoing pages, Whitefield, to some extent, misunderstood and
mis-stated Wesley's doctrine of Christian holiness; and as it is
probable that explanations were given during the interview at
Bristol, there is now no difficulty in understanding the alteration
of tone and language in Whitefield's letters already quoted. Though
in a mystic way still clinging to what he calls the "in-being of
sin" in all believers, Whitefield was now, in reality, seeking the
sanctification which Wesley taught.

On December 4, Whitefield arrived in London, from which he had been
absent the last four months. Three days afterwards, he wrote as
follows to James Habersham:--

"LONDON, _December 7, 1741_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I came hither last Friday, and
received a packet of letters from Bethesda. When I read brother
Grant's account of the circumstances of the family, I remembered
what the Lord pressed upon my soul on shipboard: 'The bridegroom
shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast in those
days.' However, be not discouraged. Professor Francke's students
were once obliged to sell their clothes to buy candles.

"The work of God advances here greatly. We have a large Society,
consisting of several hundreds; and a noble place to meet in.
I have called it a _Tabernacle_, because, perhaps, we may be
called to move our tents.

"In Wiltshire, and at Kingswood, there are many good souls,
and two new houses built. In Wales, the door is opened wider
than ever. The work is very extraordinary in Scotland. I hear,
daily, accounts of its continuance and increase.

"God is pleased to let me feel more of His power than ever.
O that His whole mind were in me! I hunger and thirst after
righteousness. Blessed be God! there is a promise that such
shall be filled.

"The Lords see through Mr. Garden's enmity, and will have
nothing to do with my Appeal; so that a hook is put into the
leviathan's jaws.

"Ever, ever yours in Christ,
"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

Such was Whitefield's letter _to_ America. _From_ America, he
received one equally inspiriting. The Rev. Thomas Prince wrote to
him as follows:--

"BOSTON, _December 6, 1741_.

"REVEREND AND DEAR SIR,--Since my last, our exalted Saviour has
been riding forth in His magnificence and glory, through divers
parts of our land, in so triumphant a manner as hath never
been seen or heard among us, or among any other people, since
the days of the apostles. He is daily making His most resolute
opposers to fall down under Him. Almost every week, we hear of
new and surprising conquests. Some, who were like incarnate
devils, are thrown, at once, into such extreme distress as
no pen can possibly describe and, in two or three days, are
turned into saints, full of divine adoration, and love, and joy
unspeakable, and full of glory. Amazing works of this kind are
now going on at Taunton, Middleborough, Bridgewater, Abington,
York, Ipswich, Rowley, Cape Anne, Rittery, and Berwick. On a
day of fasting and prayer at Portsmouth, the Spirit of God came
down, and seized the people by scores and hundreds; and, in
three days, there were a thousand in that town in deep distress
about their souls."[501]

[501] "Some Remarks on a Pamphlet, entitled 'The State of Religion
in New England.'" 1742. p. 29.

After spending a few days in London, Whitefield started out to join
his newly wedded wife at Abergavenny. On his way, he spent about a
week at Gloucester, where he wrote the two following letters, the
first to Lord Rae in Scotland, and the second to his lay-curate,
John Cennick, in London.

"GLOUCESTER, _December 19, 1741_.

"MY LORD,--In England, as well as in Scotland, the Redeemer is
riding on from conquering to conquer. I have lately been at
Bristol and London, and have had the pleasure of seeing the
Church walk in the comforts of the Holy Ghost. I have preached
here twice every day, for some days past. I am athirst for
holiness. I see such beauty and transcendent excellencies in
Christ, that I long to have His whole mind and image stamped
upon my soul. Nothing can satisfy me but the highest degrees
of sanctification and inward holiness. Here, I believe, I am
laudably ambitious. My Saviour wills my sanctification. My
Saviour would have me filled with all the fulness of God."

* * * * *

"GLOUCESTER, _December 22, 1741_.

"MY DEAR BROTHER,--Last Thursday evening, the Lord brought me
hither. I preached immediately to our friends in a large barn,
and had my Master's presence. On Friday and Saturday, I preached
again twice. On Sunday, God opened a door for my preaching in
St. John's, one of the parish churches. The late incumbent had
been my grand opposer. He being dead, and the new minister not
having taken possession, the power of the pulpit was in the
churchwardens' hands. God inclined them to let me preach there
on Sunday morning and yesterday afternoon. On Sunday afternoon,
after I had preached twice at Gloucester, I preached at Mr.
F----'s, six miles off; and again, at night, at Stroud. The
people seem to be more hungry than ever, and the Lord to be more
amongst them. Yesterday morning, I preached at Painswick, in the
parish church; here in the afternoon; and again, at night, in
the barn. God gives me unspeakable comfort, and uninterrupted
joy. There seems to be a new awakening, and a revival of the
work of God. To-morrow morning, I purpose to set out for
Abergavenny."

Thus, after a long interval, was Whitefield allowed to occupy two
of the pulpits of the Established Church. In four days, he had been
to Abergavenny, and had come back to Bristol; where he wrote the
following racy letter to a gentleman in London:--

"BRISTOL, _December 28, 1741_.

"DEAR MR. M----, Both my wife and I received your letters. I
send this to thank you for them. I came from Abergavenny on
Saturday night. My dear wife was pretty well; I expect her here
on Friday.

"We shall bring no more goods to London than we shall use; but
I know not what to say about coming to your house, for, I am
told, you and your wife are dilatory, and that you do not rise
sometimes till nine or ten in the morning. This will never do
for me; and, I am persuaded, such conduct tends much to the
dishonour of God, and to the prejudice of your own precious
soul. Sometimes I have looked upon you with grief. You have
busied yourself about the outward affairs of religion with
respect to others, and, all the while, I fear, neglected the
improvement of your own heart. I fear your present business will
not answer; and, I am sure, you will have no solid comfort,
till you look less abroad and more at home. Somebody said, you
were like the Athenians, who desired to hear some new thing.
I thought the observation was too just. You are jealous about
principles, which is right; but, all the while, your own
practice is not sufficiently watched over. I have heard you
spend much time in coffee houses, and from your own house. I
hope these things are not so. You will not be offended with me
for this plain dealing. You know I love you; and, I am sure,
this letter proceeds from love. The eyes of the world are now
in an especial manner upon you. Labour, therefore, my dear
brother, to get an abiding presence of God in your heart. Be
willing to be searched. Pray that you may feel the full power
of the Redeemer's blood. Be not slothful in business. Go to bed
seasonably, and rise early. Redeem your precious time. Pick up
all the fragments of it, that not one moment may be lost. Be
much in secret prayer. Converse less with man, and more with
God. Accept this advice, given in great love."

Another letter, of the same date, must have insertion. It is a
striking fact, that, though all of them distinct, there were, at
the same time, remarkable religious movements in America, England,
Scotland, and Wales. The labours and successes of Howell Harris,
in the last-mentioned country, have been already noticed. About
half a score clergymen of the Established Church had practically
identified themselves with him, and had become itinerant preachers.
Among these, were the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, the Rev. William
Williams, the Rev. Peter Williams, and the Rev. Howell Davies. A
considerable body of lay-preachers, also, had sprung into existence;
and the Methodist congregations and Societies of the principality
were daily increasing in number and importance.[502] To these Welsh
evangelists, in one of their assemblies, Whitefield addressed the
following:--

"BRISTOL, _December 28, 1741_.

[502] "History of the Calvinistic Methodists in Wales," p. 8.

"MY DEAR BRETHREN IN CHRIST,--Though obliged to be absent in
body, I write this to assure you of my being present in spirit.
I wish you much of the presence of our glorious Head. I doubt
not but you will find Him faithful to His promise, and, as you
meet together in His name, He certainly will be in the midst
of you. The affairs you meet about are affairs of the utmost
importance. You ought to watch close, and to be instant in
prayer; for you need much of the wisdom which cometh from above.

"One great matter is rightly to know to what particular office,
and to what particular part, Jesus Christ has called each of
you. For, I take it for granted, none of you will presume
to run before you are called, or have evidences of your own
conversion. Different persons have different gifts and graces.
Some are called to awaken; others to establish and build up.
Some have popular gifts fit for large auditories; others move
best in a more contracted sphere, and may be exceeding useful
in the private Societies. Those who are called to act in a
public manner, I think, ought to give themselves wholly to the
work, and go out without purse or scrip. Their Master will
bear their charges. Others, who can only visit privately, may
mind their secular employ, and give their leisure time to the
service of the Church. Some of you are ministers of the Church
of England; but, if you are faithful, I cannot think you will
continue in it long. However, do not go out till you are cast
out; and, when cast out for Jesus Christ's sake, be not afraid
to preach in the fields. And whilst you remain in, O let not the
children of God starve for want of the sacrament, though they
may belong to another parish. The canon which forbids giving it
to _strangers_ was only to prevent persons coming unprepared,
without the minister's knowledge. It is regarded by none of the
clergy; and nothing but the enmity of the old serpent excites
them to mention it to any of you. For my own part, I should
think it an honour to be put into the spiritual court, and to
be excommunicated, for giving the children of God the sacrament
at my church, when they cannot have it elsewhere. The Spirit of
Christ and of glory, I am sure, would rest upon my soul.

"As for those who are not ordained, I cannot say much, only pray
that each may take his proper place. If Brother Lewis could come
over and help us, it would be well. The Church here wants more
labourers. It is proper, somebody should be always in Wiltshire
and Kingswood. I wish also you could meet monthly; if not all
together, yet in little bodies, as you lie nearest to each
other. I am about to settle a monthly meeting in Bristol and
London, where correspondents' letters are to be read, and prayer
made accordingly. If you had monthly meetings, each exhorter or
labourer might communicate his success; an abstract might be
sent to England; and we, in return, would send you an abstract
of our affairs. Unity would thereby be promoted, love increased,
and our hands strengthened.

"All this may be done without a formal separation from the
Established Church, which I cannot think God calls for as yet;
only, I think, if a brother or sister has a mind to communicate
among the Dissenters, and has freedom to receive in the Church
too, they ought to be left at their liberty.

"Thus, my dear brethren, I have given you what occurred to my
mind. I am ashamed whilst I am writing, knowing my insufficiency
to advise. But you will accept in love, from one who desires
to be the servant of all. It may be, hereafter, God may bring
me to you, and we may enjoy sweet fellowship together. In the
meanwhile, I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace.
I entreat your most earnest prayer in behalf of, dear brethren,
your most affectionate, though most unworthy, brother and
servant,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."[503]

[503] _Evangelical Magazine_, 1826, p. 469.

There is much in this important letter which deserves attention;
but the intelligent reader can easily form his own opinions on the
topics it embraces.

As usual, Whitefield was greatly occupied with his Orphan-house
affairs. His scheme, as he himself originally propounded it, was
benevolently comprehensive.

"An orphan house," he wrote in 1739, "is much wanted at
Savannah; for there are many orphans, who, now being obliged to
live in the families about town, lose all the advantages they
receive at school.

"Besides, it will be a great encouragement to people to go
to the colony, when they are assured their children will be
provided for after their decease; and it will be an unspeakable
comfort to parents already there, who fear nothing so much as
having their children left destitute when they are dead.

"Further, if the Indians, who live near the town, can be
persuaded to send their children, it seems to be the only
probable means to bring about their conversion.

"It may be further considered, that the children, to be
maintained in the Orphan House, are to be bred up to manual
labour from their very infancy; and that the persons to be
employed in their education, it is to be hoped, have the glory
of God at heart, and desire no other gratuity than food and
raiment.

"Part also of the Orphan House is to be set apart for an
infirmary, where sick servants and poor people, who now are
in great danger of perishing for want of necessaries, are
to be taken in and provided for; which must be a great ease
and assistance, not only to the servants, but to masters and
mistresses of families, who cannot afford to have physicians, or
to furnish sick servants with things convenient."[504]

[504] Preface to "Account of Money received and expended for the
Poor of Georgia."

All must admit the benevolent character of Whitefield's project. The
difficulties he had to encounter were enormous. Again and again, he
was in danger of being arrested for the debts that he had incurred
in the erection of his large building. Providence, however, provided
for his necessities; and now his Orphanage was opened, and his
plans were being carried out. He had many friends; but he also had
some enemies. Among the latter was a Mr. Nesbit, who had recently
returned to England from Carolina, where he had lived thirty years.
In three letters, published in the _Scots' Magazine_ for 1741, Mr.
Nesbit alleged, that "the extraordinary expense, in building the
Orphan House, might have been saved, by appropriating one or more of
the empty houses in Savannah," where Whitefield "might have had his
choice of hundreds." Mr. Nesbit continues: "The colony of Georgia
has been dwindling away for two or three years past, by reason of
the oppressions the people have suffered. Of the thousands sent
over by the Trustees, only a few families remain, and they are
waiting an opportunity to get out of the arbitrary government of
the place. Savannah is now two-thirds desolate; and, except the few
people in that town, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty
or seventy miles of the Orphan House. Of what use can an hospital
be in a desert and abandoned country? or how can such a house be
maintained in that situation, exposed to Spaniards, Indians, and
runaway negroes?" Another of Mr. Nesbit's complaints was that
Whitefield had "paid £3 for each cow and calf, whereas the price in
Carolina was only thirty shillings;" and that the keeping of his
live stock was costing twice as much as it ought to cost. "Thousands
of pounds," says the censor, "have been expended on the Orphan
House, and it is not above half finished. Mr. Whitefield has paid
twice as much for his boards, planks, and scantlings, as he should
have done."

It is not unlikely that simple-minded Whitefield was cheated by
the worldly-wise colonists with whom he had business transactions;
but that he did his best cannot reasonably be doubted. Nesbit's
letters were published while Whitefield was in Scotland, and was
making collections for the Orphanage. Whitefield wrote two replies,
one dated September 26, and the other October 3, 1741; and both
were published in the _Scots' Magazine_. A brief extract from the
second must suffice. In answer to the allegation that the expense of
building might have been saved by using empty houses in Savannah,
Whitefield writes:--

"I tried this experiment while the Orphan House was building.
I gave Mr. Douglas £35 a year for his house, the largest in
Savannah. I had the use of the parsonage, the Germans' house,
and another house besides; all of which, put together, were
scarcely sufficient; and, if I had had to pay rent for them all,
they would have cost upwards of £50, if not £60, per annum.
Judge you, then, whether it was not better to build one large,
convenient house, than to be at such an annual expenditure for
rent, and to undergo the inconvenience of living in separate
houses.

"I fear you have been misinformed that, excepting a few people
in Savannah, there is scarce an inhabitant within sixty or
seventy miles of the Orphan House; for, within four or five
miles, there are Mr. Fallowfield's plantation, Mr. Parker's
plantation (both magistrates of Savannah), Colonel Stevens's
plantation, Mr. Mercer's plantation, with some others a little
farther distant; besides three hundred Saltzburghers not above
forty miles distant from us."

Whitefield adds:--

"The Orphan House has been the support of the northern parts of
the colony. It has been the means of bringing several children
out of a state little better than slavery. It has enabled many
a man to pay his debts. Above all, it has been the means, under
God, of bringing many a poor soul to the knowledge of the Lord
Jesus, which was my chief end in building it. Whilst I have this
single end in view, I fear neither Spaniards' swords, nor the
scourges of men's tongues. My motto is 'the Burning Bush.' You
know, that burnt, but was not consumed."

Such was a part of Whitefield's answer to Mr. Nesbit. At the end of
the year, he published "An Account of Money received and disbursed
for the Orphan House in Georgia" (8vo. 45 pp.), with a preface,
dated December 23, 1741. Extracts from this have been already given;
but, as a further refutation of Mr. Nesbit's allegations, the
following extract from a letter, written by a gentleman from Boston,
who had visited the Orphan House, will, it is hoped, interest the
reader. The letter is dated "Bethesda, January 1, 1742."

"The Orphan House is pleasantly situated, and, with the
buildings belonging to it, presents a much handsomer prospect
than is given by the draught annexed to the public accounts. The
great house is now almost finished; and nothing has hindered but
the want of glass, which they daily expect from Bristol, and
some bricks to carry up another stack of chimneys, which would
have been done before, if a vessel that was bringing bricks and
other stores had not been taken by the Spaniards. They have
cut a fine road to Savannah, through a thicket of woods; and,
that it might be passable, were obliged to make ten bridges and
crossways. They have also cleared forty acres of land, twenty of
which were planted the last year; the other twenty were for the
benefit of the air. They have also a large garden at the front
of the house, brought into pretty good order. If the colony be
allowed negroes, as it is thought it must and will be, they
can, with about twenty negroes to manure the plantation, which
contains five hundred acres, raise much more provision than a
larger family than this can expend. They have already a fine
live stock; and, in a few years, it is to be hoped, they will be
able to support themselves.

"The economy observed here is as follows: The bell rings in the
morning at sunrise, to wake the family. When the children arise,
they sing a short hymn, and pray by themselves. Then they go
down to wash, and, by the time they have done that, the bell
calls to public worship, when a portion of Scripture is read
and expounded, a psalm sung, and the exercise begun and ended
with prayer. Then they breakfast, and afterwards go, some to
their trades, and the rest to their prayers and schools. At
noon, they all dine in the same room, and have comfortable and
wholesome diet provided. A hymn is sung before and after dinner;
then, in about half an hour, to school again; an interval which
affords time enough for recreation. A little after sunset, the
bell calls to public duty again, which is performed in the same
manner as in the morning. After that they sup, and are attended
to bed by one of their masters, who then prays with them. On
the Sabbath day, they all dine on cold meat provided the day
before, that none may be kept from public worship, which is
attended four times a day in summer, and three in the winter.
The children are kept to reading between whiles. Many have
reported that the place is very unhealthy; but I believe it is
quite otherwise; a remarkable proof of which is, that not one
of the family has died, and but three or four in the hospital.
Many, who now think the erecting of the Orphan House a mad
scheme, would alter their sentiments were they here. Innumerable
difficulties have been overcome, and affairs now wear a pleasant
aspect. Upon the whole, I think the institution to be of God;
therefore, it doth and will prosper."

The reader has here as full a description of the Orphan House in
1741, as can well be given.

Nearly all the printed attacks on Whitefield, during the year
1741, have been already noticed; but it may be added, that, in
this year, the following tracts were published by his friend
Wesley, not exactly against Whitefield, but against the doctrines
he held:--1. "Serious Considerations on Absolute Predestination.
Extracted from a late Author."[505] (12mo. 24 pp.) 2. "The Scripture
Doctrine concerning Predestination, Election, and Reprobation.
Extracted from a late Author." (12mo. 16 pp.) 3. "A Dialogue between
a Predestinarian and his Friend." (12mo. 7 pp.) 4. "Christian
Perfection: a Sermon preached by John Wesley, M.A., Fellow of
Lincoln College, Oxford." (12mo. 12 pp.)

[505] The "late author" was Robert Barclay. Wesley says, "We
presented a thousand of Barclay to Mr. Whitefield's congregation on
Sunday, April 19, 1741." (Wesley's Works, xii., p. 102.)

The Bishop of London, also, in his Charge to the Clergy of his
Diocese, had a fling at the erratic evangelist, telling his reverend
brethren, that, Whitefield had slandered the Church and clergy;
for he had "publicly spread and avowed, in a very unworthy and
licentious manner, that the generality of the clergy of the Church
of England were shamefully remiss and negligent in the _pastoral_
office."

And once more: An anonymous author published an 8vo. pamphlet of
thirty-six pages, with the title, "The Controversy concerning
Free-will and Predestination, set in a _true light_, and brought to
a _short issue_. Recommended to Mr. Whitefield and his followers."
In his preface, the writer taunts Whitefield "as an oracle, most
_implicitly_ believing that he is _inspired_ by the Holy Ghost."
He continues: "With undaunted assurance, Mr. Whitefield takes upon
him to instil this abominable doctrine of Predestination into his
hearers and admirers--a doctrine which runs counter to revelation,
and to the blessed nature of God; which depreciates the merits
and satisfaction of Jesus Christ in the grand atonement; which
sets the Divine attributes out of harmony; which makes prayer
useless, and the command to pray an imposition; which makes God
partial, arbitrary, despotic, unjust, and cruel; and which makes
the Christian priesthood and sacraments, at least, insignificant.
Who can reasonably doubt, that there is a plot of Satan and his
emissaries, to promote infidelity by this; and, perhaps, to make way
for popery, on the principle, _Divide et impera_--divide and govern"?

The author dates his pamphlet, "November 24, 1741," and concludes it
with the following lines:--

"Why is this _wrangling world_ thus _toss'd_ and _torn_?
_Free-grace_, _free-will_, are both together born.
If God's _free-grace_ rule in and over me,
His _will_ is _mine_, and so my _will_ is _free_."

Whitefield closed the year 1741 in Bristol, and spent nearly the
whole of the first month of 1742 in the same city. He preached
twice every day; and was still ardently desiring holiness. At the
beginning of the year, he went to hear Charles Wesley preach; and he
also commenced the monthly meeting, which he had mentioned in his
letter to the Welsh evangelists. Hence the following to a friend, in
London:--

"BRISTOL, _January 2, 1742_.

"My soul is thirsting after the Redeemer's love. I care not how
the old man be crucified, and cut to pieces, so that I may put
on the new man, which is created after God in righteousness and
true holiness. Great, very great things has Jesus done for me,
a worthless worm; but I see infinitely greater things lying
before me. There is an inexhaustible fulness in Jesus Christ,
out of which I hope to draw to the endless ages of eternity. Oh
the meekness, the love, and purity in Jesus! Why should we be
dwarfs in holiness?

"Yesterday I went to hear Mr. Charles. I believe the Lord helped
him in some parts of his discourse. I would be free; I would
meet more than half-way; but we are all too shy. The Lord fill
his soul with more of the disinterested love of Jesus!

"To-night, I begin a general monthly meeting to read
corresponding letters. Pray, give thanks for the success of the
gospel in my unworthy hands."

Whitefield left Bristol on January 22, and on the same day preached
twice at Tockington, a small village in Gloucestershire. On the
23rd, he preached "to many thousands at Stroud, with wondrous
power." On the 25th, he reached Gloucester, where he remained a
fortnight, preaching twice, and sometimes oftener, every day. The
following are extracts from letters, written during this visit to
his native city. To John Cennick, in London, he wrote:--

"GLOUCESTER, _January 28, 1742_.

"Our congregations here are larger than at Bristol. The word
proves sharper than a two-edged sword. Every sermon is blessed.
I am just now going to Chalford. To-morrow, I expect my wife.
Sinless perfection, I fear, will be propagated in these parts.
The Lord, in His due time, will root out that pernicious weed.
God willing, I shall examine Hampton Society to-night. I think
to do the same in Wiltshire. I want to be in London as soon as
may be."

On the same day, he wrote to Gilbert Tennent:--

"God has been very good to me since my arrival in England. I
found, when I came at first, I had all my work to begin again.
Brother Wesley had so prejudiced the people against me, that
those who were my spiritual children would not so much as come
and see me. Nay, they have gone by me, whilst preaching in
Moorfields, and stopped their ears. I was also embarrassed by
Brother Seward's death. He died without making any provision for
me; and, at the time, I was much indebted for the Orphan House.
All this was to humble me, and prepare me for future blessings.
The Lord has enabled me, blessed be His name! to keep steady
to my principles and usual practice. A new and numerous church
has been raised in London. In Essex, the Lord was wonderfully
with me. Everywhere, the congregations increase. In Bristol, God
enabled me to fight my way through. We have hired a large room,
and have expounded there twice a day. In Scotland, the work,
for its beginning, is greater than in New England. Through the
tender mercies of our God, I have been carried, as on eagles'
wings, through a variety of outward and inward troubles, the
greatness of which none knows but God and my own soul. I am glad
that matters are settling so amicably at Philadelphia. What a
pity it is that we should fall out in the way to heaven! I would
do anything except defiling my conscience, and giving up what I
think is truth, to prevent it. The Associate Brethren are much
to be blamed. I never met with such narrow spirits."

To a friend, at New Brunswick, he remarked:--

"What have you to do but to walk humbly with your God, and daily
to aspire after the whole mind that was in Jesus? I find but
few truly labouring after this. For my own part, I am ashamed
to think how unlike I am to my Saviour. I see such beauty in
Him, that I long to be conformed to His image. Blessed be God!
the work in our hands everywhere increases. I am supported and
encouraged, quickened and comforted, day by day. Jesus loves and
blesses me."

On February 5, he wrote again to Gilbert Tennent:--

"REVEREND AND DEAR BROTHER,--On Tuesday, I received yours. I
thank you for your kind caution. My mistakes often humble me.
Never did Jesus send out a more weak and worthless wretch. I
have not freedom now to continue writing a journal, as usual. I
shall proceed, for the future, in a more compendious way."

Whitefield here makes a statement of great importance. From December
28, 1737, to March 11, 1741; he had written a copious journal of his
experiences, labours, and successes; and had published far more of
it than was expedient. Both friends and foes--in England, Scotland,
and America--had assailed him on this account, and not without
reason. Even he himself acknowledged the justice of these attacks,
when, in 1756, he published a new edition of his Journals, "revised,
corrected, and _abridged_." Unfortunately, in an evil hour, he
resolved to throw aside his diary. Yes, _unfortunately_; for it
cannot be denied, that, diaries, properly written, by remarkable
men, like Whitefield, are an incalculable boon. Who could have
adequately appreciated Wesley's character, labours, and success,
without his _Journals_? And, to some extent, the same may be said of
Whitefield. There is a difference, however. Whitefield's long and
numerous letters, unlike Wesley's, were autobiographical. His life
cannot be written without his letters; but with them such a work is
not impossible. From his return to England in 1741, he ceased to
write Journals; but, to the end of life, he never lost his passion
for writing about himself, in correspondence with his friends.

One of the Oxford Methodists, the Rev. William Chapman, was settled
as a clergyman in Bath; and, to him, Whitefield addressed the
following:--

"GLOUCESTER, _February 5, 1742_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--Yesterday, I preached three times,
and visited a private Society in the evening. To-day, I was
enabled to preach three times, with great power. Here there is
such an awakening, as I never saw in these parts before. It is
pleasant to hear the people come and tell how God wrought upon
them by my unworthy ministry two years ago. The fruits of the
Spirit are now apparent in their lives. Letters from Scotland
bring blessed tidings, as also from Philadelphia. O the blessed
effects of field preaching! O that I were humble, and thankful!
Help me, my dear friend, to entreat the Redeemer to make me as
a little, a _very little child_. At the beginning of next week,
I hope to be in Bath; but cannot tell exactly the day. I thank
my friends for their kind intention to meet me; but I had rather
avoid it. The less parade the better. Let us stand still, and
see the salvation of God. He will not bless what doth not come
from Himself."

Whitefield seems to have spent about a fortnight in Bath and its
neighbourhood. He then set out for London, and, on the road, wrote
the following almost ecstatic letter to a distinguished lady with
whom he had become acquainted in Scotland. Lady Mary Hamilton
was sister to William, third Marquis of Lothian, the Countess of
Home, Lady Cranstown, and Lady Ross. Her ladyship's mother was
daughter of Archibald Campbell, the unfortunate Earl of Argyll,
who was beheaded in 1635. She had married Alexander Hamilton of
Ballincrieff, member of Parliament for the county of Linlithgow, and
Post-Master General of Scotland. Mr. Hamilton, as well as his wife,
was partial to Whitefield's preaching, and always received him at
his house with every mark of polite attention. For six-and-twenty
years, until her death, in 1768, Lady Mary was one of Whitefield's
correspondents.[506] His letter to this noble lady cannot fail to be
read with interest.

[506] "Life and Times of the Countess of Huntingdon," vol. i., p.
101.

"THALES, NEAR READING, _February 23, 1742_.

"HONOURED MADAM,--I am now upon the road to London. This
morning your acceptable letter came to hand. Though somewhat
wearied, I would fain answer it before I retire to rest.

"Blessed be God! who causes your ladyship to be never less
alone, than when alone. O Madam, what a Comforter is the Holy
Ghost! What sweet company is Jesus Christ! What a privilege is
it to have fellowship with the great Three-One! A world lying in
wickedness knows nothing of it. Everything yields comfort when
the Spirit breathes upon it.

"I am amazed that God should work by my hands; but Jesus is
love. He yet delights to honour me. I have lately seen the
Redeemer riding in His strength, and getting Himself the victory
in poor sinners' hearts. O that our Jesus may set the world in
a flame of love! Hasten that time, O blessed Jesus! O let Thy
kingdom come!

"I have heard from my dear orphans to-day. They have been
reduced to straits; but the Lord has stirred up a wealthy friend
or two to assist them. I find there has been a fresh awakening
among them. I am informed that twelve negroes, belonging to
a planter lately converted at the Orphan House, are savingly
brought home to Jesus Christ.

"I am glad to hear that the work goes on in Scotland. The Lord,
I trust, will ripen your soul apace for glory. He has various
ways of perfecting His saints. Methinks, I see your ladyship
sitting in your chair, and ravished with the Redeemer's beauty.
Sometimes you are, as it were, washing His feet with your tears;
at other times, sitting by faith at His feet, and hearing or
reading His word. Sometimes your heart is too big to speak; then
again, out of the abundance of your heart, your mouth poureth
forth hallelujahs. Sometimes you are lost in wonder; and at all
times longing to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. This, I
trust, is the life your ladyship lives. This is life indeed.
They who live otherwise are dead whilst they live. They call for
our compassion and prayers; for who has made the difference?
Distinguishing grace! O the unsearchable riches of Christ! I
could speak of Him for ever. The Lord be with your spirit, and
abundantly bless both you, Mr. Hamilton, and your child!"

On arriving in London, Whitefield wrote to his friend Mr. Noble, of
New York, as follows:--

"LONDON, _February 26, 1742_.

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--Before yours came to hand, the Lord had
given me an enlarged heart, and unfeigned love and freedom, to
converse with all His dear children, of whatever denomination.
I talk freely with the Messrs. Wesley, though we widely differ
in a certain point. Most talk of a catholic spirit; but it is
only till they have brought people into the pale of their own
church. This is downright sectarianism, not catholicism. How can
I act consistently, unless I receive and love all the children
of God, whom I believe to be such, of whatever denomination they
may be? Why should we dispute when there is no probability of
convincing? I am persuaded, the more the love of God is shed
abroad in our hearts, the more all narrowness of spirit will
subside and give way. Besides, so far as we are narrow-spirited,
we are uneasy. Prejudices, jealousies, and suspicions make the
soul miserable. But enough of this. My dear brother Noble is
of my mind; only let me give you one caution. Take heed that
your getting acquainted with any new set of Christians does not
lead you insensibly to despise others of your old acquaintance.
Watch, and deal very tenderly with all; otherwise you will grow
reserved and artful, and will lose a simple, open, guileless
spirit, before you are aware."

To the same effect is the following letter to the Rev. William
Chapman, of Bath:--

"LONDON, _March 4, 1742_.

"MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,--I hope you are not offended,
because you did not see me in Bath again. The glorious Emmanuel
pointed out my way hither. Since I came, He has been wonderfully
kind to me, and to His people. I am much assisted daily, in
preaching to poor sinners the unsearchable riches of Christ.
Life and power fly all around, and the Redeemer is getting
Himself the victory daily in many hearts. O that my dear Mr.
Chapman may be made a flaming fire, and a spiritual father to
thousands!

"I despair of a greater union among the churches, till a greater
measure of the Spirit be poured from on high. Hence, therefore,
I am resolved simply to preach the gospel of Christ, and leave
others to quarrel by and with themselves. To contend, where
there is no probability of convincing, only feeds and adds fuel
to an unhallowed fire. Love, forbearance, long-suffering, and
frequent prayer to the Lord Jesus, is the best way to put it
out. O love--true, simple, Christian, undissembled love--whither
art thou fled?"

The treatment he received from the Church of England, and from
Presbyterians in Scotland, and his differences with the Wesleys,
were not the only things that troubled Whitefield. His evangelistic
friends in Wales were not perfectly harmonious; and there can hardly
be a doubt that this was one of the incidents which led him to write
as he did in the foregoing letters. Whitefield hated disputations;
and yet, even some of his dearest friends were sometimes in danger
of being divided by their religious contests. Hence the following
extract from a letter, written by Howell Harris to Whitefield's
wife:--

"LANWORTHADD, _March 24, 1742_.

"Our Society of ministers and exhorters go on sweetly. We had
some disputes the last time we met; but we never parted with
such broken hearts and wet cheeks. The Lord pities us, and
will set us free from those strong corruptions, that set us
together by the ears, and divide us, and cool our love to each
other."[507]

[507] The _Weekly History_, June, 5, 1742.

Whitefield sighed for union; and, by keeping apart from controversy,
and simply testifying the gospel of the grace of God, he did
his utmost to make professing Christians a loving brotherhood.
Sometimes, the prospect of this began to brighten; and, at all
times, he had reason to exult on account of new conversions. The
following extracts from letters, that he wrote in the month of
April, will be welcome:--

"LONDON, _April 6, 1742_.

"O what a blessing it is to be redeemed from a vain
conversation! O that every poor sinner felt it! Then would the
children of God agree in one, and divisions would be at an end.
Blessed be our Lord! there is a greater prospect of union than
ever. It is what my soul longs after, and labours for. It is a
great pity that poor pilgrims should fall out in their way to
heaven; but this will be, till we get more of the Divine Spirit.

"I believe there is such a work begun, as neither we nor
our fathers have heard of. The beginnings are amazing; how
unspeakably glorious will the end be! In New England, the
Lord takes poor sinners by hundreds, I may say by thousands.
In Scotland, the fruits of my poor labours are abiding and
apparent. In Wales, the word of the Lord runs and is glorified;
as also in many places in England. In London, our Saviour is
doing great things daily. We scarce know what it is to have a
meeting without tears. Our Lord always meets with us. I sleep
and eat but little, and am constantly employed from morning
till midnight; and, yet, I walk and am not weary, I run and am
not faint. O free grace! It fires my soul, and makes me long
to do something more for Jesus. It is true, indeed, I want to
go home; but here are so many souls ready to perish for lack
of knowledge, that I am willing to tarry below, as long as my
Master has work for me to do."

To John Cennick, now evangelizing in Whitefield's native county, he
wrote as follows:--

"LONDON, _April 8, 1742_.

"I rejoice to hear that the Lord is with you, and that He was
pleased to bless my poor labours in Gloucestershire. I would
have you to dispute as little as possible. Awakened souls should
be told to look continually to the Lord Jesus. Our Lord is with
us much in London. I preach twice daily. Our Society grows."

Whitefield longed for union; Wesley, for the present, seems to have
been indifferent concerning it, and was also beset with those
who wished to make him think that Whitefield was not sincere. The
following is a significant entry in Wesley's Journal:--

"1742. April 23. I spent an agreeable hour with Mr. Whitefield.
I believe he is sincere in all he says concerning his earnest
desire of joining hand in hand with all that love the Lord Jesus
Christ. But, if (as some would persuade me) he is not, the loss
is all on his own side. I am just as I was. I go on my way,
whether he goes with me, or stays behind."[508]

[508] Wesley's foolish friends fortunately failed in their efforts
to keep Whitefield and himself apart. Within three weeks after this,
Wesley writes again: "1742, May 12. I waited on the Archbishop of
Canterbury, with Mr. Whitefield, and again on Friday; as also on the
Bishop of London. I trust, if we should be called to appear before
princes, we should not be ashamed." (Wesley's Journal.)

Whitefield had now spent nearly two months of wintry weather in
the metropolis, and, of course, his ministry had been mainly
confined to his wooden meeting-house, in the neighbourhood of
Moorfields. At length, the sun was again shining, the birds were
singing, and the breezes balmy. It was time for Whitefield to resume
his "field-pulpit," and to use the bright blue heavens as his
sounding-board. During the Easter holidays, commencing on Easter
Monday, April 19, Whitefield preached six or seven sermons in his
old open-air cathedral, Moorfields;[509] and, writing to a friend
in Philadelphia, remarked, "We have had a glorious _Easter_, or
rather a _Pentecost_." The scenes witnessed on these three memorable
days--Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday--are described by himself in
two letters, written three weeks afterwards. The letters are here
thrown into one continuous narrative.

[509] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 383.

"LONDON, _May 11, 1742_.

"With this, I send you a few of the many notes I have received
from persons who were convinced, converted, or comforted in
Moorfields, during the late holidays. For many weeks, I found my
heart much pressed to preach there at this season, when Satan's
children keep their annual rendezvous.

"I must inform you, that Moorfields is a large, spacious place,
given, as I have been told, by one Madam Moore, for all sorts of
people to divert themselves in. For many years past, from one
end to the other, booths of all kinds have been erected, for
mountebanks, players, puppet-shows, and such-like.

"With a heart bleeding with compassion for so many thousands
led captive by the devil at his will, on Easter Monday,[510]
at six o'clock in the morning, attended by a large congregation
of praying people, I ventured to lift up a standard amongst
them, in the name of Jesus of Nazareth. Perhaps, there were
about ten thousand waiting, not for me, but for Satan's
instruments to amuse them. I was glad to find that, for once,
I had, as it were, got the start of the devil. I mounted my
field-pulpit,[511] and almost all flocked immediately around it.
I preached on these words, 'As Moses lifted up the serpent in
the wilderness,' etc. They gazed, they listened, they wept. All
was hushed and solemn; and I believe many felt themselves stung
with deep conviction of their past sins.

[510] Most of Whitefield's biographers say _Whit-Monday_; but
this is a mistake. In 1742, Easter Sunday fell on April 18th;
and Whit-Sunday, on June 6th, nearly a month after the date of
this letter.

[511] Whitefield's "field-pulpit" was in existence, at the
Tabernacle, Moorfields, as recently as 1839. (See "Services
at the Centenary of Whitefield's Apostolic Labours, 1839," p.
22.) It so happens, however, that, in this very year 1876,
another pulpit, or perhaps the same, is on view in the great
Centennial Exhibition at Philadelphia. The following is taken
from the London _Watchman and Wesleyan Advertiser_, of June 14,
1876: "The portable pulpit of George Whitefield, which belongs
to the American Tract Society, is on view at the Centennial
Exhibition. It is made of pine wood, and is so contrived that it
can be easily taken apart and put together. The great preacher
delivered more than two thousand sermons from this pulpit in the
fields of England, Wales, and America; and he once remarked that
the gospel had been preached from it to more than ten millions
of people."

"Being thus encouraged, I ventured out again at noon: but what
a scene! The fields, the whole fields, seemed, in a bad sense
of the word, all white, ready, not for the Redeemer's, but,
for Beelzebub's harvest. All his agents were in full motion,
drummers, trumpeters, merry-andrews, masters of puppet-shows,
exhibitors of wild beasts, etc., etc.,--all busy in entertaining
their respective auditories. I suppose, there could not be less
than twenty or thirty thousand people.

"My pulpit was fixed on the opposite side, and immediately,
to their great mortification, they found the number of their
attendants sadly lessened. Judging that, like St. Paul, I
should now be called, as it were, to fight with beasts at
Ephesus, I preached from these words: 'Great is Diana of the
Ephesians.' You may easily guess, that there was some noise
among the craftsmen, and that I was honoured with having stones,
dirt, rotten eggs, and pieces of dead cats thrown at me,
whilst engaged in calling them from their favourite, but lying
vanities. My soul was indeed among lions; but far the greater
part of my congregation seemed to be turned into lambs.

"This encouraged me to give notice, that I would preach again at
six o'clock in the evening. I came, I saw, but what? Thousands
and thousands more than before, still more deeply engaged in
their unhappy diversions; but, among them, some thousands
waiting as earnestly to hear the gospel. This was what Satan
could not brook. One of his choicest servants was exhibiting,
trumpeting on a large stage; but, as soon as the people saw
me, in my black robes, and my pulpit, I think, all of them, to
a man, left him and ran to me. For a while, I was enabled to
lift up my voice as a trumpet. God's people kept praying; and
the enemy's agents made a kind of roaring at some distance from
us. At length, they approached nearer, and the merry-andrew
(who complained that they had taken many pounds less that day
on account of my preaching) got upon a man's shoulders, and,
advancing near the pulpit, attempted, several times, to strike
me with a long, heavy, whip; but always, with the violence of
his motion, tumbled down. Soon afterwards, they got a recruiting
sergeant, with his drum, etc., to pass through the congregation.
I gave the word of command, and ordered that way might be made
for the king's officer. The ranks opened, while all marched
quietly through, and then closed again. Finding those efforts to
fail, a large body, on the opposite side of the field, assembled
together, and, having got a large pole for their standard,
advanced towards us with steady and formidable steps, till they
came very near the skirts of our congregation. I saw, gave
warning, and prayed to the Captain of our salvation for support
and deliverance. He heard and answered; for, just as they
approached us, with looks full of resentment, they quarrelled
among themselves, threw down their pole, and went their way,
leaving, however, many of their company behind. I think, I
continued in praying, preaching, and singing (for the noise, at
times, was too great to preach), about three hours.

"We then retired to the Tabernacle. My pocket was full of notes
from persons brought under concern. I read, them, amidst the
praises and spiritual acclamations of thousands, who joined with
the holy angels in rejoicing that so many sinners were snatched,
in such an unlikely place and manner, out of the very jaws of
the devil. This was the beginning of the Tabernacle Society.
Three hundred and fifty awakened souls were received in one day;
and, I believe, the number of notes exceeded a thousand.

"The battle, that was begun on Monday, was not quite over till
Wednesday evening, though the scene of action was a little
changed.

"Being strongly invited, and a pulpit being prepared for me
by an honest Quaker, a coal merchant, I ventured, on Tuesday
evening, to preach in Marylebone Fields, a place almost as much
frequented by boxers, gamesters, and such-like, as Moorfields.
A vast congregation was assembled, and, as soon as I got into
the field-pulpit, their countenances bespoke the enmity of their
hearts against the preacher. I opened with these words: 'I am
not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; for it is the power of God
unto salvation to every one that believeth.' I preached in great
jeopardy; for the pulpit being high, and the supports not well
fixed in the ground, it tottered every time I moved, and numbers
of enemies strove to push my friends against the supports, in
order to throw me down. But the Redeemer stayed my soul upon
Himself, and I was not much moved, except with compassion for
those to whom I was delivering my Master's message.

"Satan, however, did not like thus to be attacked in his
strongholds, and I narrowly escaped with my life; for, as I was
passing from the pulpit to the coach, I felt my hat and wig
to be almost off. I turned about, and observed a sword just
touching my temples. A young rake, as I afterwards found, was
determined to stab me, but a gentleman, seeing the sword thrust
near me, struck it up with his cane, and so the destined victim
providentially escaped. Such an attempt excited abhorrence. The
enraged multitude seized the man, and had it not been for one
of my friends, who received him into his house, he must have
undergone a severe discipline.

"The next day, I renewed my attack in Moorfields; and, after
the mob found that pelting, noise, and threatenings would not
do, one of the merry-andrews got up into a tree, very near the
pulpit, and shamefully exposed his nakedness before all the
people. Such a beastly action quite abashed the serious part of
my auditory; but hundreds, of another stamp, instead of rising
up to pull down the unhappy wretch, expressed their approbation
by repeated laughs. I must own, at first it gave me a shock. I
thought Satan had now almost undone himself; but, recovering my
spirits, I appealed to all, since now they had such a spectacle
before them, whether I had wronged human nature, in saying,
after pious Bishop Hall, 'that man, when left to himself,
is half a devil and half a beast;' or, as the great Mr. Law
expressed himself, 'a motley mixture of the beast and devil.'

"Silence and attention being thus gained, I concluded with a
warm exhortation; and closed our festival enterprises by reading
fresh notes that were put up, and by praising and blessing
God, amidst thousands at the Tabernacle, for what He had done
for precious souls, and on account of the deliverances He had
wrought out for me and His people.

"I cannot help adding, that, several little boys and girls were
fond of sitting round me on the pulpit, while I preached, and
handing to me the people's notes. Though they were often struck
with the eggs, dirt, etc., thrown at me, they never once gave
way; but, on the contrary, every time I was struck, turned up
their little weeping eyes, and seemed to wish they could receive
the blows for me."

This is a simple and strange story. Seldom do the annals of the
Christian Church present a more remarkable example of the power
of gospel truth. Here were assembled thousands, "the devil's
castaways," as Whitefield would have called them,--the very scum of
London's teeming population, many of them clad in rags, and almost
all of them labelled with the marks of vice and wretchedness; and,
yet, even in such a congregation, hundreds become penitent, and
begin to call upon God for mercy. Even the wildest mob only need
"the truth as it is in Jesus" simply and faithfully proclaimed,
for there is always in that glorious truth a something which meets
the yearnings of the most degraded soul. Whitefield's Easter-tide
services, in the midst of the Moorfields mobs, were not unworthy of
the name he gave them--"_a glorious Pentecost_."[512]

[512] Whitefield's Works, vol. i., p. 383.

Whitefield continued the services thus begun; and no wonder. The
following announcement was made in the _Weekly History_, of May 8,
1742:--

"This evening, about six o'clock, the Rev. Mr. Whitefield
purposes to preach at Charles Square, by Hoxton.[513] To-morrow,
about five p.m., at Kennington Common; and, on Tuesday next,
about six p.m., at St. Marylebone Fields. He preached, in
Moorfields, every day in the holiday week; some days twice, and
some thrice. The auditories were very large and attentive, and,
for the most times, very quiet. Many souls have been wrought
upon during the last week's preaching, and several of them of
the most abandoned sort. The Society, in London, is in great
order, and great grace is among its members. For some time
past, there have been about twenty souls each week added to it.
In about three weeks, Mr. Whitefield purposes setting out for
Scotland, with an intent to visit Ireland also. He has been in
London about two months, and has preached twice, and sometimes
thrice, every day."

[513] Charles Square, Hoxton, was a favourite preaching place of
the first Methodists. The following, taken from the _New Weekly
Miscellany_, pretends to describe one of these preaching scenes:
"When the teacher ascends the place appointed for him, he uses
all the gestures of a mountebank, or posture-master. His constant
hearers are frequently about two thousand,--all of them the scum of
the people, and consisting of near ten women to one man. Of the rest
of the people, some are coming only to look on, and satisfy their
curiosity; and others are going off as soon as their curiosity is
satisfied. Some are laughing, others swearing; some are selling gin,
and others ballads. Some take the opportunity of vending the printed
controversies between Mr. Whitefield and Mr. Wesley; others are
in a maze to see religion brought into such contempt and ridicule
by men in gowns. The houses of the gentlemen living in the Square
are filled with their acquaintances, from the city, as though they
had come to see bears or monkeys. One of the gentlemen said, he
would get a French horn, for his diversion during the time of these
preaching performances. The story took air, and near a hundred of
the gang stood before his house, as if they intended to assault it;
while the preacher, in his gown, looked at the gentleman, and said,
'You unbeliever! you are certainly damned!'"

Whitefield embarked for Scotland on May 26, and arrived in Edinburgh
on the 3rd of June. During his eight days' voyage, he employed
himself, as usual when on shipboard, in writing letters to his
friends.

One of these was the Rev. Mr. Meriton, a clergyman in the Isle of
Man, who, ten months before, had become acquainted with Wesley in
London,[514] and who seems to have spent the last years of his
life chiefly in accompanying the two Wesleys in their preaching
excursions, and in assisting them in the chapels they had built. He
died in 1753. To him Whitefield wrote as follows:--

"On board the _Mary and Ann_, bound to Scotland, _May 26, 1742_.

[514] Wesley's Works, vol. i., p. 302.

"REV. AND DEAR SIR,--I received your letter on Saturday last,
and felt great concern while perusing it. One thing especially
pleased me. I found that a report, I had lately heard concerning
you, was false; for I had been told, that the bishop, seeing
your zeal, had, at last, ordered the clergy to open the church
doors for you, and that now you had done with appearing openly
in the defence of the glorious gospel. Blessed be God! this
is not true; though I find both you and your people have been
greatly discouraged. I see no way of extricating yourself, but
by acting up to the dictates of your own conscience, and leaving
the consequences to the great Head and King of the Church. Up
then, and be doing; and the Lord will be with you. If you cannot
preach freely in the Isle of Man, go whithersoever the Lord
shall be pleased to lead you. Our commission is very extensive:
'Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to every
creature.' We want labourers much in England. If our ascended
Saviour has given you popular gifts, and freedom and authority
in speaking without notes, you need not fear. He will assist
you, and make you a blessing to many souls.

"Your being a minister of the Established Church will be an
advantage, and your age also will give you yet more authority;
but an unction from the Holy One is the best qualification. I
would, therefore, persuade you to ask God, again and again,
what He would have you to do. I am apt to think, He will not
restore to you the comforts of the Holy Ghost, until you give
up yourself simply to follow the dictates of His providence and
Spirit. Then, let men or devils say and do their worst. How can
we know God's power, unless we try it? Not that I would have
you, dear friend, do anything rashly. No: 'He that believeth
doth not make haste.'

"I wonder not that your brother's love is grown cold. It is
hard for one in his station, unless he be thoroughly inured
to contempt, and will give God leave to act in His own way,
to withstand a whole body of lukewarm, prejudiced, envious,
malignant clergy. These have always been the greatest opposers
of true, vital religion. These were our Saviour's most bitter
enemies. These will be ours also, if we come forth in His
Spirit, and preach by His power. But, blessed be God! I can say,
by happy experience, our glorious Emmanuel will make us more
than conquerors over them all. He has continually fought my
battles for me, and, I am persuaded, will do so to the end."

Such was Whitefield's letter to this Methodist clergyman in the
Isle of Man. There can be little doubt, that it greatly contributed
towards securing for the Wesleys one of the most brave-hearted of
their clerical helpers, the Rev. John Meriton. A good deal might be
said concerning the last ten years of his life; but this is not the
place for it.

The following was (probably) written to John Bray, the London
Moravian, a former friend of the Wesleys and of Whitefield, and
who, at this particular time, was, like the Rev. John Meriton, in
doubt how to act.[515] The London Moravians were now in a state of
considerable agitation, and Bray, the brazier in Little Britain,
London, as well as Meriton, the clergyman, in the Isle of Man, seems
to have desired the benefit of his old friend's advice.

[515] See "Memoirs of James Hutton," pp. 109, 110.

"_May 27, 1742._

"MY DEAR BROTHER B.,--Your letter was sweet to my heart. I will
now endeavour to answer it.

"I need not tell you I love you. God has often borne witness to
our fellowship, by giving us His presence. What has happened of
late to disunite, will, in the end, I am persuaded, only promote
a closer union. I feel my heart more and more disposed to love
and honour all denominations of believers. In all societies of
Christians, under heaven, there must necessarily be persons of
a different standing in the school of Christ. Those who are
not solidly established in the love of God will fall too much
in love with the outward form of their particular church, be
it what it may; but as the love of God gets the ascendancy,
the more they will be like Him and His holy angels, and will,
consequently, rejoice when souls are brought to Jesus, whatever
instruments may be made use of for that purpose. I wish there
was more confidence among us all; but I see that none but the
Spirit of God can outwardly unite us, and, therefore, I have now
given it up into the Redeemer's hand. Only this I pray, that I
may be one of the first, and not the last, in bringing back the
King. If I have, at any time, set improper bounds to the Spirit
of God, I desire to be very low and broken-hearted for it. I am
sure it has not been done willingly."

In the same strain, Whitefield wrote to a minister at Leominster.

"_May 27, 1742._

"If the Lord give us a true catholic spirit, free from sectarian
zeal, we shall do well. I am sorry to hear that there is so much
narrowness among some of the brethren in Wales. Brother Harris
complains sadly of it. I hope you will be kept free, and not
fall into disputing about baptism, or other non-essentials; for,
I am persuaded, unless we all are content to preach Christ, and
to keep off from disputable things, wherein we differ, God will
not bless us long. If we act otherwise, however we may talk of
a catholic spirit, we shall only bring people over to our own
party, and there fetter them."

Another letter addressed to Howell, Harris, and to the same effect,
must suffice.

"_May 29, 1742._

"MY VERY DEAR BROTHER,--I am heartily sorry that such a narrow
spirit prevails in Wales. But what shall we say? The Redeemer's
love alone can unite and keep His flocks together. Disputing
with bigots and narrow-spirited people will not do. I intend,
henceforth, to say less to them, and pray more and more to our
Lord for them. Blessed be God! the partition wall is breaking
down daily in some of our old friends' hearts in London. I
exhort all to go where they can profit most. O, my brother, I
find that nothing but the wisdom from above can teach us how to
build up souls.

"In London, we have public Societies twice a week, and a general
meeting for reading letters once a month. Our Lord has been
much with us. We seem to move on now in gospel dignity, and are
terrible as an army with banners. The Easter holidays were high
days indeed. My wife does not forget her friends in Wales. I
expect great things in Scotland. Adieu! Forget not to pray for
your affectionate brother pilgrim,

"GEORGE WHITEFIELD."

It is evident, from these, and other letters, previously-inserted,
that Whitefield was a man of one business. He was an evangelist at
large. He discarded controversy. He made no attempt to reform or to
institute churches. His sole object was "to testify the gospel of
the grace of God," and to be useful in saving souls.

He arrived in Scotland on the 3rd of June, and here he spent the
next five months.

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Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained as
printed.

Mismatched quotes and square brackets are not fixed if it's not
sufficiently clear where they should be placed.

The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the
transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

The transcriber has made the following changes:

Page 32: changed 1753 to 1735--"Thus, as early as June 12, 1753,
Whitefield began to ..."

Page 57: Added missing footnote anchor here: Footnote 71:
Life of C. Wesley, vol. i., p. 70.

Page 110: Footnote 115: Oglethorpe did not sail until July 5th,
1783. 1783 was changed to 1738.

Page 143: "2. Public Worship; 3. Reading the Scriptures; 4. Secret
Prayer; 5. Self-examination; and 7." 7 was changed to 6

Page 180: Added missing footnote anchor here: I should not be the
servant of Christ."[181]

Page 274: Added missing footnote anchor here: out of his own depth
when he wrote it.[244]

Page 527: Added missing footnote anchor here: within them upon
hearing your name."[481]

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield, Volume I (of 2)" ***

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