Title: The History of Rome, Books 37 to the End - with the Epitomes and Fragments of the Lost Books
Author: Livy
Language: English
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THE

HISTORY OF ROME.

BY

TITUS LIVIUS.


BOOKS THIRTY-SEVEN TO THE END,

WITH THE EPITOMES AND FRAGMENTS OF THE LOST BOOKS.

LITERALLY TRANSLATED

BY WILLIAM A. M‘DEVITTE, SEN. CLASS. MOD. EX. SCHOL. A. B. T. C. D.


LONDON: HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. MDCCCL.

JOHN CHILDS AND SON, BUNGAY.


THE

HISTORY OF ROME.



BOOK XXXVII.


     _Lucius Cornelius Scipio the consul, having as lieutenant Publius
     Scipio Africanus, (who had declared that he would be his brother’s
     lieutenant if the province of Greece was decreed to him, when that
     province appeared likely to be assigned to Caius Lælius, who had
     great influence in the senate,) set out to wage war against
     Antiochus, and was the first Roman general that ever passed over
     into Asia. Æmilius Regillus, with the assistance of the Rhodians,
     fought successfully against the royal fleet of Antiochus at
     Myonnesus. The son of Africanus, having been taken by Antiochus,
     was sent back to his father. Manius Acilius Glabrio triumphed over
     Antiochus, whom he had driven out of Greece, and over the Ætolians.
     Antiochus being subsequently conquered by Lucius Cornelius Scipio,
     with the aid of Eumenes, son of Attalus, and king of Pergamus,
     peace was granted to him on these terms—that he should evacuate all
     the provinces on this side Mount Taurus. The kingdom of Eumenes,
     through whose assistance Antiochus had been conquered, was
     enlarged. Some states were granted to the Rhodians too, who also
     had assisted them. The colony of Bononia was founded. Æmilius
     Regillus, who had conquered the admirals of Antiochus in a naval
     engagement, triumphed. Lucius Cornelius Scipio, who had brought the
     war with Antiochus to a conclusion, was called Asiaticus, attaining
     to an equality with his brother by this surname._


1. Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Caius Lælius being consuls, no business,
after the duties of religion, was transacted in the senate prior to that
of the Ætolians. Not only their ambassadors were urgent, because they
had a truce of a short period, but they were aided by Titus Quinctius
also, who had then returned to Rome from Greece. The Ætolians, as being
persons to whom there was more hope in the mercy of the senate than in
their cause, acted suppliantly, weighing their by-gone services against
their recent misconduct. But when present, they were importuned by
questions of the senators, wringing from them an acknowledgment of their
guilt rather than replies, and when ordered to depart from the senate,
they caused a great contest. Resentment had more power in their case
than compassion; for the senate were incensed against them not merely as
enemies, but as an uncivilized and unsocial race. After it had been
contested several days, it was at last resolved, that peace should
neither be granted nor refused. Two conditions were offered them, either
that they should yield to the senate unconditional power over them, or
pay one thousand talents,[1] and have the same friends and enemies. To
them, desirous to elicit in what things they should give to the senate
unconditional power over them, no positive answer is given; but being
thus dismissed, without having concluded a peace, they were ordered to
quit the city that very day, and Italy within fifteen days. They then
began to debate concerning the provinces for the consuls. Both of these
wished for Greece. Lælius had a powerful interest in the senate; and
when the senate had ordered that the consuls should either cast lots for
the provinces, or settle them between themselves, he observed, that they
would act with more propriety in leaving that matter to the wisdom of
the senators, than to the decision of lot. To this Scipio, an answer
being given that he would take advice how he ought to act, having spoken
to his brother alone, and having been desired by him to leave it
unhesitatingly to the senate, answered his colleague that he would do
what he recommended. When this plan, either original or supported by
precedents of a record now lost by antiquity, being referred to the
senate, had aroused them by the expectation of a contest, Publius Scipio
Africanus said, that “if they decreed that province to his brother,
Lucius Scipio, he would go along with him, as his lieutenant-general.”
This proposal being received with universal approbation, put an end to
all dispute. The senate were well pleased to make the trial, whether
king Antiochus should have more effectual aid in the vanquished
Hannibal, or the Roman consul and legions in his conqueror Africanus;
and they almost all voted Greece to Scipio, and Italy to Lælius. The
prætors then cast lots for their provinces: Lucius Aurunculeius
obtained the city jurisdiction; Cneius Fulvius, the foreign; Lucius
Æmilius Regillus, the fleet; Publius Junius Brutus, the Tuscans; Marcus
Tuccius, Apulia and Bruttium; and Caius Atinius, Sicily.

2. Then to the consul to whom the province of Greece had been decreed,
in addition to the army which he was about to receive from M. Acilius,
(but they were two legions,) three thousand Roman foot and one hundred
horse, and of the Latin confederates five thousand foot and two hundred
horse, are added as a reinforcement; and it was further ordered, that
if, when he arrived in his province, he would judge it conducive to the
public interest, he should be at liberty to carry over the army into
Asia. To the other consul was decreed an army entirely new; two Roman
legions, and of the Latin confederates fifteen thousand foot and six
hundred horse. Quintius Minucius was ordered to remove his forces out of
Liguria (for he had written, that the province was completely subdued,
and that the whole nation of the Ligurians had surrendered) into the
country of the Boians, and to give up the command to Publius Cornelius,
proconsul. The two city legions, enlisted the year before, about to be
brought home from the country in which Cornelius had fined the conquered
Boians, were assigned to Marcus Tuccius, prætor, together with fifteen
thousand foot and six hundred horse, of the Latin confederates, to
occupy Apulia and Bruttium. Orders were given to Aulus Cornelius, a
prætor of the preceding year, who occupied Bruttium with an army, that
if the consul judged it proper, he should transport his legions into.
Ætolia, and give them to Manius Acilius, provided the latter was
inclined to remain there; but if Acilius wished to come to Rome, that
then Aulus Cornelius should stay in Ætolia with that army. It was
resolved that Caius Atinius Labeo should receive from Marcus Æmilius the
province of Sicily, and the army there; and should, if he deemed it
proper, enlist in the province itself two thousand foot and one hundred
horse, for a reinforcement. Publius Junius Brutus was ordered to raise a
new army for Tuscany, consisting of one Roman legion, and ten thousand
foot of the allies and Latin nation, and four hundred horse. Lucius
Æmilius, whose province was the sea, was ordered to receive from Marcus
Junius, prætor of the former year, twenty ships of war, with their
crews, and himself to enlist one thousand marines and two thousand foot
soldiers, with which ships and soldiers he was to sail to Asia, and
receive the command of the fleet from Caius Livius. To the governors of
the two Spains and Sardinia, their command is prolonged for a year, and
the same armies were decreed them. Sicily and Sardinia were, this year,
assessed in two-tenths of their corn. All the corn from Sicily was
ordered to be carried into Ætolia, to the army there; of that to be
collected from Sardinia, one-half to Rome, and the other half into
Ætolia, for the same use as the corn from Sicily.

3. It was judged proper, that, previous to the departure of the consuls
for their provinces, the prodigies should be expiated under the
direction of the pontiffs. The temple of Juno Lucina, at Rome, was
struck by lightning in such a manner, that the summit and the
folding-doors were much damaged. At Puteoli, the wall and a gate were
struck by lightning in several parts, and two men killed. It was clearly
proved, that, at Nursia, in the midst of a calm, a tempest suddenly
burst forth; and there also two freemen were killed. The Tusculans
reported, that a shower of earth fell in their country; and the
Reatines, that a mule brought forth, young in theirs. These prodigies
were expiated, and the Latin festival was celebrated a second time,
because the flesh-meat, which ought to be given to the Laurentians, had
not been given them. There was also a supplication made on account of
those religious fears; the decemvirs gave directions from the books, to
which of the gods it should be performed. Ten free-born youths, and ten
virgins, all of whom had their fathers and mothers living, were employed
in that ceremony; and the decemvirs sacrificed sucklings by night.
Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, before he left the city, erected an
arch on the Capitol, facing the road by which we ascend to it, with
seven gilded statues and two horses, and placed two marble cisterns in
the front of the arch. During that period, forty-three of the principal
Ætolians, among whom were Damocritus and his brother, were brought to
Rome by two cohorts, sent by Manius Acilius, and were thrown into the
prison called Lautumiæ, or the quarry. Lucius Cornelius the consul
ordered the cohorts after that to return to the army. Ambassadors came
from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, king and queen of Egypt, congratulating the
Romans because the consul Manius Acilius had driven king Antiochus out
of Greece, and advising that they should carry over their army into
Asia. For “all places, not only in Asia, but also in Syria, were filled
with consternation; and the king and queen of Egypt would be prepared to
do those things which the senate should direct.” Thanks were returned to
the king and queen, and presents were ordered to be made to the
ambassadors, four thousand _asses_[2] to each.

4. The consul Lucius Cornelius, having finished what was necessary to be
done at Rome, gave public notice, in an assembly of the people, that the
soldiers, whom he himself had enlisted for a reinforcement, and those
who were in Bruttiurn with Aulus Cornelius, proprætor, should all meet
him at Brundusium on the ides of July. He likewise appointed three
lieutenants-general, Sextus Digitius, Lucius Apustius, and Caius
Fabricius Luscinus; who were to bring together ships from all parts of
the sea-coast to Brundusium; and now, every thing being ready, he set
out from the city in his military robe of state. About five thousand
volunteers of the Romans and allies, who had served out their campaigns,
under the command of Publius Africanus, attended the consul at his
departure, and gave in their names. At the time in which the consul set
out to the war during the celebration of the Apollinarian games, on the
fifth day before the ides of July, though the sky was serene, the light
was obscured in the middle of the day, when the moon passed beneath the
orb of the sun. L. Æmilius Regillus, to whom the sea had fallen as his
province, set out at the same time. To Lucius Aurunculeius this business
was assigned by the senate, that he should build thirty quinqueremes and
twenty triremes, because there was a report that Antiochus, since the
engagement at sea, was fitting out a much larger fleet. The Ætolians,
after the ambassadors brought back word from Rome that there was no hope
of peace, although their whole sea-coast, which was opposite to
Peloponnesus, was ravaged by the Achæans, regarding the danger more than
their losses, seized on Mount Corax, in order to shut up the pass
against the Romans; for they had no doubt that they would return in the
beginning of spring to the siege of Naupactum. It appeared better to
Acilius, who knew that this was expected, to attempt a thing that was
not anticipated, and to lay siege to Lamia; for the garrison had been
reduced by Philip almost to a state of desperation; and being then off
their guard, because they feared no such attempt, might be surprised by
himself. Marching from Elatia, he formed his first encampment in the
enemy’s country, on the banks of the river Sperchius, and decamping
thence in the night, he at break of day attacked the town with a line of
troops that encircled it.

5. As is usual in an unexpected affair, great consternation and tumult
ensued; yet the besieged, with greater resolution than any one could
suppose them capable of under such a sudden alarm, when the men fought,
and the women brought weapons of every kind, and stones, to the walls,
defended the city for that day, although the scaling ladders were raised
against the walls. About mid-day, Acilius, the signal for retreat being
given, drew off his men to their camp. After their bodies were refreshed
by food and rest, before he dismissed the meeting in the Prætorium, he
gave them notice, “to be ready and under arms before day; and that they
were not to return to their tents until the city should be taken.” Next
day, at the same hour as before, having began the assault in a greater
number of places, as not only the strength, but also the weapons, and
above all, the courage of the garrison began to fail, he took the town
in the space of a few hours. One half of the spoil found there was sold
in parcels; the other was divided among the soldiers; and a council was
held to determine what he should next undertake. No one approved of
going against Naupactum, while the pass at Corax was occupied by the
Ætolians. That, however, the summer campaign might not be an idle one,
and that the Ætolians might not through his supineness possess the peace
that they could not obtain from the senate, Acilius resolved to besiege
Amphissa; his army was led thither from Heraclea by Œta. Having encamped
under the walls, he proceeded to attack the town, not by general
assault, as at Lamia, but by regular approaches. The ram was brought up
to the walls in many places at once; and though these were shaken by it,
yet the townsmen never attempted to provide or contrive any sort of
defence against such a description of mechanism. All their hope was in
arms and courage. By frequent sallies they much annoyed not only the
advanced guards of the Romans, but even those who were employed at the
works and machines.

6. However, the wall was broken down in many places, when word was
brought, that his successor, having landed his army at Apollonia, was
coming through Epirus and Thessaly. The consul came with thirteen
thousand foot and five hundred horse. He had already arrived at the
Malian bay; and after that, to his messengers sent forward to Hypata, to
order a surrender of the city, this response was given, that they would
do nothing except by the common consent of the Ætolians: that the siege
of Hypata might not detain him while Amphissa was not yet recovered,
having sent forward his brother Africanus, he leads his forces to
Amphissa. A little before their arrival, the towns-people having
abandoned the city, for it was now, for the most part, stripped of its
walls; all, armed and unarmed, retired into the citadel, which they
deemed an impregnable fortress. The consul pitched his camp at the
distance of about six miles from the town; and thither came ambassadors
from the Athenians, addressing, first, Publius Scipio, who preceded the
main body as before mentioned, and afterwards the consul, with earnest
supplications in favour of the Ætolians. They received a milder answer
from Africanus, who, wishing for an honourable pretext for relinquishing
the Ætolian war, was directing his views towards Asia and king
Antiochus, and had recommended to the Athenians to persuade, not only
the Romans, but the Ætolians likewise, to prefer peace to war. By the
advice of the Athenians a numerous embassy of the Ætolians came speedily
from Hypata, and the discourse of Africanus, whom they addressed first,
augmented their hopes of peace; for he mentioned, that “many nations and
states, first in Spain, and afterwards in Africa, had thrown themselves
on his protection; and that, in all of them, he had left greater
monuments of clemency and kindness than of military prowess.” The
business seemed to be concluded, when the consul, on being applied to,
repeated the very same answer with which they had been driven off by the
senate. When the Ætolians were thunder-struck at this, as if they had
never heard it before, (for they now perceived that no progress was made
either from the Athenian embassy or the favourable reply of Africanus,)
they said that they wished to consult their countrymen on the affair.

7. They then returned to Hypata, nor were their plans cleared of
difficulties. For they had no means of paying the thousand talents;
and, in case of an unconditional submission, they dreaded lest cruelty
should be inflicted on their persons. They, therefore, ordered the same
ambassadors to return to the consul and Africanus, and to request, that
if they meant in reality to grant them peace, and not merely to amuse
them with a prospect of it, frustrating the hopes of the wretched, they
would either remit some part of the money required to be paid, or order
that the unconditional submission should not extend to their persons.
Nothing was accomplished whereby the consul might change his resolution;
and that embassy, also, was dismissed without effect. The Athenian
ambassadors accompanied them. And Echedemus, their principal in the
embassy, recalled to hope the Ætolians, dejected by so many repulses,
and deploring with unavailing lamentations the hard fate of their
nation—by advising them to request a suspension of arms for six months,
in order that they might send an embassy to Rome. He urged that “the
delay could add nothing to their present calamities, which were already
severe in the extreme; but that, if time intervened, their present
calamities might be alleviated by many chances.” Agreeably to this advice
of Echedemus, the same ambassadors were sent again; who, making their
first application to Publius Scipio, obtained, through him, from the
consul, a suspension of arms for the time they desired: and the siege of
Amphissa being raised, Manius Acilius, the army being delivered to the
consul, left the province; and the consul returned from Amphissa into
Thessaly, with intention of leading his troops into Asia through
Macedonia and Thrace. Here Africanus said to his brother, Lucius Scipio,
“I also, Lucius Scipio, approve of the route which you adopt. But the
whole matter rests on the inclinations of Philip; for if he be faithful
to our government, he will afford us a passage, and provisions and all
things which support and aid an army on a long march. But if he should
fail in this, you will find no safety in any part of Thrace. In my
opinion, therefore, the king’s disposition ought in the first place to
be discovered. He will be best tested if the person who shall be sent
will come suddenly upon him, doing nothing by a preconcerted plan.”
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, a young man, the most active of all the
youths at that time, being selected for this purpose, by means of relays
of horses, and travelling with almost incredible expedition, made good
the journey from Amphissa, whence he had been despatched, to Pella, on
the third day. The king was sitting at a banquet, and was far gone in
his cups: that very relaxation of mind removed all suspicion of any
intention of changing his measures. His guest was kindly entertained for
the present; and next day he saw provisions in abundance already
prepared for the army, bridges made over rivers, and roads fortified
where the passage was difficult. As he was bringing back this
intelligence, with the same speed which he had used in coming, he met
the consul at Thaumaci. From this the army rejoicing, marched with more
certain and greater hopes into Macedon, where all things were prepared.
On their arrival, the king received them with royal magnificence, and
accompanied them on their march. Much pleasantry and good humour
appeared in him, which recommended him much to Africanus, a man who, as
he was unparalleled in other respects, was not averse to courteousness
unaccompanied by luxury. Passing from this not only through Macedon, but
also through Thrace, they arrived at the Hellespont, Philip escorting
them and making every preparation.

8. Antiochus, after the sea-fight at Corycus, when he had the whole
winter disengaged to carry on his preparations by land and water, was
chiefly intent on the refitting of his ships, lest he should be entirely
excluded from the sea. It occurred to him that he had been defeated when
the Rhodian fleet was absent; if this fleet were present in an
engagement, (and the Rhodians would certainly not be guilty of being
late a second time,) he required a vast number of ships to equal the
fleet of the enemy, in the strength of their crews and size of their
vessels. For this reason, he sent Hannibal into Syria, to bring in the
Phœnician navy, and gave orders to Polyxenidas, that, the more
unsuccessfully affairs had been managed before, the more diligently he
should now repair the ships which he had, and procure others. He himself
passed the winter in Phrygia, calling in auxiliaries from every quarter.
He had even sent for that purpose to Gallogræcia. The people of that
country were then more warlike than at present, retaining the Gallic
spirit, as the generation which had emigrated thither was not yet
extinct. He had left his son Seleucus with an army in Æolia, to keep in
obedience the maritime cities, which on one side Eumenes from Pergamus,
on the other, the Romans from Phocæa and Erythræ, were soliciting to
revolt. The Roman fleet, as mentioned before, wintered at Canæ; thither,
about the middle of the season, came king Eumenes, with two thousand
foot and one hundred horse. He, when he affirmed that vast quantities of
spoil might be brought off from the enemy’s country round Thyatira; by
his persuasions, prevailed on Livius to send with him five thousand
soldiers. Those that were sent within a few days carried off an immense
booty.

9. Meanwhile a sedition broke out at Phocæa, in consequence of some
endeavouring to bring over the multitude to the party of Antiochus. The
winter quarters of the ships were burdensome: the tribute was
burdensome, because five hundred gowns with five hundred tunics were
exacted from them: the scarcity of corn was also galling, on account of
which the ships also and garrison of Rome evacuated the place. The
faction which laboured in their assemblies to draw the commonalty over
to Antiochus, was now freed from all apprehension: the senate, and
higher ranks, were of opinion that they should persevere in the alliance
with Rome. But the advisers of a revolt had greater influence with the
multitude. The Rhodians, the earlier in proportion to their having been
too late in the former summer, sent in the vernal equinox, as commander
of their fleet, with thirty-six ships, the same Pausistratus. At this
time Livius, with thirty ships and seven quadriremes, which king Eumenes
had brought with him, was on his passage from Canæ to the Hellespont, in
order to prepare every thing necessary for the transportation of the
army, which he expected to come by land. He first brought his fleet into
the harbour called the Achæan; whence he went up to Ilium, and having
offered sacrifice to Minerva, gave a kind reception to the embassies
from the states in the neighbourhood, from Elæus, Dardanum, and Rhetæum,
surrendering their respective states to him. Then he sailed to the
entrance of the Hellespont; and, leaving ten ships stationed opposite to
Abydos, he crossed over to Europe with the rest of the fleet, to attack
Sestos. As the troops were advancing up to the walls, first of all
inspired priests of Cybele,[3] in their solemn dress, met them before
the gate. These said, that, “by order of the mother of the gods, they,
the immediate servants of the goddess, were come to pray the Roman
commander to spare the walls and the city.” None of them was injured;
and, presently, the whole senate and the magistrates came out to
surrender the place. The fleet then sailed over to Abydos; where when,
their minds being sounded by conferences, no peaceable answer was given,
they prepared themselves for a siege.

10. While these transactions are carried on at the Hellespont,
Polyxenidas, the commander of the king’s fleet, (but he was an exile
from Rhodes,) having heard that the ships of his countrymen had sailed
from home, and that Pausistratus, who commanded them, had, in a public
speech, uttered several haughty and contemptuous expressions respecting
him, and having conceived a particular jealousy against him, considered
nothing else, night or day, than that by his acts he should refute his
boastful words. He sent a person, who was known to him, to say, that “if
it were allowed, he would be of great service to Pausistratus, and to
his native country; and that he might be restored by Pausistratus to his
country.” When Pausistratus, in surprise, asked by what means such
things could be effected; and pledged his faith to the other, at his
request, that he would either concur in the execution of the design, or
bury it in silence; the emissary then told him, that “Polyxenidas would
deliver into his hands, either the whole of the king’s fleet or the
greater part of it; and as a reward, he stipulated for nothing more,
than a return to his native country.” The importance of the business had
this effect, that he neither believed nor despised his proposition. He
sailed to Panormus, in the Samian territory, and stopped there in order
to examine thoroughly the business which was proposed to him. Messengers
passed rapidly from both parties, nor was confidence inspired into
Pausistratus until, in the presence of his messenger, Polyxenidas wrote,
with his own hand, an engagement that he would perform all that he had
promised, and sent the tablets sealed with his own seal. By such a
pledge as this, he thought that the traitor was completely engaged to
him. For, “that he who lived under a king would never act so absurdly as
to give evidence of guilt against himself, attested by his own
signature.” The method of conducting the pretended plot was then
settled: Polyxenidas said that “he would neglect every kind of
preparation; that he would not keep any considerable numbers on board,
either of rowers or mariners; that he would haul up on land some of the
ships, under pretence of refitting them; would send away others into the
neighbouring ports, and keep a few at sea before the harbour of Ephesus;
which, if circumstances made it necessary to come out, he would expose
to a battle.” The negligence which Pausistratus heard that Polyxenidas
was about to use in his fleet, he himself immediately practised. Part of
his ships he sent to Halicarnassus to bring provisions, another part to
the city of Samos, while he himself waited at Panormus, that he might be
ready when he should receive the signal of attack from the traitor.
Polyxenidas encouraged his mistake by counterfeiting neglect; hauled up
some ships, and, as if he intended to haul up others, put the docks in
repair; he did not call the rowers from their winter quarters to
Ephesus, but assembled them secretly at Magnesia.

11. By chance one of Antiochus’s soldiers, when he had come to Samos on
account of private business, being seized as a spy, is brought to
Panormus to the admiral. This man, it is uncertain whether through fear
or treachery towards his countrymen, disclosed all things to him,
inquiring what was going on at Ephesus: that the fleet lay in harbour,
fully equipped and ready for sea; that all the rowers had been sent to
Magnesia (at Sipylus); that very few of the ships had been hauled on
land; that the docks were shut, and that never was the business of the
fleet conducted with greater diligence. But the mind of Pausistratus,
prepossessed by misplaced confidence and vain hopes, caused these things
not to be attended to as true. Polyxenidas, having fully adjusted all
his measures, having called in the rowers from Magnesia, and launched
hastily the ships that were in dock, by night, after wasting the day not
so much in preparation as because he was unwilling that the fleet should
be seen going to sea, set sail after sun-set with seventy decked ships,
and, the wind being contrary, put into the harbour of Pygelia before
daylight. Where when he had rested during the day, for the same reason
as before, he passed over, in the night to the nearest part of the
Samian territory. From this place, having ordered a certain Nicander, a
chief pirate, to sail with five decked ships to Palinurus, and thence to
lead his armed men by the shortest road through the fields towards
Panormus, and so to come behind the enemy; he himself, in the mean
time, with his fleet in two divisions, in order that it might command
the mouth of the harbour on both sides, proceeded to Panormus.
Pausistratus was at first confused for a little, as the thing was
unexpected; but afterwards, being an old soldier, having quickly
regained his courage, and judging that the enemy would be more easily
repelled by land than by sea, he marched his armed forces in two bodies
to the promontories, which, by their heads projecting into the deep,
formed the harbour; under the impression that he could easily repel the
enemy by weapons on both sides, from the two promontories. When the
sight of Nicander on the land had disconcerted this undertaking, having
suddenly changed his design, he ordered all to go on board the ships.
Then truly a great confusion arose among soldiers and sailors alike, and
a sort of flight to the ships took place, when they perceived themselves
surrounded by land and sea at the same time. Pausistratus supposed that
the only way of safety was to force through the narrow entrance of the
port, and push out into the open sea; and after that he saw his men
embarked, ordering the rest to follow, he himself the first, with ship
urged vigorously by the oars, pressed to the mouth of the harbour. Just
as his ship was clearing the entrance, Polyxenidas, with three
quinqueremes, surrounded it. The vessel, shattered by their beaks, sunk;
the crew were overwhelmed with weapons, and, among them, Pausistratus,
fighting gallantly, was slain. Of the rest of the ships, some were taken
outside of the harbour, some within, and others by Nicander, while they
were putting off from the shore. Only five Rhodian and two Coan ships
effected an escape, a passage being made for them through the thick of
the enemy, by the terror of shining flames; for they carried before
them, on two poles projecting from their prows, a great quantity of fire
contained in iron vessels. The galleys of Erythræ, after meeting not far
from Samos the Rhodian ships, then flying, which they were coming to
succour, bore away to the Romans in the direction of the Hellespont.
About the same time, Seleucus got possession of Phocæa by treachery, one
gate being opened by the sentinels. Cyme, with the other cities on that
coast, revolted to him through fear.

12. Whilst these events are taking place in Æolis, after Abydos, which
was defended by a garrison of the king’s troops, had sustained a siege
of several days, all parties then grew weary of the struggle, and the
magistrates, with the permission of Philotas, the commander of the
garrison, began to treat with Livius, concerning the terms on which they
should surrender the city. Because they could not agree whether the
king’s troops should march out with their arms, or without them, this
question protracted the matter. When the intelligence of the destruction
of the Rhodians interrupted them, treating of these things, the matter
was dropped. For Livius, fearing lest Polyxenidas, elated by his recent
success in such an important enterprise, might surprise the fleet which
lay at Canæ, instantly abandoned the siege of Abydos and the guard of
the Hellespont, and drew out the ships that were in dock at Canæ, and
Eumenes came to Elæa. Livius, with the whole fleet, to which he had
joined two triremes of Mitylene, sailed to Phocæa; but, having learned
that this place was held, by a strong garrison of the king’s troops, and
that the camp of Seleucus was not far distant, he ravaged the sea-coast,
hastily conveying on board the booty, which consisted chiefly of men,
and waiting only until Eumenes, with his fleet, came up, he endeavours
to reach Samos. Among the Rhodians, the news of their misfortune
excited, at first, both consternation, and the greatest grief, at the
same time. For, besides the loss of their ships and soldiers, they had
lost the flower and strength of their youth; many young men of
distinction having been induced, among other motives, by the character
of Pausistratus, which was deservedly very high among his countrymen.
Afterwards, because they had been circumvented by treachery, and by a
countryman of their own, above all men, their grief was changed into
anger. They sent out ten ships immediately, and, in a few days, ten
more, Eudamus being commander of all; who, though far inferior to
Pausistratus in warlike qualifications, they supposed would be a more
cautious leader, as he was not of so high a spirit. The Romans, and king
Eumenes, put in their fleet, first, at Erythræ; and, having staid there
one night, they, on next day, reached Corycus, a promontory in Teios.
When they intended to pass over hence, to the nearest part of the Samian
territory; not waiting for the rising of the sun, from which the pilots
could learn the state of the weather, they exposed themselves to the
varying storm. About the middle of the passage, the wind changing from
north-east to north, they began to be tossed about on the sea, stormy
with billows.

13. Polyxenidas, taking it for granted that the enemy would go to Samos
to join the Rhodian fleet, set sail from Ephesus, and stopped first at
Myonnesus, from whence he crossed over to the island which they call
Macris; in order that, when the enemy’s fleet should sail by, he might
be able to attack, with advantage, either any ships that straggled from
the main body, or might attack the rear of the fleet itself. After that
he saw the fleet dispersed by the storm, first of all he thought this a
good opportunity to attack it; but, in a little time, the wind
increasing and raising a heavy sea, because he could not possibly come
up with them, he steered to the island of Æthalia, that, from thence, he
might next day fall on the ships, as they made for Samos, from the main
sea. A small number of Roman vessels, just as it grew dark, got into a
desert harbour on the Samian coast; the rest, after being tossed about
all night, ran into the same harbour. Then when it was learned from the
country people, that the enemy’s fleet lay at Æthalia, a consultation
was held whether they should attack them immediately, or wait for that
of the Rhodian fleet. The attack being deferred, for so they resolved,
they sailed away to Corycus, whence they had come. Polyxenidas also,
having kept his station for some time, without effecting any thing,
returned to Ephesus. On this the Roman ships, the sea being clear of the
enemy, sailed to Samos. The Rhodian fleet came to the same place after a
few days. And that it might appear that they were only waiting for this,
they immediately sailed away to Ephesus, that they should either decide
it in a naval contest, or, in case the enemy should decline a battle, to
extort from them a confession of fear, which would have the best effect
on the minds of the states of Asia. They lay opposite the entrance of
the harbour, with the fleet formed in a line abreast of it, but none
came out against them; the fleet being divided, one part lay at anchor
before the mouth of the harbour, the other landed a body of soldiers.
Andronicus, a Macedonian, who was in garrison at Ephesus, then made a
sally against them, driving off great booty from the widely-deserted
country; when they came near the walls, he stripped them of the greatest
part of their plunder, and drove them down to the shore and their
ships. On the day following, the Romans, having laid an ambuscade about
the middle of the way, marched in a body to the city, in order to entice
the Macedonians out of the gates. Then, when that same fear had deterred
any one from coming out, the Romans returned to their ships. And the
enemy avoiding a contest by land or sea, the fleet sailed back to Samos,
whence it came. The prætor then detached two Rhodian triremes, and two
belonging to the Italian allies, under the command of Epicrates, a
Rhodian, to guard the strait of Cephallenia. Hybristas, a Lacedæmonian,
at the head of a band of young Cephallenians, infested it with piracies;
and the passage was shut against the convoys from Italy.

14. Epicrates met, at Piræus, Lucius Æmilius Regillus, who was on his
way to take the command of the fleet. On hearing of the defeat of the
Rhodians, as he had only two quinqueremes, he carried back with him to
Asia Epicrates and his four ships. Some undecked vessels of the
Athenians followed him. He crossed the Ægean Sea to Chios. To which
place came, in the middle of the night, Timasicrates, a Rhodian, with
two quadriremes from Samos, and, being presented to Æmilius, he told him
that he was despatched for the purpose of convoying him in safety,
because the king’s ships, by frequent excursions from the Hellespont and
Abydos, rendered the sea on that coast dangerous to transports. Two
Rhodian quadriremes met Æmilius on his passage from Chios to Samos,
being sent by Livius to attend him, and king Eumenes with two
quinqueremes met him. Æmilius, after he arrived at Samos, as soon as he
had received the command of the fleet from Livius, and duly performed
the usual sacrifices, called a council. Here, Caius Livius, whose
opinion was first asked, said, that “no one could give advice with more
sincerity than he, who recommended to another what himself would do in
the same case. That he had intended to sail with the whole fleet to
Ephesus; to take with him ships of burden, heavily laden with ballast,
and to sink them in the entrance of the harbour. That the narrow passage
might be shut up with less difficulty on this account, because the mouth
of the port was like a river, long and narrow, and full of shoals. By
this expedient he was about to cut off the enemy’s communication with
the sea, and render their fleet useless.”

15. This plan was not approved by any of the council. King Eumenes
asked, “What then? when, by sinking the ships, they should have barred
the pass to the sea, their own fleet being at liberty, would they depart
from the place to bear aid to the allies, and strike terror into their
enemies? or whether, with no less ardour, they would block up the port
with their whole force? For, if they should withdraw, who could doubt
that the enemy would weigh up the masses that were sunk, and open the
port with less labour than it had cost to shut it? But if, after all,
they were to remain there, what advantage would accrue from the harbour
being closed? Nay, on the contrary, the enemy enjoying a safe haven, and
an opulent city, furnished, at the same time, with every thing from
Asia, would pass the summer at their ease, while the Romans, exposed in
the open sea to winds and waves, and in want of every accommodation,
must continue on guard, without intermission; and would be themselves
tied down, and hindered from doing any thing that ought to be done,
rather than to keep the enemy shut up.” Eudamus, commander of the
Rhodian fleet, rather showed his disapprobation of the plan proposed,
than proposed himself what he thought should be done. Epicrates, the
Rhodian, advised, “not to think of Ephesus for the present, but that a
part of the fleet should be sent to Lycia, and that Patara, the
metropolis of that nation, should be brought into a treaty of alliance.
This would conduce to two important purposes: first, the Rhodians, owing
to peace being established in the countries opposite to their island,
could apply the whole of their strength to the care of the war against
Antiochus; and then the fleet which the enemy were fitting out in Lycia,
would be blocked up, and prevented from joining Polyxenidas.” This plan
influenced the most. Nevertheless, it was determined that Regillus
should sail, with the entire fleet, to the harbour of Ephesus, to strike
terror into the enemy.

16. Caius Livius was sent to Lycia, with two Roman quinqueremes, four
Rhodian quadriremes, and two open vessels of Smyrna; being ordered to
proceed, first, to Rhodes, and to communicate all his designs to the
government there. The states which he passed in his way, Miletus,
Myndus, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and Cous, diligently executed his orders.
When he came to Rhodes, he explained, to the persons in authority, the
business on which he was sent, and, at the same time, desired their
opinion. All approving his design, and three quadriremes being added to
that fleet which he had, he set sail for Patara. The wind being
favourable at first, carried them very near the city, and they were in
hopes of effecting something by surprise. After that, the wind veering,
the sea had begun to roll in heavy waves, they persevered at their oars
until they reached the land; but there was no safe anchorage there, nor
could they ride in the road, as the sea was rough, and night was coming
on. They, therefore, sailed past the city, to the port of Phœnicus,
which was not quite two miles distant, and which afforded shelter from
the violence of the waves, but high cliffs overlooked it, which the
towns-people, joined by the king’s troops which were in garrison,
immediately seized. Livius, though the landing-places were rugged and
difficult, sent against them a party of the auxiliaries, composed of
Issæans, and light infantry of Smyrna. These (whilst they were
skirmishing with missile weapons, and in slight attacks on the few who
were there at first, rather than engaging in battle) supported the
contest sufficiently well. After that greater numbers flocked thither
from the city, and at length, the whole multitude pouring out, fear
seized Livius, not only that the auxiliaries might be cut off, but that
the ships would be in danger from the land. In consequence he led out to
the engagement, not only the soldiers, but the marines, and even the
crowd of rowers, armed with such weapons as each could find. After all,
however, the fight was doubtful; and, besides a considerable number of
soldiers, Lucius Apustius fell in this disorderly combat. At last, the
Lycians were routed, and driven within their gates; and the Romans, with
a bloody victory, returned to their ships. They then proceeded to the
gulf of Telmissus, which washes Caria on one side, and Lycia on the
other, where all thoughts of any further attempt on Patara were laid
aside, the Rhodians were sent home, and Livius, sailing along the coast
of Asia, crossed over to Greece, that he might have a meeting with the
Scipios, who were at that time in Thessaly, and then take his passage to
Italy.

17. Æmilius, although he himself had been driven off from Ephesus by a
storm, and had returned to Samos without effecting any thing, after he
knew that the expedition to Lycia was dropped, and that Livius had gone
to Italy, having thought it disgraceful that Patara should be attacked
in vain, resolved to go thither and attack the city with his utmost
force. Having sailed past Miletus, and the rest of the coast of the
allies, he made a descent in the bay of Bargyllæ, with the design of
reducing Jassus. A garrison of the king’s troops held the city, and the
Romans made hostile depredations on all the country round. He then sent
persons to confer with the magistrates and principal inhabitants, and
sound their dispositions. After they answered that nothing was in their
power, he advanced to lay siege to the city. There were, with the
Romans, some exiles from Jassus, who, in a body, earnestly importuned
the Rhodians “not to suffer an unoffending city, which was as well a
neighbouring one as also connected with them in consanguinity, to be
ruined. They themselves were banished for no other cause than their
faithful attachment to the Romans; and those who remained in the place
were held in subjection by the same force by which they had been
expelled. The wish of the people of Jassus was one, to escape from a
state of slavery under the king.” The Rhodians, moved by their
entreaties, and calling in the assistance of king Eumenes, by
representing, at the same time, their own connexions with them, and also
the unfortunate condition of the city, which was kept in bondage by the
king’s garrison, prevailed on Æmilius to drop the siege. Departing
hence, and coasting along the shore of Asia, the other places being at
peace, they arrived at Loryma, a port opposite to Rhodes. Here, at
head-quarters, a private conversation arises first among the tribunes of
the soldiers, and afterwards reached the ears of Æmilius, that the fleet
was going off to a distance from Ephesus, from the war which concerned
themselves; so that the enemy, being left behind, without control, might
safely make whatever attempts they pleased against so many states of the
allies, in their neighbourhood. These remarks moved Æmilius; and calling
the Rhodians to him, he asked them, whether the whole fleet could lie in
the harbour of Patara: when they answered that it could not, furnished
with an excuse for laying aside the design, he sailed back to Samos.

18. In the mean time Seleucus, son of Antiochus, who had kept his army
in Ætolia, through the whole of the winter employed, partly, in
succouring his allies, partly, in ravaging the lands of those whom he
could not seduce to his side, resolved to make an incursion on the
territory of king Eumenes, while he, at a great distance from home, was
assisting the Romans and Rhodians, in attacks on the maritime parts of
Lycia. He advanced with hostile standards, first, to Elæa; afterwards,
the design of besieging it being given up, having wasted the country in
a hostile manner, he led his army to lay siege to Pergamus, the capital
and principal fortress of the kingdom. Attalus, at first, posting
advanced guards outside the city, and sending out parties of cavalry and
light infantry, harassed rather than withstood the enemy. But, after
some time, having discovered, in slight skirmishes, that he was not a
match for the enemy in any respect, he drew back his men within the
fortifications, and then the city began to be besieged. About this time,
Antiochus, leaving Apamea with a vast army compounded of various
nations, encamped first at Sardis, and afterwards took post at a small
distance from the camp of Seleucus, at the head of the river Caicus. The
most formidable part of his force was a body of four thousand Gauls,
procured for hire: these, with a few others intermixed, he detached,
with orders to waste utterly the country about Pergamus. When news of
these transactions arrived at Samos, Eumenes being thus recalled by a
war in his own dominions, sailed with his fleet to Elæa; and finding
there, in readiness, some light troops of horse and foot, he took them
for an escort, and proceeded directly to Pergamus, before the enemy
could be apprized of his arrival, or could put themselves in motion.
Then again skirmishes began to take place in the sallies, Eumenes
undoubtedly shrinking from the risk of a decisive engagement. In a few
days after the combined fleet of the Romans and Rhodians came from Samos
to Elæa, to support the king. When information was brought to Antiochus
that these had landed troops at Elæa, and that so many fleets were
assembled in one harbour, and at the same time heard that the consul,
with his army, was already in Macedonia, and that the things that were
necessary for the passage of the Hellespont were being prepared, he
judged that now was the time for negotiation, before he should be
pressed on sea and land at once; and with this view he chose for his
camp a rising ground opposite to Elæa. Leaving there all the infantry,
with his cavalry, amounting to six thousand, he went down into the
plains, which lay under the walls of the town, having despatched a
herald to Æmilius, to acquaint him that he wished to treat of peace.

19. Æmilius sent to Pergamus for Eumenes, and desiring the Rhodians to
be present, held a council on the message. The Rhodians were not averse
to a pacification; but Eumenes affirmed that “it was not honourable to
treat of peace at that time, nor could an end be put to the thing.”
“For,” said he, “how can we, shut up as we are, within our walls, and
besieged, with honour accept terms of peace? Or to whom shall that
treaty be valid, which we shall conclude, without the presence of the
consul, without a vote of the senate, and without an order of the Roman
people? For, let me ask, supposing the matter concluded by you, would
you immediately go home to Italy, and carry away your fleet and army, or
would you wait to know the consul’s determination on the case; what the
senate should decree, or the people order? It remains therefore that you
must stay in Asia, that your troops being led back again into winter
quarters, the war being given over, must exhaust the allies in
furnishing provisions; and then, if it seem fit to those who have the
power of determining, we must begin the whole war anew, which we are
able, with the aid of the gods, to finish before winter, if no
relaxation from our present vigorous movements is made by delay.” This
opinion prevailed; and the answer given to Antiochus was, that they
could not treat of peace before the arrival of the consul. Antiochus,
peace being tried for in vain, ravaged, first, the territory of Elæa,
then that of Pergamus; and, leaving there his son Seleucus, marched in a
hostile manner to Adramyttium, whence he proceeded to a rich tract of
country called the Plain of Thebes, a city celebrated in one of Homer’s
poems; and in no other place in Asia did the king’s soldiers find such a
plenty of booty. At the same time, Æmilius and Eumenes also, sailing
round with the fleet, came to Adramyttium, to protect the city.

20. By chance, at this time, one thousand foot with one hundred horse
came to Elæa from Achaia, Diophanes being commander of all these forces;
whom, on their landing, persons, sent by Eumenes to meet them, conducted
by night to Pergamus. Veterans they all were, well skilled in war; and
their commander was a disciple of Philopœmen, the most consummate
general among the Greeks in that age. They set apart two days to give
rest to the men and horses, and, at the same time, to view the posts of
the enemy, and to learn at what places, and what times, they advanced
and retired. The king’s troops generally approached to the foot of the
hill on which the town stands; so that the plundering in the rear was
unimpeded, as not a man ever sallied out, even to throw darts from a
distance, against their guards. After that they were once driven in, and
with fear confined themselves within the walls, a contempt for them
arises among the king’s troops, and consequently negligence. The greater
number did not keep their horses either saddled or bridled; while few
remained under arms, and in the ranks; the rest, slipping away, had
scattered themselves every where over the entire plain, some diverting
themselves with youthful sports and amusements, others eating in the
shade, and some even stretched on the ground asleep. Diophanes, having
observed all these particulars from the lofty city of Pergamus, ordered
his men to take arms, and to be ready at a particular gate. He himself
went to Attalus, and told him that he intended to attack the out-posts of
the enemy. Attalus giving his consent with reluctance, as he saw that
one hundred horse must fight against six hundred, one thousand foot
against four thousand, Diophanes then marched out of the gate, and took
post at a small distance from the enemy’s guard, waiting his
opportunity. Both the people in Pergamus thought that it was madness
rather than daring, and the enemy, after observing his party for a short
time, as soon as they saw no movement among them, did not change their
usual negligence, ridiculing moreover the smallness of their number.
Diophanes for a long time kept his men quiet, as if they had been
brought out merely for the purpose of looking about them; but as soon as
he perceived that the enemy had quitted their ranks, ordering the
infantry to follow as fast as they could, he himself, with his own
troop, led the way at the head of the cavalry, and pushing on, with all
possible speed, made a sudden charge on the enemy’s party, while a shout
was raised by every horseman and footman at once. Not only were the men
so attacked terrified, but the horses also; and when they broke their
collars, they caused great confusion and tumult throughout. A few of the
horses, indeed, stood unaffrighted; but even these the troopers could
not easily saddle, or bridle, or mount; for the Achæans struck much
greater terror than would be supposed from so small a party of horse.
But now the infantry, in due order and preparation, assailed the enemy,
dispersed through their own negligence, and almost half asleep; and
slaughter and flight ensued in every part of the plain. Diophanes
pursued the runaways as far as he could with safety, and then returned
into garrison, after acquiring very great honour for the Achæan nation;
for not only the men, but also the women, had been spectators from the
walls of Pergamus.

21. Next day the enemy’s guard, in more regular and orderly condition,
pitched their camp five hundred paces farther from the city, and the
Achæans marched out at nearly the same time as before, and to the same
place. During many hours, both parties intently awaited the assault, as
if it were about to take place immediately. When it was not far from
sun-set, the usual time of their returning to the main camp, the king’s
troops, forming in close order, began to retire in a body, arranged for
a march rather than for a battle. Diophanes did not stir until they were
out of sight; and then he rushed on their rear-guard with the same
vehemence as before, and again excited such dismay and confusion, that,
though the hindmost were put to the sword, not one of them halted to
fight; they were driven into their camp in confusion, and scarcely
observing any order in their march. These daring exertions of the
Achæans obliged Seleucus to decamp, and quit the territory of Pergamus.
Antiochus, having learned that the Romans and Eumenes were come to
protect Adramyttium, made no attempt on that city, but ravaged the
country adjoining. He afterwards reduced Peræa, a colony of Mityleneans;
Cotton, Corylenus, Aphrodisias, and Crene, were all taken at the first
assault. He then returned through Thyatira to Sardis. Seleucus,
remaining on the sea-coast, was a terror to one party, a protection to
the other. The Roman fleet, with Eumenes and the Rhodians, retired,
first to Mitylene, and then to Elæa, whence they had set out. On their
way to Phocæa, they put in at an island called Bachius; it is near the
city of Phocæa; and when they had plundered the temples and statues,
which they had before spared, (for the island was surpassingly adorned
with them,) they then passed over to the city. When they, having divided
the quarters among themselves, assaulted it, and saw that it could not
be taken by arms and scaling-ladders, without regular works; after that
a reinforcement of three thousand soldiers, sent by Antiochus, had got
into the city, they immediately broke up the siege, and the fleet
retired to the island, without having effected any thing more than the
devastation of the enemy’s country in the neighbourhood.

22. It was then resolved that Eumenes should return home, and make every
necessary preparation for the passage of the consul and his army over
the Hellespont; and that the Roman and Rhodian fleets should sail back
to Samos, and remain stationed there, that Polyxenidas might not make
any movement from Ephesus. The king returned to Elæa, the Romans and
Rhodians to Samos. There, Marcus Æmilius, brother of the prætor, died.
After his obsequies were performed, the Rhodians sailed, with thirteen
of their own ships, one Coan, and one Cnidian quinquereme, to Rhodes, in
order that they might take up a position there, against a fleet which
was reported to be coming from Syria. Two days before the arrival of
Eudamus and the fleet from Samos, another fleet of thirteen ships, under
the command of Pamphilidas, had been sent out against the same Syrian
fleet; and taking with them four ships, which had been left to protect
Caria, they relieved from blockade Dædala, and several other fortresses
of Peræa, which the king’s troops were besieging. It was determined that
Eudamus should put to sea directly, and an addition of six undecked
ships was made to his fleet. He accordingly set sail; and using all
possible expedition, overtook the first squadron at a port called
Magiste, from whence they proceeded in one body to Phaselis, resolving
to wait there for the enemy.

23. Phaselis stands on the confines of Lycia and Pamphylia; it projects
far into the sea, and is the first land seen by persons coming from
Cilicia to Rhodes, and from hence ships can be seen at a great distance.
For this reason, chiefly, this place was made choice of, that they may
lie in the way of the enemy’s fleet. But in consequence of the
unwholesomeness of the place, and of the season of the year, (for it was
now the middle of summer,) and of the unusual stench, diseases began to
spread with violence, particularly among the rowers, an event which they
did not foresee. And having left the place from fear of this
pestilence, when they were sailing by the Pamphylian bay, their fleet
putting into port at the river Eurymedon, they hear from the people of
Aspendus, that the enemy are now at Sida. The king’s fleet had been the
slower in its passage, the season of the Etesiæ being opposed to them,
for this is the periodical time for the north-west winds. The Rhodians
had thirty-two quadriremes and four triremes. In the king’s fleet were
thirty-seven ships of the larger rates; among which were three of seven,
and four of six banks of oars; and besides these, ten triremes. They
discovered too, from some watch-tower, that the Rhodians were at hand.
Both fleets, at the dawn of the next day, moved out of port, as if
resolved to come to an immediate engagement; and, as soon as the
Rhodians passed the promontory that stretches into the deep from Sida,
they descried the enemy, and were observed by them. On the king’s side,
Hannibal had the command of the left squadron, which stretched away
seaward; Apollonius, one of the nobles, had the command of the right,
and they had their ships already formed in a line a-head. The Rhodians
approached in a long line. First was the admiral’s ship, with Eudamus in
it; Chariclitus brought up the rear; and Pamphilidas commanded the
centre division. When Eudamus saw the enemy’s line formed and ready for
battle, he pushed out towards the main, ordering the ships that followed
to form, regularly, as they came up, in line of battle. This caused
confusion at first; for he had not stretched out to the main far enough
for the line of all the ships to form in the direction of the land, and
he himself hurrying on with precipitation, with only five ships, engaged
with Hannibal; the rest, having received orders to form their line, did
not come up. The rear division had no room left for it next to the land;
and, while they were in disorder, the fight was already begun on the
right against Hannibal.

24. But the goodness of their ships, and the expertness of their men in
nautical business, quickly freed the Rhodians from all embarrassment.
They pushed out hastily towards the main, and each made room next the
land for the one immediately behind; and when any made a stroke with its
beak against a ship of the enemy, it either shattered its prow, or swept
off its oars; or passing by it in the clear space between the vessels,
made an attack on its stern. One of the king’s seven-banked ships being
sunk with one stroke, by a Rhodian vessel of much smaller size,
discouraged them very much. Therefore the right wing of the enemy was
now undoubtedly verging to flight. Hannibal, in the open sea, by means
chiefly of his superior number of ships, pressed hard on Eudamus, who
surpassed him in every other respect: and he would have surrounded him
were it not that, on the signal being given from the admiral’s fleet,
(by which it is usual to collect together the fleet when dispersed,) all
the ships which had conquered on the right wing came speedily to bear
aid to their own party. This made Hannibal himself, with all his
division, betake themselves to flight; while the Rhodians could not
pursue, because their rowers being most of them sick, were therefore the
sooner wearied. When they were recruiting their strength with food on
the sea where they brought to, Eudamus, observing the enemy towing, by
means of their open vessels, several damaged and crippled ships, and
seeing little more than twenty that were going off uninjured, commanded
silence from the castle of the commander’s ship, and then called out,
“Arise, and feast your eyes with an extraordinary sight.” They all
started up, and perceiving the disorderly flight of the enemy, cried
out, almost with one voice, that they ought to pursue. Eudamus’s ship
was bulged in many places; he therefore ordered Pamphilidas and
Chariclitus to pursue as far as they should think it safe. They,
accordingly, pursued for a considerable time: but after that Hannibal
make-in close to the land, fearing to be wind-bound on an enemy’s coast,
they steered back to Eudamus, and with difficulty towed to Phaselis a
captured seven-banked ship, which had been damaged in the beginning of
the engagement. They then sailed home to Rhodes, not so much exulting in
their victory as blaming one another because the entire fleet had not
been taken or sunk, when it could have been done. Hannibal, disheartened
by the loss of this one battle, did not even then dare to sail past the
coast of Lycia, though he wished to join the king’s main fleet as soon
as possible. And that this action might not be unimpeded, the Rhodians
sent Chariclitus with twenty ships of war to Patara and the harbour of
Megiste. They then ordered Eudamus, with seven of the largest vessels
belonging to the fleet which he had commanded, to rejoin the Romans at
Samos, and to endeavour by every argument, and by all his influence, to
prevail on the Romans to besiege Patara.

25. Now first of all the intelligence of the victory, and subsequently
the arrival of the Rhodians, caused great joy to the Romans, and it
appeared to them that if that anxiety was taken away from the Rhodians,
they would when at leisure render the seas of that country safe. But the
march of Antiochus from Sardis did not allow them to quit the guard of
Ionia and Æolia, lest the maritime cities should be crushed by his arms.
However, they sent Pamphilidas, with four decked ships, to join the
fleet which was at Patara. Antiochus not only collected aids from the
states that lay around, but also sent to Prusias, king of Bithynia,
ambassadors and letters, in which he inveighed against the pressing of
the Romans into Asia. “They were coming,” he said, “to abolish all
kingly governments; so that there should be no empire in any part of the
world, save that of Rome. Philip and Nabis were subdued: he was the
third object of attack. Thus the conflagration would spread, without
interruption, from one to another, as each lay nearest to the one last
ruined, until it enveloped them all. From him there was but one step to
Bithynia, now that Eumenes had submitted to voluntary servitude.” Though
Prusias was greatly affected by these observations, his mind was
relieved from all such doubts by a letter from Scipio, the consul, and
still more so by one from his brother Africanus, who, besides urging the
invariable practice of the Roman people of augmenting, by every
honourable addition, the grandeur of kings in alliance with them, by
instances taken from his own family, induced Prusias to earn their
friendship. “The petty chieftains in Spain,” he said, “who had been
received into alliance, he had left kings. Masinissa he had not only
re-established in his father’s kingdom, but had put him in possession of
that of Syphax, by whom he had been formerly dethroned: so that he was,
at the present, not only by far the most powerful of all the kings in
Africa, but equal, both in dignity and strength, to any monarch in any
part of the world. Philip and Nabis, avowed enemies, were conquered in
war by Titus Quintius; nevertheless, they were left in possession of
their kingdoms. Philip even had the tributes remitted to him last year,
and his son, who was a hostage, restored. Through the indulgence of the
Roman commanders, he had also got possession of several states beyond
the boundaries of Macedonia. As to Nabis, he might have remained in the
same honourable rank, had not first his own madness, and afterwards the
treachery of the Ætolians, brought him to ruin.” The king’s resolution
was especially confirmed after that Caius Livius, who had commanded the
fleet as prætor, came to him as ambassador from Rome, and informed him
how much better hope the Romans had of success than Antiochus; and how
much more sacred and lasting an alliance with them would be.

26. Antiochus, after he lost the hope of an alliance with Prusias, went
from Sardis to Ephesus, to review the fleet which was fitted out, and
lay there ready, for several months; rather because he saw it
impossible, with his land forces, to make any stand against the Roman
army and its commanders, the two Scipios, than that his naval force by
itself had ever been tried by him successfully, or afforded at this
juncture any great or well-grounded confidence. Yet there was an
incentive to hope on the present occasion; for he had heard that a large
portion of the Rhodian fleet was at Patara, and that king Eumenes had
gone to the Hellespont, with all his ships, to meet the consul. Besides,
the destruction of the Rhodian fleet at Samos, on an opportunity
prepared by treachery, inspired some degree of confidence. Relying on
these things, he sent Polyxenidas with orders to try, at all events, the
fortune of a naval engagement; while he himself marched his land forces
to Notium. This town, which belongs to Colophon, stands close to the
sea, and is distant about two miles from Old Colophon. He wished to get
this city into his power, because it was so near to Ephesus that nothing
could be done there, on sea or land, that was not open to the view of
the Colophonians, and, through them, instantly made known to the Romans;
and he had no doubt that the latter, having heard of the siege, would
bring their fleet from Samos to the relief of an ally, which would give
Polyxenidas an opportunity of coming to action. He therefore began to
lay regular siege to the city, making his approaches at the same time on
the two sides next the sea; in both places he joined his engines and
mounds to the wall, and brought up the rams under covered galleries. By
which dangers the Colophonians being terrified, sent envoys to Lucius
Æmilius, at Samos, imploring the protection of the prætor and people of
Rome. His lying so long inactive at Samos offended Æmilius, thinking
nothing more improbable than that Polyxenidas, whom he had twice
challenged in vain to fight, should ever offer him battle; and he
considered it as dishonourable, that the fleet of Eumenes should assist
the consul in conveying the legions into Asia, that he should be
fettered by bearing to the besieged Colophon an assistance destined to
have an uncertain end. Eudamus, the Rhodian, (who had before prevailed
upon him to stay at Samos, when he wished to go to the Hellespont,) with
all the other officers, pressed him to comply, representing “how much
more eligible it would be, either to relieve confederates from a siege,
or to vanquish that fleet which he had vanquished before, and to take
from the enemy the entire possession of the sea, than, deserting his
allies, and delivering Asia to Antiochus by land and sea, to depart from
his own part of the war to the Hellespont, when the fleet of Eumenes was
sufficient for that station.”

27. They accordingly, having set sail from Samos in quest of provisions,
their stock being consumed, were preparing to pass over to Chios. Samos
served as a granary to the Romans, and thither all the store-ships sent
from Rome directed their course. When they had sailed round from the
city to the back of the island, which looks northward towards Chios and
Erythræ, and were preparing to cross over, the prætor is informed by a
letter, that a vast quantity of corn had arrived at Chios, from Italy;
but that the vessels laden with wine were detained by storms. At the
same time accounts were received, that the people of Teos had furnished
large supplies of provisions to the king’s fleet, and had promised five
thousand vessels of wine. On this the prætor immediately changed his
course, and steered away to Teos, resolved either to make use of the
provisions prepared for the enemy, with the consent of the inhabitants,
or to treat them as foes. When they had turned their prows to the land,
about fifteen vessels appeared in sight near Myonnesus, which the prætor
at first supposed to belong to the king’s fleet, and hastened to pursue.
It appeared afterwards, that they were piratical cutters and galleys.
They, having ravaged the sea-coast of Chios, returning with booty of
every kind, betook themselves to flight when they saw the fleet on the
open sea. They had much the advantage in swiftness, their galleys being
lighter and constructed for the purpose, and were nearer the land;
therefore before the fleet could overtake them, they made their escape
to Myonnesus. And the prætor, unacquainted with the place, followed in
expectation of forcing their ships from it out of the harbour. Myonnesus
is a promontory between Teos and Samos. It consists of a hill rising
from a pretty large base to a sharp top, in the shape of an obelisk.
From the land it has access by a narrow path towards the sea, cliffs
undermined by the waves terminate it, so that in some places the
superimpending rocks project beyond the vessels that lie at anchor. The
ships not daring to approach lest they should be exposed to the weapons
of the pirates, who stood above on the cliffs, wasted the day to no
purpose. At length, after they had desisted from this useless
undertaking a little before night, they the next day reached Teos. Here
the prætor, after mooring in the port at the back of the city, which the
inhabitants call Geræsticum, sent out the soldiers to ravage the land
about the city.

28. The Teians, as these ravages passed under their eyes, sent deputies
to the Roman commander, carrying fillets, and other badges of
suppliants. And when they were exculpating their state from every
hostile act or word against the Romans, he strongly charged them with
“having assisted the enemy’s fleet with provisions, and with having
promised a quantity of wine to Polyxenidas.” He further told them, that
“if they would furnish the same supplies to the Roman fleet, he would
recall his troops from plundering; otherwise, he would treat them as
enemies.” When the deputies carried back this distressing answer, the
people were summoned to an assembly by the magistrates, to consult on
what they should do. It happened that Polyxenidas, who had sailed with
the king’s fleet from Colophon, after he heard that the Romans had left
Samos and pursued the pirates to Myonnesus, and that they were laying
waste the lands of the Teians, and that their fleet lay in the harbour
of Geræsticus, cast anchor, in a retired harbour of an island called by
the sailors Macris, opposite to Myonnesus. Then from his neighbouring
position, exploring what his enemies were doing, at first he was in
great hopes of vanquishing the Roman fleet here, in like manner as he
had vanquished the Rhodian at Samos, by besetting the narrow entrance at
the mouth of the port. Nor is the nature of the place unlike: by the
promontories advancing towards each other, the harbour is enclosed in
such a manner, that two ships can scarcely go out together. Polyxenidas
intended to seize this narrow pass in the night; and, while ten ships
stood at each of the promontories, to attack, from the right and left,
both sides of the enemy’s fleet sailing out, having landed his armed men
from the fleet, as he had done at Panormus, to overpower the Romans on
land and sea at once. And this design would not have been formed by him
in vain, had it not appeared to the Romans better for receiving the
provisions, when the Teians had promised to execute their commands, that
the fleet should pass into that harbour, which is before the city. It is
said, also, that Eudamus, the Rhodian, had pointed out the fault of the
outer harbour, when two ships broke their oars locked together in the
narrow entrance. Among other motives, this too induced the prætor to
remove his fleet, because there was danger from the land, as Antiochus
kept his camp not far from it.

29. When the fleet was brought round to the city, all being ignorant of
the approach of the enemy, both soldiers and sailors went on shore to
divide the provisions, and the wine particularly, among the ships; when,
about mid-day, a peasant happened to be brought before the prætor, who
told him, that the enemy’s fleet was lying at the island of Macris these
two days; and that, a little while ago, some of them were observed to be
in motion, as if preparing to sail. Greatly alarmed at this unexpected
event, the prætor ordered the trumpets to sound, to call in such as
might have straggled into the country, and sent the tribunes into the
city, to hasten the soldiers and sailors on board. The confusion was not
less than if the place were on fire, or taken by an enemy; some running
to call out the men; others hurrying to the ships, while the orders of
the officers were confounded by irregular shouts, amid which the
trumpets raised their din, until at length the crowd collected at the
ships. Here scarcely could each know his own ship, or make his way
through the tumult; and the disorder would probably have been productive
of much mischief, on land and sea had not Æmilius, in the commander’s
ship, sailed out first into the main; where, receiving those following,
he put each into its own place, so as to form a line abreast: and
Eudamus, with the Rhodian fleet, waited at the shore, that the men might
be embarked without confusion, and that every ship might leave the
harbour as soon as it was ready. By these means, the foremost division
formed under the eye of the prætor, while the rear was brought up by the
Rhodians; and then the whole line, in as regular order as if within
sight of the foe, advanced into the open sea. They were between
Myonnesus and the promontory of Corycus, when they first got sight of
the enemy. The king’s fleet, which was coming in a long line, with only
two vessels abreast, then formed themselves in order of battle,
stretching out their left division so far, as that it might enclose the
right of the Romans. When Eudamus, who commanded in the rear, perceived
that the Romans could not form an equal front, but were just on the
point of being surrounded, he pushed up his ships. They were Rhodians,
by far the fastest sailers of any of the fleet; and having filled up the
deficiency in the extent of the line, he opposed his own ship to the
commander’s, on board of which was Polyxenidas.

30. Now the entire fleets in every part were engaged in action. On the
side of the Romans eighty ships were fighting, of which twenty-two were
Rhodian. The enemy’s fleet consisted of eighty-nine ships, and they had
of the largest rates, three of six, and two of seven banks. In the
strength of the vessels, and valour of the soldiers, the Romans had
greatly the advantage of the king’s party, as had the Rhodians in the
activity of their vessels, the skill of the pilots, and the dexterity of
the rowers. However, those which carried fire before them were the
greatest terror to the enemy: and what was the sole cause of their
preservation when they were surrounded at Panormus, proved here the
principal means of victory. For when the king’s ships, through fear of
the fire, had turned aside, in order to avoid at the same time
encountering the enemy’s prow with their own, they could not strike
their antagonist with the beaks, but exposed the side of their ships to
his strokes; and if any did venture an encounter, it was immediately
overspread with the fire that was poured in; while the men were more
alarmed at the fire than the battle. However, the bravery of the
soldiers, as is generally the case, chiefly availed in deciding the
battle. For the Romans, having broke through the centre of the enemy’s
line, tacked about and fell upon the rear of the division which was
engaged with the Rhodians; and, in an instant of time, both Antiochus’s
centre division, and the ships on the left, were surrounded and sunk.
The squadron on the right, which was still entire, was terrified rather
by the disaster of their friends, than by any immediate danger
threatening themselves; but, when they saw the others surrounded, and
Polyxenidas’s ship deserting its associates, and sailing away, having
quickly hoisted their topsails, they betook themselves to flight, (and
they steering for Ephesus had a favourable wind,) having lost forty-two
ships in that battle; of which thirteen struck, and fell into the hands
of the Romans; the rest were burned or sunk. Two Roman ships were
shattered, and several were much damaged. One Rhodian vessel was taken
by an extraordinary casualty; for, on its striking a Sidonian ship with
its beak, its anchor, thrown out by the force of the shock, caught fast
hold of the other’s prow with its fluke, as if it were a grappling-iron
thrown in. Great confusion ensuing thereon, when the Rhodians, who
wished to disengage themselves from the enemy, pulled back, its cable
being dragged forcibly, and at the same time entangled with the oars,
swept off one side of them. The very ship, which, when struck, had
grappled with it, took the Rhodian galley in its weakened state. The
naval battle at Myonnesus was fought principally in this manner.

31. By which Antiochus being terrified, because, as he was driven from
the possession of the sea, he despaired of being able to defend his
distant possessions, ordered the garrison to be withdrawn from
Lysimachia, which plan was ill devised, as the event subsequently
proved, lest it should be there cut off by the Romans. As it was easy
for him, not only to defend Lysimachia from the first attack of the
Romans, but to protract the siege through the whole winter; and by thus
prolonging the time, to reduce the besiegers to the extremity of want;
and in the mean time try the hope of peace, as opportunities should
present themselves. But, after the defeat at sea, he not only gave up
Lysimachia, but even raised the siege of Colophon, and retired to
Sardis. Here, bending all his thoughts to one single object, that of
meeting the enemy in the field, he sent into Cappadocia, to Ariarathes,
to request assistance, and to every other place within his power, to
collect forces. Æmilius Regillus, after his victory at sea, proceeded to
Ephesus, having drawn up his ships before the harbour, when he had
extorted from the enemy a final acknowledgment of their having
surrendered the dominion of the sea, sailed to Chios, to which he had
directed his course from Samos, before the sea-fight. As soon as he had
refitted the ships that had been damaged in the battle, he sent off
Lucius Æmilius Scaurus, with thirty others, to the Hellespont, to
transport the army; and decorating the Rhodian vessels with naval
spoils, and allowing them a part of the booty, he ordered them to return
home. The Rhodians energetically took the lead, and proceeded to assist
in transporting the consul’s forces, and when they had completed that
service also, then at length returned to Rhodes. The Roman fleet sailed
from Chios to Phocæa. This city stands at the bottom of a bay, and is of
an oblong shape. The wall encompasses a space of two miles and a half in
length, and then contracts on both sides into a very narrow wedge-like
form, which place they call Lampter (or the light-house). The breadth
here extends one thousand two hundred paces; and a tongue of land
stretching out about a mile into the sea, divides the bay nearly in the
middle, as if with a line; where it is connected with the main land by a
narrow isthmus, it has two very safe harbours, turned to each side. The
one that fronts the south they call Naustathmos, (the station for
ships,) from the circumstance of its being capable of containing a vast
number of ships; the other is close to Lampter.

32. When the Roman fleet had taken possession of these very safe
harbours, the prætor thought proper, before he attempted the
fortifications, either by escalade or works, that persons should be sent
to sound the disposition of the magistrates and principal people in the
place: when he saw them obstinate, he determined to attack the city in
two places at the same time. One part was thinly occupied by private
dwellings, temples of the gods occupying a great deal of the ground. In
that part first, having brought up the battering-ram, he began to shake
the wall and towers; and when the multitude within ran thither to defend
that spot, the battering-rams were applied in the other quarter, and the
walls were now knocked down in both places. On the fall of which, when
some of the Roman soldiers were making an assault over the scattered
masses of ruins, others attempted to scale walls; the townsmen made such
an obstinate resistance, as plainly showed that they had a firmer
dependence on their arms and courage, than on their fortifications. The
prætor, compelled by the danger of the soldiers, sounded a retreat, that
he might not expose them incautious to his opponents, maddened with
despair and rage. The fighting being ended, the besieged did not, even
then, think of rest; but all hastened from every quarter, to strengthen
the walls, and to raise new ones in the place of those that had been
demolished. While they were busily employed in this manner, Quintus
Antonius, being sent by the prætor, came to them, who, after having
blamed their obstinacy, assured them that “the Romans were more anxious
than they were themselves that the battle should not be carried on to
the destruction of the city. If they would desist from their madness,
Æmilius would allow them to capitulate on the same terms on which they
had formerly surrendered to Caius Livius.” When they heard this, having
taken five days’ time to deliberate, and having in the mean time tried
the hope of aid from Antiochus, after that the ambassadors sent to the
king had brought back word that there was no aid in him, they opened
their gates, stipulating that they should suffer nothing hostile. When
the troops were marching into the city, and the prætor had proclaimed
that it was his pleasure that the surrendered townsmen should be spared,
there arose an universal clamour, “that it was shameful that the
Phocæans, who had never been faithful to any alliance, and had always
been bitter in enmity, should escape with impunity.” After which words,
as if a signal had been given by the prætor, they ran, in parties, every
way, to plunder the city. Æmilius, at first, began to resist, and call
them back, saying, that “towns taken by storm, and not such as
surrendered, were plundered; and that, even with regard to the former,
the determination lay with the commander, not with the soldiers.” But
rage and avarice were too strong for his authority; wherefore,
despatching heralds through all parts of the city, he ordered, that all
persons of free condition should come to him in the forum, that they
should not be injured: and in all things which were in his power, the
promise of the prætor was observed. He restored to them their city,
their lands, and their laws; and, as the winter now approached, he chose
the harbour of Phocæa for his fleet to pass the winter in.

33. About the same time it was announced to the consul, as he was
marching along the frontiers of the Ænians and Maronites, that the
king’s fleet was conquered at Myonnesus, and that Lysimachia was
evacuated by its garrison. This latter event gave much more satisfaction
than even the success at sea; especially after they came thither, and
were hospitably received in the city, filled with provisions of all
sorts, as if provided for the arrival of the army; when, in besieging
the city, they had anticipated extreme want and hardship. There they
made a halt for a few days, that the baggage and sick might overtake
them, who, overcome by diseases, or the length of the way, had been left
behind in all the forts of Thrace. When all had joined, they began again
their march through the Chersonese, and arrived at the Hellespont; where
every thing requisite for their passage having been previously got
ready, by the care of king Eumenes, they crossed over, without
confusion, as if to friendly shores, no one opposing, and the ships
putting in at several different places. This raised to a high degree the
spirits of the Romans, who saw the passage into Asia left open to them;
which thing they supposed would cost them a severe struggle. They
afterwards remained encamped a considerable time at the Hellespont,
because it happened to be a period too holy for marching, during which
the sacred shields are moved. The same festival had separated Publius
Scipio from the army, as the religious ceremony was more incumbent on
him, because he was one of the Salian priests; and he himself was a
source of delay, till he overtook the rest of the army.

34. In the mean time an ambassador came from Antiochus to the
camp,—Heraclides, a Byzantian, having mandates concerning peace. The
delay and tardiness of the Romans gave him great hope that this might be
attained; for he had imagined, that as soon as they set foot in Asia,
they would advance in a rapid march against the king. He resolved,
however, not to address himself to the consul until he had first applied
to Publius Scipio, and instructions to that effect were given him by the
king. In him he had the greatest hope, besides that his greatness of
soul, and the fulness of his glory, tended very much to make him
inclined to peace, and it was known to all nations what sort of a
conqueror he had been, both in Spain and afterwards in Africa; and also
because his son was then a prisoner with Antiochus. Where, and when, and
by what accident he became a prisoner, is, like very many other things,
not ascertained among writers. Some say, that in the beginning of the
war, as he was going from Chalcis to Oreum, he was intercepted by some
of the king’s ships; others, that after the army came into Asia, he was
sent with a troop of Fregellans to Antiochus’s camp, to gain
intelligence; that on the cavalry sallying out against him, he
retreated, and having fallen from his horse in the confusion, he was
together with two horsemen, overpowered, and thus conducted to the king.
This however is fully ascertained, that if peace had still subsisted
with the Romans, and likewise a personal friendship between the king and
the Scipios, the young man could not have been treated and courted with
greater kindness than he was. When the ambassador, for these reasons,
had waited the arrival of Publius Scipio, as soon as he came he applied
to the consul, and requested that he should hear his instructions.

35. A full council being assembled, audience was given to the
ambassador, who said, that, “though many embassies about peace had
already been sent backwards and forwards, without producing any effect,
yet he conceived strong hopes of obtaining it, because the former
ambassadors had obtained nothing. For the objects of contention in those
discussions were Smyrna and Lampsacus, Alexandria in the Troad, and
Lysimachia in Europe. Of these, the king had already ceded Lysimachia,
that they might not say that he possessed any thing in Europe; and those
cities which lay in Asia, he was now ready to deliver up as well as any
others, which the Romans might wish to render independent of the king’s
government, because they belonged to their party. The king was also
willing to pay to the Roman people half the expense of the war.” These
were the conditions of peace. The rest of his discourse was, “that,
mindful of human affairs, they should use with moderation their own good
fortune, and not press too severely on the misfortune of others; that
they should limit their empire by Europe; that single acquisitions
could be made with more ease than that necessary for holding them
collectively. But if they would wish to take away some part of Asia,
provided that they would define it by indisputable limits, the king, for
the sake of peace and harmony, would willingly suffer his own moderate
temper to be overcome by the insatiableness of the Romans.” These
concessions, which appeared to the ambassador of great moment towards
obtaining a peace, the Romans deemed trifling. They thought it just,
that “the king should defray the whole expense occasioned by the war,
because it was through his fault that it was begun. And that, not only
Ionia and Æolia ought to be evacuated by the king’s troops, but as all
Greece had been set free, so all the cities of that nation in Asia
should also be free. That this could be effected in no other way, than
by Antiochus relinquishing the possession of that part of Asia on the
hither side of Mount Taurus.”

36. The ambassador, after he came to the conclusion that he could obtain
no reasonable terms in the council, tried to influence the mind of
Publius Scipio in private (for such were his orders). First of all he
told him that the king would restore him his son without a ransom; and
then, as ignorant of the disposition of Scipio as he was of the Roman
manners, he promised an immense weight of gold, and, excepting the title
of king, an absolute partnership in the sovereignty, if through his
means he should obtain a peace. To which Scipio answered, “I am the less
surprised that you are ignorant of the Romans in general, and of me, to
whom you have been sent, when I see that you are unacquainted with the
situation even of the person from whom you come. You ought to have kept
Lysimachia to prevent our entering the Chersonese, or to have opposed us
at the Hellespont to hinder our passing into Asia, if you meant to ask
peace from us as from people solicitous about the issue of war. But
after leaving the passage into Asia open, and receiving not only a
bridle, but also a yoke, what negotiation on an equality has been left
you, when you must submit to orders? I shall consider my son as a very
great gift from the munificence of the king; I pray to the gods that my
circumstances may never require others, my mind certainly never will
require any. For such an act of generosity to me he shall find me
grateful, if for a personal favour he will accept a personal return of
gratitude. In my public capacity, I will neither accept from him nor
give him any thing. All that I can give at present is sincere advice. Go
then, and desire him in my name, to cease hostilities, and to refuse no
terms of peace.” These words had no effect on the king, who thought that
the chance of war would be comparatively safe, since terms were dictated
to him already as if he were totally vanquished. Laying aside,
therefore, for the present, all farther mention of peace, he turned his
whole attention to the preparations for war.

37. The consul having made every preparation for the execution of his
designs, when he had quitted the post where he lay, marched first to
Dardanus, and then to Rhœteum; from both states the people came out in
crowds to meet him. He then advanced to Troy, and having pitched his
camp in the plain which is under the walls, when he had gone up to the
city and into the citadel, he offered sacrifices to Minerva, the
guardian of the citadel; the Trojans, by every act and expression of
respect, showing themselves proud of the Romans being descended from
them, and the Romans expressing their delight in their origin. The army
marching thence, arrived, on the sixth encampment, at the source of the
Caicus. To this place also king Eumenes came. He at first endeavoured to
bring back his fleet from the Hellespont to Elæa, for the winter;
subsequently, when by adverse winds he could not, for several days, pass
the promontory of Lectos, that he might not be absent at the
commencement of operations, he landed and came, with a small body of
men, by the shortest road to the Roman camp. From the camp he was sent
home to Pergamus, to hasten supplies of provisions; and when the corn
was delivered to the persons whom the consul had ordered to receive it,
he returned to the same camp. The plan was, provisions for several days
being prepared, to march hence against the enemy, before the winter
should prevent them. The king’s camp was near Thyatira; and Antiochus,
hearing there that Publius Scipio had fallen sick and was conveyed to
Elæa, sent ambassadors to conduct his son to him. As this present was
highly grateful to the mind of the father, so was the satisfaction which
it gave no less salutary to his body. At length, being sated with the
embraces of his son, he said to the ambassadors, “Tell the king that I
return him thanks; that at present I can make him no other requital than
my advice; which is, not to come to an engagement, until he shall have
heard that I have rejoined the army.” Although sixty-two thousand foot,
and more than twelve thousand horse, inspired the king at times with
hopes in the result of a battle; yet, moved by the advice of so great a
man as Scipio, in whom, when he considered the uncertainty of the events
of war, he placed safety in any reverse of fortune, he retired, and
having crossed the Phrygian river, pitched his camp near Magnesia, which
is at Sipylus. And lest, if he wished to prolong the time, the Romans
might attack his works, he drew round it a fosse six cubits deep and
twelve broad, and on the outside surrounded the fosse with a double
rampart: on the inside bank, he raised a wall flanked with towers at
small distances, by which the enemy could easily be prevented from
crossing the fosse.

38. The consul, thinking that the king was still in the neighbourhood of
Thyatira, came down by continued marches on the fifth day into the
Hyrcanian plains. Then when he heard that the other had departed, he
followed his track, and pitched his camp on the hither side of the
Phrygian river, at the distance of four miles from the enemy. Here, a
body of about one thousand horse, (the greatest part of whom were
Gallogræcians, the rest Dahans, and archers on horseback, of other
nations intermixed,) passing the river with great tumult, made an attack
on the advanced Roman guards. First of all they threw into confusion
those unprepared; then, when the contest continued longer, and the
number of the Romans increased, as succours were easily sent from the
neighbouring camp, the king’s troops, becoming weary and unable to
withstand superior numbers, endeavoured to retreat; but, before they
could reach the river, very many were killed on the bank, by the enemy
pressing on their rear. For two days after there was quiet, neither
party passing the river. On the third, the Romans passed it with their
whole force, and encamped at the distance of about two miles and a half
from the enemy. While they were employed in measuring and fortifying the
camp, a body of the king’s troops, consisting of three thousand chosen
horse and foot, approached with great rapidity and violence. The party
on guard, though much inferior in number, (being only two thousand,)
without calling off any of the soldiers from the fortifying of the
camp, sustained the combat with equal success at first, and, in the
progress of the contest, repulsed the enemy, killing a hundred, and
taking about the same number. During the four ensuing days, both armies
stood in order of battle, before their respective camps. On the fifth,
the Romans advanced into the middle of the plain, but Antiochus did not
stir; so that his rear was not so far as a thousand feet from his
rampart.

39. The consul, after perceiving that he declined the contest, called a
council next day, and asked their opinion, “how he ought to act if
Antiochus would not give him an opportunity of engaging. For the winter
was at hand, and he must either keep the soldiers in camp; or, if they
chose to retire to winter quarters, defer the business of the war until
summer.” The Romans never despised any enemy so much. The assembly on
every side called on him to lead on immediately, and make use of the
present ardour of the troops; who, as if the business were not to fight
against so many thousands, but to slaughter an equal number of cattle,
were ready to force their way, through trenches and ramparts, into the
camp, if the enemy would not come out to battle. Cneius Domitius was
sent to discover the nature of the ground, and on what side the enemies’
rampart could be approached; after he returned with a full account of
every particular, it was resolved that the camp should next day be moved
nearer to the enemy. On the third day, the standards were carried
forward into the middle of the plain, and the soldiers began to form
line. Antiochus, thinking that he could hesitate no longer, lest, by
declining a battle, he should damp the courage of his men, and add to
the confidence of the enemy, drew out his forces in person, advancing
only so far from the enemy’s camp as to make it apparent that he was
willing to come to an engagement. The Roman line was nearly uniform
throughout with respect to both men and armour. There were two Roman
legions, and two brigades of allies and Latins, each containing five
thousand four hundred men. The Romans formed the centre, the Latins the
wings. The spearmen composed the first line, the first-rank men the
second, and the veterans closed the rear. Beyond this, which formed as
it were the regular line of battle, the consul formed on the right of
it, and in one continued line, the auxiliary troops of Eumenes,
intermixed with Achæan targeteers, making about three thousand foot;
beyond these he posted somewhat less than three thousand horse, of
which, eight hundred belonged to Eumenes; all the rest of the cavalry
were Roman: and in the extremity of the line he placed bodies of
Trallians and Cretans, equal in number, who were composed of five
hundred men each. His left wing did not appear to require such supports,
because a river and steep banks flanked it. However, four troops of
horse were posted there. This was the whole amount of the Roman force,
besides two thousand Macedonians and Thracians, who had, as volunteers,
accompanied the army. These were left to guard the camp. They placed
sixteen elephants behind the veterans, in reserve. For besides that they
were not supposed capable of withstanding the great number of the king’s
elephants, which were no less than fifty-four, the African elephants are
not able to cope with an equal number of Indians, either because they
are inferior to them in size, (in which the Indian have much the
advantage,) or in unyielding courage.

40. The king’s line was more chequered with troops of many nations,
dissimilar both in their persons and armour. There was a body of sixteen
thousand men armed after the manner of the Macedonians, which were
called a phalanx. This formed the centre, and was divided in front into
ten parts. These parts were separated by two elephants placed between
each two; the line of soldiers was thirty-two ranks deep from point to
rear. This was the main strength of the king’s army, and it exhibited a
formidable sight, both in the other particulars of its appearance, and
in the elephants towering so high among the soldiers. They were of huge
bulk, and the caparisons of their foreheads and crests, and the towers
fixed on their backs, with four armed men standing on each tower,
besides the managers of the beasts, gave them a terrific appearance. On
the right side of the phalanx, he placed five hundred Gallogræcian
horsemen. To these he joined three thousand horsemen clad in complete
armour, whom they call Cataphracti, or mailed. To these were added a
brigade of near a thousand horse, which they called Agema. They were
Medes, all picked men, with a mixture of horsemen from many other
nations in that part of the world. Adjoining these, a body of sixteen
elephants was placed in reserve. On the same side, a little farther on
towards the wing, was the royal cohort; these were called
Argyraspides[4], from the kind of armour which they wore. Next to these
stood one thousand two hundred Dahan bowmen on horseback; then, three
thousand light infantry, part Cretans and part Trallians, the number of
each being equal; adjoining these, were two thousand five hundred Mysian
archers. Four thousand Cyrtæan slingers and Elymæan archers mixed
together covered the flank of the wing. Next to the left flank of the
phalanx, stood one thousand five hundred Gallogræcian horse, and two
thousand Cappadocians, (which were sent by king Ariarathes,) wearing the
same kind of armour; then, auxiliaries of all kinds mixed together, two
thousand seven hundred; then, three thousand mailed horsemen; then, one
thousand other horsemen, being a royal cohort, equipped with lighter
coverings for themselves and their horses, but, in other respects, not
unlike the rest; they were mostly Syrians, with a mixture of Phrygians
and Lydians. In the front of this body of cavalry were the chariots
armed with scythes, and a kind of camels called dromedaries. These were
ridden by Arabian archers, who carried thin swords four cubits long,
that they might be able to reach the enemy from so great a height. Then
followed another multitude, like that in the right wing,—first,
Tarentines; then, two thousand five hundred Gallogræcian horsemen; then,
one thousand new Cretans, and one thousand five hundred Carians and
Cilicians, armed in the same manner; then, an equal number of Trallians,
with three thousand targeteers (these were Pisidians, Pamphylians, and
Lycians); then came brigades of Cyrtæans and Elymæans, equal to the
auxiliaries placed on the right wing, and sixteen elephants, separated
by a small interval. The king himself was in the right wing; the command
of the left he gave to his son Seleucus, and Antipater, the son of his
brother; the centre was intrusted to three, Minio, Zeuxis, and Philip,
the master of the elephants.

41. A morning mist, which as the day advanced rose up in clouds, spread
a general darkness; and the moisture issuing from it, and coming from
the southward, wetted every thing, This circumstance, which was scarcely
any inconvenience to the Romans, was very disadvantageous to the king’s
troops. For the indistinctness of the light did not take away from the
Romans the view of all parts of their line, since it was of moderate
length; and the moisture tended but little to blunt their swords and
javelins, as they were almost all heavy-armed troops. The king’s
soldiers, as the line was so extensive, could not even see their wings
from the centre, much less could those at the extremities see one
another; and then, the moisture relaxed the strings of their bows, their
slings, and the thongs of their javelins. Besides, the armed chariots,
by means of which Antiochus had trusted utterly to disorder the enemy’s
line, turned the terror of their operations on their owners. The manner
in which they were armed was this: from the yoke, on both sides of the
pole, they had lances[5] ten cubits long, projecting like horns, to
transfix any thing that came in their way. At each extremity of the
yoke, two scythe-blades projected, one on a line with the yoke, the
other on its lower side, pointing to the ground; the former to cut
through any thing that might come within its reach on the side, the
other to catch such as fell, or endeavoured to go under it. At each
extremity of the axle of the wheels, two scythe-blades were fastened in
the same manner. The king, as we mentioned before, had placed the
chariots so armed in the front, because if they were placed in the rear,
or between the ranks, they must be driven through their own soldiers.
Which when Eumenes saw, not being ignorant of the method of opposing
them, and knowing that aid of that sort might be rendered as dangerous
to one side as the other, if an opponent should cast terror into the
horses, rather than attack them in a regular battle, ordered the Cretan
bowmen, and slingers, and javelin-bearers, with some troops of horse,
not in a body, but scattering themselves as widely as possible, to rush
forwards, and pour weapons on them from all sides at once. This storm,
as it were, partly by the wounds made by the missile weapons thrown from
every quarter, and partly by the discordant shouts raised, so terrified
the horses, that immediately, as if unbridled, they galloped about at
random. The light infantry, the lightly-accoutred slingers, and the
active Cretans, quickly evaded their encounter. The horsemen, following
them, increased the tumult and the terror of the horses and camels,
which were likewise affrighted, the clamour being multiplied and
increased by the rest of the crowd of bystanders. By these means, the
chariots were driven out of the ground between the two lines. When this
fruitless mimicry of war was over, both parties gave the signal, and
advanced to a regular engagement.

42. But that futile affair was soon the cause of real loss. For the
auxiliaries in reserve, which were posted next, being terrified at the
turn and disorder of the chariots, betook themselves to flight, leaving
all exposed as far as the post of the mailed horsemen; to whom when the
Roman cavalry, after dispersing the reserves, approached, they did not
sustain their first onset. Some fled, and others, being delayed by the
weight of their coverings and armour, were put to the sword. The whole
left wing then gave way, and the auxiliaries, posted between the cavalry
and the phalanx, being thrown into confusion, the terror spread even to
the centre. Here the ranks were broken, and by the flying soldiers
rushing in between them, the use of their long spears, called by the
Macedonians sarissas, was hindered. The Roman legions advanced and
discharged their javelins among them in disorder. Even the elephants,
standing in the way, did not deter the Roman soldiers, who had learned
by experience in the African wars, both to evade the onset of the
animal, and, getting at one side of it, either to ply it with darts, or,
if they could come near enough, to wound its sinews with their swords.
The front of the centre was now almost crushed, and the reserve, being
surrounded, was attacked on the rear, when the Romans perceived their
troops in another quarter flying, and heard shouts of dismay almost
close to their camp. For Antiochus, who commanded the right wing, having
observed that the enemy, through confidence in the river, had placed no
reserve there, except four troops of horse, and that these, keeping
close to the infantry, left an open space on the bank of the river, made
a charge on them, with a body of auxiliaries and mailed horsemen. He not
only attacked them in front, but having surrounded the wing in the
direction of the river, pressed them in flank also; until the routed
cavalry first, and then the infantry that were next them, fled with
precipitation to the camp.

43. Marcus Æmilius, a military tribune, son of Marcus Lepidus, who, in a
few years after, became chief pontiff, had the charge of the camp. He,
when he saw the troops flying, went out, with his whole guard, to meet
them. He ordered them, first, to halt, and then to return to the fight;
at the same time upbraiding them with cowardice and disgraceful flight.
He then proceeded to threats,—that if they did not obey his orders, they
would rush blindly on their own destruction. At last he gave orders to
his own men to kill the foremost of the runaways, and with sword-wounds
to drive the crowd of fugitives back against the enemy. The greater fear
now overcame the less. Compelled by the danger on either side, they
first halted, and then returned to the encounter, and Æmilius, with his
guard, consisting of two thousand men of distinguished valour, gave a
vigorous check to the furious pursuit of Antiochus. At the same time,
Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, came up in good time with two hundred
horse from the right wing, by which the left of the enemy had been
routed, at the beginning of the engagement, as soon as he observed the
flight of his friends on the left, and the tumult near the camp. When
Antiochus saw those men renewing the fight, whom, but just before, he
had seen running away, and another large body advancing from the camp,
with a third from the line, he turned his horse to flight. The Romans,
thus victorious in both wings, advanced over heaps of slain, (which had
been raised principally in the centre, where the strength of the bravest
men and the armour by its weight had prevented flight,) to plunder the
camp. The horsemen of Eumenes first, and then the rest of the cavalry,
pursued the enemy through all parts of the plain, and killed the
hindmost as they overtook them. But the fugitives suffered more severe
loss by the chariots, elephants, and camels intermixed, and by their own
disorderly crowd; for, after they once broke their ranks, they rushed,
as if blind, one upon another, and were trodden to death by the
trampling of the beasts. In the camp also there was great slaughter
committed, rather greater than even in the field; for the flight of the
first generally tended to the camp. The guard, through confidence in the
great number of these, defended their works with the more obstinacy. The
Romans having been stopped at the gates and rampart, which they had
expected to take at the first rush, when they did at length break
through, actuated by rage, made the more dreadful carnage.

44. Up to fifty thousand foot and three thousand horse are said to have
been killed that day; one thousand four hundred taken, with fifteen
elephants and their drivers. Of the Romans, many were wounded, but no
more than three hundred foot and twenty-four horsemen killed; and of the
troops of Eumenes, twenty-five. That day the victors, after plundering
the enemy’s camp, returned with great store of booty to their own. On
the day following, they stripped the bodies of the slain, and collected
the prisoners. Ambassadors came from Thyatira and Magnesia, near
Sipylus, with a surrender of those cities. Antiochus fled, with very few
attendants; but greater numbers collecting about him on the road, he
arrived at Sardis, with a tolerable body of soldiers, about the middle
of the night. Then when he heard that his son Seleucus and several of
his friends had gone on to Apamea, he likewise at the fourth watch set
out for Apamea with his wife and daughter, having committed to Zeno the
command of the city, and having placed Timon over Lydia; which being
disregarded, ambassadors are sent to the consul, by the unanimous voice
of the citizens and soldiers who were in the garrison.

45. About this time deputies came from Tralles, from Magnesia on the
Masander, and from Ephesus, to surrender those cities. Polyxenidas had
quitted Ephesus, as soon as he heard or the battle; and, sailing with
the fleet as far as Patara, in Lycia, where, through fear of the Rhodian
fleet stationed at Megiste, he landed, and, with a small retinue,
pursued his journey, by land, into Syria. The several states of Asia
placed themselves under the protection of the consul and the dominion of
the Roman people. He was now at Sardis, whither Publius Scipio came from
Elæa, as soon as he was able to endure the fatigue of travelling.
Shortly after, a herald from Antiochus solicited through Publius Scipio,
and obtained from the consul, permission for the king to send
ambassadors. In a few days’ time, Zeuxis, who had been governor of
Lydia, and Antipater, the king’s nephew, arrived. These, having first
had a meeting with Eumenes, whom they expected to find most averse to
peace, on account of old disputes, and seeing him better disposed than
they or the king could have hoped, addressed themselves then to Publius
Scipio, and through him to the consul: and a numerously attended council
being granted to them at their request to declare their commission,
Zeuxis said, “we have not any thing to propose ourselves, but rather to
inquire from you, Romans, by what atonements we can expiate the error of
our king, and obtain pardon and peace from our conquerors. You have ever
pardoned, with the greatest magnanimity, vanquished kings and nations.
With how much greater and more placable spirit ought you to act now,
after your late victory, which has made you masters of the whole world!
You ought now, like deities laying aside all disputes with mortal
beings, to protect and spare the human race.” It had been determined,
before the ambassadors came, what answer should be given them; and it
was agreed that Africanus should deliver it. He is said to have spoken
thus: “Of those things that are in the gift of the immortal gods, we,
Romans, possess as much as the gods have been pleased to bestow. In
every state of fortune we have had, and have, the same spirit for this,
under the sway of our reason: prosperity has never elated, nor adversity
depressed it. Of the truth of this, (to omit other instances,) I might
produce your friend Hannibal as a convincing proof: but I can appeal to
yourselves. We now conquerors offer to you conquered the same conditions
which we offered to you when on an equal footing, at the time that you
made proposals of peace, after we crossed the Hellespont, before we
beheld the king’s camp or army, when the chance of war was equal and the
issue uncertain. Resign all pretensions in Europe, and cede that part of
Asia which lies on this side of Mount Taurus. Then, towards the
expenses of the war, ye shall pay fifteen thousand talents of Eubœa;[6]
five hundred immediately, two thousand five hundred when the senate and
people of Rome shall have ratified the peace, and one thousand annually
for twelve years after. It likewise pleases us, that four hundred
talents be paid to Eumenes, and the quantity of corn remaining unpaid,
of what was due to his father. When we shall have settled these
articles, it will be a sort of pledge, that we may consider it certain
that you will perform them, if you give twenty hostages such as we shall
choose. But it never will be clear to us that the Roman people will
enjoy peace where Hannibal shall be. Him, therefore, we demand, above
all. Ye shall also deliver up Thoas, the Ætolian, the fomenter of the
Ætolian war, who armed you against us by the assurances of their
support, and them by assurances of yours; and, together with him,
Mnesilochus, the Acarnanian, and Philo, and Eubulidas, of Chalcis. The
king will now make peace under worse circumstances on his side, because
he makes it later than he might have done. If he now causes any delay,
let him consider, that it is more difficult to pull down the majesty of
kings from the highest to the middle stage, than it is to precipitate it
from the middle to the lowest.” The ambassadors were sent by the king
with these instructions, that they should accede to any terms of peace.
It was resolved, therefore, that ambassadors should be sent to Rome. The
consul distributed his army in winter quarters at Magnesia, on the
Mæander, Tralles, and Ephesus. A few days after, the king brought the
hostages to Ephesus to the consul; the ambassadors also, who were to go
to Rome, arrived. Eumenes set out for Rome at the same time with the
king’s ambassadors, and they were followed by embassies from all the
states of Asia.

46. Whilst these things are being transacted in Asia, two proconsuls
arrived almost together at Rome, from their provinces, with hopes of
triumphing: Quintus Minucius, from Liguria, and Manius Acilius, from
Ætolia. After hearing their services, the senate refused a triumph to
Minucius, but, with great unanimity, decreed one to Acilius, and he rode
through the city in triumph over king Antiochus and the Ætolians. In the
procession were carried, two hundred and thirty military ensigns; of
unwrought silver, three thousand pounds’ weight; of coin, one hundred
and thirteen thousand Attic tetradrachms;[7] and two hundred and
forty-eight thousand[8] cistophoruses;[9] of chased silver vessels, a
great number, and of great weight. He bore, also, the king’s silver,
furniture, and splendid wardrobe; golden crowns, presents from the
allied states, forty-five; with spoils of all kinds. He led thirty-six
prisoners of distinction, generals of the Ætolian and royal armies.
Damocritus, the Ætolian general, a few days before, when he had escaped
out of prison in the night, being overtaken by the guards on the bank of
the Tiber, stabbed himself with a sword before he was seized. Nothing
was wanted but the soldiers, to follow the general’s chariot; in every
other respect the triumph was magnificent, both in the grandeur of the
procession and the fame of his achievements. Sad intelligence from Spain
diminished the joy of this triumph, viz. that in an unsuccessful battle
in the territory of the Bastitani, under the command of Lucius Æmilius,
the proconsul, at the town of Lycon, there fell six thousand of the
Roman army against the Lusitanians; and that the rest, being driven in a
panic within their rampart, found it difficult to defend the camp, and
had retreated, by forced marches, as if flying, into a friendly country.
Such were the accounts from Spain. Lucius Aurunculeius, the prætor,
introduced to the senate the deputies of Placentia and Cremona, in
Cisalpine Gaul. When they complained of the want of colonists, some
having been carried off by the casualties of war, others by sickness,
and several having left the colonies, through disgust at the vicinity of
the Gauls; on this, the senate decreed, that “Caius Lælius, the consul,
if he thought proper, should enrol six thousand families, to be
distributed among these colonies, and that Lucius Aurunculeius, the
prætor, should appoint commissioners to conduct the colonists.”
Accordingly, Marcus Atilius Serranus, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, son of
Publius, and Lucius Valerius Tappo, son of Caius, were nominated to that
office.

47. Not long after, as the time of the consular elections drew nigh,
the consul, Caius Lælius, came home to Rome from Gaul. He not only
enrolled the colonists, according to a decree of the senate, passed in
his absence, as a supplement to Cremona and Placentia, but
proposed,—and, on his recommendation, the senate voted,—that two new
colonies should be established in the lands which had belonged to the
Boians. At the same time arrived a letter from the prætor, Lucius
Æmilius, containing intelligence of the sea-fight that took place at
Myonesus, and of Lucius Scipio the consul having transported his army
into Asia. A supplication for one day was decreed, on account of the
naval victory, and another, for the second day, in order that, as the
Roman army had then for the first time pitched a camp in Asia, this
circumstance might turn out prosperous and happy. The consul was ordered
to sacrifice twenty of the greater victims on occasion of each
supplication. The election of consuls was then held with a warm contest.
Marcus Æmilius Lepidus sought the office under general censure, for
having, in order to sue for the office, left his province of Sicily
without having asked the senate for permission to do so. Marcus Fulvius
Nobilior, Cneius Manlius Vulso, and Marcus Valerius Messala, were his
competitors for the office. Fulvius alone was elected consul, since the
rest could not make up the number of centuries; and the next day,
rejecting Lepidus, (for Messala had declined,) he declared Cneius
Manlius his colleague. Then were chosen prætors, two of the name of
Quintus Fabius, Labeo and Pictor, (the latter of whom had in that year
been inaugurated flamen quirinalis,) Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus,
Spurius Posthumius Albinus, Lucius Plautius Hypsæus, and Lucius Bæbius
Dives.

48. Valerius Antias says, that at the time when Marcus Fulvius Nobilior
and Cneius Manlius Vulso were consuls, a rumour prevailed strongly at
Rome, and was received as almost certain, that the consul, Lucius
Scipio, and with him Publius Africanus, had been invited by the king to
a conference, under pretence of restoring young Scipio, and were both
seized, and that when the leaders were thus made prisoners, the enemy’s
army was immediately led up to the Roman camp, that this was stormed,
and the forces entirely cut off; that in consequence of this, the
Ætolians had taken courage and refused to obey orders; and that several
of their principal men had gone into Macedonia, Dardania, and Thrace,
to hire auxiliaries; that Aulus Tarentius Varro, and Marcus Claudius
Lepidus, had been sent by Aulus Cornelius, proprætor, from Ætolia, to
carry this intelligence to Rome. To this story Valerius annexed that the
Ætolian ambassadors were asked in the senate this question among others,
from whom they had heard that the Roman generals were made prisoners by
king Antiochus in Asia, and the army cut off; and that the Ætolians
answered, that they had been informed of it by their own ambassadors,
who were with the consul. As I have no other authority for this report,
it has neither been confirmed in my opinion, nor has it been overlooked
as groundless.

49. When the Ætolian ambassadors were brought to an audience of the
senate, although their cause and their circumstances required, that
they, by an ample confession, should suppliantly seek pardon for what
was either their misfortune or their fault, yet having begun with
enumerating their services to the Roman people, and talking
reproachfully of their own valour in the war with Philip, they offended
the ears of the senators by the insolence of their discourse. By calling
up old and forgotten matters, they brought the affair to this, that the
memory of many more injuries than services done by that nation occurred
to the minds of the senate; and that they, who needed compassion,
provoked anger and hatred. They were asked by one senator whether they
yielded the disposal of themselves to the Roman people; then, by
another, whether they would have the same allies and enemies as the
Roman people: when they gave no answer, they were ordered to withdraw
from the senate-house. The whole senate then, almost with one voice,
cried out, that “the Ætolians were still entirely devoted to Antiochus;
and that on that solitary hope their spirits depended. Wherefore the war
ought to be carried on against such decided enemies, and their haughty
spirits tamed.” Another circumstance inflamed the resentment of the
senate, because that, in the very moment in which they were soliciting
peace from the Romans, they were making war on Dolopia and Athamania. A
decree of the senate was passed, on the motion of Manius Acilius, who
had defeated Antiochus and the Ætolians, that “the Ætolian ambassadors
should be ordered to leave the city that day, and quit Italy within
fifteen days.” Aulius Terentius Varro was appointed to escort them on
the road; and a threatening notice was given to them, that, “if any
embassy from the Ætolians should thenceforth come to Rome, unless with
the permission of the general who might be in command of that province,
and with a Roman deputy, all such would be treated as enemies.”—In this
manner were the Ætolians dismissed.

50. The consuls then consulted the senate concerning the provinces; and
it was resolved that they should cast lots for Ætolia and Asia. To him
who should obtain by lot Asia, was assigned the army which Lucius Scipio
then had; and, as a reinforcement, four thousand Roman foot and two
hundred horse, and of the allies and Latins eight thousand foot and four
hundred horse: with which force he was to carry on the war with
Antiochus. To the other consul was decreed the army in Ætolia; and he
was allowed to raise, for a reinforcement, the same number of natives
and allies as his colleague. The same consul was likewise ordered to
equip and take with him the ships that had been fitted out the year
before; and not only to wage war with the Ætolians, but also to pass
over into the island of Cephallenia. Instructions were given to the same
consul, that if he could do it to the advantage of the republic, he
should come home to Rome to hold the elections; for, besides that the
annual magistrates were to be replaced, it was resolved that censors
also should be created; and if any particular business should detain
him, he was then to acquaint the senate, that he could not attend at the
time of the elections. Ætolia fell by lot to Marcus Fulvius; Asia, to
Cneius Manlius. The prætors then cast lots, and Spurius Postumius
Albinus obtained the city and foreign jurisdiction; Marcus Sempronius
Tuditanus, Sicily; Quintus Fabius Pictor, the priest of Romulus,
Sardinia; Quintus Fabius Labeo, the fleet; Lucius Plautius Hypsæus,
Hither Spain; Lucius Bæbius Dives, Farther Spain. One legion, and the
squadron which was then in Sicily, were decreed for that province; and
it was ordered that the new prætor should levy on the Sicilians two
tenths of the corn; one of which he was to send into Asia, the other
into Ætolia. It was also ordered, that the same impost should be
collected in Sardinia, and the corn sent to the same armies as the
Sicilian corn. A reinforcement was given to Lucius Bæbius, for Spain,
one thousand Roman foot and fifty horse, with six thousand Latin foot
and two hundred horse. To Plautius Hypsæus, for the Hither Spain, were
assigned one thousand Roman foot, and two thousand Latins, with two
hundred horse; so that with these supplies the two Spains should have
each a legion. In the case of the magistrates of the preceding year, the
command was prolonged to Caius Lælius for a year, with his present army,
and to Publius Junius, the proprætor in Etruria, with the army which,
was then in the province, and Marcus Tuccius, the proprætor in Bruttium
and Apulia.

51. Before the prætors went into their provinces, a dispute arose
between Publius Licinius, chief pontiff, and Quintus Fabius Pictor,
priest of Romulus; such as had happened in the recollection of their
fathers, between Lucius Metellus and Postumius Albinus. Metellus, who
was chief pontiff at the time, had detained, for the performance of the
business of religion, Albinus, the consul, who was setting out with his
colleague, Caius Lutatius, to the fleet at Sicily; and now Publius
Licinius detained the prætor Fabius from going to Sardinia. The matter
was agitated in stormy debates, both in the senate and before the
commons: authoritative commands were issued on both sides, pledges were
seized, fines imposed, the tribunes applied to, and appeals made to the
people. At last religion prevailed, so that the flamen obeyed the order
of the pontiff; and the fines were remitted by order of the people. The
senate by their authority prevented the prætor when attempting to
abdicate the magistracy through anger at the loss of his province, and
decreed that he should dispense justice among foreigners. The levies
being finished in a few days, (for the soldiers to be enlisted were not
many,) the consuls and prætors repaired to their provinces. Then a
report of the transactions in Asia spread vaguely without an author; and
in a few days after, certain information, and a letter from the general,
arrived at Rome; which occasioned joy, not so much from recent fear,
(for they had ceased to fear him who was conquered in Ætolia,) as from
former fame; because by them commencing this war he was considered as a
very formidable enemy, both on account of his own strength and because
he had Hannibal to direct the business of the war. The senate determined
that no change should be made in their sending the consul into Asia,
and that no diminution of his forces should take place through
apprehension of a war with the Gauls.

52. In a short time after, Marcus Aurelius Cotta, deputy from Lucius
Scipio, with ambassadors from king Antiochus and king Eumenes, and the
Rhodian delegates, arrived at Rome. Cotta, first in the senate, and then
by their order in the assembly of the people, stated the services which
were performed in Asia. Then a supplication for three days was decreed,
and forty victims of the greater kinds ordered to be sacrificed. Then
audience was given first to Eumenes. He, when he had briefly returned
thanks to the senate, “because they had relieved him and his brother
from a siege, and protected his kingdom from the unjust attacks of
Antiochus” and had congratulated them “because they had carried on
affairs successfully by sea and land, and because they had utterly
routed, driven out of his camp, and expelled king Antiochus, first from
Europe, and then from all Asia on this side of Mount Taurus;” then said
“he preferred that they should learn his own deserts from their generals
and deputies, rather than from his mouth.” All being pleased with his
discourse, and desiring him to tell frankly, bashfulness being for the
present laid aside, “what recompence he thought proper to be given by
the senate and people of Rome;” assuring him that “the senate were
inclined to act with greater zeal and more abundant liberality, if
possible, according to his deserts.” To this the king answered, “if the
choice of rewards were offered him by others, if only permission to
consult the Roman senate were given to him, he would have availed
himself of the advice of that most noble body, lest he might appear to
have been either immoderate in his desires or shameless in his requests.
But now, when they themselves were the donors, it was much more proper
that their munificence towards him and his brothers should be regulated
by their own judgment.” The senate were not discouraged by this answer
from desiring him to speak; and when there had been a long contest of
kindness on one side, and reserve on the other, whilst they deferred to
one another with a politeness not more mutual than insuperable, Eumenes
departed from the senate-house. The senate persisted in their resolution
so far as to say, “that it was absurd that the king should not know
with what hopes or request he came. That he himself best knew what would
be suitable to his own dominions. He was much better acquainted with
Asia than were the senate. That he ought to be called back and compelled
to state what were his wishes and sentiments.”

53. The king, being brought back by the prætor into the senate-house,
and desired to speak freely, began thus: “Conscript fathers. I should
have persevered in being silent, but that I knew you would presently
call in the Rhodian ambassadors, and that when they had been heard, the
necessity of speaking would be imposed on me. And this my speech will be
the more difficult on this account, because their demands will be of
such a nature, that they will appear not only to make no demands which
may be contrary to my interests, but not even to request any thing which
may be intimately connected with themselves. For they will plead the
cause of the Grecian states, and allege that they ought to be set free;
which point being gained, to whom is it doubtful that they will alienate
from us not only those states which shall be liberated, but likewise our
ancient tributaries; and that after having bound them under so great an
obligation, they will keep them under the denomination of allies, in
reality subject to their government and entirely at their disposal? And,
if it pleases the gods, while they will aspire to this so great power,
they will pretend that this is no way connected with them; they will
only say, that it is becoming you and conformable to your past conduct.
You must be cautious, therefore, lest this speech deceive you; and lest
by an unfair distribution, you not only depress some of your allies too
much, while you exalt others beyond measure, but also put those who bore
arms against you in a better state than your allies and friends. As to
what regards myself in other cases, I should prefer to appear to any one
to have yielded within the limit of my right, rather than to have
struggled too obstinately in maintaining it; but in a contest of
friendship and good-will towards you, and of the respect to be paid to
you, I cannot with any patience bear to be outdone. This was the
principal inheritance that I received from my father; who, of all the
inhabitants of Asia and Greece, was the first who embraced your
friendship; and this he maintained with constant and invariable
fidelity to the last hour of his life. Nor did he display merely a
faithful and kind inclination towards you, but was actively engaged in
all the wars which you waged in Greece, whether on land or sea; he aided
you with all kinds of provisions in such a manner, that not one of your
allies could vie with him in any respect; and finally, while he was
exhorting the Bœotians to an alliance with you, having fainted in the
middle of his discourse, he shortly expired. In his steps have I
trodden; and though I could not surpass the warmth of his wishes, and
his zeal in courting your friendship—for these could not be exceeded—yet
fortune, the times, Antiochus, and the war waged in Asia, afforded me
occasions of surpassing him in real acts and merits, and valuable
services. Antiochus, king of Asia, and of a part of Europe, offered me
his daughter in marriage; offered to restore immediately the states that
had revolted from us, and gave great hopes of enlarging my dominions, if
I would have carried on war in conjunction with him against you. I will
not boast on this account, because I was guilty of no trespass against
you; but I will rather mention those instances of conduct which are
worthy of the very early friendship between our house and you. I
assisted your commanders with forces by land and sea, so that not one of
your allies can stand in competition with me. I supplied them with
provisions by land and sea. I was present in all the naval engagements
which are fought in many places; and I never was sparing of my labour
and danger. I underwent a siege, the most dreadful suffering that can
occur in war, being shut up in Pergamus, in the utmost danger both of my
kingdom and of my life. Afterwards when liberated from the siege,
although in one part Antiochus, in another Seleucus, were encamped about
the citadel of my kingdom, having deserted my own affairs, I went with
my whole fleet to the Hellespont, to meet your consul Lucius Scipio, to
assist in transporting his army. From the time that the army came over
into Asia, I never quitted the consul; no Roman soldier was more regular
in his attendance in your camp, than I and my brothers. No expedition,
no cavalry action, was undertaken without me. In the field I took that
post, and I maintained that ground, in which the consul wished me to be.
I do not intend, conscript fathers, to say who in that war can be
compared to me in services towards you. I would not hesitate to compare
myself to any of those nations or kings whom you hold in great honour.
Masinissa was your enemy before he became your ally; nor did he repair
to you with his auxiliaries when his kingdom was safe; but dethroned,
exiled, and stripped of all his forces, he fled for refuge to your camp
with one troop of horse. Nevertheless, because he faithfully and
diligently adhered to your cause in Africa, against Syphax and the
Carthaginians, you not only restored him to the throne of his father,
but by adding to his domain the most opulent part of the kingdom of
Syphax, rendered him the most potent of all the kings in Africa. What
reward then, and what honour are we worthy of at your hands, who have
never been foes, but always allies? My father, myself, my brothers, have
carried arms in your cause by sea and land, not only in Asia, but in
countries remote from our home; in Peloponnesus, in Bœotia, in Ætolia,
during the wars with Philip, and Antiochus, and the Ætolians. Some one
may say, what therefore do you demand? Conscript fathers, since I must
obey you when you desire me to explain my wishes: if you have removed
Antiochus beyond the mountains of Taurus with the intention of holding
those countries yourselves, I wish for no other people to settle near
me, no other neighbours than you; nor could I hope that my kingdom would
be rendered safer or firmer by any other event. But if your purpose is
to retire hence, and withdraw your armies, I may venture to affirm, that
not one of your allies is more deserving than I am of possessing what
you have acquired. But then it will be a glorious act to liberate states
that are in slavery. I agree that it will, provided they have committed
nothing hostile against you. But if they took part with Antiochus, is it
not much more becoming your wisdom and equity, to consult the interest
of your well-deserving friends than that of your enemies?”

54. The king’s speech was pleasing to the senate, and it was very
evident that they would do all things liberally, and with a desire to
serve him. As one of the Rhodian ambassadors was absent, an embassy from
Smyrna was next introduced, which was briefly disposed of. When the
Smyrnæans were highly complimented because they had resolved to endure
the last extremities rather than surrender to the king, the Rhodians
were next introduced. The chief of their embassy, after stating the
commencement of their friendship with the Roman people and merits of the
Rhodians, first in the war with Philip, and afterwards in that with
Antiochus, said: “Conscript fathers, there is nothing in the whole
course of our affairs that gives us more trouble and uneasiness than
that we should have a debate with Eumenes; with whom alone, of all the
kings in the world, each of us as individuals has a private tie of
hospitality, and, what weighs more with us, our state has a public one.
But, conscript fathers, it is not our own inclinations that disunite us,
but the nature of circumstances which exercise an all-powerful
influence, so that we, being free ourselves, plead the cause of other
men’s freedom; while kings wish to have all things subservient and
subject to their command. Yet, be that as it may, our respect towards
the king is an obstacle to us, rather than that the debate is intricate,
or likely to give you perplexity in your deliberations. For if no honour
could be otherwise paid to the king, your friend and ally, who has
merited highly in this very war, and concerning whose reward the
consideration is, unless you should deliver free states into his power,
the deliberation would be a difficult one, lest you should either send
away a king, your friend, without due honour, or depart from your own
institutions, and sully now, by the servitude of so many states, the
glory which you have acquired in the war with Philip. But from this
necessity of diminishing either your gratitude towards your friend, or
your own glory, fortune completely frees you. For, through the bounty of
the gods, your victory is not more glorious than it is rich, so that it
can easily acquit you of that just as a debt. Lycaonia, both the
Phrygias, with Pisidia, the Chersonese, and the adjoining parts of
Europe, are all in your power; and any one of these, given to the king,
can double his dominions; but if they were all conferred upon him, they
would set him on a level with the greatest of kings. You have it,
therefore, in your power to enrich your allies with the prizes of the
war; and, not to depart from your usual line of policy, and to remember
what motive you assigned as your cause of war, formerly against Philip,
latterly against Antiochus; what you performed on the conquest of
Philip; what is now desired and expected from you, not so much because
you have done it before, as because it becomes you to do it. For
different persons look on different circumstances as specious and
plausible motives for taking up arms. Some go to war to get possession
of land, some of villages, some of towns, some of ports, and some of the
sea-coast. Such things you never coveted, when you had them not; and you
cannot covet them now, when the whole world is under your dominion. You
ever fought for your dignity and glory, in the sight of the whole human
race, which long since has learned to respect your name and empire next
to that of the immortal gods. And to procure and acquire these was an
arduous task. I know not whether it may be more difficult to retain
them. You have undertaken to defend from the slavery of kings the
liberty of a nation the most ancient and most highly distinguished, both
by the fame of its exploits, and by universal praise for politeness and
learning; it becomes you to make this patronage of an entire nation,
received under your care and protection, perpetual. The cities standing
on the original soil, are not more Grecian than their colonies, which
formerly migrated thence into Asia; nor has change of country changed
either their race or manners. Every state among us has ventured to
contend in a respectful contest, in every good quality and virtue, with
its parents and founders. Most of you have visited the cities in Greece,
and those in Asia. We are surpassed in no other circumstance than that
we are too far distant from you. We hear that the inhabitants of
Marseilles (who, if nature, implanted, as it were, in their bosoms,
could be overcome by the genus of the soil, would ere this have been
rendered savage, by the many barbarous tribes surrounding them) are
deservedly held in as high honour and esteem by you as if they were
inhabitants of the very centre of Greece. For they have preserved, not
only the sound of the language, the mode of dress, and the habit; but,
above all, the manners, the laws, and a mind pure and untainted by
contagion from their neighbours. The boundary of your empire, at
present, is Mount Taurus. Nothing within that line ought to be thought
remote. To whatever extent your arms have reached, let justice,
emanating from Rome, spread. Let barbarians, with whom the commands of
masters have always served instead of laws, have kings, in which
government they delight; the Greeks endure their own fortune; they have
a spirit like your own. They too, in former times, grasped at empire by
their internal strength. They now pray that empire may remain to
eternity where it is at present. They consider it sufficient that their
liberty should be defended by your arms, since they are unable to
protect it by their own. But it is objected, that some of their states
sided with Antiochus. So did others, before, with Philip; so did the
Tarentines with Pyrrhus. Not to enumerate other nations, Carthage enjoys
liberty and its own laws. Consider, conscript fathers, how much you owe
to this example, set by yourselves. You will surely make up your mind to
refuse to the ambition of Eumenes, what you refused to your own most
just resentment. With what brave and faithful exertions we, Rhodians,
have assisted you, both in this late war, and in all the wars that you
have waged in that part of the world, we leave to your own judgment. We
now, in peace, offer you such advice, that if you conform to it, all the
world will judge that you used your victory with more honour to
yourselves, than that with which you gained it.” Their arguments seemed
well adapted to the Roman grandeur.

55. After the Rhodians, the ambassadors of Antiochus were called. These,
after the common practice of petitioners for pardon, acknowledged the
king’s error, and besought the conscript fathers to deliberate, mindful
rather of their own mercy than of the misconduct of the king, who had
suffered enough and more than enough of punishment; in fine, to ratify,
by their authority, the peace granted by their general, Lucius Scipio,
with the conditions on which he had given it. The senate voted, that the
peace should be observed; and the people, a few days after, ordered it.
The treaty was concluded in the Capitol with Antipater, chief of the
embassy, and son of the brother of king Antiochus. Then the other
embassies from Asia were heard, to all of whom was returned the same
answer, that “the senate, in conformity with the usage of their
ancestors, would send ten ambassadors to examine and adjust the affairs
of Asia. That the general plan was to be this: that the places on this
side of Mount Taurus, which had been within the limits of the realm of
Antiochus, should be assigned to Eumenes, excepting Lycia and Caria, as
far as the river Mæander; and that these last-mentioned should become
the property of the Rhodians. That the other states of Asia, which had
been tributary to Attalus, should likewise pay tribute to Eumenes; and
such as had been tributary to Antiochus, should be free and
independent.” They appointed ten ambassadors, Quintus Minucius Rufus,
Lucius Furius Purpureo, Quintus Minucius Thermus, Appius Claudius Nero,
Cneius Cornelius Merula, Marcus Junius Brutus, Lucius Aurunculeius,
Lucius Æmilius Paulus, Publius Cornelius Lentulus, and Publius Ælius
Tubero.

56. To these full instructions were given to decide whatever required an
examination of the place. Concerning the general plan the senate voted:
that “all Lycaonia, both the Phrygias, and Mysia, the royal forests, and
Lydia, and Ionia, excepting those towns which had been free on the day
whereon the battle was fought with Antiochus, and excepting by name
Magnesia at Sipylus; then the city of Caria, called also Hydrela, and
the territory of Hydrela, stretching towards Phrygia, and the forts and
villages on the river Mæander, and likewise the towns, excepting such as
had been free before the war, and excepting by name, Telmissus, and the
fort of Telmissium, and the lands which had belonged to Ptolemy of
Telmissus; all these which are written above, were ordered to be given
to king Eumenes. Lycia was given to the Rhodians, excepting the same
Telmissus, and the fort of Telmissium, with the lands which had belonged
to Ptolemy of Telmissus; these were withheld both from Eumenes and the
Rhodians. To the latter was given also that part of Caria which lies
beyond the river Mæander nearest to the island of Rhodes, with its
towns, villages, forts, and lands, extending to Pisidia, excepting those
towns which had been in a state of freedom on the day before that of the
battle with Antiochus.” The Rhodians, after returning thanks for these
favours, mentioned the city of Soli in Cilicia, “the inhabitants of
which,” they said, “as well as themselves, derived their origin from
Argos; and, in consequence of this relation, a brotherly affection
subsisted between the two states. They, therefore, requested the senate,
as an extraordinary favour, to exempt that city from subjection to the
king.” The ambassadors of Antiochus were called in, and the matter was
proposed to them, but their consent could not be obtained; Antipater
appealing to the treaty, in opposition to which, not only Soli, but
Cilicia was sought by the Rhodians, and they were passing the summits
of Taurus. The Rhodians being summoned again before the senate, the
fathers, after they had stated how earnestly the king’s ambassador
opposed the measure, added that “if the Rhodians were of opinion that
the affair particularly affected the dignity of their state, the senate
would try by all means to overcome the obstinacy of the ambassadors.”
Hereupon the Rhodians, with greater warmth than before, returned thanks,
and declared, that they would rather give way to the arrogance of
Antipater, than afford any reason for disturbing the peace. So no change
was made with respect to Soli.

57. During the time in which these things were transacted, deputies from
Marseilles announced that Lucius Bæbius, the prætor, on his way into his
province of Spain, had been surrounded by the Ligurians; that a great
part of his retinue being slain, he himself, wounded, had made his
escape, without his lictors, and with but few attendants, to Marseilles,
and in three days after expired. The senate, on hearing of this
misfortune, decreed, that Publius Junius Brutus, who was the proprætor
in Etruria, having delivered the province and army to whichsoever of the
lieutenants he should think proper, should go himself into Farther
Spain, which was to be his province. This decree of the senate and a
letter was sent by the prætor, Spurius Posthumius, into Etruria; and
Publius Junius, the proprætor, set out for Spain, in which province,
long before a successor could arrive, Lucius Æmilius Paulus, who
afterwards with great glory conquered king Perseus, though he had
carried on matters unsuccessfully the year before, having raised an army
by a hasty levy, fought a pitched battle with the Lusitanians. The enemy
were routed, and put to flight; eighteen thousand were killed, three
thousand three hundred taken, and their camp stormed. The fame of this
victory made matters more tranquil in Spain. In the same year, on the
third day before the calends of January, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Marcus
Atilius Serranus, and Lucius Valerius Tappo, triumvirs, settled a Latin
colony at Bononia, according to a decree of the senate. Three thousand
men were led to that place. Seventy acres were given to each horseman,
fifty to each of the other colonists. The land had been taken from the
Boian Gauls, who had formerly expelled the Tuscans.

58. In the same year, many distinguished men strove for the censorship;
and this business, as if it furnished in itself insufficient grounds for
dispute, gave rise to another contest of a much more violent nature. The
candidates were, Titus Quintius Flamininus, Publius Cornelius Scipio,
son of Cneius, Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus
Claudius Marcellus, and Manius Acilius Glabrio, who had defeated
Antiochus and the Ætolians at Thermopylæ. The favour of the people
inclined to the last in particular, because he had given many largesses,
by which he had bound a great number of men to him. When so many nobles
could ill brook that a man of no family should be so much preferred to
them, Publius Sempronius Gracchus and Caius Sempronius Rutilus, tribunes
of the people, commenced a prosecution against him, on a charge, that he
had neither exhibited in his triumph, nor lodged in the treasury, a
large part of the royal treasure, and of the booty taken in the camp of
Antiochus. The depositions of the lieutenants-general and military
tribunes were at variance. Beyond all the other witnesses, Marcus Cato
was remarkable, whose authority, acquired by the uniform tenor of his
life, the fact of his being a candidate diminished. He, when a witness,
affirmed, that he had not observed, in the triumph, the gold and silver
vessels which, on the taking of the camp, he had seen among the other
spoils of the king. At last Glabrio declared, that he declined the
election, chiefly to throw odium on Cato; since he, a candidate of an
origin as humble as his own, by an abominable perjury, attacked that
which men of noble birth bore with silent indignation. A fine of one
hundred thousand _asses_[10] was proposed to the people against him.
Twice there was a contest on the subject. On the third hearing, as the
accused had declined the election, and the people were unwilling to vote
about the fine, the tribunes also dropped the business. The censors
elected were, Titus Quintius Flamininus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus.

59. At the same time, when an audience of the senate, in the temple of
Apollo outside the city, was granted to Lucius Æmilius Regillus, who,
with the fleet, had defeated the admiral of king Antiochus; after
hearing the recital of his services, with what great fleets of the enemy
he had engaged, how many of their ships he had sunk or taken, a naval
triumph was voted him by the unanimous consent of the fathers. He
triumphed on the calends of February. In this procession were carried
forty-nine golden crowns; the quantity of money was by no means so great
considering the appearance of the triumph over the king, being only
thirty-four thousand seven hundred Attic tetradrachms,[11] and one
hundred and thirty-two thousand three hundred cistophoruses.[12]
Supplications were then performed, by order of the senate, in
consideration of the successful services to the state, achieved in Spain
by Lucius Æmilius Paulus. Not long after, Lucius Scipio arrived in the
city; and, that he might not be inferior to his brother in point of a
surname, he chose to be called Asiaticus. He spoke largely of his
services both before the senate and a general assembly. There were some
who judged that the war was greater by fame than by real difficulty; for
it was terminated entirely by one memorable engagement; and that the
glory of that victory had been stripped of its bloom at Thermopylæ. But,
to any person judging impartially, it must appear, that the light at
Thermopylæ was with the Ætolians, rather than with the king. For with
how small a portion of his own strength did Antiochus engage in that
battle! whereas, in the other, in Asia, the strength of the whole
Asiatic continent stood combined; for he had collected auxiliaries of
all nations from the most remote quarters of the east. Justly,
therefore, were the greatest possible honours paid to the immortal gods,
for having rendered a most important victory easy in the acquisition;
and a triumph was decreed to the commander. He triumphed in the
intercalary month, the day before the calends of March; which triumph
was greater in the display to the eye than that of Africanus his
brother, yet if we recall to our memory the circumstances, and estimate
the dangers and difficulty, it was no more to be compared to it, than if
you would contrast one general with the other, Antiochus with Hannibal.
He carried, in his triumph, military standards, two hundred and
thirty-four; models of towns, one hundred and thirty-four; elephants’
teeth, one thousand two hundred and thirty; crowns of gold, two hundred
and twenty-four: pounds-weight of silver, one hundred and thirty-seven
thousand four hundred and twenty; Attic tetradrachms, two hundred and
twenty-four thousand;[13] cistophoruses, three hundred and thirty-one
thousand and seventy;[14] gold pieces, called Philippians, one hundred
and forty thousand;[15] silver vases, all engraved, to the amount of one
thousand four hundred and twenty-four pounds’ weight; of golden vases,
one thousand and twenty-four pounds’ weight; and of the king’s generals,
governors, and officers at court, thirty-two were led before his
chariot. Twenty-five denariuses[16] were given to each of his soldiers,
double that sum to a centurion, triple it to a horseman; and after the
triumph, their pay and allowance of corn were doubled. He had already
doubled them after the battle in Asia. He triumphed about a year after
the expiration of his consulship.

60. Cneius Manlius, the consul, arrived in Asia, and Quintus Fabius
Labeo, the prætor, reached the fleet, nearly at the same time. The
consul did not want reasons for war against the Gauls; the sea was
subjected to the Romans since the conquest of Antiochus. It appeared
best to Quintus Fabius, considering to what thing in particular he
should apply himself, lest he might seem to have had a province in which
there was no employment, to sail over to the island of Crete. The
Cydonians were engaged in war against the Gortynians and Gnossians; and
a great number of Roman and Italian captives were said to be in slavery
in different parts of the island. Having sailed with the fleet from
Ephesus, as soon as he touched the shore of Crete, he despatched orders
to all the states to cease from hostilities, and to search each of them
for the captives in its own cities and territory, and bring them to him;
also, to send ambassadors to him, to treat of matters belonging alike to
the Romans and Cretans. These orders had little influence on the
Cretans. Excepting the Gortynians, none of them restored the captives.
Valerius Antias relates, that as many as four thousand captives were
restored out of the whole island, because the Cretans feared his threats
of war; and that this was deemed a sufficient reason for Fabius
obtaining from the senate a naval triumph, although he performed no
other exploit. From Crete Fabius returned to Ephesus: having despatched
three ships from the latter place to the coast of Thrace, he ordered the
garrisons of Antiochus to be withdrawn from Ænos and Maronea, that these
cities might be left at liberty.



BOOK XXXVIII.


    _Marcus Fulvius the consul besieged Ambracia, in Epirus, and
    received its surrender; he reduced Cephallenia, and granted peace to
    the Ætolians, on their complete subjection. Cneius Manlius the
    consul, his colleague, conquered the Gallogræcians, including the
    Tolistoboii, Tectosagi, and Trocmi who, under the command of
    Brennus, had crossed over into Asia, since they were the only
    refractory nation on this side of Mount Taurus. Their origin is
    related, and likewise the manner in which they became masters of the
    territories which they now hold. An instance, also, of virtue and
    chastity in a woman is recorded: for when the wife of Ortiagon, king
    of the Gallogræcians, was a captive, she slew a centurion who was
    sentinel over her, because he offered her violence. The lustrum was
    closed by the censors. Two hundred and fifty-eight thousand three
    hundred and twenty-eight citizens were rated. A treaty of amity was
    entered into with Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. Cneius Manlius,
    although the ten ambassadors by whose advice he had written the
    terms of the treaty with Antiochus, opposed him, pleaded his cause
    in person in the senate, and triumphed over the Gallogræcians.
    Scipio Africanus, a day of trial being appointed him, as some say,
    by Quintus Petillius, tribune of the people, as others say, by
    Nævius, on the charge of having fraudulently deprived the treasury
    of the plunder taken from Antiochus, when the day of trial came on,
    was summoned to the rostrum, and said, “On this day, Romans, I
    conquered Carthage;” and, followed by the people, ascended the
    Capitol. Subsequently, that he might not receive any further
    annoyance front the injuries done him by the tribunes, he retired
    into voluntary exile at Liternum: it is uncertain whether he died
    there or at Rome, for monuments were erected to his memory in both
    places. Lucius Scipio Asiaticus, brother of Africanus, was accused
    and condemned on the same charge of embezzlement as his brother:
    when he was being led to prison, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus,
    tribune of the commons, who had been previously on unfriendly terms
    with the Scipios, vetoed it; and in return for that kindness,
    received in marriage the daughter of Africanus. When the quæstors
    were sent to take public possession of the property of Lucius
    Scipio, not only was no trace of the king’s money apparent in it,
    but not even so much was raised thereby as the amount in which he
    was fined. He would not receive the countless sum collected by his
    relations and friends: the mere necessaries of life were purchased
    back._

1. While the war is being carried on in Asia, matters were not even then
tranquil among the Ætolians, a commencement of these disturbances
having originated with the nation of the Athamanians. At that period,
since the expulsion of Amynander, Athamania was kept in subjection by
royal garrisons, under governors appointed by Philip, who by their
haughty and overbearing exercise of power, had made the people regret
the loss of Amynander. The hope of recovering the kingdom was presented
to Amynander, then an exile in Ætolia, by the letters of his partisans,
who informed him of the state of Athamania: and messengers were sent to
Argithea, (for that was the chief city of Athamania,) to inform the
principal men, that, if they were sufficiently assured of the
inclinations of their countrymen, he, having obtained succours from the
Ætolians, would come, into Athamania with a chosen body of Ætolians, who
constituted the council of that nation, and their prætor, Nicander. And,
when he found that they were prepared for every thing, he gave them
notice, immediately after, of the day on which he would enter Athamania
at the head of an army. At first there were four conspirators against
the Macedonian garrison; then each of these took as associates six
assistants for the execution of the business; but, afterwards,
distrusting their small number, which was rather calculated for the
concealment than for the execution of the design, they took in a number
of associates, equal to the former. Being thus increased to fifty-two,
they divided themselves into four parties, one of which repaired to
Heraclea, another to Tetraphylia, where the royal treasure used to be
kept, a third to Theudoria, and the fourth to Argithea. It was agreed
that they should at first appear in the forum publicly, without any
bustle, as if they had come about their own ordinary concerns; and then,
on a certain day, raise the whole populace, so as to dislodge the
Macedonian garrisons from the citadels. When the day came, and Amynander
with a thousand Ætolians was on the frontiers, by the preconcerted plan
the Macedonian garrisons were driven from the four places at once, and
letters were despatched to all the other cities, calling on them to
rescue themselves from the exorbitant tyranny of Philip, and to
reinstate their hereditary and lawful prince. Accordingly, the
Macedonians were, every where, expelled. The town of Theium, (in
consequence of the letters being intercepted by Teno, commander of the
garrison, and owing to the citadel being occupied by the king’s troops,)
stood a siege of a few days, and then surrendered to Amynander, who had
now all Athamania in his power, except the fort of Athenæum, on the
borders of Macedonia.

2. When Philip heard of the defection of Athamania, he set out at
the head of six thousand men, and proceeded, with the utmost speed,
to Gomphi. Having left the greater part of his force, as they would
not have been equal to such long marches, he went forward, with two
thousand, to Athenæum, the only place which had been retained by his
troops. Then, having made attempts on the nearest places, when he
clearly perceived that all the rest of the country was hostile to
him, he retreated to Gomphi, and returned with the whole of his army
into Athamania. He then sent Zeno, at the head of one thousand foot,
with orders to seize on Ethopia, which stands advantageously for
commanding Argithea; and, as soon as he understood that this post was
in possession of his party, he himself encamped near the temple of
Acræan Jupiter. Here he was detained one whole day, by a tremendous
storm; and on the next, proceeded to lead them towards Argithea. On
the troops commencing their march the Athamanians immediately appeared
hastening to the hills which overlooked the road. On the sight of
whom, the foremost battalions halted, while fear and confusion spread
through the whole army, and every one began to consider what might have
been the consequence, if the troops had gone down into the valleys
commanded by those cliffs. This confusion compelled the king, who
wished, if his men would follow him, to push on rapidly through the
defile, to call back the foremost, and return by the same road by which
he came. The Athamanians at first followed at a distance, without
making any attempt: after the Ætolians joined them, they left these
to harass the rear, and extended themselves on both flanks. Some of
them, by taking a shorter way, through known paths, seized the passes;
and such terror was struck into the Macedonians, that they repassed
the river in a manner more like a hasty flight than a regular march,
leaving behind many of their men and arms. Here was the end of the
pursuit, and the Macedonians, in safety, returned to Gomphi, and from
Gomphi into Macedonia. The Athamanians and Ætolians ran together, from
all sides, to Ethopia, to crush Zeno and his thousand Macedonians.
The Macedonians, distrusting their position, removed from Ethopia,
to a hill which was higher and steeper on all sides; from which the
Athamanians, having found access in several places, dislodged them;
and while they were dispersed, and unable to find the road for flight,
through impassable and unknown rocks, slew part of them and made part
prisoners. Great numbers, in their panic, tumbled down the precipices;
very few, with Zeno, effected their escape to the king. Afterwards,
permission to bury their dead was given to them during the truce.

3. Amynander, on recovering possession of his kingdom, sent ambassadors,
both to the senate at Rome and to the Scipios in Asia, who, since the
grand battle with Antiochus, stayed at Ephesus. He requested a treaty of
amity, and apologized for having had recourse to the Ætolians, for the
recovery of his hereditary dominions. He made many charges against
Philip. The Ætolians from Athamania proceeded into Amphilochia, and,
with the consent of the greater part of the inhabitants, reduced that
nation under their power and dominion. After the recovery of
Amphilochia, for it had formerly belonged to the Ætolians, they passed
on, with hopes of equal success, into Aperantia. That also, for the most
part, surrendered to the Ætolians without a contest. The Dolopians had
never been subject to the Ætolians, but they were to Philip. These, at
first, ran to arms; but when they were informed of the Amphilochians
taking part with the Ætolians, of Philip’s flight from Athamania, and
the destruction of his detachment, they also revolted from Philip to the
Ætolians. Whilst the Ætolians believed that they were now secured
against the Macedonians on all sides, by these nations surrounding them,
the report is brought to them that Antiochus was conquered in Asia by
the Romans. Not very long after, their ambassadors came home from Rome,
without the prospect of peace, announcing that the consul Fulvius, with
his army, had already crossed the sea. Dismayed at these accounts, they
send the chief men of the state to Rome to try the last hope, having
previously solicited embassies from Rhodes and Athens, that, through the
influence of those states, their petitions, lately rejected, might meet
with a more favourable reception from the senate: they took no kind of
precaution to avert the war, before it was almost within sight. Marcus
Fulvius, having brought over his army to Apollonia, was, at this time,
consulting with the Epirot chiefs where he should commence his
operations. It was the opinion of the Epirots that he should attack
Ambracia, which had lately united itself to Ætolia; alleging, that, “in
case the Ætolians should come to its relief, there were open plains
around it, to fight in; or that if they should avoid a battle there
would be no great difficulty in the siege, for there were at hand
abundant materials for raising mounds and other works, while the
Arachthus, a navigable river, well adapted to convey every thing
requisite, flowed by the walls; besides, the summer was just
approaching, the fittest season for the enterprise.” By these arguments
they persuaded him to march on through Epirus.

4. To the consul, on his arrival at Ambracia, the siege appeared to be a
work of no small difficulty. Ambracia stands at the foot of a rocky
hill, called by the natives Perranthe: the city, where the wall faces
the plain and the river, looks towards the west; the citadel, which is
seated on the hill, towards the east. The river Arachthus, which rises
in Athamania, falls here into a gulf of the sea, called the Ambracian,
from the name of the adjacent city. Besides that the river defended it
on one side and the hills on the other, it was also surrounded by a
strong wall, extending in circuit somewhat more than three miles.
Fulvius formed two camps at a short distance from each other, and one
fort on the high ground opposite to the citadel; all which he intended
to join together by a rampart and trench, in such a manner that there
should be no exit from the city for the besieged, nor entrance For the
introduction of assistance from without. The Ætolians, on the report of
the siege of Ambracia, were by this time assembled at Stratus, in
obedience to an edict of their prætor, Nicander. At first they intended
to have marched hence, with their whole force, to raise the siege;
afterwards, when they heard that the place was already, in a great
measure, surrounded with works, and that the Epirots were encamped on
level ground, on the other side of the river, they resolved to divide
their forces. Eupolemus, with one thousand light troops, marching to
Ambracia, made his way into the city, though the works were joined to
each other. Nicander’s first plan was to have attacked the camp of the
Epirots in the night, with the rest of the troops, as assistance could
not be easily received from the Romans, because the river ran between
them. Afterward, judging it too dangerous an undertaking, lest the
Romans should by any means discover it, and his retreat become unsafe,
he was deterred from this design, and marched away to ravage the country
of Acarnania.

5. The consul having now finished the intrenchments with which it was
necessary to surround the city, and likewise the works which he was
preparing to bring forward to the walls, attacked the city in five
different places; three attacks, at equal distances from each other, he
directed against the quarter which they called Pyrrheum, as the approach
was easier from the plain; one opposite to the temple of Æsculapius, and
one against the citadel. He broke down the walls with battering-rams,
and tore down the battlements with poles armed with scythes. At first,
terror and dismay seized the townsmen, at the formidable appearance of
the works, and the shocks given to the walls, which were attended with a
dreadful noise: afterwards, when they beheld them contrary to their
hopes standing, having again resumed courage, they, by means of cranes,
threw down upon the battering-rams weighty masses of lead, or stone, or
beams of timber; dragging the armed poles, with iron grapples, within
the walls, they broke off the hooks; besides, by sallies, both by night
against the watch-guards of the engines, and by day against the advanced
posts, they kept the besiegers in a state of continual alarm. While
affairs at Ambracia were in this state, the Ætolians had returned from
ravaging Acarnania, to Stratus. Their prætor, Nicander, having conceived
hopes of raising the siege by a bold effort, sent a person called
Nicodamus, with five hundred Ætolians, into Ambracia, and appointed a
certain night, and even the time of the night, on which, from within the
city, they were to assault the works of the enemy, opposite to the
Pyrrheum, while he himself should alarm the Roman camp. He supposed
that, in consequence of the alarm on both sides, and night increasing
the terror, something memorable might be achieved. And Nicodamus, in the
dead of the night, (when he had escaped the notice of some of the
parties on watch, and broken through others by his determined onset,)
having passed the intrenchment, penetrated into the city; and gave the
besieged considerable hope and courage for any enterprise; and as soon
as the appointed time arrived, according to the plan preconcerted, he
made a sudden assault on the works. This undertaking was more formidable
in the attempt than in the effect, because no attack was made from
without; for the prætor of the Ætolians had either been deterred by
fear, or had judged it more advisable to carry succours to Amphilochia,
which had been lately reduced; which Perseus, the son of Philip, who was
sent to recover Dolopia and Amphilochia, was besieging with the greatest
vigour.

6. The works of the Romans against the Pyrrheum were carried on in three
different places, as has been mentioned before, all which works the
Ætolians assaulted at once, but not with similar weapons or similar
force. Some advanced with burning torches, others carrying tow and
pitch, and fire-darts, their entire line being illuminated by the blaze.
At the first assault they cut off many of the men on guard. Afterwards,
when the shout and uproar reached the camp, and the signal was given by
the consul, the troops took arms and poured out of all the gates to
succour their friends. In one place the contest was carried on with fire
and sword; from the other two, the Ætolians retired with disappointment,
after essaying rather than supporting a fight. The whole brunt of the
battle fell on the one quarter with great fury. Here the two commanders,
Eupolemus and Nicodamus, in their different posts, encouraged their men
and animated them with hope amounting almost to certainty, that Nicander
would, according to his agreement, come up speedily and attack the
enemy’s rear. This expectation for some time supported their courage in
the fight. But at last, as they did not receive the concerted signal
from their friends, and saw the number of their enemies continually
increasing, they pressed on with less energy, as if deserted; finally,
having abandoned the attempt, their retreat now becoming almost
impracticable, they were driven in flight into the city, after having
burned a part of the works, however, and killed a much greater number
than they lost themselves. If the affair had been conducted according to
the plan concerted, there was no reason to doubt but that one part at
least of the works might have been stormed with great havoc of the
Romans;. The Ambracians and the Ætolians, who were within, not only
renounced the enterprise of that night, but supposing themselves
betrayed by their friends, became much less spirited. None of them any
longer sallied out, as before, against the enemy’s stations, but posted
on the walls and towers, fought without danger.

7. Perseus, on hearing of the approach of the Ætolians, having raised
the siege of the city in which he was employed, and having ravaged the
country, quitted Amphilochia, and returned into Macedon. The devastation
of their sea-coast called away the Ætolians from this region. Pleuratus,
king of the Illyrians, entered the Corinthian gulf with sixty barks, and
having formed a junction with the ships of the Achæans lying at Patræ,
wasted the maritime parts of Ætolia. Against these one thousand Ætolians
were sent, who, by taking short routes, met the fleet wherever it, while
sailing around the indentations of the coast, attempted a landing. The
Romans at Ambracia, by the battering of their rams in many places at
once, laid open a great part of the city; but nevertheless were unable
to penetrate into the heart of it. For instead of the wall knocked down
a new one was raised with proportionate speed, while the armed men
standing on the ruins, formed a kind of bulwark. The consul, therefore,
when he made no progress by open force, resolved to form a secret mine,
covering the ground first with his machines. And for a long time his
workmen, though employed both night and day, not only in digging under
the ground but also in carrying away the earth, escaped the observation
of the enemy. A heap of it, however, rising suddenly, gave the townsmen
intimation of their work, and terrified lest, the wall being undermined,
a passage should be opened into the city, they determined to draw a
trench within, opposite to the work that was covered with machines. In
which when they reached such a depth as the bottom of the mine could
well be, then keeping profound silence, having applied their ears to
several different places, they endeavoured to catch the sound of the
miners; which being heard, they opened a way directly towards them. Nor
did it require much exertion, for they came in a short time to an open
space where the wall was supported with props by the enemy. The works
joining here, as the passage was open from the trench to the mine, the
parties began to fight in the dark under ground, first of all with the
tools which they had used in the works, but afterwards armed men came
quickly up. Subsequently the contest became less spirited; as the
besieged stopped the passage, sometimes by stretching strong
hair-cloths across it, sometimes by hastily placing doors in the way of
their antagonists. A new engine, requiring no great labour, was invented
against those who were in the mine. The besieged bored a hole in the
bottom of a cask, by which a moderate-sized pipe could be inserted, and
made an iron pipe and iron head for the cask, which was perforated in
many places. They placed this cask, filled with small feathers, with its
mouth turned towards the mine. Through, the holes in the head of the
cask projected those very long spears, which they call sarissas, to keep
off the enemy. They kindled a small spark of fire, placed among the
feathers, by blowing with a smith’s bellows, inserted into the end of
the pipe. After that the smoke arising from this, not only in great
quantities, but also more offensive from the nauseous stench proceeding
from the burnt feathers, had filled the mine, scarcely any one could
stay within.

8. Whilst affairs at Ambracia were in this state, Phæneas and Damoteles
came to the consul, as ambassadors from the Ætolians, invested with full
powers by a decree of the general assembly of that nation. For when
their prætor saw on one side Ambracia besieged; on another, the
sea-coast infested by the enemy’s ships; on a third, Amphilochia and
Dolopia ravaged by the Macedonians, and that the Ætolians were incapable
of meeting the three enemies at once, having summoned a council, he
consulted the chiefs on what was to be done. The opinions of all tended
to one point: “that peace should be solicited on equal terms if
possible; if not, on any terms that could be borne. That the war was
undertaken in reliance on Antiochus. Since Antiochus was vanquished by
land and sea, and driven beyond the mountains of Taurus, almost out of
the world, what hope remained of their being able to support it? That
Phæneas and Damoteles, since the emergency was so great, should do
whatever they might judge to tend to the interest of the Ætolians and
their own honour. For what counsel, what option had been left them by
fortune?” Ambassadors were despatched with instructions, to beseech the
consul to “have mercy on the city, and to take compassion on a nation
once acknowledged as an ally; and driven to madness, they would not say
by ill treatment, but undoubtedly by their sufferings.” That the
Ætolians “had not in Antiochus’ war deserved a larger share of
punishment than they had of reward in that against Philip. That neither
then was compensation liberally made them, nor ought punishment now to
be inflicted on them in an immoderate degree.” To this the consul
answered, that “the Ætolians had sued for peace often, rather than ever
with sincere intentions. Let them in soliciting peace imitate Antiochus,
whom they had drawn into the war. He had ceded, not the few cities whose
liberty was the ground of the dispute, but an opulent kingdom, all Asia
on this side Mount Taurus. That he (the consul) would not listen to the
Ætolians, treating concerning peace, unless they laid down their arms.
That, in the first place, their arms and all their horses must be
delivered up; and in the next place, one thousand talents[17] of silver
must be paid to the Roman people; half of which sum must be laid down
immediately, if they wished for peace. To these articles he would add
when concluding the treaty, that they must have the same allies and the
same enemies as the Roman people.”

9. To which demands the ambassadors having made no reply, both because
they were severe, and because they knew the spirit of their country to
be unbroken and changeable, returned home, that they might again and
again, while the thing was undecided, consult the prætor and chiefs as
to what was to be done. They were received with clamour and reproaches,
and were asked “how long would they protract the matter, though
commanded to bring with them a peace of some kind or other?” But as they
were going back to Ambracia, they were caught in an ambuscade, laid near
the road by the Acarnanians, with whom they were at war, and carried to
Thyrium to be confined. The delay arising from this incident interrupted
the negotiations. When the ambassadors of the Athenians and Rhodians,
who had come to intercede for them, were now with the consul, Amynander
also, king of Athamania, having obtained a safe-conduct, had come into
the Roman camp, being more concerned for the city of Ambracia, where he
had spent the greatest part of his exile, than for the nation of the
Ætolians. When the consul was informed by them of the accident which had
befallen the ambassadors, he ordered them to be brought from Thyrium;
and on their arrival they began to treat concerning peace. Amynander, as
that was his principal object, laboured assiduously to persuade the
Ambracians to capitulate. When he made but little progress in this,
while he was coming under the walls and conferring with their chiefs, he
at last, with the consul’s permission, went into the city; where, partly
by arguments, partly by entreaties, he prevailed on them to surrender
themselves to the Romans. Caius Valerius, the son of Lævinus, who was
the first that had made a treaty of alliance with that nation, the
brother of the consul, born of the same mother, eminently aided the
Ætolians. The Ambracians, having first stipulated that they might send
away the auxiliary Ætolians in safety, opened their gates. Then the
Ætolians stipulated that “they should pay five hundred Euboic
talents,[18] two hundred of this sum at present, and three hundred at
six equal annual payments; that they should deliver up to the Romans the
prisoners and deserters; that they should not subject any city to their
jurisdiction, which, since the first coming of Titus Quintius into
Greece, had either been taken by the arms of the Romans, or voluntarily
entered into alliance with them: and that the island of Cephallenia
should be excluded from the treaty.” Although these terms were more
moderate than they themselves had expected, yet the Ætolians begged
permission to lay them before the council, which request was granted. A
short discussion about the cities engaged the council. Since they had
been for some time under their laws, they bore with pain that they
should be torn off, as it were, from their body. However, they
unanimously voted that the terms of peace should be accepted. The
Ambracians presented the consul with a golden crown of one hundred and
fifty pounds’ weight. The brazen and marble statues and paintings, with
which Ambracia was more richly decorated than any other city in that
country, since it was the royal residence of Pyrrhus, were all removed
and carried away; but nothing else was injured or even touched.

10. The consul, marching into the interior parts of Ætolia, encamped at
Amphilochian Argos, twenty-two miles from Ambracia. Here, at length, the
Ætolian ambassadors arrived, the consul in the mean time wondered at the
cause of their delay. Then, after he heard that the council of the
Ætolians had approved of the terms of peace, having ordered them to go
to Rome to the senate, and having permitted the Athenian and Rhodian
mediators to go with them, and appointed his brother, Caius Valerius, to
accompany them, he himself passed over to Cephallenia. The ambassadors
found the ears and minds of all the principal people at Rome
prepossessed by charges made against them by Philip, who, by complaining
both by ambassadors and by letters, that Dolopia, Amphilochia, and
Athamania had been forcibly taken from him, that his garrison, and at
last even his son Perseus, had been driven out of Amphilochia, had
turned away the senate from their entreaties. The Athenians and Rhodians
were, nevertheless, heard with attention. An Athenian ambassador, Leon,
son of Icesias, is said to have even affected them much by his
eloquence. Making use of a common simile, and comparing the multitude of
the Ætolians to a calm sea, when it comes to be ruffled by the winds, he
said, that “as long as they faithfully adhered to the alliance with
Rome, they rested in the calm state natural to nations; but that when
Thoas and Dicæarchus began to blow from Asia, Menetas and Damocrites
from Europe, then was raised that storm which dashed them on Antiochus
as on a rock.”

11. The Ætolians, after being a long time buffeted about, at length
prevailed to have articles of peace concluded. They were these:—“Let the
Ætolian nation, without fraud or deceit, maintain the empire and majesty
of the Roman people; let them not suffer to pass through their
territories, nor, in any manner whatever, aid or assist any army that
shall march against the allies and friends of the Romans; let them have
the same enemies as the Roman people; let them bear arms against them,
and take a share in their wars; let them deliver up the deserters,
fugitives, and prisoners, to the Romans and their allies, excepting such
as were prisoners before, who having returned home, were afterwards
captured; and also such as, at the time of their being taken, were
enemies to Rome, while the Ætolians were in the Roman army. Let such of
the others as can be found be delivered up, without reserve, to the
magistrates of Corcyra, within one hundred days; and such as cannot now
be found, as soon as they shall be discovered. Let them give forty
hostages at the discretion of the Roman consul, none younger than twelve
years nor older than forty; let neither the prætor, nor the general of
the horse, nor the public secretary, be a hostage; nor any person who
has before been a hostage in the hands of the Romans. Let Cephallenia be
excluded from these articles.” With respect to the sum of money which
they were to pay, and the mode of payment, no alteration was made in the
arrangement which had been made by the consul. If they chose to give
gold instead of silver, it was agreed that they might do so, provided
that one piece of gold should be deemed equivalent to ten of silver of
the same weight. “Whatever cities, whatever lands, whatever men have
been formerly under the jurisdiction of the Ætolians, and have, either
in the consulate of Titus Quintius and Publius Ælius, or since their
consulate, been subdued by the arms of the Roman people, or have made a
voluntary submission to them, the Ætolians are not to reclaim. The
Œnians, with their city and lands, are to belong to the Acarnanians.” On
these conditions was the treaty concluded with the Ætolians.

12. Not only in the same summer, but almost at the very time in which
these acts were performed by Marcus Fulvius the consul in Ætolia, the
other consul, Cneius Manlius, carried on war in Gallogræcia; the
progress of which I shall now relate. In the beginning of spring the
consul came to Ephesus, and having received the command of the army from
Lucius Scipio, and reviewed the troops, he made an harangue to the
soldiers; in which, having praised their bravery in having completely
conquered Antiochus in a single battle, he encouraged them to undertake
a new war against the Gauls, who had supported Antiochus with
auxiliaries, and were, besides, of such untractable tempers, that
Antiochus was to no purpose removed beyond the range of Mount Taurus,
unless the power of the Gauls was broken; he then spoke briefly of
himself, in terms neither ill-grounded nor extravagant. The delighted
soldiers heard the consul with frequent bursts of applause, considering
the Gauls as having been a part of the strength of Antiochus; and that,
since that king had been vanquished, there would be no power in the
forces of the Gauls, by themselves. The consul judged that Eumenes was
absent at an unseasonable time, (he was then at Rome,) as he was well
acquainted with the nature of the country and of the inhabitants, and as
it was his interest that the power of the Gauls should be broken. He
therefore sends for his brother Attalus, from Pergamus, and having
exhorted him to undertake the war in conjunction with him, he sends
him, away to make preparations, after promising his own exertions and
those of his countrymen. A few days after, Attalus with one thousand
foot and two hundred horse, having ordered his brother Athenæus to
follow with the rest of the troops, and committed the care of Pergamus
to persons whom he knew to be faithful to his brother and to his
government, met the consul, who had marched from Ephesus to Magnesia.
The consul, after highly commending the young prince, having advanced
with all his forces, encamped on the bank of the Mæander, for as that
river could not be forded, it was necessary to collect shipping for
carrying over the army.

13. Having passed the Mæander, they came to Hiera Come.[19] In this
place there is a magnificent temple, and oracle of Apollo; the priests
are said to deliver their responses in verses by no means inelegant.
Hence, in two days’ march they reached the river Harpasus; whither came
ambassadors from Alabandæ, entreating the consul, either by his
authority or his arms, to compel a fort, which had lately revolted from
it, to return to its former allegiance. To the same place came Athenæus
the brother of Eumenes, and Attalus, with Leusus, a Cretan, and
Corragos, a Macedonian commander. They brought with them one thousand
foot and three hundred horse, composed of various nations. The consul,
having sent a military tribune with a small party, took the fort by
assault, and restored it to the Alabandians. He himself, not deviating
from his route, pitched his camp at Antioch on the Mæander. The source
of this river is in Celænæ, which city was formerly the metropolis of
Phrygia. The inhabitants afterwards removed to a spot not far distant
from Old Celænæ, and the name of Apama was given to their new city, from
Apama the sister of king Seleucus. The river Marsyas also, rising at a
little distance from the head of the Mæander, falls into the latter
river, and report so has it, that at Celænæ Marsyas contended with
Apollo in the music of the pipe. The Mæander, springing up in the
highest part of the citadel of Celænæ, runs down through the middle of
the city, then through Caria, afterwards through Ionia, and empties
itself into a bay which lies between Priene and Miletus. Seleucus, son
of Antiochus, came into the consul’s camp at Antioch, to furnish corn
for the troops, in conformity with the treaty with Scipio. Here a small
dispute arose, concerning the auxiliary troops of Attalus; for Seleucus
affirmed, that Antiochus engaged to supply corn to the Roman soldiers
only. This difference was terminated by the firmness of the consul, who
gave orders to a tribune despatched by him, that the Roman soldiers
should receive none, until the auxiliaries under Attalus should have
received their share. From hence the army advanced to Gordiutichos,[20]
as they call it: from which place it marched, in three days, to Tabæ.
This city stands on the confines of Pisidia, in that part which verges
to the Pamphylian sea. Whilst the strength of that country was
unimpaired, it produced valiant warriors: and even on this occasion,
their horsemen, sallying out on the Roman troops, caused by their first
onset no small confusion; then, as soon as it appeared that they were
not equal to them either in numbers or bravery, being driven back to the
city, they begged pardon for their transgressions, and offered to
surrender the city. They were ordered to pay twenty-five talents of
silver,[21] and ten thousand bushels of wheat; and on these terms their
surrender was accepted.

14. On the third day after their leaving this place, the army reached
the river Chaus, and proceeding thence, took the city of Eriza at the
first assault. They then came to Thabusios, a fort standing on the bank
of the river Indus, to which an elephant’s guide thrown from the animal
had given its name. They were now not far from Cibyra, yet no embassy
appeared from Moagetes, the tyrant of that state; a man faithless and
tyrannical in every respect. The consul, in order to sound his
intentions, sent forward Caius Helvius, with four thousand foot and five
hundred horse. Ambassadors met this body on their entrance into his
territories, declaring, that the king was ready to execute their
commands. They entreated Helvius to enter their confines in a friendly
manner, and to restrain his soldiers from plundering the land; and they
brought with them in lieu of a golden crown fifteen talents. Helvius,
having promised to keep their lands safe from plunderers, ordered the
ambassadors to go on to the consul. And when they delivered the same
message to him, the consul said, “We Romans have not any sign of the
tyrant’s good will towards us, and we are agreed that he is such a
person that we ought rather to think of punishing him than of
contracting friendship with him.” Struck with astonishment at such a
reception, the ambassadors requested nothing more than that he should
receive the present, and give permission to the tyrant to come to him,
and an opportunity to speak and excuse himself. By the permission of the
consul, the tyrant came next day into the camp. His dress and retinue
were scarcely equal to the style of a private person of moderate
fortune; while his discourse was humble and incoherent, depreciating his
own wealth and complaining of the poverty of the cities under his sway.
He had under his dominion, (beside Cibyra,) Syleum, and the city called
Alimne. Out of these he promised (in such a manner as if he were
diffident that he could strip himself and his subjects of so much) to
raise twenty-five talents.[22] “Truly,” said the consul, “this trifling
cannot be borne. It is not enough for you that you did not blush, though
absent, when you were imposing on us by your ambassadors; but even when
present you persist in the same effrontery. Is it that twenty-five
talents would exhaust your dominions? If within three days you do not
pay down five hundred talents,[23] expect the devastation of your lands
and the siege of your city.” Although terrified by this menace, he
persisted obstinately in his plea of poverty; gradually by illiberal
advances, (sometimes cavilling, sometimes recurring to prayers and
counterfeit tears,) he was brought to agree to the payment of one
hundred talents,[24] to which, were added ten thousand bushels of corn.
All this was done within six days.

15. From Cibyra the army was led through the territory of the
Sindensians, and, after crossing the river Caularis, encamped. Next day
they marched along the side of the lake of Caralitis, and passed the
night at Mandropolis. As they advanced to the next city, Lagos, the
inhabitants fled through fear. The place being deserted, yet filled with
abundance of every thing, was pillaged by the soldiers. From this they
marched to the sources of the river Lysis, and on the next day to the
river Cobulatus. At this time the Termessians were besieging the citadel
of the Isiondensians, after having taken the city. The besieged, when
they had no other hope of aid, sent ambassadors to the consul,
imploring succour; adding, that, “being shut up in the citadel, with
their wives and children, they were in daily expectation of suffering
death, either by the sword or famine.” An occasion for turning aside to
Pamphylia was thereby offered to the consul, who was very desirous of
it. By his approach he raised the siege of Isionda. He granted peace to
Termessus on receiving fifty talents of silver;[25] and, likewise, to
the Aspendians and other states of Pamphylia. Returning from Pamphylia
he pitched his camp, the first day, at the river Taurus, and the second
at Come Xyline,[26] as they call it. Departing from which, he proceeded,
by uninterrupted marches, to the city of Cormasa. The next city was
Darsa, which he found abandoned by the inhabitants through fear, but
filled with abundance of every thing useful. Ambassadors from Lysinoe,
with the surrender of that state, met him while marching along the
marshes. He then came into the Sagalassenian territory, rich and
abounding in every kind of production. The inhabitants are Pisidians,
the best soldiers, by far, of any in that part of the world. This
circumstance, as well as the fertility of their soil, the multitude of
their people, and the situation of their city, preeminently fortified,
gave them boldness. The consul sent a party to ravage the country,
because no embassy attended him on the frontiers. Then, at length, their
obstinacy was overcome, as soon as they saw their property carried off
and driven away. After sending ambassadors, and agreeing to pay fifty
talents, with twenty thousand bushels of wheat and twenty thousand of
barley, they obtained peace. The consul then marched to the source of
the Obrima, and encamped at a village called Come Acaridos.[27] Hither
Seleucus came, next day, from Apamea. Then when the consul had sent the
sick and the useless baggage to Apamea, having received guides from
Seleucus, he marched that day into the plain of Metropolis, and advanced
on the day following to Diniæ in Phrygia, and thence to Synnas; all the
towns on every side being deserted by the inhabitants through fear. And
now, bringing along his army encumbered with the spoil of those cities,
after scarcely completing in a whole day a march of five miles, he
arrived at a town called Old Beudi. Next day he encamped at Anabura; on
the following, at the source of the Alander, and on the third at
Abassus, where he halted for several days, because he arrived at the
borders of the Tolistoboians.

16. These Gauls, in a very numerous body, induced either by scarcity of
land or hopes of plunder, and thinking that no nation through which they
were to pass would be a match for them in arms, made their way under the
command of Brennus into Dardania. There a dissension arose, and about
twenty thousand men under the chieftains Leonorius and Lutarius, a
secession being made from Brennus, turned their route to Thrace. Then
when, fighting with such as resisted them, and imposing a tribute on
such as sued for peace, they had arrived at Byzantium, they held
possession for a long time of the cities in that quarter, laying the
coast of the Propontis under contribution. Then a desire of passing over
into Asia seized them, hearing in the neighbourhood how great the
fertility of that continent was; and, having taken Lysimachia by
treachery, and possessed themselves of the whole Chersonesus by force of
arms, they went down to the Hellespont. When they there beheld Asia
separated from them by a narrow strait, their wishes to pass into it
were much more highly inflamed, and they despatched envoys to Antipater,
governor of that coast, to treat of a passage. And when, business being
protracted to a greater length than they expected, a new quarrel broke
out between their chieftains, Leonorius, with the greater part of the
people, went back to Byzantium, whence they came: Lutarius takes two
decked ships and three barks from some Macedonians, sent by Antipater,
under the pretext of an embassy, to act as spies. By carrying over in
these galleys detachment after detachment, day and night, he transported
all his troops within a few days. Not long after, Leonorius, with the
assistance of Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, passed over from Byzantium.
The Gauls then re-united their forces, and assisted Nicomedes in a war
which he was carrying on against Zybœta, who held possession of a part
of Bithynia. By their assistance chiefly Zybœta was subdued, and the
whole of Bithynia reduced under the dominion of Nicomedes. Then leaving
Bithynia, they advanced into Asia; and although, of their twenty
thousand men, not more than ten thousand carried arms, yet such a degree
of terror did they strike into all the natives, dwelling on this side of
Taurus, that those which they visited, and those which they did not
visit, the most remote as well as the nearest, submitted to their
authority. At length as there were three tribes of them, the
Tolistoboians, the Trocmians, and the Tectosagians, they made a division
of Asia into three provinces, according to which it was made tributary
to each of their states. The coast of the Hellespont was assigned to the
Trocmians; the Tolistoboians obtained of the allotment Æolia and Ionia;
the Tectosagians received the inland parts of Asia. They levied tribute
throughout every part of Asia on this side Mount Taurus; but chose their
own residence on the banks of the river Halys; and so great was the
terror of their name, their numbers, too, increasing by a rapid
population, that at last even the kings of Syria did not refuse to pay
them tribute. The first of all the inhabitants of Asia who refused, was
Attalus, the father of king Eumenes; and beyond the expectation of all,
fortune favoured his bold resolution, and he defeated them in a pitched
battle; yet he did not so effectually break their spirits, as to make
them give up their pretensions to empire. Their power continued the same
until the war between Antiochus and the Romans; and, even then, after
Antiochus was expelled the country, they still entertained a hope, that,
as they lived remote from the sea, the Roman army would not come so far.

17. As the troops were about to act against this enemy, so terrible to
all in that part of the world, the consul, in an assembly, addressed the
soldiers for the most part to this effect: “It does not escape me, that,
of all the nations inhabiting Asia, the Gauls are pre-eminent for
military fame. A fierce nation, after overrunning the face of the earth
with its arms, has fixed its abode in the midst of a race of men the
gentlest in the world. Their tall persons, their long red hair, their
vast shields, and swords of enormous length; their songs also, when they
are advancing to action, their yells and dances, and the horrid clashing
of their armour, while they brandish their shields in a peculiar manner,
practised in their original country; all these circumstances are
preconcerted to inspire terror. But let Greeks, and Phrygians, and
Carians, to whom these things are unusual and strange, be frightened by
such acts: to the Romans, accustomed to Gallic tumults, even these vain
efforts to strike terror are known. Once our ancestors fled from them,
but it was long ago, when they first met them at the Allia. Ever since
that time, for, now, two hundred years, the Romans drive them before
them in dismay, and kill them like cattle; there have, indeed, been more
triumphs celebrated over the Gauls, than over almost all the rest of the
world. It is now well known by experience, that if you sustain their
first onset, which they make with fiery eagerness and blind fury, their
limbs are unnerved with sweat and fatigue; their arms flag; and, though
you should not employ a weapon on them, the sun, dust, and thirst
prostrate their enervated bodies and minds when their fury has ceased.
We have tried them, not only with our legions against theirs, but in
single combat, man to man. Titus Manlius and Marcus Valerius have
demonstrated how far Roman valour surpasses Gallic fury. Marcus Manlius,
singly, thrust back the Gauls who were mounting the Capitol in a body.
Our forefathers had to deal with genuine Gauls, born in their own lands;
but they are now degenerate, a mongrel race, and, in reality, what they
are named, Gallogræcians; just as is the case of vegetables and cattle,
the seeds are not so efficacious in preserving their original
constitution, as the properties of the soil and climate under which they
are reared, are in changing it. The Macedonians who settled at
Alexandria in Egypt, or in Seleucia, or Babylonia, or in any other of
their colonies scattered over the world, have sunk into Syrians,
Parthians, or Egyptians. Marseilles, owing to its situation in the midst
of Gauls, has contracted somewhat of the disposition of its adjoining
neighbours. What of the hardy, rugged discipline of Sparta hath remained
to the Tarentines? Every thing is produced in higher perfection in its
own native soil; whatever is planted in a foreign land, by a gradual
change in its nature, degenerates into that by which it is nurtured.
Therefore you, victorious, will slay the conquered Phrygians, though
laden with Gallic armour, as you slew them in the ranks of Antiochus. I
am more apprehensive of our gaining but little honour from the victory,
than of the struggle being a severe one. King Attalus often routed and
put them to flight. Do you think that brutes only, when taken, retain at
first their natural ferocity, and subsequently grow tame, after being
long fed by the hands of men; and that nature does not exert the same
power in softening the savage disposition of men. Do you believe these
to be of the same kind that their fathers and grandfathers were? Exiles
from home through scarcity of land, they marched along the craggy coast
of Illyricum, then traversed Pæonia and Thrace, in a continual struggle
against the fiercest nations, and took possession of these countries. A
land which could glut them with plenty of every thing, received them
hardened and infuriated by so many evils. By the very great fertility of
the soil, the very great mildness of the climate, and the gentle
dispositions of the neighbouring nations, all that fierceness with which
they came has been quite mollified. You, by Hercules, who are the sons
of Mars, ought to guard against the seductions of Asia, and shun them
from the very first; so great is the power of those foreign pleasures in
extinguishing the vigour of the mind, so strong the contagion from the
relaxed discipline and manners of the people about you. One thing has
happened fortunately; that though they will not bring against you a
degree of strength by any means equal to what they formerly possessed,
yet they still retain a character among the Greeks equal to what they
had at their first coming; consequently you, when victors, will acquire
the same warlike renown, as if you had conquered the Gauls still acting
up to their ancient standard of courage.”

18. Having then dismissed the assembly, and having despatched
ambassadors to Eposognatus, (who alone of all the petty princes had
remained in friendship with Eumenes, and refused to assist Antiochus
against the Romans,) he proceeded on his march. He came the first day to
the river Alander, and the next to a village called Tyscos. When
ambassadors of the Oroandensians had come to that place, seeking amity,
two hundred talents[28] were levied on them; and on their requesting
that they might bear this announcement home, permission to do so was
given. The consul then led the army to Plitendos; then the Roman camp
was pitched at Alyatti. The persons sent to Eposognatus returned to him
here, and with them ambassadors from that chieftain, who entreated him
not to make war on the Tolistoboians, for that Eposognatus himself would
go among that people and persuade them to submit. This request of the
prince was complied with. The army then began to march through the
country called Axylos:[29] which derives its name from the nature of the
place; for it not only does not produce timber, but not even brambles,
or any species of fire-wood. The inhabitants, instead of wood, use cow
dung. While the Romans were encamped at Cuballum, a fort of Gallogræcia,
the enemy’s cavalry appeared with great tumult. They not only disordered
by their sudden charge the advanced guards of the Romans, but killed
several of the men; and when this alarm was spread to the camp, the
Roman cavalry, pouring out hastily by all the gates, routed and
dispersed the Gauls, and killed many as they fled. The consul, now
perceiving that he had reached the enemy’s country, marched henceforth
exploring his route and carefully bringing up his rear. When by
continued marches he had arrived at the river Sangarius, he set about
constructing a bridge, because no where was there a passage by a ford.
The Sangarius, running from the mountain of Adoreus, through Phrygia,
joins the river Thymbris at the confines of Bithynia. After doubling its
quantity of water by this junction, it proceeds in a more copious stream
through Bithynia, and empties itself into the Euxine Sea. Yet it is not
so remarkable for the size of its current, as for the vast quantity of
fish which it supplies to the people in its vicinity. When the bridge
was finished, and the army had passed the river, as they were marching
along the bank, the Gallic priests of the Great Mother, coming from
Pessinus with the symbols of their office, met them; who, in inspired
rhymes, foretold that the goddess would grant the Romans a safe passage,
success in the war, and the empire over that country. When the consul
had said that he embraced the omen, he pitched his camp on that very
spot. On the following day he arrived at Gordium. This is not a large
town, but a mart more frequented and noted than an inland town generally
is. It has three seas nearly at equal distances from it, that at the
Hellespont, that at Sinope, and that at the shore of the opposite coast,
in which the maritime Cilicians dwell. It is also contiguous to the
borders of many and great nations, the commerce of which has been
centred by mutual convenience principally in this place. The Romans
found the town deserted owing to the flight of the inhabitants, yet at
the same time filled with plenty of every thing. While they halted here,
ambassadors came from Eposognatus, with information that “he had applied
to the petty princes of the Gauls, and had been unable to bring them to
reason; that they were removing in crowds from the villages and lands in
the open country; and, with their wives and children, carrying and
driving whatever could be carried or driven, were going to Mount
Olympus, that there they might defend themselves by their arms and the
nature of the ground.”

19. Deputies from the Oroandensians afterwards brought more particular
intelligence; that “the state of the Tolistoboians had seized Mount
Olympus, but that the Tectosagians, taking a different route, were gone
to another mountain called Magaba; and that the Trocmians, leaving their
wives and children in charge with the Tectosagians, had resolved to
carry their armed force to the assistance of the Tolistoboians.” The
chieftains of the three states were at that time, Ortiagon,
Combolomarus, and Gaulotus; and this was their reason in particular for
choosing this mode of warfare, because as they had possession of the
highest mountains in that part of the world, and had conveyed thither
stores of every kind, sufficient for their consumption during the time,
although long, they thought that they would weary out the enemy by the
tediousness of the enterprise: “for neither would they dare to climb
over places so steep and uneven; and if they should attempt it, they
could be prevented and driven down, even by a small band; nor would
they, sitting in inactivity at the foot of the frosty mountains, endure
cold and hunger.” Although the height of their posts was in itself a
strong defence, yet they drew, besides, a trench and other
fortifications round the summits which they occupied. The least part of
their care was employed in providing a stock of missile weapons; for
they trusted that the rocky ground itself would furnish stones in
abundance.

20. The consul, as he had foreseen that the fight would not be hand to
hand, but at a distance, in the attack of the enemy’s post, had prepared
an immense quantity of javelins, light infantry, spears, arrows, balls
of lead, and small stones, fit to be thrown with slings. Furnished with
this stock of missile weapons, he marched towards Mount Olympus, and
encamped within five miles of it. On the next day, as he was advancing
with four hundred horse, and Attalus, to examine the nature of the
mountain and situation of the camp of the Gauls; a party of the enemy’s
cavalry, double in number to his, sallying from the camp, forced him to
take to flight. A few of his soldiers were killed in the flight, and
several wounded. On the third day, marching to explore the ground at the
head of all his cavalry, as none of the enemy advanced beyond their
fortifications, he rode round the mountain with safety, and saw that on
the south side the hills were composed of earth, and rose to a certain
height, with a gentle slope, but that on the north there was nothing but
steep and almost perpendicular cliffs; and that there were but three
practicable ways, almost all the others being impassable; one at the
middle of the mountain, where the ground was earthy, and two others,
both very difficult, one on the south-east, and the other on the
north-west. After taking a full view of all these places, he pitched his
camp that day close to the foot of the mountain. On the day following,
after that, offering sacrifice, he had received favourable auspices with
the first victims, he proceeds to lead his army, in three divisions,
against the enemy. He himself, with the greatest part of the forces,
marched up where the mountain afforded the easiest ascent. He ordered
his brother, Lucius Manlius, to ascend on the south-east side, as far as
the ground allowed him to do so with safety; but if any dangerous and
steep precipices should lie in his way, then not to contend with the
unfavourable nature of the place, or attempt to conquer insuperable
obstacles, but by a slope across the mountain to incline towards him,
and join the body under his command; and he directed Caius Helvius, with
the third division, to march round leisurely, by the foot of the
mountain, and to climb the hill on the north-east. The auxiliary troops
of Attalus he distributed equally among the three divisions, ordering
the young prince to accompany him. The cavalry and elephants he left in
the plain, at the foot of the hills; orders were given to the prefects
to watch attentively every thing that should happen, and to be
expeditious in bringing succour wherever circumstances should require
it.

21. The Gauls, (thoroughly satisfied that the ground on their two flanks
was impassable,) in order to secure, by arms, the ascent on the side
which was situated towards the south, sent about four thousand soldiers
to keep possession of a hill which hung over the road, at the distance
of near a mile from their camp; hoping that they might stop the enemies’
progress by this as by a fortress. Which when the Romans saw, they
prepared for battle. The light infantry marched a little in advance of
the line, supported by draughts from Attalus’s troops, composed of the
Cretan archers and slingers, the Trallians and Thracians. The battalions
of infantry, as the ground was steep, marched at a slow pace, holding
their shields before them, merely to ward off missile weapons, as they
did not seem likely to fight in a close engagement. The fight commenced
with the missile weapons, at the proper interval, and was at first
equal, as the situation aided the Gauls, the variety and abundance of
weapons, the Romans. But, as the contest advanced, there was no longer
any equality: their shields, long, but too narrow for the breadth of
their bodies, and besides being flat, ill protected the Gauls. Nor had
they now any other weapons except their swords, which they had no
opportunity of using, as the enemy did not come to close action. They
used stones, and these not of a proper size, as they had not previously
laid them up, but whatever came to the hand of each in his haste and
confusion, as persons unaccustomed generally do, aiding the blow neither
by skill nor strength. Incautiously exposing themselves, they were
transfixed on all sides by arrows, leaden balls, and darts; nor did they
know what to do, their minds being paralysed by rage and fear; and they
were engaged in a kind of fight for which they were least of all
qualified. For, as in a close encounter, where they can receive and give
wounds in turn, rage inflames their courage; so when they are wounded at
a distance, with light weapons from unknown hands, and have no object on
which they can rush in their blind fury, they rush forward at random,
like wounded wild beasts, often upon their own party. Their wounds were
more conspicuous because they always fight naked, and their bodies are
large and white, since they are never stripped except in battle; thus
more blood was poured from their large persons, and the cuts appeared
the more shocking, while the whiteness of their skins offered a stronger
contrast to the black blood. But they were not much moved by open
wounds. Sometimes they even cut off the skin, when the wound was more
broad than deep, thinking that in this condition they fought with the
greater glory. But when the point of an arrow or a ball, sinking deep in
the flesh, tormented them, with a wound small in appearance, and the
weapon did not come forth although they used every effort to extract it,
then they fell into fits of phrensy and shame, at being destroyed by so
small a hurt; and dashing themselves on the ground, they lay scattered
over the place. Some rushing against the enemy were overwhelmed with
darts; and when any of them came near, they were slain by the swords of
the light infantry. A soldier of this description carries a shield three
feet long, and, in his right hand, javelins, which he throws at a
distance. He is begirt with a Spanish sword, and when he must fight in
close encounter, having shifted his spears into his left hand, he draws
it. There were few of the Gauls now left; and these, seeing themselves
overpowered by the light infantry, and the battalions of the legions
advancing, fled in confusion to the camp, now full of tumult and dismay,
as the women, children, and others unfit to bear arms, were all crowded
together there. The hills, thus abandoned by the enemy, were seized by
the victorious Romans.

22. At this juncture, Lucius Manlius and Caius Helvius, having marched
up as high as the sloping hills allowed them to do, after they came to
insuperable steeps, turned towards that side of the mountain which alone
had a practicable ascent; and began, as if by concert, to follow the
consul’s party at a moderate distance; being driven by necessity to
adopt the plan, now, which would have been the best at the beginning.
For in such disadvantageous ground reserves have often been of the
utmost use; for instance, should the first line happen to be repulsed,
the second may both cover their retreat, and, being fresh, succeed to
their place in the fight. The consul, as soon as the vanguard of the
legions reached the hills taken by the light infantry, ordered the
troops to halt and take breath; at the same time he showed them the
bodies of the Gauls spread about the hills, asking them, “Since the
light troops had fought such a battle, what might be expected from the
legions, from a regular army, and from the spirit of the bravest
soldiers? They ought certainly to take the camp into which the enemy had
been driven in confusion by the light infantry.” He then orders the
light infantry to go forward, who, while the army halted, had not spent
their time in idleness, but in gathering weapons about the hills, that
there might be a sufficient supply of missiles. They now approached the
camp. The Gauls, lest their fortifications might not give them
sufficient protection, had posted themselves, in arms, on the outside of
the rampart. Then being overwhelmed with weapons of every description,
since in proportion as they were more numerous and crowded together, the
less likely were the weapons to fall between them without effect, they
were driven in an instant within their trenches, leaving only strong
guards at the entrances of the gates. Against the crowd that fled into
the camp a vast quantity of missile weapons was discharged, and the
shouts, intermixed with lamentations of the women and children, showed
that great numbers were wounded. The first line of the legions hurled
their javelins against those who were posted to guard the gate; these,
however, were not wounded, but most of them, having their shields
pierced through, were entangled and fastened together, nor did they
longer withstand the attack.

23. The gates being now open, a flight of the Gauls in every direction
from the camp took place before the victors could burst in. They rushed
on blindly through passable and impassable places; no craggy cliffs, nor
even perpendicular rocks, stopped them; they feared nothing but the
enemy. Great numbers, therefore, falling down precipices of vast height,
were either maimed or killed. The consul, taking possession of the camp,
restrained the soldiers from plunder and booty; he orders every one to
pursue with his utmost speed, to press on the enemy, and to increase
their panic while they were in dismay. The other party, under Lucius
Manlius, now came up. These he did not suffer to enter the camp, but
sent them forward in the pursuit, and followed shortly in person, after
committing the guard of the prisoners to some military tribunes: for he
thought that the war would be finished, if in that consternation the
greatest possible number should be slain or taken prisoners. After the
consul’s departure, Caius Helvius arrived, with the third division: he
was not able to prevent their sacking the camp; and, by a most unjust
dispensation, the booty fell into the hands of men who had not had any
concern in the action. The cavalry stood for a long time ignorant of the
fight, and of the success of their army. At last, they also, as far as
they could ascend the hills on horseback, pursuing the Gauls, (who were
now dispersed round the foot of the mountain,) either killed or made
prisoners of them. The number of the slain could not easily be
ascertained because the flight and slaughter were widely extended
through all the windings of the mountains; and a great number fell from
impassable cliffs into cavities of prodigious depth; others were killed
in the woods and thickets. Claudius, who mentions two battles on Mount
Olympus, asserts, that forty-thousand fell in them; yet Valerius Antias,
who is generally addicted to great exaggeration on the point of numbers,
says, not more than ten thousand. The number of prisoners undoubtedly
amounted to forty thousand, because the Gauls had dragged along with
them a crowd of people of all descriptions and of all ages, like men
removing to another country, rather than going out to war. The consul,
having burnt the arms of the enemy collected in one heap, then ordered
all to bring together the rest of the booty, and either sold that
portion which was to be applied to the use of the public, or distributed
the remainder among the soldiers, taking care that the shares should be
as just as possible. They were all praised in a public assembly, and
presented with gifts each according to his merit; Attalus was
distinguished above all, with the general approbation of the rest. For
not only were the courage and activity of that young prince conspicuous
in undergoing dangers and fatigue, but also the modesty of his
deportment.

24. The war with the Tectosagians remained still in its original state.
The consul, marching against them, arrived, on the third day, at Ancyra,
a city remarkable in those parts, from which the enemy were but a little
more than ten miles distant. While his camp lay there, a memorable
action was performed by a female. Among many other captives, the wife of
the Gallic chieftain Ortiagon, a woman of exquisite beauty, was strictly
guarded, and a centurion, possessing the lust and avarice usual among
military men, commanded this guard. He, first, endeavoured to learn her
sentiments; but, finding that she abhorred the thought of voluntary
prostitution, he offered violence to her person, which by the decree of
fortune was his slave. Afterwards, in order to soothe her indignation at
the insult, he gives the lady hope of a return to her friends; and not
even that gratuitously, like a lover. He stipulated for a certain weight
of gold, but, being unwilling to have any of his countrymen privy to it,
he gave her leave to send any one of the prisoners, whom she chose, as a
messenger to her friends. He appointed a spot near the river, to which
two of this woman’s friends, and not more, were to come with the gold
in the night following, to receive her. It happened that among the
prisoners under the same guard was a servant of the lady; the centurion,
as soon as it grew dark, conveyed this messenger beyond the advanced
posts. Her friends came to the place at the appointed time, likewise the
centurion with his prisoner. Here, on their producing the gold, which
mounted to an Attic talent, for he had stipulated for that sum the lady
in her own language ordered them to draw their swords, and kill the
centurion, while he was weighing the gold. She herself, bearing wrapped
up in her garment the head of the slain centurion, detached from the
trunk, reached her husband Ortiagon, who had fled home from Olympus. And
before she would embrace him, she threw down the centurion’s head at his
feet; and on his asking, with astonishment, whose head it was, and what
was the meaning of such a proceeding, so unaccountable in a female, she
acknowledged to her husband the injury committed on her person, and the
vengeance she had taken for the forcible violation of her chastity. She
maintained to the last, as it is said, by the purity and strictness of
the rest of her life, the glory of this achievement, so honourable to
her sex.

25. Envoys from the Tectosagians met the consul at Ancyra, entreating
him not to decamp until he had held a conference with their kings; that
any conditions of peace were in their opinion preferable to war. The
time fixed was the next day, and the place that which seemed the most
central between the camp of the Gauls and Ancyra. The consul came
thither at the appointed hour, with a guard of five hundred horse, but
seeing none of the Gauls there, returned into his camp: after which the
same envoys came again, with an apology, that their kings could not
come, since religious feelings deterred them; but that the principal men
of the nation would attend, and that the business might be as well
transacted by them. To which the consul answered, that he would send
Attalus on his part. To this meeting both parties came. When Attalus had
brought with him as an escort three hundred horse, the terms of peace
were proposed. As there could not be a conclusion to the affair in the
absence of the leaders, it was agreed, that the consul and the kings
should meet in the same place on the following day. The delay of the
Gauls had the following objects: first, to waste time, that they might
remove their effects, which they were unwilling to risk, and also their
wives and children, to the other side of the river Halys; and, secondly,
because they were framing a plot against the consul, who took no
precautions against treachery in the conference. They chose for this
purpose, out of all their number, one thousand horsemen of approved
intrepidity; and their treachery would have taken effect, had not
fortune exerted herself in favour of the law of nations, in violation of
which their plan was laid. The Roman parties, who went out for forage
and wood, were led towards that quarter where the conference was to be
held; for the tribunes judged that to be the safest course, as they
would have the consul’s escort, and himself, as a guard opposed to the
enemy. However, they posted another guard of their own, of six hundred
horse, nearer to the camp. The consul, being assured by Attalus that the
kings would come, and that the business might be concluded, having set
out from his camp with the same attendants as before, when he had
advanced about five miles, and was not far from the place appointed, he
saw, on a sudden, the Gauls coming on with hostile fury, and with their
horses at full gallop. He halted, and ordering his horsemen to make
ready their arms, and recall their courage, received the enemy’s first
charge with firmness, nor gave way. At length, when their numbers were
overpowering him, he began to retreat leisurely, without disturbing the
order of the troops, but at last, when there was more danger in delay
than protection in keeping their ranks, they all fled in hurry and
disorder. Then truly the Gauls pressed hard on them, dispersed, and
killed several; and a great part of them would have been cut off, had
not the six hundred horse, the guard of the foragers, come up to meet
them. These, on hearing, at a distance, the shout of dismay raised by
their friends, made ready their weapons and horses, and, being quite
fresh, renewed the fight after it was almost over. The fortune of the
battle, therefore, was instantly reversed, and dismay recoiled from the
conquered on the conquerors. At the first charge the Gauls were routed;
at the same time the foragers from the fields ran together towards the
spot, and an enemy was on every side of the Gauls in such a manner that
they could not have an easy or safe retreat, especially as the Romans
pursued on fresh horses, while theirs were fatigued. Few therefore
escaped; yet not one was taken; by far the greater part paid their
lives as a forfeit for having violated the faith of a conference. The
whole army of the Romans, with minds burning with rage, marched up, next
day, close to the enemy.

26. The consul, that no particular should escape his knowledge, spent
two days in examining the nature of the mountain with his own eyes. On
the third day, after taking the auspices, and then offering sacrifice,
he formed his troops in four divisions, that he might lead two up the
middle of the mountain, and direct the other two, one on each side,
against the wings of the Gauls. The main strength of the enemy, the
Tectosagians and Trocmians, amounting to fifty thousand men, formed the
centre of their line. They dismounted their cavalry, in number ten
thousand men, because horsemen could not act among the uneven rocks, and
placed them on the right wing. The Cappadocians of Ariarathes, with the
auxiliary troops of Morzes, on the left, made up almost four thousand.
The consul, having placed his light troops in the van, as he had done
before at Mount Olympus, took care that they should have ready at hand
the same abundance of weapons of every sort. When they approached the
enemy, all circumstances, on both sides, were the same as in the former
battle, excepting their spirits; those of the victors being elated by
their success, and those of the Gauls depressed; because, though they
themselves had not been defeated, yet they considered as their own, the
overthrow of people of their own race. The battle, therefore, commencing
under similar circumstances, had the same issue. The cloud, as it were,
of light weapons that were thrown, overwhelmed the army of the Gauls;
and, as none of them dared to charge forward from their ranks, for fear
of exposing all parts of their bodies to the blows, so while they stood
still, the closer they were together the more wounds they received, as
the assailants directed their weapons as if at a mark. The consul now
judged, that if he should once show the standards of the legions to them
already disordered, they would instantly turn about and fly; receiving,
therefore, the light infantry, and the rest of the auxiliaries, between
the ranks, he ordered the line to advance.

27. The Gauls, discouraged by the memory of the defeat of the
Tolistoboians, and carrying weapons sticking in their flesh, fatigued
also by long standing and wounds, were not able to support even the
first shout and onset of the Romans. Their flight was directed towards
their camp; only a few of them entered the trenches; the greater part,
passing by, on the right and left, fled whichever way each man’s giddy
haste carried him. The conquerors, following them to the camp, cut off
their rear; but then, through greediness for booty, they stopped in the
camp, and not one of them continued the pursuit. The Gauls in the wings
stood some time longer, because the Romans reached them at a later
period. But they did not endure even the first discharge of weapons. The
consul, as he could not draw off the men who had got into the camp for
plunder, sent forward those, who had been in the wings, to pursue the
enemy. They, accordingly, followed them a considerable way; yet, in the
pursuit, for there was no fight, they killed not more than eight
thousand men: the rest crossed the river Halys. A great part of the
Romans lodged that night in the enemy’s camp; the consul led back the
rest to his own. Next day, he took a review of the prisoners, and of the
booty, the quantity of which was as great as a nation most greedy of
rapine could amass, after holding possession, by force of arms, of all
the country on this side Mount Taurus, during a space of many years. The
Gauls, after this scattered and confused flight, re-assembled in one
place, a great part of them being wounded or unarmed, and as all were
destitute of every kind of property, they sent deputies to the consul,
to supplicate for peace. Manlius ordered them to attend him at Ephesus;
and, being in haste to quit those cold regions, in the vicinity of Mount
Taurus, as it was now the middle of autumn, he led back his victorious
army into winter quarters on the sea-coast.

28. During the time of those transactions in Asia, affairs were tranquil
in the other provinces. At Rome, the censors, Titus Quintius Flamininus
and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, read over the roll of the senate; Publius
Scipio Africanus was, a third time, declared prince of the senate, and
only four members were struck out, none of whom had held any curule
office. In their review of the knights, also, their censorship was very
mild. They contracted for the erection of a building in the Æquimælium,
on the capitoline mount, and for paving, with flint, a road from the
gate Capena to the temple of Mars. The Campanians consulted the senate
respecting the place where they should have their census; and an order
was passed that they should be rated at Rome. Extraordinary quantities
of rain fell this year; twelve times the Tiber overflowed the field of
Mars and the lower parts of the city. The war with the Gauls in Asia
having been brought to a conclusion by the consul Cneius Manlius, the
other consul, Marcus Fulvius, as the Ætolians were now completely
reduced, passed over to Cephallenia, and sent messengers round the
states of the island, to inquire whether they chose to submit to the
Romans, or to try the fortune of war. Fear prevailed so strongly on them
all, that they did not refuse to surrender. They gave the number of
hostages demanded, which was proportioned to the abilities of a weak
people, the Nesians, Cranians, Pallenians, and Samæans, giving twenty
each. An unhoped-for peace had now shone on Cephallenia, when one state,
the Samæans, suddenly revolted, from some motive not yet ascertained.
They said, that as their city was commodiously situated, they were
afraid that the Romans would compel them to remove from it. But whether,
they conceived this in their own minds, and, under the impulse of a
groundless fear, disturbed the general quiet, or whether, such a project
had been mentioned in conversation among the Romans, and reported to
them, nothing is ascertained, unless that after having given hostages
they suddenly shut their gates, and would not relinquish their design,
even for the prayers of their friends, whom the consul sent to the
walls, to try how far they might be influenced by compassion for their
parents and countrymen. When no pacific answer was given, the city began
to be besieged. The consul had all the apparatus, engines and machines,
which had been brought over from Ambracia; and the soldiers executed
with great diligence the works necessary to be formed. The rams were
therefore brought forward in two places, and began to batter the walls.

29. The townsmen omitted nothing by which the works or the motions of
the besiegers could be obstructed. But they resisted in two ways in
particular; one of which was to raise constantly, instead of the part of
the wall knocked down, a new wall of equal strength on the inside; and
the other was to make sudden sallies, at one time against the enemy’s
works, at another against his advanced guards; and in those attacks,
they generally got the better. The only plan that was invented to
confine them within the walls, though ineffectual, deserves to be
recorded. One hundred slingers were brought from Ægium, Patras, and
Dymæ. These men, according to the customary practice of that nation,
were exercised from their childhood in throwing with a sling, into the
open sea, the round pebbles, with which, mixed with sand, the shores
were generally strewn; therefore they cast weapons of that sort to a
greater distance, with surer aim, and more powerful effect, than even
the Balearian slingers. Besides, their sling does not consist merely of
a single strap, like the Balearic and that of other nations, but the
thong of the sling is three-fold, and made firm by several seams, that
the bullet may not, by the yielding of the strap in the act of throwing,
be let fly at random, but after sticking fast while whirled about, it
may be discharged as if sent from the string of a bow. Being accustomed
to drive their bullets through circular marks of small circumference,
placed at a great distance, they not only hit the enemy’s heads, but any
part of their face that they aimed at. These slings checked the Samæans
from sallying either so frequently or so boldly; insomuch that they
would, sometimes, from the walls, beseech the Achæans to retire for a
while, and be quiet spectators of their fight with the Roman guards.
Same supported a siege of four months. When some of their small number
were daily killed or wounded, and the survivors were, through continual
fatigues, greatly reduced both in strength and spirits, the Romans, one
night scaling the wall of the citadel, which they call Cyatides, (for
the city sloping towards the sea verges towards the west,) made their
way into the forum. The Samæans, on discovering that a part of the city
was taken, fled, with their wives and children, into the greater
citadel; but submitting next day, they were all sold as slaves, their
city being plundered.

30. As soon as he had settled the affairs of Cephallenia, the consul,
leaving a garrison in Same, sailed over to Peloponnesus, where the
Ægians and Lacedæmonians, chiefly, solicited his presence for a long
time. From the first institution of the Achæan council, the assemblies
of the nation had been held at Ægium, whether that was conceded to the
dignity of the city, or the commodiousness of its situation. This usage
Philopœmen first attempted to subvert in that year, and determined to
introduce an ordinance, that these should be held in rotation in every
one of the cities, which were members of the Achæan union; and a little
before the arrival of the consul, when the Demiurguses, who are the
chief magistrates in the states, summoned the representatives to Ægium,
Philopœmen, then prætor, by proclamation, appointed their meeting at
Argos. To which place when it was apparent that all would come, the
consul likewise, though he favoured the cause of the Ægians, went to
Argos, but, after there had been a debate, and he saw the scale turning
against the Ægians, he desisted from his undertaking. The Lacedæmonians
then drew his attention to their disputes. The exiles especially kept
that state in alarm: of whom great numbers resided in the maritime forts
on the coast of Laconia, all which had been taken from the
Lacedæmonians. At this the Lacedæmonians were deeply chagrined, and in
order that they might have some where a free access to the sea, if they
should have occasion to send ambassadors to Rome, or any other place,
and at the same time possess some mart and repository for foreign
merchandise, for their necessary demands, attacked in the night a
maritime village called Las, and seized it by surprise. The inhabitants,
and the exiles residing in the place, were terrified, at first, by the
sudden assault; but afterwards collecting in a body before day, after a
slight contest, they drove back the Lacedæmonians. A general alarm,
nevertheless, spread over the whole coast, and all the forts and
villages, with the exiles whose homes were there, united in sending a
common embassy to the Achæans.

31. The prætor, Philopœmen,—(who, from the beginning, had ever been a
friend to the cause of the exiles, and had always advised the Achæans to
reduce the power and influence of the Lacedæmonians,)—gave an audience
of the council to the ambassadors while making their complaints. There,
on a motion made by him, a decree was passed, that, “whereas Titus
Quintius and the Romans had committed their forts and villages, on the
coast of Laconia, to the protection and guardianship of the Achæans; and
whereas the Lacedæmonians, according to the treaty, ought to leave them
unmolested; notwithstanding which, the village of Las has been attacked
by them and bloodshed committed therein; therefore, unless the authors
and abettors of this outrage were delivered up to the Achæans, the
treaty would be considered as violated.” To demand those persons,
ambassadors were instantly despatched to Lacedæmon. This authoritative
injunction appeared to the Lacedæmonians so haughty and insolent, that
if their state had been in its ancient condition, they would
undoubtedly have taken to arms. But they were principally alarmed by
apprehensions, lest, if by obeying the first mandates they once received
the yoke, Philopœmen should put the exiles in possession of Lacedæmon, a
design which he had been a long time planning. Maddened therefore with
anger, they put to death thirty men of the faction which had held some
correspondence with Philopœmen and the exiles, and passed a decree, that
the alliance with the Achæans should be renounced, and that ambassadors
should be sent immediately to Cephallenia, to surrender Lacedæmon to the
consul Marcus Fulvius and the Romans, and beseech him to come into
Peloponnesus, and to receive Lacedæmon under the protection and dominion
of the Roman people.

32. When the Achæan ambassadors returned with an account of these
proceedings, war was declared against the Lacedæmonians, by a unanimous
vote of all the states of the confederacy; but the winter prevented its
being commenced immediately. However, the confines of the Lacedæmonians
were laid waste by small expeditions, more like freebooting than a
regular war, made not only by land, but also by ships at sea. This
commotion brought the consul into Peloponnesus, and, by his order, a
council being summoned at Elis, the Lacedæmonians were called on to
plead their own cause. There were not only violent debates then, but
even altercation. To which, the consul, although his answer had been
indecisive in other respects, since he encouraged both parties through a
very eager desire to please, put an end, by one decisive order, that
they should desist from hostilities, until they sent ambassadors to
Rome, to the senate. An embassy was despatched by both parties to Rome.
The Lacedæmonian exiles intrusted their cause and embassy to the
Achæans. Diophanes and Lycortas, both of them Megalopolitans, were at
the head of the Achæan embassy, who, being at variance in their own
republic, there also delivered speeches by no means in unison. Diophanes
was for leaving the determination of every point to the senate—that they
would best decide the controversies between the Achæans and
Lacedæmonians; while Lycortas, according to the instructions of
Philopœmen, required, that the senate should permit the Achæans to
execute their own decrees, made conformable to the treaty, and their
own laws; and that they should concede to them, uninfringed, the
liberty which they themselves had bestowed. The Achæan nation was, at
that time, in high esteem with the Romans; yet it was resolved, that no
alteration should be made respecting the Lacedæmonians; but the answer
given was so confused, that, while the Achæans understood it as full
permission given to them in relation to Lacedæmon, the Lacedæmonians
construed it, that unlimited power was not conceded to them.

33. The Achæans used this power in an immoderate and tyrannical manner.
Philopœmen is continued in office, and he, in the beginning of spring,
collecting an army, encamped in the territory of the Lacedæmonians, and
thence sent ambassadors to insist on their delivering up the authors of
the insurrection; promising, that if they complied, their state should
remain in peace, and that those persons should not suffer any
punishment, without having pleaded their cause. There was silence among
the rest through fear; but the persons demanded by name, declared that
they would voluntarily go, if their faith was pledged by the
ambassadors, that violence would not be resorted to, until their cause
were heard. Several other men, of illustrious characters, went along
with them, both as supporters of those private individuals, and because
they thought their cause concerned the public interest. The Achæans had
never before brought the Lacedæmonian exiles into the country, because
they knew that nothing would disgust the people so much; but now, the
vanguard of almost their whole army was composed of them. When the
Lacedæmonians came to the gate of the camp, these men met them in a
body, and, first, began to provoke them with insulting language; a
wrangle then ensuing, and their passions being inflamed, the most
furious of the exiles made an attack on the Lacedæmonians. While these
appealed to the gods, and the faith of the ambassadors; and while the
ambassadors and the prætor were driving back the crowd, and protecting
the Lacedæmonians, and were keeping back some who were already binding
them in chains,—the multitude was increasing, owing to a tumult having
been excited. The Achæans, at first, ran thither to view the spectacle;
but then the exiles, with loud clamours, complained of the sufferings
that they had undergone, implored assistance, and at the same time
insisted, that they would never have such an opportunity if they
neglected this; that the treaties, solemnly ratified in the Capitol, at
Olympia, and in the citadel of Athens, had been rendered void by these
men; and that before they should be bound by a new treaty, the guilty
ought to be punished. The multitude being inflamed by these expressions,
at the voice of one who called out that they should fall on, attacked
them with stones; and seventeen persons, who, during the disturbance,
had been put in chains, were killed. The next day, sixty-three, whom the
prætor had protected from violence, not because he wished them safe, but
because he was unwilling that they should perish without a defence,
being taken into custody, and brought before an enraged multitude, after
addressing a few words to such prejudiced ears, were all condemned and
executed.

34. After this fear had been inspired, orders were sent to the
Lacedæmonians, first, that they should demolish their walls; then, that
all the foreign auxiliaries, who had served for pay under the tyrants,
should quit the Laconian territories; then, that the slaves, whom the
tyrants had set free, who amounted to a great multitude, should depart
before a certain day; that the Achæans should be authorized to seize,
sell, and carry away those who might remain in the country. That they
should abrogate the laws and customs of Lycurgus, and adopt the laws and
institutions of the Achæans; that thus all would become one body, and
concord would be established among them. They obeyed none of these
injunctions more willingly than that of demolishing the walls, nor
suffered any with more reluctance than the restoration of the exiles. A
decree for their restoration was made at Tegea, in a general council of
the Achæans; where, an account being brought, that the foreign
auxiliaries had been sent away, and that the newly-registered
Lacedæmonians (so they called the slaves who were enfranchised by the
tyrants) had left the city and dispersed through the country, it was
resolved, that, before the army was disbanded, the prætor should go with
some light troops, and, seizing that description of people, sell them as
spoil. Great numbers were accordingly seized, and sold; and with that
money a portico at Megalopolis, which the Lacedæmonians had demolished,
was rebuilt, with the approbation of the Achæans. The lands of Belbinis,
of which the Lacedæmonian tyrants had unjustly kept possession, were
also restored to that state, according to an old decree of the Achæans,
made in the reign of Philip, son of Amyntas. The state of Lacedæmon
having, by these means, lost the sinews of its strength, remained long
in subjection to the Achæans; but nothing hurt it so materially as the
abolition of the discipline of Lycurgus, in the practice of which they
had continued during seven hundred years.

35. After the sitting of the council, wherein the debate between the
Achæans and Lacedæmonians was held in presence of the consul, as the
year was expiring, Marcus Fulvius, having gone home to Rome to hold the
elections, appointed Marcus Valerius Messala and Caius Livius Salinator
consuls, after having, this year, procured the rejection of his enemy,
Marcus Æmilius Lepidus. Then Quintus Marcius Philippus, Marcus Claudius
Marcellus, Caius Stertinius, Caius Atinius, Publius Claudius Pulcher,
and Lucius Manlius Acidinus, were elected prætors. When the elections
were finished, it was resolved, that the consul, Marcus Fulvius, should
return into his province to the army; and to him and his colleague,
Cneius Manlius, their command was prolonged for a year. In this year, in
pursuance of directions from the decemvirs, a statue of Hercules was set
up in his temple, and a gilded chariot with six horses were placed in
the Capitol, by Publius Cornelius. The inscription mentioned, that
Publius Cornelius, the consul,[30] made the offering. Also twelve gilded
shields, out of money raised by fines on corn merchants, for raising the
market by hoarding the grain, were dedicated by the curule ædiles,
Publius Claudius Pulcher and Servius Sulpicius Galba; and Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus, the plebeian ædile, having convicted one malefactor,
(for the ædiles prosecuted separately,) dedicated two gilded statues.
His colleague, Aulus Cæcilius, did not convict any one. The Roman games
were exhibited thrice; the plebeian, five times altogether. Marcus
Valerius Messala, and Caius Livius Salinator, after entering into office
on the ides of March, consulted the senate concerning the state of the
commonwealth, the provinces, and the armies. With respect to Ætolia and
Asia no alteration was made. With regard to the consuls, to the one
Pisæ, with the Ligurians, is decreed as his province; to the other,
Gaul. They were ordered to cast lots for these, or to settle the matter
between themselves, to enrol new armies, two legions for each; and to
levy off the allies of the Latin name, fifteen thousand foot, and one
thousand two hundred horse. Liguria fell, by lot, to Messala; Gaul, to
Salinator. The prætors then cast lots, and the city jurisdiction fell to
Marcus Claudius; the foreign, to Publius Claudius. Quintus Marcius
obtained, by lot, Sicily; Caius Stertinius, Sardinia; Lucius Manlius,
Hither Spain; Caius Atinius, Farther Spain.

36. Respecting the armies, they passed the following resolutions—that
the legions which had served under Caius Lælius, should be removed out
of Gaul into Bruttium, to Marcus Tuccius, the proprætor; that the army
which was in Sicily should be disbanded, and that Marcus Sempronius, the
proprætor, should bring back to Rome the fleet that was there. For the
Spains were decreed the legions then in those provinces, one for each,
with orders, that each of the two prætors should levy from among the
allies, as a reinforcement, three thousand foot and two hundred horse,
and bring them with them. Before the new magistrates set out for their
provinces, a supplication, of three days’ continuance, was ordered by
the college of decemvirs to be performed in every street, on account of
a darkness having overspread the light of day, between the third and
fourth hours; and the nine days’ solemnity was proclaimed, because there
had been a shower of stones on the Aventine. The Campanians, as the
censors obliged them, pursuant to the decree of the senate, made last
year, to pass the general survey at Rome, (for before that, it had not
been fixed where they should be surveyed,) petitioned that they might be
allowed to take in marriage women who were citizens of Rome, and that
any who had, heretofore, married such, might retain them; and, likewise,
that children born of such marriages, before that day, might be
legitimate, and entitled to inherit; both which requests were obtained.
Caius Valerius Tappus, a tribune of the commons, proposed an order of
the people concerning the citizens of the free towns of Formiæ, Fundi,
and Arpinum, that they should be invested with the right of voting, for
hitherto they had had the rights of citizenship without the privilege of
voting. When four tribunes of the commons were protesting against the
bill, because it was not made under the direction of the senate, on
being informed, that the power of imparting the privilege of voting to
any person they should choose belonged to the people, and not to the
senate, they desisted from their opposition. An order was passed, that
the Formians and Fundans should vote in the Æmilian tribe, and the
Arpinians in the Cornelian; and in these tribes they were then, for the
first time, rated in the census, in pursuance of the order of the people
proposed by Valerius. Marcus Claudius Marcellus, the censor, having got
the better of Titus Quintius in the lots, closed the lustrum. Two
hundred and fifty-eight thousand three hundred and eight citizens were
rated. When the lustrum was finished, the consuls set out for their
provinces.

37. During the winter wherein these acts were performed at Rome,
embassies from all the nations and states which dwelt on this side of
Mount Taurus, came together on all sides to Cneius Manlius, at first
consul, and afterwards proconsul, passing the winter in Asia; and
although the conquest of Antiochus was more splendid and glorious to the
Romans than that of the Gauls, yet the latter gave greater joy to the
allies than the former. Subjection to the king had been more tolerable
to them than the savage nature of those wild barbarians, and the daily
alarm, with the uncertainty of the direction in which the storm would,
as it were, drift them in their desolating path. Therefore since to them
liberty was given by the expulsion of Antiochus, and permanent peace by
the conquest of the Gauls, they brought, not only congratulations, but
also golden crowns, in proportion to the ability of each. Ambassadors
also came from Antiochus, and from the Gauls themselves, that the
conditions of peace might be dictated to them; and from Ariarathes, king
of Cappadocia, to solicit pardon, and make atonement, by money, for his
crime in assisting Antiochus with troops. Six hundred talents of silver
are levied off him. Answer was made to the Gauls, that when king Eumenes
arrived, he would settle the conditions. The embassies of the several
states were dismissed with kind answers, much happier than when they
arrived. The ambassadors of Antiochus were ordered to bring the money
and the corn, (according to the treaty concluded with Lucius Scipio,)
into Pamphylia, whither the consul intended to go with his forces. In
the beginning of the next spring, after purifying the army, he began his
march, and on the eighth day arrived at Apamea. Having halted there
during three days, he, on the third day after his departure from that
place, arrived in Pamphylia, to which place he had ordered the king’s
ambassadors to bring together the money and corn. Two thousand five
hundred talents[31] of silver, being received by him, were conveyed to
Apamea; the corn was distributed among the army. Thence he marched to
Perga, the only place in the country still held by a garrison of the
king’s troops. On his approach, the governor of the town met him, and
requested thirty days’ time, that he might consult Antiochus about the
surrender of the city. The time being granted, on the appointed day the
garrison evacuated the city. From Perga, he detached his brother, Lucius
Manlius, with four thousand men, to Oroanda, to exact from that town the
remainder of the money which they had promised; and, having ordered the
ambassadors of Antiochus to follow, he led back his army to Apamea,
because he heard that king Eumenes, and the ten ambassadors from Rome,
were arrived at Ephesus.

38. Then, with the concurrence of the ten ambassadors, a treaty was
concluded with Antiochus, in nearly the following words: “Let there be
friendship between king Antiochus and the Roman people, on the following
terms and conditions—Let not the king suffer any army, intended to act
against the Roman people, or their allies, to pass through the
territories of his own realm, or of any state under his dominion, nor
supply it with provisions, or with any other assistance. Let the Romans
and their allies observe the same conduct toward Antiochus, and those
under his government. Let there not be to Antiochus the right of
carrying on war with the inhabitants of the islands, or of passing over
into Europe. Let him evacuate the cities, lands, villages, and forts on
this side of Mount Taurus, as far as the river Halys; and from the foot
of Mount Taurus to the summit, where it verges upon Lycaonia. Let him
not remove any arms out of those towns, lands, or forts which he may
evacuate; if he hath removed any, let him honourably replace what he
ought to make good, and in the place that he ought. Let him not receive
any soldier, or other person, from the kingdom of Eumenes. If any
natives of those cities, which are hereby separated from his kingdom,
are now with Antiochus, or within the bounds of his realms, let them all
return to Apamea, before a certain day. Let such of the natives of
Antiochus’s kingdom, as are now with the Romans and their allies, have
liberty to depart or to stay. Let him deliver to the Romans and their
allies, all their slaves, whether fugitives or taken in war, likewise
whatever free-born person may be a prisoner or deserter. Let him give up
all his elephants, and not procure others. Let him also surrender his
ships of war, and their stores; let him not keep more than ten light
trading vessels, none of which are to be worked with more than thirty
oars, nor a galley of one tier of oars, for the purpose of an offensive
war; let him not ail on this side of the promontories, Calycadnus and
Sarpedon, except in a ship which will carry money, tribute, ambassadors,
or hostages. Let there not be to king Antiochus the right of hiring
soldiers out of those nations which are under the dominion of the Roman
people, nor of receiving volunteers. Whatever houses and buildings,
within the limits of Antiochus’s kingdom, belong to the Rhodians and
their allies, let them belong to the Rhodians and allies on the same
footing as they did before the war. If any sums of money are due to
them, let them have a right to enforce payment; likewise, if any of
their property has been taken away, let them have a right to search for,
discover, and reclaim it. If any persons, to whom Antiochus hath given
the cities which ought to be surrendered, still hold them, let him
remove the garrisons, and take care that they may be properly
surrendered. Let him pay, within twelve years, by equal annual payments,
twelve thousand Attic talents of silver,[32] the talent to weigh not
less than eighty Roman pounds; and five hundred and forty thousand pecks
of wheat. He shall pay to king Eumenes, within five years, three hundred
and fifty talents;[33] and, for the corn due, the sum which arises from
his own valuation, one hundred and twenty seven talents.[34] Let him
deliver to the Romans twenty hostages, and change them every third year;
none of which are to be younger than eighteen, or older than forty-five
years. If any of the allies of the Roman people shall make war on
Antiochus, let him have liberty to repel force by force, provided he
does not keep possession of any city, either by right of arms, or by
admitting it into a treaty of amity. Let them decide the controversies
among themselves by equity and arbitration; or, if it shall be the
choice of both parties, by arms.” A clause was added to this treaty
also, about delivering up Hannibal the Carthaginian, Thoas the Ætolian,
Mnasimachus the Acarnanian, and the Chalcidians Eubalidas and Philo; and
another, that if it should afterwards please the parties that any thing
should be added, cancelled, or altered, that it might be done without
invalidating the treaty.

39. The consul swore to the observance of this treaty. Quintus Minucius
Thermus and Lucius Manlius, who happened to return just at that time
from Oroanda, went to require the oath of the king. At the same time he
wrote to Quintus Fabius Labeo, commander of the fleet, to sail, without
delay, to Patara, to break up and burn the king’s ships that lay there.
Sailing, accordingly, from Ephesus, he broke up or burned fifty decked
ships; and, in the same voyage, took Telmessus, the inhabitants being
terrified by his sudden appearance. Then having ordered those who were
left at Ephesus to follow him, he passed onward from Lycia, through the
islands to Greece. At Athens, after waiting a few days, until the ships
from Ephesus came to Piræeus, he then brought home the whole fleet to
Italy. Cneius Manlius, when he had, among other matters to be given up
by Antiochus, received his elephants, and given them all as a present to
Eumenes, then examined the causes of the several states, since many had
been thrown into confusion amid the violent changes. King Ariarathes,
the half of the money levied on him being remitted, through the kind
offices of Eumenes, to whom he had betrothed, during that time, his
daughter, was received into friendship. The ten ambassadors, after
examining the causes of the respective states, made different
arrangements, in different cases. They gave independence to those which
had been tributary to king Antiochus and had sided with the Romans; and
they ordered all such as had taken part with Antiochus, or had been
tributary to king Attalus, to pay tribute to Eumenes. Besides they
granted independence to the Colophonians, who live in Notium, the
Cymæans, and Milasenians, all of whom they specified by name. To the
Clazomenians they gave, besides their independence, the island of
Drymusa. To the Milesians they restored what was called the sacred
lands. They added to the territory of the Trojans, Rhœteum and
Gergithus, not so much in consideration of any recent merits of theirs,
as out of respect to their own origin. The same motive was the reason of
their liberating Dardanum. They gifted the Chians, also the Smyrnæans
and Erythræans, with lands, in consideration of the singular fidelity
which they displayed during the war, and treated them with every
distinguished honour. To the Phocæans, the territory which they had
enjoyed before the war was restored; and permission was given them to
use their ancient laws. They confirmed to the Rhodians the grants which
were mentioned in the former decree. Lycia and Caria were assigned to
them as far as the river Mæander, excepting Telmessus. To king Eumenes
they gave, in Europe, the Chersonese and Lysimachia, with the forts,
towns, and lands thereof, with the same frontier as Antiochus had held
them; and, in Asia, both the Phrygias, the one on the Hellespont, and
the other called the Greater, and restored to him Mysia, which had been
taken by king Prusias, and also gave to him Lycaonia, and Milyas, and
Lydia, and, by express mention, the cities of Tralles, and Ephesus, and
Telmessus. When a dispute had arisen between Eumenes and Antiochus’s
ambassadors, concerning Pamphylia, because part of it lay on the hither
side, and part on the further side of Taurus, the matter was referred
wholly to the senate.

40. When these treaties and grants were concluded, Manlius, with the ten
ambassadors, and all his army, marched to the Hellespont, and dictated
to the chiefs of the Gauls, whom he had summoned thither, terms on which
they should maintain peace with Eumenes; and warned them to put an end
to the practice of straggling in arms, and to confine themselves within
the bounds of their own territories. Then, having collected ships from
all parts of the coast, and Eumenes’s fleet also being brought thither
from Elæa by Athenæus, that king’s brother, he transported all his
forces into Europe. Then leading slowly through the Chersonese, by short
marches, the army heavily encumbered with booty of every sort, he halted
at Lysimachia; in order that he might enter Thrace, the march through
which they in general dreaded, with the beasts of burden as fresh and
vigorous as possible. On the day in which he set out from Lysimachia, he
came to the river which they call Melas,[35] and thence, next day, to
Cypsela. The road, about ten miles from Cypsela, proved to be obstructed
by woods, narrow and broken. On account of these difficulties he
divided the army into two parts; and, ordering one to advance in front,
and the other at a considerable distance, to cover the rear, he placed
between them the baggage; it was composed of waggons with the public
money, and other booty of great value. As he was marching in this order
through the defile, a body of Thracians, not more in number than ten
thousand, composed of four states, the Astians, Cænians, Maduatians, and
Corelians, posted themselves on both sides of the road at the narrowest
part. There was an opinion that this was not done without the
treacherous connivance of Philip, king of Macedonia; that he knew that
the Romans would return by no other route than that through Thrace, and
what an immense sum they would carry with them. The general himself was
in the van, anxious about the disadvantages of the ground. The Thracians
did not stir until the troops passed by; but, when they saw that the
foremost division had got clear of the narrow pass, and that the rear
division was not yet drawing near, they rushed upon the encumbrances and
the baggage, and after killing the guards, some rifled the waggons,
while others led off the horses under their loads. After their shouts
reached those on the rear, who were then just entering the pass, and
afterwards those in the van, the Romans ran together from both
extremities to the centre, and an irregular sort of fight commenced, in
many different places at once. The booty itself exposed the Thracians to
slaughter, as they were encumbered with burdens, and most of them had
thrown away their arms, that they might have their hands disengaged for
plundering; the disadvantageous nature of the ground militated against
the Romans, as the barbarians attacked them through well-known paths,
and sometimes lurked in the ravines. The loads too, and the waggons,
lying incommodiously for one party or the other, as chance directed,
were great obstructions to their movements; and here the plunderer,
there the defender of the booty, fell. The fortune of the fight was
variable, according as the ground was favourable or unfavourable to this
party or that, and according to the spirit of the combatants, and their
numbers, for some had come in contact with a stronger party than
themselves, others with a weaker. On both sides, however, great numbers
fell. The night was now approaching, when the Thracians retired from
the fight, not for the purpose of avoiding wounds or death, but because
they had got enough of booty.

41. The first division of the Romans encamped beyond the pass, in open
ground, round the temple of Bendis;[36] the second division remained in
the middle of the defile, surrounded by a double rampart, to guard the
baggage. Next day, having carefully examined the ground before they put
themselves in motion, they rejoined the first. In that battle, although
part of the baggage was lost, while a great part of the attendants and
many of the soldiers perished, (since the fight was carried on through
almost the whole extent of the defile,) yet the heaviest loss sustained
was in the death of Quintus Minucius Thermus, a brave and gallant
officer. The army arrived that day at the Hebrus, and thence passed
through the country of the Ænians, by the temple of Apollo, whom the
natives call Zerynthius. Another defile, as rugged and uneven as the
former, awaits them around Tempyra (this is the name of the place); but,
as there were no woods near, it afforded no cover for an ambuscade.
Hither assembled the Thrausians, (who are also a Thracian tribe,) with
the same hope of plunder; but because the bare valleys had this effect,
that they were visible at a distance besetting the defile, there was
less terror and tumult among the Romans; for, although they were obliged
to fight on disadvantageous ground, yet it was in a regular battle, in
an open field, and a fair encounter. Advancing in close order, with the
war-shout, and falling on the enemy, they soon drove them off the
ground, and put them to flight. Afterwards the rout and massacre began
to take place, for the narrow passes actually impeded them. The
victorious Romans encamped at a village of the Maronites, called Sare.
Next day, after marching through an open country, the plain of Priate
received them, where they halted three days, to receive supplies of
corn, partly from the country of the Maronites, who made a voluntary
contribution, and partly from their own ships, which attended them with
stores of every kind. From this post there was one day’s march to
Apollonia, whence they proceeded through the territory of Abdera to
Neapolis. All this march through the Grecian colonies was performed in
security. The rest of their march through the midst of the Thracians,
though not harassed, was full of apprehension, by day and night, until
they arrived in Macedon. This same army, when it proceeded by the same
route under Scipio, had found the Thracians more peaceable, but for no
other reason, than because it had then less booty, which was the object
of their attack: although Claudius writes, that even on that occasion, a
body of fifteen thousand Thracians opposed Mutines, the Numidian, who
had advanced to reconnoitre the country. That the Numidians were four
hundred horsemen, and a few elephants. That the son of Mutines, with a
hundred and fifty chosen horsemen, broke through the middle of the
enemy; and that the same individual, presently, when Mutines, placing
his elephants in the centre, and the horse on the wings, had begun to
engage the enemy, cast terror into them by an attack on their rear; and
that owing to this, the enemy, routed by the storm, as it were, of
cavalry, did not come near the main body of infantry. Cneius Manlius
conducted his army through Macedon into Thessaly; and, having proceeded,
through Epirus to Apollonia, passed the winter there, as the sea in the
winter was not as yet considered so little formidable that he might
venture on the passage.

42. It was almost at the expiration of the year, that the consul, Marcus
Valerius, came from Liguria to Rome to elect new magistrates, although
he had not performed in his province any memorable act that could afford
a reasonable excuse for coming later than usual to the elections. The
assembly for choosing the consuls was held on the twelfth day before the
calends of March. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus and Caius Flaminius were
elected consuls. The following day, Appius Claudius Pulcher, Servius
Sulpicius Galba, Quintus Terentius Culleo, Lucius Terentius Massa,
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, and Marcus Furius Crassipes were elected
prætors. When the elections were concluded, the consul asked the senate
what were the provinces that they wished should be given to the
prætors: they decreed two for the administration of justice in Rome;
two out of Italy—Sicily and Sardinia; and two in Italy—Tarentum and
Gaul: the prætors were ordered to cast lots immediately, before they
entered on their office. Servius Sulpicius received by lot the city
jurisdiction; Quintus Terentius, the foreign; Lucius Terentius obtained
Sicily; Quintus Fulvius, Sardinia; Appius Claudius, Tarentum; and
Marcus Furius, Gaul. In that year, Lucius Minucius Myrtilus and Lucius
Manlius, as they were charged with having beaten the Carthaginian
ambassadors, were, by order of Marcus Claudius, city prætor, delivered
up by heralds to the ambassadors, and carried to Carthage. Reports
prevailed of a great war, growing too every day more formidable, in
Liguria. The senate, therefore, decreed Liguria as the province of both
the new consuls, on the day that they made their motion in the senate
concerning the republic and the provinces. To this vote the consul,
Lepidus, objected, asserting that “it would be highly indecorous to shut
up the consuls among the valleys of Liguria, while Marcus Fulvius and
Cneius Manlius reigned, a second year, one in Europe, another in Asia,
as if substituted in the room of Philip and Antiochus. If it was
resolved to keep armies in those countries, it was more fitting that
consuls, rather than private persons, should have the command of them.
That they made their circuits with all the terrors of war, among nations
against whom war had not been declared, trafficking peace for money. If
it was necessary to hold these provinces with armies, in the same manner
as Lucius Scipio, consul, had succeeded Manius Acilius, consul; and as
Marcus Fulvius and Cneius Manlius succeeded Lucius Scipio; so ought
Caius Livius and Marcus Valerius, the consuls, to have succeeded Fulvius
and Manlius. But, unquestionably, at this time, after the Ætolian war
had been concluded, Asia taken from Antiochus, and the Gauls
subdued,—either the consuls ought to be sent to the consular armies, or
the legions ought be brought home, and restored to the commonwealth.”
The senate, although they heard these words, persisted in their vote,
that Liguria should be the province of both the consuls; but they
ordered, that Manlius and Fulvius should leave their provinces, withdraw
the troops, and come home to Rome.

43. There was a quarrel between Marcus Fulvius and the consul Æmilius;
and in addition to other motives, Æmilius thought, that he had been made
consul two years later, by the opposition of Marcus Fulvius. In order,
therefore, to exasperate the minds of the public against him, he
introduced to the senate ambassadors from Ambracia, whom he had secretly
instructed in the charges they were to make against him. These
complained, that “war had been made on them when they were in a state of
peace, after they had executed the commands of former consuls, and were
ready to show the same obedience to Marcus Fulvius; that first their
lands were ravaged; and that, the terror of rapine and carnage was then
cast into the city, that by that fear they might be compelled to shut
their gates. They were then besieged and assaulted, and all the horrors
of war were inflicted on them, murders, burnings, the sacking and
demolishing of their city. Their wives and children were dragged away
into slavery; their goods taken from them; and, what shocked them more
than all, their temples were despoiled of their ornaments, and the
images of their gods, nay, the gods themselves were torn from their
mansions, and carried away; so that the Ambracians had nothing left to
adore, to which they could address their prayers and supplications, but
naked walls and pillars.” While they were making these complaints, the
consul, as had been agreed, by asking questions leading to further
charges, drew them on, as if against their inclinations, to the mention
of other matters. The senators being moved by these accusations, the
other consul, Caius Flaminius, took up the cause of Marcus Fulvius: and
he said that “the Ambracians had set out in an old course, now long out
of use. In this manner Marcus Marcellus had been accused by the
Syracusans; and Quintus Fulvius by the Campanians. Why might not the
senate as well allow Titus Quintius to be accused by king Philip; Manius
Acilius and Lucius Scipio, by Antiochus; Cneius Manlius, by the Gauls;
and Fulvius himself, by the Ætolians and the states of Cephallenia? Do
you think, conscript fathers, either that I in behalf of Marcus Fulvius,
or that Marcus Fulvius himself, will deny the besieging and taking
Ambracia, the removing thence the statues and ornaments, and the other
proceedings, which are usual on the capture of cities? He is about to
demand a triumph from you for those very services, and to carry before
his chariot those statues, the removal of which is charged as criminal,
together with the other spoils of that city, and hang them up on the
pillars of his house. There is no kind of pretence for their separating
themselves from the Ætolians; the cause of the Ambracians and of the
Ætolians is the same. Let, therefore, my colleague either vent his
malice in some other case; or, if he is determined to proceed in this,
let him detain his Ambracians until Fulvius comes home. I will not
suffer any determination, concerning either the Ambracians or Ætolians,
to pass in the absence of Marcus Fulvius.”

44. When Æmilius inveighed against the artful malignity of his adversary
as being notorious to all, and affirmed, that he would spin out the time
by affecting delays, so as not to return to Rome while an adversary was
consul; two days were wasted in this dispute, and it was apparent that
while Flaminius was present, no decision of the cause could be procured.
The opportunity was eagerly caught at by Æmilius, when Flaminius,
happening to fall sick, was absent, and on his proposing the motion the
senate decreed, that, “all their effects should be restored to the
Ambracians, that they should enjoy liberty, and the benefit of their own
laws, and should levy what duties they might think proper on goods
conveyed by land or sea, provided that the Romans and the allies of the
Latin nation should be exempted therefrom. That with respect to the
statues, and other ornaments, which they complained were carried away
from their sacred buildings, their order was, that immediately on the
return of Marcus Fulvius to Rome, the business should be laid before the
college of pontiffs, and that whatever they might think proper should be
done.” Nor was the consul content with this; but afterwards, in a badly
attended meeting, he procured a clause to be added to the decree, “that
it did not appear that Ambracia was taken by force.” A supplication of
three days’ continuance was then performed for the health of the people,
because a grievous pestilence was desolating the city and country. The
Latin festival was afterwards celebrated, when the consuls, being
relieved from these religious duties, and having finished their levies,
(for both of them chose to employ new soldiers,) set out for their
provinces, where they disbanded all the old troops.

Shortly after the departure of the consuls, Cneius Manlius, the
proconsul, arrived at Rome; and, when an audience of the senate was
granted to him in the temple of Bellona, by Servius Sulpicius, the
prætor, after enumerating the services which he had performed, he
demanded that, in consideration thereof, public thanks should be offered
to the immortal gods, and permission be granted to himself, to ride
through the city in triumph; the greater number of the ten ambassadors,
who had been in the province along with him, opposed the grant, and
particularly Lucius Furius Purpureo, and Lucius Æmilius Paulus.

45. They alleged that “they had been appointed ambassadors in
conjunction with Manlius, to make peace with Antiochus, and to conclude
the terms of the treaty which had been entered on with Lucius Scipio.
That Cneius Manlius laboured to the utmost of his power, to confound
this peace, and to seize Antiochus by treachery, if he should put his
person in the consul’s power; but that he (Antiochus) having discovered
the treacherous designs of the consul, though frequently tempted by
proposals of a conference, had not only avoided the meeting, but even
the sight of him. That Manlius, desiring to cross Mount Taurus, was with
difficulty restrained by the entreaties of all the ambassadors, who
besought him not to brave the curse denounced in the Sibylline verses
against such as should pass those fatal limits. Nevertheless, he marched
his army thither, and encamped almost on the very summit where the
waters take opposite directions. As he could find no sort of pretence
for hostilities, the king’s subjects being perfectly quiet, he led his
army round to the Gallogræcians, against which nation war was waged,
without any decree of the senate, or order of the people. Which did ever
any general before presume to do in like manner, on his own judgment?
The latest wars were those with Antiochus, with Philip, and with
Hannibal and the Carthaginians; concerning all these the senate had
passed its decrees, the people their orders; several embassies were
previously sent; restitution demanded; and, finally, heralds were sent
to proclaim war. Now, Cneius Manlius,” said they, “has any one of these
proceedings been observed in the present case, that we should consider
it a war of the Roman people, and not a predatory expedition of your own
contrivance? But, were you even content with this? Did you lead your
army against those whom you had chosen to consider as enemies, by the
direct course; or did you ramble through every deflection of the roads,
when you stopped at every division of the way, in order that, to
whatever side Eumenes’s brother, Attalus, should turn his route, you the
consul, as an auxiliary in his pay, might follow with a Roman army? Did
you not traverse every recess and corner of Pisidia, Lycaonia, and
Phrygia; levying contributions from the tyrants and peasants in those
remote regions? For, what had you to do with the Oroandians, what with
other states equally inoffensive?

“But, in what manner did you conduct this war, on the merit of which you
ask a triumph? Did you fight on equal ground, and at the time of your
own choosing? Indeed you with propriety require that thanks be returned
to the immortal gods; first, because they did not ordain that the army
should undergo the penalty deserved by the temerity of its commander, in
commencing a war in accordance with no law of nations; and next, because
they gave us, for antagonists, brutes, and not men.

46. “Do not suppose that the name only of the Gallogræcians is a mixed
one: their bodies, and their minds, have undergone a similar process,
and have been corrupted by the mixture. Had they been such Gauls as
those whom we have a thousand times encountered in Italy, with various
success, would any one of us, considering the conduct of our commander,
have returned to tell the story? Two battles were fought; twice he
sustained the disadvantages of position, and, at the bottom of a valley,
almost placed his army under the feet of the enemy; so that they were
able to overwhelm us, even though they did not cast their weapons from
the higher ground, but merely threw themselves on us without arms. What,
then, was the consequence? Great is the fortune of the Roman people;
great and terrible its name! By the recent downfall of Hannibal, Philip,
and Antiochus, the Gauls were, in a manner, thunder-struck. Bulky as
their bodies were, they were dismayed, and put to flight, by slings and
arrows; not a sword was stained in battle during the Gallic war. Like
flocks of birds, they flew away at the very sound of our missiles. But,
indeed, when we, the same army, were on our return, and happened to fall
in with a party of Thracian robbers, (as if fortune meant to teach us
what the issue would have been, if we had met an enemy,) we were beaten,
routed, and stripped of our baggage. Among many other brave soldiers
fell Quintus Minucius Thermus, whose death was a much greater loss, than
if Cneius Manlius, to whose rashness the misfortune had happened, had
perished. An army, carrying home the spoils of king Antiochus, was
dispersed in three places, and with the vanguard in one place, the rear
in another, and the baggage in a third, hid itself for a night among
bushes, in the dens of wild beasts. Is a triumph demanded for such
exploits as these? Although no disaster and disgrace had been suffered
in Thrace, over what enemies would you triumph? Over those, I suppose,
whom the Roman senate or people had assigned to you as your enemies. On
these grounds, indeed, a triumph was granted to Lucius Scipio; to Manius
Acilius, over king Antiochus; to Titus Quintius, over king Philip; and
to Publius Africanus, over Hannibal, the Carthaginians, and Syphax. Now,
after the senate had voted a declaration of war, the following
unimportant matters were inquired into:—To whom the declaration ought to
be made; whether to the kings in person, or whether making it at some of
their garrisons were sufficient? Do you wish, then, that all these rites
should be disregarded and profaned? That the laws of the heralds be
abrogated? That there should be no heralds? Let religion (the gods
pardon the expression) be thrown aside; let forgetfulness of the gods
occupy your minds. Do you, also, judge it fit that the senate should not
be consulted concerning war? That the people should not be asked,
whether they choose and order war to be made on the Gauls? On a late
occasion, the consuls, certainly, wished for the provinces of Greece and
Asia; yet, when you persisted in assigning Liguria as their province,
they obeyed your commands. They will, therefore, if the war should be
successfully carried on, justly demand a triumph from you, conscript
fathers, under whose authority they carried it on.”

47. Such were the arguments of Furius and Æmilius. We have heard that
Maulius replied in nearly the following manner: “Conscript fathers,
formerly the tribunes of the people were accustomed to oppose generals
demanding a triumph. I am thankful to the present tribunes because they
have conceded so much either to me, or to the greatness of my services,
as not only to show, by their silence, their approbation of my
pretensions to that honour, but likewise their readiness, if there were
occasion, to make a motion to that purpose. I have, since it is the
pleasure of the gods, as my opponents some of the ten ambassadors, the
actual council which our ancestors assigned to generals for the purpose
of arranging their conquests and gracing their victories. Lucius Furius
and Lucius Æmilius forbid me to mount the triumphal chariot, and pluck
from my head the crown of glory, the persons whom, if the tribunes had
opposed triumph, I should have cited as witnesses to bear testimony to
my services. Conscript fathers, I envy no man’s honours; but, on a late
occasion, you yourselves deterred by your authority the tribunes of the
people, brave and active men, from impeding the triumph of Quintus
Fabius Labeo. Fabius enjoyed a triumph; and yet his adversaries alleged,
not that he had carried on an unjust war, but that he had not seen the
enemy at all. Whereas I, who fought so many pitched battles with one
hundred thousand of your fiercest enemies; who killed or made prisoners
more than forty thousand; who stormed two of their camps; who left all
the countries on this side of the summits of Taurus in greater
tranquillity than is the country of Italy; am not only defrauded of a
triumph, but obliged to plead my cause before you, conscript fathers,
whilst my own council of ambassadors accuse me. Conscript fathers, their
charge, as you perceive, is twoold: for they assert, that I ought not to
have waged war with the Gauls; and besides, that the war was carried on
rashly and imprudently. The Gauls were not enemies; but, you committed
hostilities against them, when peaceable and obedient to your orders. I
am not about to require from you, conscript fathers, that you may
attribute to the Gauls who inhabit Asia, those characteristics which you
are well aware belong to the Gallic race in general, savage fierceness
and most inveterate hatred to the name of Rome. Excluding the infamous
and odious character of the whole nation, judge of these Gauls by
themselves. I wish king Eumenes, I wish all the states of Asia were
present, and that you heard their complaints, rather than my charges
against them. Send ambassadors round all the cities of Asia, and ask
whether they were relieved from more grievous servitude by the removal
of Antiochus beyond the summits of Taurus, or by the conquest of the
Gauls. Let them tell you how often their territories were ravaged, how
often their property and their people were carried off as prey; while
they had scarcely ever an opportunity of ransoming any prisoners, they
heard of nothing but human victims slain, and their children offered up
in sacrifice. Be assured that your allies paid tribute to these Gauls;
and, though delivered now by you from the yoke of Antiochus, must still
have continued to pay it, if I had been inactive. The farther Antiochus
was removed, the more tyrannically would the Gauls have domineered in
Asia; and all the countries on this side of Taurus you would have
annexed to their empire, not to your own.

48. “But, allowing all this to be so; the Gauls formerly sacked Delphi,
the common oracle to which all mankind resort, and the central point of
the globe of the earth; yet the Roman people did not, on that account,
proclaim or wage war against them. I really thought, that there was some
distinction to be made between that period when Greece and Asia were not
yet under your jurisdiction and dominion, and the present, when you have
made Mount Taurus the boundary of the Roman empire; when you grant
liberty and independence to the states of that country; when you augment
the territories of some; amerce others in a part of their lands; impose
tribute; add to, diminish, give, and take away kingdoms, and deem it
your business to take care that they may enjoy peace both on land and
sea. Is it not the case that you would not have thought Asia liberated
unless Antiochus withdrew his garrisons, which lay quiet in their
citadels: if the armies of the Gauls roamed about without control, would
the grants which you made to king Eumenes be secure, or the liberty of
the states entire? But why do I reason thus? as if I had not found the
Gauls enemies, but made them such! I appeal to you, Lucius Scipio, whose
bravery and good fortune alike I suppliantly sought, and not in vain,
from the immortal gods, when I succeeded you in the command; and to you,
Publius Scipio, who held, both with your brother the consul, and with
the army, the commission of a lieutenant-general and the dignity of a
colleague; did you ascertain that legions of the Gauls were in the army
of Antiochus? Did you see them in his line of battle, posted in both
wings; for there was his main strength? Did you fight with them as
declared enemies? Did you kill them? Did you carry off their spoils? Yet
the senate had decreed, and the people ordered, war against Antiochus,
not against the Gauls. But as I judge, they had at the same time decreed
and ordered that war should be with all those who should be reckoned
among his troops; so that, excepting Antiochus, with whom Scipio had
negotiated a peace, and with whom, specifying him by name, you had
directed a treaty to be concluded, every one who had borne arms on the
side of Antiochus against us, were our enemies. And although the Gauls
had been conspicuous in that cause, and several petty princes and
tyrants also; nevertheless, I made peace with the rest, after compelling
them to atone for their transgressions, as the dignity of your empire
required. I made trial, at the same time, of the temper of the Gauls,
whether they could be reclaimed from their natural ferocity; but,
perceiving them untractable and implacable, I then judged it necessary
to chastise them by force of arms.

49. “Now, since the charge respecting the undertaking of the war has
been fully refuted, I must account for my conduct in the prosecution of
it. In which, indeed, I should perfectly confide in the merits of my
cause, though I were pleading, not before a Roman, but before a
Carthaginian senate, by whom their commanders are said to be crucified,
if they act on wrong plans, even with success. But in such a state as
this, which, in the commencement and progress of every undertaking,
makes application to the gods on this account, because it subjects to no
malicious cavilling those plans of which the gods have approved; and
which, in the established form, when it decrees a supplication or
triumph, uses these words,—‘For having conducted the business of the
public successfully and fortunately;’ if I should be unwilling, if I
should think it presumptuous and arrogant to boast of my own bravery,
and if I should demand, in consideration of my own good fortune, and
that of my army, in having vanquished so great a nation, without any
loss of men, that thanks should be given to the immortal gods, and that
I should ascend the Capitol in triumph, from whence I took my departure,
with vows duly offered;—would you refuse this to me, and the immortal
gods? Yes; for I fought on unfavourable ground. Tell me, then, on what
more favourable ground could I have fought, when the enemy had seized on
a mountain, and kept themselves in a strong post; surely, if I wished to
conquer them, I must go where they were. What if they had a town on the
same spot, and kept within the walls: surely they must be attacked. Did
Manlius Acilius fight with Antiochus, at Thermopylæ on favourable
ground? Did not Titus Quintius dislodge Philip when he was posted in the
same manner, on the tops of mountains, over the river Anio? Truly I
cannot yet discover what sort of an enemy they may represent to
themselves, or in what light they may wish them to appear to you. If as
being degenerate and softened by the pleasures of Asia, what danger was
there in advancing against them even on unfavourable ground? If
formidable, both for fierceness of courage and strength of body, do you
refuse a triumph to victories so honourable? Conscript fathers, envy is
blind, and only capable of depreciating merit, and poisoning its honours
and rewards. Pardon me, I beseech you, conscript fathers, on these
conditions, if it be the case that the necessary reply to the
accusation, and not my desire of boasting of my exploits, hath made my
speech too long. Whether could I, in my march through Thrace, create
open glades out of narrow defiles, and level plains out of steep
precipices, and fields out of woods, and insure that the Thracian
plunderers should not lurk any where in those concealments which they
were acquainted with; that none of our packages should be snatched away,
none of our loaded horses, out of so large a train, led off; that no one
should be wounded; and that the brave and active Lucius Minucius should
not die of his wound? On this mischance, by which we unfortunately lost
so valuable a citizen, those men declaim profusely. That the enemy
attacked us in a dangerous pass, where every advantage of ground was
against us; that our two divisions, the front and the rear, surrounded
by a combined movement the army of the barbarians, while they were
employed about our baggage; that they killed and took prisoners many
thousands on that day; and, in a few days after, many more;—do they
imagine that you would not ascertain this, even if they passed it over
in silence, when the whole army can testify the truth of what I assert?
If I had never drawn a sword in Asia, if I had never seen an enemy
there, yet, by the two battles fought in Thrace, I had merited a
triumph, as proconsul. But I have said enough, and shall only request,
and, I should hope, obtain, your pardon, conscript fathers, for having
troubled you longer than I could have wished to do.”

50. The accusations that day would have been more powerful than the
defence, had they not prolonged the debate to a late hour; for the
senate adjourned in a mood likely to refuse the triumph. Next day the
relations and friends of Cneius Manlius exerted their utmost efforts in
his behalf; and the opinion of the elder senators prevailed, who
asserted, that there was no instance on record of a commander who had
subdued the enemy, completed the business of his province, and brought
home his army, entering the city as a private citizen, without honours,
and without the chariot and laurel. This feeling of shame overcame their
prejudices against him, and a great majority voted for his triumph. A
greater contest which was set on foot against a greater and more
illustrious personage, suppressed all mention and memory of this
struggle. The two Petillii, as Valerius Antias writes, instituted a
prosecution against Publius Scipio Africanus. Men construed this
according to their different dispositions; some did not blame the
plebeian tribunes, but the public in general, that could suffer such a
process to be carried on. They observed, that “the two greatest states
in the world proved, nearly at the same time, ungrateful to their chief
commanders; but Rome the more ungrateful of the two, because Carthage
was subdued when she sent the vanquished Hannibal into exile; whereas
Rome, when victorious, was for banishing the conqueror Africanus.”
Others asserted, that “no one citizen ought to stand so high above the
rest, as not to be made answerable to the laws for his conduct: for
nothing contributed so much towards the equalization of liberty, as that
the most powerful might be brought to trial. For how could any charge,
especially the administration of government, be safely intrusted to any
man, if he were not liable to be called to an account? That force was
not unjustly used against him who could not bear an equality of rights.”
These subjects were discussed in conversation, until the day of trial
came. Never was either any other person, or Scipio himself, when consul
or censor, escorted to the forum by a more numerous multitude of all
kinds, than he was on that day when he appeared to answer the charge
against him. When ordered to make his defence, without taking any notice
of the facts laid to his charge, he delivered so magnificent a speech
concerning his exploits, that it was universally agreed, that no man had
been ever praised either to more advantage or with more truth. For his
achievements were described with the same ardent spirit and powerful
genius with which they had been performed; and his auditors felt no
disgust, because his acts were mentioned to meet the peril, and not for
ostentation.

51. The plebeian tribunes, in order to procure credit to their present
accusations, introduced the old imputations of his luxurious style of
living in his winter quarters at Syracuse, and the tumult raised by
Pleminius at Locri. They then brought forward against him the charge of
receiving money, grounded on suspicion, not on proof. They alleged, that
“his son, being taken prisoner, was restored without ransom; and that,
in every other instance, Scipio was courted by Antiochus, as if peace
and war with Rome were at his sole disposal. He had acted towards the
consul, in his province, as dictator, not as lieutenant-general; nor had
he gone thither with any other view than that this might appear to
Greece and Asia, and all the kings and nations eastward, which had been
long since the settled conviction of Spain, Gaul, Sicily, and Africa,
that he alone was the head and pillar of the Roman empire; that a state
which was mistress of the world, lay sheltered under the shade of
Scipio; and that his nods were equivalent to decrees of the senate, and
orders of the people.” They attack by envy, as much as they can, him out
of the reach of dishonour. The pleading having lasted till night, the
trial was adjourned to another day. When that came, the tribunes took
their seat in the rostrum at the dawn of day. The accused being
summoned, came, with a numerous train of friends and dependents, through
the middle of the assembly, to the rostrum; and, silence being made, he
said,—“Tribunes of the people, and you, Romans, on the anniversary of
this day I fought a pitched battle in Africa, with Hannibal and the
Carthaginians, with good fortune and success. As, therefore, it is but
decent that a stop be put, for this day, to litigation and wrangling, I
will immediately go to the Capitol, there to return my acknowledgments
to Jupiter the supremely good and great, to Juno, Minerva, and the other
deities presiding over the Capitol and citadel, and will give them
thanks for having, on this day, and at many other times, endowed me both
with the will and ability to perform extraordinary services to the
commonwealth. Such of you also, Romans, as it suits, come with me and
beseech the gods that you may have commanders like myself; since, from
my seventeenth year to old age, you have always anticipated my years
with honours, and I, your honours with services.” Accordingly, he went
up from the rostrum to the Capitol; and, at the same time, the whole
assembly turned about and followed him; insomuch, that at last even the
clerks and messengers left the tribunes, not one remaining, except the
slaves who attended them, and the crier, who was in the habit of
summoning the accused from the rostrum. Scipio, attended by the whole
body of the Roman people, went round all the temples of the gods, not
only in the Capitol, but throughout the whole city. This day was almost
more famous owing to the favour of the Romans towards him, and their
high estimation of his real greatness, than that on which he rode
through Rome in triumph over king Syphax and the Carthaginians.

52. It was, however, the last day that shone with lustre on Publius
Scipio. For, as he could foresee nothing but the prosecutions of envy,
and continual disputes with the tribunes, the trial being adjourned to a
future day, he retired to the territory of Liternum, with a fixed
determination not to attend the trial. His spirit was by nature too
lofty, and habituated to such an elevated course of fortune, that he did
not know how to act the part of an accused person, or stoop to the
humble deportment of men pleading their cause. When the day came, and he
began to be summoned in his absence, Lucius Scipio pleaded in his excuse
that sickness was the reason of his absence. Which excuse the tribunes,
who were the prosecutors, would not admit, but insisted that he did not
come to plead his cause, owing to the same arrogance with which he had
left the trial, the tribunes of the people, and the general assembly;
and followed by the very men whom he had robbed of the right of passing
sentence on him, together with their freedom of suffrage, had exhibited
a triumph over the Roman people, and made a secession, the same day,
from the tribunes to the Capitol. “You have therefore,” said they, “the
due reward of that thoughtless conduct. You are, yourselves, forsaken by
him under whose lead and direction you forsook us. And so much is our
spirit daily on the decline, that although, seventeen years ago, when he
was at the head of an army and fleet, we had resolution enough to send
plebeian tribunes and an ædile into Sicily to take him into custody, and
bring him home to Rome; yet we dare not now send to compel him, though a
private citizen, to come from his country-seat to stand his trial.” The
tribunes of the commons, being appealed to by Lucius Scipio, came to
the following determination: that “since the excuse of sickness was
pleaded it was their judgment that this excuse should be admitted, and
that the day of trial should be adjourned by their colleagues.”

53. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus was, at that time, a plebeian tribune,
and between him and Publius Scipio there was an enmity subsisting. When
he had forbidden his name to be subscribed to the determination of his
colleague, and every one expected from him a sentence more severe, he
pronounced his judgment thus: that “Inasmuch as Lucius Scipio had
pleaded sickness in excuse for his brother, that plea appeared to him to
be sufficient: that he would not suffer Publius Scipio to be accused
until he should return to Rome: and even then, if he appealed to him, he
would support him in refusing to abide a trial: that Publius Scipio, by
his great achievements, by the honours received from the Roman people,
by the joint consent of gods and men, had risen to such a height of
dignity, that were he to stand as a criminal, under the rostrum, and
afford a hearing to the insults of young men, it would reflect more
disgrace on the Romans than on him.” To his decree he added the language
of indignation: “Shall Scipio, the celebrated conqueror of Africa, stand
at the feet of you, tribunes? Was it for this he defeated and routed, in
Spain, four of the most distinguished generals of the Carthaginians, and
their four armies? Was it for this he took Syphax prisoner, conquered
Hannibal, made Carthage tributary to you, and removed Antiochus beyond
Mount Taurus (for Lucius Scipio received his brother Africanus as his
associate in this glory); that he should crouch under two Petillii? that
you should gain the palm of victory over Publius Africanus? Will men of
illustrious characters never, through their own merits, or through
honours conferred by you, arrive at a safe and inviolable sanctuary,
where their old age may repose, if not revered, at least secure from
injury?” Both his decree and additional discourse made a deep
impression, not only on the rest of the assembly, but even on the
prosecutors; who said that they would consider further what might be
consistent with their rights and duties. Afterwards, as soon as the
assembly of the people broke up, the senate met, and at that meeting the
warmest thanks were bestowed by the whole body, especially by the
consular and elder members, on Tiberius Gracchus, for having consulted
the public good in preference to private animosity; and the Petillii
were assailed with severe insults, because they had endeavoured to
become distinguished by exciting odium against another, and were seeking
spoils from a triumph over Africanus. After that there was silence
concerning Africanus. He passed the remainder of his life at Liternum,
without a wish to revisit the city; and it is said that when he was
dying he ordered his body to be buried in the country, in that very
place, and his monument to be erected there, that even his obsequies
might not be performed in his ungrateful country. He was a man of
eminent merit; but more conspicuous in the affairs of war than in those
of peace. The former part of his life was more illustrious than the
latter, because in his early years wars were constantly carried on by
him; with old age his exploits faded away, as occasions did not occur to
call forth the exercise of his talents. What was his second consulship
to his first, even if you should add to it the censorship? What,
compared with it, was his commission in Asia, rendered useless by want
of health, and clouded by the misfortune of his son, and the necessity
to which it subjected him after his return, of either undergoing a
trial, or withdrawing himself from that and his country together.
However, he enjoyed alone the distinguished honour of putting an end to
the Carthaginian war, which was by far the most difficult and dangerous
war in which the Roman state was ever engaged.

54. The death of Africanus increased the courage of his enemies, the
chief of whom was Marcus Porcius Cato, who, even during his life, was
accustomed to sneer at his splendid character. The Petillii are
supposed, both to have commenced the prosecution against Africanus at
his instigation while he was alive, and on his death to have proposed a
bill against him. The motion for the order was made in these words:
“Romans, is it your will and order, with respect to the money taken,
carried off, and collected from king Antiochus, and those under his
government, and with respect to such part thereof as has not been
accounted for to the public, that Servius Sulpicius, the city prætor,
shall ask the senate which of the present prætors they will appoint to
hold an inquiry concerning those matters?” Quintus and Lucius Mummius at
first objected to this motion: they thought it proper that, according
to the practice always hitherto observed, the senate should make the
inquiry concerning such money as had not been brought into the public
treasury. The Petillii represented the great influence, the sovereign
power which the Scipios possessed in the senate. Lucius Furius Purpureo,
a senator of consular rank, who had been one of the ten ambassadors in
Asia, was of opinion that the inquiry ought to be carried to a wider
extent; not only as to the money taken from Antiochus, but to what had
been taken from other kings and nations, attacking his enemy Cneius
Manlius. Lucius Scipio, who, it was evident, was arguing rather in
favour of himself than against the order, stood forward to oppose it. He
complained heavily of such a motion being brought on after the death of
his brother, Publius Africanus, the bravest and most illustrious of men.
For “it had not been deemed sufficient that Publius Africanus was not
eulogized from the rostrum after his death, unless he should be also the
subject of accusation. The Carthaginians had been content with the
banishment of Hannibal, but the Roman people would not be satisfied even
with the death of Publius Scipio, unless, after he was laid in his
grave, his character were mangled, and his brother also sacrificed,
another victim to envy.” Marcus Cato supported the motion in a speech on
the money of king Antiochus, which is still extant; and, by his
influence, deterred the Mummii, the two tribunes, from their opposition
to the order. On their withdrawing their intended protest, every one of
the tribes voted in favour of the motion.

55. Servius Sulpicius then putting the question to the senate, whom they
would appoint, according to the Petillian order of the people, to hold
the inquiry, they appointed Quintus Terentius Culleo. Before this
prætor, so warmly attached to the Cornelian family, (that those writers,
who say that Publius Scipio died and was buried at Rome, for that too is
asserted, have left on record, that he walked at his funeral before the
bier with a cap of liberty on his head, as he had done before at his
triumph; and that, at the Capuan gate, he gave wine and honey to those
who attended the obsequies, to show his gratitude for having been
recovered by Scipio, among other captives, out of the hands of the enemy
in Africa,) or so great an enemy to that family, that on account of his
known animosity, he was selected in particular by the faction that
supported the proceedings against the Scipios, to hold the inquiry;
however that may be, before this prætor, whether too favourable or too
much the contrary, Lucius Scipio was immediately arraigned. At the same
time charges were presented and received against his
lieutenants-general, the two Hostilius Catos, Aulus and Lucius; and his
quæstor, Caius Furius Aculeo: and (that all things might appear infected
with the contagion of peculation) against his two secretaries and crier,
Lucius Hostilius. The secretaries and the crier were acquitted before
Scipio was tried. Scipio and Aulus Hostilius, his lieutenant-general,
and Caius Furius, were convicted on the following charges, that, “as
bribes, for granting more favourable terms of peace to Antiochus, Scipio
had received, over and above what he brought into the treasury, six
thousand pounds’ weight of gold, and four hundred and eighty of silver;
Aulus Hostilius, eighty pounds of gold, and four hundred and three of
silver; and Furius, the quæstor, one hundred and thirty of gold, and two
hundred of silver.” These sums of gold and silver I find mentioned by
Antias. As to what regards Lucius Scipio, I suspect some mistake of the
transcriber, rather than a falsehood of the historian, respecting the
amount of the gold and silver. For it is more probable that the weight
of silver was greater than that of gold, and that the fine was laid at
four millions,[37] than at twenty-four millions of sesterces,[38] the
more on this account, as they record that an account of that sum was
demanded from Publius Scipio himself, in the senate; and that when he
had desired his brother Lucius to bring the book of his accounts, he
tore it to pieces in the view of the senate, at the same time expressing
indignation at being called to account for four millions after he had
brought two hundred millions[39] into the treasury. From the same
confidence of spirit, when the quæstors would not venture to bring money
out of the coffers contrary to law, he demanded the keys of the
treasury, declaring that he would open it as he had caused it to be
shut.

56. Many other things are at variance respecting the latter part,
particularly, of Scipio’s life, that is to say, his trial death,
funeral, and sepulchre, so that I cannot determine which tradition or
which writings I ought to credit. Writers do not agree as to his
accuser; some affirming that Marcus Nævius, others that the Petillii,
instituted the prosecution; neither are they agreed as to the time when
it was carried on; nor the year in which he died; nor the place; nor
where he was buried. Some assert, that he died and was buried at Rome;
others, at Liternum; and in both places memorials and statues of him are
shown. For at Liternum there was a monument, and on it stood his statue,
which we in person lately saw cast down by a storm. At Rome likewise, on
a monument of the Scipios outside the Capuan gate, are three statues,
two of which are said to be those of Publius and Lucius Scipio, and the
third that of the poet Quintus Ennius. Nor do these differences exist
between historians only; the speeches attributed to Publius Scipio and
Tiberius Gracchus, if they really are theirs, differ widely from one
another. The title of Publius Scipio’s speech bears the name of Marcus
Nævius, the tribune of the commons; the speech itself does not furnish
the name of the prosecutor; it only calls him sometimes a knave,
sometimes a trifler. Even the speech of Gracchus makes no mention of the
Petillii accusing Africanus, or of the prosecution carried on against
him. An entirely different story must be framed consistent with the
speech of Gracchus; and those writers must be followed who affirm, that,
at the time when Lucius Scipio was impeached, and convicted of having
taken money from the king, Africanus was a lieutenant-general in
Etruria; whence, on hearing of this misfortune, throwing up his
commission, he hastened to Rome; and when he came straight from the gate
to the forum, because he was told that his brother was being led into
confinement, he drove away the officer from his person; and, on the
tribunes attempting to detain him, laid violent hands on them, showing
more affection towards his brother than regard for the laws. Of these
acts, Gracchus himself complained, saying, that the tribunitian power
was annulled by a private person; and at last, when he promises support
to Lucius Scipio, he adds, that the precedent would be more tolerable,
if both the tribunitian authority and the state appeared to be
overpowered by a tribune of the commons, than if by a private citizen.
But he loaded him with reproaches for this signal instance of
intemperate violence, in such a manner, that while he charged him with
having degenerated so far from himself, he gave to him his
long-established praises for moderation, self-control, with many-fold
increase, so as to make ample amends for the present reprehension. For
he said, that the people were formerly severely rebuked by Scipio,
because they wished to make him perpetual consul and dictator; that he
hindered statues from being erected to him in the comitium, in the
rostrum, in the senate-house, in the Capitol, in the chapel of Jupiter’s
temple, and that he prevented, a decree being passed, that his image, in
a triumphal habit, should be brought in procession out of the temple of
Jupiter the supremely good and great. Such particulars as these, which
even an enemy acknowledged while censuring him, even if inserted in a
professed panegyric, would demonstrate an uncommon greatness of mind, in
limiting his honours conformably to his position as a citizen.

57. It is universally agreed, that the younger of Scipio’s two daughters
was married to this Gracchus; for the elder was undoubtedly disposed of
by her father, to Publius Cornelius Nasica. But it is not so certain,
whether she was both betrothed and married after her father’s death, or
whether the accounts are true, that Gracchus, when Lucius Scipio was
being led to prison, and no other of the tribunes interfered to protect
him, swore, that “the same enmity which he had entertained against the
Scipios still subsisted; and that he did not perform any act for the
sake of gaining their favour. But that, having seen Publius Africanus
leading the kings and generals of enemies to prison, he would never
suffer his brother to be led to the same place.” They add, that the
senators, happening to sup that day in the Capitol, rose up together,
and requested of Africanus, before the company departed, to betroth his
daughter to Gracchus: that the contract was accordingly executed in due
form, in the presence of this assembly; and that Scipio, on his return
home, told his wife Æmilia that he had concluded a match for her younger
daughter. That she, feeling her female pride hurt, expressing some
resentment on not having been consulted in the disposal of their common
child, added, that, even were he giving her to Tiberius Gracchus, her
mother ought not to be kept in ignorance of his intention; to which
Scipio, rejoiced at her judgment concurring so entirely with his own,
replied, that she was betrothed to that very man. These circumstances
respecting so great a captain, though they might vary, both in
traditionary and written relation, ought to be stated.

58. On the proceedings being finished by the prætor Quintius Terentius,
Hostilius and Furius, being condemned, gave securities the same day to
the city quæstors. Scipio, when he insisted that all the money received
by him was in the treasury, and that he had not in his possession any
thing whatever belonging to the public, was ordered to prison. Publius
Scipio Nasica then appealed to the tribunes, and made a speech fraught
with just encomiums, not only on the Cornelian family in general, but on
his own branch of it in particular. “His father,” he said, “and the
father of Publius Africanus and Lucius Scipio, who was now ordered to
prison, were Cneius and Publius Scipio, men of the most illustrious
characters; that when, through a long course of years, they had highly
enhanced the reputation of the Roman name in the land of Spain, against
many commanders and many armies of the Carthaginians and Spaniards, not
only by their military exploits, but also by exhibiting to the nations
of that country brilliant examples of Roman moderation and fidelity,
both, at last, fell in the service of the Roman people. Although it
ought to be sufficient to their descendants to support the glory derived
from them, yet Publius Africanus so far surpassed his father’s renown,
as to occasion a belief that he was not sprung from the human race, but
was of divine extraction. As to Lucius Scipio, concerning whom the
question then was, to pass over his exploits in Spain and in Africa,
(while he was lieutenant-general to his brother,) on his being elected
consul, was by the senate considered so worthy, that the province of
Asia and the war with Antiochus were assigned him, without leaving it to
the decision of the lots; and by his brother, that, after two
consulships, the censorship, and a triumph, he attended him into Asia in
quality of lieutenant-general. There, that the great and splendid
character of the lieutenant might not eclipse the fame of the consul, it
so happened, that, on the day when Lucius Scipio conquered Antiochus in
a pitched battle at Magnesia, Publius Scipio was absent at the distance
of several days’ journey, being sick at Elæa. The army of the enemy, on
that occasion, was not inferior to that of Hannibal, when the battle was
fought with him in Africa; and the same Hannibal, who was
commander-in-chief in the Carthaginian war, was among many other
generals of the king. The war indeed was so conducted, that no one
could throw blame even on fortune. A ground of accusation is sought for
in the peace; it is said that it was sold. The ten ambassadors, in
pursuance of whose counsel the peace was concluded, are at the same time
included in this charge. Some of the ten ambassadors had even stood
forth as accusers of Cneius Manlius, yet their charges were so far from
gaining credit that they did not produce even a delay of his triumph.

59. “But truly, in the case of Scipio, the articles of the peace are
suspected as being too favourable to Antiochus. For his entire kingdom
has been left to him: although conquered, he retains possession of every
thing that belonged to him before the war; and though, he had an immense
quantity of gold and silver, none of it has been applied to the use of
the public: all has been converted to private purposes. Now, was there
not a quantity of gold and silver carried before the eyes of the public
in the triumph of Lucius Scipio, so great that an equal quantity was not
carried in ten of the former triumphs, even if it was amassed together?
Why need I speak of the extent of the kingdom of Antiochus, or that he
held all Asia, and the adjoining parts of Europe? Every body knows what
a large portion of the surface of the earth that is, which stretches
from Mount Taurus quite to the Ægean Sea; what a number, not only of
cities, but of nations, it comprehends; and that this tract, as far as
the summit of Mount Taurus, more than thirty days’ journey in length and
ten in breadth, from one sea to the other,—has been taken from
Antiochus, who is thereby removed to the most distant corner of the
world? Now if peace had been granted him without any pecuniary
consideration, could more have been taken from him? Macedon was left to
Philip after he was conquered; Lacedæmon to Nabis; yet the grounds of an
accusation were never sought against Quinctius on that account. The
reason was, that he had not Africanus for a brother, whose high renown
ought to have been serviceable to Lucius Scipio; but envy of his merit
had done him injury. A quantity of gold and silver was mentioned in the
senate to have been conveyed to the house of Lucius Scipio, greater than
could be raised from the sale of his whole property. Where, then, was
all this royal treasure; where the value of so many estates received?
Surely in a house, which extravagance never exhausted, this new
accumulation of wealth ought to appear. But what cannot be levied out of
his effects, the enemies of Lucius Scipio will exact from his person,
and from his very flesh, by vexatious persecution and insult; carried to
such a degree that a man of his illustrious character would be shut up
in a prison, among midnight thieves and robbers, and forced to breathe
his last in a dungeon and in darkness, and his naked corpse thrown
before the prison door. Such proceedings will reflect more disgrace on
the city of Rome, than they will on the Cornelian family.”

60. In answer to this, the prætor, Terentius, read the Petillian order
of the people, the decree of the senate, and the judgment pronounced
against Lucius Scipio; and declared that unless the money adjudged were
paid into the public treasury, he had no other step to take, than to
order the person convicted to be taken into custody, and carried to
prison. The tribunes retired to confer together, and in a short time
after, Caius Fannius, according to his own opinion and that of all his
colleagues, except Gracchus, declared that the tribunes would not
interfere with the prætor to hinder his making use of his power.
Tiberius Gracchus thus decreed: “that he would not protest against the
prætor’s levying the sum adjudged out of the effects of Lucius Scipio;
but that Lucius Scipio, who had subdued the most powerful king in the
world, had extended the empire of the Roman people to the utmost limits
of the earth, had bound under obligations to the Roman people king
Eumenes, the Rhodians, and so many other states of Asia, and had led in
triumph so many generals of the enemies, and imprisoned them, should
himself lie in prison among the enemies of the Roman people, and in
chains, he never would suffer; and therefore he ordered him to be
discharged.” This decision was heard with such approbation, and the
people beheld with so much pleasure the liberation of Scipio, that it
could hardly appear that the sentence had been passed in the same
community. The prætor then sent the quæstors to take possession of
Lucius Scipio’s property, for the use of the public. And not only did no
trace appear of money received from the king, but not even so much was
made up from the sale as the sum in which he was fined. So large a
contribution was made for Lucius Scipio by his relations, friends, and
clients, that, if he had accepted it, he would have been much richer
than before this misfortune: but he received nothing. Such things as
were necessary for his family occasions, were bought back at the sale by
his nearest relations. And the public hatred which had been pointed
against the Scipios, reverted on the prætor, his advisers, and the
accusers.



BOOK XXXIX.


     _Marcus Æmilius, the consul, having subdued the Ligurians, made a
     road from Placentia as far as Ariminum, and connected it with the
     Flaminian way. The commencement of luxury, introduced by the
     Asiatic army, is related. All the Ligurians who dwell on the hither
     side of the Apennines were subdued. The Bacchanalia, a Grecian
     sacred ceremony, held at night, a hot-bed of every vice, after
     having become a conspiracy including great numbers, were discovered
     by one of the consuls and suppressed, while many of those concerned
     were punished. Lucius Quinctius Flamininus, the brother of Titus,
     was expelled the senate, by the censors Lucius Valerius Flaccus and
     Marcus Porcius Cato, who was most distinguished in the arts of war
     and peace, for the following reason: because when, as consul, he
     had held the province of Gaul, he slew with his own hand a certain
     Gaul, at the request of Philip, a Carthaginian, his noble minion;
     or, as some have stated, because he had beheaded a condemned
     criminal at the request of a courtesan of Placentia, with whom he
     was desperately in love. The speech of Marcus Cato against him is
     still extant. Scipio died at Liternum. And, as if fortune destined
     for the same period the death of the two most distinguished men of
     the day, Hannibal committed suicide by taking poison, when he was
     on the point of being given up to the Romans by Prusias, king of
     Bithynia, to whom he had fled for refuge on the defeat of
     Antiochus: the Romans had sent Titus Quinctius Flamininus to demand
     Hannibal. Philopœmen likewise, the general of the Achæans, a most
     distinguished man, after having fallen into the hands of the
     Messenians in war, was put to death by poison. Colonies are planted
     at Potentia, Pisaurus, Modena, and Parma. This book contains in
     addition the success over the Celtiberians, and the commencement
     and cause of the Macedonian war; the origin of which proceeded from
     the following source: Philip was dissatisfied that his kingdom was
     being diminished by the Romans, and because he was compelled to
     withdraw his garrisons from Thrace and other places._


1. While these things are done at Rome, (if they were really transacted
in this year,) both the consuls were employed in the war with the
Ligurians. This enemy seemed born for the purpose of preserving military
discipline among the Romans, during the intervals between important
wars; nor was any province better calculated to form a soldier to active
valour. For Asia, from the enticing pleasures of its cities, the
abundance of every production both of land and sea, the unwarlike temper
of the enemy, and the wealth of its princes, made Roman armies rich,
rather than brave. Under the command of Cneius Manlius, particularly,
the troops were kept in a state of idleness and licentiousness.
Therefore, in Thrace, a passage somewhat more difficult, and a more
vigorous enemy, checked them with severe loss. Whereas in Liguria there
was every circumstance that could invigorate the courage of soldiers;
the country mountainous and rugged, so that even the taking possession
of unoccupied posts, and much more the dislodging of an enemy from those
already in possession, was attended with much labour; the roads hilly,
narrow, and exposed to ambuscades; the enemy light, active, and
energetic in their motions, so as to allow no season or place to be
quiet or secure; the necessary attack on the strong forts with much toil
and danger; and the country so poor as to constrain the soldier to a
sparing mode of living, while it afforded but a small share of booty.
Accordingly, no sutler followed the army, no long train of baggage
horses extended its line of march, nothing was to be seen but arms, and
men having all their hopes in their arms. Nor was either subject or
cause for hostilities with them ever wanting; because on account of
their poverty at home they made frequent incursions on the territories
of their neighbours; they did not, however, fight a battle which could
decide the entire war.

2. The consul, Caius Flaminius, after several successful battles against
the Frinian Ligurians in their own country, received the submission of
that tribe, and ordered them to deliver up their arms; as they did not
give them up honourably, and were reproved for their behaviour, who
abandoned their villages, and fled to the mountain called Auginus,
whither the consul immediately followed them. A part of the enemy again
betook themselves to flight; and, running with precipitate haste, the
greatest part without arms, over pathless tracts and rocky precipices,
they escaped to places where an enemy could not follow them. Thus they
got away beyond the Apennine; the rest, who remained in the camp, were
surrounded and reduced by assault. The legions were then led over the
Apennine; then the enemy, assisted by the height of the mountain, which
they had occupied at first, stood on their defence; but, in a little
time, submitted. Their arms were then sought for with greater care and
all taken from them. The war was then transferred to the Apuan tribe of
Ligurians, who had made so many incursions into the territory of Pisa
and Bononia, that it could not be cultivated. These being entirely
subdued, the consul restored peace to the neighbourhood. And, as he had
effected the security of the province from the war, he made a road from
Bononia to Anetium, that he might not keep the soldiers in a state of
idleness. The other consul, Marcus Æmilius, ravaged with fire and sword
the lands of the Ligurians, together with their villages that stood in
the plains, while the inhabitants remained posted on two mountains,
Ballista and Suismontium. He then attacked those who were on the
mountains, harassed them for some time in skirmishes, and, at last,
compelled them to come to an engagement, and utterly defeated them in a
regular battle: in which he vowed a temple to Diana. Having now reduced
all on this side of the Apennine, he marched against those on the other
side of that mountain; among whom were the Brinian tribe, which had not
been attacked by Flaminius: Æmilius subdued them all, stripped them of
their arms, and obliged the multitude to come down from the mountains
into the plains. The Ligurians being brought to a state of peace, he led
his army into the Gallic territory, and drew a road from Placentia to
Ariminum, to meet that made by Flaminius. During the last engagement,
when he fought a pitched battle with the Ligurians, he vowed a temple to
Imperial Juno. Such were the transactions of this year in Liguria.

3. In Gaul, the prætor, Marcus Furius, seeking a pretext for war in the
midst of peace, deprived, the unoffending Cænomanians of their arms. The
Cænomanians complained of this to the senate at Rome, and were by them
referred to the consul Æmilius, whom the senate authorized to examine
into and determine the cause; after a warm contest with the prætor they
gained their cause. The prætor was ordered to restore their arms to the
Cænomanians, and quit the province.

The senate afterwards gave audience to envoys of the Latin
confederation, who had come, in great numbers, from all parts of Latium.
On their complaint that a great multitude of their citizens had been
removed to Rome, and had been assessed there in the survey; a commission
was given to Quintus Terentius Culleo, the prætor, to make inquiry after
such persons; and on the allies proving that those persons themselves,
or their fathers, had been assessed in the surveys of their states in
the censorship of Caius Claudius and Marcus Livius, or at some time
subsequent to their censorship, he was ordered to compel all such to
return to the several states wherein they had been so rated. In
consequence of this inquiry, twelve thousand Latins returned home; as
the multitude of foreigners even then burdened the city.

4. Before the consuls came home to Rome, Marcus Fulvius, the proconsul,
returned from Ætolia. He, when he had as usual recited to the senate, in
the temple of Apollo, the services which he had performed in Ætolia and
Cephallenia, then requested of the fathers, that, in consideration of
his having conducted the business of the public with good fortune and
success, they would think proper to order public thanks to be offered to
the immortal gods, and to decree a triumph to him. Marcus Abutius, a
tribune of the commons, gave notice, that, if any thing were determined
on that subject before the arrival of Marcus Æmilius, he would enter his
protest: for “the consul intended to oppose that measure; and, at his
setting out for his province, had given him a charge to keep the
discussion of it open until he should come home. That Fulvius would
suffer a loss of nothing but time; for, notwithstanding the presence of
the consul, the senate would determine according to their own wishes.”
Fulvius replied, that, “even if the quarrel subsisting between him and
Marcus Æmilius was unknown to the world, or with what overbearing, and,
in some measure, tyrannical rancour, that man prosecuted his enmity; yet
it was insufferable, that the absence of the consul should both obstruct
the worship of the immortal gods, and delay a triumph merited and due;
that a commander, after performing signal services, and his victorious
army with its booty and prisoners, should remain outside the gates,
until a consul, who purposely delayed abroad, should be pleased to
return to Rome. But, in the present case, when the animosity between
him and the consul was most notorious, what fair dealing could any one
expect from a man who procured clandestinely, in a thin house, and
lodged in the treasury, a decree of the senate, that “it did not appear
that Ambracia was taken by force:” a town which was attacked with mounds
and engines; where, after the works were burned, others were constructed
anew; where a fight was carried on around the walls for fifteen days,
both above and under ground; where, from the first dawn, when the
soldiers mounted the walls, a battle, for a long time doubtful, lasted
until night; and where more than three thousand of the enemy were
killed? Then, again, what a malicious misrepresentation did he make to
the pontiffs, of the temples of the immortal gods being plundered in a
captured city! If it were allowable that Rome should be decorated with
the ornaments of Syracuse, and other conquered places, then the laws of
war must lose their force in the case of Ambracia alone, among conquered
towns. For his part, he besought the conscript fathers, and requested
the tribunes, not to suffer him to become a subject of derision to a
most haughty enemy.”

5. All around were in his favour; and some entreated the tribune to
desist, while others sharply reproved his conduct. The speech of his
colleague, Tiberius Gracchus, moved him most, that, “for a man in office
to prosecute even his own quarrels, was an example of no good tendency;
but, that a tribune of the people should take upon himself to be a
solicitor in the quarrel of another, was infamous, and highly unworthy
of the power and sacred laws of the order to which he belonged. That men
ought to love or hate others, approve or disapprove of measures,
according to the dictates of their own judgment; but that a tribune
ought not to depend on the look or nod of another man, veer about at the
movements of another’s will, and make himself a tool to his displeasure;
nor remember a private charge, committed to him by Marcus Æmilius, and
forget that the tribuneship was a public charge, intrusted to him by the
Roman people, for the protection and liberty of private citizens, not to
aggrandize the arbitrary power of a consul. His colleague did not seem
to consider that this circumstance would be committed to record and
posterity: that, of two plebeian tribunes of the same college, one
sacrificed his own resentment to the public good, the other prosecuted
the resentment of another man which was merely intrusted to him.” When
the tribune, overcome by these severe rebukes, had withdrawn from the
meeting, a triumph was voted to Marcus Fulvius, on the motion of Servius
Sulpicius, the prætor. When he returned thanks to the conscript fathers,
he then mentioned, that, “on the day of his taking Ambracia, he had
vowed to celebrate the great games in honour of Jupiter the supremely
good and great; that a contribution for that purpose had been made to
him by the several states, amounting to one hundred and ten pounds’
weight of gold; and he requested them to order that sum to be set apart,
out of the money which he was to deposit in the treasury, after being
borne in triumph.” The senate ordered the college of pontiffs to be
consulted, whether it were necessary that the whole of that sum should
be expended on the games: when the pontiffs had answered, that it
mattered little to religion what was the expense of the games, the
senate gave permission to Fulvius to expend as much as he thought
proper, provided he did not exceed eighty thousand sesterces.[40] He, at
first, intended to celebrate his triumph in the month of January; but,
hearing that the consul Æmilius, in consequence of a letter from the
tribune Abutius, concerning his waving his protest, was coming in person
to Rome, to hinder his triumph, but had been obliged, by sickness to
halt on the road, he hastened the time of the celebration, lest he
should have more contests about it than he had met in the war. He
triumphed over the Ætolians and Cephallenia on the tenth day before the
calends of January. There were carried before his chariot, golden crowns
to the amount of one hundred and twelve pounds’ weight; of silver,
eighty-three thousand pounds; of gold, two hundred and forty-three
thousand; of Attic tetradrachms, one hundred and eighteen thousand;[41]
of the coin called Philippeans, twelve thousand four hundred and
twenty-two;[42] brazen statues, two hundred and eighty-five; marble
statues, two hundred and thirty; arms, weapons, and other spoils in
great quantities: besides these, catapultas, ballistas, and engines of
every kind; and in the procession were led twenty-seven commanders,
either Ætolian and Cephallenian, or belonging to king Antiochus, and
left with them. Before he rode into the city, in the Flaminian circus,
he presented great numbers of tribunes, præfects, horsemen, centurions,
both Romans and allies, with military gifts; to each of the soldiers he
distributed out of the booty twenty-five denariuses,[43] double to a
centurion, triple to a horseman.

6. The time of the election of consuls now approached; and as Marcus
Æmilius, to whose lot that business had fallen, could not attend, Caius
Flaminius came home to Rome. Spurius Posthumius Albinus and Quintus
Marcus Philippus were elected consuls by him. Then were chosen as
prætors,—Titus Mænius, Publius Cornelius Sulla, Caius Calpurnius Piso,
Marcus Licinius Lucullus, Caius Aurelius Scaurus, and Lucius Quintius
Crispinus. At the close of the year, after the magistrates were
appointed, on the third day before the nones of March, Cneius Manlius
Vulso triumphed over the Gauls inhabiting Asia. The reason of his
deferring his triumph so long was, to avoid standing a trial under the
Petillian law, during the prætorship of Quintus Terentius Culleo; and
the being involved in the ill consequences of the sentence passed on
another, that by which Lucius Scipio was condemned; especially as the
judges would be more disposed to severity against him than against
Scipio, for this reason, because fame had reported, that he, Scipio’s
successor, had, by tolerating every description of licentiousness,
ruined military discipline, so strictly preserved by his predecessor.
Nor were the facts, which were reported to have happened in the province
far from the eyes of spectators, the only things that disgraced his
character; but still more so, those circumstances which were every day
beheld in his soldiers; for by this army returning from Asia was the
origin of foreign luxury imported into the city. These men first brought
to Rome gilded couches, rich tapestry, with hangings and other works of
the loom; and, what were then deemed magnificent furniture,
single-footed tables and buffets. At entertainments, likewise, were
introduced female players on the harp and timbrel, with buffoons for the
diversion of the guests. Their meats also began to be prepared with
greater care and cost; while the cook, whom the ancients considered as
the meanest of their slaves both in estimation and use, became highly
valuable, and what was considered as a servile office began to be
considered an art. Nevertheless, those introductions which were then
looked on as remarkable were scarcely even the seeds of the future
luxury.

7. Cneius Manlius carried in the triumph two hundred golden crowns of
twelve pounds’ weight; two hundred and twenty thousand pounds’ weight of
silver; two thousand two hundred and three of gold; one hundred and
twenty-seven thousand Attic tetradrachms;[44] two hundred and fifty
thousand cistophoruses;[45] sixteen thousand three hundred and twenty
golden Philippeans;[46] together with abundance of Gallic arms and
spoils in chariots. Fifty-two generals of the enemy were led before his
car. He distributed to each of his soldiers forty-two denariuses,[47]
and double that sum to a centurion; to the foot-soldiers double pay, to
the horsemen triple. Great numbers of all ranks, whom he had
distinguished by gifts, accompanied him. The verses thrown out by the
soldiers were of such a kind, that it was quite evident that they were
sung to a commander who had been indulgent to them, and courted their
affections. It was indeed evident that the triumph was celebrated with a
greater degree of favour by the troops, than by the citizens. The
friends of Manlius, however, were able to acquire for him the regard of
the people also; through whose efforts a decree of the senate was
passed, ordering, that “such part of the soldiers’ pay, contributed to
the public funds by the people, as was not yet repaid, should be
discharged out of that which had been carried in the procession to the
treasury.” Accordingly the city prætors, with care and fidelity, paid
twenty-five denariuses and a half[48] instead of each thousand
asses.[49] About this time two military tribunes arrived from the two
Spains with letters from Caius Atinius and Lucius Manlius, who governed
those provinces. From these letters it appeared, that the Celtiberians
and Lusitanians were in arms, and ravaging the territories of the
allies; the senate, however, deferred all consideration of that business
until the new magistrates should come into office. This year, during the
celebration of the Roman games which Publius Cornelius Cethegus and
Aulus Postumius Albinus exhibited, a pole in the circus, being loosely
set in the ground, fell on the statue of Pollentia, and threw it down.
The senate moved by such a religious circumstance, voted that one day
should be added to the celebration of the games, that two statues should
be set up instead of the one, and that one of them, a new statue, should
be gilded. The plebeian games were likewise repeated for one day, by the
ædiles Caius Sempronius Blæsus and Marcus Furius Luscus.

8. The following year diverted Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus
Marcius Philippus, from the care of armies, and wars, and provinces, to
the punishing of an intestine conpiracy. The prætors cast lots for their
provinces, Titus Mænius obtained the city jurisdiction; Marcus Licinius
Lucullus, that between citizens and foreigners; Caius Aurelius Scaurus,
Sardinia; Publius Cornelius Sulla, Sicily; Lucius Quintius Crispinus,
Hither Spain; Caius Calpurnius Piso, Farther Spain. The making
inquisition concerning clandestine meetings was decreed to both the
consuls. A Greek of mean condition came, first, into Etruria, not with
one of the many trades which his nation, of all others the most skilful
in the cultivation of the mind and body, has introduced among us, but a
low operator in sacrifices, and a soothsayer; nor was he one who, by
open religious rites, and by publicly professing his calling and
teaching, imbued the minds of his followers with terror, but a priest of
secret and nocturnal rites. These mysterious rites were, at first,
imparted to a few, but afterwards communicated to great numbers, both
men and women. To their religious performances were added the pleasures
of wine and feasting, to allure a greater number of proselytes. When
wine, lascivious discourse, night, and the intercourse of the sexes had
extinguished every sentiment of modesty, then debaucheries of every kind
began to be practised, as every person found at hand that sort of
enjoyment to which he was disposed by the passion predominant in his
nature. Nor were they confined to one species of vice—the promiscuous
intercourse of free-born men and women; but from this store-house of
villany proceeded false witnesses, counterfeit seals, false evidences,
and pretended discoveries. From the same place, too, proceeded poison
and secret murders, so that in some cases, even the bodies could not be
found for burial. Many of their audacious deeds were brought about by
treachery, but most of them by force; it served to conceal the violence,
that, on account of the loud shouting, and the noise of drums and
cymbals, none of the cries uttered by the persons suffering violation or
murder could be heard abroad.

9. The infection of this mischief, like that from the contagion of
disease, spread from Etruria to Rome; where, the size of the city
affording greater room for such evils, and more means of concealment,
cloaked it at first; but information of it was at length brought to the
consul, Postumius, principally in the following manner. Publius Æbutius,
whose father had held equestrian rank in the army, was left an orphan,
and his guardians dying, he was educated under the eye of his mother
Duronia, and his stepfather Titus Sempronius Rutilus. Duronia was
entirely devoted to her husband; and Sempronius, having managed the
guardianship in such a manner that he could not give an account of the
property, wished that his ward should be either made away with, or bound
to compliance with his will by some strong tie. The Bacchanalian rites
were the only way to effect the ruin of the youth. His mother told him,
that, “during his sickness, she had made a vow for him, that if he
should recover, she would initiate him among the Bacchanalians; that
being, through the kindness of the gods, bound by this vow, she wished
now to fulfil it; that it was necessary he should preserve chastity for
ten days, and on the tenth, after he should have supped and washed
himself, she would conduct him into the place of worship.” There was a
freedwoman called Hispala Fecenia, a noted courtesan, but deserving of a
better lot than the mode of life to which she had been accustomed when
very young, and a slave, and by which she had maintained herself since
her manumission. As they lived in the same neighbourhood, an intimacy
subsisted between her and Æbutius, which was far from being injurious
either to the young man’s character or property; for he had been loved
and wooed by her unsolicited; and as his friends supplied his wants
illiberally, he was supported by the generosity of this woman; nay, to
such a length did she go under the influence of her affection, that, on
the death of her patron, because she was under the protection of no one,
having petitioned the tribunes and prætors for a guardian, when she was
making her will, she constituted Æbutius her sole heir.

10. As such pledges of mutual love subsisted, and as neither kept any
thing secret from the other, the young man, jokingly bid her not be
surprised if he separated himself from her for a few nights; as, “on
account of a religious duty, to a vow made for his health, he intended
to be initiated among the Bacchanalians.” On hearing this, the woman,
greatly alarmed, cried out, “May the gods will more favourably!”
affirming that “it would be better, both for him and her, to lose their
lives than that he should do such a thing:” she then imprecated curses,
vengeance, and destruction, on the head of those who advised him to such
a step. The young man, surprised both at her expressions and at the
violence of her alarm, bid her refrain from curses, for “it was his
mother who ordered him to do so, with the approbation of his
stepfather.” “Then,” said she, “your stepfather (for perhaps it is not
allowable to censure your mother) is in haste to destroy, by that act,
your chastity, your character, your hopes, and your life.” To him, now
surprised by such language, and inquiring what was the matter, she said,
(after imploring the favour and pardon of the gods and goddesses, if,
compelled by her regard for him, she disclosed what ought not to be
revealed,) that “when in service, she had gone into that place of
worship, as an attendant on her mistress; but that, since she had
obtained her liberty, she had never once gone near it: that she knew it
to be the receptacle of all kinds of debaucheries; that it was well
known that, for two years past, no one older than twenty had been
initiated there. When any person was introduced he was delivered as a
victim to the priests, who led him away to a place resounding with
shouts, the sound of music, and the beating of cymbals and drums, lest
his cries, while suffering violation, should be heard abroad.” She then
entreated and besought him to put an end to that matter in some way or
other; and not to plunge himself into a situation, where he must first,
suffer, and afterwards commit, every thing that was abominable. Nor did
she quit him until the young man gave her his promise to keep himself
clear of those rites.

11. When he came home, and his mother made mention of such things
pertaining to the ceremony as were to be performed on this day, and on
the several following days, he told her that he would not perform any of
them, nor did he intend to be initiated. His stepfather was present at
this discourse. Immediately the woman observed, that “he could not
deprive himself of the company of Hispala for ten nights; that he was
so fascinated by the caresses and baneful influence of that serpent,
that he retained no respect for his mother or stepfather, or even the
gods themselves.” His mother on one side and his stepfather on the other
loading him with reproaches, drove him out of the house, assisted by
four slaves. The youth on this repaired to his aunt Æbutia, told her the
reason of his being turned out by his mother, and the next day, by her
advice, gave information of the affair to the consul Postumius, without
any witnesses of the interview. The consul dismissed him, with an order
to come again on the third day following. In the mean time, he inquired
of his mother-in-law Sulpicia, a woman of respectable character,
“whether she knew an old matron called Æbutia, who lived on the Aventine
hill?” When she had answered that “she knew her well, and that Æbutia
was a woman of virtue, and of the ancient purity of morals”; he said that
he required a conference with her, and that a messenger should be sent
for her to come. Æbutia, on receiving the message, came to Sulpicia’s
house, and the consul, soon after, coming in, as if by accident,
introduced a conversation about Æbutius, her brother’s son. The tears of
the woman burst forth, and she began to lament the unhappy lot of the
youth: “who, after being robbed of his property by persons whom it least
of all became, was then residing with her, being driven out of doors by
his mother, because, being a good youth, (may the gods be propitious to
him,)” he refused to be initiated in ceremonies devoted to lewdness, as
report goes.

12. The consul, thinking that he had made sufficient inquiries
concerning Æbutius, and that his testimony was unquestionable, having
dismissed Æbutia, requested his mother-in-law to send again to the
Aventine, and bring from that quarter Hispala, a freedwoman, not unknown
in that neighbourhood; for there were some queries which he wished to
make of her. Hispala being alarmed because she was sent for by a woman
of such high rank and respectable character, and being ignorant of the
cause, after that she saw the lictors in the porch, the multitude
attending on the consul and the consul himself, was very near fainting.
The consul led her into a retired part of the house, and, in the
presence of his mother-in-law, told her, that “she need not be uneasy,
if she could resolve to speak the truth. She might receive a promise of
protection either from Sulpicia, a matron of such dignified character,
or from himself. That she ought to tell him, what was accustomed to be
done at the Bacchanalia, in the nocturnal orgies in the grove of
Stimula.” When the woman heard this, such terror and trembling of all her
limbs seized her, that for a long time she was unable to speak; but
recovering, at length she said, that “when she was very young, and a
slave, she had been initiated, together with her mistress; but for
several years past, since she had obtained her liberty, she knew nothing
of what was done there.” The consul commended her so far, as not having
denied that she was initiated, but charged her to explain all the rest
with the same sincerity; and told her, affirming that she knew nothing
further, that “there would not be the same tenderness or pardon extended
to her, if she should be convicted by another person, and one who had
made a voluntary confession; that there was such a person, who had heard
the whole from her, and had given him a full account of it.” 13. The
woman, now thinking without a doubt that it must certainly be Æbutius
who had discovered the secret, threw herself at Sulpicia’s feet, and at
first began to beseech her, “not to let the private conversation of a
freedwoman with her lover be turned not only into a serious business,
but even capital charge;” declaring that “she had spoken of such things
merely to frighten him, and not because she knew any thing of the kind.”
On this Postumius, growing angry, said, “she seemed to imagine that then
too she was wrangling with her gallant Æbutius, and not that she was
speaking in the house of a most respectable matron, and to a consul.”
Sulpicia raised her, terrified, from the ground, and while she
encouraged her to speak out, at the same time pacified her son-in-law’s
anger. At length she took courage, and, having censured severely the
perfidy of Æbutius, because he had made such a return for the
extraordinary kindness shown to him in that very instance, she declared
that “she stood in great dread of the gods, whose secret mysteries she
was to divulge; and in much greater dread of the men implicated, who
would tear her asunder with their hands if she became an informer.
Therefore, she entreated this favour of Sulpicia, and likewise of the
consul, that they would send her away to some place out of Italy, where
she might pass the remainder of her life in safety.” The consul desired
her to be of good spirits, and said that it should be his care that she
might live securely in Rome.

Hispala then gave a full account of the origin of the mysteries. “At
first,” she said, “those rites were performed by women. No man used to
be admitted. They had three stated days in the year on which persons
were initiated among the Bacchanalians, in the day-time. The matrons
used to be appointed priestesses, in rotation. Paculla Minia, a
Campanian, when priestesss, made an alteration in every particular, as
if by the direction of the gods. For she first introduced men, who were
her own sons, Minucius and Herrenius, both surnamed Cerrinius; changed
the time of celebration, from day to night; and, instead of three days
in the year, appointed five days of initiation, in each month. From the
time that the rites were thus made common, and men were intermixed with
women, and the licentious freedom of the night was added, there was
nothing wicked, nothing flagitious, that had not been practised among
them. There were more frequent pollution of men, with each other, than
with women. If any were less patient in submitting to dishonour, or more
averse to the commission of vice, they were sacrificed as victims. To
think nothing unlawful, was the grand maxim of their religion. The men,
as if bereft of reason, uttered predictions, with frantic contortions of
their bodies; the women, in the habit of Bacchantes, with their hair
dishevelled, and carrying blazing torches, ran down to the Tiber; where,
dipping their torches in the water, they drew them up again with the
flame unextinguished, being composed of native sulphur and charcoal.
They said that those men were carried off by the gods, whom the machines
laid hold of and dragged from their view into secret caves. These were
such as refused to take the oath of the society, or to associate in
their crimes, or to submit to defilement. Their number was exceedingly
great now, almost a second state in themselves, and among them were many
men and women of noble families. During the last two years it had been a
rule, that no person above the age of twenty should be initiated; for
they sought for people of such age as made them more liable to suffer
deception and personal abuse.” 14. When she had completed her
information, she again fell at the consuls knees, and repeated the same
entreaties, that he might send her out of the country. The consul
requests his mother-in-law to clear some part of the house, into which
Hispala might remove; accordingly, an apartment was assigned her in the
upper part of it, of which the stairs, opening into the street, were
stopped up, and the entrance made from the inner court. Thither all
Fecenia’s effects were immediately removed, and her domestics sent for.
Æbutius, also, was ordered to remove to the house of one of the consul’s
clients.

When both the informers were by these means in his power, Postumius
represented the affair to the senate, laying before them the whole
circumstance, in due order; the information given to him at first, and
the discoveries gained by his inquiries afterwards. Great consternation
seized on the senators; not only on the public account, lest such
conspiracies and nightly meetings might be productive of secret
treachery and mischief, but, likewise, on account of their own
particular families, lest some of their relations might be involved in
this infamous affair. The senate voted, however, that thanks should be
given to the consul because he had investigated the matter with singular
diligence, and without exciting any alarm. They then commit to the
consuls the holding an inquiry, out of the common course, concerning the
Bacchanals and their nocturnal orgies. They order them to take care that
the informers, Æbutius and Fecenia, might suffer no injury on that
account; and to invite other informers in the matter, by offering
rewards. They ordered that the officials in those rites, whether men or
women, should be sought for, not only at Rome, but also throughout all
the market towns and places of assembly, and be delivered over to the
power of the consuls; and also that proclamation should be made in the
city of Rome, and published through all Italy, that “no persons
initiated in the Bacchanalian rites should presume to come together or
assemble on account of those rites, or to perform any such kind of
worship;” and above all, that search should be made for those who had
assembled or conspired for personal abuse, or for any other flagitious
practices. The senate passed these decrees. The consuls directed the
curule ædiles to make strict inquiry after all the priests of those
mysteries, and to keep such as they could apprehend in custody until
their trial; they at the same time charged the plebeian ædiles to take
care that no religious ceremonies should be performed in private. To
the capital triumvirs the task was assigned to post watches in proper
places of the city, and to use vigilance in preventing any meetings by
night. In order likewise to guard against fires, five assistants were
joined to the triumvirs, so that each might have the charge of the
buildings in his own separate district, on this side the Tiber.

15. After despatching these officers to their several employments, the
consuls mounted the rostrum; and, having summoned an assembly of the
people, one of the consuls, when he had finished the solemn form of
prayer which the magistrates are accustomed to pronounce before they
address the people, proceeded thus: “Romans, to no former assembly was
this solemn supplication to the gods more suitable or even more
necessary: as it serves to remind you, that these are the deities whom
your forefathers pointed out as the objects of your worship, veneration,
and prayers: and not those which infatuated men’s minds with corrupt and
foreign modes of religion, and drove them, as if goaded by the furies,
to every lust and every vice. I am at a loss to know what I should
conceal, or how far I ought to speak out; for I dread lest, if I leave
you ignorant of any particular, I should give room for carelessness, or
if I disclose the whole, that I should too much awaken your fears.
Whatever I shall say, be assured that it is less than the magnitude and
atrociousness of the affair would justify: exertions will be used by us
that it may be sufficient to set us properly on our guard. That the
Bacchanalian rites have subsisted for some time past in every country in
Italy, and are at present performed in many parts of this city also, I
am sure you must have been informed, not only by report, but by the
nightly noises and horrid yells that resound through the whole city; but
still you are ignorant of the nature of that business. Part of you think
it is some kind of worship of the gods; others, some excusable sport and
amusement, and that, whatever it may be, it concerns but a few. As
regards the number, if I tell you that they are many thousands, that you
would be immediately terrified to excess is a necessary consequence;
unless I further acquaint you who and what sort of persons they are.
First, then, a great part of them are women, and this was the source of
the evil; the rest are males, but nearly resembling women; actors and
pathics in the vilest lewdness; night revellers, driven frantic by wine,
noise of instruments, and clamours. The conspiracy, as yet, has no
strength; but it has abundant means of acquiring strength, for they are
becoming more numerous every day. Your ancestors would not allow that
you should ever assemble casually, without some good reason; that is,
either when the standard was erected on the Janiculum, and the army led
out on occasion of elections; or when the tribunes proclaimed a meeting
of the commons, or some of the magistrates summoned you to it. And they
judged it necessary, that wherever a multitude was, there should be a
lawful governor of that multitude present. Of what kind do you suppose
are the meetings of these people? In the first place, held in the night,
and in the next, composed promiscuously of men and women. If you knew at
what ages the males are initiated, you would feel not only pity but also
shame for them. Romans, can you think youths initiated, under such oaths
as theirs, are fit to be made soldiers? That arms should be intrusted
with wretches brought out of that temple of obscenity? Shall these,
contaminated with their own foul debaucheries and those of others, be
champions for the chastity of your wives and children?

16. “But the mischief were less, if they were only effeminated by their
practices; of that the disgrace would chiefly affect themselves; if they
refrained their hands from outrage, and their thoughts from fraud. But
never was there in the state an evil of so great magnitude, or one that
extended to so many persons or so many acts of wickedness. Whatever
deeds of villany have, during late years, been committed through lust;
whatever, through fraud; whatever, through violence; they have all, be
assured, proceeded from that association alone. They have not yet
perpetrated all the crimes for which they combined. The impious assembly
at present confines itself to outrages on private citizens; because it
has not yet acquired force sufficient to crush the commonwealth: but the
evil increases and spreads daily; it is already too great for the
private ranks of life to contain it, and aims Us views at the body of
the state. Unless you take timely precautions, Romans, their nightly
assembly may become as large as this, held in open day, and legally
summoned by a consul. Now they one by one dread you collected together
in the assembly; presently, when you shall have separated and retired to
your several dwellings, in town and country, they will again come
together, and will hold a consultation on the means of their own safety,
and, at the same time, of your destruction. Thus united, they will cause
terror to every one of you. Each of you, therefore, ought to pray that
his kindred may have behaved with wisdom and prudence; and if lust, if
madness, has dragged any of them into that abyss, to consider such a
person as the relation of those with whom he has conspired for every
disgraceful and reckless act, and not as one of your own. I am not
secure, lest some, even of yourselves, may have erred through mistake;
for nothing is more deceptive in appearance than false religion. When
the authority of the gods is held out as a pretext to cover vice, fear
enters our minds, lest, in punishing the crimes of men, we may violate
some divine right connected therewith. Numberless decisions of the
pontiffs, decrees of the senate, and even answers of the aruspices, free
you from religious scruples of this character. How often in the ages of
our fathers was it given in charge to the magistrates, to prohibit the
performance of any foreign religious rites; to banish strolling
sacrificers and soothsayers from the forum, the circus, and the city; to
search for, and burn, books of divination; and to abolish every mode of
sacrificing that was not conformable to the Roman practice! For they,
completely versed in every divine and human law, maintained, that
nothing tended so strongly to the subversion of religion as sacrifice,
when we offered it not after the institutions of our forefathers, but
after foreign customs. Thus much I thought necessary to mention to you
beforehand, that no vain scruple might disturb your minds when you
should see us demolishing the places resorted to by the Bacchanalians,
and dispersing their impious assemblies. We shall do all these things
with the favour and approbation of the gods; who, because they were
indignant that their divinity was dishonoured by those people’s lusts
and crimes, have drawn forth their proceedings from hidden darkness into
the open light; and who have directed them to be exposed, not that they
may escape with impunity, but in order that they may be punished and
suppressed. The senate have committed to me and my colleague, an
inquisition extraordinary concerning that affair. What is requisite to
be done by ourselves, in person, we will do with energy. The charge of
posting watches through the city, during the night, we have committed to
the inferior magistrates; and, for your parts, it is incumbent on you to
execute vigorously whatever duties are assigned you, and in the several
places where each will be placed, to perform whatever orders you shall
receive, and to use your best endeavours that no danger or tumult may
arise from the treachery of the party involved in the guilt.”

17. They then ordered the decrees of the senate to be read, and
published a reward for any discoverer who should bring any of the guilty
before them, or give information against any of the absent, adding, that
“if any person accused should fly, they would limit a certain day upon
which, if he did not answer when summoned, he would be condemned in his
absence; and if any one should be charged who was out of Italy, they
would allow him a longer time, if he should wish to come and make his
defence.” They then issued an edict, that “no person whatever should
presume to buy or sell any thing for the purpose of leaving the country;
or to receive or conceal, or by any means aid the fugitives.” On the
assembly being dismissed, great terror spread throughout the city; nor
was it confined merely within the walls, or to the Roman territory, for
every where throughout the whole of Italy alarm began to be felt, when
the letters from the guest-friends were received, concerning the decree
of the senate, and what passed in the assembly, and the edict of the
consuls. During the night, which succeeded the day in which the affair
was made public, great numbers, attempting to fly, were seized, and
brought back by the triumvirs, who had posted guards at all the gates;
and informations were lodged against many, some of whom, both men and
women, put themselves to death. Above seven thousand men and women are
said to have taken the oath of the association. But it appeared that the
heads of the conspiracy were the two Catinii, Marcus and Caius, Roman
plebeians; Lucius Opiturnius, a Faliscian; and Minius Cerrinius, a
Campanian: that from these proceeded all their criminal practices, and
that these, were the chief priests and founders of the sect. Care was
taken that they should be apprehended as soon as possible. They were
brought before the consuls, and, confessing their guilt, caused no delay
to the ends of justice.

18. But so great were the numbers that fled from the city, that because
the lawsuits and property of many persons were going to ruin, the
prætors, Titus Mænius and Marcus Licinius, were obliged, under the
direction of the senate, to adjourn their courts for thirty days, until
the inquiries should be finished by the consuls. The same deserted state
of the law-courts, since the persons, against whom charges were brought,
did not appear to answer, nor could be found in Rome, necessitated the
consuls to make a circuit of the country towns, and there to make their
inquisitions and hold the trials. Those who, as it appeared, had been
only initiated, and had made after the priest, and in the most solemn
form, the prescribed imprecations, in which the accursed conspiracy for
the perpetration of every crime and lust was contained, but who had not
themselves committed, or compelled others to commit, any of those acts
to which they were bound by the oath,—all such they left in prison. But
those who had forcibly committed personal defilements or murders, or
were stained with the guilt of false evidence, counterfeit seals, forged
wills, or other frauds, all these they punished with death. A greater
number were executed than thrown into prison; indeed, the multitude of
men and women who suffered in both ways, was very considerable. The
consuls delivered the women, who were condemned, to their relations, or
to those under whose guardianship they were, that they might inflict the
punishment in private; but if there did not appear any proper person of
the kind to execute the sentence, the punishment was inflicted in
public. A charge was then given to demolish all the places where the
Bacchanalians had held their meetings; first, in Rome, and then
throughout all Italy; excepting those wherein should be found some
ancient altar, or consecrated statue. With regard to the future, the
senate passed a decree, “that no Bacchanalian rites should be celebrated
in Rome or in Italy:” and ordering that, “in case any person should
believe some such kind of worship incumbent on him, and necessary; and
that he could not, without offence to religion, and incurring guilt,
omit it, he should represent this to the city prætor, and the prætor
should lay the business before the senate. If permission were granted by
the senate, when not less than one hundred members were present, then he
might perform those rites, provided that no more than five persons
should be present at the sacrifice, and that they should have no common
stock of money, nor any president of the ceremonies, nor priest.”

19. Another decree connected with this was then made, on a motion of the
consul, Quintus Marcius, that “the business respecting the persons who
had served the consuls as informers should be proposed to the senate in
its original form, when Spurius Postumius should have finished his
inquiries, and returned to Rome.” They voted that Minius Cerrinius, the
Campanian, should be sent to Ardea, to be kept in custody there; and
that a caution should be given to the magistrates of that city, to guard
him with more than ordinary care, so as to prevent not only his
escaping, but his having an opportunity of committing suicide. Spurius
Postumius some time after came to Rome, and on his proposing the
question, concerning the reward to be given to Publius Æbutius and
Hispala Fecenia, because the Bacchanalian ceremonies were discovered by
their exertions, the senate passed a vote, that “the city quæstors
should give to each of them, out of the public treasury, one hundred
thousand _asses_;[50] and that the consuls should desire the plebeian
tribunes to propose to the commons as soon as convenient, that the
campaigns of Publius Æbutius should be considered as served, that he
should not become a soldier against his wishes, nor should any censor
assign him a horse[51] at the public charge.” They voted also, that
“Hispala Fecenia should enjoy the privileges of alienating her property
by gift or deed; of marrying out of her rank, and of choosing a
guardian, as if a husband had conferred them by will; that she should be
at liberty to wed a man of honourable birth, and that there should be no
disgrace or ignominy to him who should marry her; and that the consuls
and prætors then in office, and their successors, should take care that
no injury should be offered to that woman, and that she might live in
safety. That the senate wished, and thought proper, that all these
things should be so ordered.”—All these particulars were proposed to the
commons, and executed, according to the vote of the senate; and full
permission was given to the consuls to determine respecting the impunity
and rewards of the other informers.

20. Quintus Marcius, having completed the inquiries in his district,
prepared at length to proceed into the province of Liguria, for the
service of which he received a supply of three thousand Roman foot and
one hundred and fifty horse, with five thousand Latin foot and two
hundred horse. The same province, and the same numbers of horse and
foot, had been voted to his colleague, and they received the armies
which, during the preceding year, the consuls, Caius Flaminius and
Marcus Æmilius, had commanded. They were also ordered, by a decree of
the senate, to raise two new legions, and they demanded from the allies
and Latins twenty thousand foot and one thousand three hundred horse;
besides, they levied three thousand Roman foot and two hundred horse. It
was resolved that all this army, except the legions, should be led to
reinforce the army in Spain. The consuls, therefore, while they
themselves were engaged in the inquisitions, appointed Titus Mænius to
hold the levy. When the trials were finished, Quintus Marcius first
marched against the Apuan Ligurians. While he pursued these into very
remote fastnesses, which had always served them as lurking-places and
receptacles, he was surrounded in a disadvantageous position, a narrow
defile which the enemy had previously seized. Here four thousand
soldiers fell, and three standards of the second legion, with eleven
ensigns of the Latin allies, were taken; abundance of arms were likewise
lost, which were thrown away by the men in every direction, because they
impeded their flight through the woody paths. The Ligurians ceased to
pursue, sooner than the Romans to fly. As soon as the consul had
effected his escape out of the enemy’s territories, he disbanded the
troops, in the country of their friends, in order that the greatness of
the loss sustained might not appear. But he could not obliterate all
memorial of his misconduct; for the pass, from which the Ligurians put
him to flight, has been called the Marcian pass.

21. A little before this intelligence from the war in Liguria was made
public, a letter from Spain was read to them, which brought joy mingled
with grief. Caius Atinius, who, two years before, had gone to that
province in quality of prætor, fought in the territory of Asta a pitched
battle with the Lusitanians. About six thousand of the enemy were
killed, the rest routed, driven from the field, and their camp taken. He
then led his legions to attack the town of Asta, which he took with
little more trouble than he met at the camp; but, having been wounded
whilst he was approaching the walls too incautiously, he died in a few
days from the effects of the wound. When the letter was read,
acquainting them with the proprætor’s death, the senate voted, that a
courier should be sent to overtake the prætor, Caius Calpurnius, at the
port of Luna, and inform him, that the senate thought proper that he
should hasten his journey lest the province should be without a
governor. The person who was sent reached Luna on the fourth day, but
Calpurnius had set out some days before. In Hither Spain, Lucius Manlius
Acidinus, who had come into that province at the same time when Caius
Atinius came into his, fought a battle with the Celtiberians. They
quitted the field, the victory being undecided with the exception of
this, that the Celtiberians removed their camp from that quarter on the
following night: permission was thus afforded to the Romans to bury
their dead, and collect the spoils. In a few days after, the
Celtiberians, having gathered a large army, attacked the Romans, near
the town of Calaguris. Nothing is recorded respecting the cause that
rendered them weaker after their numbers were increased, but they were
defeated in the battle; twelve thousand of their men were killed, more
than two thousand taken, and the Roman army got possession of their
camp, and had not a successor, by his arrival, checked the career of the
conqueror, the Celtiberians would have been completely subdued. Both the
new prætors drew off their armies into winter quarters.

22. During the time in which this intelligence was announced from Spain,
the games called Taurilia[52] were celebrated, during two days, on a
religious account. Then Marcus Fulvius exhibited games, which he had
vowed in the Ætolian war, and which lasted ten days. Many artists, out
of respect to him, came from Greece on the occasion; and now, for the
first time, the Romans had an opportunity of seeing contests of
wrestlers; they were also presented with a hunt of lions and panthers;
the games were celebrated with almost the variety and abundance of the
present age. The nine days’ solemnity succeeded, because showers of
stones had fallen, for three days, in Picenum; and fires from heaven
were said to have arisen in various places, and singed the clothes of
many persons by slight flashes. By order of the pontiffs, a
supplication, of one day’s continuance, was added because the temple of
Ops, in the Capitol, was struck by lightning. The consuls sacrificed
victims of the larger kinds, and purified the city. At the same time, an
account was brought from Umbria, of a hermaphrodite, twelve years old,
being found there. The consuls wishing to get rid of the prodigy, as it
was a fearful omen, ordered that it should be removed instantly out of
the Roman territory, and put to death. During this year, a body of
Transalpine Gauls came into Venetia, without committing depredation or
hostility, and pitched on a spot for building a town, not far from that
where Aquileia now stands. Ambassadors were sent from Rome, over the
Alps, on this business, and to them an answer was given that “they had
not emigrated by the authority of their state, nor did their countrymen
know what they were doing in Italy.” About this time Lucius Scipio
celebrated games, which he said he had vowed during the war with
Antiochus; they lasted ten days, and the money was contributed for the
purpose by the kings and states of Asia. Valerius Antias asserts, that,
after his condemnation, and the sale of his effects, he was sent as
ambassador into Asia, to adjust disputes between the kings Antiochus and
Eumenes; that there the money was contributed for him, and actors
collected through Asia: and that after his embassy, the subject of those
games (of which he had made no mention after the war, in which he
asserted that they had been vowed) was at length introduced in the
senate-house.

23. As the year was now drawing to a conclusion, Quintus Marcius, then
abroad, was soon to go out of office. Spurius Postumius, after having
conducted the inquisitions with the utmost care and propriety, held the
elections. Appius Claudius Pulcher and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus were
chosen consuls. Next day, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Aulus Postumius
Albinus, Caius Afranius Stellio, Caius Atilius Serranus Lucius Postumius
Tempsanus, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus were elected prætors. Towards
the close of the year, because the consul Spurius Postumius reported
that in travelling along the coasts of Italy, for the purpose of holding
the inquisitions, he had found two colonies deserted, Sipontum on the
upper sea, and Buxentum on the lower; in pursuance of a decree of the
senate, Lucius Scribonus Libo, Marcus Tuccius, and Cneius Bebius
Tamphilus, were appointed commissioners for conducting colonies thither,
by Titus Mænius, city prætor. The war with king Perseus and the
Macedonians, which was impending, has not derived its origin from what
most persons imagine, nor from Perseus himself. The preliminary steps
were taken by Philip, and, if he had lived some time longer, he would
himself have carried on that war. When the conditions of peace were
imposed on him, when he was vanquished, one particular chagrined him
more than all the rest; this was because the liberty of wreaking his
vengeance on such of the Macedonians as had revolted from him in the
course of the war, was taken from him by the senate; although, because
Quintius had left that point undetermined, when lie was adjusting the
articles of pacification, he had not despaired of the possibility of
obtaining it. Afterwards, on the defeat of Antiochus at Thermopylæ, the
armies being separated at the time when the consul Acilius carried on
the siege of Heraclea, and Philip besieged Lamia, because he was ordered
to retire from the walls of Lamia, as soon as Heraclea was taken, and
the town was surrendered to the Romans, he was grievously offended with
this circumstance. The consul, indeed, in some measure, soothed his
resentment; for, when he was hastening to Naupactum, where the Ætolians
had re-assembled after their flight, he gave Philip permission to make
war on Amynander and Athamania; and to annex to his dominions the cities
which the Ætolians had taken from the Thessalians. Without much
difficulty, he expelled Amynander from Athamania, and got possession of
several cities. He also reduced under his dominion the city of
Demetrias, a place of great strength, and convenient in every respect;
with the whole of the Magnesian state. Afterwards, finding that several
cities in Thrace, through an abuse of the liberty which they had lately
acquired, and to which they had not been accustomed, were distracted by
dissensions among their leading men, he, by uniting himself to the
parties that were worsted in their disputes with their countrymen, made
himself master of them all.

24. By these means the king’s wrath against the Romans was appeased for
the present; but he never abandoned the project of collecting such a
force during peace, as would enable him to maintain a war, whenever the
fortunate occasion should be offered. He augmented the revenues of his
kingdom, not only out of the produce of the lands and the port duties,
but also he worked the mines, both the old ones which had been
neglected, and new ones which he opened in many places. Then, (in order
to restore the former degree of population, which had been diminished by
the calamities of war,) he not only caused an increase in the offspring
of that generation, by compelling every one to marry and rear children;
but he transplanted a great multitude of Thracians into Macedonia, and,
during a long suspension of arms, he employed the utmost assiduity in
augmenting, by every possible means, the strength of his kingdom. Causes
afterward occurred, which served to revive his animosity against the
Romans. Complaints made by the Thessalians and Perrhæbians, of his
holding possession of their towns, and, by ambassadors from king
Eumenes, of his having forcibly seized the cities of Thrace, and
transplanted great numbers of their people into Macedonia, had been
received in such a manner as plainly evinced that they were not thought
unworthy of attention. What made the greatest impression on the senate,
was, their having been informed, that Philip aimed at the possession of
Ænus and Maronea; as to the Thessalians, they regarded them less.
Ambassadors came, likewise, from the Athamanians, complaining not of the
loss of a part of their territory, nor of encroachment on their
frontier,—but that all Athamania had been brought under the dominion and
jurisdiction of the king. Exiles from Maronea also appeared, who had
been expelled by the king’s troops, for having supported the cause of
liberty; who reported, that not only Maronea, but Ænus too, was held in
subjection by him. Ambassadors came from Philip to defend his conduct,
who asserted, that, nothing bad been done without permission from the
Roman commanders. That “the states of the Thessalians, Perrhæbians, and
Magnesians, and the nation of the Athamanians, with Amynander, had all
been engaged in the same cause with the Ætolians. That after the
expulsion of king Antiochus, the consul, being himself busy in reducing
the towns of Ætolia, had named Philip to subdue those states, and they
remained subject to him in consequence of their being conquered by his
arms.” The senate, too, that they might not make any decision concerning
the king in his absence, sent Quintus Cascilius Metellus, Marcus Bæebius
Tamphilus, and Tiberius Sempronius, ambassadors to adjust those
disputes. Previous to their arrival, a convention of all those states
who had disputes with the king, was summoned to meet at Tempe in
Thessaly.

25. When all were seated there, (the Roman ambassadors in the character
of arbitrators, the Thessalians, Perrhæbians, and Athamanians
professedly as accusers, and Philip as defendant, to hear the
accusations brought against him,) those who were the heads of the
embassies, according to their several tempers, their favour, or their
hatred towards the king, spoke, some with acrimony, others with
mildness. Philippopolis, Trica, Phaloria, Eurymenæ, and the other towns
in their neighbourhood, became the subject of dispute. The point in
controversy was, whether these towns were the property of the
Thessalians, when they were forcibly taken from them, and held by the
Ætolians, (for from these it was acknowledged that Philip had received
them,) or whether they were originally belonging to the Ætolians:
Acilius having granted them to the king, on the condition that “they had
been the property of the Ætolians; and if they had sided with the
Ætolians of their own free will, and not compelled by violence and
arms.” The question in regard to the towns of the Perrhæbians and
Magnesians turned on the same points; for the Ætolians, by holding
possession of them occasionally, had confused the rights of all. To
these particulars, which were matter of discussion, the complaints of
the Thessalians were added, that “if these towns were now restored to
them, they would come into their hands in a state of desolation, and
depopulated; for besides the loss of inhabitants through the casualties
of war, Philip had carried away five hundred of their young men of the
first rank into Macedonia, and abused their labour by employing them in
servile offices; and had taken pains to render useless whatever he
should be compelled to restore to the Thessalians. That Thebes in
Phthiotis was the only sea-port they had, which formerly produced much
profit and advantage to the inhabitants of Thessaly; but that Philip,
having collected there a number of ships of burthen, made them steer
their course past Thebes to Demetrias, and turned thither the whole
commerce by sea. That he did not now scruple to offer violence, even to
ambassadors, who, by the law of nations, are every where held
inviolable, but had laid an ambush for theirs who were going to Titus
Quintius, that the Thessalians were in consequence seized with such
dread, that not one of them, even in their own states, or in the general
assemblies of the nation, ventured to open his lips. For the Romans, the
defenders of their liberty, were far distant; and a severe master close
at their side, debarring them from using the kindness of the Romans. If
speech were not free, what else could be said to be so: at present,
through confidence in the protection of the ambassadors, they uttered
their groans rather than words; but, unless the Romans would take some
precautions that both the fears of the Greeks bordering on Macedonia and
the arrogance of Philip should be abated, his having been conquered, and
their being set at liberty, would prove utterly fruitless. Like a
restive, unmanageable horse, he required to be cheeked with a strong
bridle.” These bitter expressions were used by the last speakers among
them; those who spoke before having endeavoured by mildness to mitigate
his resentment; requesting of him “that he should pardon persons
pleading in defence of their liberty; that he should, laying aside the
harshness of a master, generally display himself an ally and friend;
that he should imitate the Roman people, who wished to unite their
allies to them by the ties of affection, rather than of fear.” When the
Thessalians had finished, the Perrhæbians pleaded that Gonnocondylos, to
which Philip had given the name of Olympias, belonged to Perrhæbia, and
ought to be restored to them; and the same demand was made with respect
to Malœa, and Ericinium. The Athamanians claimed a restoration of
liberty, and the forts Athenæus and Pœtneus.

26. Philip began his discourse also with complaints, that he might
maintain the appearance of an accuser rather than of a defendant. He
complained that “the Thessalians had taken by force of arms, Menelais in
Dolopia, a town belonging to his dominions; likewise, Petra in Pieria
was taken by the same Thessalians and the Perrhæbians; that they had
reduced under their government Xyniæ, which unquestionably belonged to
Ætolia; and that Parachelois, which was under Athamania, was, without
any just claim, subjected to the jurisdiction of the Thessalians. As to
the charges brought against him, concerning an ambush laid for
ambassadors, and of sea-ports being frequented or deserted, the one was
quite ridiculous, (as if he were to account for what harbours merchants
or sailors should frequent,) and the other the constant tenor of his
conduct rejected with scorn. During a number of years, ambassadors had
never ceased carrying complaints against him, sometimes to the Roman
generals, at others to Rome to the senate. Which of them had ever been
injured, even in words? They said, indeed, that an ambush was once laid
for some who were going to Quintius, but they are silent in regard to
consequences. Such were the accusations of men searching for false
imputations, because they had no truth on their side.” He said, that
“the Thessalians, insolently and wantonly, abused the indulgence of the
Roman people, too greedily drinking, as it were, strong draughts of
liberty after a long thirst; and thus, in the manner of slaves lately
set free, made trial of their voices and tongues, and prided themselves
in invectives and railings against their masters.” Then, hurried on by
passion, he added, that “his sun had not set yet;” which expression, not
only the Thessalians, but the Romans also, took as a menace to
themselves; and when a murmur of displeasure followed his words, and was
at length hushed, he replied to the ambassadors of the Perrhæbians and
Athamanians, “that the cases of the cities of which they had spoken were
the same. The consul Acilius and the Romans gave them to him, when they
were the property of enemies. If the donors chose to resume what they
had given, he knew he must submit, but in that case they would, for the
gratification of inconstant and unprofitable allies, do injury to a more
useful and more faithful friend. For no favour produced less permanent
gratitude than the gift of liberty, especially among people who were
ready to corrupt it by using it badly.” After examining the merits of
the cause, the ambassadors pronounced their judgment, that “the
Macedonian garrisons should be withdrawn from the cities in question,
and that the kingdom of Macedonia should be limited by its ancient
boundaries. That with regard to the injuries which both parties
complained of being done to them, it would be requisite to institute
some compact for the attainment of justice, in order to decide the
controversies between those states and the Macedonians.”

27. The king being grievously offended, the ambassadors proceeded thence
to Thessalonica, to give a hearing to the business concerning the cities
of Thrace. Here the ambassadors of Eumenes said, that “if the Romans
wished that Ænus and Maronea should be independent, the king felt
ashamed to say more, than to recommend it to them to leave those people
free in fact, and not in words; nor to suffer their kindness to be
intercepted by another. But if they had not so much concern for the
states situated in Thrace, it was much more reasonable that Eumenes
should possess, as the rewards of war, the places which had been under
the dominion of Antiochus, than Philip; and that, either on account of
his father Attalus’s deserts in the war, waged by the Roman people
against Philip himself, or on account of his own, because he had shared
all the toils and dangers on land and sea, during the war with
Antiochus. Besides, he had the previous judgment of the ten ambassadors
to that purpose; who, when they granted the Chersonesus and Lysimachia,
surely yielded at the same time Ænus and Maronea; which, even from the
proximity of situation, were but a sort of appendage to the larger gift.
For, as to Philip, by what merits towards the Roman people, or what
right of dominion, had he put garrisons into those places, which were at
so great a distance from the borders of Macedonia? They then desired
that the Romans would order the Maronites to be called, from whom they
would receive more positive information of the condition of those
cities.” The Maronite ambassadors being called in, declared, that “not
in one spot of the city, as in other garrisoned towns, but in every
quarter of it, there was a party of the king’s troops, and that Maronea
was full of Macedonians; in consequence of which, the favourites of the
king domineered over the rest; they alone had liberty of speaking,
either in the senate or assemblies of the people. All posts of eminence
they assumed to themselves, or conferred on whom they thought proper.
That the most deserving persons, who had a regard for liberty and for
the laws, were either expelled their country, and in exile, or remained
in silence, dishonoured and subjected to men of the worst description.”
They added also a few words respecting their right to the frontier
places, affirming, that “Quintus Fabius Labeo, when he was in that
country, had fixed as a boundary line to Philip, the old royal road
leading to Paroreia, in Thrace, which in no place leads towards the sea;
and that Philip afterwards drew a new one in another direction, in order
to include the cities and lands of the Maronites.”

28. Philip, in his reply to these charges, took quite another course
than when lately answering the Thessalians and Perrhæbians, and
said:—“My dispute is not now with the Maronites, or with Eumenes, but
with you yourselves, Romans, from whom I have long ago seen that I can
obtain no justice. The cities of Macedonia, which had revolted from me
during a suspension of arms, I thought should in justice be restored to
me; not that they would have made any great accession to my dominions,
because the towns are small in themselves, and besides, are situated on
the extremities of the frontiers; but because the example was of great
consequence towards retaining the rest of the Macedonians in their
allegiance. This was refused me. In the Ætolian war, I was ordered by
the consul, Manius Acilius, to lay siege to Lamia, and when I had there
undergone a long course of fatigue in fighting and constructing works,
and was on the point of mounting the walls, the consul recalled me from
the city when almost in my possession, and compelled me to draw off my
troops from it. As some consolation for this hard treatment, I received
permission to seize on some forts, rather than cities, of Thessaly,
Perrhæbia, and Athamania. These also you yourselves, Quintus Cæcilius,
have taken from me a few days ago. The ambassadors of Eumenes, just now,
took for granted, it seems, that Eumenes would with more justice than I
possess whatever belonged to Antiochus. I judge the matter to be widely
different. For Eumenes could not have remained on his throne, unless the
Romans had engaged in the war, and not unless they had conquered.
Therefore he has received a favour from you, not you from him; whereas,
so far were any part of my dominions from being in danger, that, when
Antiochus voluntarily offered to purchase my alliance, with three
thousand talents and fifty decked ships, guaranteeing to me all the
cities of Greece of which I had heretofore been in possession, I
rejected that offer. I avowed myself his enemy, even before Manius
Acilius brought over an army into Greece. In conjunction with that
consul, I supported whatever share of the war he gave me in charge. To
the succeeding consul, Lucius Scipio, when he proposed leading his army
by land to the Hellespont, I not only gave a passage through my
dominions, but also made roads for him, built bridges, supplied him with
provisions, and escorted him, not only through Macedon, but likewise
through Thrace; where, besides other business, I had to procure peace
from the barbarians. In requital of this zeal, not to call it merit,
towards you, whether would it be proper in you, Romans, to enlarge and
increase my dominions by acts of generosity, or to ravish from me what I
possessed, either in my own right or through your kindness. The cities
of Macedon, which you acknowledge to have belonged to my kingdom, are
not restored. Eumenes comes to plunder me as he would Antiochus, and, if
you choose to believe him, covers his most shameless chicanery under the
decree of the ten ambassadors, by which principally he can be refuted
and convicted. For is it not expressly and plainly set down in that
writing, that the Chersonese and Lysimachia are granted to Eumenes; and
where are Ænus, Maronea, and the cities of Thrace annexed to it in
writing? That which he did not dare even to ask from them, shall he
obtain from you, as if under their grant? It is a matter of importance
in what light you choose to consider me. If you are resolved to
persecute me as an enemy and foe, proceed to act as you have begun: but,
if you have any consideration for me as a king in friendship and
alliance with you, I must entreat you not to judge me deserving of such
injurious treatment.”

29. The king’s discourse made a considerable impression on the
ambassadors; they therefore left the matter in suspense, by this
indecisive resolution, that “if the cities in question were granted to
Eumenes by the decree of the ten ambassadors, they would make no
alteration. If Philip subdued them in war, he should, by the laws of
war, hold them as the prize of victory. If neither were the case, then
their judgment was, that the decision should be referred to the senate;
and in order that all things might remain in their original state, the
garrisons in those cities should be withdrawn.” These causes,
principally, alienated the regard of Philip from the Romans, so that the
war naturally seems not set on foot by his son Perseus for any fresh
causes, but rather for these causes, bequeathed by the father to the
son. At Rome there was hitherto no suspicion of a war with Macedonia.
Lucius Manlius, the proconsul, had by this time come home from Spain. On
his demanding a triumph from the senate assembled in the temple of
Bellona, the greatness of his exploits justified the demand, but
precedent opposed it; for it was a rule, established by ancient
practice, that no commander, who had not brought home his troops, should
triumph, unless he had delivered up the province to his successor, in a
state of thorough subjection and tranquillity. An honour of a middling
grade was conferred on Manlius, namely, that he should enter the city in
ovation. He carried in the procession fifty-two golden crowns, one
hundred and twenty-two pounds’ weight of gold, with sixteen thousand
three hundred pounds of silver; and announced in the senate, that his
quæstor, Quintus Fabius, was bringing ten thousand pounds’ weight of
silver, and eighty of gold, and that he would carry it likewise to the
treasury. During that year there was a formidable insurrection of the
slaves in Apulia. Lucius Postumius, prætor, governed the province of
Tarentum, and conducted with much severity inquiries into a conspiracy
of peasants, who had infested the roads and public pastures with
robberies. Of these, he passed sentence on no less than seven thousand;
many of whom made their escape, and on many punishment was inflicted.
The consuls, after being long detained in the city by the levies, set
out at length for their provinces.

30. This year, Caius Calpurnius and Lucius Quintius, the two prætors in
Spain, drew their troops out of winter quarters, at the commencement of
spring, and making a junction of them in Bæturia, for they were resolved
to proceed in the operations of the campaign with united zeal and
harmony, advanced into Carpetania, where the enemy’s camp lay. At a
small distance from the towns of Hippo and Toletum, a fight began
between the foraging parties, to whom when reinforcements came from both
armies from the camps, the entire armies were by degrees drawn out into
the field. In this irregular kind of battle, the advantage of the ground
and the manner of fighting were in favour of the enemy. The two Roman
armies were routed, and driven into their camp; but the enemy did not
pursue the dismayed Romans. The Roman prætors, lest their camp should
be attacked next day, giving the signal in silence, led away their army
in the dead of the following night. At the first dawn, the Spaniards
came up to the rampart in battle array, and entered the camp which,
beyond their expectation, was deserted, and made prey of whatever had in
the hurry and confusion been first left behind; and then, returning to
their own station, remained, for a few days, at rest within their camp.
Of the Romans and allies, there were killed in the battle and the
pursuit, five thousand men, out of whose spoils the enemy furnished
themselves with arms. They then advanced to the river Tagus. All the
intermediate time the Roman prætors employed in collecting aid from the
allied Spanish states, and reviving the spirits of their men after the
dismay occasioned by their defeat. When their strength appeared
adequate, and the soldiers too called for their enemy, to blot out in
vengeance their former disgrace, they pitched their camp at the distance
of twelve miles from the river Tagus; but decamping thence at the third
watch, and marching with their army in a square, reached the bank of the
river at break of day. The enemy’s camp was on a hill at the other side
of the river. They immediately led their army across the river where it
was fordable in two places, Calpurnius having the command of the right,
Quintius of the left. The enemy continued motionless, since they were
surprised at the sudden arrival of the Romans, and busy in
consultations, when they might have excited confusion among the troops
during their hurry in passing the river. In the mean time the Romans
brought over all their baggage, and threw it together in a heap, and
seeing the enemy, at length, begin to move, and having no time for
fortifying a camp, they formed their line of battle. In the centre were
placed the fifth legion, serving under Calpurnius, and the eighth, under
Quintius, which composed the principal strength of their army. All the
way to the enemy’s camp they had an open plain, free from all danger of
ambush.

31. When the Spaniards saw the two bodies of Romans, on their side of
the river, they rushed suddenly out of the camp, and advanced to battle
at full speed, that they might fall upon them before they should unite
and put themselves in order. The fight, in the beginning, was urged with
great fury; the Spaniards being elated by their late success, and the
Roman soldiery inflamed to rage, by a discomfiture to which they were
unaccustomed. The centre, consisting of two legions of the greatest
bravery, fought with the utmost vigour. The enemy, seeing that they
could not be forced from their ground by any other means, resolved to
make their attack in form of a wedge; and this body, becoming
continually more numerous and more compact, pressed hard on them. When
the prætor, Calpurnius, perceived that his line was distressed in this
part, he hastily despatched two lieutenants-general, Titus Quintilius
Varus and Lucius Juventius Thalna, to animate the courage of the two
legions, who were ordered to say, that “all hopes of victory, and of
retaining possession of Spain, depended entirely on them. If they should
give ground, not a man in that whole army would ever see Italy, no, nor
even the farther bank of the Tagus.” He himself, at the head of the
cavalry of the two legions, making a small circuit, charged the flank of
the wedge, which was pressing upon his centre. Quintius, likewise, with
his cavalry, charged the enemy on the other flank; but the horsemen of
Calpurnius fought with far greater spirit, while the prætor himself
exceeded all others. He was the first that struck down one of the enemy,
and he pushed in among the troops in the centre, in such a manner that
it was hard to distinguish to which side he belonged. Thus the horse
were animated by the extraordinary valour of the prætor, and the
infantry by that of the horse. Shame, because they saw the prætor in the
midst of the enemy’s weapons, inspired the foremost centurions. They
all, therefore, earnestly pressed the standard-bearers, urging them to
carry forward the ensigns, and the soldiers to follow with speed. All
set up the shout anew, and made an attack as violent as if it were made
from the higher ground. Like a flood, therefore, they broke and bore
down the enemy in dismay, nor could they be resisted, pouring in one
after another, The cavalry pursued the fugitives to their camp, and
mixing with the crowd of the runaways, penetrated within the rampart.
Here the fight was renewed by the troops left to guard the camp, and
the Roman horsemen were obliged to dismount. While they were engaged,
the fifth legion came up, and afterwards the rest of the troops joined
them with all the speed they could. The Spaniards were cut to pieces in
all parts of the camp; not more than four thousand men made their
escape. Of these about three thousand, who kept their arms, took
possession of a mountain in the neighbourhood, and one thousand, who
were in general but half armed, dispersed through the country. This army
of the enemy had contained thirty-five thousand men, of whom that very
small number survived the battle. One hundred and thirty-three standards
were taken. Of the Romans and allies, a few more than six hundred fell;
and of the provincial auxiliaries, about one hundred and fifty. The loss
of five military tribunes, and a few Roman horsemen, served principally
to give the victory the appearance of being a bloody one. The army
lodged in the enemy’s camp, as they had not had time to fortify one of
their own. Next day the cavalry was praised by Calpurnius in an
assembly, and presented with trappings; and he declared publicly, that
through their bravery, principally, the enemy had been defeated, and
their camp stormed and taken. Quinctius, the other prætor, presented his
cavalry also with chains and clasps. A great many centurions also, of
both the armies, received gratuities, especially those who were in the
centre.

32. The consuls, as soon as they had finished the levies, and other
business which required to be done at Rome, led the army into their
province, Liguria. Sempronius marched from Pisæ against the Apuan
Ligurians, and by ravaging their lands, and by burning their villages
and forts, he opened that difficult country, as far as the river Macra
and the harbour of Luna. The enemy took possession of a mountain which
had been the ancient retreat of their forefathers; but the difficulty of
access being overcome, they were dislodged by force. Appius Claudius,
against the Ingaunian tribe, rivalled in several successful battles the
good fortune and bravery of his colleague. He also stormed six of their
towns, in which he made many thousand prisoners, beheading forty-three
of the chief promoters of the war. The time of the elections now drew
near; but Claudius came home to Rome sooner than Sempronius, to whom the
business of presiding at the elections had been allotted, because his
brother, Publius Claudius, stood candidate for the consulship. His
competitors, of patrician rank, were Lucius Æmilius, Quintus Fabius
Labeo, and Servius Sulpicius Galba, who had been candidates before, and
now renewed their suit, for an honour which was the more justly due to
them, owing to their repulses, as it had been refused before. Besides,
as it was not lawful that more than one patrician should be appointed,
there was a closer contest between the four candidates. The plebeian
candidates likewise were men in high esteem. Lucius Porcius, Quintus
Terentius Culleo, and Cneius Bæbius Tamphilus; these two had been
disappointed, but had cherished hopes of attaining the honour at some
future time. Claudius was the only new candidate. Quintus Fabius Labeo
and Lucius Porcius Licinus were marked out by public opinion as the
successful persons; but Claudius, the consul, unattended by his lictors,
canvassed with his brother through all parts of the forum,
notwithstanding the loud remonstrances of his opponents and the greater
part of the senate, who insisted that “he ought to remember that he was
consul of the Roman people, rather than the brother of Publius Claudius.
Why should he not rather sit on his tribunal, content himself with
presiding, and remain a silent spectator of the business.” Yet he could
not be restrained from a display of his immoderate zeal. The election
was, also, several times interrupted by contentions between the plebeian
tribunes; some of whom struggled hard in opposition to the consul, and
others in support of the cause which he favoured. At last, Appius
conquered all opposition, so as to set aside Fabius, and bring in his
brother. Thus was Publius Claudius Pulcher elected consul, beyond his
own, and indeed the general expectation. Lucius Porcius Licinus carried
his election also, because the contest among the plebeian candidates was
conducted with a decent degree of warmth, and not with the violence of
Claudius. Then was held the election of prætors. Caius Decimius Flavus,
Publius Sempronius Longus, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus Nævius
Matho, Caius Sempronius Blæsus, and Aulus Terentius Varro, were made
prætors. Such were the occurrences at home and abroad of this year,
during the consulate of Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius.

33. In the beginning of the following year, Publius Claudius and Lucius
Porcius, the consuls, when Quintus Cæcilius, Marcus Bæebius, and
Tiberius Sempronius, who had been sent to adjust the matters in dispute
between the kings, Philip and Eumenes, and the states of the
Thessalians, had given an account of their embassy, introduced to the
senate ambassadors from those kings and states. On this occasion, the
same arguments were repeated by all parties, which had been urged before
the ambassadors in Greece. The senate then decreed that a new embassy,
the principal man of which was Appius Claudius, should be sent into
Macedonia and Greece, to know whether the several states had been
restored to the Rhodians, Thessalians, and Perrhæbians. Instructions
were given to the same, that the garrisons should be withdrawn, from
Ænus and Maronea, and that all the sea-coast of Thrace should be made
free and independent of Philip and the Macedonians. They were ordered
also to go to Peloponnesus, from which the former ambassadors had
departed, leaving affairs in a more unsettled state than they would have
been if they had not come thither. For besides other matters, they were
even sent away without an answer by the Achæan council, nor was an
audience of that body granted to them at their request. When Quintus
Cæcilius made a heavy complaint on this subject, and at the same time
the Lacedæmonians deplored the demolition of their walls, the carrying
off their poor people into Achaia, the selling of them there, and the
depriving them of the laws of Lycurgus, by which the nation had been
supported unto that time, the Achaians laboured principally to excuse
their having refused a meeting of the council by quoting a law which
enacted, that a council should not be summoned, except on business of
peace or war, or when ambassadors should come from the senate with
letters or written instructions. That this kind of excuse should not be
made in future, the senate observed to them, that they ought to take
care that Roman ambassadors should at all times have an opportunity of
applying to their council, in like manner as an audience of the senate
was always given to them, at any time when they wished it.

34. After those embassies were dismissed, Philip, being informed that he
must yield up the states, and evacuate the towns in question, was highly
enraged against all, yet vented his fury on the Maronites in particular.
He gave a charge to Onomastus, who had the command of the sea-coast, to
put to death the leaders of the opposite party. This man, through the
agency of a person called Cassander, a partisan of the king’s, who had
resided a long time in Maronea, having introduced Thracians by night,
put the inhabitants to the sword, as if the city had been taken by
storm. When the Roman ambassadors complained of his acting with such
cruelty towards the innocent Maronites, and with such presumption
towards the Roman people, in killing, as enemies, those very persons to
whom the senate had adjudged the restoration of liberty, he denied that
“any of those matters concerned him, or any one belonging to him; that
they had quarrelled among themselves, and fought, because some wished to
bring over their state to his side, others to that of Eumenes. That they
might easily ascertain this; and they had only to ask the Maronites
themselves.” For he was confident, that while they were all under the
impression of terror, since the late massacre, not one of them would
dare to utter a word against him. Appius said, that “a case so clear
ought not to be examined into as if it were doubtful. But if he wished
to remove the guilt from himself, let him send Onomastus and Cassander,
the actors in that business, to Rome, that the senate might examine
them.” At first, these words so entirely disconcerted the king, that
neither his colour nor his looks remained unchanged; then, after some
time, having collected his thoughts, he replied, that “he would send
Cassander, who had been in Maronea, if it was their desire: but as to
Onomastus, how could that matter affect him, who, so far from being in
Maronea, was not even near it?” He was more careful of Onomastus, as a
more valued friend, yet he dreaded him much more lest he might make
discoveries; because he had, in person, conversed with him on the
subject, and he had made him an agent and accomplice in many similar
acts. Cassander is supposed to have been taken off, that the truth might
not be divulged, by poison administered by persons sent to escort him
through Epirus to the sea-coast.

35. The ambassadors departed from the conference with Philip in such a
manner that they made it manifest that none of these acts pleased them;
and Philip, with a full resolution to have recourse again to arms.
Because his strength was as yet insufficient for that purpose, he
resolved, in order to procure delay, to send his younger son Demetrius
to Rome, to clear him from the above-named charges; and at the same time
to deprecate the wrath of the senate. Philip had strong expectations
that the young man himself, because he had, while a hostage at Rome,
exhibited proofs of a princely disposition, would have a good deal of
influence now. Meanwhile, under the pretence of carrying succour to the
Byzantians, but in reality with design to strike terror into the
chieftains of the Thracians, he marched into their country, utterly
defeated them in an engagement, in which he took their commander,
Amadocus, prisoner, and then returned to Macedonia, having first
despatched emissaries to induce the barbarians, living near the Danube,
to make an irruption into Italy. The arrival of the Roman ambassadors,
who had been ordered to go from Macedonia into Achaia, was expected in
Peloponnesus; and in order that the Achæans might settle their plans of
conduct towards them beforehand, their prætor, Lycortas, summoned a
general council. Here the affair of the Lacedæmonians was taken into
consideration. It was observed that “from enemies, they were turned
accusers; and there was reason to fear lest they should prove more
formidable, after having been conquered, than when at war: for in it the
Achæans had the Romans as allies in their cause; now the same Romans
were more favourable to the Lacedæmonians than to the Achæans. Even
Areus and Alcibiades, both restored from exile through the kindness of
the Achæans, had undertaken an embassy to Rome, in prejudice to a nation
to which they were so much obliged; and had used language so severe,
that they seemed to have been banished from their country, instead of
being restored to it.” A general clamour arose, requiring him to put the
question on each of them by name; and as every thing was directed by
passion, not by reason, they were condemned to die. In a few days after
this the Roman ambassadors arrived, and a council was summoned to meet
them at Clitor, in Arcadia.

36. Before they transacted any business, alarm was excited in the
Achæans, accompanied by the reflection, how unlikely the dispute was to
receive impartial judgment, when they saw in company with the
ambassadors Areus and Alcibiades, whom in their last council they had
condemned to death; yet none of them dared to utter a word. Appius
acquainted them that the senate was much displeased at those matters,
of which the Lacedæmonians made complaint before them; “first, the
massacre that took place at Compasium of those who, in obedience to the
summons of Philopœmen, came to stand a trial; then after such barbarity
had been exercised towards men, that their cruelty might be felt in
every part, the having demolished the wall of that famous city, having
abrogated its laws of the greatest antiquity, and abolished the
discipline of Lycurgus, so famed throughout the world.” After Appius had
spoken to this effect, Lycortas, both because he was prætor and because
he was of the faction of Philopœmen, the adviser of all that was done at
Lacedæemon, answered him thus: “Appius Claudius, our speech before you
is attended with more difficulties than we had lately before the senate
at Rome; for then we had to answer the accusations of the Lacedæmonians,
but now we stand accused by yourselves, before whom our cause is to be
heard. But to this disadvantage of situation we submit with this hope,
that you will hear us with the temper of a judge, laying aside the
character of an advocate, in which you just now appeared. I at least,
though the matters of which the Lacedæmonians complained formerly in
this place, before Quintus Cæcilius, and afterwards at Rome, have been
just recapitulated by you, yet shall consider myself as answering for
them, not to you, but before you. You charge us with the murder of those
men, who being called out by the prætor, Philopœmen, to trial, were put
to death. This I think a charge of such a nature, that it ought not to
be advanced against us, either by you, Romans, or by any in your
presence. Why so? Because it was written in the treaty with you, that
the Lacedæmonians should not intermeddle with the cities on the coast.
At the time when they, taking up arms, seized by assault in the night
those towns with which they had been forbidden to interfere; if Titus
Quintius, if a Roman army had been in Peloponnesus, as formerly, the
captured and oppressed inhabitants would surely have fled to them for
relief. As you were at a great distance, to whom else would they fly but
to us, your allies, whom they had seen at a former time bringing aid to
Gythium; whom they had seen in conjunction with you, besieging Lacedæmon
on their account? In your stead, therefore, we undertook a just and
rightful war. And when other men approve of this step, and even the
Lacedæmonians cannot censure it; the gods themselves, also, by giving us
the victory, have shown their approbation of it; how then can acts done
under the laws of war come under civil disquisition? Of these acts,
however, the greatest part nowise affect us. The summoning to trial men,
who had excited the populace to arms, who had stormed and plundered the
towns on the coast, who had murdered the principal inhabitants, was our
act; but the putting them to death when they were coming into the camp
was yours, Areus and Alcibiades, who now, since it is the will of the
gods, arraign us, and not ours. The Lacedæmonian exiles (in the number
of whom, these two men then were) were then in our camp, and believing
that they were the objects of attack because they had chosen the
maritime towns for their residence, made an assault on those by whose
means they had been banished, and who they perceived with indignation
would not suffer them even to grow old in exile with safety.
Lacedænonians therefore, not Achæans, slew Lacedæmonians; nor is it of
any consequence to dispute, whether they were slain justly or unjustly.

37. “But then, Achæans, the abolition of the laws and ancient discipline
of Lycurgus, with the demolition of the walls, are unquestionably your
acts: now how can both these charges be brought forward by the same
persons, since the walls of Lacedæmon were built, not by Lycurgus, but a
few years ago, for the purpose of subverting the discipline of Lycurgus?
The tyrants erected them lately as a fortress and defence for
themselves, not for the state; and if Lycurgus should rise this day from
the dead, he would rejoice at their ruins, and would say that he now
acknowledged his country, and ancient Sparta. You ought not to have
waited for Philopœmen, or the Achæans; you should have removed and
razed, with your own hands, every vestige of tyranny; for these were the
foul scars of slavery. And as during almost eight hundred years, while
ye were without walls, ye were free, and for some time even chiefs of
Greece; so, after being bound with walls, as with fetters, you were
slaves for one hundred years. As to what concerns the abrogating their
laws, I conceive that the tyrants took away the ancient laws of
Lacedæmon, and that we did not deprive them of their own laws which
they did not possess, but gave them ours; nor did we neglect the
interests of their state, when we made it a member of our council, and
incorporated it with ourselves, so that the whole Peloponnesus should
form one body and one council. If we were living under laws different
from what we imposed on them, in that case I think they might complain
of being treated unfairly, and consequently be displeased. I know,
Appius Claudius, that the kind of discourse which I have hitherto used
is not proper either for allies, addressing their allies, or for an
independent nation; but, in truth, for slaves pleading before their
masters. For if the herald’s proclamation, in which you ordered the
Achæans, first of all the states of Greece, to be free, was any thing
more than empty sound; if the treaty be valid, if the alliance and
friendship be maintained on equal terms, why do not I inquire what you
Romans did, on the taking of Capua, as well as you demand what we, the
Achæans, did towards the Lacedæmonians, when we conquered them in war?
Some persons were killed, suppose, by us. What! did not you behead the
Campanian senators? We demolished their walls: you not only destroyed
the walls, but you took the city and the lands. But you say, the treaty
is on equal terms only in appearance, but, in reality, the Achæans
possess a precarious state of freedom, while the Romans enjoy supreme
power. I am sensible of it, Appius; and if I ought not, I do not
remonstrate; but, I beseech you, let the difference between the Romans
and Achæans be as great as it may, not to place people, who are foes to
both, on an equal footing with us, your allies, or even on a better.
For, as to setting them on an equality, that we ourselves have done,
when we gave them our own laws, when we made them members of the Achæan
council. Vanquished,—they are not content with what satisfies their
conquerors; foes,—they demand more than allies enjoy. What we have
ratified by our oaths, what we have consecrated as inviolable to eternal
remembrance, by records engraved in stone, they want to abolish, and to
load us with perjury. Romans, for you we have high respect; and, if such
is your wish, dread also; but we more respect and dread the immortal
gods.” He was heard with general approbation, and all declared that he
had spoken as became the dignity of his office; so that it was easily
seen, that the Romans could not support their ascendency by acting
gently. Appius then said, that “he earnestly recommended it to the
Achæans to conciliate friendship, while it was in their power to act
voluntarily; lest they might presently do so unwillingly and by
compulsion.” These words were heard by all with grief, but inspired them
with fear of refusing compliance. They only requested the Romans “to
make such alterations respecting the Lacedæmonians as they should judge
proper, and not involve the Achæans in the guilt of annulling what they
had sanctioned with their oaths.” Nothing more was done, only the
sentence lately passed on Areus and Alcibiades was reversed.

38. In the beginning of this year, when the business of assigning the
provinces to the consuls and prætors was taken under consideration at
Rome, Liguria was decreed to the consuls, because there was no war any
where else. As to the prætors, Caius Decimius Flavus obtained, by lot,
the city jurisdiction; Publius Cornelius Cethegus, that between citizens
and foreigners; Caius Sempronius Blæsus, Sicily; Quintus Nævius Matho,
Sardinia; he had also the charge of making inquisition concerning
poisons; Aulus Terentius Varro, Hither Spain; and Publius Sempronius
Longus, Farther Spain. From the two latter provinces deputies arrived
about this time,—Lucius Juvencius Thalna and Titus Quintilius Varus;
who, having informed the senate how formidable the war was that was
finished by them in Spain, requested that, in consideration of such
happy success, a thanksgiving should be performed to the immortal gods,
and permission granted to the prætors to bring home the armies. The
senate decreed a thanksgiving for two days, and ordered that the
question respecting the armies should lie over, and be proposed when
they would be deliberating concerning the armies for the consuls and
prætors. A few days after this, they voted to the consuls, for Liguria,
two legions each, which Appius Claudius and Marcus Sempronius had
commanded. With regard to the armies in Spain, there was a warm
contention between the new prætors and the friends of the absent ones,
Calpurnius and Quintius. On each side were plebeian tribunes, and, on
each, a consul. The former threatened, if the senate voted for bringing
home the armies, to protest against their decree; the latter, that, if
such a protest were made, they would not suffer any other business to
proceed. At last, the interest of the absent prætors was overpowered,
and a decree of the senate passed, that “the prætors should enlist four
thousand Roman foot, and four hundred horse; with five thousand foot,
and five hundred horse, of the Latin confederates; whom they should
carry with them into Spain. That, when they should have divided these
between the legions, they should discharge whatever number should then
be in each legion, above five thousand foot and three hundred horse,
dismissing those first who had served out their number of campaigns,
afterwards the others according to their bravery displayed under
Calpurnius and Quintius.”

39. After this dispute was ended, another immediately arose, in
consequence of the death of a prætor, Caius Decimius. There stood
candidates for his place, Cneius Sicinius and Lucius Pupius, who had
been ædiles the year before; Caius Valerius, the flamen of Jupiter, and
Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, who, though he did not appear in the white
gown, because he was curule ædile elect, yet pressed his suit with more
warmth than any of them. The contest lay between him and the priest of
Jupiter. Fulvius at the beginning seemed to have an equal chance with
the flamen, and afterwards surpassed him; on which, some of the plebeian
tribunes insisted that no account should be taken of him, because one
person could neither hold nor administer two offices, especially curule
ones, at the same time; while others of them thought it proper that he
ought to be exempted from the laws, in order that the people might have
the power of electing prætor the person whom they wished. The consul,
Lucius Porcius, was, from the beginning, inclined to refuse admitting
him a candidate; and afterwards, wishing to have the countenance of the
senate in so doing, he called the members together, and told them that
“he desired their judgment in the case where a curule ædile elect,
without any colour of law, and setting a precedent insufferable in a
free state, stood candidate for the prætorship; for his part, unless
they determined otherwise, he intended to hold the election according to
law.” The senate voted, that the consul, Lucius Porcius, should
recommend to Quintus Fulvius, not to obstruct the elections for
substituting a prætor in the room of Caius Decimius from proceeding
according to law. When the consul, in pursuance of this decree, applied
to him on the subject, he answered, that “he would do nothing unworthy
of himself,” by which indeterminate answer he left room for people to
interpret his intention agreeably to their wish, and that he meant to
submit to the direction of the senate. But, in the assembly, he urged
his pretensions with more eagerness than ever: alleging as a charge,
that the kindness of the Roman people was being wrested from him, and an
odium excited against him on account of his suing for a second post of
honour; as if it were not manifest that, when elected præter, he must
instantly abdicate the ædileship. The consul, seeing the candidate’s
obstinacy increase, and the public favour incline to him more and more,
dissolved the assembly, and summoned a meeting of the senate; where, in
a full house, they passed a vote, that “inasmuch as the directions of
the senate had produced no effect on Flaccus, the affair concerning him
should be laid before the people.” A general assembly being summoned,
when the consul made a full representation of the matter, Fulvius, not
even then swerving from his determination, returned thanks to the Roman
people “for the great zeal which they had shown in their desire to make
him prætor, as often as opportunity had been given them of declaring
their sentiments;” and assured them that “it was his resolution not to
disappoint such instances of the attachment of his countrymen.” This
determined declaration increased the ardour of people for his cause to
such a degree, that he would undoubtedly have been chosen prætor, if the
consul had admitted him to stand. The tribunes maintained a violent
altercation, both with their colleagues and with the consul, until, at
length, the senate passed a decree, that “whereas the obstinacy of
Quintus Flaccus, and the ill-judged party zeal of many among the people,
had prevented the assembly for filling the place of a prætor, from being
held according to law. The senate therefore gave their judgment, that
the present number of prætors was sufficient, that Publius Cornelius
should hold both jurisdictions in the city, and celebrate the games of
Apollo.”

40. No sooner was this election stopped by the prudence and firmness of
the senate, than another ensued, in which the contest was still greater;
since it was concerning a more important subject, and between
competitors more numerous and more powerful. The censorship was the
object of contention of the following candidates, Lucius Valerius
Flaccus, Publius Scipio, Lucius Scipio, Cneius Manlius Vulso, and Lucius
Furius Purpureo, patricians; Marcus Porcius Cato, Marcus Fulvius
Nobilior, Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus,
plebeians. But Marcus Porcius far surpassed all of them, both plebeians
and patricians of the highest ranks. So great powers of mind and energy
of intellect were in this man, that no matter how lowly the position in
which he was born, he appeared capable of attaining to the highest rank.
No one qualification for the management of business, either public or
private, was wanting to him. He was equally skilled in affairs relating
to town and country. Some have been advanced to the highest honours by
their knowledge of the law, others by their eloquence, some by military
renown; but this man’s genius was so versatile, and so well adapted to
all things, that in whatever way engaged, it might be said, that nature
formed him for that alone. In war, he was most courageous,
distinguishing himself highly in many remarkable battles; and, when he
arrived at the highest posts, was likewise a most consummate commander.
Then, in peace, if consulted on a point of law, he was the wisest
counsellor; if a cause was to be pleaded, the most eloquent advocate.
Nor was he one of those whose oratory was striking only during their own
lives, without leaving after them any monument of it. On the contrary,
his eloquence still lives, and will long live, consecrated to memory by
writings of every kind. His orations are many, spoken for himself, for
others, and against others; for he harassed his enemies, not only by
supporting prosecutions against them, but by maintaining causes in
opposition to them. Enmities in abundance gave him plenty of employment,
and he never permitted them to lie dormant; nor was it easy to tell
whether the nobility laboured harder to keep him down, or he to oppress
the nobility. His temper, no doubt, was austere, his language bitter and
unboundedly free, but his mind was never conquered by his passions, his
integrity was inflexible, and he looked with contempt on popularity and
riches. In spare diet, in enduring toil and danger, his body and mind
were like iron; so that even old age, which brings all things to
dissolution, did not break his vigour. In his eighty-sixth year he stood
a trial, pleaded his own cause, and published his speech; and in his
ninetieth year, he brought Servius Galba to trial, before the people.

41. On this occasion, when he was a candidate for censorship, as in all
his previous career, the nobility endeavoured to crush him. All the
candidates, likewise, except Lucius Flaccus, who had been his colleague
in the consulship, combined to disappoint him of the office, not merely
with a view to their own success, in preference to him, or because they
felt indignant at the idea of seeing a man of no family censor, but
because from one who had received offence from most of them, and who
wished to retaliate, they anticipated a severe censorship, that would
endanger the reputations of many. For, even while soliciting, he uttered
frequent menaces, and upbraided them with using their interest against
him, because they dreaded an impartial and courageous execution of the
duty of censor; at the same time, giving his interest to Lucius
Valerius. He said, that “he was the only colleague, in conjunction with
whom he could correct modern profligacy, and re-establish the ancient
morals.” People were so inflamed by such discourses, that, in spite of
the opposition made by the nobility, they not only made Marcus Porcius
censor, but gave him for his colleague Lucius Valerius Flaccus.
Immediately after the election of censors, the consuls and prætors went
abroad to their provinces, except Quintus Nævius, who was detained from
going to Sardinia, for no less than four months, by inquisitions
concerning poisonings, a great part of which he held out of the city, in
the corporate towns and villages; for that method was judged the more
eligible. If we are to credit Valerius Antias, he condemned about two
thousand men, Lucius Postumius, the prætor, to whose lot the province of
Tarentum had fallen, punished numerous conspiracies of the peasants,
and, with great care, finished the remainder of the inquiries concerning
the Bacchanalians. Many of these, who had not appeared on being
summoned, or had deserted their bail, were then lurking in that part of
Italy; some of them he sentenced to punishment, and others he sent under
a guard to the senate at Rome, where they were all committed to prison
by Publius Cornelius.

42. In Farther Spain, the Lusitanians being weakened by the late war,
matters remained quiet. In Hither Spain, Aulus Terentius took the town
of Corbia, in Suessetania, by engines and regular works, and sold the
prisoners, after which the troops had rest in their winter quarters in
that province also. The former prætors, Caius Calpurnius Piso and Lucius
Quintius, came home to Rome; a triumph was voted to both by the senate
with great unanimity. Caius Calpurnius triumphed first, over the
Lusitanians and Celtiberians. He carried in procession eighty-three
golden crowns, and twelve thousand pounds’ weight of silver. In a few
days after, Lucius Quintius Crispinus triumphed over the same
Lusitanians and Celtiberians, bearing in his triumph the same quantity
of gold and silver. The censors, Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius,
while anxious curiosity was blended with fear, made their survey of the
senate; they expelled seven from the senate, one of them a man of
consular rank, highly distinguished by nobility of birth and honourable
employments,—Lucius Quintius Flaminius. It is mentioned, as a practice
instituted in the memory of our forefathers, that the censors should
annex marks of censure to the names of such as they degraded from the
senate. There are severe speeches of Cato, against those whom he either
expelled the senate, or degraded from the equestrian rank, but by far
the most so is that against Lucius Quintius. Had he spoken, in the
character of prosecutor, previous to the censure, and not in that of
censor after it, not even his brother Titus, if he were his colleague,
could have suffered Quintius to remain in the senate. Among other
charges, he objected to him, that he had, by hopes of extraordinary
presents, prevailed on Philip, a Carthaginian and a catamite, to
accompany him into his province of Gaul; that this youth, in order to
enhance the merit of his complaisance to the consul, used frequently, in
wanton squabbling, to upbraid him for having quitted Rome just before
the show of gladiators. It happened, that while they were at a feast and
heated with wine, a message was brought into the place of entertainment,
that a Boian, of high rank, had come as a deserter with his children,
and wished to see the consul, that he might, in person, receive his
assurance of protection. He was accordingly introduced into the tent,
and began to address him through an interpreter: but while he was
speaking, Quintius said to his catamite, “Since you left the show of
gladiators, have you a mind to see this Gaul dying?” When he had
assented, but scarcely in earnest, the consul, drawing a sword that
hung over his head, first struck the Gaul as he was speaking, and then,
when he was running out, and imploring the protection of the Roman
people, and of those present, ran him through the side.

43. Valerius Antias, as he was one who never read Cato’s speech, and
only gave credit to a tale published without authority, tells the story
in another manner, but similar to this in lust and cruelty. He writes,
that, at Placentia, the consul invited to an entertainment a woman of
ill fame, with whom he was desperately enamoured. There, displaying his
importance to this courtesan, he told her, among other matters, with
what severity he had conducted the inquisitions, and how many he had
then in prison under sentence of death, whom he intended to behead. Then
she, being next him on the couch, said, that having never seen an
executioner perform his office, she was very desirous of seeing such a
thing; on which, the indulgent lover ordered one of those wretches to be
dragged to the spot, and there cut off his head. The deed of death,
whether committed as the censor or as Valerius reports it, was barbarous
and inhuman; that in the midst of feasting and cups, when it is
customary to offer libations to the gods, and to pray for happiness, a
human victim should be butchered, and the table stained with his blood,
and this for the entertainment of an acknowledged wanton. In the latter
part of Cato’s speech, he proposes to Quintius, that if he denied this
fact, and the others of which he accused him, he should give security to
abide a legal trial; but if he confessed them, could he suppose, he
asked him, that any one would be sorry for his disgrace; the disgrace of
him who, in the midst of a feast, being intoxicated with wine and lust,
had sported with the blood of a human being.

44. In the review of the knights, Lucius Scipio Asiaticus was degraded.
In fixing the rates of taxation, also, the censor’s conduct was harsh
and severe to all ranks of men. People were ordered to give account upon
oath, of women’s dress, and ornaments, and carriages exceeding in value
fifteen thousand asses;[53] and it was further ordered, that slaves,
younger than twenty years, which, since the last survey, had been sold
for ten thousand asses[54] or more, should be estimated at ten times
their value; and that, on all these articles, a tax should be laid of
three denariuses[55] for each thousand asses.[56] The censors took away
water which belonged to the public running or carried into any private
building or field; and they demolished within thirty days all buildings
or sheds, in possession of private persons, that projected into public
ground. They then engaged contractors for executing national works, with
the money decreed for that purpose,—for paving cisterns with stone, for
cleansing the sewers where it was requisite, and forming new ones on the
Aventine, and in other quarters where hitherto there had been none.
Then, dividing their tasks, Flaccus built a mole at Nepthunia, on the
coast, and made a road through the Formian mountains. Cato purchased for
the use of the people two halls, the Mænian and Titian, in the Lautumiæ,
and four shops, and built there a court of justice, which was called the
Porcian. They farmed out the several branches of the revenue at the
highest prices, and bargained with the contractors for the performance
of the public services on the lowest terms. When the senate, overcome by
the prayers and lamentations of the publicans, ordered those bargains to
be revoked, and new agreements to be made; the censors, by an edict,
excluded from competition the persons who had eluded the former
contracts, and farmed out all the same branches at prices very little
reduced. This was a remarkable censorship, and the origin of many deadly
feuds: it rendered Marcus Porcius, to whom all the harshness was
attributed, uneasy during the remainder of his life. This year, two
colonies were established, Potentia in Picenum, and Pisaurum in the
Gallic territory. Six acres were given to each settler. The same
commissioners had the ordering of both colonies, and the division of the
lands, Quintus Fabius Labeo, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, and Quintus Fulvius
Nobilior. The consuls of that year performed nothing memorable at home
or abroad.

45. They elected to serve as consuls for the ensuing year, Marcus
Claudius Marcellus and Quintus Fabius Labeo. These, on the ides of
March, the first day of their assuming the administration, proposed to
the senate to determine their provinces, and those of the prætors. The
prætors appointed were, Caius Valerius, flamen of Jupiter, who had been
candidate the year before, Spurius Posthumius Albinus, Publius
Cornelius Sisenna, Lucius Pupius, Lucius Julius, and Cneius Sicinius.
Liguria was ordered to be the province of the consuls, and the armies
were assigned to them, which Publius Claudius and Marcus Porcius had
commanded. The two Spains, without being put to the lot, were reserved
for the prætors who held them the year before, and also their own
armies. The prætors were ordered to regulate their casting lots, in such
a manner, that the flamen of Jupiter should have one or other of the
judicial employments at Rome. The foreign jurisdiction fell to his lot,
that between citizens to Cornelius Sisenna. Sicily was assigned to
Spurius Posthumius, Apulia to Lucius Pupius, Gaul to Lucius Julius,
Sardinia to Cneius Sicinius. Lucius Julius was ordered to hasten to his
province, because some transalpine Gauls, as was mentioned before,
having made their way through the forests into Italy, by an unknown
road, were building a town in the country which now forms the district
of Aquileia. Orders were given to the prætor to prevent their doing so,
as far as might lie in his power without appealing to arms; and, if it
should be necessary to stop them by force, to give information to the
consuls, one of whom was, in that case, directed to march his legions
against those Gauls. Towards the close of the preceding year, an
assembly had been held for the purpose of electing an augur, in the room
of Cneius Cornelius deceased, when Spurius Posthumius Albinus was
chosen.

46. In the beginning of this year, Publius Licinius Crassus, chief
pontiff, died, in whose room was appointed Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus,
and Caius Servilius Geminus was raised to the place of chief pontiff. On
occasion of the funeral of Publius Licinius a largess of flesh was
distributed to the people, and one hundred and twenty pair of gladiators
fought. The funeral games lasted three days; and, after the games, a
public feast was given. During the feast, and while the couches were
spread over the forum, a storm came on with violent gusts of wind, and
compelled most of the people to pitch tents in that place. The same, on
the weather clearing up, in a short time after, were removed. It was
rumoured about, that they had fulfilled a prophecy which soothsayers had
pronounced, among the decrees of the fates, that, inevitably, tents
would be pitched in the forum. As soon as they were relieved from those
religious fears, they were struck with new ones, by showers of blood
falling for two days, in the area of Vulcan’s temple, and a supplication
was ordered by the decemvirs for the sake of expiating the prodigy.
Before the consuls set out for their provinces, they introduced the
embassies from the countries beyond the sea to an audience of the
senate; and at no time was there in Rome such a number of people from
those regions. For, as soon as a report spread through the nations which
border on Macedon, that accusations and complaints against Philip were
listened to by the Romans with some degree of attention, and that it had
been of advantage to many to complain;—all these states and nations, and
even individuals, on their own accounts, (for he was a troublesome
neighbour to every one,) flocked to Rome, with hopes of obtaining either
redress of their injuries, or, at least, the consolation of expressing
their griefs. An embassy came also from king Eumenes, with his brother
Athenæus, to complain of the garrisons not being withdrawn by Philip out
of Thrace; and, likewise, of his sending succours into Bithynia, to
Prusias, who was at war with Eumenes.

47. Demetrius, who was then very young, had to answer all these
representations; and it was no easy matter to retain in memory, either
all the charges which were brought against his father, or what was
proper to be said in reply. For the charges were not only numerous, but
most of them exceedingly frivolous; of disputes about boundaries, of men
forced away and cattle driven off; of justice, either capriciously
administered or refused; of property adjudged either by force or
influence. When the senate perceived that Demetrius could not explain
any of those matters distinctly, and that they could not gain
satisfactory information from him, and when, at the same time, the
youth, through inexperience and bashfulness, was much embarrassed, they
ordered that he should be asked whether he had received from his father
any written instructions on those points; and on his answering that he
had, it appeared to them better and more proper to receive the answers
of the king himself, on each particular head; so they immediately called
for the scroll, but afterwards gave him leave to read it to them in
person. Here were his apologies on each subject, compressed into a
narrow compass; informing them that, in some cases, he had acted in
conformity to the determinations of the ambassadors; in others, that the
fault of not conforming to them, lay not in him, but actually in the
persons themselves who accused him. He had interspersed, also,
complaints concerning the injustice of the decrees, and the partiality
with which the discussion was carried on in presence of Cæcilius, and of
the insults that were offered him, in a most unworthy and unmerited
manner by all. The senate inferred from these marks that his mind was
irritated; nevertheless, on the young man apologizing for some things,
and undertaking that others should be performed in the manner most
agreeable to the senate, they ordered the answer to be given him, that
“in no instance had his father acted with more propriety, or given more
pleasure to the senate, than in his choosing, whatever the nature of
those transactions might be, to send his excuses for them to the Romans,
by his son Demetrius. That the senate could leave unnoticed, forget, and
put up with, many past matters, and believe also that they might place
confidence in Demetrius; for though they restored his person to his
father, they still had his mind as a hostage, and were convinced that,
as far as he could, without infringing on his duty to his father, he was
a friend to the Roman people. That, to do him honour, they would send
ambassadors into Macedon, in order that, if any thing which ought to
have been done was left undone, it might then be effected, but still
without requiring an atonement for former omissions. That they wished
Philip also to be sensible, that it was owing to the kind offices of his
son Demetrius, that the treaty between him and the Roman people remained
inviolate.”

48. These declarations, which were made with the intention of adding to
the dignity of his character, proved to the young man the cause of
immediate envy, and of not far distant ruin. The Lacedæmonians were next
introduced, when many insignificant disputes were agitated. Those which
might be deemed important were—whether the persons whom the Achæans had
condemned, should be reinstated or not; whether they slew with justice
or the reverse those whom they put to death; the question was debated
also whether the Lacedæmonians should continue in the Achæans’ council,
or, as had formerly been the case, that single state in Peloponnesus
should have separate independence. It was determined Òthat the
condemned should be reinstated, and the sentences passed reversed; that
Lacedæmon should continue in the Achæan council, and that this decree
should be committed to writing, and signed by the Lacedæmonians and
Achæans. Quintus Marcius was sent ambassador into Macedon, with orders,
likewise, to take a view of the affairs of the allies in Peloponnesus;
for there also disturbances still subsisted, in consequence of the old
quarrels, and Messene had revolted from the Achæan confederacy. But if I
were to trace out the cause and progress of this war, I should deviate
from the resolution by which I determined not to treat of foreign
events, further than they are connected with the affairs of Rome.

49. One event deserves to be mentioned: that, notwithstanding the
Achæans had a superiority in the war, Philopœmen, their prætor, was
taken prisoner on his march to secure Corone, which the enemy meant to
attack, being, with a small party of horse, surprised in a dangerous
defile. It is said that he might have effected his own escape, by the
aid of some Thracians and Cretans who were with him, but the shame of
deserting his horsemen, the most distinguished youths in the nation,
selected by himself a short time before, detained him there. Whilst he
is procuring for these an opportunity of getting clear of the narrow
defile, by closing the rear in person, and sustaining the assaults of
the enemy, his horse fell. By the shock of his fall, and the weight of
the horse, which fell upon him, he was very nearly killed on the spot;
for he was now seventy years old, and his strength had been greatly
impaired by a tedious illness, from which he was but just recovered.
Lying thus on the ground, the enemy pouring on, secured him. Out of
respect to his character, however, and from regard to his merit, they
raised him up, when they recognised him, with as much care as if he had
been their own commander, and revived him, and carried him out of that
remote valley into the road, and they scarcely believed their own
senses, on account of the unexpected joy; however, some of them sent on
messages to Messene, that the war was at an end, for they were bringing
Philopœmen prisoner. At first it seemed so incredible, that the
messenger was deemed either a liar or a madman. Afterwards, when numbers
came, one after another, all asserting the same, credence was at length
given to the matter; and, before they well knew whether he was come
near the city, all, freemen and slaves, with even women and children,
poured out to enjoy the sight; insomuch that the multitude quite closed
up the gate, whilst each person seemed unlikely to consider the thing as
certain unless he should obtain certain belief by his own eye-sight.
Those who conducted Philopœmen, with difficulty removing those in their
way, were able to enter the gate, but the dense crowd completely blocked
up the street; and, as the greatest part of these were excluded from the
sight, they suddenly filled a theatre which was contiguous to the
street, and all with one voice insisted that he should be brought
thither for the public view. The magistrates and leading men, fearing
that compassion for so great a man, on seeing him, would cause some
disturbance; as many would be moved by respect for his former dignity,
when they compared it with his present condition, and many by the
recollection of his transcendent merits, placed him where he could be
seen at a distance. And quickly after hurried him away out of the sight
of the people, who were told by the prætor, Dinocrates, that there were
some subjects intimately connected with the decision of the war, on
which the magistrates wished to interrogate him. Having carried him
thence to the senate-house, and called the council together, they began
a consultation on the measures to be pursued.

50. The evening came on while they were still at a loss, not only about
other matters, but even about the place where he might be kept with
proper security during the following night. They were quite confounded
at the greatness of his former fortune and merit; and they neither dared
to undertake the guarding of him at their houses, nor thought it safe to
trust the custody of him to any individual. At last some persons
reminded them of a public treasury under ground, enclosed with hewn
stone; into this place he was put down, in chains, and a huge stone,
with which it is generally covered, was placed over it, with the help of
a machine. After having thus determined to trust to the place, rather
than to any man, for his safe keeping, they waited with impatience for
the dawn. On the following day, the whole populace, mindful of his
former services to the state, declared their opinion, that they ought to
spare him, and to seek through his means some remedies for their present
misfortunes. But the authors of the revolt, in whose hands was the
management of affairs, consulting in secret, unanimously resolved to put
him to death; but whether they should do it speedily, or defer it, was
for some time a matter of doubt. The party that were more eager for his
immediate execution, at length prevailed, and a person was sent to him
with poison. They relate, that on receiving the cup, he only asked if
Lycortas, the other commander of the Achæans, and the horsemen had
escaped; and being told that they were safe, he said, “It is well,” and
then intrepidly drinking the contents of the cup, expired shortly after.
The actors of this piece of cruelty, however, did not long rejoice at
his death; for Messene being conquered in war, delivered up the guilty
individuals to the Achæans, when they positively demanded them. The
bones of Philopœmen were restored, and his funeral was attended by the
whole Achæan council, every human honour being heaped on him to such a
degree, that they did not withhold divine ones. So much is conceded to
this man by historians, both Greek and Latin, that several of them have
recorded, as a circumstance remarkably distinguishing this year, that
three illustrious commanders died in it, Philopœmen, Hannibal, and
Publius Scipio. To such an extent have they placed him on an equal
footing with the most consummate generals of the two most powerful
nations.

51. Titus Quintius Flamininus came ambassador to king Prusias, who had
incurred the jealousy of the Romans, by entertaining Hannibal after the
flight of Antiochus, and by making war on Eumenes. At the court of
Prusias, either because, among other discourse, he reproached him with
his giving protection to a person, who, of all men living, was the most
inveterate enemy to the Roman nation, who had incited, first his own
country, and afterwards, when its power was reduced, king Antiochus, to
make war on Rome; or because Prusias himself, with the design of
gratifying Flamininus and the Roman people, conceived the design of
killing Hannibal, or delivering him into their hands; immediately after
the first conference with Flamininus, a party of soldiers was sent to
guard Hannibal’s house. The Carthaginian had always foreseen some such
end of his life; for he knew the implacable hatred which the Romans bore
him, and placed little confidence in the faith of kings. Besides, he had
experienced the fickle temper of Prusias, and had, for some time,
dreaded the arrival of Flamininus, as an event fatal to him. Encircled
by enemies on every side, in order to have always some path open for
flight, he had made seven passages from his house, of which some were
concealed, lest they might be invested by a guard. But the imperious
government of kings suffers nothing to remain secret which they choose
to discover. They surrounded the circuit of the entire house with guards
in such a manner, that no one could escape from it. Hannibal, on being
told that some of the king’s soldiers were in the porch, endeavoured to
escape through a back door, which was the most private, and from which
the passage was most secret; but, perceiving that to be guarded by a
body of soldiers, and every avenue round to be blocked up by the guards
that were posted, he called for poison, which he had long kept in
readiness to meet such an event, and said, “Let us release the Romans
from their long anxiety, since they think it too long to wait for the
death of an old man. Flamininus will gain no very great or memorable
victory over one unarmed and betrayed. What an alteration has taken
place in the behaviour of the Roman people, this day affords abundant
proof. Their fathers gave warning to Pyrrhus, their armed foe, then
heading an army against them in Italy, to beware of poison. The present
generation have sent an ambassador, of consular rank, to persuade
Prusias villanously to murder his guest.” Then imprecating curses on the
head of Prusias, and on his kingdom, and calling on the gods who
presided over hospitality, and were witnesses of his breach of faith, he
drank off the contents of the cup. This was the end of the life of
Hannibal.

52. Both Polybius and Rutilius say, that Scipio died in this year; but I
do not agree either with them, or Valerius. Not with them, because I
find that in the censorship of Marcus Porcius and Lucius Valerius, the
censor himself, Lucius Valerius, was chosen prince of the senate,
although Africanus had occupied that place for the three preceding
lustrums; and, if he were alive, unless he had been displaced from the
senate, which disgrace no one has recorded, another prince would not
have been chosen in his room. The authority of Antias is refuted by the
plebeian tribunate of Marcus Nævius, against whom there is extant a
speech signed by Publius Africanus. Now, this Marcus Nævius, in the
register of the magistrates, appears to have been plebeian tribune in
the consulate of Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius; but he entered on
the tribuneship in the consulate of Appius Claudius and Marcus
Sempronius, on the fourth day before the ides of December, from which
time to the ides of March, when Publius Claudius and Lucius Porcius
became consuls, there are three months. Thus it appears that he was
living in the tribunate of Marcus Nævius, and might have been prosecuted
by him; but that he died before the censorship of Lucius Valerius and
Marcus Porcius. The deaths of the three most illustrious men of their
respective nations have a similarity, not only in respect to the
concurrence of the times, but in this circumstance also, that no one of
them met a death suitable to the splendour of his life. In the first
place, neither of them died or was buried in his native soil. Hannibal
and Philopœmen were taken off by poison; Hannibal breathed his last in
exile, betrayed by his host; Philopœmen in captivity, in a prison, and
in chains. Scipio, though neither banished nor condemned, yet under
prosecution, and summoned as an absent criminal to a trial, at which he
did not appear, passed sentence of voluntary exile, not only on himself
while alive, but likewise on his body after death.

53. During these transactions in Peloponnesus, from which my narration
digressed, the return of Demetrius with the ambassadors into Macedonia,
affected people’s minds in various manners. The generality of the
Macedonians, whom the apprehension of an impending war with the Romans
had struck with terror, looked with the highest esteem on Demetrius, as
the promoter of peace; and, at the same time, with confident hope,
destined for him the throne, after the demise of his father. They
argued, that “although he was younger than Perseus, yet he was born of a
wife, and the other of a concubine; that the latter, born of a mother
who prostituted her person, had no likeness to any particular father,
whereas the former had a striking resemblance of Philip. Besides it was
probable that the Romans would place him on the throne of his father, as
Perseus had no pretensions to their favour.” Such was the conversation
of people, in general. Fear tortured Perseus, lest his age alone might
not sufficiently secure his interest, his brother having the advantage
of him in every other particular; while Philip himself, believing that
it would scarcely rest with his decision which of them he should leave
heir to his dominions, began to think that his younger son encroached on
him more than he could wish. He was sometimes displeased at the numerous
attendance of the Macedonians round Demetrius, and chagrined at
perceiving that there was a second court during his own life-time. The
young prince no doubt came home much elevated in his own estimation,
elated with the honours paid him by the senate, and their having
conceded to him, what they had refused to his father; insomuch that
every mention of the Romans, whatever degree of respect it procured him
from the rest of the Macedonians, created an equal degree of envy, not
only in the breast of his brother, but also in that of his father;
especially after the Roman ambassadors arrived, and the king was obliged
to evacuate Thrace, to withdraw his garrisons, and to perform the other
articles, either according to the decisions of the former ambassadors or
the late regulations made by the senate. But all this he did with great
reluctance, and even with anguish of mind, the more on this account,
because he saw his son more frequently in company with them than with
himself; nevertheless, to avoid giving any pretence for an immediate
commencement of hostilities, he acted submissively towards the Romans.
Thinking it necessary to turn away their thoughts from a suspicion of
any such designs, he led an army into the heart of Thrace, against the
Odrysians, Dantheletians, and Bessians. He took the city of
Philoppopolis, after it was deserted by the inhabitants, who fled with
their families to the tops of the nearest mountains; and, by wasting the
country, reduced the barbarians living in the plains to submission. Then
leaving a garrison in Philoppopolis, which, was soon after expelled by
the Odrysians, he began to build a town in Deuriopus. This is a district
of Pæonia, near the river Erigonus, which, flowing from Illyricum
through Pæonia, falls into the river Axius. Not far from the old city of
Stobæ he built his new one, which he ordered to be called Perseis, that
this honour might be conferred on his eldest son.

54. While these things passed in Macedonia, the consuls went to their
provinces. Marcellus sent forward an express to Lucius Porcius, the
proconsul, to lead up the legions to the new town of the Gauls; they
surrendered themselves to the consul on his arrival. There were of
these twelve thousand fighting men, most of whom had arms, which they
had forced from the inhabitants: all which, to their great
mortification, were taken from them, as was every thing else which they
had either acquired by plundering in the country, or had brought along
with them. They sent ambassadors to Rome to complain of those
proceedings, who being introduced to an audience of the senate, by the
prætor Caius Valerius, represented that “in consequence of a redundancy
of people in Gaul they had been compelled by the want of land, and
indeed of every thing, to cross the Alps in quest of a settlement: that
they had settled in those lands which they found waste and uncultivated
without doing injury to any. They had likewise begun to build a town,
which was a proof that they did not come to ravage either city or lands.
That some time ago, Marcus Claudius sent them a message, that unless
they surrendered to him he would march against them, and that preferring
a certain, though not very honourable peace, to the uncertainties of
war, they had thrown themselves on the protection of Rome before they
submitted to its power. That in a short time after, being ordered to
quit the country, they had intended to remove without murmuring to
whatever part of the world they were able; and that, notwithstanding,
their arms, and finally all the property which they had brought with
them, or driven before them, were taken from them. They therefore
besought the senate and people of Rome not to treat harmless people, who
had surrendered themselves, with greater severity than they would
enemies.” To this discourse the senate ordered the following answer to
be given: That “neither had they acted properly in coming into Italy,
and attempting to build a town in the territory of others, without
permission from any Roman magistrate commanding in that province; nor
did the senate approve of people who had surrendered being stripped of
their property. They would therefore send to the consuls ambassadors,
who would order all their effects to be restored, provided they returned
to the place whence they came; and who would also proceed to the other
side of the Alps, and give warning to the Gallic states to keep their
people at home. That the Alps, an almost impassable barrier, lay between
the two countries, and whoever should pass in future, should meet no
better fate than those who first proved them to be passable.” The
ambassadors sent were Lucius Furius Purpureo, Quintus Minucius, Publius
Manlius Acidinus. The Gauls, on the restoration of such property as they
were in possession of, without wronging any man, withdrew out of Italy.

55. The transalpine states answered the Roman ambassadors in terms of
kindness. Their elders even found fault with the excessive lenity of the
Roman people, in “suffering men to depart with impunity, who, without an
order of their nation, left their home, attempted to seize on lands
belonging to the Roman empire, and to build a town in a territory which
belonged to others. They ought,” they said, “to have paid a heavy
penalty for their inconsiderate conduct; and as to the restoration of
their effects, they expressed a fear, lest, in consequence of this too
great forbearance, others might be encouraged to attempts of a like
nature.” They not only entertained the ambassadors, but conferred
considerable presents on them. The consul, Marcus Claudius, when he had
sent the Gauls out of his province, began to prepare for a war with the
Istrians, and wrote to the senate for permission to lead the legions
into their country. That measure pleased the senate. They formed an
intention of establishing a colony at Aquileia; nor were they able to
decide whether it should consist of Latins or Roman citizens; at last
however they passed a vote in favour of a Latin settlement. The
commissioners appointed for the purpose were, Publius Scipio Nasica,
Caius Flaminius, and Lucius Manlius Acidinus. In the same year, colonies
of Roman citizens were led out to Mutina and Parma. Two thousand men
were settled in each colony, on lands which lately belonged to the
Boians, and formerly to the Tuscans; they received at Parma eight acres,
at Mutina five each. These colonists were conducted by Marcus Æmilius
Lepidus, Titus Æbutius Carus, and Lucius Quintius Crispinus. The colony
of Saturnia, also consisting of Roman citizens, was settled on the lands
of Caletra, by Quintus Fabius Labeo, Caius Afranius Stellio, and
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Ten acres were assigned to each man.

56. In the same year Aulus Terentius Varro, the proprætor, fought some
successful battles with the Celtiberians, not far from the river Iberus,
in the territory of Auseta, reducing several towns, which they had
fortified in that quarter. The Farther Spain was quiet during the whole
year, because Publius Sempronius, the proprætor, was seized with a
lingering disorder, and the Lusitanians, when no one attacked them, very
opportunely kept quiet. In Liguria nothing extraordinary was performed
by Quintus Fabius, the consul. Marcus Marcellus being recalled out of
Istria to attend the elections, disbanded his army, and came home to
Rome. He elected Cneius Bæbius Tamphilus and Lucius Æmilius Paulus
consuls. This latter had been curule ædile, along with Marcus Æmilius
Lepidus, from the time of whose consulate this was the fifth year; and
this very Lepidus had been made consul after two repulses. Then Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus, Marcus Valerius Lævinus, Publius Manlius a second time,
Marcus Ogulnius Gallus, Lucius Cæcilius Denter, and Caius Terentius
Istra, were elected prætors. Towards the close of the year, a
supplication was performed on occasion of prodigies, for people were
persuaded that it had rained blood for two days in the court of the
temple of Concord; and an account was received, that near the coast of
Sicily a new island, which had never been there before, rose out of the
sea. Valerius, of Antium, asserts that Hannibal died in this year, and
that besides Titus Quintius Flamininus, whose name was celebrated in
this business, Lucius Scipio Asiaticus, and Publius Scipio Nasica, were
sent ambassadors to Prusias on that occasion.



BOOK XL


     _When Philip had ordered the children of those whom he had put to
     death, to be sought after as hostages, Theoxena, fearing the king’s
     passion for her own children and those of her sister, who were
     still quite young, brought forward swords and a cup in which there
     was poison, and persuaded them to escape, by putting an end to
     their existence, the mockery that awaited them; after administering
     which advice, she in company with her husband plunged headlong from
     the ship into the sea. The quarrels between Perseus and Demetrius,
     the sons of Philip, king of Macedon, are related; and how that
     Demetrius was first assailed by accusations invented through his
     brother’s guile, and among the rest, an impeachment for parricide
     and aspiring to the throne, and at last, since he was the friend of
     the Roman people, cut off by poison; and the kingdom of Macedon, on
     the death of Philip, fell to Perseus. It contains likewise the
     exploits successfully achieved by very many commanders in Liguria,
     and against the Celtiberians in Spain. Under the Janiculum, in the
     field of L. Petillius, the secretary, the books of Numa Pompilius
     were found by the labourers of the field, enclosed in a stone
     chest, written in both Latin and Greek characters; in which, when
     the prætor, to whom they had been brought, had read very many
     things calculated to overthrow the present system of religion, he
     swore to the senate that their being read and preserved would be
     detrimental to the state. And by a decree of the senate they were
     burned in the Comitium. The colony of Aquilia was planted. Philip,
     worn out by the pangs of conscience, because, influenced by the
     false information of his other son Perseus, he had by poison
     removed from life’s scene his son Demetrius, both resolved on the
     punishment of Perseus and desired to leave his friend Antigonus,
     rather than him, as his successor. But, whilst forming this
     project, he was hurried off by death. Perseus received the
     kingdom._


1. At the commencement of the next year, the consuls and prætors
determined the provinces by lot. For the consuls there was no province
to be decreed, except Liguria. The city jurisdiction fell to Marcus
Ogulnius Gallus; that among foreigners, to Marcus Valerius; of the
Spains, the Hither, to Marcus Fulvius Flaccus; the Farther, to Publius
Manlius; Sicily, to Lucius Ctecilius Denter; and Sardinia, to Caius
Terentius Istra. The consuls were ordered to hold levies, for Quintus
Fabius had written from Liguria, that the Apuani seemed inclined to a
renewal of hostilities, and that it was to be feared that they would
make an irruption into the district of Pisæ. From the Spains, also, they
received intelligence that the Hither province was in arms; that the war
still continued with the Celtiberians: that, in the Farther province,
because the prætor had been for a long time indisposed, military
discipline was relaxed by intemperance and inactivity. For these reasons
it was decreed that new armies should be raised; four legions for
Liguria, that each might contain five thousand two hundred foot, and
three hundred horse, and to these same were added, fifteen thousand foot
and eight hundred horse of the Latin allies. These were to complete the
two consular armies. They were ordered, also, to enrol seven thousand
foot and four hundred horse, of the allies and Latins, and to send them
into Gaul to Marcus Marcellus, whose command was prolonged on the
expiration of his consulship. There were ordered to be levied, of Roman
citizens, four thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry, and of the
allies, seven thousand infantry with three hundred cavalry, which should
be also led into both Spains. And to Quintus Fabius Labeo, with the army
which he had in Liguria, was the command prolonged for a year.

2. The spring of this year was remarkable for storms. On the day before
the feast of Pales, a tremendous hurricane arose about mid-day, and made
havoc in many places, both sacred and common. It threw down the brazen
statues in the Capitol; tore away a gate from the temple of Luna, which
is on the Aventine, and fastened it to the back parts of the temple of
Ceres; overturned other statues in the Circus Maximus, together with the
pillars on which they stood; tore off several cupolas from the roofs of
temples, and scattered them in an unseemly manner. This storm was
converted into a prodigy, and the aruspices ordered it to be attended
to. At the same time expiation was made, because it had been reported
that a three-footed mule was born at Reate, and that the temple of
Apollo, at Formiæ and at Caieta, was struck with lightning. On account
of these prodigies, a sacrifice of twenty larger victims was offered,
and there was a supplication of one day’s continuance. About the same
time information was obtained from a letter of Aulus Terentius, the
proprætor, that Publius Sempronius, after being sick for more than a
year, had died in the Farther province: on this account the prætors were
ordered to set out sooner for Spain. The foreign embassies were then
brought before the senate; and first, those of the kings Eumenes and
Pharnaces, and of the Rhodians, complaining of the sufferings of the
inhabitants of Sinope. There came also, about the same time, the
ambassadors of Philip, the Achæans, and Lacedæmonians. Answers were
given to these, after Marcius, who had been sent to inspect the affairs
of Greece and Macedonia, had first received an audience. To the Asiatic
kings and the Rhodians, they answered, that the senate would send
ambassadors to examine into those matters.

3. Marcius had increased their anxiety respecting Philip; for, he
acknowledged that the latter had acquiesced with the will of the senate
in such a manner, as to render it very evident, that he would conform to
it no longer than necessity obliged him; nor was it difficult to see,
that he intended to renew hostilities, and that every thing which he
then said and did had a tendency that way. Now, in the first place, he
removed almost the whole body of the citizens, with their families, from
the maritime cities, into Emathia, which is its modern name, it was
formerly called Pæonia; he gave up those cities to be inhabited by
Thracians, and other barbarians, thinking that this kind of people would
prove more faithful to him in case of a war with Rome. This proceeding
caused great discontent over all Macedonia; and of those who, with their
wives and children, left their dwellings, few concealed their grief in
silence; and, their hatred overcoming their fear, imprecations against
the king were heard, as they proceeded along in groups. His mind,
rendered savage by these things, entertained suspicions of all men,
places, and seasons; at last he began to confess openly, that he had
nothing sufficiently safe without seizing and confining the sons of
those whom he had destroyed, and sending them out of the world at
different times.

4. This cruelty, horrible in itself, the calamities of one particular
family rendered still more so. Philip had, many years before, put to
death Herodicus, a Thessalian of distinction; and afterwards his
sons-in-law. His daughters were left widows, having each a little son.
The names of the women were Theoxena and Archo. Theoxena, though
courted by many, rejected every offer of marriage. Archo married a
certain Poris, by far the first of the Ænean nation; and, after bearing
him many children, died, leaving them all quite young. Theoxena then, in
order that her sister’s children might be educated under her own
inspection, married Poris, and as if she herself had borne them all,
treated her own and her sister’s sons with the same affectionate care.
When she heard of the king’s order for seizing the children of the
persons who had been put to death, supposing that they were destined to
afford sport not only to the king’s lust, but to that of his guards, she
formed in her mind a horrid project, and had the hardiness to declare,
that she would kill them all with her own hand, rather than they should
come into the power of Philip. Poris, abhorring the mention of such a
dreadful deed, told her that he would carry them away to Athens, to some
faithful friends, and would himself accompany them in their flight. They
all went from Thessalonica to Ænea, to a stated sacrifice, which they
offer yearly, with great solemnity, in honour of Æneas, the founder of
the nation. Having spent the day there, in the anniversary feast, about
the third watch, when all were asleep, they embarked in a vessel ready
prepared by Poris, as if intending to return to Thessalonica; but their
design was to cross over to Eubœa. However, daylight surprised them at
a small distance from the land, struggling in vain against a contrary
wind, and the king’s officers, who commanded the garrison of the port,
despatched an armed bark to bring back their ship, with a strict
injunction not to return without it. When they were now drawing nigh,
Poris was intently occupied in animating the rowers and sailors, and, at
times, raising his hands towards heaven, supplicated the gods to assist
him. Meanwhile, the woman, with desperate fury recurring to the shocking
design which she had long premeditated, dissolves some poison, and
produces swords; then, placing the cup in their view, and unsheathing
the swords, she says, “Death is our only refuge. These paths lead
thither, by whichever of them each one’s inclination leads them to
adopt, let them escape the tyranny of the king. Come then, dear youths,
let those of you who are the elder, first take the sword; or, if a
slower death is your choice, drain the cup.” At the same time the enemy
was fast approaching, and she, who urged them to despatch themselves,
was urgent; the young men, having put an end to their lives some by the
one and some by the other fatal expedient, were thrown expiring into the
sea. Then, embracing her husband and companion in death, she plunged
into the deep. The king’s officers then took possession of the ship,
deserted by its owners.

5. The barbarity connected with this deed added fresh fuel to the flame
of public resentment kindled against the king, insomuch that most people
uttered imprecations on himself and his children; which curses being in
a short time heard by all the gods, caused him to vent his cruelty on
his own blood relations. For Perseus, when he perceived that the
popularity and high reputation of his brother Demetrius among the
Macedonian people, and interest among the Romans, increased more and
more every day, and that no hope was left him of obtaining the crown
save by the instrumentality of some wicked device, bent all his thoughts
to that one object. But not thinking himself alone strong enough even
for the dastardly project, which he meditated in his effeminate mind, he
began to tamper with each of his father’s friends by dark suggestions.
At first, several of these showed an appearance of rejecting with scorn
any such overtures, because they entertained higher expectations from
Demetrius. Afterwards Philip’s animosity to the Romans increased every
day, which Perseus fomented; but Demetrius, with all his might, opposed.
Foreseeing the fatal doom of the youth, who heeded not a brother’s
guile, and thinking that they must lend their assistance to the
accomplishment of what was likely to take place, and cherish the hopes
of the more powerful, they united themselves to Perseus. They defer the
execution of other measures till their proper season; for the present,
it seems good that the king should by every strenuous exertion be
inflamed against the Romans, and urged to form resolutions for war, to
which he had already of his own accord turned his attention. At the same
time, in order that Demetrius might be a greater object of suspicion
every day, they used deliberately to prolong the conversations even to
the use of insulting language towards the Romans; thereupon, when some
depreciating their manners and institutions, some their military
achievements, some the appearance of the city itself, unadorned either
by public or private structures; others spoke scornfully of some
particular individuals among their principal men. On these occasions,
the young prince unwary, both out of affection for the Roman nation, and
opposition to his brother, by maintaining their cause in all things,
rendered himself an object of suspicion to his father, and a fit subject
for their accusations. His father therefore kept him a stranger to all
his designs respecting the Romans; he was entirely devoted to Perseus,
and held with him, daily and nightly, deliberations on that subject. The
envoys had returned whom he happened to have sent to the Bastarnians, to
solicit aid, and brought with them from thence young men of distinction,
and some of royal extraction; one of whom promised his sister in
marriage to Philip’s son, and the connexion with that nation raised the
king’s spirits. Hereupon Perseus said, “What does that avail? There is
by no means as much protection afforded by foreign aid, as there is
danger arising from domestic treachery. I am unwilling to call him
traitor, but a spy we certainly have in our bosom, and although the
Romans have restored to us his body, since he was a hostage at Rome, yet
they still possess his heart. The faces of almost all the Macedonians
are turned towards him, and they think they are to have no other king
but him whom the Romans would give them.” By such discourses the old
man’s mind, distempered in itself, was stimulated to passion, and these
imputations he received deeper in his mind, than appeared from his
countenance.

6. It happened to be the time of the purification of the army; which
ceremony is thus performed:—The head and fore part of a dog cut through
the middle is laid at the right side of the way, and the hinder part
with the entrails at the left. Between the parts of the victim, thus
divided, the forces are led under arms. In the front of the van, are
carried the remarkable suits of armour of all the kings of Macedon, from
the remotest origin; next follows the king himself, with his children;
then the royal cohort and body guards, and the remaining body of the
Macedonians close the rear. The two young sons of the king attend by his
side; Perseus being now in his thirtieth year, Demetrius five years
younger; the former in the full strength of manhood, the latter in its
bloom; the mature offspring of a fortunate parent, if his mind had been
influenced by reason. The custom was, that when the purificatory
sacrifice was finished, the army should perform their evolutions, and
the two lines divided on both sides should engage in a mock fight. The
young princes were appointed commanders in this mock engagement; but it
was not the mere representation of a battle, for they engaged as if they
were fighting for the throne: many wounds were given with stakes, nor
was any thing but the steel wanting to give it the form of a regular
battle. The party which was under the command of Demetrius, was far
superior. While Perseus was vexed thereat, his considerate friends
rejoiced; and said, that that very circumstance would afford grounds for
impeaching the youth.

7. Each of the princes gave an entertainment that day to his comrades,
who had exercised under his command. Perseus being invited to supper by
Demetrius, refused; kind hospitality and youthful merriment led both to
excess in wine. Thereupon mention was made of the mock engagement, and
numerous remarks were thrown out against the antagonists in such a
manner as not to spare even the leaders themselves. To learn these
expressions, a spy was sent from among the guests of Perseus; but not
conducting himself with sufficient caution, he was detected by some
young men who happened to come out of the banqueting-room, and severely
beaten. Demetrius, knowing nothing of this matter, said, “Why do we not
go to my brother, join with him in merriment, and by our frankness and
gaiety assuage his resentment, if any, arising from the engagement, as
yet remains?” All with one accord cried out that they would attend him,
except those who were afraid of the immediate revenge of the spy that
had been beaten by them. When Demetrius pressed these also, they
concealed swords under their clothes, with which they might defend
themselves if any violence should be offered. In the case of domestic
discord, nothing that is concealed can remain so. Both houses were full
of spies and traitors. An informer ran on before to Perseus, and told
him, that four young men, armed with swords, were coming with Demetrius.
Though the reason was evident, (for he had heard that his guest had been
beaten by them,) yet, for the purpose of blackening the matter, he
ordered his gate to be locked, and from the upper part of the house and
the windows facing the street, he drives away the revellers, as if they
were come to murder him, from the entrance to the gate. Demetrius
flushed with wine, having for a little exclaimed loudly at his being
shut out, returns home to his own feast entirely ignorant of the meaning
of the whole proceeding.

8. Next day, Perseus, as soon as an opportunity of seeing his father was
afforded him, entered the palace, and with looks expressive of
disquietude stood silent in the presence of his sire but at some
distance. Of whom when his father inquired “if all was well, and what
was the cause of that sadness?” he answers, “Know that it is by the
sufferance of another that your son survives. We are now attacked by my
brother with no secret treachery; he came by night to my house, with
armed men to take away my life, and it was by shut doors, and the
protection afforded by the walls, that I was saved from his fury.” When
he had inspired into his father a horror mixed with wonder, he adds, “If
you can listen to me, I shall cause you to understand the affair as an
evident truth.” But Philip replied that he would hear him, and ordered
Demetrius to be instantly summoned. He then sent for two friends of
advanced age, Lysimachus and Onomastus, (who never interfered in the
juvenile disputes of the brothers, and were of late rare visitors in the
palace,) that he might have their assistance in counsel. While his
friends are coming he walked about by himself, secretly revolving many
things in his mind; his son still standing at a distance. On being told
that they had arrived, he retired with his two friends, and the same
number of his life-guards, into an inner apartment; he permitted each of
his sons to bring in three persons unarmed. Here, having taken his seat,
he says, “I, the most unhappy of fathers, sit here as judge between my
two sons, the accuser and the accused of the crime of fratricide; about
to find, in my nearest of relations, the foul stain either of falsehood
or a commission of crime. For a long time, indeed, I have apprehended an
impending storm, after I perceived your mutual looks, which showed no
sign of brotherly affection, and after I had overheard some expressions.
But I sometimes cherished the hope that your passions would subside, and
that your suspicions could be removed; that even enemies lay down their
arms and form a treaty, and that the private disputes of many have been
ended; and I trusted that the remembrance of your fraternal relationship
would at some time or other occur to you, and of the simplicity and
intimacy that subsisted between you in your boyish days; and finally, of
my instructions, which, I fear, I have fruitlessly poured into deaf
ears. How often have I, in your hearing, mentioned, with abhorrence,
examples of the disagreements of brothers, and recounted the dreadful
consequences of them, by which themselves, their offspring, their
houses, and their kingdoms, have been utterly ruined. I have
represented, on the other hand, more laudable examples; also the social
intercourse between the two kings of the Lacedæmonians, beneficial to
themselves and to their country for many ages; and that this same state,
after the custom of each one arbitrarily seizing on absolute power
prevailed, was quite overturned. Then, that these brothers, Eumenes and
Attalus, raised their dominions (from so small circumstances, that they
were almost ashamed of the title of king), to an equality with mine, or
with those of Antiochus, or indeed of any monarch of this age, and by
nothing else than by brotherly concord. Nor did I decline showing you
examples even from among the Romans that I had either seen or heard; as
of Titus and Lucius Quintius, who carried on the war against me; the two
Scipios, Publius and Lucius, who vanquished Antiochus; and their father
and uncle, the lasting harmony of whose life even death could not
dissolve. But neither could the wickedness of the former, attended by an
issue suitable to their crimes, deter you from your foolish quarrels;
nor could the sound judgment and good fortune of the latter bend you to
wisdom. While I am alive and in health, you have both in your hopes and
wicked desires laid hold on my inheritance. You wish me to live just so
long as that, surviving one, I should, by my death, make the other king
without a competitor. You cannot endure to have either brother or
father. You have no sense of affection, no religion, your insatiable
passion for regal sway alone has supplied the place of all other
feelings. Come, then, pollute your father’s ears, contend with mutual
accusations, as you soon will with the sword; speak openly either
whatever truth you can, or are pleased to invent. My ears are now
opened, which henceforward will be shut against all secret charges of
one against the other.” When with furious passion he had uttered these
words, tears gushed from the whole assembly and a sorrowful silence long
prevailed.

9. At length Perseus spoke to this effect: “I ought then, it seems, to
have opened my gate in the night, and admitted those armed revellers,
and held out my throat to their swords; since nothing less than the
perpetration of the deed can gain belief, and since I, who have been
assailed by secret treachery am accosted in the same language as a
robber and an assassin might expect. It is not without reason, that
those people say that you have but one son, Demetrius; and that I am
supposititious, and born of a concubine; for if I held in your breast
the rank of a son, or the affection due to one, you would wreak your
anger not on me, who complain of discovered treachery, but on him who
was the author of it; nor would my life be so worthless in your eyes,
that you should neither be moved by the danger which I have already
undergone, nor by that to which I must be exposed in future, if
punishment be not inflicted on the assassins. If, therefore, it be our
doom to die secretly let us be silent, only offering prayers to the gods
that the wickedness commenced with me may terminate in me, and that you
be not aimed at through my side. But if, as nature itself suggests to
those encompassed with perils in a desert place, to implore assistance
even from men whom they had never seen, so I, on seeing a sword drawn
against me, may be allowed to raise my voice. I beseech you then, by
your own person, by the name of father, (and you long know which of us
reveres that title most,) that you may hear me in the same manner as you
would if, roused by cries and lamentations by night, you had come up,
when I was crying for help, and in the dead of night had found
Demetrius, with armed men, in the porch of my house. What I should, at
that time, and in that case, have exclaimed with terror, I now, next
day, lay before you in form of a complaint. Brother, it is long since
you and I lived together on the terms of mutual hospitality; you
certainly wish to be king; this my expectation, my age, opposes, the law
of nations opposes, the ancient practice of Macedon opposes, and
moreover the judgment of my father opposes. These you can surmount by no
other means than by shedding my blood. You are making every scheme and
every attempt. Hitherto, either my care or fortune has prevented the
fratricide you intended to commit. Yesterday, on occasion of the
purification, the military exercise and mock representation of a fight,
you almost rendered it a bloody battle; nor was I saved from death by
any other means than by suffering myself and my party to be overcome.
Pretending brotherly sport, you wanted to drag me from a hostile fight
to your house to supper. Father, do you think that I, to whom they came
in arms, that they might drink with me, would have supped there with
unarmed guests. Do you think that I would have been in no danger from
their swords by night, when they almost killed me with stakes, of which
you were a spectator. Why, Demetrius, did you come at that time of
night; why an enemy come to a person provoked; why with young men in
arms? I did not venture to trust myself with you as a guest, and shall I
admit you as a reveller, coming with armed men? Father, if the gate had
been open, you would be preparing my funeral at this moment, in which
you are hearing my complaint. I do not, as an accuser, urge any thing
for the purpose of accusation; nor by collecting doubtful circumstances,
in a train of artful arguments. For what can he say? Does he deny that
he came to my gate with a large party, or that there were armed men with
him? Send for the persons, whom I will name; they who dared to do this,
might dare to do any thing; nevertheless, they will not dare to deny it.
If I brought before you any who had been caught within my doors in arms,
you would consider this an evident proof; consider those who confess in
the same light as if actually caught in the fact.

10. “Curse now thirst for dominion. Call up the furies, the avengers of
the wrongs of brothers; but, father, let not your curses be
undiscriminating. Separate and distinguish the assassin, and him by
treachery assailed, and charge the guilty head. Let him, who intended to
kill a brother, feel the wrath of the gods, of his father; and let him,
who was to have perished by a brother’s wickedness, find refuge in his
father’s compassion and justice. For where else shall I seek refuge, who
cannot find safety in the solemn purification of your army, in the
exercise of the troops, in my own house, in a feast, nor in the night,
which nature’s bounty granted to mankind for a season of repose. If I go
to my brother, according to his invitation, I must die. If I admit my
brother to a party of pleasure within my own gates, I must die. Neither
by going, nor by staying, do I escape secret treachery. Whither then
shall I betake me? Father, I have courted nothing save the gods and
thee. I have not the Romans, to whom I may fly. They seek my
destruction, because I grieve at the injuries which they have done you;
because I resent your being deprived of so many cities, so many nations,
and, lately, of the coast of Thrace. They have no hope that Macedonia
will ever be their property, while either you or I am safe. If a
brother’s wickedness shall have carried off me, and old age thee, or if
even this should not be waited for, they know that both the king and
kingdom of Macedonia will become theirs. If the Romans had left you any
thing beyond the limits of Macedon, I would suppose that even that had
been left me as a shelter. But I have protection enough in the
Macedonians. You were an eye-witness yesterday of the attack made on me
by the soldiers. What did they want, but the steel? And what they
wanted, in the day, my brother’s guests took to themselves in the night.
Why need I mention the greater part of the nobles, who have placed all
their hopes of honour and fortune in the Romans, and in him who is
all-powerful with the Romans? Nor, in truth, do they prefer him merely
to me, his elder brother, but, they want little of preferring him to
yourself, his king and father. For, he is the person out of regard to
whom the senate remitted to you the intended punishment, who now screens
you from the Roman arms; who thinks it fit that your advanced age should
be under obligation to, and dependent on, his youth. Him the Romans, him
the cities freed from thy jurisdiction, and him the Macedonians,
rejoicing at the peace with Rome, defend; but for me, father, what hope
or protection have I any where except in thee?

11. “What do you suppose to be the intention of the letter lately sent
to you by Titus Quintius, in which he not only says, that you acted
wisely for your own interest in sending Demetrius to Rome, but also
advises you to send him back again, with a greater number of
ambassadors, and nobles of Macedonia? Titus Quintius is now his
counsellor, and master, in every thing. Having renounced you his father,
he has substituted him in your place. There in preference to all other
places their secret plans are concocted. When he desires you to send
greater numbers, and the chief men of Macedon they are seeking
assistants in their schemes. For those who go from this place unchanged
and uncorrupted, and impressed with the idea that they had Philip as
their king, return from thence tainted—infected by Roman blandishments.
Demetrius alone is every thing to them. They give him the title of king
already, even in his father’s life-time. If I express my indignation at
these things, you must forthwith understand that the crime of thirsting
for dominion has been laid to my charge; not only by others, father, but
even by you. But this charge, if made against both, I do not admit; for
whom do I remove from his place, that I may succeed in his room? My
father alone is before me; and that he may long be so, I entreat the
gods. I his survivor, (and may I be so only on these terms, if, by my
desert, he shall wish me to be so,) shall receive the inheritance of his
kingdom, provided my father shall bequeath it to me. He covets rule, and
covets it with criminal passion, since he hastily overleaps the order of
age, of nature, of the Macedonian custom, and of the laws of nations. An
elder brother stands in his way, to whom by right, and by the wish of
his father, the kingdom belongs. Let him be carried off: I shall not be
the first that acquired a kingdom by spilling a brother’s blood. My
father, being old, and forlorn from being bereaved of his son, will
rather fear for himself, than revenge his son’s death. The Romans will
rejoice, they will approve, they will defend the deed. Father, these
prospects are uncertain, but they are not groundless. For the matter
stands thus: you can repel from me the fatal danger, by inflicting
punishment on those who have taken up arms to kill me; if success attend
the daring deed, you the very same shall not be able to avenge my
death.”

12. When Perseus concluded his speech, the eyes of all present were
turned to Demetrius, as if he were going to reply immediately. Then,
when it was evident to all that, bathed in tears, he was unable to
speak, silence for a long time reigned: at length necessity itself,
inasmuch as they called on him to speak, overcame his grief, and he
began thus: “Father, all the aids which heretofore have been the
privilege of the accused, my accuser has preoccupied. By his tears,
counterfeited for the purpose of working another’s ruin, he has caused
my unfeigned tears to be suspected by you. Although, ever since I
returned from Rome, he, by holding secret consultations with his
confederates, labours night and day to insnare me, yet nevertheless he
represents me in the character, not only of a conspirator, but of an
open assassin and murderer. He terrifies you with his danger, in order
to hasten, through your means, the ruin of an innocent brother. He
asserts, that he has a place of refuge no where in the world, that I may
have no remaining hope even in thee. Circumvented, destitute, and
helpless as I am, he loads me with odium arising from foreign favour,
which proves detrimental rather than advantageous. Then how,
accuser-like, has he blended that which was the crime of this night with
other invectives against my conduct, that he might, by representing the
tenor of the rest of my life, throw a colour of guilt both on the late
transaction, the true nature of which you shall soon understand; and
that he might support the other groundless insinuations respecting my
views, wishes, and designs, by this latter, fictitious, fabricated
story. He had, at the same time, this design, that his accusation might
appear to be sudden and by no means premeditated, as if occasioned by
sudden fright and disturbance of this night. But, Perseus, if I were a
traitor against my father and his government; if I had formed plans with
the Romans, or with other enemies of my father, the tale of last night
ought not to have been waited for; I ought to have been long ago brought
to answer for my treason. And if the former charge apart from the latter
were unfounded, and tended to discover your hatred towards me, rather
than my guilt, it ought on the present day also to be either omitted or
postponed to some future period; in order that it might clearly appear,
whether I plotted against you; or you, with indeed a strange and
singular kind of hatred, against me. However, I will, as well as I am
able in my present unforeseen perturbation of mind, distinguish those
matters which you have confounded; and I will unveil the plot of the
preceding evening, whether mine or yours. Perseus wishes it to be
believed, that I had formed a design to take his life, with the view,
forsooth, that having removed the elder brother, on whom by the law of
nations, by the custom of Macedonia, and likewise by your judgment, as
he says, the kingdom was to devolve, I, the younger, should succeed in
the room of him whom I had slain. What, then, can be the meaning of that
other part of his speech, where he says that the Romans were courted by
me, and from my reliance on them that I conceived hopes of the crown?
For, if I believed that the Romans possessed such influence, that they
could appoint whomsoever they pleased king of Macedon, and if I had such
confidence in my interest with them, what need was there of fratricide?
Could it be my wish to wear a diadem stained with a brother’s blood, or
to become execrable and odious in the eyes of those very people, with
whom whatever interest I may happen to have, has been procured by zeal,
or at least affected integrity of conduct? unless you believe that Titus
Quintius, by whose power and advice you allege I am at present governed,
though he lives in such cordial affection with his own brother, would
recommend to me to murder mine? He has united for me, not only the
favour of the Romans, but the opinions of the Macedonians, and the
concurring sentiments almost of all the gods and men, by reason of all
which he cannot believe that he would prove equal to me in the
competition. Yet the same man accuses me of having (though I was
inferior to him in every mode of proceeding) had recourse to an act of
wickedness as my last resource. Do you wish that the formula of the
judicial inquiry should be to this effect, that whichever feared lest
the other should seem more worthy of the throne, shall be deemed guilty
of designing his brother’s destruction?

13. “But let us examine the process of this accusation, in whatever
manner it has been fabricated. He has arraigned me of attempting his
life, by several methods; and all these modes of attack he has crowded
into the space of one day. I intended to kill him by day when we engaged
after the purification, and, if it seems good to the gods, even on the
day of purification. I intended, when I invited him to supper, to take
him off by poison of course. I intended, when some armed persons
followed me to join his party in their conviviality, to kill him with
the sword. You see what sort of opportunities were chosen for this
murder; those of sport, feasting, and revelling. What? on what sort of a
day! On the day in which the army was purified; in which, after the
royal armour of all the former kings of Macedon was carried in
procession between the divided victim, when we two only rode along with
you, father, at your sides, and the body of the Macedonian troops
followed. Now, even supposing that I had formerly been guilty of some
crime requiring expiation, could I, after being purified and expiated in
this sacred solemnity, at the very time especially when I was looking at
the victim laid on each side of our road, revolved in my mind
fratricide, poisons and swords prepared against the feast? With what
other sacred rites could I afterwards atone for the guilt of a mind,
contaminated with every kind of villany? But whilst his understanding,
blinded by a desire for accusing, wishes to render every thing an object
of suspicion, it confounds one thing with another. For if I intended to
take you off by poison at supper, what could be more incongruous with my
design, than to provoke you to rage by an obstinate contest and
engagement, that you might have reason to refuse, as you did, my
invitation to supper? But when, in your anger, you had refused, whether
ought I to have taken pains to pacify you, that I might find another
opportunity, since I had got the poison ready, or to pass over, as it
were, from that design to another, namely, that of killing you with the
sword, and on that same day, under pretence of feasting with you? If I
thought that you declined supping with me, through fear for your life,
how could I suppose that you would not, through the same fear, have
declined drinking with me also.

14. “Father, I have no cause to blush, that on a festival day, among
companions of my own age, I should have indulged too freely in wine; and
I wish you would also inquire with what cheerfulness and mirth
yesterday’s entertainment, at my house, was rendered festive, that joy
also (perhaps a blamable one) increasing it, our party not having been
worsted in the fight. This my present misfortune, and my fears, have
effectual dissipated the fumes of the liquor; but, if these had not
intervened, we, the conspirators, would have been now lying fast asleep.
If, Perseus, I designed to storm your house, and after the house had
been taken to kill the owner, ought I not to have refrained from wine
for that one day, and to have kept my soldiers sober? And that I should
not be the only one to defend my cause with excessive candour, my
brother himself also, not in the least inclined to malice or suspicion,
says, I know nothing more, I charge them with nothing more, than that
they came in arms to drink with me. If I should ask, From what source
have you become acquainted with that very circumstance? you must
necessarily acknowledge, either that my house was full of your spies;
or that my companions took arms so openly, as that every one could see
them. Lest he should seem either on a prior occasion to have made any
investigation, or now to adduce arguments for the purpose of convicting,
he desired you to inquire of the persons whom he would name, whether
they had swords, in order that, as it were, in a doubtful case, when you
had investigated into that which they themselves confessed, they might
be deemed convicted. Why do you not rather desire inquiry to be made
after this, whether they carried swords for the purpose of killing you;
whether by my direction and knowledge? this you wish to be believed, and
not that which they confess, and what is, indeed, notorious, they say
they carried them for the purpose of defending themselves. Whether they
acted right or wrong, let them account for their own conduct. My cause,
which is no way affected by this act, do not blend with it. Explain
whether we intended to attack you openly, or secretly. If openly, why
had we not all swords? why had no one a sword except those who had
beaten your spy? If privately, what was the arrangement of our plan?
Were four to remain, in order to fall on you in your sleep, when the
banquet broke up, and I your guest had departed? How would they have
escaped detection, as being strangers, and belonging to me; and, above
all, being liable to suspicion, because they had been in a quarrel a
little before? But how were they to have escaped after having killed
you? Could your house have been taken and stormed by two swords?

15. “Why not rather, having dropped that fable of last night, recur to
what really grieves you, what kindles your envy? Say,—Why, Demetrius, is
mention made any where of your mounting the throne? Why do you appear,
to some, a more worthy successor to your father’s dignity than I? Why do
you disturb with doubt and anxiety my hopes, which would be certain if
you were not in being? These are the thoughts of Perseus, though he does
not express them; these make that man my enemy, these create my accuser;
these fill your house, these your kingdom, with accusations and
suspicions. But, father, as I ought not now either to hope for the
crown, or perhaps ever to contend for it, because I am the younger
brother, and because you wish that I should yield to the elder; so
neither ought I at any former time, or at the present, to act in such a
manner as to appear undeserving of you my father, and of all. For I
should attain that by my own vices, not by yielding to him on whose side
is law both human and divine, not by moderation. You upbraid me with the
Romans; and what ought to be deemed an honour, you convert into a crime.
I did not request, that I should either be delivered a hostage to the
Romans, or sent as an ambassador to Rome. Being commissioned by you, I
did not refuse to go. On both occasions, I conducted myself in such a
manner, as to be no disgrace to you, to your kingdom, or to the
Macedonian nation. You, therefore, father, have been the cause of my
friendship with the Romans. As long as peace shall subsist between you
and them, so long will I also continue in friendship with them; but, if
war should arise, I, the same who have been there a hostage, and no
unprofitable ambassador in my father’s behalf, will be their most
determined enemy. Nor do I, this day, require that the favour of the
Romans should be any advantage to me; I only entreat that it be not
detrimental. It neither commenced in war, nor is it reserved for war. I
have been a pledge of peace; and, to procure a continuance of peace, I
was sent ambassador. Let neither be esteemed an honour or a crime.
Father, if I have been guilty of any undutiful behaviour towards you, or
any criminal behaviour towards my brother, I beg to be freed from no
punishment. If I be innocent, let me not, I beseech you, be destroyed by
envy when I cannot by crime. My brother’s accusation, this day, is not
the first that he has brought against me; but it is the first made
openly, and owing to no offence given him by me. If my father were angry
with me, it would become you, the elder brother, to intercede for the
younger, you to obtain pardon for his youth, and you for his error; but
in the very person from whom I ought to receive protection, in him I
meet my ruin. From a feast and revelry I have been hurried, almost half
asleep, to plead my cause on a charge of fratricide. Without advocates,
without patrons, I am compelled to plead my own cause. If I were to
speak for another, I would have taken time to study and compose a
speech; though, what else would I endanger than that of my reputation
for abilities. But, before I knew why I had been summoned, I heard you,
in a paroxysm of passion, ordering me to account for my conduct, and my
brother accusing me. He employed against me a speech long before
prepared and studied; I had only the time in which the accusations were
recited, for hearing what were the impeachments. During that short space
whether should I listen to my accuser, or study a defence?
Thunder-struck by the sudden and unthought-of calamity, I was scarcely
capable of understanding what was alleged against me, much less of being
sufficiently aware what defence I should make. What hope indeed could I
have, if I had not my father as judge, with whom, though I am
outstripped by an elder brother in affection, yet surely, when accused,
I ought not to be outstripped in his compassion. For my prayer is, that
you would save me, for my sake, and for your own; he demands, that, for
his security, you should put me to death. What do you think will he do,
when you shall have delivered the kingdom into his hands, who even now
thinks it reasonable that he should be gratified with my blood?” While
he was uttering these words, tears interrupted his breath and voice at
the same time. Philip, having sent them away, and conferred a short time
with his friends, declared, that “he could not from a single hour’s
discussion give a formulary judgment on the cause between them, but by a
scrutiny into the conduct and manners of both, and a close observation
of their words and actions, on occasions great and small.” That it
appeared clearly to all, that the charge relating to the preceding night
was effectually refuted; but that Demetrius’ favour with the Romans had
been an object of suspicion, as being too great. These, as it were, the
seeds of the Macedonian war which was to be waged with Perseus, in
particular, were sown, when Philip was still alive.

16. Both the consuls set out into Liguria, which at that time was the
only consular province. A supplication for one day was decreed because
prosperity had attended their affairs in that quarter. About two
thousand Ligurians came to the extreme borders of the Gallic province,
where Marcellus lay encamped, requesting him to receive their
submission. Marcellus, having ordered the Ligurians to wait in the same
place, consulted the senate through the medium of a letter. The senate
ordered Marcus Ogulnius, præetor, to write back to Marcellus, that “it
would have been more proper for the consuls, whose province it was, than
for them, to decide what might tend to the interest of the republic;
that in this case too it was their pleasure, if he should receive the
surrender of the Ligurians, that their arms should not be taken from
them admitted to a surrender, and that the senate thought proper that
the Ligurians should be sent to the consul.” The prætors arrived at the
same time in Spain; Publius Manlius in the Farther province, which he
had governed in his former prætorship, and Quintus Fulvius Flaccus in
the Hither one, and he received the command of the army from Terentius;
for the Farther province, by the death of the proprætor, Publius
Sempronius, had been without a governor. The Celtiberians attacked
Fulvius Flaccus while besieging a town of the Spaniards, called Urbicua.
Many severe actions were fought there, and many of the Roman soldiers
killed and wounded. They were vanquished by Fulvius’ perseverance,
because he could by no force be diverted from the siege; the
Celtiberians, wearied out with so many battles, retired. The city,
having lost their assistance, was within a few days taken and sacked;
the prætor bestowed the booty on the soldiers. Fulvius having taken this
town, and Publius Manlius having only gathered together his army, which
had been scattered, without having achieved any other memorable action,
led their armies into winter quarters. These were the transactions of
that summer in Spain. Terentius, who had come home from that province,
entered the city in ovation. He carried in the procession nine thousand
three hundred and twenty pounds’ weight of silver, eighty pounds’ weight
of gold, and two golden crowns of the weight of sixty-seven pounds.

17. In the same year the Romans were arbitrators on the spot in a
dispute, subsisting between the people of Carthage and king Masinissa,
about a tract of ground. This ground Gala, father of Masinissa, had
taken from the Carthaginians. Syphax had expelled Gala, and afterwards,
from respect to Hasdrubal, his father-in-law, had made a present of it
to the Carthaginians. In this year, Masinissa had expelled the
Carthaginians. This matter was debated before the Romans with no less
mental ardour than they had contended for it with the sword, even in the
field of battle. The Carthaginians claimed the ground first, as having
been the property of their ancestors; and next, because it had come to
them from Syphax. Masinissa urged, that “he had retaken possession of it
as part of his father’s kingdom, and held it under the law of nations;
and that he had the advantage, both in the merits of his cause and in
the present possession. That, in this discussion, he had no other fear,
than lest the moderation of the Romans might operate to his loss, whilst
they dreaded the appearance of any partiality to a king who was their
friend and ally, in prejudice to the common enemy of him and them.” The
deputies did not alter the right of possession, but referred the cause
entire to the senate at Rome. There was nothing done afterwards in
Liguria. The inhabitants, at first, retired into pathless forests; and
afterwards, disbanding their army, separated in every direction among
the villages and forts. The consuls, too, wished to disband their
forces, and consulted the senators on this matter. They ordered that one
of them should discharge his troops, and come to Rome to elect
magistrates for the year; and that the other, with his legions, should
pass the winter at Pisæ. A report prevailed, that the transalpine Gauls
were arming their young men, and it was not known on what quarter of
Italy that multitude would pour itself. The consuls settled the matter
between them,—that Cneius Bæbius should go home to the elections,
because his brother, Marcus Bæbius, was a candidate for the consulship.

18. The assembly for the election of consuls was held, and Publius
Cornelius Cethegus and Marcus Bæbius Tamphilus were chosen. The prætors
were afterwards elected, Quintus Fabius Maximus, Quintus Fabius Buteo,
Tiberius Claudius Nero, Quintus Petillius Spurinus, Marcus Pinarius
Posca, and Lucius Duronius. When the magistrates entered into office,
the provinces fell to these by lot in the following order: to the
consuls, Liguria; to the prætors, Quintus Petillius, the city, and
Quintus Fabius Maximus, the foreign jurisdiction; to Quintus Fabius
Buteo, Gaul; to Tiberius Claudius Nero, Sicily; to Marcus Pinarius,
Sardinia; and to Lucius Duronius, Apulia, to which was annexed Istria
also, because information was received at Tarentum and Brundusium, that
the lands bordering on the sea were infested by robberies committed by
foreign piratical ships. The Massilians made the same complaint, with
regard to the ships of the Ligurians. The armies were then voted, to the
consuls four Roman legions (each consisting of five thousand two hundred
foot and three hundred horse); and fifteen thousand foot and eight
hundred horse of the allies and Latins. In the Spains, the old praætors
were continued in command, with the armies which they then had; and as
an augmentation, there were voted for them, three thousand Roman
citizens with two hundred horse, and six thousand foot and three hundred
horse of the Latin confederates. Nor was the business of the fleet
neglected. The consuls were ordered to constitute duumvirs for
conducting that department; by whom, twenty ships which they had
launched were to be manned with Roman citizens who had been in
servitude; with this proviso only, that free-born officers should
command them. The duty of guarding the coast was so arranged between the
duumvirs, each of whom had the command of ten ships, that the promontory
of Minerva formed the point of division between them: one was to defend
the part on the right, as far as Marseilles; the other, that on the
left, extending to the town of Barium.

19. Many horrid prodigies were seen at Rome this year, and reported from
abroad. It rained blood in the courts of the temples of Vulcan and
Concord, and the priests reported that spears moved, and that the image
of Juno Sospita at Lanuvium shed tears. There was a pestilence in the
country, in the market towns and market-places: and so violent was it in
the city, that Libitina could scarcely supply the requisites for burying
the dead. These prodigies, and the mortality, alarmed the senate so
much, that they ordered the consuls to sacrifice to such gods as they
thought proper, victims of the larger kinds, and likewise the decemvirs
to consult the books. Pursuant to their direction, a supplication for
one day was proclaimed, to be performed at every shrine in Rome. On the
authority of these same, both the senate voted, and the consuls
announced, that there should be a supplication and holidays for three
days throughout the whole of Italy. The pestilence raged with so great
fury, that when, in consequence of the revolt of the Corsicans, and a
war raised in Sardinia by the Iliensians, it seemed good, that, from
among the Latin allies, eight thousand foot and three hundred horse
should be raised, whom Marcus Pinarius the prætor should convey with him
into Sardinia;—the consuls returned a representation, that so great a
number of men had died, and so many were sick, in every place that the
number of soldiers could not be made up. The prætor was ordered to take
from Cneius Bæbius, proconsul, who was in winter quarters at Pisæ, as
many soldiers as would make up the deficiency, and transport them from
thence to Sardinia. To Lucius Duronius the prætor, to whose lot Apulia
had fallen, was given in addition the charge of making inquiry
concerning the Bacchanalians; for some remaining seeds of the evils,
formerly excited by those people, had shown themselves there the year
before. The inquiries were rather commenced under the prætor, Lucius
Pupius, than brought to any issue; the senate therefore ordered the new
prætor to cut up that evil by the roots, lest it might spread again more
extensively. The consuls, also, by direction of the senate, proposed to
the people certain laws concerning canvassing for elections.

20. They next introduced the embassies to audience. And first, those of
the kings, Eumenes and Ariarathes the Cappadocian; and Pharnaces of
Pontus. No further answer was given to these, than that the senate would
send persons to examine, and decide their disputes. Ambassadors from the
Lacedæmonian exiles, and from the Achæans, were next brought in. Hopes
were given to the exiles, that the senate would write to the Achæans
that they should be restored. The Achæans gave an account, to the
satisfaction of the senate, of the recovery of Messene, and the
settlement of affairs there. From Philip, king of Macedonia, came two
ambassadors also,—Philocles and Appelles; not on any business with the
senate, but rather to pry into and inquire concerning the correspondence
with the Romans, of which Perseus had accused Demetrius, and,
particularly, into that with Titus Quintius, concerning the kingdom, to
the prejudice of his brother. The king had employed these men, believing
them unbiassed and inclined in favour of neither party; but they were
accomplices and agents of Perseus, in his treacherous designs against
his brother. Demetrius, ignorant of all except the villanous scheme of
his brother which had lately broke out, at first neither utterly
despaired, nor yet entertained much hope of being reconciled with his
father; but afterwards he trusted less and less every day to Philip’s
affection, having observed that an audience with him was prevented by
his brother. Wherefore, not to increase the suspicions lie laboured
under, he used extreme circumspection in all his words and actions, and
carefully avoided all mention of, and communication with, the Romans;
to such a degree as to wish that they should not write, as he knew that
his father’s mind was principally exasperated by charges of this nature.

21. Philip, lest his troops should be enervated by inactivity, and at
the same time, to avert all suspicion of his harbouring any design of a
war with Rome, ordered his army to assemble at Stobi, in Pæonia; and
thence he led it on into Mædica. He had been seized with an earnest
desire of ascending to the summit of Mount Hæmus, for he gave credit to
a vulgar opinion, that from thence could be seen at once the Pontic and
Adriatic Seas, the river Danube, and the Alps; and he thought that the
having a view of all those places, would be of no small consequence
towards forming his plans of a war with Rome. On inquiry, from people
acquainted with the country, respecting the ascent to Mount Hæmus, when
it was ascertained from them all, that there was no way by which an army
could go up it, but that there was access for a small party, lightly
accoutred, that he might soothe with familiar discourse his younger son,
whom he had determined not to take with him, he first asked his opinion,
“whether, as the difficulty of the journey was represented to be so
great, he ought to persist in his design, or not?” He added, that, if he
should resolve to proceed, he could not forget the caution of Antigonus,
respecting undertakings of that kind; who being tossed about by a
violent storm, when he had all his family in the same ship with him, was
said to have advised his sons to remember, and hand down to their
children, this maxim: “never to have the hardihood to rush into danger
themselves, and their whole family together.” He would therefore attend
to this warning, and not expose his two sons at once to the chance of
those perils, which were represented to lie in his way; and as he meant
to take his elder son with him, he would send back the younger into
Macedon, as a reserve to his hopes, and as guardian of the kingdom. It
did not escape Demetrius that he was sent out of the way, that lie might
not be present at their deliberations, when, in view of those places,
they should consult which were the shortest roads to the Adriatic Sea
and to Italy, and what was the general plan to be pursued in the war. He
was obliged however not only to obey his father on the occasion, but to
express his approbation of the measure, lest a reluctant obedience
might beget suspicion. In order that his journey into Macedonia might be
safe, Didas, one of the king’s general officers and governor of Pæonia,
was ordered to escort him with a small party of men. Perseus took this
man, as well as most of his father’s friends, into the conspiracy to
ruin his brother, from the time that it became plain to every one, from
the tendency of the king’s feelings, to which of the two the inheritance
of the throne should come; and Perseus charged him on this occasion, to
insinuate himself by every kind of obsequiousness into the most familiar
communication with Demetrius, so as to draw from him all his secrets,
and to pry into his hidden thoughts. The prince, therefore, set out with
a guard more dangerous to him than if he had gone alone.

22. Philip marched first into Mædica, then crossing the deserts that lie
between Mædica and Hæmus, at length, at his seventh encampment, he
reached the foot of the mountain. There he halted one day, to make
choice of those who were to accompany him, and on the next proceeded on
his journey. At first, while they ascended the lower parts of the hills,
the fatigue was moderate; but as they advanced upwards, they found the
ground more thickly covered with woods, and many places impassable. They
then came to a part of the way so shaded by the thickness of the trees,
and the branches so interwoven with each other, that the sky could
scarcely be seen; but when they drew near to the top, what is rarely
seen in other places, the whole tract was covered with so thick a fog,
that they were impeded no less than if they were journeying by night. At
last, on the third day, they arrived at the summit. On coming down they
did not discountenance the vulgar opinion, more, I suppose, lest the
folly of the journey should be exposed to derision, than that it was
there possible to see those seas, and mountains, and rivers, so widely
distant from each other. They were all greatly fatigued by the
difficulty of the way; and chiefly the king himself, in proportion as he
was less fitted for exertion, owing to his advanced age. After
sacrificing to Jupiter and the sun, on two altars which he consecrated
on the spot, he descended in two days, though the ascent had cost him
three: for he was particularly afraid of the night cold, which even at
the rising of the dog-star was like the cold of winter. After
struggling with numerous hardships during those days, he found his camp
in a condition not more pleasing, for as it lay in a country enclosed on
all sides by deserts, there was extreme want. He halted therefore but
one day, to refresh those whom he had taken with him, and then hastened
away into the country of the Dentheletians, with a rapid march close
resembling flight. These were allies, but the Macedonians, on account of
their own necessities, plundered their country, as if it belonged to an
enemy; for they first pillaged the country houses, and afterwards
ravaged several villages, overwhelming the king with shame, when he
heard the cries of his allies, calling in vain on the gods who witnessed
their league, and on himself by name. Having carried off corn from
hence, he marched back into Mædica, and laid siege to a town called
Petra. He pitched his camp in a plain, and sent his son Perseus with a
small party to attack the city from the higher ground. The townsmen,
when danger pressed them on all sides, gave hostages, and for the
present surrendered themselves; but as soon as the army retired,
regardless of the hostages, they deserted the city, and fled into
fastnesses and mountains. Philip returned to Macedon, after having
exhausted his troops by every kind of fatigue, without effecting any
purpose, and with his suspicions of his son augmented through the
treachery of the governor Didas.

23. This man being sent, as before mentioned, to escort Demetrius, had,
by flattering discourses, and even expressing his own indignation at the
treatment shown him, imposed on the open temper of the youth, who was
too much off his guard, and justly incensed against his relations; and
by a voluntary offer of his assistance in all his measures, and giving a
solemn assurance of fidelity, he elicited his secrets. Demetrius was
meditating flight to Rome; and the governor of Pæonia appeared to him to
have been sent by the kindness of the gods to aid him in his
design;—through whose province he supposed he might make his escape.
This scheme was immediately betrayed to his brother, and, by his
direction, discovered to his father. A letter was brought the king while
he was besieging Petra; and in consequence of it, Herodotus, who was the
most intimate friend of Demetrius, was taken into custody, and an order
was given that Demetrius himself should be guarded, without his
perceiving it. These occurrences, added to what had passed before, made
the king’s arrival in Macedon a sad one. The present charges had an
effect on him; yet he resolved to wait the return of those whom he had
sent to Rome, to procure intelligence of every particular. After he had
passed several months under this uneasiness and anxiety, the
ambassadors, who had preconcerted before they left Macedon, what
information they should bring home from Rome, at last arrived; who, in
addition to other grounds of accusation, produced to the king a forged
letter, sealed with a counterfeit seal of Titus Quintius. In this letter
was a kind of interceding apology, that if the young prince, misled by
the ambition of reigning, had offered some propositions to him on the
subject, yet he was sure that “Demetrius would never attempt any thing
against his relations; and that he himself was not such an individual as
to appear capable of giving an undutiful advice.” This letter confirmed
the charges made by Perseus: Herodotus was, therefore, immediately put
to the rack, which he endured a long time, and died under the torture,
without giving information of any sort.

24. Perseus now brought before his father a second formal accusation
against Demetrius. His preparations for flight through Pæonia were
alleged against him, and his having bribed certain persons to accompany
him on the journey; but the forged letter of Titus Quintius pressed
hardest on him. There was, however, no severe sentence pronounced
openly, in order that he might be put to death in secrecy, which they
considered a preferable course: nor was this done through regard for
himself, but lest the inflicting punishment on him might unmask designs
against the Romans. The king himself having occasion to go from
Thessalonica to Demetrias, sent Demetrius, with the same attendant
Didas, to Astræum in Pæonia, and Perseus to Amphipolis, to receive
hostages from the Thracians, and is said, on parting with Didas, to have
given him directions to put his son to death. A sacrifice was either
intended or counterfeited by Didas, and Demetrius, being invited to be
present at the solemnity, came from Astræum to Heraclea. It is said that
poison was administered to him in that supper. The moment he had
swallowed the draught, he was conscious of its deadly properties; and
being quickly after seized with violent pains, left the banquet, and
retired to a chamber, where he continued for some time in agony,
complaining of the cruelty of his father, inveighing against the
fratricide of Perseus, and the villany of Didas. Then one Thyrsis of
Stubera, and one Alexander of Berœa, were sent in, who, covering his
head and mouth with blankets, suffocated him. In this manner perished
that innocent youth, since in his case his enemies were not even content
with a common kind of murder.

25. While these matters were passing in Macedon, Lucius Æmilius Paullus,
being, on the expiration of his consulate, continued in command, led his
army at the commencement of spring into the country of the Ingaunian
Ligurians. He had no sooner pitched his camp in the enemy’s territory,
than ambassadors came to him under pretext of suing for peace, but in
reality as spies. When Paullus declared that he would enter into no
treaty whatever, unless they first surrendered; to this they did not
object, but said that it would require time to procure the consent of
such a rude kind of people. When, for that purpose, a suspension of arms
for ten days was granted, then they further requested that his men might
not go beyond the mountains for wood or forage, for that was the part of
their lands which they had under tillage. After they obtained this
request, they collected all their forces behind those mountains, which
they had prevented the Romans from approaching; and on a sudden, with a
vast multitude, assaulted every gate of his camp at once. During that
whole day, they prosecuted the attack with such vigour, that Paullus had
not time to march out of the camp, nor room to draw out his troops:
crowding together at the gates, they defended their camp by blocking up
the passage, rather than by fighting. When the enemy had retired a
little before sun-set, the general despatched two horsemen to Pisæ, to
Cneius Bæbius, proconsul, with a letter, requesting him to come with all
speed to his relief, as he was besieged in the midst of a truce. Bæbius
had given up his army to Marcus Pinarius, the prætor, who was going into
Sardinia, but he informed the senate by letter that Lucius Æmilius was
besieged by the Ligurians, and also wrote to Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
whose province lay the nearest, that, if he thought proper, he should
march his army out of Gaul into Liguria, and relieve Lucius Æmilius from
the blockade. These succours would have come too late. The Ligurians
returned next day to the attack of the camp. Æmilius, although he was
aware that they would come, and although he could have drawn out his
army to meet them, yet kept his men within the lines, in order that he
might protract the business until such time as Bæbius should come with
his army from Pisæ.

26. Bæbius’s letter caused a great alarm at Rome, and it was increased
by this circumstance, that, in a few days after Marcellus coming to
Rome, having given up the command of the army to Fabius, banished all
hope of a possibility of the forces, then in Gaul, being removed into
Liguria; for hostilities had commenced with the Istrians, who obstructed
the settlement of the colony of Aquileia; and, as Fabius had led his
army thither, he could not quit that country now that the war was begun.
There was but one hope of relief, and even that too slow for the
exigency of the time,—this was, that the consuls might hasten their
march into that province, and the senators earnestly pressed them to do
so. The consuls declared that they would not set out until the levies
were completed, and that no indolence in them, but the violence of the
epidemic sickness, was the cause of their being so long in finishing the
levy. However, they could not withstand the united wishes of the whole
senate, in urging them to depart in the military habit, and to proclaim
a day to the troops which they had enlisted, on which they should
assemble at Pisæ. Authority was given them to enlist hasty levies on
their march, wherever they should go, and take them with them. Orders
were likewise issued to the prætors, Quintus Petillius and Quintus
Fabius, that Petillius should raise two tumultuary legions of Roman
citizens, and compel every person under fifty years of age to enlist;
and that Fabius should demand from the Latin allies, fifteen thousand
foot and eight hundred horse. Two commanders were appointed to the
fleet, Caius Matienus and Caius Lucretius, and ships were put in
readiness for them. An order was given Matienus, whose station was at
the Gallic bay, to steer his squadron, with all expedition, to the coast
of Liguria, and to try if he could be of any service to Lucius Æmilius
and his army.

27. Æmilius, when no aid appeared in any quarter, believing that his
couriers had been intercepted, resolved to wait no longer, but to make
a trial of fortune by himself; and for this purpose, before the coming
of the enemy, who now made their attacks with less briskness and vigour,
he drew up his troops at the four gates, that, on a signal being given,
might sally out from all sides at once. To four independent cohorts of
auxiliaries, he added two others, and gave the command to Marcus
Valerius, lieutenant-general, with orders to make his sally by the
prætorian gate. At the right gate of the first cohort he formed the
spearmen of the first legion, placing the first-rank men of the same
legion in reserve: Marcus Servilius and Lucius Sulpicius, military
tribunes, had the command of these. The third legion was drawn up
opposite to the left gate of the first cohort, with this difference
only, that here the first-rank men were posted in front, and the
spearmen in reserve. Sextus Julius Cæsar and Lucius Aurelius Cotta,
military tribunes, had the command of this legion. Quintus Fulvius
Flaccus, lieutenant-general, with the right wing of the allies, was
posted at the quæstorian gate: and two cohorts, with the veterans of the
two legions, were ordered to stay within to guard the camp. The general
himself went round by all the gates, haranguing the troops, and excited
the wrath of the soldiers by all the incentives that he could use; at
one time declaiming against the treachery of the enemy, who after suing
for peace, and obtaining a truce, had come during the very time of that
truce, in violation of the law of nations, to attack his camp; at
another, setting before them what a shame it was that a Roman army
should be besieged by Ligurians, people more properly styled robbers
than a regular enemy. “With what face,” continued he, “if you make your
way hence by the assistance of others, and not by your own valour, will
any of you meet, I do not say those soldiers that conquered Hannibal, or
Philip, or Antiochus, the greatest kings and generals of the present
age, but those who often drove those very Ligurians before them, flying
like cattle through pathless forests, and put them to the sword? What
the Spaniards, the Gauls, the Macedonians, or Carthaginians, never dared
to attempt, a Ligurian enemy dares: he marches up to the trenches of a
Roman camp, unexpectedly besieges and assaults it; although, formerly,
we, searching carefully the recesses of the forests, were with
difficulty able to find them lurking in their hiding-places.” This was
answered by a general clamour, “that it was no fault of the soldiers, as
no one had given them the order to sally forth Let him but give the
order, and he should soon be convinced, that both the Romans and the
Ligurians were the same that ever they were.”

28. There were two camps of the Ligurians on the hither side of the
mountains, from which, on the former days, they had marched forward at
sun-rise, all in order and regular array. On this day they did not take
arms until they had made a full meal of food and wine; and then they
came out in loose order, and regardless of their ranks, as they expected
with certainty, that the enemy would not venture out beyond the rampart.
As they were approaching in this disorderly manner, the shout being
raised by every one in the camp at once, even by the suttlers and
servants, the Romans rushed out by all the gates at the same time. This
event was so entirely unexpected by the Ligurians, that they were
confounded no less than if they had been caught in an ambush. For a
short time, some appearance of a fight was maintained, and then followed
a hasty flight, and a general slaughter of the fugitives. When the
signal was given to the cavalry to mount their horses, and not to suffer
any to escape, they were all driven in a confused flight to their camps,
and soon beaten out of them also. Above fifteen thousand of the
Ligurians were killed, and two thousand five hundred taken. In three
days after, the whole state of the Ingaunian Ligurians gave hostages,
and surrendered. The masters and crews of the ships, which had been
employed in piracies, were carefully sought, for, and thrown into
prison; and thirty-two ships of that description were taken by Caius
Matienus, one of the two on the Ligurian coast. Lucius Aurelius Cotta,
and Caius Sulpicius Gallus, were sent to Rome to announce these
transactions and bring a letter to the senate, and at the same time to
request that, as the business of the province was finished, Lucius
Æmilius might have permission to leave it, and to bring away his troops
and disband them. Both requests were granted by the senate, and a
supplication was decreed, at all the shrines, for three days; the
prætors Petillius and Fabius received orders, the former to discharge
the city legions, the latter to excuse the allies and Latins from the
levies, and that the city prætor should write to the consuls, that the
senate thought proper that the occasional soldiers, enlisted on account
of the sudden alarm, should be immediately discharged.

29. The colony of Gravisca was established this year in a district of
Etruria, formerly taken from the Tarquinians, and five acres of land
were given to each settler. The commissioners who conducted it were
Caius Calpurnius Piso, Publius Claudius Pulcher, and Caius Terentius
Istra. The year was rendered remarkable by a drought, and a scarcity of
the productions of the earth. It is handed down on record, that during
the space of six months no rain fell. In the same year, some workmen in
the farm of Lucius Petillius, a notary, at the foot of the Janiculum,
digging the ground deeper than usual, discovered two stone chests, about
eight feet long and four broad, the covers of which were soldered with
lead. Both the chests had inscriptions in Greek and Latin letters, one
signifying that therein was buried Numa Pompilius, son of Pompo, and
king of the Romans; the other, that therein were contained the books of
Numa Pompilius. When the owner of the ground had, by the advice of his
friends, opened these chests, the one which, according to its
inscription, contained the body of the king, was found perfectly empty,
without any trace of a human body or of any thing else having ever been
in it; the whole being consumed by the decay of such a number of years.
In the other were found two bundles, tied round with waxed cords, and
each containing seven books, not only entire, but apparently quite
fresh. Seven were in Latin, and related to the pontifical law; and seven
in Greek, containing the doctrines of philosophy, such as might have
been known in that age. Valerius Antias adds, that they contained the
doctrines of Pythagoras, supporting, by this plausible fiction, the
credit of the vulgar opinion, that Numa had been a disciple of
Pythagoras. The books were read, first, by Petillius’s friends, who were
present at the discovery. Afterwards, when they became publicly spoken
of in consequence of many others reading them, Quintus Petillius, the
city prætor, having a desire to read those books, borrowed them from
Lucius Petillius, with whom he was familiarly acquainted, in consequence
of Quintus Petillius having, when quæstor, made him a notary, and chosen
him as one of ten. On reading the principal heads of the contents, he
perceived that most of them had a tendency to undermine the established
system of religious doctrines, and, thereupon, he told Lucius Petillius,
that “he was determined to throw those books into the fire; but before
he did so, he gave him leave, if he thought he had any right or appeal
to demand the restitution of them, to make the trial, which he might do
and preserve his favour.” The notary applied to the plebeian tribunes,
and the tribunes referred the matter to the senate. The prætor declared,
that he was ready to make oath that those books ought not to be read or
preserved; and the senate decreed, that “the prætor’s having offered his
oath ought to be deemed sufficient evidence that those books should,
without delay, be burned in the comitium, and that such a price should
be paid to the owner as might be judged reasonable by the prætor,
Quintus Petillius, and the majority of the plebeian tribunes.” The
notary did not receive the money. The books, however, were burned in the
comitium, in the view of the people, the fire being made by the public
servants, whose duty it was to assist at sacrifices.

30. A formidable war broke out this summer in the Hither Spain, where
the Celtiberians assembled such a force as they had hardly ever brought
into the field before, amounting to no less than thirty-five thousand
men. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was governor of this province, who, because
he heard that the Celtiberians were arming their young men, drew
together all the succours he could procure from the allies. But he was
by no means equal to the enemy in point of numbers. Early in spring, he
marched his army into Carpetania, and fixed his camp close to the town
of Æbura, in which he posted a small garrison. In a few days after, the
Celtiberians pitched their camp at the foot of a hill, about two miles
from that place. When the Roman prætor was informed of their approach,
he detached his brother, Marcus Fulvius, with two troops of the allied
horse, to the enemy’s post, to take a view of them; ordering him to
advance as near as possible to their rampart, so as to form a judgment
of the size of the camp; and not to engage in fight, but to retreat if
he should see the enemy’s cavalry coming out. He acted according to his
instructions, and for several days there was nothing further done than
these two troops showing themselves, and then retreating when the
enemy’s cavalry sallied from their tents. At length, the Celtiberians
came out, with their entire force of horse and foot together, and
drawing up in a line, posted themselves about midway between the two
camps. The whole plain was level, and convenient for fighting, and here
the Spaniards stood waiting for their enemy. The Roman general kept his
men within the rampart during four successive days, while the others
constantly drew up theirs, and formed in the same place. No motion was
made by the Romans; and from that time the Celtiberians, because they
had not an opportunity of engaging, remained quiet in their camp; their
cavalry only advanced as out-posts, to be ready in case of any movement
being made by Fulvius. Both parties went for wood and forage behind
their own camps, neither interrupting the other.

31. When the Roman prætor thought that, by his inactivity for so many
days, he had created in the Celtiberians a firm persuasion that he would
not be first in any movement, he ordered Lucius Acilius, with the left
wing of allies and six thousand provincial auxiliaries, to make the
circuit of a mountain behind the enemy, and as soon as he should hear
the shout, to pour down from them on their camp. This party, to avoid
being seen, set out in the night. At the dawn of day Flaccus sent Caius
Scribonius, a præfect of the allies, with the allied cavalry of the left
wing, to the enemy’s rampart; when the Celtiberians, observing that they
approached nearer, and were also more numerous than usual, all their
cavalry poured forth from the camp, and at the same time the signal is
given to the infantry to sally forth. Scribonius, according to his
instructions, no sooner heard the neighing of the enemy’s cavalry than
he wheeled about and retreated to the camp, on which they pursued with
the more violence. First the cavalry, and in a short time the line of
infantry, came up, confidently expecting that they should be able to
assault the camp before night, and they were five hundred paces, not
more, from the rampart. Flaccus, therefore, thinking that they were now
drawn far enough from their camp, to hinder them from giving it any
succour, as he had his troops already formed within the works, burst out
from three sides at once; and at the same time raised the shout, not
only to inspire ardour for the fight, but also that the party on the
mountain might hear it. Nor did these make any delay, but, according to
their orders, poured down on the camp, where five thousand men, not
more, were left to guard it, and when the smallness of their numbers,
the multitude of the assailants and the unexpectedness of the affair,
had struck terror into them, the camp was taken almost without a
struggle. Acilius set fire to that part of the camp which was most
exposed to the view of the combatants.

32. The Celtiberians in the rear of their own line first observed the
flames, and the news spread quickly through the whole army, that the
camp was lost, and was even then completely in a blaze, which filled
them with dismay, while it gave fresh spirits to the Romans; for now the
shouts of victory raised by their friends struck their ear, and the
enemies’ camp appeared all on fire. The Celtiberians hesitated for some
time, uncertain how to act, but when they considered that, in case of a
defeat, they had no place of refuge, and that their only hope now lay in
their arms, they renewed the combat afresh, with greater obstinacy.
Their centre was pressed hard by the fifth legion; but their men
advanced with more confidence against the left wing, where they saw that
the Romans had posted the provincial auxiliaries, troops of their own
kind. The left wing of the Romans was now near being defeated, had not
the seventh legion come to its support. At the same time, the troops
left in garrison at Æbura came up during the heat of the battle, and
Acilius closed on the enemy’s rear. Thus surrounded, the Celtiberians
were, for a long time, cut off in great numbers, and at last the
survivors betook themselves to flight in every direction. The cavalry,
in two divisions, were sent in pursuit, and made great havoc. There were
killed, of the enemy, on that day, twenty-three thousand, and four
thousand seven hundred were taken, with more than five hundred horses,
and eighty-eight military ensigns. The victory was great, but not
obtained without loss of blood. There fell, of the two Roman legions, a
few more than two hundred men; of the Latin confederates, eight hundred
and thirty; and of foreign auxiliaries, about two thousand four hundred.
The prætor led back his victorious troops to their tents: Acilius was
ordered to remain in the camp which he had taken. Next day the spoils of
the enemy were collected, and those whose bravery had been remarkable
were presented with gifts in a public assembly.

33. The wounded were then conveyed into the town of Æbura, and the
legions marched through Carpetania, against Contrebia. The garrison
there, on being invested, sent for succours to the Celtiberians; but
these were long in coming, not because they were unwilling to give
assistance, but that after they had begun their march the roads were
rendered impassable, and the rivers swelled by continued rains, so that
their countrymen, despairing of assistance, capitulated. Flaccus also,
being compelled by the same severe weather, brought his whole army into
the city. The Celtiberians, who were on their march, having heard
nothing of the capitulation, when the rains abated at last, passed the
rivers, and came to Contrebia. When they saw no camp before the town,
supposing either that it was removed to the other side, or that the
enemy had retired, they came up towards the walls in careless disorder.
The Romans made a sally against them from two gates, and attacking them
in confusion completely routed them. The same circumstance that disabled
them from standing their ground and maintaining a fight,—their not
having come in one body, or in a regular disposition, round their
standards,—proved favourable to many in making their escape: for they
scattered themselves widely over the whole plain, so that the Romans
could no where enclose any considerable body of them. However, there
were about twelve thousand killed, and more than five thousand taken,
with four hundred horses, and sixty-two military standards. The
stragglers, flying homewards, turned back another body of Celtiberians,
whom they met on the road, by informing them of the surrender of
Contrebia, and their own defeat; whereupon they all immediately
dispersed, and made the best of their way to their several villages and
forts. Flaccus, leaving Contrebia, led his legions through Celtiberia
ravaging the country; he stormed many forts until at length the greatest
part of the Celtiberians surrendered.

34. Such were the transactions of that year in Hither Spain. In the
Farther province, Manlius fought several successful battles with the
Lusitanians. In the same year the Latin colony of Aquileia was
established in the Gallic territory. Three thousand foot soldiers
received each fifty acres, centurions a hundred, horsemen a hundred and
forty. The three commissioners who conducted the settlement were Publius
Cornelius Scipio Nasica, Caius Flaminius and Lucius Manlius Acidinus.
Two temples were dedicated this year, one to Venus Erycina, at the
Colline gate; Lucius Porcius Licinius duumvir, son of Lucius, dedicated
it. This temple had been vowed, during the Ligurian war, by Lucius
Porcius, the consul The other to Piety, in the herb-market. Manius
Acilius Glabrio, the duumvir, dedicated this temple; he erected a gilded
statue of his father Glabrio, the first of the kind that ever was seen
in Italy. This was the person who vowed the temple, on the day whereon
he gained the decisive victory over king Antiochus, at Thermopylæ, and
who, likewise, had contracted for its being built, in pursuance of a
decree of the senate. At the same time when these temples were
consecrated, Lucius Æmilius Paullus, the proconsul, triumphed over the
Ingaunian Ligurians. He carried in the procession twenty-five golden
crowns, but no other article of either gold or silver. Many Ligurian
chiefs were led captives before his chariot, and he distributed to each
of his soldiers three hundred _asses_.[57] The arrival of ambassadors
from the Ligurians, begging that a perpetual peace might be established,
enhanced the reputation of this triumph, and they asserted, that “the
Ligurians had come to a resolution never again to take arms, on any
occasion, except when commanded by the Roman people.” This answer was
given to the Ligurians, by Quintus Fabius, the prætor, by order of the
senate, that “such kind of language was not new with the Ligurians; but
it concerned chiefly their own interest that their disposition should be
new, and conformable to their language. They must go to the consuls, and
perform whatever was commanded by them; for the senate would never
believe, from any other than the consuls, that the Ligurians were really
and sincerely disposed to peace.” Peace however was made with that
people. In Corsica, a battle was fought against the inhabitants. The
prætor, Marcus Pinarius, slew in the field about two thousand of them;
by which loss they were compelled to give hostages, and a hundred
thousand pounds of wax. The army was then carried over into Sardinia,
and some successful battles were fought against the Iliensians, a
nation, even at the present day, not in every particular friendly to us.
In this year a hundred hostages were restored to the Carthaginians, and
the Roman people enabled them to live in peace, not only among
themselves, but also with Masinissa, who at that time with an armed
force held possession of the land in dispute.

35. The consuls had nothing to do in their province. Marcus Bæbius,
being summoned home to Rome to preside at the elections, created consuls
Aulus Postumius Albinus Luscus and Caius Calpurnius Piso. Then Tiberius
Sempronius Gracchus, Lucius Postumius Albinus, Publius Cornelius Mammula
Titus Minucius Molliculus, Aulus Hostilius Mancinus, and Caius Mænius
were made prætors. All these entered into office on the ides of March.
In the beginning of this year in which Aulus Postumius Albinus and Caius
Calpurnius Piso were consuls, Lucius Minucius, lieutenant-general, and
two military tribunes, Titus Mænius and Lucius Terentius Massilicta, who
had come from Hither Spain from Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, were introduced
to an audience of the senate by Aulus Postumius the consul. These, after
informing the senate of the two victories gained, of the submission of
Celtiberia, and of the conclusion of the business of the province, and
that there was no occasion either to send pay, as usual, or corn to the
army for that year, requested, first, that “on account of these
successes a thanksgiving should be performed to the immortal gods; and,
then, that leave should be given to Quintus Fulvius, on his quitting the
province, to bring home from it the army which had served under him and
many former prætors, with much bravery. They represented, that this
measure, besides the propriety of it, was in some degree necessary, for
the troops were so obstinately bent on it, that it did not seem possible
to keep them longer in the province; but, if they were not disbanded,
they would either leave it without orders, or, if any one would attempt
to detain them by compulsion, would break out into a dangerous mutiny.”
The senate ordered, that Liguria should be the province of both the
consuls. The prætors then cast lots for theirs. The city jurisdiction
fell to Aulus Hostilius; the foreign, to Titus Minucius; Sicily, to
Publius Cornelius; Sardinia, to Caius Mænius; Farther Spain, to Lucius
Postumius; and Hither Spain, to Tiberius Sempronius. As this last was to
succeed Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, and wished that the province might not
be stripped of the veteran troops, he spoke thus: “Quintus Minucius, I
demand of you, since you assert, in your report, that your province is
subdued, do you think, that the Celtiberians will always faithfully
observe the treaty, so that the province may be kept in obedience
without an army? If you cannot give us any assurance of, or undertake to
answer for, the fidelity of the barbarians, but think that, at all
events, there must be an army maintained there, I pray you, whether
would you recommend to the senate to send a reinforcement into Spain, in
order that those soldiers only who have served out their time may be
discharged, and the recruits mixed with the veterans? or to withdraw the
veteran legions, and enlist new ones, and send them in their place? and
this, although the contempt entertained for such new recruits might
rouse barbarians of more pacific tempers to a renewal of war? would it
be a matter easier said than done, to reduce to complete subjection a
province naturally fierce, and constantly renewing the war? A few
states, as I am informed, who were awed, more than the rest, by the
nearness of our winter quarters, have submitted to our authority and
dominion, while those more remote are in arms. This being the case,
conscript fathers, I now give notice beforehand, that, with the army at
present there, I will undertake to execute the business of the republic;
but, if Flaccus bring those legions home with him, I will choose some
quiet part of the country for winter quarters, and will not expose raw
soldiers to an enemy so remarkably ferocious.”

36. To these questions, which he had been asked, the lieutenant-general
answered, that “neither he nor any other could possibly divine what were
the sentiments of the Celtiberians, or what they would be in future;
therefore he could not deny that it would be proper to send an army
among a barbarous people, who, though reduced to a state of quiet, were
not yet sufficiently inured to subjection; but whether a new army or a
veteran one might be requisite, rested with him to decide who could
ascertain with what sincerity the Celtiberians would observe the peace;
and who, at the same time, had assurance that the troops would remain
quiet, if kept longer in the province. If a conjecture were to be formed
of their intentions, either from their conversations with each other, or
from the expressions with which they interrupted the general’s
harangues, they had openly and loudly declared, that they would either
keep their commander in the province, or come home with him to Italy.”
This discussion, between the prætor and the lieutenant-general, was
suspended by the consuls introducing other matters; for they thought it
right, that their own provinces might be adjusted before they
deliberated concerning the army of the prætor. An army entirely new was
decreed to the consuls: two Roman legions to each, with their proportion
of cavalry; and of the Latin allies, the usual number of fifteen
thousand foot and eight hundred horse. With these forces, they were
directed to make war on the Apuan Ligurians. Publius Cornelius and
Marcus Bæbius were continued in command, and ordered to hold the
government of the provinces until the consuls should arrive. They were
ordered then to disband their troops, and return to Rome. Then they
deliberated concerning the army under Tiberius Sempronius. The consuls
were ordered to enlist for him a new legion of five thousand two hundred
foot and four hundred horse; and also a thousand Roman foot and five
hundred horse; and to command the allies of Latium to furnish seven
thousand foot and three hundred horse. With this army it was determined
that Sempronius should go into Hither Spain. Permission was granted to
Quintus Fulvius, with respect to all those soldiers, whether Romans or
allies, who had been transported into Spain previous to the consulate of
Spurius Postumius and Quintus Marcius; and likewise to such as, after
the junction of the reinforcements, should be found in the two legions,
above the number of ten thousand four hundred foot and six hundred
horse; and in the Latin auxiliaries above twelve thousand foot and six
hundred horse, who had behaved with courage under Quintus Fulvius in the
two battles with the Celtiberians,—these, if he thought proper, he might
bring home. Thanksgivings were also decreed, because he had managed the
republic successfully; and the rest of the prætors sent into their
provinces. Quintus Fabius Buteo had his command in Gaul. It was resolved
that eight legions should be employed this year, besides the veteran
army then in Liguria, which expected to be speedily disbanded; and that
very army was made up with difficulty, in consequence of the pestilence
which continued, for the third year, to depopulate the city of Rome and
all Italy.

37. Tiberius Minucius, the prætor, died of this malady; and soon after,
Caius Calpurnius, the consul; also many illustrious men of all ranks;
so that at last this calamity began to be considered as a prodigy. Caius
Servilius, chief pontiff was ordered to find out proper atonements for
the wrath of the gods; the decemvirs to inspect the books, and the
consul to vow offerings, and to present gilded statues, to Apollo
Æsculapius, and Health; which he vowed and gave. The decemvirs
proclaimed, on account of the sickness, a supplication of two days in
the city, and in all the market-towns and villages; all persons above
the age of twelve years offered the supplication, with garlands on their
heads, and holding laurels in their hands. There had, also, crept into
people’s minds a suspicion of human villany in regard to it whereupon
Caius Claudius, the prætor, who had been substituted in the room of
Tiberius Minucius, was commissioned by a decree of the senate, to make
inquisition concerning acts of poisoning committed in the city, or
within ten miles of it; and Caius Mænius was ordered to do the same,
before he passed over to his province, Sardinia, in the market-towns and
villages beyond the tenth stone. The death of the consul was most
suspected. It was reported that he had been murdered by his wife, Quarta
Hostilia; and when her son, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, was proclaimed
consul in the room of his stepfather, the death of Piso began to excite
much more suspicion; for witnesses appeared, who testified, that, after
Albinus and Piso were declared consuls, in which election Flaccus had
suffered a disappointment, his mother upbraided him with being refused
the consulship a third time, and then desired him to make ready to stand
candidate again, saying, “she would take such measures that within two
months he should be made consul.” This expression verified by the event,
which was but too real, joined to many other evidences of the same
tendency, appeared such strong proof, that Hostilia was condemned. In
the spring of this year, the levies detained the new consuls at Rome;
while the death of one of them, and the holding of the assembly to
substitute another in his place, occasioned still further delays. In the
mean time Publius Cornelius and Marcus Bæbius, who, in their consulate,
had done nothing worth mention, led their troops into the country of the
Apuan Ligurians.

38. The Ligurians, who did not expect an attack before the arrival of
the consuls in the province, were surprised, and surrendered to the
number of twelve thousand men. Cornelius and Bæbius, having consulted
the senate by letter, determined to bring them down from their mountains
into a plain country, so far from home, that they should have no hope of
a return; for they were convinced, that before this was done no end
could be put to the war in Liguria. There was a tract of land in
Samnium, the public property of the Roman people, formerly occupied by
the Taurasinians. When they intended to transplant the Apuan Ligurians
to this country, they published an order, that this people should quit
the mountains, with their wives and children, and bring all their
effects along with them. The Ligurians made, by their ambassadors, many
humble supplications that they might not be compelled to relinquish
their native home, the soil in which they were born, and the tombs of
their forefathers. They promised to give up their arms, and deliver
hostages. After they failed in all their solicitations, and were
destitute of strength for the maintenance of a war, they obeyed the
order. Forty thousand men, of free condition, with their women and
children, were transplanted at the expense of the public, and a hundred
and fifty thousand sesterces[58] were given them, to provide necessaries
for their new habitations. Cornelius and Bæbius, who removed them, were
commissioned to divide and apportion the lands; but, at their own
request, the senate appointed five other commissioners, by whose advice
they should act. When they had finished this business, and brought home
their veteran soldiers to Home, a triumph was decreed them by the
senate. These were the first who ever triumphed without having fought an
enemy. Hostages only were led before their chariots; for there appeared
not, in their triumphs, either spoils to be carried, or prisoners to be
led captives, or money to be distributed to the soldiers.

39. In the same year Fulvius Flaccus, the proconsul in Spain, as his
successor did not come to the province at the usual time, having drawn
out the troops from their winter quarters, proceeded to lay waste the
farther part of Celtiberia, whose inhabitants had not come in to make
submission. But by this proceeding he rather provoked than terrified the
spirits of the barbarians; so that, having collected secretly a body of
forces, they beset the Manlian pass, through which they knew, with
certainty, that the Roman army would march. Gracchus had commissioned
his colleague, Lucius Postumius Albinus, who was going to the Farther
Spain, to desire Quintus Fulvius to bring his forces to Tarraco, where
he intended to discharge the veterans, to distribute the reinforcements
among the respective corps, and reorganize the entire army. The day also
was mentioned to Flaccus, and that not very distant, on which his
successor would arrive. When tidings of this new arrangement had
compelled Flaccus to drop the business which he had undertaken, and to
lead away the troops in haste out of Celtiberia, the barbarians,
unacquainted with the reason, and supposing that he had discovered their
revolt and secret assembling of an army, and that he was retreating
through fear, beset the pass with the greater determination. When the
Roman army entered this defile, at the dawn of day, immediately the
enemy starting up attacked it at two sides at once. And when Flaccus saw
this, he put down the confusion arising among the soldiers by giving
orders through the centurions that every man should keep his post, in
the order of march, and make ready his arms; then collecting the baggage
and beasts of burden, into one spot, partly by himself, partly by the
help of the lieutenants-general, and military tribunes, he formed his
troops as the time and place required, without any confusion. He put
them in mind, that they were to engage with men “who had been twice
reduced to submission; that guilt and perfidy, not valour or courage,
were their only accessions. That these people had put it in their power
to make their return to their country which otherwise would have been
ignoble, glorious and splendid; for they would now carry home their
swords red from the slaughter, and spoils dropping blood.” The time did
not allow more to be said, as the enemy were rapidly advancing upon
them; the extremities of the wings were already engaged, and quickly
after the entire lines.

40. The battle was furious in every part, but the success various. The
two legions fought with extraordinary bravery, nor were the two cohorts
of the allies remiss; but the foreign auxiliaries were hard pressed, by
men armed like themselves, and rather a better description of soldiers;
nor were they able to maintain their ground. The Celtiberians, as soon
as they perceived that, in a regular line, and in fair fighting, they
were no match for the legions, made a charge against them, in the form
of a wedge, in which sort of attack they excel so much, that on whatever
part they direct their assault they cannot be withstood. On this
occasion, too, the legions were ordered, and the line was almost broken.
When Flaccus observed this disorder, he rode up to the legionary
cavalry, asking them, “Have we any support in you? Is the whole army to
be lost?” Whereupon they called to him from all sides, to “tell them
what he wished to be done; and that it should be instantly attempted.”
“Cavalry of the two legions, double your troops,” he replied, “and
charge the wedge, which is attacking our soldiers; you will make a more
violent charge, if you spur your horses without bridles against the foe.
This expedient is recorded to have been often employed by the Roman
cavalry with great advantage.” They obeyed his orders, and taking off
the bits of the bridle, they spurred in full career through that body
twice, forward and backward, breaking their spears to pieces, and making
great havoc of the enemy. The Celtiberians, on this dispersion of their
wedge, on which had been their whole reliance, were quite dismayed, and
almost giving over the fight, looked about for ways to escape. And now,
when the allied horse saw this brilliant exploit of the Roman cavalry,
they were so inflamed by the example of their bravery, that without
waiting for orders, they made a charge on the enemy, while they were in
confusion. Then truly all the Celtiberians scatter and fly, and the
Roman general, when he saw their backs, vowed a temple to Equestrian
Fortune, and games in honour of Jupiter supremely good and great. The
fugitives, dispersing, were pursued with much slaughter, through the
whole length of the pass. Seventeen thousand of the enemy are recorded
to have been killed on this occasion, and more than four thousand taken,
with two hundred and seventy-seven military standards, and near one
thousand one hundred horses. The victorious army pitched no camp on that
day. This victory, however, was not gained without loss; four hundred
and seventy-two Roman soldiers, one thousand and nineteen of the allies
and Latins, and besides these three thousand of the auxiliaries
perished. The victorious army, having thus reasserted their former
renown, finished their march to Tarraco. The prætor, Tiberius
Sempronius, who had arrived two days before, came out to meet Fulvius on
the road, and congratulated him on the important services which he had
rendered to the commonwealth. They then, with perfect unanimity, settled
what soldiers they should discharge, and what they should retain; and
Fulvius, embarking the disbanded soldiers in the fleet, set sail for
Rome, while Sempronius led the legions into Celtiberia.

41. Both the consuls led their armies into Liguria, but on different
sides. Postumius, with the first and third legions, invested the
mountains of Balista and Suismontium; and, by securing the narrow passes
leading thereto with guards, cut off all supplies of provisions; and by
want of every thing he reduced them to an entire obedience. Fulvius,
with the second and fourth legions, marched from Pisæ against the Apuan
Ligurians; and having received the submission of that part of them which
inhabited the banks of the river Macra, he put them, to the number of
seven thousand men, on board ships, and sent them along the Etrurian
coast to Neapolis, from whence they were conducted into Samnium, and
lands were assigned to them among their countrymen. The vine-yards of
the Ligurians of the mountains were cut down and their corn burnt by
Aulus Postumius, until, compelled by all the calamities of war, they
surrendered and delivered up their arms. From thence Postumius
proceeded, by sea, to visit the coast of the Ingaunian and Intemelian
tribes. Before these consuls joined the army which had been ordered to
meet at Pisæ, Aulus Postumius, and a brother of Quintus Fulvius, Marcus
Fulvius Nobilior, had the command of it. Fulvius was military tribune of
the second legion. He in his months[59] of command disbanded the legion,
after obliging the centurions to swear, that they would carry the money
in their hands to the treasury, and deliver it to the quæstors. When
this was announced to Aulus at Placentia, to which place he happened to
have made an excursion, he set out with some light horsemen, in quest of
the disbanded men; and such as he could overtake, he sharply rebuked and
brought back to Pisæ, and then apprised the consul of the whole matter.
When he laid the business before the senate, a decree was passed that
Marcus Fulvius should be banished into that part of Spain beyond New
Carthage; and a letter was given him by the consul, to be carried into
Farther Spain, to Publius Manlius. The soldiers were ordered to return
to their standards; and it was decreed, that, as a mark of disgrace,
that legion should, for that year, receive but half a year’s pay. The
consul was likewise ordered to sell the person and property of every
soldier who should not return to the army.

42. In the same year Lucius Duronius, who had been prætor the year
before, returned with ten ships from Illyricum to Brundusium, and
leaving the fleet in that harbour, came to Rome, and in giving a recital
of the services which he had performed in his province, he threw the
blame of all the piracies committed by sea, on Gentius, king of
Illyricum, as their undoubted cause. “From his kingdom,” he said, “came
all the ships that had ravaged the coast of the Hadriatic; that he had
sent ambassadors on the subject, but they were not even allowed an
audience of the king.” Some time before this, ambassadors had come to
Rome from Gentius, who said, that “when the Romans came for the purpose
of holding a conference with the king, he happened to be sick in a
remote part of his dominions; and that Gentius requested of the senate,
not to give credit to the forged charges which his enemies had made
against him.” Duronius added, that injuries were offered to many Roman
citizens and Latin allies, in Gentius’s dominions; some of whom he held
in confinement in Corcyra. It was their pleasure that all these should
be brought to Rome; that the prætor, Caius Claudius, should inquire into
that business; and that until this were done, no answer should be given
to king Gentius, or his ambassadors. Among many others whom the
pestilence of this year cut off, several priests also died. Lucius
Valerius Flaccus, a pontiff, died of it; and in his room was substituted
Quintus Fabius Labeo. Publius Manlius, who had lately come home from the
Farther Spain, and was triumvir of religious feasts, died also; Quintus
Fulvius, son of Marcus, then a mere youth, succeeded him. The appointing
of a king of the sacrifices in the room of Cneius Cornelius Dolabella,
gave rise to a dispute between Caius Servilius, chief pontiff, and
Lucius Cornelius Dolabella, naval duumvir; whom the pontiff ordered to
resign his office, to the end that he might inaugurate him; and on the
duumvir’s refusing to do this, a fine was therefore imposed on him by
the pontiff; and when the latter appealed, they contended about the
affair before the people. After a majority of the tribes, being called
in, had ordered that the duumvir should comply with the requisition of
the pontiff, and that if he would resign his commission the fine should
be remitted, an unfavourable omen from the heavens intervened, which
broke off the proceedings of the assembly. After this the pontiffs were
prevented by religious scruples from inaugurating Dolabella. They
consecrated Publius Clælius Siculus, who had been installed in the
second place. Towards the end of the year, Caius Servilius Geminus, the
chief pontiff, also died; the same was decemvir of religious affairs. In
his room, as pontiff, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus was nominated by the
college; but Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, was elected chief pontiff, though
many illustrious men sought that office; and Quintus Marcius Philippus
was appointed to the office of the same, as decemvir of religious
affairs. Spurius Postumius Albinus, an augur, died; and the augurs
elected into his place Publius Scipio, son of Africanus. On the request
of the people of Cumæ that year, leave was granted them to use the Latin
language in their public business, and that their auctioneers should
have a right to use the Latin language in selling.

43. To the Pisans, offering ground for the establishment of a Latin
colony, thanks were returned by the senate, and triumvirs were appointed
to conduct that business; these were Quintus Fabius Buteo, Marcus
Pompilius Lænas, and Publius Pompilius Lænas. A letter was brought from
Caius Mænius, the prætor, (to whom, after that the province of Sardinia
had fallen to his lot, orders were given to make inquisition concerning
sorceries, in places more than ten miles distant from the city,) the
purport of which was, “that he had already passed sentence on three
thousand people; and that still, in consequence of fresh discoveries,
the business of the inquisition increased so much on his hands, that he
must either drop the prosecution of the inquiries, or give up the
province.” Quintus Fulvius Flaccus returned to Rome from Spain, with a
high reputation for his military exploits; and while he waited without
the city in expectation of a triumph, was elected consul with Lucius
Manlius Acidinus. And after a few days, he rode through the city in
triumph, accompanied by the soldiers whom he had brought with him. He
carried in the procession a hundred and twenty-four golden crowns,
together with thirty-one pounds’ weight of gold, and of coined Oscan
silver a hundred and seventy-three thousand two hundred pieces.[60] He
gave out of the booty to each of the soldiers fifty denariuses; double
that sum to a centurion; triple it to a horseman; and the same sums to
the Latin allies, with double pay to all. This year, for the first time,
a law was proposed by Lucius Villius, plebeian tribune, ascertaining at
what ages men might sue for, and hold each office in the state. Hence
the surname Annalis was given to his family.

44. Four prætors were elected, after a lapse of many years, by the
Bæbian law, which enacted that four should be elected every alternate
year; and the persons appointed were Cneius Cornelius Scipio, Caius
Valerius Lævinus, Quintus Mucius Scævola, and Publius Mucius Scævola,
sons of Quintus. To the consuls, Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, was
decreed the same province as to the preceding ones, and the same number
of forces, infantry, cavalry, citizens, and allies. In the two Spains,
Tiberius Sempronius and Lucius Postumius were continued in command, with
the same armies which they then had; and to recruit their numbers, the
consuls were ordered to enlist, of Romans three thousand foot and three
hundred horse, and of the Latin allies, five thousand foot and four
hundred horse. Publius Mucius Scævola obtained by lot the city
jurisdiction, and likewise the business of the inquisitions concerning
sorcery, in the city, and within ten miles of it; Cneius Scipio, the
foreign jurisdiction; Quintus Mucius Scævola, Sicily; and Caius Valerius
Lævinus, Sardinia. The consul, Quintus Fulvius, before he meddled with
any of the public business, declared that “he intended to acquit both
himself and the state of the obligation of fulfilling the vows which he
had made; that on the day of his last battle with the Celtiberians, he
had vowed to perform games in honour of Jupiter supremely good and
great, and to build a temple to Equestrian Fortune; and that by the
Spaniards a contribution of money had been made for these purposes.” A
vote was passed that the games should be performed, and that duumvirs
should be appointed to contract for the building of the temple. With
regard to the expenses, a limitation was fixed, that “no greater sum
should be expended on the games than that which had been voted to
Fulvius Nobilior, when he exhibited games on the conclusion of the
Ætolian war; and that the consul should not, on account of these games,
send for, collect, or receive, or do any thing contrary to the decree of
the senate passed concerning games in the consulate of Lucius Æmilius
and Cneius Bæbius.” The senate qualified their vote in this manner, on
account of the lavish expense occasioned by the games of Tiberius
Sempronius, the ædile, which had been burthensome not only to Italy and
the Latin allies, but even to the provinces abroad.

45. The winter of that year was rendered severe by falls of snow and
storms of every kind; those kinds of trees which are susceptible of
injury from cold, were all blighted; and it continued at that time
somewhat longer than on other occasions. Wherefore a tempest coming on
suddenly, and with intolerable violence, shortly after, interrupted the
Latin festivals on the mount; and they were celebrated afterwards,
pursuant to an order of the pontiffs. The same storm also threw down
many statues in the Capitol, disfigured very many buildings by
lightning, as the temple of Jupiter at Tarracina, the white temple at
Capua, and a Roman gate; and in some places the battlements of the wall
were overthrown. Among the rest of these prodigies, an account was
received from Reate, that a three-footed mule had been foaled there. On
account of those portents, the decemvirs, having been ordered to consult
the books, declared to what gods, and with how many victims, sacrifices
should be performed; and that on account of very many places being
disfigured by lightning, a supplication of one day should be performed
at the temple of Jupiter. Then the votive games of the consul Quintus
Fulvius were exhibited with great magnificence, during ten days. Soon
after was held the election of censors. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, chief
pontiff, and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, who had triumphed over the
Ætolians, were chosen. Apparent hostilities existed between these men,
which were frequently displayed in many violent disputes, both in the
senate and in the assemblies of the people. When the election was ended,
the censors, according to ancient custom, seated themselves in curule
chairs in the Campus Martius, near the altar of Mars; whither in a few
minutes came the principal senators, accompanied by the body of the
citizens, of whom Quintus Cæcilius Metellus spoke as follows:—

46. “Censors, we are not unmindful that you have been just now, by the
whole body of the Roman people, set over our morals; and that we ought
to be admonished and ruled by you, not you by us. Nevertheless, that
should be pointed out which in you may either give offence to all good
men, or at least what they would wish to be altered. When we look at you
separately, Marcus Æmilius, Marcus Fulvius, we know not, in the whole
state, any one person whom, if we were called back again to vote, we
could wish to be preferred to you; but when we behold you both together,
we cannot avoid fearing that you are but ill associated; and that the
public may not reap as much advantage from your being exceedingly
pleasing to every one of us, as injury, from your being displeasing one
to another. You have for many years past harboured an enmity, violent in
its degree, and detrimental to yourselves; and it is to be feared, that
from this day forward it may prove more detrimental to us and to the
state, than it has been to you. As to the reasons why we fear this, many
observations which might be made occur to yourselves; had you not
happened to be implacable they would have engrossed your senses. These
feuds we all beseech you to terminate this day, in that sacred place,
and to suffer those whom the Roman people have united by their
suffrages, to be united by us, through this re-establishment of
friendship also. May you, with unanimity and harmony, choose the senate,
review the knights, hold the census, and close the lustrum, as truly and
sincerely as you would wish that to happen which you express in the
words, used in almost all your prayers, ‘that this affair may prove good
and prosperous to me and my colleague:’ and cause us men also to believe
that you really desire that which you entreat of the gods. Titus Tatius
and Romulus, after they had engaged in battle as public enemies, in the
midst of the forum of this city, reigned there with unanimity. Not only
quarrels, but wars, are ended; and from deadly foes men frequently
become faithful allies, nay, sometimes, even fellow-citizens. The
Albans, after the demolition of Alba, were brought over to Rome: the
Latins, the Sabines, were admitted into the number of citizens. It is a
common saying, and, because founded in truth, has become a proverb, that
‘friendships ought to be immortal, but enmities mortal.’” A roar of
approbation burst forth: and presently after, the voices of every one
present, joining in the same request, interrupted his speech. Then
Æmilius, besides other complaints, represented, that through Marcus
Fulvius he had been twice deprived of the consulship, which seemed sure.
On the other hand, Fulvius complained that he had always been assailed
by Æmilius, and that security had been given for him, which was attended
with great disgrace. Nevertheless, each of them intimated that if the
other would wish, he was ready to submit to the direction of such a
number of the most respectable members of the state; and all present
urgently repeating their request, they mutually pledged their right
hands, and their honour, to dismiss in reality and forget all animosity.
Then the whole assembly expressing the highest applause of their
behaviour, they were escorted to the Capitol. Both the attention paid to
such a matter by the persons of the first consequence, and the
compliance of the censors, were most warmly approved and commended by
the senate. The censors then demanded that a sum of money should be
assigned to them, which they might expend in public works; and the
customs of one year were accordingly decreed to them.

47. In the same year the proprætors in Spain, Lucius Postumius and
Tiberius Sempronius, settled between them, that Albinus should march
through Lusitania, against the Vaccæans, and thence return into
Celtiberia, and Gracchus penetrate into the remotest parts of that
province, if the commotions there were more dangerous. First, having
made an unexpected assault on the city of Munda, by night, he took it by
storm; then, after having received hostages and placed a garrison, he
proceeded to attack their forts and ravage the country with fire, until
he arrived at another very strong city, (the Celtiberians call it
Certima,) there, when he was already advancing his works, deputies came
out from the town, whose speech partook of all the simplicity of the
earliest times, not dissembling their wishes to continue the war, if
they had strength to support it.—For they requested permission to go
into the camp of the Celtiberians, and procure assistance from them; and
said, that “if they did not obtain it they would then deliberate apart
from them.” By the permission of Gracchus they went; and in a few days
after brought with them ten other ambassadors. It was mid-day. The first
thing that they asked of the prætor was, that he would order some drink
to be given them. After drinking off the first caps, they asked a second
time, causing thereby loud laughter from those present, at minds so
unpolished, and ignorant of all civilization. The eldest of them then
says, “We have been sent by our nation to ask, on what do you rely that
you attack us?” To this question Gracchus answered, that “he came
relying on an excellent army; which if they chose to see, in order to
carry back more certain information to their friends, he would give them
an opportunity;” and he orders the military tribunes to draw up, in
array, all the forces both horse and foot, and make them go through
their exercise in arms. After this sight, the ambassadors, being
dismissed, deterred their people from attempting to succour the besieged
city. When the townsmen had from the towers raised fires, (which was the
signal agreed upon,) to no purpose, and had been disappointed in their
only hope of relief, they capitulated. A contribution of two million
four hundred thousand sesterces[61] was imposed on them; and they were
ordered to furnish forty horsemen of the highest rank among them, not
under the denomination of hostages, for they were ordered to serve as
soldiers, but in reality to be pledges for their fidelity.

48. From thence Gracchus now marched to the city of Alce, where lay the
camp of the Celtiberians, from which the ambassadors had lately come.
When he had harassed them for some days with skirmishes, by sending his
light troops to charge their advanced guards, he made attacks more
important every day, in order to entice them all out of their
intrenchments. As soon as he perceived that his object had been
effected, he gives orders to the præfects of the auxiliaries, that after
a short contest they should suddenly turn their backs, as if they were
overpowered by numbers, and fly with all haste to the camp: in the mean
time he himself drew up all his forces in order, within the rampart, at
all the gates. No long time had intervened, when he saw a body of his
own troops flying back, according to the preconcerted plan, and the
barbarians following in a disorderly pursuit. He had his army drawn up
within the trench in readiness for this very opportunity. He therefore
delayed only so long as to allow his own men to retreat into the camp by
a free passage; then, raising the shout, he rushed forth from all the
gates at the same time. The enemy did not sustain the unexpected shock.
They who came to assault his camp could not defend even their own. For
they were instantly routed put to flight, driven in a panic within their
trenches; and at last beaten out of them. On that day nine thousand of
the enemy were killed, and three hundred and twenty taken, with a
hundred and twelve horses and thirty-seven military ensigns. Of the
Roman army there fell a hundred and nine.

49. After this battle, Gracchus led the legions to ravage Celtiberia.
And when he was carrying and driving off all things from every quarter,
some states voluntarily, others through fear, submitted to his yoke;
within a few days he received the submission of a hundred and three
towns; he got immense booty. He then marched back to Alce, whence he
came, and set about besieging that city. The townsmen withstood the
first assault of the enemy; as soon as they found themselves attacked,
not only by arms but by works also, having despaired of any protection
in the city, they all retired to the citadel. And then at last they sent
envoys, and surrendered themselves, and every thing belonging to them,
to the Romans. Great plunder was obtained from this. Many prisoners of
distinction fell into his power, among whom were two sons and a daughter
of Thurrus. This chieftain, who governed those tribes, was by far the
most powerful of all the Spaniards. On hearing the disasters of his
countrymen he sent persons to request protection for himself when coming
to the camp to Gracchus, and he came. And he first asked him, “Whether
the lives of himself and his subjects would be spared?” When the prætor
answered that they would; he asked again, “Whether it would be allowed
him to bear arms on the side of the Romans?” To this too Gracchus
assenting, he said, “I will follow you then against my old allies, since
they have not thought proper to pay any regard to me.” From that time he
united himself to the Romans, and by his brave and faithful exertions he
in many places advanced the Roman interest.

50. After this, Ergavia, a celebrated and powerful city, terrified by
the disasters of the surrounding states, opened its gates to the Romans.
There are some writers who say, that this submission of the towns was
not made with sincerity; that, from whatever district he might have led
the legions, hostilities were there renewed forthwith; and that he
afterwards fought, near Mount Caunus, a pitched battle with the
Celtiberians, from break of day to the sixth hour; that many fell on
both sides, and that the Romans did not perform any feat from which you
might believe that they were not vanquished, excepting that, next day,
they offered battle to the enemy remaining in their intrenchments: that
they employed that whole day in collecting the spoils, on the third day
they fought again a more desperate battle, then there was no doubt that
the Celtiberians were at last completely defeated, and their camp taken
and plundered. Twenty-two thousand of the enemy were killed on that day,
more than three hundred taken, and almost an equal number of horses, and
seventy-two military standards. This put an end to the war: the
Celtiberians concluded a sincere peace, and did not waver in their
allegiance as before. They say also, that during the same summer Lucius
Postumius fought twice with success in the Farther Spain against the
Vaccæans, killed thirty-five thousand of the enemy, and took their camp.
It is however more probable, that he came into the province too late to
succeed well in that summer.

51. The censors inspected the senate with sincere unanimity. Marcus
Æmilius Lepidus, the censor, who was likewise chief pontiff, was chosen
head of the senate; three were expelled from that body. Lepidus restored
some who were rejected by his colleague. They completed these works with
the money which had been assigned, and divided between them:—Lepidus
built a mole at Tarracina, an unpopular work, because he had estates
there, and brought into the account of the public expenditure what ought
to have been done at his own expense. He contracted for the building of
a theatre and stage near the temple of Apollo, the whitening of the
temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, and the columns around it; he also
removed from those columns the statues that stood unseemingly before
them, and took down from them the shields and military ensigns of all
sorts hung thereon. Marcus Fulvius made contracts for works more
numerous and of more use; a haven on the Tiber, and piers for a bridge
across it; on which piers Publius Scipio Africanus and Lucius Mummius,
who were the censors, many years after, bargained for the erection of
arches; a court of justice behind the new bankers’ houses, and a
fish-market surrounded with shops, which he sold to private persons;
also a forum and portico, on the outside of the gate Trigemina; another
portico behind the dock-yard, and one at the temple of Hercules; also a
temple of Apollo Medicus, behind that of Hope, on the bank of the Tiber.
They had besides, some of the money undivided, and out of this they
jointly agreed to pay for water being brought, and arches being made;
but Marcus Licinius Crassus hindered this work, for he would not suffer
it to be brought through his grounds. They also established many port
duties and customs, and took care that very many public chapels, which
had been occupied by private individuals, should be public and
consecrated, and open to the people. They likewise made an alteration in
the mode of voting; for, through all the regions, they divided the
tribes[62] according to the different ranks, conditions, and callings of
men.

52. One of the censors, Marcus Æmilius, petitioned the senate, that a
sum of money should be voted for the celebration of games, in honour of
the dedication of the temples of Imperial Juno and Diana, which he had
vowed eight years before, when employed in the Ligurian war. They
accordingly voted twenty thousand _asses_.[63] He dedicated those
temples each in the Flaminian circus; and celebrated theatrical games
for three days after the dedication of the temple of Juno, and for two
after that of Diana, and each day in the circus. He also dedicated a
temple to the deities of the sea[64] in the field of Mars, which Lucius
Æmilius Regillus had vowed eleven years before this, in a naval
engagement against the commanders of king Antiochus. Over the gate of
the temple was hung up a tablet with this inscription: “This temple was
vowed by Lucius Æmilius, the son of Marcus Æmilius, on coming forth from
a battle which he fought for the purpose of establishing peace, in which
he concluded a mighty war and subdued kings,—because under his auspices,
command, and successful generalship, the fleet of king Antiochus, under
the very eyes of Antiochus himself and his entire army, cavalry and
elephants, was conquered, thrown into confusion, shattered, and put to
flight, on the eleventh day before the calends of January; and there on
that day thirteen ships of war with all their crews taken. When that
battle was fought, king Antiochus and his dominions * * * * * * *.[65]
On this account he vowed a temple to the titular gods of the sea.” In
the same manner a tablet was placed over the gate of the temple of
Jupiter, on the Capitol.

53. Two days after the censors had inspected the senate, the consul
Quintus Fulvius marched against the Ligurians; and having with his army
crossed over pathless mountains and woody valleys, he fought a pitched
battle with the enemy, and not only defeated them in the field, but took
their camp the same day. Three thousand two hundred of the enemy, and
all that tract of Liguria, surrendered. The consul brought down all
those who surrendered into the low-lands, and posted guards on the
mountains. His letters from that province quickly reached Rome, and
thanksgivings for three days were voted on account of his successes. The
prætors, during these thanksgivings, celebrated divine worship by
sacrificing forty victims of the larger kind. By the other consul,
Lucius Manlius, nothing worth recording was done in Liguria. Transalpine
Gauls, to the number of three thousand, coming over into Italy, without
offering to commit hostilities on any one, petitioned the consul and
senate for some land, that they might live as peaceable subjects, under
the government of the Roman people. But the senate ordered them to quit
Italy, and enjoined the consul Quintus Fulvius to search after and
punish those who had been the first to advise them to cross the Alps.

54. This year died Philip, king of the Macedonians, being worn out with
old age, and grief occasioned by his son’s death. He spent the winter at
Demetrias, in great anguish of mind, occasioned both by regret for his
son and contrition for his own cruelty. His other son also disquieted
his mind, who, both in his own opinion and that of others, was
undoubtedly king. The eyes of all were turned to him, and his own old
age was desolate. Some only waiting for his death, while others did not
even wait for that event. By which circumstance he was still more
distressed, and with him Antigonus, son of Echecrates, named after his
uncle Antigonus, who had been guardian to Philip, a man of royal
dignity, and famed also for a remarkable battle which he fought against
Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian. The Greeks called him the Guardian, to
distinguish him from the other princes of that surname.[66] His nephew
Antigonus, of all the friends whom Philip had honoured with his favours,
alone remained uncorrupted; and this faithful attachment to him had made
Perseus, who had been in no wise his friend, become now his most
inveterate enemy. He, foreseeing in his mind with what danger to himself
the inheritance of the kingdom would fall to Demetrius, as soon as he
perceived the king’s mind to waver, and that he sometimes sighed with
regret for the loss of his son; at one time by listening, and at another
by making mention of the deed, as being rashly done, he himself was at
hand, adding his complaint to the frequent lamentations of the
king;—and, as the truth usually affords many traces of itself, he
assisted with the most zealous diligence, in order that the whole might
be brought to light as speedily as possible. Of the agents employed in
that business, those who were most generally supposed guilty, were
Apelles and Philocles, who had gone ambassadors to Rome, and had brought
the letter under the name of Flamininus, which had proved so ruinous to
Demetrius. They generally murmured in the palace, that it was a forgery,
falsified by the secretary, and that the seal was counterfeited.

55. But while this thing was rather a matter of suspicion than of
certainty, Antigonus accidentally met Xychus, whom he seized and brought
to the palace; then leaving him in custody of guards, Antigonus went on
to the apartment of Philip, to whom he said, “I think I understood from
many conversations, that you would value it highly, if you could
ascertain the whole truth respecting your sons, which of the two was
assailed by the other’s deceit and secret machinations. Xychus, the only
man in the world who can unravel this mystery, is now in your power. I
met him by accident, and I have brought him to the palace; order him to
be called into your presence.” On being brought in, he at first denied;
but with such irresolution, as showed that by a slight application to
his fears he would become a ready informer. He did not withstand the
sight of the executioner and the instruments of torture, but disclosed
the whole process of the villany of the ambassadors, and his own
services therein. Persons were instantly despatched to seize the
ambassadors, and they apprehended by surprise Philocles, who was
present, but Apelles, who had been sent in pursuit of a person called
Chærea, having heard of the information given by Xychus, went over into
Italy. With respect to Philocles, no certain account has been published:
some say, that for a time he boldly denied all knowledge of the matter;
but that when Xychus was confronted with him, he persisted no longer;
others, that he even suffered the rack without confessing. Philip’s
grief was renewed and doubled; and he felt his unhappiness, with regard
to his children, press the heavier on him, because one of them was not.

56. When Perseus was told that all was discovered, he was too powerful
to think that flight was necessary. He only took care to keep out of the
way, intending to guard himself, in the mean time, during the remainder
of Philip’s life, from the flame, as it were, of his burning resentment;
who, having lost hopes of subjecting the person of Perseus to
punishment, meditated on this, as the last resource, that he would not,
besides impunity, enjoy the reward of his wickedness also. Therefore he
addresses himself to Antigonus, to whom he was obliged for the discovery
of the fratricide; and whom he supposed the Macedonians, considering the
fresh renown of his uncle Antigonus, would neither be ashamed nor
displeased at having for their king. “Antigonus,” says he, “since I have
been brought into such a situation that the being childless, a state
which other parents reckon a curse, ought to be wished for by me, I am
resolved to transfer to you the kingdom which I received from your
uncle, and which his faithful and resolute guardianship not only
preserved for me, but even enlarged. You are the only friend I have,
whom I can judge worthy of the throne; and, if I had not one such, I
should wish it to perish and become extinct, rather than be a prize to
the treacherous villany of Perseus. I shall think Demetrius recalled
from the dead, and restored to me, if I can leave you substituted in his
room, who alone have wept for his innocent death, and for my unhappy
error.” After this discourse he did not fail to advance him by
conferring on him honours of every kind; and, as Perseus was absent in
Thrace, he went round the cities of Macedon, and recommended Antigonus
to the chief men; and, had his life been prolonged, there is no doubt
but that he would have left him in possession of the throne. After
leaving Demetrias, he staid a very long time at Thessalonica; and when
he had gone thence to Amphipolis, he was there seized with a severe
sickness. Yet it was evident that it was a disorder of the mind rather
than of the body, and that, owing to his anxieties and want of sleep,
for apparitions and phantoms of his innocent murdered son ever and anon
disquieted him, he breathed his last uttering awful imprecations on the
other. Nevertheless Antigonus might have been first acquainted with the
death of the king, had it not been immediately divulged. Calligenes, the
physician, who had the charge of his treatment, not expecting the king’s
death, sent to Perseus, on the first appearance of desperate symptoms,
messengers who had been previously stationed at different places; and
till his arrival he concealed the death of the king from all but those
who were in the palace.

57. Perseus therefore surprised them all, when not expecting, and
totally ignorant of, his arrival, and seized on the throne, which was
obtained by wickedness. The demise of Philip happened very seasonably
for the purpose of gaining time and collecting strength for the support
of a war: for, in a few days after, the nation of the Bastarnians, in
consequence of long solicitation, set out from their own abodes, with a
large force of infantry and cavalry, and crossed the Danube. Antigonus
and Cotto (the latter was a Bastarnian of distinction, and Antigonus had
been sent, much against his will, with this same Cotto, as ambassador,
to persuade his countrymen to take arms) went forward, to carry
intelligence of this to the king; but at a small distance from
Amphipolis a rumour, and then authentic information, acquainted them
with the king’s death; which event disconcerted the whole arrangement of
their plan. It had been arranged in this manner;—Philip was to procure
for the Bastarnians a safe passage through Thrace, and supplies of
provisions. In order to be able to effect this, he had courted the
chieftains in that country by presents, having pledged his faith that
the Bastarnians should march through it in a peaceable body. It was
proposed to exterminate the nation of the Dardanians, and to establish
settlements for the Bastarnians in their country: from which measure a
double advantage would accrue, if both the Dardanians, a nation ever
hostile to Macedonia, and anxiously looking to the unfortunate periods
of its kings, would be removed out of the way; and the Bastarnians,
having left their wives and children in Dardania, might be sent to
ravage Italy. That the road to the Adriatic Sea and Italy was through
the country of the Scordiscians, and that the army could not be led by
any other way; that the Scordiscians would readily grant a passage to
the Bastarnians, for they would have no dislike to people resembling
themselves in language and manners and would probably join them in an
expedition, when they saw that they were on their way to the plunder of
a most opulent nation. The remaining plans were accommodated to every
kind of event that might take place; for if the Bastarnians would be cut
off by the Romans, still the removal of the Dardanians, and the booty to
be gained from the remains of the former, and the full possession of
Dardania, would prove a consolation; or if they should be successful,
then, while the Romans would be employed in the Bastarnian war, he might
recover what he had lost in Greece. Such had been the designs of Philip.

58. The Bastarnians commenced their march in a peaceable array, relying
on the word of Cotto and Antigonus. But, not long after the report of
Philip’s death, neither the Thracians were easily dealt with, nor would
the Bastarnians be content with what they could purchase; nor could they
be kept in a body, so as not to go out of the road. In consequence,
injuries were committed on both sides; and, from the daily
multiplication of these, war at last burst forth. When at last the
Thracians were unable to withstand the great strength and numbers of the
enemy, having deserted their towns in the plains, they betook themselves
to a high mountain (they call it Donuca). When the Bastarnians wished to
come up, such a tempest there discomfited them, when in vain approaching
the summit of the mountain, as, we are told, destroyed the Gauls, when
plundering Delphi. They were not only overwhelmed with a deluge of rain,
followed by prodigious thick showers of hail, accompanied by tremendous
noises in the sky, thunder, and lightning which dazzled their sight; but
the thunderbolts, also, fell so frequently on all sides, that their
bodies seemed to be aimed at: and not only the soldiers, but their
officers also, being struck by them, fell. When therefore, in hasty
flight, they, rushing on blindly, were scattered, and tumbling over very
high rocks, and the Thracians also attacked them when already in dismay,
they themselves then said, that the gods were the cause of the flight,
and that the sky was falling on them. When, being dispersed by the
storm, as by a shipwreck, they had returned (most of them half armed) to
the camp whence they had set out, they then began to consider what they
should do; on which a disagreement ensued, some advising to return home,
and others to advance to Dardania. About thirty thousand men, under the
command of Clondicus, arrived at that place; the rest marched back, by
the same road through which they came, to the country beyond the Danube.
Perseus, having got possession of the kingdom, ordered Antigonus to be
put to death; and, until he could settle his affairs on a firm
foundation, sent ambassadors to Rome, to renew the treaty concluded by
his father, and to request the senate to give him the title of king.
These were the transactions of that year in Macedon.

59. One of the consuls, Quintus Fulvius, triumphed over the Ligurians;
which triumph, it was agreed, was granted rather to the greatness of his
influence, than to that of his exploits. He carried in the procession a
vast quantity of arms, taken from the enemy, but no money; yet he
distributed to each soldier three hundred _asses_, double that sum to a
centurion, triple it to a horseman. There was nothing in this triumph
more remarkable, than that it happened to be celebrated on the same day
of the year on which he had triumphed, after his prætorship, the year
before. After the triumph he proclaimed the assembly of election, in
which were chosen consuls, Marcus Junius Brutus, and Aulus Manlius
Vulso. Afterwards, a storm interrupted the election of prætors, though
three had been already elected; but on the following day, the fourth
before the ides of March,[67] the other three were elected, Marcus
Titinius Curvus, Tiberius Claudius Nero, and Titus Fonteius Capito. The
Roman games were renewed by the curule ædiles, Cneius Servilius Cæpio,
and Appius Claudius Centho, on account of the prodigies which had
occurred. In the public forum, where a lectisternium was being
celebrated, there was an earthquake, and the heads of the gods who were
on the couches turned away their faces, and the cloak and robes placed
on Jupiter fell off. It was also construed as a prodigy, that the mice
gnawed the olives on the table. For the expiation of these, nothing more
was done than repeating the celebration of the games.



BOOK XLI.


     _The sacred fire was extinguished in the temple of Vesta. Tiberius
     Sempronius Gracchus conquered the Celtiberians and received their
     submission, and built the town Gracchuris in Spain, as a memorial
     of his exploits. The Vaccæans and Lusitanians also were subdued by
     the proconsul Postumius Albinus. Both generals triumphed.
     Antiochus, the son of Antiochus, having been delivered to the
     Romans by his father, as a hostage, on the death of his brother
     Seleucus, who had succeeded his father on his demise, being sent
     from Rome to the sovereignty of Syria, acted the part of a very
     worthless king, with the exception of his attention to religion,
     owing to which he erected many magnificent temples in various
     places; at Athens to Olympian, and at Antioch to Capitoline
     Jupiter. The lustrum was closed by the censors. Two hundred and
     sixty-three thousand two hundred and ninety-four citizens are said
     to have been rated. Quintus Voconius Saxa, tribune of the people,
     proposed a law, that no one should make a woman his heir. Marcus
     Cato advocated the law: his speech is extant. This book contains
     besides the successes against the Ligurians, Istrians, Sardinians,
     and Celtiberians, and the commencement of the Macedonian war, which
     Perseus, the son of Philip, was planning; for he had sent an
     embassy to the Carthaginians, which had been heard by them at
     night; and besides he was tampering with different states of
     Greece._[68]


1. _The Roman people had now carried their victorious arms over all
parts of the world, and far and wide had penetrated countries at a vast
distance, and separated by several seas. Nevertheless, in such a tide of
success flowing according to their wishes, having obtained a high
character for moderation, they were more powerful by their influence
than by their military sway; and they boasted frequently that they
carried more measures with foreign nations by policy, than by violence
and terror. Never insulting conquered nations and kings, generous to
their allies, seeking for themselves the honour of victory only, to
kings they had preserved their rank, to nations their laws, rights, and
liberty, whether in a treaty formed with an equal or with an inferior;
and although they had so encompassed, by their arms, both coasts of the
Mediterranean, from Cadiz even as far as Syria, and had gained respect
for the Roman name through immense tracts of territory, yet the only
subjects they had, were the nations of Sicily and the islands on the
coast of Italy, and the tribes of the greater part of Spain, which had
not yet learned to bear their yoke with resignation. It was the
ill-timed treachery of their enemies and rivals, rather than their own
ambition, that afforded them cause and material for the increase of
their sway. As a special instance: the cruelty of Perseus, who obtained
the kingdom of Macedon by treachery and crime, displayed towards his
subjects, detested by all, his frantic avarice in the midst of boundless
wealth, his inconsiderate levity in the adoption and prosecution of his
plans, both destroyed him, and whatever could remain independent, as
long as he existed, the principal restraint on the Roman power; for his
fall recoiled upon others, and brought with it not only the downfall of
his neighbours, but also that of those who were far removed from him.
The fall of Carthage and of the Achæans followed the ruin of the
Macedonians: and when the state of all was convulsed by their disasters,
the rest of the empires, already tottering for some time, were
overthrown shortly after, and all fell beneath the Roman sway. It was my
intention to lay here before the reader at a glance these events, so
intimately connected in interest, though occurring at different times
and places, whilst he contemplated the war impending over the Romans
from Perseus, from which especially the Roman power drew the sources of
its growth. Perseus was then concocting that war in secret; the
Ligurians and Gauls provoked rather than employed the Roman arms._

2. _Gaul and the Ligurians were the provinces assigned to the consuls,
Marcus Junius Brutus, Aulus Manlius Vulso: Gaul was assigned to Manlius,
Liguria to Junius. As to the prætors, the city jurisdiction fell to
Marcus Titinius Curvus; the foreign, to Tiberius Claudius Nero; Sicily,
to Publius Ælius Ligus; Sardinia, to Titus Æbutius; Hither Spain, to the
other Marcus Titinius, for there were two of that name prætors in that
year; and the Farther Spain, to Titus Fonteius Capito. A fire broke out
in the forum, by which very many buildings were burnt to the ground, and
the temple of Venus was entirely consumed. The sacred fire of Vesta was
extinguished: the virgin who had the care of it was punished with
stripes, by order of Marcus Æmilius, the chief pontiff, and supplication
was performed, as usual in such cases. In this year the lustrum was
closed by Marcus Æmilius Lepidus and Marcus Fulvius Nobilior, censors,
in which were rated two hundred and seventy-three thousand two hundred
and forty-four citizens. The ambassadors of Perseus arrived, requiring
that he should be saluted by the senate as king, ally, and friend, and
that the treaty should be renewed with him which had existed with his
father Philip. Perseus was an object of hatred and suspicion to the
Romans, and most of them had no doubt, that as soon as an opportunity
was presented, and his strength appeared to him adequate to the
struggle, he would wage against the Romans the war, prepared in secret
by Philip, for so many years. However, that they might not appear to
have provoked him when quiet and desirous of peace, and to have
themselves furnished him with a cause for war, they conceded to him his
demands. Perseus, when this answer was received, supposing that the
kingdom was secured to him, began to acquire influence among the Greeks.
Being desirous therefore of procuring their friendship, he recalled into
Macedon all, without exception, who had gone into exile, when condemned
for debt or by any judicial proceeding, and those who had left Macedon
for high treason, by edicts, openly announced in the island of Delos,
and at Delphi, and at the temple of Minerva at Itone, in which he
granted to those returning not only pardon, but also restoration of all
their property, with the income, from that period in which each became
an exile. He also remitted to those who were living in Macedon whatever
was due to the royal exchequer; and released all those imprisoned for
high treason. When by these acts he had encouraged the minds of many, he
turned the attention of all Greece towards himself, and filled it with
great hope. And besides, in the entire deportment of the rest of his
life, he preserved the dignity of a king; for his mien was noble, and
his person well fitted to discharge all the duties of war and peace; and
his age, now matured, possessed a graceful majesty, beaming from brow
and forehead. He had none of his father’s wantonness, and licentious
passions for women and wine. By these praise-worthy acts Perseus
rendered the beginning of his reign agreeable, although it was destined
to have a termination very different from its commencement._

3. _Before those prætors who had obtained by lot the Spains could come
to their provinces, great exploits were there performed by Postumius and
Gracchus. But the praise of Gracchus was extraordinary, for he being in
the prime of life, since he far surpassed all his coevals in courage and
prudence, even then was lauded greatly by fame, and raised greater hope
of himself with regard to the future. Twenty thousand Celtiberians were
besieging Carabi, a city in alliance with the Romans. Gracchus hastened
to bear aid to his allies. That anxiety tortured him, how he could
signify his intention to the besieged, while the enemy pressed the city
with so close a blockade, that it scarcely appeared possible that an
enemy could reach it. The daring of Cominius executed the difficult
task. He being præfect of a troop of horse, having previously weighed
over the matter with himself, and having informed Gracchus of what he
was preparing, dressed himself in a Spanish military cloak, and mixed
with the enemy’s foragers. Having entered the camp with them he galloped
from it to the city, and announced the approach of Tiberius. The
townsmen, being aroused by this intelligence from the depth of despair
to cheerfulness and daring, and having determined to fight bravely to
the last, were relieved from blockade on the third day, in consequence
of the enemy having departed on the arrival of Gracchus. He himself
having been afterwards attacked by a stratagem of the barbarians, by the
union of skill and strength, so repelled the danger, that the artifice
recoiled on its originators. There was a town, Complega by name, that
had been built several years before, but strengthened by fortifications
and increased by speedy additions, into which many of the Spaniards had
flocked, who previously straggled here and there in need of territory.
About twenty thousand men coming forth from that city in the garb of
suppliants, and holding forth branches of olive, stood in view of the
camp as if entreating peace. Immediately, having cast away the emblems
of suppliants, and having suddenly attacked the Romans, they fill every
place with alarm and consternation. Gracchus, by a prudent counsel,
deserted the camp under the pretence of flight: and whilst they were
plundering it with the usual greediness of barbarians, and were
encumbering themselves with the spoil, he suddenly returned, and
attacking them when in no apprehensions of such an evil, slew the most
of them, and even made himself master of their town. There are some who
tell the story differently: that Gracchus, when he had discovered that
the enemy were distressed from want of food, abandoned his camp, which
was very well furnished with all articles of food; that the enemy,
having taken possession of it, and having intemperately filled
themselves with what they had found, and gorged themselves to repletion,
were suddenly cut off by the return of the Roman army._

4. _But whether this is a different way of telling the same exploit, or
quite a different affair and different victory, it is certain that
Gracchus completely conquered several tribes, and moreover the entire
nation of the Celtiberians. I would not however have the hardihood to
assert that he took and destroyed three hundred of their cities,
although Polybius, a writer of the highest authority, makes mention of
it; unless that under the name of cities we include towers and castles:
by which description of falsehood both the generals in wars and the
writers of histories take delight in setting off exploits. For Spain,
with its dry and uncultivated soil, could not support a large number of
cities. The wild and uncivilized manners of the Spaniards, with the
exception of those that dwell on our sea, are also at variance with the
assertion, since the dispositions of men are accustomed to become more
mild by the meeting with fellow-citizens which occurs in towns. But
whatever we may determine concerning the number or description of the
cities taken by Sempronius, (for writers vary also in the number, and
some have related that one hundred and fifty towns were taken by him,
others that one hundred and three was the number,) he certainly
performed noble achievements; nor was he distinguished by the praises he
received in war only; but he also proved himself unparalleled in
arranging and arbitrating peace and laws for the conquered nations. For
he distributed lands among the poor and assigned them habitations, and
by giving and receiving an oath, secured to all the tribes inhabiting
that country, laws clearly defined, according to which they were to live
in friendship and alliance with the Roman people. And posterity often
appealed to the authority of this treaty in the wars which afterwards
broke out. Gracchus appointed that the town which was hitherto called
Illurcis, should be distinguished by his own name, and called
Gracchuris, as a monument of his merit and actions. The report of the
acts of Postumius is more involved in obscurity. However the Vaccæans
and Lusitanians were conquered by him, and forty thousand of these
nations were slain. These affairs being transacted, they both, when they
had delivered up the armies and provinces to their successors on their
arrival, went home to triumph. In Gaul, Manlius the consul, to whom that
province had fallen, when material for a triumph was wanting, eagerly
seized an opportunity presented by fortune, of waging war against the
Istrians. They had aided the Ætolians on a former occasion when making
war against the Romans, and lately too had given trouble. At that time
Æpulo, a king of a violent disposition, ruled them, who was said to have
armed the nation trained to peace by his father_, and therefore was much
endeared to the youth desirous of plundering.

1. When the consul held a council on the subject of a war with Istria,
some were of opinion that it ought to be begun immediately, before the
enemy could collect forces; others, that the senate ought first to be
consulted; the opinion was adopted which opposed delay. Accordingly the
consul, marching from Aquileia, pitched his camp at the lake Timavus,
which lies very near the sea. Thither came Caius Furius, one of the
naval commanders, with ten ships; for two naval commanders had been
appointed against the fleet of the Illyrians, and these commanders, with
twenty ships for the protection of the coast of the Hadriatic, were to
make Ancona, as it were, the pivot of their position; so that Lucius
Cornelius had to guard the coasts on the right, extending from the
latter place to Tarentum; and Caius Furius those on the left, as far as
Aquileia. This squadron was sent to the nearest port in the Istrian
territory, with a number of transports and a large store of provisions;
while the consul, following with the legions, encamped at the distance
of about five miles from the coast. A plentiful market was soon
established at the port, and every thing conveyed thence to the camp.
That this might be done with greater safety, out-posts were fixed around
the camp; a newly-levied cohort of Placentines was posted between the
camp and the sea, as a picket in the direction of Istria; and that the
watering-parties might likewise have protection at the river, orders
were given to Marcus Æbutius, military tribune, to take thither two
companies of the second legion. Titus and Caius Ælius, military
tribunes, led out the third legion on the road towards Aquileia, in
support of those that went for food and forage. In the same quarter,
nearly a mile distant, was the camp of the Gauls: Catmelus acted as
their chieftain, and they were not more than three thousand armed men.

2. When the Roman army first reached the lake Timavus, the Istrians took
post behind a hill, where they could not be seen; and on its march
thence followed it through by-ways, watching attentively for some
opportunity that might give them an advantage; nor did any thing that
was done, either on land or sea, escape their observation. When they saw
that the advanced guards of the Romans were weak, and that the
market-place was filled with an unarmed crowd of persons trafficking
between the camp and the sea, and that they had not fortified themselves
either by works on land, or by the help of ships, they made an assault
on two of their posts at once, that of the Placentine cohort, and that
of the two companies of the second legion. A morning fog concealed their
design; and when this began to disperse as the sun grew warm, the light
piercing through it in some degree, yet still being far from clear, and,
as usual in such cases, magnifying the appearance of every thing,
deceived the Romans, and made the army of the enemy appear much greater
to them than it really was. And when the troops in both the posts,
terrified, had fled in the utmost confusion to the camp, there they
caused much greater alarm than that which they were under themselves:
for they could neither tell what made them fly nor answer any question
that was asked. Then a shouting was heard at all the gates, since there
were no guards at them which could withstand an attack: and the crowding
together of the soldiers, who fell one against the other in the dark,
raised a doubt as to whether the enemy was within the rampart. One only
cry was heard, that of those urging to the sea. This cry uttered by one,
and without an objected by chance, resounded every where throughout the
entire camp. At first, therefore, a few with their arms and a greater
part without them, as if they had received orders so to do, ran off to
the sea shore; then followed more, and at length almost the whole of the
army, and the consul himself, when, having attempted in vain to call
back the fugitives, he had effected nothing by commands, advice, and, at
last, by entreaties. Marcus Licinius Strabo, a military tribune of the
third legion, with three companies alone, remained, being left behind by
his legion. The Istrians having made an attack on the empty camp, after
that no other had met them in arms came upon him while he was drawing up
and encouraging his men at the general’s quarters; the fight was
maintained with more resolution than might be anticipated, from the
small number of the defenders; nor did it cease until the tribune, and
those who stood round him, were all slain. The enemy then, tearing down
the general’s tent, and seizing on all they could find, went on to the
quæstor’s quarters, and the adjoining forum, called Quintana. Thereupon,
when they found all kinds of food dressed and laid out in the quæstor’s
tent, and the couches placed in order, their chieftain lay down and
began to feast. Presently all the rest, thinking no more of fighting or
of the enemy, did the same; and being unaccustomed to any sort of rich
food, they greedily gorged themselves with meat and wine.

3. The appearance of affairs among the Romans was by no means the same.
There was confusion both on land and sea; the mariners struck their
tents, and hastily conveyed on board the provisions which had been sent
on shore; the soldiers in a panic rushed into the boats, and even into
the water. Some of the seamen, in fear lest their vessels should be
overcrowded, opposed the entrance of the multitude, while others pushed
off from the shore into the deep. Hence arose a dispute, and in a short
time a fight, accompanied by wounds and loss of lives, both of soldiers
and seamen; until by order of the consul, the fleet was removed to a
distance from the shore. He next set about separating the armed from the
unarmed; out of so large a number, there were scarcely found twelve
hundred who had preserved their arms; very few horsemen who had brought
their horses with them; while the rest were an ill-looking throng, like
servants and sutlers, and would certainly have fallen a prey, if the
enemy had not neglected the war. At length an express was despatched to
call in the third legion and the out-post of the Gauls; and at the same
time the troops began to march back from all parts in order to retake
the camp, and wipe off their disgrace. The military tribunes of the
third legion ordered their men to throw away the forage and wood, and
commanded the centurions to mount two elderly soldiers on horses from
which the loads were thrown down, and each of the cavalry to take a
young foot soldier with him on his horse. He told them, “it would be a
great honour to their legion, if they should recover, by bravery, the
camp which had been lost by the cowardice of the second; and that this
might be easily effected, if the barbarians were surprised while busied
in plundering. In like manner as they had taken it, so might it be
retaken.” His exhortation was received by the army with the utmost
alacrity; they eagerly bear on the standards, nor do the soldiers delay
the standard-bearers. However the consul, and the troops which were led
back from the shore, reached the rampart first. Lucius Atius, first
tribune of the second legion, not only urged on his men, but informed
them also, that “if the Istrians meant to retain the camp, which they
had taken, by the same arms by which they took it, they would, in the
first place, have pursued their enemy driven from his camp to the sea;
and, in the next place, they would certainly have stationed guards
outside the rampart; and that it was very likely that they were lying in
sleep, or drowned in wine.”

4. Immediately after this, he ordered his own standard-bearer, Aulus
Bæculonius, a man of known bravery, to bear in the standard; who
replied, that if the men were willing to follow him, he would cause it
to be done more quickly. Then, exerting all his strength, after throwing
the standard across the intrenchment, he was the first that entered the
gate. And on the other side, Titus Ælius and Caius Ælius, military
tribunes of the third legion, with their cavalry arrived; and, quickly
after them, the soldiers whom they had mounted in pairs on the beasts of
burden; also the consul with the main body. Only a few of the Istrians,
who had drunk in moderation, betook themselves to flight: death
succeeded as the continuation of the sleep of the others; and the Romans
recovered all their effects unimpaired, except the victuals and wine
which had been consumed. The soldiers, too, who had been left sick in
the camp, when they saw their countrymen within the trenches, snatched
up arms, and committed great slaughter. The bravery of Caius Popilius, a
horseman, was pre-eminent above that of all. His surname was Labellus.
He had been left behind in the camp, on account of a wound in his foot,
notwithstanding which he slew by far the greatest number of the enemy.
About eight thousand Istrians were killed, but not one prisoner taken;
for rage and indignation had made the Romans regardless of booty. The
king of the Istrians, though drunk after his banquet, was hastily
mounted on a horse by his people, and effected his escape. Of the
conquerors there were lost two hundred and thirty-seven men; more of
whom fell in the fight in the morning, than in the retaking of the camp.

5. It happened that Cneius and Lucius Cavillius, new citizens of
Aquileia, coming with a convoy of provisions, and not knowing what had
passed, were very near going into the camp after it was taken by the
Istrians. These men, when, leaving their baggage, they had fled back to
Aquileia, filled all things with consternation and alarm, not only
there, but, in a few days after, at Rome also; to which intelligence was
brought, not only that the camp was taken, and that the troops ran away,
as was really the case, but that every thing was lost and that the whole
army was entirely cut off. Wherefore, as is usual in a dangerous
emergency, extraordinary levies were ordered by proclamation, both in
the city and throughout all Italy. Two legions of Roman citizens were
raised, and ten thousand foot and five hundred horse were demanded from
the allies of the Latin nation. The consul Marcus Junius was ordered to
pass on into Gaul, and demand from the several states of that province,
whatever number of troops each was able to supply. At the same time it
was decreed that Tiberius Claudius, the prætor, should issue orders for
the fourth legion, and five thousand foot and two hundred and fifty
horse, of the Latins, to assemble at Pisæ; and that he should guard that
province during the consul’s absence; and that Marcus Titinius, the
prætor, should order the first legion, and an equal number of allied
foot and horse, to meet at Ariminum. Nero, habited in general’s robes,
set out for Pisæ, which was in his province. Titinius, after sending
Caius Cassius, military tribune, to Ariminum, to take the command of the
legion there, held a levy at Rome. The consul, Marcus Junius, passed
over from Liguria into the province of Gaul, and having immediately
ordered a levy of auxiliaries through the states of Gaul, and having
ordered the colonies to send soldiers, came to Aquileia. There he
learned that the army was safe; wherefore, after despatching a letter to
Rome, that they might be no longer alarmed, he sent home the
auxiliaries, which he had ordered the Gauls to furnish, and proceeded
himself to join his colleague. There was great joy at Rome after the
unexpected news; the levies were stopped, the soldiers who had taken the
military oath were discharged, and the troops at Ariminum, who were
afflicted with a pestilential sickness, were remanded home. The
Istrians, when they with a numerous force were encamped at no great
distance from the consul, after they heard that the other consul was
arrived with a new army, dispersed, and returned to their several
states. The consuls led back their legions into winter quarters at
Aquileia.

6. The alarm caused by the affairs of Istria being at length composed, a
decree of the senate was passed, that the consuls should settle between
themselves which of them should come to Rome, to preside at the
elections. When two plebeian tribunes, Aulus Licinius Narva and Caius
Papirius Turdus, in their harangues to the people, uttered severe
reflections on Manlius, then abroad; and proposed the passing of an
order, that although the government of their provinces had already been
continued to the consuls for a year, yet Manlius should not hold command
beyond the ides of March; in order that he might immediately, after
going out of office, be brought to trial. Against this proposition,
Quintus Ælius, another tribune, protested; and, after violent struggles,
prevailed so far, as to prevent its being passed. About this time, when
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Lucius Postumius Albinus came home from
Spain, an audience of the senate is granted to them, by Marcus Titinius
the prætor, to speak of the services which they had rendered, and demand
the honours they had merited, and also that thanksgiving should be
offered to the immortal gods. At the same time also it was known by the
letters of Titus Æbutius the prætor, which his son brought to the
senate, that there was great commotion in Sardinia. The Iliensians,
having added to their forces Balearian auxiliaries, had invaded the
province though at peace with them; nor could resistance be offered to
them by a weak, army, which had besides lost great numbers by a
pestilence. Ambassadors from the Sardinians made the same
representations, entreating the senate to send relief to their cities;
for as to the country, it was already entirely ruined. This embassy, and
every thing which referred to Sardinia, was referred to the new
magistrates. There was an embassy from the Lycians, no less entitled to
commiseration, who complained of the cruel treatment which they suffered
from the Rhodians, to whose government they had been annexed by Lucius
Cornelius Scipio. “They had formerly,” they said, “been under the
dominion of Antiochus, and their bondage under that king, compared to
their present condition, appeared an honourable state of liberty; that
they were not only oppressed by acts of government, but individually
underwent real slavery. That they themselves, their wives, and children,
were abused alike by them; that cruelties were practised on their
persons, and their character blotted and dishonoured, a circumstance
which would excite the indignation of every one. They were openly
treated with contemptuous insults, merely for the purpose of exercising
an usurped prerogative, that they might not doubt that there was no
difference between them and purchased slaves.” The senate was highly
displeased at such proceedings, and gave the Lycians a letter to the
Rhodians, acquainting them, that “it was the will of the senate, that
neither the Lycians should be subjected to the Rhodians as slaves, nor
should any other men who were born free become the slaves of any one;
but that the Lycians should be under the government, and, at the same
time, the protection of the Rhodians, in like manner as the allied
states were subjected to the Roman people.”

7. Two triumphs for conquests in Spain were then successively
celebrated. First, Sempronius Gracchus triumphed over the Celtiberians
and their allies; next day, Lucius Postumius triumphed over the
Lusitanians, and the other Spaniards in that quarter. Tiberius Gracchus
carried in the procession forty thousand pounds’ weight of silver,
Albinus twenty thousand. They distributed to each of their soldiers
twenty-five denariuses,[69] double that sum to a centurion, triple it to
a horseman; the same sums to the allied troops as to the Roman. The
consul, Marcus Junius, happened to arrive at Rome at this time from
Istria, in order to hold the elections. The plebeian tribunes, Papirius
and Licinius, after harassing him in the senate, with questions relative
to what had passed in Istria, brought him into the assembly of the
people. To which inquiries the consul answered, that “he had been not
more than eleven days in that province; and that as to what had happened
when he was not present, he, like themselves, gained his information
from report.” But they still proceeded to ask, “why, then, did not
Manlius rather come to Rome, that he might account to the Roman people
for his having quitted Gaul, the province allotted to him, and gone into
Istria? When had the senate decreed a war with that nation? When had the
people ordered it? But he will say, ‘Though the war was indeed
undertaken by private authority, yet it was conducted with prudence and
courage.’ On the contrary, it is impossible to say, whether it was
undertaken with greater injustice than the rashness with which it was
conducted. Two advanced guards were surprised by the Istrians; a Roman
camp was taken, with whatever infantry and cavalry were in it; the rest
in disorder, without arms, and among the foremost the consul himself,
fled to the shore and the ships. But he should answer for all these
matters when he became a private citizen, since he had been unwilling to
do so while consul.”

8. The elections were then held, in which Caius Claudius Pulcher and
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus were chosen consuls. Next day the following
persons were elected præters, Publius Ælius Tubero, a second time, Caius
Quintus Flamininus, Caius Numisius, Lucius Mummius, Cneius Cornelius
Scipio, and Publius Valerius Lævinus. The city jurisdiction fell, by
lot, to Tubero; the foreign, to Quintus; Sicily, to Numisius; and
Sardinia, to Mummius; but this last, on account of the importance of the
war there, was made a consular province. Gracchus obtains it by lot;
Claudius, Istria; Scipio and Lævinus received Gaul, which was divided
into two provinces. On the ides of March, the day when Sempronius and
Claudius assumed the administration, a cursory mention only was of the
provinces of Sardinia and of Istria, and of those who had commenced
hostilities there; but on the day following, the ambassadors of the
Sardinians, who had been referred to the new magistrates, were
introduced, and Lucius Minucius Thermus, lieutenant-general under the
consul Manlius in Istria, attended; and by them the senate was
accurately informed how far these provinces were involved in war.
Ambassadors from the confederate states of Latium, who, after having
ineffectually applied to the former consuls and censors, were at last
introduced to an audience, made a powerful impression on the senate. The
amount of their complaints was that “their citizens, having been rated
in the general survey at Rome, had most of them removed thither; and
that if this practice were allowed, it would come to pass, in the course
of a very few lustrums, that their deserted towns and country would be
unable to furnish any soldiers.” The Samnites and the Pelignians also
represented, that four thousand families had emigrated to Fregellæ; and
that neither of these places furnished less soldiers on that account.
That there had been practised two species of fraud in individuals
changing their citizenship: there was a law, which granted liberty to
any of the allies or Latins, who should not leave his offspring at home,
to be enrolled a citizen of Rome; yet, by an abuse of this law, some did
injury to the allies, others to the Roman people. For, at first, to
evade the leaving offspring at home, they made over their children as
slaves to some Roman, under an agreement that they should be again set
free, and thus become citizens by emancipation; and then those men, who
had now no children to leave, became Roman citizens. Afterwards, they
neglected even these appearances of law; and, without any regard either
to the ordinances or to progeny, passed indiscriminately into the Roman
state by migration, and getting themselves included in the survey. To
prevent such proceedings in future, the ambassadors requested the senate
to order the allies to return to their respective states, and to provide
by a law that no one should make any man his property, or alienate such
property for the purpose of a change of citizenship; and that if any
person should by such means be made a citizen of Rome, he should not
enjoy the rights of a citizen.

9. The senate granted their petitions; and then Sardinia and Istria, the
provinces which were in arms, were disposed of. Two legions were ordered
to be enrolled for Sardinia, each containing five thousand two hundred
foot and three hundred horse; and of allies and Latins, twelve thousand
foot and six hundred horse; and it was decided that the consul should
have ten ships, of five banks of oars, if he should think it requisite
to take them from the docks. The same numbers of infantry and cavalry
were decreed for Istria as for Sardinia. The consuls were ordered to
send into Spain to Marcus Titinius, one legion, with three hundred horse
and five thousand foot, and two hundred and fifty horse of the allies.
Before the consuls cast lots for their provinces, several prodigies were
reported: that in the Crustumine territory, a stone fell from the sky
into the grove of Mars; that in the Roman territory, a boy was born
defective in his limbs; that a serpent with four feet had been seen;
that at Capua, many buildings in the forum were struck by lightning;
and, that at Puteoli, two ships were burned by lightning. Amidst these
prodigies which were reported from abroad, a wolf also, after entering
Rome by the Colline gate, was chased during the day, and, to the great
consternation of its pursuers, escaped through the Esquiline gate. On
account of these prodigies, the consuls sacrificed victims of the larger
kinds, and there was a supplication, for one day, at all the shrines.
When the sacrifices were duly performed, they cast lots for their
provinces; Istria fell to Claudius, Sardinia to Sempronius. Then Caius
Claudius, by direction of the senate, proposed a law and issued a
proclamation, that “any of the allies and Latin confederates, who
themselves, or whose ancestors, had been surveyed among the associated
states of Latium in the censorship of Marcus Claudius and Titus
Quintius, or at any time since, should all return, each to his
respective state, before the calends of November.” Inquiry concerning
such as did not obey, was intrusted to Lucius Mummius the prætor. To the
law and the proclamation of the consul, was added a decree of the
senate, that “the dictator, consul, interrex, censor, or prætor, who
then should be in office, before whom any slave should be brought, to
receive manumission, should cause the said slave who was about to be
made free, to make oath, that the person giving him liberty did not do
it for the purpose of his changing his citizenship;” they ordered that
he, whoever would not swear this oath, should not be manumitted. The
cognizance and jurisdiction in this business was, for the future,
assigned to Caius Claudius the consul.

10. While these matters passed at Rome, Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius,
the consuls of the preceding year, after remaining during the winter at
Aquileia, led their army early in the spring into the Istrian
territories; where when they spread their depredations through a great
part of the country, grief and indignation, rather than any
well-grounded hope of being able to make head against these joint
forces, roused the Istrians, on perceiving the plunder of their
property. A hasty levy of their young men being made from all their
cantons this raw and tumultuary army made its first onset with more
vigour than perseverance. About four thousand of them were slain in the
field; and the rest, giving over the war, fled in different directions
to their respective states. Soon after, they sent ambassadors to the
Roman camp to sue for peace, and then delivered up the hostages required
of them. When these transactions were made known at Rome, by letters
from the proconsul, Caius Claudius, the consul, fearing that this
proceeding might, perhaps, take the province and the army out of his
hands, without offering vows, without assuming the military habit, and
unaccompanied by his lictors, having acquainted his colleague alone with
his intention, set out in the night, and with the utmost speed hastened
to the province, where he conducted himself even with less prudence than
he had shown in coming. For, in an assembly which he called, after
making severe remarks on Manlius’s running away from the camp, which
were very offensive to the ears of the soldiers, as they themselves had
begun the flight, and after railing at Marcus Junius, as having made
himself a sharer in the disgrace of his colleague, he at last ordered
both of them to quit the province. And when they replied, that when the
consul should come, in the regular manner, agreeably to ancient
practice; when he should set out from the city, after offering vows in
the Capitol, attended by his lictors and dressed in the military habit,
then they would obey his orders. Maddened by anger, he summoned the
person who acted as quæstor to Manlius, and ordered him to bring
fetters, threatening to send Junius and Manlius to Rome in chains. The
consul’s command was slighted by this man too; and the surrounding
crowd of soldiers, who favoured the cause of their commanders, and were
incensed against the consul, supplied him with resolution to refuse
obedience. At last the consul, overpowered by the reproaches of
individuals and the scoffs of the multitude, for they even turned him
into ridicule, went back to Aquileia in the same ship in which he had
come. Thence he wrote to his colleague, desiring him to give notice to
that part of the new-raised troops who were enlisted for Istria, to
assemble at Aquileia, in order that he should have no delay at Rome, but
set out, in the military habit, as soon as the ceremony of offering vows
was finished. These directions his colleague punctually executed, and an
early day was appointed for the assembling of the troops. Claudius
almost overtook his own letter. On his arrival he called an assembly,
that he might represent the conduct of Manlius and Junius; and, staying
only three days in Rome, he offered his vows in the Capitol, put on the
military habit, and, attended by his lictors, set out to his province
with the same rapid speed which he had used in the former journey.

11. A few days before his arrival, Junius and Manlius had laid vigorous
siege to the town of Nesatium, in which the principal Istrians, and
Epulo their king, had shut themselves up. Claudius, bringing thither the
two new legions, dismissed the old army, with its commanders; invested
the town himself; and prosecuted the siege with regular works. He by the
labour of many days changed the course of, and carried away in a new
channel, a river which flowed on the outside of the wall, and greatly
impeded the proceedings of the besiegers, while it supplied the Istrians
with water. This event, of the water being cut off, terrified the
barbarians, as if effected by some supernatural power; yet still they
entertained no thoughts of peace, but set about killing their wives and
children; exhibiting a spectacle shocking even to their enemies; and,
after putting them to death in open view on the walls, tumbled them
down. Amid the simultaneous shrieking of women and children, and this
horrid carnage, the soldiers, scaling the walls, effected an entrance
into the town. As soon as the king heard the uproar of the captured
city, from the cries of terror uttered by the flying inhabitants, he
plunged his sword into his breast, that he might not be taken alive; the
rest were either killed or taken prisoners. After this, two other
towns, Mutila and Faveria, were stormed and destroyed. The booty, which
exceeded expectation, considering the poverty of the nation, was all
given up to the soldiers. Five thousand six hundred and thirty-two
persons were sold by auction, and the fomenters of the war were beaten
with rods and beheaded. By the destruction of these three towns, and the
death of the king, the whole country of Istria was brought to terms of
peace; every one of its states, giving hostages, submitted to the
dominion of the Romans.

12. For some time before, the conclusion of the war with Istria,
consultations were held among the Ligurians about the renewal of
hostilities. Tiberius Claudius, proconsul, who had been consul the year
before, with a garrison of one legion, held the command of Pisæ. And
when the senate was informed by his letter of their proceedings, they
vote that “the same letter should be carried to Caius Claudius,” for the
other consul had already crossed over into Sardinia; and they added a
decree, that, since the province of Istria was subdued, he might, if he
thought proper, lead his army into Liguria. At the same time, a
supplication for two days was decreed, in consequence of the letter
which he wrote concerning his actions in Istria. The other consul,
Sempronius, likewise was successful in his operations in Sardinia. He
carried his army into the territory of the Ilian tribe of Sardinians.
Powerful reinforcements from the Balarians had come to the Ilians. He
fought a pitched battle against the combined forces of the two states.
The enemy were routed and put to flight, and driven from their camp;
twelve thousand armed men were slain. Next day, the consul ordered their
arms to be gathered into a heap and burned, as an offering to Vulcan. He
then led back his victorious troops into winter quarters in the allied
cities. Caius Claudius, on receipt of the letter of Tiberius Claudius
and the decree of the senate, marched his legions out of Istria into
Liguria. The enemy, having advanced into the plains, were encamped on
the river Scultenna: here a pitched battle was fought, in which fifteen
thousand of the enemy were killed, and about seven hundred captured in
the fight, and in the camp, for that too was stormed; and also fifty-one
military standards were taken. The Ligurians who survived the slaughter,
fled back in every direction into the mountains. No appearance of arms
any where met the consul while ravaging the low country. Claudius,
having thus in one year subdued two nations, and, what has rarely been
achieved in a single consulate, completed the reduction of two
provinces, came home to Rome.

13. Several prodigies were reported this year: that at Crustuminum a
bird, which they call the ospray, cut a sacred stone with its beak; that
a cow spoke in Campania; that at Syracuse a brazen statue of a cow was
mounted by a farmer’s bull which had strayed from the herd. A
supplication of one day was performed in Crustuminum, on the spot; the
cow at Campania was ordered to be maintained at the public expense, and
the prodigy at Syracuse was expiated, the deities to whom supplications
should be offered, being declared by the aruspices. This year died, in
the office of pontiff, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had been consul
and censor; and his son, Marcus Marcellus, was chosen into the vacant
place. The same year a colony of two thousand Roman citizens was settled
at Luca. The triumvirs, Publius Ælius, Lucius Egilius, and Cneius
Sicinius, planted it. Fifty-one acres and a half of land were given to
each. This land had been taken from the Ligurians, and had been the
property of the Etrurians, before it fell into their possession. Caius
Claudius, the consul, arrived at the city, and after laying before the
senate a detail of his successful services in Istria and Liguria, a
triumph was decreed to him on demanding it. He triumphed, in office,
over the two nations at once. In this procession he carried three
hundred and seven thousand denariuses,[70] and eighty-five thousand
seven hundred and two quinariuses.[71] To each soldier fifteen
denariuses[72] were given, double that sum to a centurion, triple it to
a horseman. The allied soldiers received less, by half, than the native
troops, for which reason they followed his chariot in silence to show
their disgust.

14. While this triumph over the Ligurians was celebrated, that people,
perceiving that not only the consular army returned to Rome, but also
that the legion at Pisæ had been disbanded by Tiberius Claudius, shaking
off their fears, and collecting an army secretly, crossed the mountains
by winding paths, and came down into the plains, and after ravaging the
lands of Mutina, by a sudden assault they gained possession of the
colony itself. When this account was brought to Rome, the senate ordered
Caius Claudius, the consul, to hold the elections as soon as possible,
and (after appointing magistrates for the ensuing year) to go back to
his province, and rescue the colony out of the hands of the enemy. The
elections were held as the senate had directed; and Cneius Cornelius
Scipio Hispalus, with Quintus Petillius Spurinus, were chosen consuls.
Then Marcus Popillius Lænas, Publius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Cornelius
Scipio, Lucius Papirius Maso, Marcus Aburius, and Lucius Aquilius
Gallus, were elected prætors. To Caius Claudius, the consul, his command
was prolonged for a year, and likewise the administration of the
province of Gaul; and he was ordered, lest the Istrians should follow
the example of the Ligurians, to send into Istria the allied Latin
troops, which he had brought home to attend his triumph. When the
consuls, Cneius Cornelius and Quintus Petillius, on the day of entering
into office, according to custom, sacrificed each an ox to Jupiter, the
head of the liver was not found in the victim sacrificed by Petillius;
which being reported to the senate, he was ordered to sacrifice oxen
until the omens should be favourable. The senate being then consulted
concerning the provinces, decreed Pisæ and Liguria to be the provinces
of the consuls. They ordered that he to whose lot Pisæ fell, should, at
the time of the elections, come home to preside at them; and that they
should severally enlist two new legions and three hundred horse; and
should order the allies, and Latin confederates, to furnish ten thousand
foot and six hundred horse to each. The command was prolonged to
Tiberius Claudius, until such time as the consul should arrive in the
province.

15. While the senate was employed in these affairs, Caius Cornelius,
being called by a beadle, went out of the senate-house; and, after a
short time, returned with a troubled countenance, and told the conscript
fathers that the liver of a fat ox, which he had sacrificed, had melted
away; that, when this was told him by the person who dressed the
victims, he did not believe it, and he himself ordered the water to be
poured out of the vessel in which the entrails were boiled; and he saw
all entire but the liver, which had been unaccountably consumed. While
the fathers were under much terror on account of this prodigy, their
alarm was augmented by the other consul, who informed them that, on
account of the first victim having wanted the head of the liver, he had
sacrificed three oxen, and had not yet found favourable omens. The
senate ordered him to continue sacrificing the larger victims until he
should find favourable omens. They say that the victims offered to the
other deities at length presented good omens; but that in those offered
to Health, Petillius could find none such. Then the consuls and prætors
cast lots for their provinces, when Pisæ fell to Cneius Cornelius;
Liguria, to Petillius. Of the prætors, Lucius Papirius Maso obtained the
city jurisdiction; Marcus Abutius, the foreign; Marcus Cornelius Scipio
Maluginensis, the Farther Spain; Lucius Aquilius Gallus, Sicily. Two of
them petitioned to be excused from going into their provinces. First,
Marcus Popillius requested that he might not be obliged to go to
Sardinia, alleging that “Gracchus was bringing that province into a
state of tranquillity; that Titus Æbutius the præter had been given to
him by the senate as his assistant; and that it was by no means
expedient to interrupt the train of business, for the completion of
which there was no method so efficacious as the continuing the
management in the same hands; that, amid the transfer of command and
initiation of the successors, who must be impressed with a knowledge of
circumstances before they can proceed to action, opportunities of
successfully transacting matters were frequently lost.” The excuse of
Popillius was admitted. Then Publius Licinius Crassus alleged that he
was prevented from going into his province by solemn sacrifices. That
which had fallen to his lot was Hither Spain. But he was ordered either
to proceed thither, or to swear in the public assembly that he was
hindered by the performance of solemn anniversary sacrifices. When this
determination was made in the case of Publius Licinius, Marcus Cornelius
demanded that his oath, of the like import, might be admitted as an
excuse for his not going into the Farther Spain. Both the prætors
accordingly took an oath in the same words. Marcus Titinius and Titus
Fonteius, proconsuls, were ordered to remain in Spain, with authority as
before; and it was decreed that a reinforcement should be sent to them
of three thousand Roman foot, with two hundred horse; and five hundred
Latin foot, with three hundred horse.

16. The Latin festival was celebrated on the third day before the nones
of May;[73] and because, on the offering of one of the victims, the
magistrate of Lanuvium had not prayed for the ROMAN PEOPLE, THE
QUIRITES, religious scruples were felt. When the matter was laid before
the senate, and they referred it to the college of pontiffs, the latter
determined that the Latin festival had not been duly performed, and must
be repeated; and that the Lanuvians, on whose account they were
repeated, should furnish the victims. Besides the concern excited by
matters of a religious nature, another incident caused no small degree
of uneasiness. The consul Cneius Cornelius, as he was returning from the
Alban mount, fell down. And being paralysed in part of his limbs, set
out for the waters of Cumæ, where, his disorder still increasing, he
died. His body was conveyed to Rome to be buried, and the funeral
obsequies were performed with great magnificence: he was likewise a
pontiff. The other consul, Quintus Petillius, was ordered to hold an
assembly, as soon as the auspices could be taken, for the election of a
consul in the room of his late colleague, and to proclaim the Latin
festival. Accordingly, by proclamation, he fixed the election for the
third day before the nones of August,[74] and the Latin festival for the
third before the ides of the same month.[75] While the minds of the
people were full of religious fears, to add thereto, several prodigies
were reported to have happened; that a blazing torch was seen in the sky
at Tusculum; that the temple of Apollo, and many private buildings at
Gabii, and a wall and gate at Graviscæ, were struck by lightning. The
senate ordered these to be expiated as the pontiffs should direct. While
the consuls were detained, at first by religious ceremonies, and
afterwards, one of them, by the death of the other, and then by the
election and the repetition of the Latin festival, in the mean time
Caius Claudius marched the army to Mutina, which the Ligurians had taken
the year before. Before three days had elapsed from the commencement of
the siege he retook it, and delivered it back to the colonists; on this
occasion eight thousand Ligurians were killed within the walls. He
immediately despatched a letter to Rome, in which he not only
represented this success, but likewise boasted that through his good
conduct and good fortune there was not one enemy of the Roman people
left on this side the Alps; and that a large tract of land had been
taken, which might be distributed among many thousand men, giving each a
share.

17. During the same period, Tiberius Sempronius, after gaining many
victories, totally subdued the people of Sardinia. Fifteen thousand of
the enemy were slain. All the tribes of the Sardinians, who had
revolted, were brought under the dominion of Rome. On those which had
formerly been tributary, double taxes were, imposed and levied; the rest
paid a contribution in corn. When he had thus restored peace in the
province, and received hostages from all parts of the island, to the
number of two hundred and thirty, deputies are sent by him to Rome, to
give information of these transactions, and to request of the senate,
that in consideration of those services, performed under the conduct and
auspices of Tiberius Sempronius, a thanksgiving might be offered to the
immortal gods, and permission granted him to quit the province and bring
home the army with him. The senate, having given audience to the
deputies in the temple of Apollo, ordered a thanksgiving for two days,
and that the consuls should sacrifice forty victims of the larger kinds;
but commanded the proconsul, Tiberius Sempronius, and his army, to
continue in the province for the year. Then the election for filling the
vacant place of a consul, which had been fixed by proclamation for the
third day before the nones of August, was finished in one day, and the
consul Quintus Petillius declared Caius Valerius Lævinus duly elected
his colleague, who was to assume immediately the administration of his
office. This man, having been long ambitious of the government of a
province, when, very seasonably for the gratification of his wishes, a
letter now arrived with intelligence that the Ligurians were again in
arms, on the nones of August[76] assumed the military habit; and ordered
that, on account of this alarm, the third legion should march into Gaul,
and join Caius Claudius, proconsul, and that the commanders of the fleet
should sail with their ships to Pisæ, and coast along the Ligurian
shore, to terrify that people by the sight of a naval power also. The
other consul, Quintus Petillius, had appointed a day for his troops to
assemble in the same place. Besides, Caius Claudius, proconsul, on
hearing of the rebellion in Liguria, having hastily collected some
soldiers, in addition to those whom he had with him at Parma, brought
this army to the frontiers of Liguria.

18. On the approach of Caius Claudius, the enemy, reflecting that this
was the same commander who had defeated them at the river Scultenna,
resolving to rely on situation, rather than arms, for their defence
against a force with which they had so unsuccessfully struggled, took
post in two mountains, called Letum and Balista; and, for greater
security, surrounded their encampment with a wall. Some, who were too
slow in removing from the low grounds, were surprised and put to the
sword,—one thousand five hundred in number. The others kept themselves
close on the mountains; and retaining, in the midst of their fears,
their native savage disposition, vented their fury on the prey taken at
Mutina. They put their prisoners to death after shocking mutilation: the
cattle they butchered in the temples, rather than decently sacrificed:
and then (satiated with the destruction of living creatures) they turned
their fury against things inanimate, dashing against the walls even
vessels made for use rather than for show. Quintus Petillius, the
consul, fearing that the war might be brought to a conclusion before he
arrived in the province, wrote to Caius Claudius to bring the army into
Gaul, saying, that he would wait for him at the Long Plains. Claudius,
immediately on receipt of the letter, marched out of Liguria, and gave
up the command of the army to the consul at the Long Plains. To the same
place came, in a few days after, the other consul, Caius Valerius. There
having divided their forces before they separated, they both together
performed a purification of the troops. They then cast lots for their
respective routes, it having been resolved that they should not assail
the enemy on the same side. It was certain that Valerius cast his lot
auspiciously, because he was in the consecrated ground; the augurs
afterwards announced that there was this defect in the case of
Petillius, that he himself when outside the consecrated ground cast his
lot into the urn, which was subsequently brought into the sacred place.
They then began their march in different directions; Petillius pitched
his camp against the ridge of Balista and Letum, which joined the two
together with one continued range. They report, that while he was here
encouraging his soldiers, whom he had assembled for the purpose,
without reflecting on the ambiguity of the word, he uttered this ominous
expression: “This day I will have Letum.”[77] He made his troops march
up the mountain in two places at the same time. The division in which he
was advanced briskly: the other was repulsed by the enemy; and the
consul riding up thither, to remedy the disorder, rallied his troops;
but whilst he moves about too carelessly in the front, he was pierced
through with a javelin, and fell. The commanders of the enemy did not
know that he was killed; and the few of his own party who saw the
disaster, carefully covered the body from view, knowing that the victory
rested on this. The rest of the troops, horse and foot, though deprived
of their leader, dislodged the enemy, and took possession of the
mountains. Five thousand of the Ligurians were slain and of the Roman
army only fifty-two were lost. Besides this evident completion of the
unhappy omen, the keeper of the chickens was heard to say, that there
had been a defect in the auspices, and that the consul was not ignorant
of it. Caius Valerius, _when he was informed of the death of Quintus
Petillius, made the army, thus bereft of its commander, join his own;
then, attacking the enemy again, in their blood he offered a noble
sacrifice to the shade of his departed colleague. He had the honour of a
triumph over the Ligurians. The legion, at whose head the consul was
killed, was severely punished by the senate. They determined that the
campaign of this year should not be counted to the entire legion, and
that their pay should be stopped, for not exposing themselves to the
enemy’s weapons in defence of their commander. About this time
ambassadors came to Rome from the Dardanians, who mere greatly
distressed by the numerous army of Bastarnians, under Clondicus,
mentioned above. These ambassadors, after describing the vast multitude
of the Bastarnians, their tall and huge bodies, and their daring
intrepidity in facing danger, added, that there was an alliance between
them and Perseus, and that the Dardanians were really more afraid of him
than even of the Bastarnians; and therefore begged of the senate that
assistance should be sent them. The senate thereupon agreed, that
ambassadors should be sent to examine into the affairs of Macedonia; and
immediately a commission was given to Aulus Postumius to go thither.
They gave to him as colleagues some young men, that he might have the
principal direction and management of the embassy. The senate then took
into consideration the election of magistrates for the ensuing year, on
which subject there was a long debate: for_ people skilled in the rules
of religion and politics affirmed, that, as the regular consuls of the
year had died, one by the sword, the other by sickness, the substituted
consuls could not with propriety hold the elections. _An interregnum,
therefore, took place, and the interrex elected consuls Publius Mucius
Scævola, and Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, a second time Then Caius Popillius
Lænas, Titus Annius Luscus, Caius Memmius Gallus, Caius Cluvius Saxula,
Servius Cornelius Sulla, and Appius Claudius Centho, were chosen
prætors. The provinces assigned to the consuls were Gaul and Liguria. Of
the prætors, Cornelius Sulla obtained Sardinia, Claudius Centho gained
Hither Spain. There is no record of those to whom the other prætorian
provinces fell. This year was notorious for an epidemic, which however
attacked cattle only. The Ligurians, a nation ever vanquished, yet ever
rebelling, ravaged the lands of Luna and Pisæ; and at the same time
there were alarming rumours of disturbances in Gaul. Lepidus having
easily quelled the commotions among the Gauls, then marched into
Liguria. Several states of this country submitted themselves to his
disposal; and he, supposing that they were rendered savage by the rugged
mountain tops which they inhabited, as the dispositions of the
inhabitants of a country generally resemble its natural features, by the
precedent of some former consuls, brought them_ down to the plains. Of
these the Garulians, Lapicinians, and Hercatians had lived on the other
side of the Apennine, and the Briniatians on the farther side.

19. On the hither side of the river Audena, Quintus Mucius made war on
those who had wasted the lands of Luna and Pisæ: and having reduced them
all to subjection, he took away their arms from them. On account of
these services, performed under the conduct and auspices of the two
consuls, the senate voted a thanksgiving for three days, and sacrifices
of forty victims. The commotions which broke out in Gaul and Liguria, at
the beginning of this year, were thus speedily suppressed, without any
great difficulty; but the apprehensions of the public, respecting a war
with Macedon, still continued. For Perseus laboured to embroil the
Bastarnians with the Dardanians; and the ambassadors, sent to examine
into the state of affairs in Macedon, returned to Rome, and brought
certain information that hostilities had commenced in Dardania. At the
same time came envoys from king Perseus, to plead in excuse that neither
had the Bastarnians been invited by him, nor had they done any thing at
his instigation. The senate neither acquitted the king of the
imputation, nor urged it against him; they only ordered him to be warned
to be very careful to show, that he considered the treaty between him
and the Romans as inviolable. The Dardanians, perceiving that the
Bastarnians, so far from quitting their country, as they had hoped,
became daily more troublesome, as they were supported by the
neighbouring Thracians and Scordiscians, thinking it necessary to make
some effort against them, though without any reasonable prospect of
success, assembled together in arms from all quarters, at the town that
was nearest to the camp of the Bastarnians. It was now winter, and they
chose that season of the year, as supposing that the Thracians and
Scordiscians would return to their own countries. As soon as they heard
that these were gone, and the Bastarnians left by themselves, they
divided their forces into two parts, that one might march openly along
the straight road to attack the enemy; and that the other, going round
through a wood, which lay out of sight, might assault them on the rear.
But, before these could arrive at the enemy’s post, the fight commenced,
and the Dardanians were beaten, and pursued to the town, which was about
twelve miles from the Bastarnian camp. The victors immediately invested
the city, not doubting that, on the day following, either the enemy
would surrender it from fear, or they might take it by storm. Meanwhile
the other body of Dardanians, which had gone round, not having heard of
the defeat of their countrymen, _easily_ possessed themselves of the
camp of the Bastarnians, which had been left without a guard. _The
Bastarnians, thus deprived of all their provisions and warlike stores,
which were in their camp, and having no means of replacing them in a
hostile country, and at that unfavourable season, resolved to return to
their native home. Having therefore retreated to the Danube, they found
it, to their great joy, covered with ice, so thick as to seem capable of
sustaining any weight. But when the entire body of men and cattle,
hastening on, and crowding together, pressed on it at the same time, the
ice, splitting under the immense weight, suddenly parted, and being
overcome and broken up, left in the middle of the water the entire army
which it had supported so long. Most of them were immediately swallowed
in the eddies of the river. The fragments of the broken ice passed over
many of them in their attempt to swim and drowned them. A few out of the
entire nation with difficulty escaped to either bank, with their persons
severely crushed. About this time, Antiochus, son to Antiochus the
Great, who had been for a long time a hostage at Rome, came into
possession of the kingdom of Syria, on the death of his brother
Seleucus. For Seleucus, whom the Greeks call Philopator, after having
received the kingdom of Syria, which had been greatly debilitated by the
misfortunes of his father, during an idle reign of twelve years never
distinguished by any memorable enterprise at all, called home from Rome
this his younger brother, sending, in his stead, his own son Demenlius,
according to the terms of the treaty, which allowed the changing of the
hostages from time to time. Antiochus had but just reached Athens on his
way, when Seleucus was murdered, in consequence of a conspiracy formed
by Heliodorus, one of the nobles. Eumenes and Attalus expelled him
aiming at the crown, and put Antiochus in possession of it, and valued
it highly that they had bound him to them by this so important a favour.
They now began to harbour some jealousy of the Romans, on account of
several trifling causes of disgust. Antiochus, having gained the kingdom
by their aid, was received by the people with such transports of joy,
that they gave him the surname of Epiphanes, or Rising Star, because
when aliens to the royal blood were about to seize the throne, he
appeared like a propitious star, to assert his hereditary right. He was
not deficient in capacity or vigour of mind to make a figure in war; but
he was so perverse and indiscreet in the whole tenor of his conduct and
behaviour, that they soon changed the surname which they had given him,
and instead of Epiphanes, called him Epimanes or Madman. For often
having gone forth from the palace without the knowledge of his
servants, with one or two attendants, crowned with roses, and dressed in
robes embroidered with gold, he used to go through the city, sometimes
striking those that he met with stones that he carried under his arms;
sometimes, on the other hand, throwing money among the mob, and shouting
out, “Let him take to whom fortune shall give.” But at another time he
used to go through the workshops of the goldsmiths, and engravers and
other artisans, arguing vainly concerning the art of each; at another
time he engaged in conversation in public with any of the plebeian he
met; again, wandering around the common taverns, he indulged in
potations with foreigners and strangers of the lowest grade. If by
chance he had learned that any young men were celebrating an untimely
banquet, he himself at once came upon them suddenly, with a glass and a
concert, revelling and wantoning, so that most of them, struck with
terror at the strangeness of the matter, fled away, and the remainder
were silent in fear. It is ascertained also that, in the public baths,
he used to bathe with the mob. As however there he was in the habit of
using the most precious unguents, they report that a plebeian one day
said to him. “You are happy, O king: you savour of perfumes of the
highest value.” To whom Antiochus, delighted at his words, said, “I will
immediately make you so happy, that you will confess that you are
sated:” and immediately ordered a large pot of most valuable unguent to
be poured on his head, so that, the floor being drenched with it, both
the others began to fall on the slippery surface, and the king himself,
laughing heartily, came to the ground._

20. _Lastly, having assumed the Roman gown instead of his royal robes,
he used to go about the market-place, as lie had seen done by the
candidates for office at Rome, saluting and embracing each of the
plebeians; soliciting at one time for the ædileship, at another for the
plebeian tribuneship, until at last he obtained the office by the
suffrages of the people, and then, according to the Roman_ custom, he
took his seat in an ivory chair, where he heard causes, and listened to
debates on the most trivial matters. So far was his mind from adhering
to any routine, for it wandered through every sort of life, that it was
not ascertained either by himself or any one else what was his real
character. He was accustomed not to speak to his friends, nor scarcely
afford a smile, to his acquaintance. By an inconsistent kind of
liberality, he made himself and others subjects of ridicule; for to some
in the most elevated stations, and who thought highly of themselves, he
would give childish presents of sweetmeats, cakes, or toys; others
expecting nothing he enriched. Wherefore to many he appeared not to know
what he was doing; some said that he acted from a silly, sportive
temper; others, that he was evidently mad. In two great and honourable
instances, however, he showed a spirit truly royal,—in the presents
which he made to several cities, and the honour he paid to the gods. To
the inhabitants of Megalopolis, in Arcadia, he made a promise to build a
wall round their city, and he gave them the greater part of the money
requisite for the purpose. At Tegea he began to erect a magnificent
theatre of marble. At Cyzicum, he presented a set of golden utensils for
the service of one table in the Prytaneum, the state-room of the city;
where such as are entitled to that honour dine together. To the Rhodians
he gave presents of every kind that their convenience required, but none
very remarkable. Of the magnificence of his notions, in every thing
respecting the gods, the temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens can be a
sufficient testimony: being the only one in the world, the plan of which
was suitable to the greatness of the deity. He likewise ornamented Delos
with altars of extraordinary beauty, and abundance of statues. A
magnificent temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which he promised to build at
Antioch, of which not only the ceilings, but all the walls, were to be
covered with plates of gold, and many other edifices which he intended
in various places, he did not finish, as his reign was very short. He
surpassed his predecessors, too, in the magnificence of the public games
of every description; of which all the games but one were after their
own custom, and celebrated by an immense number of Grecian actors. He
gave a show of gladiators in the Roman manner, which at first, among &
people unaccustomed to such sights, caused more terror than pleasure;
but by frequently repeating them, and sometimes permitting the
combatants to go no further than wounds, at other times to fight until
one was killed, he rendered such kind of shows not only familiar to
people’s eyes, but even agreeable, and kindled in most of the young men
a passion for arms; so much so that, although, at the beginning, he was
obliged to entice gladiators from Rome, by high rewards, _he soon found
a sufficient number in his own dominions willing to perform for a
moderate hire. But he displayed the same worthlessness and levity in
exhibiting the games, as in the rest of his life, so that nothing could
be seen more magnificent than the preparation for the games, nothing
more vile or contemptible than the king himself. And when this appeared
often on other occasions, it was then most conspicuous in those games,
which, in emulation of the magnificence of those which were given by
Paulus in Macedon, after the conquest of Perseus, he exhibited at
immense expense, and with corresponding dishonour. To return, however,
to the Roman affairs, from which the mention of this king has caused us
to digress too far. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, after holding the
government of Sardinia two years, resigned it to Servius Cornelius
Sulla, the prætor, and, coming home to Rome, triumphed over the
Sardinians. We are told that he brought such a multitude of captives
from, that island, that from the long continuance of the sale,
“Sardinians for sale” became a vulgar proverb, to denote things of
little price. Both the consuls (Scævola and Lepidus) triumphed over the
Ligurians; Lepidus over the Gauls also. Then were held the elections of
magistrates for the ensuing year. Spurius Postumius Albinus and Quintus
Mucius Scævola were chosen consuls. In the election of prætors, fortune
involved Lucius or Cneius Cornelius Scipio, son of Publius Africanus,
one of the candidates, in a very invidious struggle with Caius
Cicereius, who had been his father’s secretary. For, after five prætors
had been declared, namely, Caius Cassius Longinus, Publius Furius
Philus, Lucius Claudius Asellus, Marcus Atilius Serranus, and Cneius
Servilius Cæpio; although Scipio struggled hard to be admitted even in
the last place, yet he was thought to have degenerated so far from the
virtues of his father, that Cicereius would have been preferred by the
votes of all the centuries, had not the latter, with singular modesty,
corrected what might be considered either the fault of fortune or error
of the elections. He could not reconcile it to himself, that, in a
struggle in the elections, he should gain the victory over the son of
his patron; but immediately throwing off the white gown, he became, from
a competitor sure of success, the grateful friend and supporter of
the interest of his rival. Thus, by the help of Cicereius Scipio
obtained an honour which he did not seem likely to gain from the people,
and which reflected greater glory on Cicereius than on himself._

21. _The provinces assigned to the consuls were Gaul and Liguria. On the
prætors casting lots, the city jurisdiction fell to Caius Cassius
Longinus_, and the foreign, to Lucius Cornelius Scipio. The province of
Sardinia fell to Marcus Atilius, who was ordered to sail over to Corsica
with a new legion, raised by the consuls, and consisting of five
thousand foot and three hundred horse; and while he was engaged in
carrying on the war there, Cornelius was continued in command, that he
might hold the government of Sardinia. To Cneius Servilius Cæpio, for
the service of Farther Spain, and to Publius Furius Philus for that of
Hither Spain, the following troops were assigned—to each, three thousand
Roman foot with one hundred and fifty horse, and five thousand Latin
foot with three hundred horse. Sicily was decreed to Lucius Claudius,
without any reinforcement. The consuls were ordered to levy two more
legions, of the regular numbers of foot and horse, and to demand from
the allies ten thousand foot and six hundred horse: but they met great
difficulty in making the levies; for the pestilence, which the year
before had fallen on the cattle, in the present year attacked the human
species. Such as were seized by it, seldom survived the seventh day;
those who did survive, lingered under a tedious disorder, which
generally turned to a quartan ague. The slaves especially perished, of
whom heaps lay unburied on all the roads. The necessary requisites could
not be procured for the funerals of those of free condition. The bodies
were consumed by putrefaction, without being touched by the dogs or
vultures; and it was universally observed, that during that and the
preceding year, while the mortality of cattle and men was so great, no
vultures were any where seen. Of the public priests, there died by this
contagion, Cneius Servilius Cæpio, father of the prætor, a pontiff;
Tiberius Sempronius Longus, son of Tiberius, decemvir of religious
rites; Publius Ælius Pætus, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, augurs;
Caius Mamilius Vitulus, chief curio; and Marcus Sempronius Tuditanus, a
pontiff. In the vacant places of pontiffs[78] were chosen * * * * and
Caius Sulpicius Galba, in the room of Tuditanus. The augurs substituted
were, Titus Veturius Gracchus Sempronianus, in place of Gracchus; and
Quintus Ælius Pætas, in place of Publius Ælius. Caius Sempronius Longus
was made decemvir of religious rites, and Caius Scribonius Curio, chief
curio. When the termination of the plague was not visible, the senate
voted that the decemvirs should consult the Sibylline books; and, by
their directions, a supplication of one day was performed; and the
people assembled in the forum made a vow, whilst Quintus Marcius
Philippus dictated the words, that “if the sickness and pestilence
should be removed out of the Roman territory, they would solemnize a
festival and thanksgiving of two days’ continuance.” In the district of
Veii, a boy was born with two heads; at Sinuessa, one with a single
hand; and at Oximum, a girl with teeth; in the middle of the day, the
sky being perfectly clear, a rainbow was seen, stretching over the
temple of Saturn, in the Roman forum, and three suns shone at once; and
the following night many lights were seen gliding through the air, about
Lanuvium. The people of Cære affirmed that there had appeared in their
town a snake with a mane, having its body marked with spots like gold;
and it was fully proved that an ox had spoken in Campania.

22. On the nones of June,[79] the ambassadors returned from Africa, who
having first had an interview with king Masinissa, proceeded to
Carthage; but they received much more certain information respecting
what had taken place in Carthage from the king than from the
Carthaginians themselves. They said they had sufficient proof that
ambassadors had come from king Perseus, and that an audience of the
senate was given to them by night, in the temple of Æsculapius; and the
king asserted, that the Carthaginians had sent ambassadors to Macedon,
which they themselves did not positively deny. The senate, hereupon,
resolved to send an embassy to Macedonia. They made choice of Caius
Lælius, Marcus Valerius Messala, and Sextus Digitius, who accordingly
proceeded thither. About this time, Perseus, because some of the
Dolopians were refractory, and in the matters in dispute were for
referring the decision from the king to the Romans, marched an army into
their country, and reduced the whole nation under his jurisdiction and
dominion. Thence he passed through the mountains of Œta, and on account
of some religious scruples affecting his mind, went up to Delphi, to
apply to the oracle. His sudden appearance in the middle of Greece
caused a great alarm, not only in the neighbouring states, but also
caused alarming intelligence to be brought into Asia to king Eumenes. He
staid only three days at Delphi, and then returned to his own dominions,
through Phthiotis, Achaia, and Thessaly, without doing the least injury
or damage to those countries. He did not think it sufficient to
conciliate the esteem of the several states through which his road lay;
but despatched either ambassadors or letters to every one of the Grecian
powers, requesting that they would “think no more of the animosities
which had subsisted between them and his father; that the disputes had
not been so violent that they might not, and ought not, to cease with
regard to himself. On his part, there was no kind of obstacle to the
forming of a cordial friendship.” Above all, he wished particularly to
find some way of ingratiating himself with the Achæan nation.

23. This nation, and the state of Athens, solitary exceptions to the
whole of Greece, had carried their resentment to such a length, as to
prohibit the Macedonians entering their territories. In consequence of
this, Macedonia became a place of refuge for slaves running away out of
Achaia; for, as the Achæans had forbidden the inhabitants of Macedon to
set foot in their territories, they could not presume to pass the
boundaries of that kingdom. When Perseus observed this, he seized all
the fugitives, and wrote a letter * * * * * * * “but that they ought to
consider of the proper means of preventing such elopements for the
future.” When this letter was read by the proætor Xenarchus, who was
seeking a path to private influence with the king, the greater part who
were present, but especially those who, contrary to their expectations,
were about to receive the slaves they had lost, commended the moderation
and kindness with which it was written; but Callierates, one who thought
that the safety of the nation depended on the treaty with Rome being
preserved inviolate, delivered his sentiments to this effect;—“To some
of you, Achæans, the matter under consideration appears trifling and
unimportant. I think that a very great and important subject is not only
under consideration, but to a certain extent decided. For we, who
prohibited the kings of Macedonia, and all their subjects, from entering
our territories, and made a perpetual decree, not to receive from those
sovereigns either ambassadors or messengers, by whom the minds of any of
us might be tampered with; we, I say, listen to the king speaking in a
manner, though absent, and what is more, approve of his discourse.
Although wild beasts generally reject and shun the food laid in their
way for their destruction; yet we, blinded by the specious offer of an
insignificant favour, swallow the bait, and would, for the sake of
recovering a parcel of wretched slaves, of no value worth mentioning,
suffer our independence to be undermined and subverted. For who does not
see that a way is being paved to an alliance with the king, by which the
treaty with Rome in which all our interests are involved would be
violated? That there must be a war between Perseus and the Romans, is
not, I believe, a matter of doubt to any one, and the struggle which was
expected during the life of Philip, and interrupted by his death, will,
now that he is dead, most certainly ensue. Philip, you all know, had two
sons, Demetrius and Perseus. Demetrius was much superior in birth, on
the mother’s side, in merit, capacity, and in the esteem of the
Macedonian nation. But Philip, having set up the crown as the prize of
hatred towards the Romans, put Demetrius to death, for no other crime
than having contracted a friendship with that people; and made Perseus
king, because he knew him to be an enemy to the Roman people almost
before he determined on making him king. Accordingly, what else has the
present king done since his father’s death, than prepare for the war? In
the first place, to the terror of all the surrounding nations, he
brought the Bastarnians into Dardania; where if they had made a lasting
settlement, Greece would have found them more troublesome neighbours
than Asia found the Gauls. Disappointed in that hope, he did not drop
his design of a war; nay, if we choose to speak the truth, he has
already commenced hostilities. He subdued Dolopia by force of arms; and
would not listen when they wished to appeal concerning their disputes to
the arbitration of the Romans. Then, crossing Œta, that he might show
himself in the very centre of Greece, he went up to Delphi. To what,
think you did his taking a journey so uncommon tend? He next traversed
Thessaly; and as to his refraining on his route from doing injury to the
people whom he hated, I dread his machinations the more on that very
account. He then sent a letter to us, with the hollow show of an act of
kindness, and bade us to consider measures by which we may not require
this gift for the future; that is, to repeal the decree by which the
Macedonians are excluded from Peloponnesus; to receive again ambassadors
from him their king; to renew intimacies contracted with his principal
subjects; and, in a short time, we should see Macedonian armies, with
himself at their head, crossing over the narrow strait from Delphi into
Peloponnesus, and thus we should be blended with the Macedonians, while
they are arming themselves against the Romans. My opinion is, that we
ought not to resolve on any new proceeding, but to keep every thing in
its present state, until the question shall be reduced to a certainty,
whether these our fears be well or ill grounded. If the peace between
the Romans and Macedonians shall continue inviolate, then may we also
have a friendship and intercourse with Perseus; but to think of such a
measure now, appears to me both premature and dangerous.”

24. After him, Arco, brother to the prætor Xenarchus, said:—“Callicrates
hath made the delivery of our sentiments difficult both to me and to
every one who differs in opinion from him; for after his pleading in
favour of the Roman alliance, alleging that it was undermined and
attacked, (although no one either undermines or attacks it,) he has
caused that whoever dissents from him must seem to argue against the
cause of the Romans. In the first place, as if he had not been here with
us, but had just left the senate-house of the Roman people, or had been
admitted into the privy councils of kings, he knows and tells us every
transaction that passes in secret. Nay more, he divines what would have
happened if Philip had lived, why Perseus became heir of the kingdom: in
such a manner, what are the intentions of the Macedonians, and what the
thoughts of the Romans. But we, who neither know for what cause, nor in
what manner, Demetrius perished, nor what Philip would have done, if he
had lived, ought to accommodate our resolutions to the transactions that
have passed in open view. We know that Perseus, on his coming to the
throne, sent ambassadors to Rome, and received the title of king from
the Roman people, and we hear that ambassadors came from Rome to the
king, and were graciously received by him. I consider that all these
circumstances are signs of peace, not of war; and that the Romans cannot
be offended, if as we imitated their conduct in war, so we follow now
their example in peace. For my part, I cannot see why we alone, of all
mankind, wage implacable war against the kingdom of the Macedonians. Are
we exposed to insult by a close neighbourhood to Macedon? or are we like
the Dolopians, whom Perseus subdued lately, the weakest of all states?
No; on the contrary, by the bounty of the gods, we are sufficiently
secured, as well by our own strength, as by the remoteness of our
situation. But we have as much reason to apprehend ill treatment, as the
Thessalians and Ætolians; have we no more credit or influence with the
Romans, though we were always their friends and allies, than the
Ætolians, who but lately were their enemies? Whatever reciprocal rights
the Ætolians, the Thessalians, the Epirots, in short, every state in
Greece, allow to subsist between them and the Macedonians, let us allow
the same. Why have we alone what may be termed a cursed neglect of the
ties of humanity? Philip may have done some act on account of which we
should pass this decree against him when in arms and waging war against
us: What has Perseus deserved, a king just seated on the throne,
guiltless of all injury against us, and effacing by his own kindness his
father’s feuds? Why should we be his only enemies? Although I might make
this assertion, that so great have been our obligations to the former
kings of Macedon, that the ill usage, suffered from a single prince of
their line, if any has really been suffered from Philip, * * *
especially after his death. When a Roman fleet was lying at Cenchreæ,
and the consul, with his army, was at Elatia, we were three days in
council, deliberating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip.
Now, granting that the fear of immediate danger from the Romans had no
influence on our judgments, yet there was, certainly, something that
made our deliberation last so long; and that was, the connexion which
had long subsisted between us and the Macedonians; the distinguished
favours in ancient times received from their kings. Let the same
considerations prevail at present,—not to make us his singular friends,
but to hinder us from becoming his singular enemies. Let us not,
Callicrates, pretend what is not even thought of. No one advises us to
form a new alliance, or sign a new treaty, by which we might
inconsiderately compromise ourselves, but merely that we may have the
intercourse of affording and demanding justice, and that we may not by
excluding his subjects from our territories, exclude ourselves from his
dominions, and that our slaves may not have any refuge to fly to. How
does this operate against the Roman treaty? Why do we give an air of
importance and suspicion to a matter which is trifling and open to the
world? Why do we raise groundless alarms? Why, for the sake of
ingratiating ourselves still more particularly with the Romans, render
others odious and suspected? If war shall take place even Perseus
himself does not doubt our taking part with the Romans. While peace
continues, let animosities if they are not terminated, be at least
suspended.” When those who approved of the king’s letter expressed their
approbation of this speech, the decree was postponed, owing to the
indignation of the chief men that Perseus should obtain by a letter of a
few lines a matter which he did not even deign worthy of an embassy.
Ambassadors were afterwards sent by the king, when a council was held at
Megalopolis; but exertions were made by those, who dreaded a rupture
with Rome, that they should not be admitted to an audience.

25. During this period the fury of the Ætolians, being turned against
themselves, seemed likely to cause the total extinction of that nation
by the massacres of the contending parties. Then both parties, being
wearied, sent ambassadors to Rome, and also opened a negotiation between
themselves for the restoration of concord: but this was broken off by an
act of barbarity, which revived their old quarrels. When a return to
their country had been promised to the exiles from Hypata, who were of
the faction of Proxenus, and the public faith had been pledged to them
by Eupolemus, the chief man of the state; eighty persons of distinction,
whom even Eupolemus, among the rest of the multitude, had gone forth to
meet on their return, though they were received with kind salutation,
and right hands were pledged to them, were butchered on entering the
gate, though they implored in vain the honour that had been pledged,
and the gods the witnesses of the transaction. On this the war blazed
out anew, with greater fury than ever. Caius Valerius Lævinus, Appius
Claudius Pulcher, Caius Memmius, Marcus Popilius, and Lucius Canuleius,
being sent as ambassadors by the senate, arrived in that country. When
the deputies from both parties pleaded their respective causes with
great energy, Proxenus appeared to have greatly the advantage as well in
the justice of his cause as in eloquence; a few days after, he was
poisoned by his wife Orthobula, who being convicted of the crime, went
into banishment. The same madness was wasting the Cretans also; but, on
the arrival of Quintus Minucius, lieutenant-general, who was sent with
ten ships to quiet their contentions, the inhabitants had some prospect
of peace; however, they only concluded a suspension of arms for six
months, after which the war was again renewed with much greater
violence. About this time, the Lycians, too, were harassed in war by the
Rhodians. But the wars of foreign nations among themselves, or the
several methods in which they were conducted, it is not my business to
detail; since I have a task of more than sufficient weight in writing
the deeds performed by the Roman people.

26. In Spain, the Celtiberians, (who, since their reduction by Tiberius
Gracchus, and their consequent surrender to him, had remained quiet;
when Marcus Titinius, the prætor, held the government of that province,)
on the arrival of Appius Claudius, resumed their arms, and commenced
hostilities by a sudden attack on the Roman camp. It was nearly the
first dawn when the sentinels on the rampart, and the men on guard
before the gates, descrying the enemy approaching at a distance, shouted
“to arms.” Appius Claudius instantly displayed the signal of battle;
and, after exhorting the troops, in few words, ordered them to rush out
by three gates at once. But they were opposed by the Celtiberians in the
very passage; and in consequence, the fight was for some time equal on
both sides, as, on account of the narrowness, the Romans could not all
come into action in the entrance; then pressing forward on one another,
whenever it was possible, they made their way beyond the trenches, so
that they were able to extend their line, and form a front equal to the
wings of the enemy, by which they were surrounded; and now they made
their onset with such sudden impetuosity, that the Celtiberians could
not support the assault. Before the second hour, they were driven from
the field; about fifteen thousand were either killed or made prisoners,
and thirty-two standards were taken. Their camp, also, was stormed the
same day, and a conclusion put to the war; for those who survived the
battle fled by different ways, to their several towns, and thenceforth
submitted quietly to the Roman government.

27. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus and Aulus Postumius, being created censors,
reviewed the senate this year. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, chief pontiff,
was chosen chief of the senate. Nine senators were expelled. The
remarkable censures pronounced were on Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis,
who had been prætor in Spain two years before; on Lucius Cornelius
Scipio, who was then prætor and exercised the jurisdiction between
natives and foreigners; and on Cneius Fulvius, brother to the censor,
and, as Valerius Antias says, partner in property. The consuls, after
offering vows in the Capitol, set out for their provinces. Marcus
Æmilius was commissioned by the senate to suppress an insurrection of
the Patavians in Venetia; for their own ambassadors had given
information that by the violent contests of opposing factions they had
broken out into civil war. The ambassadors who had gone into Ætolia, to
suppress commotions of a similar kind, reported on their return, that
the outrageous temper of that nation could not be restrained. The
consul’s arrival among the Patavians saved them from ruin; and having no
other business in the province, he returned to Rome. The present censors
were the first who contracted for paving the streets of Rome with flint
stones, for laying with gravel the foundation of roads outside the city,
and for forming raised foot-ways on the sides; for building bridges in
several places; and affording seats in the theatre to the prætors and
ædiles; they fixed up goals in the circus, with balls on the goals for
marking the number of courses of the chariots; and erected iron grates,
through which wild beasts might be let in. They caused the Capitoline
hill to be paved with flint, and erected a piazza from the temple of
Saturn, in the Capitol, to the council-chamber, and over that a public
hall. On the outside of the gate Trigemina, they also paved a
market-place with stones, and enclosed it with a paling; they repaired
the Æmilian portico, and formed an ascent, by stairs, from the Tiber to
the market-place. They paved, with flint, the portico, from the same
gate to the Aventine, and built a court-house: contracted for walls to
be built at Galatia and Oximum, and, after selling lots of ground there,
which belonged to the public, employed the money arising from the sale
in building shops round the forums of both places. Fulvius Flaccus (for
Postumius _declared_, that, without a decree of the senate, or order of
the people, he would not expend any money belonging to them) agreed for
building a temple of Jupiter at Pisaurum; and another at Fundi; for
bringing water to Pollentia; for paving the street of Pisaurum, and for
many various works at Sinuessa; among which were, the structure of a
sewer to fall into the river, the enclosure of the forum with porticoes
and shops, and erection of three statues of Janus. These works were all
contracted for by one of the censors, and gained him a high degree of
favour with those colonists. Their censorship was also very active and
strict in the superintendence of the morals of the people. Many knights
were deprived of their horses.

28. At the close of the year, there was a thanksgiving, for one day, on
account of the advantages obtained in Spain under the conduct and
auspices of Appius Claudius, the proconsul; and they sacrificed twenty
victims, of the larger kinds. There was also a supplication, for another
day, at the temples of Ceres, Liber, and Liberia, because a violent
earthquake with the destruction of many houses was announced from the
Sabines. When Appius Claudius came home from Spain, the senate voted
that he should enter the city in ovation. The election of consuls now
came on: when they were held, after a violent struggle in consequence of
the great number of candidates, Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus
Popilius Lænas were elected consuls. Then Numerius Fabius Buteo, Marcus
Matienus, Caius Cicereius, Marcus Furius Crassipes, a second time,
Marcus Atilius Serranus, a second time, and Caius Cluvius Saxula, a
second time, were chosen prætors. After the elections were finished,
Appius Claudius Centho, entering the city in ovation over the
Celtiberians, conveyed to the treasury ten thousand pounds’ weight of
silver, and five thousand of gold. Cneius Cornelius was inaugurated
flamen of Jupiter. In the same year a tablet was hung up in the temple
of mother Matuta, with this inscription:—UNDER THE COMMAND AND AUSPICES
OF TIBERIUS SEMPRONIUS GRACCHUS, CONSUL, A LEGION AND ARMY OF THE ROMAN
PEOPLE SUBDUED SARDINIA; IN WHICH PROVINCE ABOVE EIGHTY THOUSAND OF THE
ENEMY WERE KILLED OR TAKEN. HAVING EXECUTED THE BUSINESS OF THE PUBLIC
WITH THE HAPPIEST SUCCESS; HAVING RECOVERED THE REVENUES, AND RESTORED
THEM _to the commonwealth_,—HE BROUGHT HOME THE ARMY SAFE, UNINJURED,
AND ENRICHED WITH SPOIL, AND, A SECOND TIME, ENTERED THE CITY OF ROME IN
TRIUMPH. IN COMMEMORATION OF WHICH EVENT HE PRESENTED THIS TABLET AS AN
OFFERING TO JUPITER. A map of the island of Sardinia was engraved on the
tablet, and pictures of the battles fought there were delineated on it.
Several small exhibitions of gladiators were given to the public this
year; the only one particularly remarkable, was that of Titus
Flamininus, which he gave on occasion of his father’s death, and it was
accompanied with a donation of meat, a feast, and stage-plays, and
lasted four days. Yet, in the whole of this great exhibition, only
seventy-four men fought in three days. _The close of this year was
rendered memorable by the proposal of a new and important rule, which
occupied the state, since it was debated with great emotion. Hitherto,
as the law stood, women were as equally capable of receiving
inheritances as men. From which it happened that the wealth of the most
illustrious houses was frequently transferred into other families, to
the great detriment, as it was generally supposed, of the state; to
which it was no small advantage that there should be a sufficiency of
wealth to the descendants of distinguished ancestors, by which they
might support and do honour to their nobility of birth, which otherwise
would form a burden rather than honour to them. Besides, since with the
now growing power of the empire, the riches of private persons also were
increasing, fear was felt, lest the minds of women, being rather
inclined by nature to luxury, and the pursuit of a more elegant routine
of life, and deriving from unbounded wealth incentives to desire, should
fall into immoderate expenses and luxury, and should subsequently chance
to depart from the ancient sanctity of manners, so that there would be a
change of morals no less than of the manner of living. To obviate these
evils, Quintus Voconius Saxa, plebeian tribune, proposed to the people,
that “no person who should be rated after the censorship of Aulus
Postumius and Quintius Fulvius should make any woman, whether married
or unmarried his heir; also, that no woman, whether married or
unmarried, should be capable of receiving, by inheritance, goods
exceeding the value of one hundred thousand sesterces.”[80] Voconius,
also, thought it proper to provide that estates should not be exhausted
by the number of legacies, which sometimes happened. Accordingly he
added a clause to his law, that “no person should bequeath to any person
or persons property exceeding in value what was to go to the immediate
heirs.” This latter clause readily met the general approbation; it
appeared reasonable, and calculated to press severely on nobody.
Concerning the former clause, by which women were utterly disqualified
from receiving inheritances, there were many doubts. Marcus Cato put an
end to all hesitation, having been already, on a former occasion, a most
determined adversary and reprover of women, in the defence of the Oppian
law, who, although sixty-five years of age, with loud voice and good
lungs advocated this law of still greater importance, against them,
inveighing, with his usual asperity, against the tyranny of women, and
their unsufferable insolence token opulent: on the present occasion,
too, he declaimed against the pride and arrogance of the rich matrons,
“because they oftentimes, after bringing a great dowry to their husband,
kept back and retained for themselves a great sum of money, and lent
that money on such terms afterwards to their husbands, on their asking
it, that as often as they were angry they immediately pressed
importunately on their husbands, as if they were strange debtors, by a
reserved slave who followed them and daily importuned payment.” Moved by
indignation at this, they voted for passing the law as Voconius proposed
it._



Book XLII.


     _Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the censor, spoiled the temple of Juno at
     Lacinium of the marble tiles, to roof a temple which he was
     dedicating. The tiles were returned by a decree of the senate.
     Eumenes, the king of Asia, complained before the senate of Perseus,
     the king of Macedon; the outrages of the latter are laid before the
     Roman people. And when a war was proclaimed against him on account
     of these, Publius Licinius Crassus, the consul to whom it was
     intrusted, passed over into Macedon, and in trifling expeditions
     and cavalry actions, fought with Perseus in Thessaly, by no means
     successfully. An arbiter was appointed by the senate to decide
     concerning land disputed between Masinissa and the Carthaginians.
     Ambassadors were sent to request of the allied states and kings,
     that they would abide by their agreements, as the Rhodians wavered.
     The lustrum was closed by the censors. Two hundred and fifty-seven
     thousand two hundred and thirty-one citizens were rated. It
     includes besides, the successes gained over the Corsicans and
     Ligurians._


1. When Lucius Postumius Albinus and Marcus Popilius Lænas brought
before the senate first of all the distribution of the provinces,
Liguria was assigned the joint province of both, with directions that
they should enlist new legions, by which they would hold that province
(two were decreed to each); and also ten thousand foot and six hundred
horse of the Latin confederates; and as a supplement to the army in
Spain, three thousand Roman foot and two hundred horse. One thousand
five hundred Roman foot and one hundred horse were ordered to be raised;
with which the prætor, to whose lot Sardinia might fall, should cross
over to Corsica, and carry on the war there; and it was further ordered,
that in the mean time the former prætor, Marcus Atilius, should obtain
the province of Sardinia. The prætors then cast lots for their
provinces. Aulus Atilius Serranus obtained the city jurisdiction; Caius
Cluvius Saxula, that between natives and foreigners; Numerius Fabius
Buteo, Hither Spain; Marcus Matienus, Farther Spain; Marcus Furius
Crassipes, Sicily; and Caius Cicereius, Sardinia. The senate resolved
that, before the magistrates went abroad, Lucius Postumius should go
into Campania, to fix the bounds between the lands which were private
property and those which belonged to the public; for it was understood
that individuals, by gradually extending their bounds, had taken
possession of a very considerable share of the common lands. He, being
enraged with the people of Præneste because, when he had gone thither as
private individual to offer sacrifice in the temple of Fortune, no
honour had been paid him, either in public or private, by the people of
Præneste, before he set out from Rome, sent a letter to Præneste,
ordering the chief magistrate to meet him, and to provide him lodging at
the public expense; and that, at his departure, cattle should be ready
to carry his baggage. No consul before him ever put the allies to any
trouble or expense whatever. Magistrates were furnished with mules,
tents, and every other requisite for a campaign, in order that they
might not make any such demands. They had private lodgings, in which
they behaved with courtesy and kindness, and their houses at Rome were
always open to their hosts with whom they used to lodge. Ambassadors
indeed sent to any place, on a sudden emergency, demanded each a single
horse in the several towns through which their journey lay; but the
allies never contributed any other portion of the expense of the Roman
magistrates. The resentment of the consul, which, even if well founded,
ought not to have been exerted during his office, and the too modest or
too timid acquiescence of the Prænestines, gave to the magistrates, as
if by an approved precedent, the privilege of imposing orders of this
sort, which grew more burdensome daily.

2. In the beginning of this year the ambassadors, who had been sent to
Ætolia and Macedon, returned, and reported that “they had not been able
to obtain an interview with Perseus, as some of his court said that he
was abroad, others that he was sick; both of which were false pretences.
Nevertheless, that it was quite evident that war was in preparation, and
that he would no longer put off the appeal to arms. That in Ætolia,
likewise, the dissensions grew daily more violent; and the leaders of
the contending parties were not to be restrained by their authority.” As
a war with Macedon was daily expected, the senate resolved, that before
it broke out all prodigies should be expiated, and the favour of such
gods, as should be found expressed in the books of the Fates, invoked by
supplications. It was said that at Lanuvium the appearance of large
fleets was seen in the air; that at Privernum black wool grew out of the
ground; that in the territory of Veii, at Remens, a shower of stones
fell; and that the whole Pomptine district was covered with clouds of
locusts; also that in the Gallic province, where a plough was at work,
fishes sprung up from under the earth as it was turned. On account of
these prodigies the books of the Fates were accordingly consulted, and
the decemvirs directed both to what gods and with what victims,
sacrifices should be offered; likewise that a supplication should be
performed, in expiation of the prodigies; and also that another, which
had been vowed in the preceding year for the health of the people,
should be celebrated, and likewise a solemn festival. Accordingly,
sacrifices were offered in accordance with the written directions of the
decemvirs.

3. In the same year, the temple of Juno Lacinia was uncovered. Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus, the censor, was erecting a temple to Equestrian
Fortune, which he had vowed when prætor during the Celtiberian war, with
anxious desire that it should not be surpassed by any other at Rome,
either in size or magnificence. Thinking that he would add a very great
ornament to this temple if the tiles were marble, he went to Bruttium,
and stripped, off about the half of those belonging to the temple of the
Lacinian Juno; for he computed that so many would be sufficient to cover
the one he was building. Ships were in readiness to take on board the
materials, while the allies were deterred by the authority of the censor
from preventing the sacrilege. When the censor returned, the marble was
landed and carried to the temple; but though he made no mention of the
place from which it was brought, yet such an affair could not be
concealed. Accordingly, considerable murmuring arose in the senate; from
all sides of the house a demand was made that the consuls should lay
that matter before the senate. When the censor, on being summoned,
appeared in the senate-house, they all, both separately and in a body,
inveighed against him with great asperity. They cried out that “he was
not content with violating the most venerable temple in all that part
of the world, a temple which neither Pyrrhus nor Hannibal had violated;
but he had stripped it shamefully, and almost demolished it. Though
created censor for the purpose of regulating men’s manners, and bound in
duty, according to long-established rules, to enforce the repairing of
edifices for public worship, and the keeping them in due order, he had
nevertheless gone about through the cities of the allies, stripping the
roofs of their sacred buildings, and even demolishing them. In a word,
what might be deemed scandalous if practised on private houses, he
committed against the temples of the immortal gods; and that he involved
the Roman people in the guilt of impiety, building temples with the
ruins of temples; as if the deities were not the same in all places, but
that some should be decorated with the spoils of others.” When it was
evident what were the sentiments of the senators, before their opinion
was asked; when the question was put, they unanimously concurred in
voting, that a contract should be entered into for carrying the tiles
back to the temple, and that atonements should be offered to Juno. What
regarded the atonements was carefully executed; the contractors made a
report that they were obliged to leave the marble in the court of the
temple, because no workman could be found who knew how to replace the
same.

4. Of the prætors who set out for the provinces, Numerius Fabius, on his
way to Hither Spain, died at Marseilles. Therefore when this was
announced by envoys from Marseilles, the senate resolved that Publius
Furius and Cneius Servilius, to whom successors had been sent, should
cast lots to determine which of them should hold the government of
Hither Spain, with a continuation of authority; and the lot determined,
very fortunately, that Publius Furius, whose province it had formerly
been, should continue. During the same year, on its appearing that large
tracts of land in Gaul and Liguria, which had been taken in war, lay
unoccupied, the senate passed a decree, that those lands should be
distributed in single shares; and Aulus Titilius, city prætor, in
pursuance of the said decree, appointed ten commissioners for that
Purpose, namely, Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, Caius Cassius, Titus Æbutius
Carus, Caius Tremellius, Publius Cornelius Cethegus, Quintus and Lucius
Appuleius, Marcus Cæcilius, Caius Salonius, and Caius Munatius. They
apportioned ten acres to each Roman, and three to each Latin colonist.
During the same time in which these transactions took place, ambassadors
came to Rome from Ætolia with representations of the quarrels and
dissensions subsisting in that country; likewise Thessalian ambassadors,
announcing the transactions in Macedon.

5. Perseus, revolving in his mind the war, which had been resolved on
during the life-time of his father, endeavoured, by sending embassies,
and by promising a great deal more than he performed, to attach to
himself not only the commonwealth of Greece, but also each particular
state. However the feelings of the majority were inclined in his favour,
and much better disposed towards him than Eumenes, although all the
states of Greece, and most of the leading men, were under obligations to
the latter for benefits and gifts; and although he so conducted himself
in his sovereignty, that the cities which were under his dominion would
not exchange their condition for that of any free state. On the
contrary, there was a general report that Perseus, after his father’s
death, had killed his wife with his own hand; that Apelles, formerly the
agent of his treachery in the destruction of his brother, and on that
account sought anxiously by Philip, for punishment, being in exile, was
invited by him, after the death of his father, by great promises, to
receive a guerdon for rendering so important services, and was secretly
put to death. Although he had rendered himself infamous by many other
murders, both of his own relations and of others, and possessed not one
good quality to recommend him, yet the Grecian states in general gave
him the preference to Eumenes who was so affectionate towards his
relations, so just toward his subjects, and so liberal towards all
mankind; either because they were so prejudiced by the fame and dignity
of the Macedonian kings, as to despise a kingdom lately formed, or were
led by a wish for a change in affairs, and wished him to be exposed to
the arms of the Romans. The Ætolians were not the only people in a state
of distraction, on account of the intolerable burden of their debts: the
Thessalians were in the same situation; and the evil, acting by
contagion like a pestilence, had spread into Perrhæbia also. As soon as
it was known that the Thessalians were in arms, the senate sent Appius
Claudius, as ambassador, to examine and adjust their affairs. He
severely reprimanded the leaders of both parties; and after cancelling
so much of the debts as had been accumulated by iniquitous usury, which
he did with the consent of the greater part of the creditors themselves,
he ordered the remaining just debts to be discharged by annual payments.
Affairs in Perrhæbia were arranged in the same manner by the same
Appius. In the mean time, Marcellus, at Delphi, gave a hearing to the
disputes of the Ætolians, which they maintained with no less hostile
acrimony than they had shown against each other in the heat of their
civil war. Perceiving that they vied with each other in inconsiderate
violence, he did not choose to make any determination, to lighten or
aggravate the grievances of either party, but required of both alike to
cease from hostilities, and, forgetting what was past, to put an end to
their quarrels. The good faith of the mutual reconciliation was
confirmed by a reciprocal exchange of hostages.

6. Corinth was agreed upon as the place where the hostages should be
lodged. Marcellus crossed over from Delphi, and the Ætolian council,
into Peloponnesus, where lie had summoned a diet of the Achæans. There,
by the praises which he bestowed on that nation, for having resolutely
maintained their old decree, which prohibited the admission of the
Macedonian kings within the limits of their territories, he manifested
the inveterate hatred of the Romans towards Perseus; and this hatred
broke out into effect the sooner, in consequence of king Eumenes coming
to Rome, and bringing with him a written statement of the preparations
made for war, which he had drawn up, after a full inquiry into every
particular. Five ambassadors were now sent to the king, in order to take
a view of affairs in Macedon. The same were ordered to proceed to
Alexandria to Ptolemy, to renew the treaty of friendship. These were
Caius Valerius, Cneius Lutatius Cerco, Quintus Bæbius Sulca, Marcus
Cornelius Mammula, and Marcus Cæcilius Denter. About the same time, came
ambassadors from king Antiochus; and the principal of them, called
Apollonius, being admitted to an audience of the senate, presented, on
behalf of his king, many and reasonable apologies for paying the tribute
later than the day appointed. “He now brought,” he said, “the whole of
it, that the king might require no favour except the delay of time. He
brought besides a present of gold vases, in weight five hundred pounds.
Antiochus requested, that the treaty of alliance and amity, which had
been made with his father, might be renewed with him; and that the Roman
people might demand from him every service which might be required from
a king who was a good and faithful ally: that he would never be remiss
in the performance of any duty. Such had been the kindness of the senate
towards him when he was at Rome, such the courtesy of the young men,
that, among all ranks of men, he was treated as a sovereign, not as a
hostage.” A gracious answer was returned to the ambassadors, and Aulus
Atilius, city prætor, was ordered to renew with Antiochus the alliance
formerly made with his father. The city quæstors received the tribute,
and the censors the golden vases; and the business of placing them in
whatever temples they should judge proper, was assigned to them. One
hundred thousand _asses_[81] were presented to the ambassador, and a
house at the public cost was given him for his accommodation, and it was
ordered that his expenses should be paid as long as he would remain in
Italy. The ambassadors, who had been in Syria, represented him as
standing in the highest degree of favour with the king, and a very warm
friend to the Roman people.

7. The following were the events in the provinces during this year.
Caius Cicereius, prætor in Corsica, fought the enemy in a pitched
battle, in which seven thousand of the Corsicans were slain, and more
than one thousand seven hundred taken. During the engagement the prætor
vowed a temple to Juno Moneta. Peace was then granted to the Corsicans,
on their petitioning for it, and a contribution was imposed, of two
hundred thousand pounds’ weight of wax. Cicereius crossed over from
Corsica, which he had reduced to subjection, to Sardinia. In Liguria,
also, a battle was fought in the territory of Satiella, at the town of
Carystas. A large army of Ligurians had assembled there, who, for some
time after Marcus Popilius’ arrival, kept themselves within the walls;
but afterwards, when they perceived that the Roman general would lay
siege to the town, they marched out beyond the gates, and drew up in
order of battle. The consul did not decline an engagement, as that was
the object which he endeavoured to gain by threatening a siege. The
fight was maintained for more than three hours, in such a manner, that
the hope of victory leaned to neither side; but when the consul
perceived that the Ligurian battalions no where gave ground, he ordered
the cavalry to mount their horses, and charge in three places at once,
with all possible violence. A great part of the horse broke through the
middle of the enemy’s line, and made their way to the rear of the troops
engaged, owing to which manœuvre, terror was struck into the Ligurians.
They fled in different directions on all sides. Very few ran back into
the town, because in that quarter, chiefly, the cavalry had thrown
themselves in their way. So obstinate a contest swept off great numbers
of the Ligurians, and many perished in the flight; ten thousand of them
are said to have been killed, and more, than seven hundred taken, in
various places; besides which, the victors brought off eighty-two of
their military standards. Nor was the victory gained without loss of
blood; above three thousand of the conquerors fell in the conflict; for
as neither party gave way, the foremost on both sides were cut off.

8. When the Ligurians re-assembled in one body, after their scattered
flight, they found that a much greater number of their countrymen were
lost than left alive (for there were not above ten thousand men
surviving); on which they surrendered. They did not stipulate for any
terms, yet entertained hopes that the consul would not treat them with
greater severity than former commanders. But he immediately took their
arms from them, razed their town, and sold themselves and their effects;
and he then sent a letter to the senate, relating the services which he
had performed. When Aulus Atilius, the prætor, read this letter in the
council, (for the other consul, Postumius, was absent, being employed in
surveying the lands in Campania,) the proceeding appeared to the senate
in a heinous light; “that the people of Satiella, who alone, of all the
Ligurian nation, had not borne arms against the Romans, should be
attacked, when not offering hostilities, and even after surrendering
themselves in dependence on the protection of the Roman people, should
be butchered and exterminated, that so many thousands of innocent
persons suffering, who had implored the protection of the Roman people,
established the worst possible precedent, calculated to deter any one
from ever venturing to surrender to them; dragged as the were away into
various parts of the country, and made slaves to those who were formerly
the avowed enemies of Rome, though now reduced to quiet. That for these
reasons the senate ordered, that the consul, Marcus Popilius, should
reinstate the Ligurians in their liberty, repaying the purchase-money to
the buyers, and should likewise use his best endeavours to recover and
restore their effects. That arms should be made for them, as soon as
possible; and that the consul should not depart from his province before
he restored to their country the Ligurians that had surrendered. That
victory derived its lustre from conquering the enemy in arms, not from
cruelty to the vanquished.”

9. The consul exerted the same ferocious spirit in disobeying the
senate, which he displayed towards the Ligurians. He immediately sent
the legions into winter quarters at Pisæ, and, full of resentment
against the senators and the prætor, went home to Rome; where, instantly
assembling the senate in the temple of Bellona, he used many invectives
against the prætor, who, “when he ought to have proposed to the senate
that thanksgiving should be offered to the immortal gods, on account of
the happy successes obtained by the Roman arms, had procured a decree of
the senate against him, in favour of the enemy, by which he might
transfer his victory to the Ligurians; and, though only a prætor, he had
ordered the consul, in a manner, to be surrendered to them: he therefore
gave notice, that he would sue to have him fined. From the senate he
demanded, that they should order the decree of the senate passed against
him to be cancelled; and that the thanksgiving, which they, though they
were far from him, ought to have voted on the authority of his letter,
sent from abroad, with an account of the success of the arms of the
commonwealth, should, now when he was present, be voted; first, in
consideration of the honour due to the immortal gods, and next, out of
some kind of regard to himself.” Being censured to his face no less
severely than in his absence, in the speeches of several of the
senators, and having obtained neither request, he returned to his
province. The other consul, Postumius, after spending the whole summer
in surveying the lands, without even seeing his province, came home to
Rome to hold the elections. He appointed Caius Popillius Lænas and
Publius Ælius Ligus, consuls. Then Caius Licinius Crassus, Marcus Junius
Pennus, Spurius Lucretius, Spurius Cluvius, Cneius Sicinius, and Caius
Memmius, a second time, were elected prætors.

10. The lustrum was closed this year. The censors were Quintus Fulvius
Flaccus and Lucius Postumius Albinus, the latter of whom performed the
ceremony. In this survey were rated two hundred and sixty-nine thousand
and fifteen Roman citizens. The number was considerably less, because
the consul Lucius Postumius, gave public orders, in assembly, that none
of the Latin allies (who, according to the edict of the consul, Caius
Claudius, ought to have gone home) should be surveyed at Rome, but all
of them in their respective countries. Their censorship was conducted
with perfect harmony and zeal for the public good. They disfranchised
and degraded from their tribes every one whom they expelled the senate,
or from whom they took away his horse; nor did either approve a person
censured by the other. Fulvius, at this time, dedicated the temple of
Equestrian Fortune, which he had vowed six years before, and when
proconsul in Spain, during the battle with the Celtiberians; he also
exhibited stage-plays, which lasted four days, in one of which the
performance was in the circus. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus, decemvir in
religious matters, died this year, and Aulus Postumius Albinus was
substituted in his room. Such great crowds of locusts were suddenly
brought by the wind over the sea into Apulia, that they covered the
country far and wide with their swarms. In order to remove this pest, so
destructive to the fruits of the earth, Caius Sicinius, prætor elect,
was sent in command, with a vast multitude of people assembled, to
gather them up, and spent a considerable time in that business. The
beginning of the year in which Caius Popillius and Publius Ælius were
consuls, was employed in the disputes which had arisen in the last. The
senators were desirous that the business respecting the Ligurians should
be re-considered, and the decree renewed. Ælius, the consul, was willing
to propose it, but Popillius warmly interceded for his brother, both
with his colleague and the senate; and by giving notice, that if they
would pass any vote on the subject he would enter his protest, he
deterred him from proceeding in the matter. The senate being hereby
equally incensed against them, persisted the more obstinately in their
intention; and when they took into consideration the distribution of the
provinces, although Macedon was earnestly sought by the consuls, because
a war with Perseus was daily expected, yet the Ligurians were assigned
as the province of both. They declare that they would not vote Macedonia
to them, unless the question were put on the affair of Marcus Popilius.
The consuls afterwards demanded that they might be authorized to raise
either new armies, or recruits to fill up the old; both demands were
refused. To the prætors also, when seeking a reinforcement for Spain, a
refusal is given: to Marcus Junius for Hither Spain, and to Spurius
Lucretius for the Farther. Caius Licinius Crassus obtained by lot the
city jurisdiction; Cneius Sicinius, the foreign; Caius Memmius, Sicily;
and Spurius Cluvius, Sardinia. The consuls, enraged against the senate
on account of this conduct, having proclaimed an early day for the Latin
festival, declared openly that they would go away to their province, and
would not transact any kind of business, except what belonged to their
own government.

11. Valerius Antias writes, that, in this consulate, Attalus, brother to
king Eumenes, came to Rome as ambassador, to lay heavy charges against
Perseus, and give an account of his preparations for war. But the
greater number of historians, and those deemed most worthy of credit,
assert, that Eumenes came in person. Eumenes then, on his arrival, being
received with every degree of respect which the Roman people judged
suitable, not merely to his deserts, but also to their own former
favours, bestowed on him in great abundance, was introduced to the
senate. He said, that “The cause of his coming to Rome, besides his wish
to visit those gods and men who had placed him in a situation beyond
which he could not presume to form a wish, was, that he might in person
forewarn the senate to counteract the designs of Perseus.” Then,
beginning with the projects of Philip, he mentioned his murder of
Demetrius, because that prince was averse to a war with Rome; that the
Bastarnian nation was summoned from their homes, that, relying on their
aid, he might pass over into Italy. While his thoughts were busied in
plans of this sort, he was surprised by the approach of death, and left
his kingdom to the person whom he knew to be, of all men, the bitterest
foe to the Romans. “Perseus therefore,” said he, “having received this
scheme of a war, as a legacy bequeathed by his father, and descending to
him along with the crown, advances and improves it, as his primary
object, by every means that he can devise. He is powerful, in respect of
the number of his young men, since a long peace has produced a plentiful
progeny; he is powerful in respect to the resources of his kingdom, and
powerful, likewise, in respect to his age. And as, at his time of life,
he possesses vigour of body, so his mind has been thoroughly trained,
both in the theory and practice of war; for even from his childhood he
became inured to it, in his father’s tent, not only in the wars against
the neighbouring states, but also against the Romans, being employed by
him in many and various expeditions. Already, since he has received the
government, he has, by a wonderful train of prosperous events,
accomplished many things which Philip, after using his best efforts,
could never effect, either by force or artifice.

12. “There is added to his strength such a degree of influence as is
usually acquired, in a great length of time, by many and important
kindnesses. For, in the several states throughout Greece and Asia, all
men revere the dignity of his character; nor do I perceive for what
deserts, for what generosity, such uncommon respect is paid him; neither
can I with certainty say whether it occurs through some good fortune
attending him, or whether, what I mention with reluctance a general
dislike to the Romans attaches men to his interest. Even among sovereign
princes he is great by his influence. He married the daughter of
Seleucus, a match which he did not solicit, but to which he was
solicited by her friends; and he gave his sister in marriage to Prusias,
in compliance with his earnest prayers and entreaties. Both these
marriages were solemnized amidst congratulations and presents from
innumerable embassies, and were escorted by the most renowned nations,
acting as bridal attendants. The Bœotians could never be brought, by all
the intrigues of Philip, to sign a treaty of friendship with him; but
now, a treaty with Perseus is engraved at three different places, at
Thebes, in Delos, in the most venerable and celebrated temple, and at
Delphi. Then, in the diet of Achaia, (only that the proceeding was
quashed by a few persons, threatening them with the displeasure of the
Roman government,) the business was nearly effected of allowing him
admission into Achaia. But, as to the honours formerly paid to myself,
(whose kindness to that nation have been such, that it is hard to say
whether my public or private benefactions were the greater,) they have
been lost, partly through neglect, and partly by hostile means Who does
not know that the Ætolians, lately, on occasion of their intestine
broils, sought protection, not from the Romans, but from Perseus? For,
while he is upheld by these alliances and friendships, he has at home
such preparations of every requisite for war, that he wants nothing from
abroad. He has thirty thousand foot and five thousand horse, and is
laying up a store of corn for ten years, so that he can be independent
of his own territory or that of his enemies with respect to provisions.
He has amassed money to such an amount, as to have in readiness the pay
of ten thousand mercenary soldiers, besides the Macedonian troops, for
the same number of years, as well as the annual revenue accruing from
the royal mines. He has stored up arms for three times that number of
men; and has Thrace under subjection, from which, as a never-failing
spring, he can draw supplies of young men if ever Macedon should become
exhausted.”

13. The rest of his discourse contained exhortations to timely
exertions: “Conscript fathers,” said he, “I make these representations
to you, and they are not founded on uncertain rumours, and too readily
believed by me, because I wished such charges against my enemy to be
true; but on a clear discovery of the facts, as if I had been sent by
you to reconnoitre, and I were now relating what took place before my
eyes. Nor would I have left my kingdom, which you have rendered ample
and highly respectable, and crossed such a tract of sea, to injure my
own credit by offering you unauthenticated reports. I saw the most
remarkable states of Asia and Greece, every day, gradually unfolding
their sentiments, and ready to proceed, shortly, to such lengths as
would not leave them room for repentance. I saw Perseus, not confining
himself within the limits of Macedonia, but seizing some places by force
of arms, and seducing, by favour and kindness, those which could not be
subdued by force. I perceived the unfair footing on which matters stood,
while he was preparing war against you, and you bestowing on him the
security of peace; although, to my judgment, he did not appear to be
preparing, but rather waging war. He dethroned Abrupolis, your ally and
friend. He put to death Artetarus, the Illyrian, another ally and friend
of yours, because he heard that some information had been written to you
by him. He managed that Eversa and Callicrates, the Thebans, who were
leading men in their state, should be taken off, because, in the council
of the Bœotians, they had spoken with more than ordinary freedom against
him and declared that they would inform you of what was going on. He
carried succour to the Byzantians, contrary to the treaty. He made war
on Dolopia. He overran Thessaly and Doris with an army, in order to take
advantage of the civil war then raging, and by the help of the party
which had the worst cause to crush the other which had more justice on
its side. He raised universal confusion and disorder in Thessaly and
Perrhæbia, by holding out a prospect of an abolition of debts, that, by
the means of the multitude of debtors thereby attached to his interest,
he might overpower the nobles. Since he has performed all these acts
with your acquiescence and silent endurance, and has seen Greece yielded
up to him by you, he firmly believes that he will not meet with one
opponent in arms, until he arrives in Italy. How safe or how honourable
this might be for you, you yourselves may consider; for my part, I
thought it would certainly reflect dishonour on me, if Perseus should
come into Italy to make war, before I, your ally, came to warn you to be
on your guard. Having discharged this duty, necessarily incumbent on me,
and, in some measure, freed and exonerated my faith; what can I do
further, but beseech the gods and goddesses that you may adopt such
measures as will prove salutary to yourselves, to your commonwealth, and
to us your allies and friends who depend upon you?”

14. His discourse made a deep impression on the senate. However, for the
present, no one, without doors, could know any thing more than that the
king had been in the senate-house, in such secrecy were the
deliberations of the senate involved; and it was not until after the
conclusion of the war, that the purport of king Eumenes’ speech, and the
answer to it, transpired. In a few days after, the senate gave audience
to the ambassadors of Perseus. But their feelings as well as their ears
were so prepossessed by king Eumenes, that every plea offered in his
justification by the ambassadors, and every argument to alleviate the
charges against him, were disregarded. They were still further
exasperated by the immoderate presumption of Harpalus, chief of the
embassy, who said, that “the king was indeed desirous and even anxious
that credit should be given to him when pleading in his excuse that he
had neither said nor done any thing hostile; but that if he saw them
obstinately bent on finding out a pretence for war, he would defend
himself with determined courage. The fortune of war was open to all and
the issue uncertain.” All the states of Greece and Asia were full of
curiosity to learn what the ambassadors of Perseus, and what Eumenes,
had effected with the senate; and most of them, on hearing of the
latter’s journey to Rome, which they supposed might produce material
consequences, had sent ambassadors thither who pretended other business.
Among the rest came an embassy from Rhodes, at the head of which was a
person named Satyrus, who had no kind of doubt but that Eumenes had
included his state in the accusations brought against Perseus. He
therefore endeavoured, by every means, through his patrons and friends,
to get an opportunity of debating the matter with Eumenes in presence of
the senate. When he obtained this, he inveighed against that king with
intemperate vehemence, as having instigated the people of Lycia to an
attack on the Rhodians, and as being more oppressive to Asia than
Antiochus had been. He delivered a discourse flattering indeed, and
acceptable to the states of Asia, (for the popularity of Perseus had
spread even to them,) but very displeasing to the senate, and
disadvantageous to himself and his nation. This apparent conspiracy
against Eumenes, increased, indeed, the favour of the Romans towards
him; so that every kind of honour was paid, and the most magnificent
presents were made him; among which were a curule chair and an ivory
sceptre.

15. After the embassies were dismissed, when Harpalus went back into
Macedon with all the haste he could, and told the king that he had left
the Romans, not indeed making immediate preparations for war, but in
such an angry temper, that it was very evident they would not defer it
long; Perseus himself, who all along believed that this would be the
case, now even wished for it, as he thought himself at the highest pitch
of power that he could ever expect to attain. He was more violently
incensed against Eumenes than against any other; and being desirous of
commencing the war with his bloodshed, he suborned Evander, a Cretan,
commander of the auxiliaries, and three Macedonians, who were accustomed
to the perpetration of such deeds, to murder that king; and gives them a
letter to a woman called Praxo, an acquaintance of his, the wealthiest
and most powerful person at Delphi. It was generally known that Eumenes
intended going up to Delphi to sacrifice to Apollo. The assassins having
reconnoitred the around with Evander, sought for nothing else than a fit
place to execute their design. On the road from Cirrha to the temple,
before you come to the places thickly inhabited, there was a wall on the
left side of a narrow path projecting a little from the foundation, by
which single persons could pass; the part on the right formed a
precipice of considerable depth by the sinking of the ground. Behind
this wall they concealed themselves, and raised up steps to it, that
from thence, as from a fortress, they might discharge their weapons on
the king, as he passed by. At first, as he came up from the sea, he was
surrounded by a multitude of his friends and attendants; afterwards the
increasing narrowness of the road made the train thinner about him. When
they arrived at the spot where each was to pass singly, the first who
advanced on the path was Pantaleon, an Ætolian of distinction, who was
at the time in conversation with the king. The assassins now, starting
up, rolled down two huge stones, by one of which the head of the king
was struck, and by the other the shoulder; and being stunned by the
blow, many stones having been cast on him after falling, he tumbled from
the sloping path down the precipice. The rest of his friends and
attendants, on seeing him fall, fled different ways; but Pantaleon, with
great intrepidity and resolution, kept his ground, in order to protect
the king.

16. The assassins might, by making a short circuit of the wall, have run
down and completed their business; yet they fled off towards the top of
Parnassus with such precipitation, that as one of them, by being unable
to keep up with the rest through the pathless and steep grounds,
retarded their flight, they killed him lest he should be taken, and a
discovery ensue. The friends, and then the guards and servants of the
king, ran together and raised him up, while stunned by the wound, and
quite insensible. However, they perceived, from the warmth of his body,
and the breath remaining in his lungs, that he was still alive, but had
little or no hopes that he would ever recover. Some of his guards having
pursued the tracks of the assassins, when they had reached even as far
as the summit of Parnassus, and had fatigued themselves in vain,
returned without being able to overtake them. As the Macedonians set
about the deed injudiciously so, after making the attempt with boldness,
they abandoned it in a manner both foolish and cowardly. His friends on
the next day bore to his ship the king, now in possession of his
faculties, and then, having drawn their vessel, across the neck of the
isthmus, they cross over to Ægina. Here his cure was conducted with such
secrecy, his attendants admitting no one, that a report of his death was
carried into Asia. Attalus also gave more ready credence to it than was
worthy the harmony of brothers; for he talked, both to Eumenes’ consort,
and to the governor of the citadel, as if he had actually succeeded to
the crown. This, afterwards, came to the knowledge of the king; who,
though he had determined to dissemble, and to pass it over in silence,
yet could not refrain, at their first meeting, from rallying Attalus, on
his premature haste to get his wife. The report of Eumenes’ death spread
even to Rome.

17. About the same time, Caius Valerius, who had been sent ambassador to
examine the state of Greece, and to observe the movements of king
Perseus, returned from that country, and made a report of all things,
which agreed with the accusations urged by Eumenes. He brought with him
from Delphi, Praxo, the woman whose house had served as a receptacle for
the assassins; and Lucius Rammius, a Brundusian, who was the bearer of
the following information. Rammius was a person of the first distinction
at Brundusium, accustomed to entertain in his house the Roman
commanders, and such ambassadors as came that way from foreign powers,
especially those of the kings. By these means he had formed an
acquaintance with Perseus, although he was distant from him; and in
consequence of a letter from him, which gave hopes of a more intimate
friendship, and of great advantages to accrue to him, he went on a visit
to the king, and, in a short time, found himself treated with particular
familiarity, and drawn, oftener than he wished, into private
conversations. Perseus, after promises of the highest rewards, pressed
him, with the most earnest solicitations, “as all the commanders and
ambassadors of the Romans used to lodge at his house, to procure poison
to be given to such of them as he should point out by letter;” and told
him, that, “as he knew the preparation of poison to be attended with the
greatest difficulty and danger, and that ordinarily it could not be
administered without the privity of several; besides, the issue was
uncertain, whether doses sufficiently powerful to produce the desired
effect or calculated to escape detection, might be given;—he would,
therefore, give him some which neither in administering nor when
administered could be discovered by any means.” Rammius dreading, lest,
in case of refusal, he should himself be the first on whom the poison
would be tried, promised compliance, and departed; but did not wish to
return to Brundusium, without first holding a conference with Caius
Valerius, the ambassador, who was said to be at that time in the
neighbourhood of Chalcis. Having first laid his information before him,
by his order he accompanied him to Rome, where, being brought before the
senate, he gave them an account of what had passed.

18. These discoveries were added to the information which had been given
by Eumenes, and effected, that Perseus should the sooner be judged an
enemy; as the senate perceived that he did not content himself with
preparing, with the spirit of a king, for a fair and open war, but
pushed his designs by all the base clandestine means of assassination
and poison. The conduct of the war is conferred on the new consuls; but,
in the mean time, an order was given, that Cneius Sicinius, the prætor,
whose province was the jurisdiction between natives and foreigners,
should raise soldiers who should be led with all expedition to
Brundusium, and thence carried over into Apollonia in Epirus, in order
to secure the cities on the sea-coasts; in order that the consul, who
should have Macedon as his province, might put in his fleet with safety,
and land his troops with convenience. Eumenes was detained a long time
at Ægina, by a dangerous and difficult cure; but, as soon as could
remove with safety, he went home to Pergamus, and set on foot the most
vigorous preparations for war, since the late atrocious villany of
Perseus now stimulated him, in addition to the ancient enmity which
subsisted between them. Ambassadors soon came from Rome, with
congratulations on his escape from so great a danger. When the war with
Macedon was deferred to the next year, (the other prætors having gone
away to their provinces,) Marcus Junius and Spurius Lucretius, to whom
the Spanish affairs had fallen, by importuning the senate with frequent
repetitions of the same request obtained at last that a reinforcement
for their army should be given them, viz. three thousand foot and one
hundred and fifty horse, for the Roman legions; they are ordered to
levy, from the allies, for the confederate troops, five thousand foot
and three hundred horse: these forces were carried by the new prætors
into Spain.

19. In the same year, because, in consequence of the inquiries made by
the consul Postumius, a large portion of the lands of Campania, which
had been usurped by private persons indiscriminately, in various parts,
had been recovered to the public, Marcus Lucretius, plebeian tribune,
published a proposal for an order of the people, that the censors should
let the Campanian land to farm; a measure which had been omitted during
so many years, since the taking of Capua, that the greediness of
individuals might have clear room to work in. After war, though not yet
proclaimed, had been resolved on, while the senate was anxious to know
which of the several kings would espouse their cause, and which that of
Perseus, ambassadors came to Rome from Ariarathes, bringing with them
his younger son. The purport of their message was, that “the king had
sent his son to be educated at Rome, in order that he might even from
childhood be acquainted with the manners and the persons of the Romans;
and he requested, that they would allow him to be not only under the
protection of his particular friends, but likewise the care, and in some
measure the guardianship, of the public.” This embassy was highly
pleasing to the senate; and they ordered, that Cneius Sicinius, the
prætor, should hire a furnished house for the accommodation of the young
prince and his attendants. Then that which they sought was given to
ambassadors of the Thracians, who were disputing among themselves, and
requesting the friendship and alliance of the Roman people, and presents
of the amount of two thousand _asses_[82] were sent to each, for the
Romans were rejoiced that these states were gained as allies the more
so, as they lay at the back of Macedon. But, in order to acquire a clear
knowledge of every thing in Asia and in the islands, they sent
ambassadors, Tiberius Claudius Nero and Marcus Decimus, with orders to
go to Crete and Rhodes, to renew the treaties of friendship, and at the
same time to observe whether the affections of the allies had been
tampered with by Perseus.

20. While the minds of the public were in a state of extreme anxiety and
suspense with respect to the impending war, in consequence of a storm
happening in the night the pillar in the Capitol, ornamented with beaks
of ships, _which had been erected_ in the first Punic war by the consul
_Marcus Æmilius_, whose colleague was Servius Fulvius, was shattered to
pieces, even to the very foundation, by lightning. This event, being
deemed a prodigy, was reported to the senate, who ordered, that it
should be laid before the aruspices, and that the decemvirs should
consult the books. The decemvirs, in answer, directed that the city
should be purified; that a supplication, and prayers, for the averting
of misfortunes should be offered, and victims of the larger kinds
sacrificed both in the Capitol at Rome, and at the promontory of Minerva
in Campania; and that games should be celebrated as soon as possible in
honour of Jupiter supremely good and great, during ten days. All these
directions were carefully executed. The aruspices answered, that the
prodigy would prove happy in the issue; that it portended extension of
territory and destruction of enemies; for those beaks of ships which the
storm had scattered were spoils. There were other occurrences which
occasioned religious apprehensions: it was said, that at the town of
Saturnia showers of blood fell during three successive days; that an ass
with three feet was foaled at Calatia; that a bull, with five cows, were
killed by one stroke of lightning; and that a shower of earth had fallen
at Auximum. On account of these prodigies, also, public worship was
performed, and a supplication and festival observed for one day.

21. The consuls had not yet gone to their provinces; for they would not
comply with the senate, in proposing the business respecting Marcus
Popilius; and, on the other hand, the senate was determined to proceed
on no other until that was done. The general resentment against Popilius
was aggravated by a letter received from him, in which he mentioned
that he had, as proconsul, fought a second battle with the Ligurians of
Statiella, six thousand of whom he had killed. On account of the
injustice of this attack, the rest of the states of the Ligurians took
up arms. Then not only was Popilius, in his absence, severely censured
in the senate, for having, contrary to all laws, human and divine, made
war on a people who had submitted to terms, and stirred up to rebellion
states that were disposed to live in peace, but also the consuls for not
having proceeded to that province. Encouraged by the unanimous opinion
of the senators, two plebian tribunes, Marcus Marcius Sermo and Quintus
Marcius Sylla, declared publicly that they would institute a suit for a
fine to be laid on the consuls, if they did not repair to their
destination. They likewise read before the senate a proposal for an
order of the people respecting the Ligurians, which they intended to
publish. By it a regulation was made, “that in case any of the
surrendered Statiellans should not be restored to liberty before the
calends of August, then next ensuing, the senate, on oath, should
appoint a magistrate to inquire into the business, and to punish the
person through whose wicked practices he had been brought into slavery;”
and accordingly, by direction of the senate, they proclaimed the same in
public. Before the departure of the consuls, the senate gave audience,
in the temple of Bellona, to Caius Cicereius, prætor of the former year.
After recounting what he had performed in Corsica, he demanded a
triumph; but this being refused, he rode in state on the Alban mount; a
mode of celebration for victory without public authority, which had now
become usual. The people, with universal approbation, passed and
ratified the order proposed by Marcius, respecting the Ligurians; and in
pursuance of this resolution of the people, Caius Licinius, prætor,
desired the senate to appoint a person to conduct the inquiry, according
to the order; whereupon the senate directed that he himself should
conduct it.

22. The consuls repaired, at last, to their province, and received the
command of the army from Marcus Popilius. But the latter did not dare to
go home to Rome, lest he might plead his cause while the senate were so
highly displeased with him, the people still more exasperated, and
before a prætor likewise who had taken the opinion of the senate on an
inquiry pointed against him. The tribunes of the people met his evasion
by the menace of another order,—that if he did not come into the city of
Rome before the ides of November, Caius Licinius should judge and
determine respecting him, though absent. When he, dragged by this
fetter, had returned, his presence in the senate called forth general
hatred. There, when he was censured by the severe reproaches of many, a
decree was passed, that the prætors, Caius Licinius and Cneius Sicinius,
should take care that such of the Ligurians as had not been in open arms
since the consulate of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, should all be
restored to liberty; and that the consul, Caius Popilius, should assign
them lands on the farther side of the Po. By this decree many thousands
were restored in this manner, led beyond the Po, and received portions
of land accordingly. Marcus Popilius, being tried by the Marcian law,
twice pleaded his cause before Caius Licinius; but at a third hearing,
the prætor, overcome by his regard for the absent consul, and the
prayers of the Popilian family, ordered the defendant to appear on the
ides of March, on which day the new magistrates were to enter into
office; so that he, being then in a private capacity, could not preside
at the trial. Thus was the order of the people, respecting the
Ligurians, eluded by artifice.

23. There were at this time in Rome ambassadors from Carthage, and also
Gulussa, son of Masinissa, between whom very warm words passed, in
presence of the senate. The Carthaginians complained that, “besides the
district, about which ambassadors were formerly sent from Rome, to
determine the matter on the spot, Masinissa had, within the last two
years, by force of arms, possessed himself of more than seventy towns
and forts in the Carthaginian territories. This was easy for him, who
cared for nothing. But the Carthaginians, being tied down by treaty,
were silent; for they were prohibited from carrying arms beyond their
own frontiers; and although they knew that if they forced the Numidians
thence, they would wage the war within their own territory, yet they
were deterred by another clause in the treaty, too clear to be mistaken,
in which they were expressly forbidden to wage war against the allies of
the Roman people. But the Carthaginians could not longer endure his
pride, his cruelty, and his avarice. “They were sent,” they said, “to
beseech the senate to grant them one of these three things: either that
they should fairly decide what belonged to each, as became an ally of
both; or give permission to the Carthaginians to defend themselves in a
just war against unjust attacks; or finally, if favour swayed more with
them than the truth, to fix at once how much of the property of others
they wished should be bestowed on Masinissa. That the senate would
certainly be more moderate in their grants, and they themselves would
know the extent of them; whereas, he would set no limits but the
arbitrary dictates of his own ambition. If they could obtain none of
these, and if they had, since the peace granted by Publius Scipio, been
guilty of any transgression, they begged that the Romans themselves
would rather inflict the punishment. They preferred a secure bondage
under Roman masters, to a state of freedom exposed to the injustice of
Masinissa. It was better for them to perish at once, than to continue to
breathe under the will of “an executioner.” After these words, they
burst into tears, prostrated themselves on the ground, and, in this
posture, excited both compassion for themselves, and _no less
displeasure_ against the king.

24. It was then voted, that Gulussa should be asked what answer he had
to make to these charges; or that, if it were more agreeable to him, he
should first tell on what business he had come to Rome. Gulussa said,
that “it was not easy for him to speak on subjects concerning which he
had no instructions from his father; and that it would have been hard
for his father to have given him instructions, when the Carthaginians
neither disclosed the business which they intended to bring forward, nor
even their design of going to Rome. That they had, for several nights,
held private consultations, composed of nobles, in the temple of
Æsculapius, from whence ambassadors were despatched with secret
information to Rome. This was his father’s reason for sending him into
Italy, that he might entreat the senate not to give credit to the common
enemy accusing him, whom they hated for no other cause than his
inviolable fidelity to the Roman people.” After hearing both parties,
the senate, on the question being put respecting the demands of the
Carthaginians, ordered this answer to be given, that “it was their will
that Gulussa should, without delay, return to Numidia, and desire his
father to send ambassadors immediately to the senate, to answer the
complaints of the Carthaginians, and to give notice to that people to
come and support their allegation. They had hitherto paid to Masinissa,
and would continue to pay him, all the honour in their power; that they
could not sacrifice justice to favour. Their wish was, that the lands
should every where be possessed by the real owners; nor did they intend
to establish new boundaries, but that the old ones should be observed.
When they vanquished the Carthaginians, they left them in possession of
cities and lands, not with the purpose of stripping them by acts of
injustice in time of peace of what they had not taken from them by the
right of war.” With this answer the Carthaginians, and the prince, were
dismissed. The customary presents were sent to both parties, and the
other attentions which hospitality inquired were performed with all
courtesy.

25. About this time Cneius Servilius Cæpio, Appius Claudius Centho, and
Titus Annius Luscus, who had been sent ambassadors to Macedonia, to
demand restitution and renounce the king’s friendship, returned, and
inflamed to a still greater degree the senate, already predisposed to
hostilities against Perseus, by relating, in order, what they had seen
and heard. They said, that “through all the cities of Macedonia they saw
preparations for war, carried on with the utmost diligence. When they
arrived at the residence of the king, they were refused admission to him
for many days; at last, when, despairing of a conference, they were just
setting out, then at length they were called back from their journey and
brought before him. That the leading subjects in their discourse were,
the treaty concluded with Philip, and, after his father’s death, renewed
with himself; in which he was expressly prohibited from carrying his
arms beyond his own dominions, and, likewise, from making war on the
allies of the Roman people. They then laid before him, in order, the
true and well-authenticated accounts which they themselves had lately
heard from Eumenes, in the senate. They took notice, besides, of his
having held a secret consultation, in Samothracia, with ambassadors from
the states of Asia; and told him, that the senate thought proper that
satisfaction should be given for these injuries, as well as restitution,
to them and their allies, of their property, which he held contrary to
the tenor of the treaty. On this the king, being inflamed, spoke at
first harshly, frequently upbraiding the Romans with pride and avarice,
and with ambassadors coming one after another to pry into his words and
actions; and with thinking proper that he should speak and do all things
in compliance with their nod and order. After speaking a long time with
great loudness and violence, he ordered them to return the next day, for
he intended to give his answer in writing. Then the written answer was
given to them; of which the purport was, that the treaty concluded with
his father in no respect concerned him; that he had suffered it to be
renewed, not because he approved of it, but because, being so lately
come to the throne, he had to endure every thing. If they chose to form
a new engagement with him, they ought first to agree on the terms; if
they could bring themselves to make a treaty on an equal footing, he
would consider what was to be done on his part, and he was convinced
that they would provide for the interests of their own state. After
this, he hastily turned away, and they were desired to quit the palace.
They then declared, that they renounced his friendship and alliance; at
which he was highly exasperated, stopped, and with a loud voice charged
them to quit his dominions within three days. They departed accordingly;
and neither on their coming, nor while they staid, was any kind of
attention or hospitality shown them.” The Thessalian and Ætolian
ambassadors were then admitted to audience. It pleased the senate, that
a letter should be sent to the consuls, directing, that whichever of
them was most able should come to Rome to elect magistrates, in order
that they might know what commanders the state was about to employ.

26. The consuls, during that year, performed no business of the republic
that deserved much notice. It appeared more advantageous to the
republic, that the Ligurians, who had been highly exasperated, should be
pacified and appeased. While a Macedonian war was expected, ambassadors
from Issa gave them reason to suspect the inclinations of Gentius, king
of Illyria; for they complained that “he had, a second time, ravaged
their country;” affirming likewise, that “the kings of Macedon and
Illyria lived on terms of the closest intimacy; that both were
preparing, in concert, for war against the Romans, and that there were
then in Rome Illyrian spies, under the appearance of ambassadors, and
who were sent thither by the advice of Perseus, to ascertain what was
going on.” The Illyrians, being called before the senate, said, that
they were sent by their king, to justify his conduct, if the Issans
should make any complaint against him. They were then asked why they had
not applied to some magistrate, that they might, according to the
regular practice, be furnished with lodging and entertainment, that
their arrival might be known, and the business on which they came; when
they hesitated in their reply, they were ordered to retire out of the
senate-house. It was not thought proper to give them any answer, as
delegates, because they had not applied for an audience of the senate;
they resolved, “that ambassadors should be sent to the king, to announce
to him the complaints made by the allies of his having ravaged their
country; and that he acted unjustly, since he did not refrain from
offering injury to their allies.” On this embassy Aulus Terentius Varro,
Caius Plætorius, and Caius Cicereius, were sent. The ambassadors, who
had been sent to the several kings in alliance with the state, came home
from Asia, and reported that “they had conferred in it with Eumenes; in
Syria, with Antiochus; and at Alexandria, with Ptolemy; all of whom,
though strongly solicited by embassies from Perseus, remained perfectly
faithful to their engagements, and gave assurances of their readiness to
execute every order of the Roman people. That they had also visited the
allied states; that all were firm in their attachment, except the
Rhodians, who seemed to be wavering, and infected by the counsels of
Perseus.” Ambassadors had come from the Rhodians, to exculpate them from
the imputations which, they knew, were openly urged against them; but a
resolution was made, that “an audience of the senate should be given,
when the new magistrates came into office.”

27. The senate were of opinion, that the preparations for war should be
deferred no longer. The duty is assigned to Caius Licinius, that out of
the old galleys laid up in the docks at Rome, which might be rendered
serviceable, he should refit and get ready for sea fifty ships. If any
were wanting to make up that number, that he should write to his
colleague, Caius Memmius, in Sicily, directing him to repair and fit out
such vessels as were in that province, so that they might be sent, with
all expedition, to Brundusium. Caius Licinius, the prætor, was ordered
to enlist Roman citizens of the rank of freed-men’s sons, to man
twenty-five ships; Cneius Sicinius, to levy, from the allies, an equal
number for the other twenty-five, and likewise to require from the Latin
confederates eight thousand foot and four hundred horse. Aulus Atilius
Serranus, who had been prætor the year before, was commissioned to
receive these troops at Brundusium, and transport them to Macedon; and
Cneius Sicinius, the prætor, to keep them in readiness for embarkation.
By direction of the senate, Caius Licinius, the prætor, wrote to the
consul, Caius Popilius, to order the second legion, which was the oldest
then in Liguria, together with four thousand foot and two hundred horse,
of the Latin nation, to be in Brundusium on the ides of February, With
this fleet, and this army, Cneius Sicinius, being continued a year in
command for the purpose, was ordered to take care of the province of
Macedon until a new governor should arrive. All these measures, which
the senate voted, were vigorously executed; thirty-eight quinqueremes
were drawn out of the docks; Lucius Porcius Licinus was appointed to the
command, with directions to conduct them to Brundusium, and twelve were
sent from Sicily; three commissaries were despatched into Apulia and
Calabria, to buy up corn for the fleet and army; these were Sextus
Digitius, Titus Juventius, and Marcus Cæcilius. When all things were in
readiness, the prætor, Cneius Sicinius, in his military robes, set out
from the city and went to Brundusium.

28. The consul, Caius Popilius, came home to Rome when the year had
almost expired, much later than had been directed by the vote of the
senate; to whom it had seemed advantageous to the republic, that
magistrates should be elected as soon as possible, when so important a
war was impending. Therefore the consul did not receive a favourable
hearing from the senate, when he spoke in the temple of Bellona of his
acts among the Ligurians. There were frequent interruptions and
questions, why he had not restored to liberty the Ligurians, who had
been oppressed by his brother? The election was held on the day
appointed by proclamation, the twelfth before the calends of March. The
consuls chosen were, Publius Licinius Crassus and Caius Cassius
Longinus. Next day were elected prætors, Caius Sulpicius Galba, Lucius
Furius Philus, Lucius Canuleius Dives, Caius Lucretius Gallus, Caius
Caninius Rebilus, and Lucius Villius Annalis. The provinces decreed to
these prætors were, the two civil jurisdictions in Rome, Spain, Sicily,
and Sardinia; and one of them was kept disengaged, that he might be
employed wherever the senate should direct. The senate ordered the
consuls elect, that, on whatever day they would enter on their office,
having sacrificed victims of the larger kind, they should pray to the
gods that the war, which the Roman people intended to engage in, might
prove fortunate in the issue. On the same day the senate passed an
order, that the consul, Caius Popilius, should vow games, of ten days’
continuance, to Jupiter supremely good and great, with offerings in all
the temples, if the commonwealth should remain for ten years in its
present state. Pursuant to this vote, the consul made a vow in the
Capitol, that the games should be celebrated, and the offerings made, at
such expense as the senate should direct, when not less than a hundred
and fifty persons were present. That vow was expressed in terms dictated
by Lepidus, the chief pontiff. There died this year, of the public
priests, Lucius Æmilius Papus, decemvir of religious rites, and Quintus
Fulvius Flaccus, a pontiff who had been censor the year before. The
latter died in a shocking manner: he had received an account, that, of
his two sons who were in the army in Illyria, one was dead, and the
other labouring under a heavy and dangerous malady: his grief and fears,
together, overwhelmed his reason, and his servants, on going into his
chamber in the morning, found him hanging by a rope. There was a general
opinion, that, since his censorship, his understanding had not been
sound; and the report was popular, that the resentment of Juno Lacinia,
for the spoil committed on her temple, had caused the derangement of his
intellects. Marcus Valerius Messala was substituted decemvir in the
place of Æmilius; and Cneius Domitius Ænobarbus, though a mere youth,
was chosen into the priesthood as pontiff in the room of Fulvius.

29. In this consulate of Publius Licinius and Caius Cassius, not only
the city of Rome, but the whole of Italy, with all the kings and states
both in Europe and in Asia, had their attention fixed on the approaching
war between Rome and Macedon. Not only old hatred, but also recent
anger, because by the villany of Perseus he had been almost slaughtered
like a victim at Delphi, urged Eumenes against him. Prusias, king of
Bithynia, resolved to keep clear of hostilities, and to wait the event;
for as he did not think it proper to carry arms on the side of the
Romans against his wife’s brother, so he trusted that, in case of
Perseus proving victorious, his favour might be secured through the
means of his sister. Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, besides having, in
his own name, promised aid to the Romans, had, ever since he was allied
by affinity to Eumenes, united with him in all his plans, whether of war
or peace. Antiochus indeed entertained designs on the kingdom of Egypt,
since he despised the unripe age of Ptolemy, and the inactive
disposition of his guardians, and thought that he might, by raising a
dispute about Cœle-Syria, find sufficient pretext for proceeding to
extremities, and carry on a war there without any impediment, while the
Roman arms were employed against Macedon: yet, by his ambassadors to the
senate, and to their ambassadors sent to him, he made the fairest
promises. Ptolemy, on account of his age, was then influenced by the
will of others; and his guardians, at the same time while they were
preparing for war with Antiochus, to secure possession of Cœle-Syria,
promised the Romans every support in the war against Macedon. Masinissa
both assisted the Romans with supplies of corn, and prepared to send
into the field, to their assistance, a body of troops and a number of
elephants, with his son Misagenes. He so arranged his plans as to answer
every event that might take place; for if success should attend the
Romans, he judged that his own affairs would rest in their present
state, and that he ought to seek for nothing further, as the Romans
would not suffer violence to be offered to the Carthaginians; and if the
power of the Romans, which at that time protected the Carthaginians,
should be reduced, then all Africa would be his own. Gentius, king of
Illyria, had indeed given cause of suspicion to the Romans; but he had
not yet determined which party to espouse, and it was believed that he
would join either one or the other through some sudden impulse of
passion, rather than from any rational motive. Cotys, the Thracian king
of the Odrysians, was openly in favour of the Macedonians.

30. Such were the inclinations of the several kings, while the free
nations and states the plebeians, favouring as usual the weaker cause,
were almost universally inclined to the Macedonians and their king; but
among the nobles might be observed different views. One party was so
warmly devoted to the Romans, that, by the excess of their zeal, they
diminished their own influence. Of these a few were actuated by their
admiration of the justice of the Roman government; but by far the
greater number supposed that they would become powerful in their state,
if they displayed remarkable exertions. A second party wished to court
the king’s favour, as debt, and despair of their affairs, while the same
constitution remained, urged them hastily to complete revolution; and
others, through a fickleness of temper, followed Perseus as the more
popular character. A third party, the wisest and the best, wished, in
case of being allowed the choice of a master, to live under the Romans
rather than under the king. Yet, could they have had the free disposal
of events, they wished that neither party should become more powerful by
the destruction of the other, but rather that, the strength of both
being uninjured, peace should continue on that account; for thus the
condition of their states would be the happiest, as one party would
always protect a weak state from any ill treatment intended by the
other. Judging thus, they viewed in silence from their safe position the
contest between the partisans of the two contending powers. The consuls,
having on the day of their entering on office, in compliance with the
order of the senate, sacrificed victims of the larger kinds in all the
temples where the lectisternium was usually celebrated for the greater
part of the year, and having from them collected omens that their
prayers were accepted by the immortal gods, reported to the senate that
the sacrifices had been duly performed, and prayers offered respecting
the war. The aruspices declared, that “if any new undertaking was
intended, it ought to be proceeded in without delay; that victory,
triumphs, and extension of empire were portended.” The senate then
resolved, that “the consuls should, on the first proper day, propose to
the people assembled by centuries,—that whereas Perseus, son of Philip,
and king of Macedon, contrary to the league struck with his father, and
after Philip’s death renewed with himself, had committed hostilities on
the allies of Rome, had wasted their lands, and seized their towns, and
also had formed a design of making war on the Roman people, and had for
that purpose prepared arms, troops, and a fleet; unless he gave
satisfaction concerning those matters, that war should be proclaimed
against him.” The question was carried among the commons. Then a decree
of the senate was passed, that “the consuls should settle between
themselves, or cast lots, for the provinces of Italy and Macedon; that
the one to whose lot Macedon fell should seek redress by force of arms
from king Perseus, and all who concurred in his designs, unless they
made amends to the Roman people.”

31. It was ordered that four new legions should be raised, two for each
consul. This in particular was assigned to the province of Macedon, that
although five thousand foot and two hundred horse were assigned to the
other consul’s legions, according to the ancient practice, six thousand
foot and three hundred horse were ordered to be enlisted for each of the
legions that were to serve in Macedonia. Of the allied troops also, the
number was augmented in the army ordered into Macedon,—namely, sixteen
thousand foot and eight hundred horse, besides the six hundred horsemen
carried thither by Cneius Sicinius. For Italy, twelve thousand foot and
six hundred horse of the allies were deemed sufficient. The following
remarkable concession was made to the service in Macedon; the consul was
authorized to enlist at his option veteran centurions and soldiers, as
old as fifty years. An unusual mode of proceeding with regard to the
military tribunes was also introduced on the same occasion: for the
consuls, by direction of the senate, recommended to the people, that,
for that year, the military tribunes should not be created by their
suffrages; but that the consuls and prætors should exercise their
judgment and discrimination in their selection. Their respective
commands were assigned to the prætors in the following manner: he to
whose lot it fell to be employed wherever the senate should direct, had
orders to go to Brundusium, to the fleet, that he might then review the
crews, and, dismissing such men as appeared unfit for the service,
enlist in their places sons of freed-men, taking care that two-thirds
should be Roman citizens, and the remainder allies. For supplying
provisions to the ships and legions, from Sicily and Sardinia, it was
resolved, that the prætors who obtained the government of those
provinces should be enjoined to levy a second tenth on the Sicilians and
Sardinians, and that this corn should be conveyed into Macedon, to the
army. The lots gave Sicily to Caius Caninius Rebilus; Sardinia, to
Lucius Furius Philus; Spain, to Lucius Canuleius; the city jurisdiction,
to Caius Sulpicius Galba; and the foreign, to Lucius Villius Annalis.
The lot of Caius Lucretius Gallus was to be employed wherever the senate
should direct.

32. The consuls had a slight dispute, rather than a great contest, about
their province. Cassius said, that “he would select Macedon without
casting lots, nor could his colleague, without perjury, abide their
determination. When he was prætor, to avoid going to his province, he
made oath in the public assembly, that he had sacrifices to perform on
stated days, in a stated place, and that they could not be duly
performed in his absence; and surely they could no more be performed
duly in his absence when he was consul, than when he was prætor. If the
senate thought proper to pay more regard to what Publius Licinius
wished, in his consulship, than to what he had sworn in his prætorship,
he himself, for his part, would at all events be ruled by that body.”
When the question was put, the senators thought it would be a degree of
arrogance in them to refuse a province to him, since the Roman people
had not denied him the consulship. They, however, ordered the consuls to
cast lots. Macedonia fell to Publius Licinius, Italy to Caius Cassius.
They then cast lots for the legions: when it fell to the lot of the
first and third to go over into Macedonia; and of the second and fourth,
to remain in Italy. The consuls held the levy with much greater care
than usual. Licinius enlisted even veteran centurions and soldiers; and
many of them volunteered, as they saw that those men who had served in
the former Macedonian war, or in Asia, had become rich. When the
military tribunes cited the centurions, and especially those of the
highest rank, twenty-three of them, who had held the first posts,
appealed to the tribunes of the people. Two of that body, Marcus Fulvius
Nobilior and Marcus Claudius Marcellus, wished to refer the matter to
the consuls; “the cognizance of it ought to rest with those to whom the
levy and the war were intrusted:” but the rest declared, that since the
appeal had been made to them, they would examine into the affair; and,
if there were any injustice in the case, would support their
fellow-citizens.

33. The business, therefore, came into the court of the tribunes.
Thither Marcus Popilius, a man of consular dignity, the centurions, and
the consul came. The consul then required that the matter might be
discussed in a general assembly; and, accordingly, the people were
summoned. On the side of the centurions, Marcus Popilius, who had been
consul two years before, argued thus: that “as military men they had
served out their regular time, and that they possessed bodies worn out
through age and continual hardships. Nevertheless, they did not refuse
to give the public the benefit of their services, they only entreated
that they might be favoured so far, that posts inferior to those which
they had formerly held in the army should not be assigned to them.” The
consul, Publius Licinius, first ordered the decree of the senate to be
read, in which war was determined against Perseus; and then the other,
which directed that as many veteran centurions as could be procured
should be enlisted for that war; and that no exemption from the service
should be allowed to any who was not upwards of fifty years of age. He
then entreated that, “at a time when a new war was breaking out so near
to Italy, and with a most powerful king, they would not either obstruct
the military tribunes in making the levies, or prevent the consul from
assigning to each person such a post as best suited the convenience of
the public; and that, if any doubt should arise in the proceedings, they
might refer it to the decision of the senate.”

34. When the consul had said all that he thought proper, Spurius
Ligustinus, one of those who had appealed to the plebeian tribunes,
requested permission from the consul and tribunes to speak a few words
to the people. By the permission of them all he spoke, we are told, to
this effect: “Romans, I am Spurius Ligustinus, of the Crustuminian
tribe, and I sprung from the Sabines. My father left me one acre of
land, and a small cottage, in which I was born and educated, and I dwell
there to-day. As soon as I came to man’s estate, my father married me to
his brother’s daughter, who brought nothing with her but independence
and modesty; except, indeed, a degree of fruitfulness that would have
better suited a wealthier family. We have six sons and two daughters;
the latter are both married; of our sons, four are grown up to manhood,
the other two are as yet boys. I became a soldier in the consulate of
Publius Sulpicius and Caius Aurelius. In the army which was sent over
into Macedon I served as a common soldier, against Philip, for two
years; and in the third year, Titus Quintius Flamininus, in reward of my
good conduct, gave me the command of the tenth company of spearmen. When
Philip and the Macedonians were subdued, and we were brought back to
Italy and discharged, I immediately went as a volunteer, with the consul
Marcus Porcius into Spain. Those who have had experience of him, and of
other generals in a long course of service, know that no single
commander living was a more accurate observer and judge of merit. This
commander judged me deserving of being set at the head of the first
company of spearmen. A third time I entered as a volunteer in the army
which was sent against the Ætolians and king Antiochus; and Manius
Acilius gave me the command of the first company of first-rank men.
After Antiochus was driven out of the country, and the Ætolians were
reduced, we were brought home to Italy, where I served the two
succeeding years in legions that were raised annually. I afterwards made
two campaigns in Spain; one under Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, the other
under Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, prætors. I was brought by Flaccus
among others whom he brought home from the province to attend his
triumph, out of regard to their good services. At the request of
Tiberius Gracchus, I went with him to his province. Four times within a
few years was I first centurion of my corps; thirty-four times I was
honoured by my commanders with presents for bravery. I have received six
civic crowns, I have fulfilled twenty-two years of service in the army,
and I am upwards of fifty years of age. But, if I had neither served out
all my campaigns, nor was entitled to exemption on account of my age,
yet Publius Licinius, as I can supply you with four soldiers instead of
myself, it were reasonable that I should be discharged. But I wish you
to consider these words merely as a state of my case; as to offering any
thing as an excuse from service, that is what I will never do, so long
as any officer, enlisting troops, shall believe me fit for it. What rank
the military tribunes may think I deserve, rests with their power. That
no one in the army may surpass me in a zealous discharge of duty, I
shall use my best endeavours; and that I have always acted on that
principle, my commanders and my comrades can testify. And now,
fellow-soldiers, you who assert your privilege of appeal, as you have
never, in your youthful days, done any act contrary to the directions of
the magistrates and the senate, now too you ought to be amenable to the
authority of the senate and consuls, and to think every post honourable
in which you can act for the defence of the commonwealth.”

35. Having finished his speech, he was highly commended by the consul,
who led him from the assembly into the senate-house, where, by order of
the senate, he again received public thanks; and the military tribunes,
in consideration of his meritorious behaviour, made him first centurion
in the first legion. The rest of the centurions, dropping the appeal,
submissively answered to their names in the levy. That the magistrates
might the sooner go into their provinces, the Latin festival was
celebrated on the calends of June; and as soon as that solemnity was
ended, Caius Lucretius, the prætor, after sending forward every thing
requisite for the fleet, went to Brundusium. Besides the armies which
the consuls were forming, Caius Sulpicius Galba, the prætor, was
commissioned to raise four city legions, with the regular number of foot
and horse, and to choose out of the senate four military tribunes to
command them; likewise, to require from the Latin allies fifteen
thousand foot, with twelve hundred horse; that this army should be
prepared to act wherever the senate should order. At the desire of the
consul, Publius Licinius, the following auxiliaries were ordered to join
the army of citizens and allies under his command: two thousand
Ligurians; a body of Cretan archers (whose number was not specified, the
order only mentioning whatever succours the Cretans, on being applied
to, should send); likewise the Numidian cavalry and elephants. To settle
concerning these last, ambassadors were sent to Masinissa and the
Carthaginians,—Lucius Postumius Albinus, Quintus Terentius Culleo, and
Caius Aburius: also, to Crete,—Aulus Postumius Albinus, Caius Decimius,
and Aulus Licinius Nerva.

36. At this time arrived ambassadors from Perseus. It was the pleasure
of the fathers that they should not be permitted to come into the city;
as the senate had already decreed; and the people had ordered, a
declaration of war against their king and the Macedonians. Being
introduced before the senate in the temple of Bellona, they spoke in the
following manner: that “king Perseus wondered what could be their motive
for transporting troops into Macedon; and that if the senate could be
prevailed on to recall them, the king would, at their arbitration,
satisfactorily account for any injuries of which their allies might
complain.” Spurius Carvilius had been sent home from Greece, by Cneius
Sicinius, for the purpose of attending this business, and was present in
the senate. He charged the king with taking military occupation of
Perrhæbia, storming several cities of Thessaly, and other enterprises,
in which he was either actually employed or preparing to engage; and the
ambassadors were called on to answer to those points. After they
declined to do so, declaring that they had no further instructions, they
were ordered to tell their king, that “the consul Publius Licinius would
soon be in Macedon at the head of an army. To him he might send
ambassadors, if he were disposed to give satisfaction, but there was no
use in his sending any more to Rome; for none of them would be permitted
to pass through Italy.” After they were thus dismissed, a charge was
given to Publius Sicinius, to insist on their quitting Italy within
eleven days, and to send Spurius Carvilius to guard them, until they
embarked. Such were the transactions at Rome, before the departure of
the consuls for their provinces. Cneius Sicinius, who, before the
expiration of his office, had been sent to Brundusium to the fleet and
army, had by this time transported into Epirus five thousand foot and
three hundred horse, and was encamped at Nymphæum, in the territory of
Apollonia. From which place he sent tribunes, with two thousand men, to
take possession of the forts of the Dassaretians and Illyrians; as those
people themselves solicited garrisons, to secure them from the inroads
of the Macedonians in their neighbourhood.

37. A few days after, Quintus Marcius, Aulus Atilius, Publius Cornelius
Lentulus, Servius Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Decimius, who were sent
ambassadors to Greece, carried with them one thousand soldiers to
Corcyra; where they divided the troops among them, and settled what
districts they were to visit. Decimius was sent to Gentius, king of
Illyria, with instructions to sound him, as to whether he retained any
regard for former friendship; and even to prevail on him to take part in
the war. The two Lentuluses were sent to Cephallenia that they might
cross over from it into Peloponnesus; and, before the winter, make a
circuit round the western coast. The circuit of Epirus, Ætolia, and
Thessaly is intrusted to Marcius and Atilius; they were directed to take
a view afterwards of Bœotia and Eubœa, and then to pass over to
Peloponnesus, where, by appointment, they were to meet the Lentuluses.
Before they set out on their several routes from Corcyra, a letter was
brought from Perseus, in which he inquired the reason of the Romans
sending troops into Greece, and taking possession of the cities. They
did not think proper to give him any answer in writing; but they told
his messenger, who brought the letter, “for the sake of guarding the
cities themselves.” The Lentuluses, going round the cities of
Peloponnesus, after exhorting all the states, without distinction, as
they had assisted the Romans with fidelity and spirit, first in the war
with Philip, and then in that with Antiochus, to assist them now, in
like manner, against Perseus, heard some murmuring in the assemblies;
for the Achæans were highly offended that they, who, from the very first
rise of the war with Macedon, had given every instance of friendship to
the Romans, and had been open enemies to the Macedonians in the war with
Philip, should be treated on the same footing with the Messenians and
Elians, who had borne arms on the side of Antiochus against the Roman
people, and who, being lately incorporated in the Achæan union, made
heavy complaints, as if they were made over to the victorious Achæans as
a prize.

38. When Marcius and Atilius went up to Gitanæ, a town of Epirus, about
ten miles from the sea, a council of Epirotes being held there, they
were listened to with universal approbation; and they sent thence four
hundred young men of that country to Orestæ, to protect those whom they
had freed from the dominion of the Macedonians. From this place they
proceeded into Ætolia; where, having waited a few days, until a prætor
was chosen, in the room of one who had died, and the election having
fallen on Lyciscus, who was well known to be a friend to the interest of
the Romans, they passed over into Thessaly. The envoys of the
Acarnanians and the exiles of the Bœotians came thither. The
Acarnanians had orders to represent that “whatever offences they had
been guilty of towards the Romans, first in the war with Philip, and
afterwards in that with Antiochus, in consequence of being misled by the
professions of those kings, they had found an opportunity to expiate.
Since in spite of their demerits they had experienced the clemency of
the Roman people, so they would now, by their endeavours to merit
favour, make trial of its generosity.” The Bœotians were upbraided with
having united themselves in alliance with Perseus; but they threw the
blame on Ismenias, the leader of a party, and alleged, that “several
states were drawn into that measure, contrary to their own judgment:” to
which Marcius replied, that “this would appear, as they intended to give
to every one of the states the power of judging for itself.” The council
of the Thessalians was held at Larissa. There too the Thessalians had a
wide field for giving thanks to the Romans for the blessing of liberty
conferred on them; and the ambassadors, because they had been vigorously
assisted by the Thessalians in the wars with Philip and Antiochus. The
feelings of the assembly were acted on by this mutual acknowledgment of
favours to such a degree that they voted every measure which the Romans
wished. Soon after this meeting, ambassadors arrived from king Perseus,
chiefly through reliance on a connexion of hospitality subsisting
between him and Marcius, which had existed between their fathers. The
ambassadors began by reminding him of this bond of amity, and then
requested him to give the king an opportunity of conferring with him.
Marcius answered, that “he had received from his father the same account
of the friendship and hospitable connexion between him and Philip; and
the consideration of that connexion induced him to undertake the present
embassy. That he would not have so long delayed giving the king a
meeting, could it have been done without inconvenience; and that now he
and his colleague would, as soon as it should be in their power, come to
the river Peneus, where the passage was from Omolium to Dium; messengers
being previously sent to announce it to the king.”

39. Perseus, on this, withdrew from Dium into the heart of the kingdom,
having conceived a slight inspiration of hope from the expression of
Marcius, that he had undertaken the embassy out of regard to him. After
a few days they all met at the appointed place. The king’s suite was a
large one, since a crowd of friends attended him, as well as his
body-guards. The ambassadors came with a train not inferior in numbers,
as many accompanied them from Larissa, and also the delegates of many
states, who had met them there, wishing to carry home information on the
positive testimony of what they themselves should hear. All men felt a
strong curiosity to behold a meeting between so powerful a king, and the
ambassadors of the first people in the world. After they came within
sight, on the opposite sides of the river, some time was spent in
sending messengers from one to the other, to settle which of the two
should cross it; for one party thought the compliment due to royal
majesty, the other to the fame of the Roman people, especially as
Perseus had requested the conference. Marcius by a jest roused them from
their delay:—“Let the younger,” said he, “cross over to the elder; the
son to the father:” for his own surname was Philip. The king was easily
persuaded to comply; but then another perplexity arose, about the number
he should bring over with him. He thought it would be proper to be
attended by his whole retinue; but the ambassadors required that he
should either come with three attendants only, or if he brought so great
a band, that he should give hostages that no treachery should be used
during the conference. He accordingly sent as hostages Hippias and
Pantaucus, two of his particular friends, and whom he had sent as
ambassadors. The hostages were demanded not so much to get a pledge of
good faith, as to make it apparent to the allies, that the king did not
meet the ambassadors on a footing of equal dignity. Their salutations
were not like those between enemies, but kind and friendly; and seats
being placed for them, they sat down together.

40. After a short silence, Marcius began thus:—“I suppose you expect us
to give an answer to your letter sent to Corcyra, in which you ask the
reason, why we ambassadors come attended by soldiers, and why we send
garrisons into the cities? To this your question I dread either to
refuse an answer, lest it should appear haughty in me, or to give a true
one, lest, to your ears, it might seem too harsh. But since the person
who infringes a treaty must be reproved, either with words or with
arms, as I could wish that the war against you had been intrusted to any
other rather than to myself, so I will undergo the task, however
disagreeable, of uttering rough language against my friend, as
physicians, when they, for the recovery of health, sometimes apply
painful remedies. The senate is of opinion that, since you came to the
throne, you have acted but in one particular as you ought to have done,
and that is, in sending ambassadors to Rome to renew _the treaty made
with your father,—and yet it would have been better never to have
renewed it_, (they think,) than afterwards to violate it. You expelled
from his throne Abrupolis, an ally and friend of the Roman people. You
gave refuge to the murderers of Artetarus, that it might appear that you
were pleased at his assassination, to say nothing worse; though they put
to death a prince, who, of all the Illyrians, was the most faithful to
the Roman nation. You marched with an army through Thessaly and the
Italian territory to Delphi, contrary to the treaty. You likewise, in
violation of it, sent succours to the Byzantians. You concluded by an
oath a separate alliance with the Bœotians our confederates, which you
had no right to do. As to Eversa and Callicritus, the Theban
ambassadors, who were slain in returning from Rome, I wish rather to
inquire who were their murderers, than to charge any one of the crime.
To whom else than your agents can the civil war in Ætolia, and the
deaths of the principal inhabitants, be imputed? The country of the
Dolopians was ravaged by you in person. King Eumenes, when he was
returning from Rome to his own dominions, was almost butchered, as a
victim, at the altars in consecrated ground, at Delphi, and it grieves
me to know the person whom he accuses. With regard to the secret crimes
which the host at Brundusium states in his communication, I take it for
certain, that all the particulars were written you from Rome, and that
your ambassadors reported them to you. There was one way by which you
might have avoided my speaking of these matters, which was, by not
inquiring why we brought troops into Macedonia, or sent garrisons into
the cities of our allies. When you had asked the question, it would have
been more haughty to keep silence, than to answer according to truth.
Out of regard to the friendship derived to us from our fathers, I am
really disposed to listen favourably to whatever you may say, and wish
that you may afford me some grounds of pleading your cause before the
senate.”

41. To this the king answered,—“A cause which would approve itself good
if tried before impartial judges, I must plead before judges who are at
the same time my accusers. Of the circumstances laid to my charge, some
are of such a nature that I know not whether I ought not to glory in
them; others there are which I would not blush to confess; and others,
which as they are backed by bare assertions, it will be sufficient to
deny. Supposing that I were this day to stand a trial, according to your
laws, what does either the Brundusian informer, or Eumenes, allege
against me that would be deemed a well-founded accusation, and not
rather a malicious aspersion? Had Eumenes (although both in his public
and private capacity he has done many grievous injuries to so many
people) no other enemy than me? Could I not find a better agent for the
perpetration of wickedness than Rammius, whom I had never seen before,
nor had any probability of ever seeing again? Then, I must give an
account of the Thebans, who, it is well known, perished by shipwreck;
and of the death of Artetarus, with regard to whom nothing more is
alleged against me, than that his murderers lived in exile in my
dominions. I will not object to the injustice of this assumption,
provided you will admit it on your side; and will acknowledge that,
whatever exiles have taken refuge in Rome or in Italy, you are
yourselves abettors of the crimes for which they have been condemned. If
you admit not this principle, as other nations will not, neither will I.
In truth, what advantage were it to any one that exile lay within his
grasp, if no where was there room for an exile? As soon however as I
understood from your representations, that those men were in Macedon, I
ordered that search should be made for them, and that they should quit
the kingdom; and I prohibited them for ever from setting foot on my
dominions. These accusations are brought against me as if I were a
criminal pleading my cause; the others affect me as a king, and must
derive their decision from the treaty which exists between you and me.
For if it is thus expressed in that treaty, that even if any one would
wage war against me, I am not permitted to protect my kingdom; I must
then confess I have infringed it, by defending myself with arms against
Abrupolis, an ally of the Roman people. But, on the other hand, if it is
both allowed by the treaty, and is an axiom established by the law of
nations, that arms may be repelled by arms; how, I pray you, ought I to
have acted when Abrupolis had spread devastation over the frontiers of
my kingdom as far as Amphipolis, carried off great numbers of free
persons a vast multitude of slaves, and many thousands of cattle? Ought
I to have lain quiet, and let him proceed until he came in arms to
Pella, into my very palace? But, allowing that I avenged my wrongs in a
just war, yet he ought not to have been subdued, and made to suffer the
evils which occur to the vanquished. Nay, but when I, who was the person
attacked, underwent the hazard of all these, how can he, who was the
cause of the war, complain if they happened to fall upon himself? As to
my having punished the Dolopians by force of arms, I mean not, Romans,
to defend myself in the same manner; because, whether they deserved that
treatment or not, I acted in right of my own sovereign authority: for
they were under my sovereign power and dominion, annexed to my father’s
territories by your decree. Nor, even if I were to give an account of my
conduct, I do not say to you, nor my other confederates, but even to
such as disapprove of a severe and unjust exercise of authority, even
over slaves, would I appear to have carried my severity against them
beyond the limits of justice and equity; for they slew Euphranor, the
governor whom I had set over them, in such a manner, that death was the
slightest of his sufferings.

42. “But, when I proceeded to visit Larissa, Antron, and Pteleos, (that
I might be within a convenient distance to pay vows, due long before,) I
went up to Delphi, in order to offer sacrifice; and here, with the
purpose of aggravating the imputed guilt, it is subjoined, that I went
with an army, with intent to do what I now complain of your doing,—to
seize the towns, and put garrisons in the citadels. Now, call together,
in assembly, the states of Greece, through which I marched; and if any
one person complain of ill treatment, offered by a soldier of mine, I
will not deny that I may appear, under a pretence of sacrificing, to
have had a different object. We sent aid to the Ætolians and Byzantians,
and made a treaty of friendship with the Bœotians. These proceedings, of
whatever nature they may be, have been repeatedly avowed by my
ambassadors; and, what is more, excused before your senate, where I had
several of my judges not so favourable as you, Quintus Marcius, my
paternal friend and guest. But at that time, my accuser, Eumenes, had
not come to Rome; one who, by misrepresenting and distorting every
occurrence, rendered it suspicious and odious, and endeavoured to
persuade you that Greece could not be in a state of freedom, nor enjoy
your kindness, while the kingdom of Macedon subsisted. The wheel will
come round; people will soon be found who will insist, that Antiochus
was in vain removed beyond the mountains of Taurus; that Eumenes is more
burdensome to Asia than Antiochus was; and that your allies can never
enjoy peace so long as there is a palace at Pergamus: for this was
raised as a citadel over the heads of the neighbouring states. Quintus
Marcius and Aulus Atilius, I am aware that the charges which were made
by you, and my reply to them, will have just so much weight as the ears
and the tempers of the hearers are disposed to allow them to have; and
that the question what I have done, or with what intention, is not of so
much importance, as what construction you may put on what has been done.
I am conscious to myself that I have not, knowingly, done wrong; and
that, if I have done any wrong, erring through imprudence, I am capable
of receiving correction and reformation from these reproofs. I have
certainly committed no fault that is incurable, or deserving punishment
by war and plunder: for surely the fame of your clemency and consistency
of conduct, spread over the world, is ill-founded, if, on such causes as
are scarcely deserving of complaint or expostulation, you take up arms
against kings in alliance with you.”

43. As he uttered these words with the apparent approbation of the
ambassadors, Marcius advised him to send ambassadors to Rome, as he
thought it best to try every expedient to the last, and to omit nothing
that might afford any prospect of peace. The consideration still
remained, how the ambassadors might travel with safety; and although, to
this end, it was necessary that the king should ask a truce, which
Marcius wished for, and in fact had no other view in consenting to the
conference, yet he granted it with apparent reluctance, and as a great
favour to the persons requesting it. At that juncture the Romans had not
made sufficient preparations for war; they had no army, no general:
whereas Perseus had every thing prepared and ready; and if a delusive
hope of peace had not blinded his judgment, he might have commenced
hostilities at a time most advantageous to himself and distressing to
his enemies. At the breaking up of this conference, (the truce being
ratified by both parties,) the Roman ambassadors bent their route
towards Bœotia, where great commotions were now beginning; for several
of the states withdrew themselves from the union of the general
confederacy of the Bœotians, from the time that the answer of the
ambassadors was announced, that “it would appear what particular states
were displeased at the formation of the alliance with the king.” First
deputies from Chæronea, then others from Thebes, met the Romans on the
road, and assured them, that they were not present in the council
wherein that alliance was resolved on. The ambassadors, giving them no
answer at the time, ordered that they should go with them to Chalcis. At
Thebes a violent dissension arose out of another contest. The party
defeated in the election of prætors of Bœotia, resolving to revenge the
affront, collected the multitude, and passed a decree at Thebes, that
the new Bœotarchs should not be admitted into the cities. All the
persons thus exiled betook themselves to Thespiæ; being recalled from it
(for they were received there without hesitation) to Thebes, owing to a
change in the minds of the people, they passed a decree that the twelve
persons who, without being invested with public authority, had held an
assembly and council, should be punished by banishment: and afterwards
the new prætor, (he was Ismenias, a man of distinction and power,) by
another decree, condemns them, although absent, to capital punishment.
They had fled to Chalcis; and thence they proceeded to Larissa, to the
Romans, and threw on Ismenias alone the blame of the alliance concluded
with Perseus, asserting that the contest originated in a party dispute;
yet ambassadors from both sides waited on the Romans, as did the exiles,
accusers of Ismenias, and Ismenias himself.

44. When they were all arrived at Chalcis, the chiefs of the other
states, each by a particular decree of their own, renounced the alliance
of Perseus, and joined themselves to the Romans, a circumstance which
gave very great pleasure to the latter. Ismenias recommended, that the
Bœotian nation should be placed under the orders of Rome; on which so
violent a dispute arose, that, if he had not fled for shelter to the
tribunal of the ambassadors, he would not have been far from losing his
life by the hands of the exiles and their abettors. Thebes itself, the
capital of Bœotia, was in a violent ferment, one party struggling hard
to bring the state over to the king, the other to the Romans; and
multitudes had come together, from Coronæ and Haliartus, to support the
decree in favour of Perseus. But by the firmness of the chiefs, (who
desired them to judge, from the defeats of Philip and Antiochus, how
great must be the power and fortune of the Roman empire,) the same
multitude was overcome, and not only resolved that the alliance with the
king should be cancelled, but also, to gratify the ambassadors, sent the
promoters of that alliance to Chalcis; and ordered, that the state
should be recommended to the protection of the Romans. Marcius and
Atilius heard the Thebans with joy, and advised both them and each state
separately to send ambassadors to Rome to renew the treaty. They
required, above all things, that the exiles should be restored; and
condemned by their own decree the advisers of the treaty with the king.
Having thus disunited the members of the Bœotian council, which was
their grand object, they proceeded to Peloponnesus, after summoning
Servius Cornelius to Chalcis. An assembly was summoned to meet them at
Argos, where they demanded nothing more from the Achæans, than the
furnishing of one thousand soldiers, which were sent as a garrison to
defend Chalcis until a Roman army should come into Greece.

45. Marcius and Atilius having finished the business that was to be done
in Greece, returned to Rome in the beginning of winter. An embassy had
been despatched thence, about the same time, into Asia, to the several
islands. The ambassadors were three; Tiberius Claudius, Publius
Postumius, and Marcus Junius. These, making a circuit among the allies,
exhorted them to undertake the war against Perseus, in conjunction with
the Romans; and the more powerful any state was, the more earnestly they
requested them, judging that the smaller states would follow the lead of
the greater. The Rhodians were esteemed of the utmost consequence on
every account; because they could not only countenance the war, but also
assist in it by their own strength, having, pursuant to the advice of
Hegesilochus, forty ships ready for sea. This man being chief
magistrate, whom they call Prytanis, had, by many arguments, prevailed
on the Rhodians to banish the hope of courting the favour of kings,
which they had, in repeated instances, found fallacious; and to maintain
firmly the alliance with Rome (which was the only one in the earth that
could be relied on for strength or honour). He told them, that “a war
was upon the point of breaking out with Perseus: that the Romans would
expect the same naval armament which they had seen lately in that with
Antiochus, and formerly in that with Philip: that they would be hurried,
in the hasty equipment of a fleet, when it ought to be sent at once,
unless they immediately set about the repairing and manning of their
ships: and that they ought to do this with the greatest diligence, in
order to refute, by the evidence of facts, the imputations thrown on
them by Eumenes.” Roused by these arguments, they showed to the Roman
ambassadors, on their arrival, a fleet of forty ships rigged and fitted
out, so that it might appear that they did not require to be urged. This
embassy had great effect in conciliating the affections of the states in
Asia. Decimius alone returned to Rome without effecting any thing, and
disgraced by the suspicion of having received money from the Illyrian
kings.

46. When Perseus, after the conference with the Romans, had retired into
Macedon, he sent ambassadors to Rome to carry on the negotiation for
peace commenced with Marcius, giving them letters, to be delivered at
Byzantium and Rhodes. The purport of the letters to all was the same,
viz. that he had conferred with the Roman ambassadors. What he had heard
from them, and what he had said, was, however, represented in such a
manner that he might seem to have had the advantage in the debate. In
presence of the Rhodians, the ambassadors added, that “they were
confident of a continuation of peace, for it was by the advice of
Marcius and Atilius that they were sent to Rome. But if the Romans
should commence their hostilities, contrary to treaty, it would then be
the business of the Rhodians to labour, with all their power and all
their interest, for the re-establishment of peace; and that, if they
should effect nothing by their mediation, they ought then to take such
measures as would prevent the dominion of the whole world from coming
into the hands of one nation only. That, as this was a matter of general
concern, so it was peculiarly interesting to the Rhodians, as they
surpassed the other states in dignity and power, which must be held on
terms of servility and dependence, if there were no other resource for
redress than the Romans.” Both the letter and the discourse of the
ambassadors were received by the Rhodians with every appearance of
kindness, but by no means exerted any influence in working a change in
their minds, for by this time the best-judging party had the superior
influence. By a public order this answer was given:—that “the Rhodians
wished for peace; but, if war should take place, they hoped that the
king would not expect or require from them any thing that might break
off their ancient friendship with the Romans, the fruit of many and
great services performed on their part both in war and peace.” The
Macedonians, on their way home from Rhodes, visited also the states of
Bœotia. Thebes, Coronæa, and Haliartus; for it was thought that the
measure of abandoning the alliance with the king, and joining the
Romans, was extorted from them against their will. The Thebans were not
influenced by his representations, though they were somewhat displeased
with the Romans, on account of the sentence passed on their nobles, and
the restoration of the exiles; but the Coronæans and Haliartians, out of
a kind of natural attachment to kings, sent ambassadors to Macedon,
requesting the aid of a body of troops to defend them against the
insolent tyranny of the Thebans. To this application the king answered,
that, “on account of the truce concluded with the Romans, it was not in
his power to send troops; but he recommended to them, to guard
themselves against ill-treatment from the Thebans, as far as they were
able, without affording the Romans a pretext for venting their
resentment on him.”

47. When Marcius and Atilius returned to Rome, they reported in the
Capitol the result of their embassy, in such a manner that they assumed
no greater merit for any one matter, than for having overreached the
king by the suspension of arms, and the hope of peace given him; for “he
was so fully provided,” they said, “with every requisite for the
immediate commencement of war, while on their side no one thing was in
readiness, that all the convenient posts might have been preoccupied by
him before an army could be transported into Greece; but, by gaining so
much time by the truce, the Romans would begin the war better provided
with every thing; whereas he would come into the field in no respect
better prepared.” They mentioned, also, that “they had so effectually
disunited by stratagem the members of the Bœotian council, that they
could never again, with any degree of unanimity, connect themselves with
the Macedonians.” A great part of the senate approved of these
proceedings, as conducted with consummate wisdom; but the older members,
and those who retained the ancient simplicity of manners, declared, that
“in the conduct of that embassy, they could discover nothing of the
Roman genius. Their ancestors waged war not by stratagems and attacks in
the night, nor by counterfeiting flight and returning unexpectedly on an
unguarded foe, nor in such a manner as to glory in cunning more than in
real valour. That they were accustomed to proclaim war before they waged
it, that they sometimes appointed the day of battle and marked out the
ground on which they were to fight. That with the same honourable
feeling information was given to king Pyrrhus of his physician plotting
against his life; and, from the same motive, they delivered bound, to
the Faliscians, the betrayer of their children. These were the acts of
the Roman law, not resulting from the craft of Carthaginians or the
subtlety of Greeks, among whom it is reckoned more glorious to deceive
an enemy than to overcome him by force. Sometimes greater present
advantages may be acquired by artifice than by bravery. But an
adversary’s spirit is finally subdued for ever, when the confession has
been extorted from him, that he was vanquished, not by artifice, nor by
chance, but in a just and open war, in a fair trial of strength hand to
hand.” Such were the sentiments of the elder members, to whom this
modern kind of wisdom was displeasing. But that part of the senate who
paid more regard to utility than to honour, prevailed, and passed a vote
approving of Marcius’ conduct in his former embassy; at the same time
ordering that he should be sent again into Greece with some ships, and
with authority to act in other matters as he should judge most conducive
to the public good. They also sent Aulus Atilius to keep possession of
Larissa in Thessaly; fearing lest, on the expiration of the armistice,
Perseus might send troops and secure to himself that metropolis. For the
execution of this, Atilius was ordered to receive from Cneius Sicinius
two thousand infantry. And three hundred soldiers of the Italian race
were given to Publius Lentulus, who had returned from Achaia, that he
should fix his quarters at Thebes, in order that Bœotia might be kept in
obedience.

48. After these preparations were made, the senate, notwithstanding
their determination for war was fixed, yet judged it proper to give
audience to the king’s ambassadors. Their discourse was, principally, a
repetition of what had been urged by Perseus in the conference. The
accusation of laying the ambush against Eumenes was defended with the
greatest care, and yet with the least success, for the thing was
manifest. The rest consisted of apologies: but their hearers were not in
a temper to be either convinced or persuaded. Orders were given them to
quit the city of Rome instantly, and Italy within thirty days. Then
orders were given to Publius Licinius, the consul, to whose lot the
province of Macedon had fallen, to appoint as early as possible the day
for assembling the army. Caius Lucretius, the prætor, whose province was
the fleet, sailed from the city with forty quinqueremes; for it was
judged proper that some of the vessels that were repaired should be kept
at Rome for other exigencies. The prætor sent forward his brother,
Marcus Lucretius, with one quinquereme; ordering him to collect from the
allies the ships due by treaty, and to join the fleet at Cephalonia. He
received from the Rhegians one trireme, from the Locrians two, and from
the Urites four; and then, coasting along the shore of Italy, until he
passed the farthest promontory of Calabria, in the Ionian Sea, he shaped
his course over to Dyrrachium. Finding there ten barks belonging to the
Dyrrachians, twelve belonging to the Issæans, and fifty-four to king
Gentius, affecting to understand that they had been brought thither for
the use of the Romans, he carried them all off, and sailed in three days
to Corcyra, and thence directly to Cephalonia. The prætor Caius
Lucretius set sail from Naples, and, passing the strait, arrived on the
fifth day at Cephalonia. There the fleet halted, waiting until the land
forces should be carried over, and until the transport vessels, which
had been separated from the fleet and scattered over the sea, might
rejoin it.

49. About this time the consul Publius Licinius, after offering vows in
the Capitol, marched out of the city in his military robes. This
ceremony is always conducted with great dignity and solemnity; on this
occasion particularly, it engaged people’s eyes and thoughts in an
unusual degree,—and this, by reason that they escorted the consul
against an enemy formidable and conspicuous both for abilities and
resources. For not only their desire to pay him the customary respect,
but an earnest wish to behold the show, and see the commander, to whose
wisdom and conduct they intrusted the maintenance of the public safety,
brought them together. Then such reflections as these entered their
minds: “How various were the chances of war; how uncertain the issue of
the contest; how variable the success of arms; how frequent the
vicissitudes of losses and successes; what disasters often happened
through the unskilfulness and rashness of commanders; and on the
contrary, what advantages their judgment and valour conferred. What
human being could yet know either the capacity or the fortune of the
consul whom they were sending against the enemy; whether they were
shortly to see him at the head of a victorious army ascending the
Capitol in triumph, to revisit the same gods from whom he now took his
departure, or whether they were to give a like cause of exultation to
their enemies.” Then king Perseus, against whom he was going, had a high
reputation, derived from the great martial character of the Macedonian
nation, and from his father Philip, who, besides many prosperous
achievements, had gained a large share of renown even in his war with
the Romans. Besides too, the name of Perseus himself, which had never
ceased, since his accession to the throne, to be the subject of
conversation, owing to the expectation of the war. Two military
tribunes, of consular rank, Caius Claudius and Quintus Mucius, were sent
with him; and three illustrious young men, Publius Lentulus, and two of
the name of Manlius Acidinus, one the son of Marcus Manlius, the other
of Lucius. With these he went to Brundusium to the army; and sailing
over thence with all his forces, pitched his camp at Nymphæum, in the
territory of Apollonia.

50. A few days before this, Perseus, after the ambassadors returned from
Rome, and cut off every hope of peace, held a council, in which a
contest was carried on for some time between different opinions. Some
were of opinion that he ought to pay a tribute, or even to cede a part
of his dominions, if they should deprive him of that; in short, that he
ought not to refuse, for the sake of peace, whatever must be submitted
to, nor act in such a manner as would expose himself and his kingdom to
such a perilous hazard. For, “if he retained undisputed possession of
the throne, time and the revolution of affairs might produce many
conjunctures, which would enable him not only to recover his losses, but
to become formidable to those whom he now had reason to dread.” A
considerable majority, however, expressed sentiments of a bolder nature.
They insisted that “the cession of any part would be followed by that of
the whole kingdom. The Romans were in want of neither money nor
territory: but they considered that all human affairs, even kingdoms and
empires are subject to many casualties. They had themselves broken the
power of the Carthaginians, and settled in the neighbourhood a very
powerful king, as a yoke on their necks, and had removed Antiochus and
his future successors beyond the mountains of Taurus. There now remained
only the kingdom of Macedonia near in situation, and such as might, if
any where the fortune of Rome should waver, inspire its kings with the
spirit of their forefathers. Perseus therefore ought, while his affairs
were yet in a state of safety, to consider well in his own mind, whether
he should prefer to give up one part of his dominions after another,
until at length, stripped of all power and exiled from his kingdom, he
should be reduced to beg from the Romans either Samothracia or some
other island, where he might grow old in poverty and contempt; or, on
the other hand, armed in vindication of his fortune and his honour, as
is the part of a brave man, either should endure with patience whatever
misfortune the chance of war might bring upon him, or by victory deliver
the world from the tyranny of Rome. There would be nothing more
wonderful in the Romans being driven out of Greece, than in Hannibal’s
being driven out of Italy; nor, in truth, did they see how it could
consist with the character of the prince, to resist with the utmost
vigour his brother, who unjustly aspired to the crown, and, after he had
fairly obtained it himself, surrender it up to foreigners. Lastly, that
war had its vindication as well as peace, so that nothing was accounted
more shameful than to yield up a dominion without a struggle, and
nothing more glorious than for a prince to have experienced every kind
of fortune in the defence of his crown and dignity.”

51. The council was held at Pella, in the old palace of the Macedonian
kings. “Let us then,” Perseus said, “with the help of the gods, wage
war, since that is your opinion;” and, despatching letters to all the
commanders of the troops, he concentrated his entire force at Cytium, a
town of Macedon. He himself, after making a royal offering of one
hundred victims, which he sacrificed to Minerva, called Alcidemos, set
out for Cytium, attended by a band of nobles and guards. All the forces,
both of the Macedonians and foreign auxiliaries, had already assembled
in that place. He encamped them before the city, and drew them all up,
under arms, in order of battle, in a plain. The amount of the whole was
forty-three thousand armed men; of whom about one half composed the
phalanx, and were commanded by Hippias of Berœa; there were then two
thousand selected for their superior strength, and the vigour of their
age, out of the whole number of their shield-bearers: this legion they
called, in their own language, Agema, and the command of them was given
to Leonatus and Thrasippus of Eulyea. Antiphilus of Edessa commanded the
rest of the shield-bearers, about three thousand men. Pæonians, and men
from Parorea and Parstrymonia, (places subject to Thrace,) with Agrians,
and a mixture of some native Thracians, made up the number of about
three thousand men. Didas, the Pæonian, the murderer of young Demetrius,
had armed and embodied these. There were two thousand Gallic soldiers,
under the command of Asclepiodotus; three thousand independent
Thracians, from Heraclea, in the country of the Sintians, had a general
of their own. An equal number nearly of Cretans followed their own
general, Susus of Phalasarna, and Syllus of Gnossus. Leonidas, a
Lacedæmonian, commanded a body of five hundred Greeks, of various
descriptions: this man was said to be of the royal blood, and had been
condemned to exile in a full council of the Achæans on account of a
letter to Perseus, which was intercepted. Lycho, an Achæan, was the
commander of the Ætolians and Bœotians, who did not make up more than
the number of five hundred men. These auxiliaries, composed of so many
states and so many nations, made up about twelve thousand fighting men.
Of cavalry, he had collected from all parts of Macedon, three thousand:
and Cotys, son of Seutha, king of the Odrysian nation, was arrived with
one thousand chosen horsemen, and nearly the same number of foot. The
total number was thirty-nine thousand foot, and four thousand horse.
Most certainly, since the army which Alexander the Great led into Asia,
no king of Macedonia had ever been at the head of so powerful a force.

52. It was now twenty-six years since peace had been granted to the suit
of Philip; and Macedon, having through all that period enjoyed quiet,
was become exceedingly populous, and very many were now grown up, and
become qualified for the duties of the field; and owing to the
unimportant wars with the neighbouring states of Thrace, which had given
them exercise rather than fatigue, were in continual practice of
military service. Besides, a war with Rome having been long meditated
by, first, Philip, and afterwards by Perseus, had effected that all
things should be arranged and prepared. The troops performed some few
movements, but not the regular course of exercise, only that they might
not seem to have stood motionless under arms. He then called them, armed
as they were, to an assembly. He himself stood on his tribunal, with his
two sons, one on each side of him; the elder of whom, Philip, was by
birth his brother, his son by adoption; the younger, named Alexander,
was his son by birth. The king exhorted his troops to a vigorous
prosecution of the war. He enumerated the injuries offered by the Romans
to Philip and himself; told them, that “his father, having been
compelled, by every kind of indignity, to resolve on a renewal of
hostilities, was, in the midst of his preparations for war, arrested by
fate: that ambassadors were sent by himself at the same time that
soldiers were sent to seize the cities of Greece: that then, under the
pretext of re-establishing peace, they spun out the winter, by means of
a fallacious conference, in order to gain time to make their
preparations; that their consul was now coming, with two Roman legions,
containing each six thousand foot and three hundred horse, and nearly
the same number of auxiliaries; and that, should they even be joined by
the troops of Eumenes and Masinissa, yet these could not amount to more
than seven thousand foot and two thousand horse.” He desired them,
“after hearing the number of the enemy’s forces, to reflect on their own
army, how far it excelled both in number and in the qualifications of
the men, a body of raw recruits, enlisted hastily for the present
occasion; whereas they themselves had from childhood been instructed in
the military art, and had been disciplined and inured to toil in a
course of many wars. The auxiliaries of the Romans were Lydians,
Phrygians, and Numidians; while his were Thracians and Gauls, the
bravest nations in the world. Their troops had such arms as each needy
soldier procured for himself; but those of the Macedonians were
furnished out of the royal stores, and had been made with much care at
the expense of his father, in a course of many years. They must bring
their provisions not only from a great distance, but expose them to all
the hazards of the sea; while he, besides his revenue from the mines,
had laid up a store, both of money and food, sufficient for the
consumption of ten years. The Macedonians possessed in abundance every
advantage, in point of preparation, that depended on the kindness of the
gods, or the care of their sovereign: they ought therefore to have the
same daring spirit which their fathers had before them; who, after
subduing all Europe, passed over into Asia, and opened by their arms a
world unknown to fame, and never ceased to conquer until they were
stopped by the Red Sea, and when nothing remained for them to subdue.
But in truth fortune has determined the present struggle to be carried
on, not for the far remote regions of India, but for the possession of
Macedon itself. When the Romans made war on his father, they held out
the specious pretence of liberating Greece; now, they avowedly aimed at
reducing Macedon to slavery, that there might be no king in the
neighbourhood of the Roman empire, and that no nation, renowned in war,
should have the possession of arms; for these must be delivered up to
their imperious masters, together with the king and kingdom, if they
chose to decline a war, and obey their orders.”

53. Notwithstanding that, during the course of his speech, he was
frequently interrupted by the exclamations of the multitude; then truly
such shouts arose from the army, expressing indignation and menaces
against the foe, and urging him to act with spirit, that he put an end
to his discourse. He only ordered them to be ready to march; because it
was reported that the Romans were quitting their camp at Nymphæum; and
then, dismissing the assembly, he went to give audience to deputies from
the several states of Macedon, who were come to offer money and corn, in
proportion to the abilities of each. He gave thanks to all, but
declined their proffers; telling them that the royal stores were
sufficient to answer every purpose. Carriages only were demanded for the
conveyance of the engines, and the vast quantity of missile weapons that
was prepared, with other military implements. He then put his army in
motion, directing his route to Eordea; and after encamping at the lake
Begorites, advanced, next day, into Elimea, to the river Haliacmon. Then
passing the mountains through a narrow defile called Cambunii, he
marched against the inhabitants of the district called Tripolis,
consisting of Azoras, Pythios, and Doliche. These three towns hesitated,
for a little time, because they had given hostages to the Larissæans;
however being overcome by the fear of immediate danger, they
capitulated. He received them with expressions of favour, not doubting
that the Perrhæbians would be induced to follow their example; and
accordingly, on his first arrival he got possession of their city,
without any reluctance being shown on the part of the inhabitants. He
was obliged to use force against Cyretiæ, and was even repulsed the
first day by bodies of armed men, who defended the gates with great
bravery; but on the day following, having assaulted the place with all
his forces, he received their surrender before night.

54. Mylas, the next town, was so strongly fortified, that the
inhabitants, from the hopes of their works being impregnable, had
conceived too great a degree of confidence. Not content with shutting
their gates against the king, they cast insulting reproaches on himself
and on the Macedonians, which behaviour, while it provoked the enemy to
attack them with greater rancour, kindled a greater ardour in themselves
to make a vigorous defence, as they had now no hopes of pardon. During
three days, therefore, the town was attacked and defended with great
spirit. The great number of Macedonians made it easy for them to relieve
each other, and to support the fight by turns; not only wounds, but want
of sleep and continual labour, were wearing out the besieged, who
guarded the walls by day and night. On the fourth day, when the
scaling-ladders were raised on all sides, and one of the gates was
attacked with unusual force, the townsmen, who were beaten off the
walls, ran together to secure the gate, and made a sudden sally. Since
this was the effect rather of inconsiderate rage than of a
well-grounded confidence in their strength, they being few in number,
and worn down with fatigue, were routed by men who were fresh; and
having turned their backs, and fled through the open gate, they allowed
the enemy to enter through it. The city was thus taken, and plundered,
and even the persons of free condition who survived the carnage were
sold. The king, after dismantling and reducing to ashes the greater part
of the town, removed, and encamped at Phalanna; and next day arrived at
Gyrton; but understanding that Titus Minucius Rufus, and Hippias, the
prætor of the Thessalians, had gone into the town with a body of troops,
he passed by, without even attempting a siege, and received the
submission of Elatia and Gonni, whose inhabitants were dismayed by his
unexpected arrival. Both these towns, particularly Gonni, stand at the
entrance of the pass which leads to Tempe; he therefore left the latter
under a strong guard of horse and foot, and fortified it, besides, with
a triple trench and rampart. Advancing to Sycurium, he determined to
wait there the approach of the Romans; at the same time he ordered his
troops to collect corn from all parts of the country subject to the
enemy: for Sycurium stands at the foot of Mount Ossa, the southern side
of which overlooks the plains of Thessaly, and the opposite side
Macedonia and Magnesia. Besides these advantages of situation, the place
enjoys a most healthful air, and a never-failing supply of water, from
the numerous springs which lay around.

55. About the same time the Roman consul, marching towards Thessaly, at
first found the roads of Epirus clear and open; but afterwards, when he
proceeded into Athamania, where the country is rugged, and almost
impassable, with great labour and by short marches he with difficulty
reached Gomphi. If, while he was leading his raw troops through such a
territory, and while both his men and horses were debilitated by
constant toil, the king had attacked him with his army in proper order,
and at an advantageous place and time, the Romans themselves do not deny
that they must have suffered very great loss in an engagement. When they
arrived at Gomphi, without opposition, great contempt of the enemy was
added to their joy at having effected their passage through such a
dangerous road, since they showed such utter ignorance of their own
advantages. The consul, after duly offering sacrifice, and distributing
corn to the troops, halted a few days, to give rest to the men and
horses; and then, hearing that the Macedonians were overrunning
Thessaly, and wasting the country of the allies, he led on to Larissa
his troops, now sufficiently refreshed. Proceeding thence, when he came
within about three miles of Tripolis, (they call the place Scæa,) he
encamped on the river Peneus. In the mean time, Eumenes arrived by sea
at Chalcis, accompanied by his brothers Attalus and Athenæus, (bringing
with him two thousand foot, the command of whom he gave to the latter,)
having left his other brother, Philetærus, at Pergamus to manage the
business of his kingdom. From thence, with Attalus and four thousand
foot and one thousand horse, he came and joined the consul: two thousand
foot were left at Chalcis, of which Athenæus had the command: whither
also arrived parties of auxiliaries from every one of the states of
Greece; but most of them so small that their numbers have not been
transmitted to us. The Apollonians sent three hundred horse and one
hundred foot. Of the Ætolians came a number equal to one cohort, being
the entire cavalry of the nation; and of the Thessalians (all their
cavalry acted separately) not more than three hundred horsemen were in
the Roman camp. The Achæans furnished one thousand young men, armed
mostly in the Cretan manner.

56. In the mean time, Caius Lucretius, the prætor and naval commander at
Cephallenia, having ordered his brother, Marcus Lucretius, to conduct
the fleet along the coast of Malea to Chalcis, went himself on board a
trireme, and sailed to the Corinthian gulf, that he might as early as
possible put the affairs of Bœotia on a proper footing; but the voyage
proved tedious to him, particularly from the weak state of his health.
Marcus Lucretius, on his arrival at Chalcis, when he heard that
Haliartus was besieged by Publius Lentulus, sent a messenger to him,
with an order, in the prætor’s name, to retire from the place. The
lieutenant-general, who had undertaken this enterprise with Bœotian
troops, raised out of the party that sided with the Romans, retired from
the walls. But the raising of this siege only made room for a new one:
for Marcus Lucretius immediately invested Haliartus with troops from on
board the fleet, amounting to ten thousand effective men, and who were
joined by two thousand of the forces of king Eumenes, who were under
Athenæus. Just when they were preparing for an assault, the prætor came
up from Creusa. At the same time, ships sent by the allies arrived at
Chalcis: two Carthaginian quinqueremes, two triremes from Heraclea in
Pontus, four from Chalcedon, a like number from Samos, and also five
quinqueremes from Rhodes. The prætor sent back these to the allies,
because there was no where a naval war. Quintus Marcius also came to
Chalcis with his ships, having taken Alope, and laid siege to Larissa,
called likewise Cremaste. While such was the state of affairs in
Bœotia, Perseus, when, as has been mentioned, he lay encamped at
Sycurium, after collecting the corn from all the adjacent parts, sent a
detachment to ravage the lands of the Pheræans; hoping that the Romans
might be drawn away from their camp to succour the cities of their
allies, and then be caught at a disadvantage. And when he saw that they
were not put in motion by this disorderly expedition, he distributed all
the booty, consisting mostly of cattle of all kinds, among the soldiers,
that they might feast themselves with plenty. The prisoners he kept.

57. Both the consul and the king held councils nearly at the same time,
to determine in what manner they should begin their operations. The king
assumed fresh confidence, from the enemy having allowed him, without
interruption, to ravage the country of the Pheræans: and in consequence,
resolved to advance directly to their camp, and give them no further
time for delay. On the other side, the Romans were convinced that their
inactivity had created a mean opinion of them in the minds of their
allies, who were exceedingly offended that aid was not borne to the
Pheræans. While they were deliberating how they should act, (Eumenes and
Attalus were present in the council,) a messenger in a violent hurry
acquainted them that the enemy were approaching in a great body. On this
the council was dismissed, and an order to take arms instantly issued.
It was also resolved, that in the mean time a party of Eumenes’ troops,
consisting of one hundred horse, and an equal number of javelin-bearers
on foot, should go out to observe the enemy. Perseus, about the fourth
hour of the day, being nearly one thousand paces from the Roman camp,
ordered the body of his infantry to halt and advanced himself in front,
with the cavalry and light infantry, accompanied by Cotys and the other
generals of the auxiliaries. They were less than five hundred paces
distant, when they descried the Roman horse, which consisted of two
cohorts, mostly Gauls, commanded by Cassignatus, and attended by about
one hundred and fifty light infantry, Mysians and Cretans. The king
halted, as he knew not the force of the enemy. He then sent forward two
troops of Thracians, and two of Macedonians, with two cohorts of Cretans
and Thracians. The fight, as the parties were equal in number, and no
reinforcements were sent upon either side, ended without any decided
advantage. About thirty of Eumenes’ men were killed, among whom fell
Cassignatus, general of the Gauls. Perseus then led back his forces to
Sycurium, and the next day, about the same hour, brought up his army to
the same ground, and a number of waggons carrying water followed him;
for the road for twelve miles had no water, and was very full of dust:
and it was apparent that if they came to an engagement on the first view
of the enemy, they would be greatly distressed in the fight by thirst.
When the Romans remained quiet, and even called in the advanced guards
within the rampart; the king’s troops returned to their camp. In this
manner they acted for several days, still hoping that the Roman cavalry
might attack their rear on their retreat, which would bring on a battle;
considering, likewise, that when they had once enticed the Romans to
some distance from their camp, they could, being superior in both
cavalry and light infantry, easily, and in any spot, face about upon
them.

58. After this design did not succeed, the king moved his camp nearer
the enemy, and fortified it at the distance of five miles from the
Romans. From it at the dawn of the next day, having drawn up his line of
infantry on the same ground as before, he led up the whole cavalry and
light infantry to the enemy’s camp. The sight of the dust rising in
great abundance and nearer than usual, caused a great alarm in the Roman
camp; and at first they scarcely believed the person announcing the
circumstance, because during all the preceding days the Macedonians had
never appeared before the fourth hour, and it was now only sun-rise.
Afterwards, when their doubts were removed, by the shouting of great
numbers, and the men running off from the gates, great confusion
ensued. The tribunes, præfects, and centurions hastened to the general’s
quarters, and their soldiers to their several tents. Perseus formed his
troops within less than five hundred paces of the rampart, round a hill,
called Callinicus. King Cotys, at the head of his countrymen, had the
command of the left wing, the light infantry were placed between the
ranks of the cavalry and separated them. On the right wing were the
Macedonian horse, with whose troops the Cretans were intermixed. Milo,
of Berœa, had the command of these last; Meno, of Antigone, that of the
cavalry, and the chief direction of the whole division. Next to the
wings were posted the royal horsemen, and a mixed kind of troops
selected out of the auxiliary corps of many nations; the commanders here
were Patrocles of Antigone, and Didas the governor of Pæonia. In the
centre was the king; and on each side of him the band called Agema, with
the consecrated squadrons of horse; in his front the slingers and
javelin-bearers, each body amounting to four hundred. The command of
these he gave to Ion of Thessalonice, and Timanor, a Dolopian. The
king’s troops were posted in this manner. On the other side, the consul,
drawing up his infantry in a line within the trenches, sent out likewise
all his cavalry and light infantry, which were marshalled on the outside
of the rampart. Caius Licinius Crassus, the consul’s brother, had the
command of the right wing, which consisted of all the Italian cavalry,
with light infantry intermixed. On the left wing, Marcus Valerius
Lævinus commanded the cavalry of the allies, being sent by the states of
Greece, and the light infantry of the same nation; Quintus Mucius, with
a chosen body of cavalry, levied on the emergency, led the centre. In
the front of this body were placed two hundred Gallic horsemen; and of
the auxiliaries of Eumenes, three hundred Cyrtians. Four hundred
Thessalian horse were posted at a little distance, beyond the left wing.
King Eumenes and Attalus, with their whole division, stood on the rear,
between the rear rank and the rampart.

59. Formed in this manner, and nearly equal in numbers of cavalry and
light infantry, the two armies encountered; the fight being begun by the
slingers and javelin-bearers, who preceded the lines. First of all the
Thracians, just like wild beasts which had been long pent up, rushing on
with a hideous yell, fell upon the Italian cavalry in the right wing
with such fury, that even those men who were fortified against fear,
both by experience in war and by their natural courage, were thrown into
disorder. The footmen struck their spears with their swords; sometimes
cut the hams of their horse, and sometimes stabbed them in the flanks.
Perseus, making a charge on the centre, at the first onset routed the
Greeks. When the enemy pressed hard on their rear, the Thessalian
cavalry, who had been posted in reserve at a little distance from the
left wing, clear of the shock, at first mere spectators of the fight,
afterwards, when affairs took this unfortunate turn, were of the utmost
service to the Greeks. For they retreating leisurely, and keeping their
ranks, after they joined the auxiliary troops under Eumenes, in concert
with him afforded a safe retreat between their ranks to the
confederates, who fled in disorder, and as the enemy did not follow in
close bodies, they even had the courage to advance, and by that means
saved many of the flying soldiers who made towards them. Nor did the
king’s troops, who in the ardour of the pursuit had fallen into
confusion, dare to encounter men regularly formed, and marching with a
steady pace. When the king, victorious in the cavalry action, shouted
out “that the war was finished, if they would aid him by even slight
exertions,” the phalanx came up seasonably while he was encouraging his
troops; for Hippias and Leonatus, as soon as they heard of the victory
gained by the horse, without waiting for orders, advanced with all
haste, that they might be at hand to second any spirited design. While
the king, struck with the great importance of the attempt, hesitated
between hope and fear, Evander, the Cretan, who had been employed by him
to waylay king Eumenes at Delphi, after he saw the body of infantry
advancing round their standards, ran up, and warmly recommended, to him,
“not to suffer himself to be so far elated by success, as rashly to risk
his all on a precarious chance, when there was no necessity for it. If
he would content himself with the advantage already obtained, and
proceed no farther that day, he would have it in his power to make an
honourable peace; or if he chose to continue the war, he would be joined
by abundance of allies, who would readily follow fortune.” The king’s
own judgment rather inclined to this plan; wherefore, after commending
Evander, he ordered the standards to be borne back, and the infantry to
return to their camp, and the trumpeters to sound the signal for retreat
to the cavalry. On the side of the Romans there were slain that day two
hundred horsemen, and not less than two thousand footmen; about two
hundred horsemen were made prisoners: but of the king’s, only twenty
horsemen and forty footmen were killed.

60. When the victors returned to their camp, all were full of joy, but
the insolent transports of the Thracians were particularly remarkable;
for on their way back they chanted songs, and carried the heads of the
enemy fixed on spears. Among the Romans there was not only grief arising
from their ill success, but dread lest the enemy should immediately
attack their camp. Eumenes advised the consul to take post on the other
side of the Peneus, that he might have the river as a defence, until the
dismayed troops should recover their spirits. The consul was deeply
struck with the shame of an acknowledgment of fear; yet he yielded to
reason, and leading over his troops in the dead of the night, fortified
a camp on the farther bank. Next day the king advanced with the
intention of provoking the enemy to battle; and on seeing their camp
pitched in safety on the other side of the river, admitted that he had
been guilty of error in not pushing the victory the day before, and of a
still greater fault, in lying idle during the night; for by sending his
light-armed troops, without calling out any of his other soldiers, the
army of the enemy might in a great measure be destroyed, during their
confusion in the passage of the river. The Romans were delivered,
indeed, from any immediate fears, as they had their camp in a place of
safety; but, among many other afflicting circumstances, their loss of
reputation affected them most. In a council held in presence of the
consul, every one concurred in throwing the blame on the Ætolians,
insisting that the panic and flight took place first among them; and
that then the other allied troops of the Grecian states followed their
cowardly example. Five chiefs of the Ætolians, who were said to be the
first persons that turned their backs, were sent to Rome.

61. The Thessalians were publicly commended in a general assembly, and
their commanders even received presents for their good behaviour. The
spoils of the enemies who fell in the engagement were brought to the
king, out of which he made presents,—to some, of remarkable armour, to
some, of horses, and to others he gave prisoners. There were above one
thousand five hundred shields; the coats of mail and breastplates
amounted to more than one thousand, and the number of helmets, swords,
and missile weapons of all sorts was much greater. These spoils, ample
in themselves, were much magnified in a speech which the king made to an
assembly of the troops: he said, “You have given the prestige of victory
to the issue of the war: you have routed the best part of the enemy’s
force, the Roman cavalry, which they used to boast of as invincible.
For, with them, the cavalry is the flower of their youth; the cavalry is
the nursery of their senate; out of them they choose the members of that
body, who afterwards are made their consuls; out of them they elect
their commanders. The spoils of these we have just now divided among
you. Nor have you a less evident victory over their legions of infantry,
who, stealing away in the night through fear of you, filled the river
with all the disorderly confusion of people shipwrecked, swimming here
and there. But it will be easier for us to pass the Peneus in pursuit of
the vanquished, than it was for them in the hurry of their flight; and,
immediately on our passing, we will assault their camp, which we should
have taken this morning if they had not run away. Or if they should
choose to meet us in the field, anticipate the same result in an
infantry action, as took place yesterday when the cavalry were engaged.”
Those troops who had gained the victory, while they bore on their
shoulders the spoils of the enemies whom they had killed, were highly
animated at hearing their own exploits, and, from what had passed,
conceived sanguine hopes of the future; while the infantry, especially
those of the Macedonian phalanx, were inflamed with emulation of the
glory acquired by the others, wishing impatiently for an opportunity to
display their exertions in the king’s service, and to acquire equal
glory from the defeat of the enemy. The king then dismissed the
assembly; and next day, marching thence, pitched his camp at Mopsius, a
hill situate half way between Tempe and Larissa.

62. The Romans, without quitting the bank of the Peneus, removed their
camp to a place of greater safety. Thither came Misagenes, the Numidian,
with one thousand horse, and a like number of foot, besides twenty-two
elephants. The king soon after held a council on the general plan to be
pursued; and as the presumption inspired by the late success had by this
time subsided, some of his friends ventured to advise him to employ his
good fortune as the means of obtaining an honourable peace, rather than
to let himself be so far transported with vain hopes, as to expose
himself to the hazard of an irretrievable misfortune. They observed,
that “to use moderation in prosperity, and not to confide too much in
the calm of present circumstances, was the part of a man of prudence,
who deserved success; and they recommended it to him to send to the
consul, to renew the treaty, on the same terms which his father had
received from Titus Quintius, his conqueror; for the war could never be
terminated in a more glorious manner than by such a memorable battle,
nor could a surer hope of a lasting peace ever occur, than that afforded
by existing circumstances, as they were likely to make the Romans,
dispirited by their defeat, more willing to come to terms. But should
they, with their native obstinacy, spurn reasonable conditions, then
gods and men would bear witness both to the moderation of Perseus, and
to the stubborn pride of the others.” The king’s inclination was never
averse to such measures; therefore this opinion received the approbation
of the majority. The ambassadors sent to the consul had audience in a
full council, summoned for the purpose. They requested that “a peace
might be concluded; promising that Perseus should pay the Romans the
same tribute which Philip had engaged to pay, and should evacuate the
same cities, lands, and places, which Philip had evacuated.” Such were
the proposals of the ambassadors. When they withdrew, and the council
deliberated concerning them, the Roman firmness prevailed in their
determination. So completely was it the practice of that time, to assume
in adversity the countenance of prosperity, and in prosperity to
moderate the temper. They resolved to give this answer: “That peace
should be granted on this condition only; that the king should give to
the senate an entirely unconditional right, of deciding concerning him
and all Macedon.” When the ambassadors brought back this answer, such as
were unacquainted with their usual mode of acting, were astonished at
the obstinate perseverance of the Romans, and most people advised the
king to make no further mention of peace, for “the enemy would soon come
to solicit that which they now disdained when offered.” Perseus feared
this haughtiness, since it proceeded from a confidence in their
strength, and increasing the sum of money, with the hope of purchasing
peace by treasure, did not cease to solicit the mind of the consul.
After the consul made no change in the answer which he had first given,
Perseus, having despaired of peace, returned to Sycurium, from which he
had set out with the intention of trying again the fortune of war.

63. The news of this cavalry action spread through Greece, produced a
discovery of the wishes of the people. For not only those who professed
an attachment to the Macedonians, but the generality, who were bound to
the Romans under the weightiest obligations, and some who had even felt
the power and haughty behaviour of the Macedonians, received the account
with joy; and that for no other cause, than out of an evil passion which
the mob displays, even in contests of sports, of favouring the worse and
weaker party. Meanwhile, in Bœotia, the prætor, Lucretius, pushed the
siege of Haliartus with all imaginable vigour. And although the besieged
had no foreign aid, except some young Coronæans, who had come into the
town at the beginning of the siege, and were without hope of relief, yet
they maintained the defence with courage beyond their strength. For they
made frequent irruptions against the works; and when the ram was
applied, they crushed it to the ground, by dropping on it a mass of
lead; and whenever those who worked the engine avoided the blow by
changing its position, the besieged by working in masses, and collecting
stones out of the rubbish, quickly erected a new wall in the room of
that which had been demolished. The prætor, when the progress by
machines was too slow, ordered scaling-ladders to be distributed among
the companies, resolving to make a general assault on the walls. He
thought the number of his men sufficient for this, and the more so
because on one side of the city, which is bounded by a morass, it would
neither be useful nor practicable to form an attack. Lucretius himself
led two thousand chosen men to a place where two towers, and the wall
between them, had been thrown down; hoping that, while he endeavoured to
climb over the ruins, and the townsmen crowded thither to oppose him,
the walls, being left defenceless, in some part or other might be taken
by escalade. The besieged were not remiss in preparing to repel his
assault; for, on the ground, overspread with the rubbish, they placed
faggots of dry bushes, and standing with burning torches in their hands,
they often threatened to set them on fire, in order that, being covered
from the enemy by the smoke and flames, they might have time to throw up
a wall in the inside. But a casualty prevented this plan from
succeeding; for there fell suddenly such a quantity of rain, as hindered
the faggots from being kindled; thus a passage was laid open by drawing
the smoking faggots aside; and while all were attending to the defence
of one particular spot, the walls were mounted by escalade in many
places at once. In the first tumult of storming the town the old men and
children, whom chance threw in the way, were put to the sword
indiscriminately, while the men who carried arms fled into the citadel.
Next day, these, having no remaining hope, surrendered, and were sold by
public auction. Their number was about two thousand five hundred. The
ornaments of the city, consisting of statues and pictures, with all the
valuable booty, were carried off to the ships, and the city was razed to
the ground. The prætor then led his army into Thebes, which fell into
his hands without a dispute; when he gave the city in possession to the
exiles, and the party that sided with the Romans; and sold, as slaves,
the families of those who were of the opposite faction, and favoured the
king and the Macedonians. After performing these acts in Bœotia, he
returned to the sea-coast to his fleet.

64. Whilst these events were taking place in Bœotia, Perseus lay a
considerable time encamped at Sycurium. Having learned there that the
Romans were busily employed in collecting corn from all the adjacent
grounds, and that when it was brought in, they cut off the ears with
sickles, each before his own tent, in order that he might thresh it the
cleaner, and had by this means formed large heaps of straw in all
quarters of the camp: he, supposing that he might set it on fire,
ordered torches, faggots, and bundles of tow, dipped in pitch, to be got
ready; and thus prepared, he began his march at midnight, that he might
make the attack at the first dawn, and without discovery. But his
stratagem was frustrated: the advanced guards, who were surprised,
alarmed the rest of the troops by the tumult and terror among them:
orders were given to take arms with all speed, and the soldiers were
instantly drawn up on the rampart and at the gates in readiness to
defend the camp. Perseus immediately ordered his army to face about; the
baggage to go foremost, and the battalions of foot to follow, while
himself, with the cavalry and light infantry, kept behind, in order to
cover the rear; for he expected, what indeed happened, that the enemy
would pursue and harass his rear. There was a short scuffle between the
light infantry, mostly in skirmishing parties. The infantry and cavalry
returned to their camp, without any disturbance. After reaping all the
corn in that quarter, the Romans removed into the territory of Cranno,
which was yet untouched. While they were encamped there, deeming
themselves secure on account of the distance between the camps, and the
difficulty of the march, through a country as destitute of water as was
that between Sycurium and Cranno, the king’s cavalry and light infantry
appeared suddenly, at the dawn of day, on the nearest hills, and caused
a violent alarm. They had marched from Sycurium at noon the preceding
day, and had left their infantry at the dawn in the next plain. Perseus
stood a short time on the hills, in expectation that the Romans might be
induced to come to a cavalry action; but after they did not move, he
sent a horseman to order the infantry to return to Sycurium, and he
himself soon followed. The Roman horse pursued at a small distance, in
expectation of being able to attack such as might disperse and separate;
but seeing them retreat in close order, and attentive to their standards
and ranks, they desisted, and returned to their camp.

65. The king, disliking the length of the march, removed his camp from
Sycurium to Mopsilum; and the Romans, having cut down all the corn about
Cranno, marched into the lands of Phalanna. When Perseus learnt from a
deserter that they carried on their reaping there, without any armed
guard, straggling at random through the fields, he set out with one
thousand horsemen and two thousand Thracians and Cretans, and after
marching with all the speed that he possibly could, unexpectedly fell on
the Romans. Nearly a thousand carts, with horses harnessed to them, most
of them loaded, were seized, and about six hundred men were taken. The
charge of guarding this booty, and conducting it to the camp, he gave
to a party of three hundred Cretans, and calling in the rest of his
infantry and the cavalry who were spread about, killing the enemy, he
led them against the nearest station, thinking that it might be
overpowered without much difficulty. Lucius Pompeius, a military
tribune, was in command; who led his men, who were dismayed by the
sudden approach of the enemy, to a hill at a little distance, hoping to
defend himself by means of the advantage of the ground, as he was
inferior in number and strength. There he collected his men in a
circular body, that, by closing their shields, they might guard
themselves from arrows and javelins; on which Perseus, surrounding the
hill with armed men, ordered a party to strive to climb it on all sides,
and come to close fighting, and the rest to throw missile weapons
against them from a distance. The Romans were environed with dangers, in
whatever manner they acted; for they could not fight in a body, on
account of the enemy who endeavoured to mount the hill; and, if they
broke their ranks in order to skirmish with these, they were exposed to
the arrows and javelins. They were galled most severely by the
Cestrospendana. A dart, two palms in length, was fixed to a shaft, half
a cubit long, and of the thickness of a man’s finger; round this, which
was made of pine, three feathers were tied, as is commonly done with
arrows. To throw this they used a sling, which had two beds, unequal in
size and in the length of the strings. When the weapon was balanced in
these, and the slinger whirled it round by the longer string and
discharged it, it flew with the rapid force of a leaden bullet. When one
half of the soldiers had been wounded by these and other weapons of all
kinds, and the rest were so fatigued that they could hardly bear the
weight of their arms, the king pressed them to surrender, assured them
of safety, and sometimes promised them rewards; but not one could be
prevailed on to yield; and hope now dawned on them determined to die.
For when some of the foragers, fleeing back to the camp, had announced
to the consul that the party was surrounded; alarmed for the safety of
such a number of his countrymen, (for they were near eight hundred, and
all Romans,) he set out with the cavalry and light infantry, joined by
the newly arrived Numidian auxiliaries, horse, foot, and elephants, and
ordered the military tribunes, that the battalions of the legions should
follow. He himself, having strengthened the light-armed auxiliaries
with his own light infantry, hastened forward at their head to the hill.
He was accompanied by Eumenes, Attalus, and the Numidian prince,
Misagenes.

66. When the standards of the Romans first came in sight of the
surrounded troops, their spirits were raised from the depth of despair.
Perseus’s best plan would have been to have contented himself with his
accidental good fortune, in having killed and taken so many of the
foragers, and not to have wasted time in attacking this detachment of
the enemy; or, after he had engaged in the attempt, as he was sensible
that he had not a proper force with him, to have gone off, while he
might, with safety; instead of which, intoxicated with success, he
waited for the arrival of the enemy, and sent messengers in haste to
bring up the phalanx, which would have been too late for the emergency.
The men must have engaged in all the disorder of a hurried march,
against troops duly formed and prepared. The consul, arriving first,
proceeded instantly to action. The Macedonians, for some time made
resistance; afterwards, when they were equal to their enemies in no
respect, having lost three hundred foot, and twenty-four of the best of
their horse, of what they call the Sacred Cohort, (among whom fell
Antimachus, who commanded that body,) they endeavoured to retreat: but
this march back was more disorderly and confused than the battle itself.
When the phalanx, being summoned by a hasty order, was marching at full
speed, it met first, in a narrow pass, the carts laden with corn, with
the mass of prisoners. These they put to the sword, and both parties
suffered great annoyance; but none waited till the troops might pass in
some sort of order, but the soldiers tumbled the loads down a precipice,
which was the only possible way to clear the road, and the horses, when
they were goaded, pushed furiously through the crowd. Scarcely had they
disentangled themselves from the disorderly throng of the prisoners,
when they met the king’s party and the discomfited horsemen. And now the
shouts of the men, calling to their comrades to go back, raised a
consternation not unlike a total rout; insomuch, that if the enemy had
ventured to enter the defile, and carry the pursuit a little farther,
they might have done them very great damage. But the consul, when he had
relieved his party from the hill, content with that moderate share of
success, led back his troops to the camp. There are writers who state
that a general engagement took place that day, in which eight thousand
of the enemy were killed, among whom were Sopater and Antipater, two of
the king’s generals, and about two thousand eight hundred taken, with
twenty-seven military standards; and that it was not a bloodless
victory, for that above four thousand three hundred fell, and five
standards of the left wing of the allies were lost.

67. This day revived the spirits of the Romans, and struck Perseus with
dismay: to such a degree that, after staying at Mopsilum a few days,
chiefly out of anxiety to bury his dead, he left a very strong garrison
at Gonnus, and led back his army into Macedon. He left Timotheus, one of
his generals, with a small party at Phila, ordering him to endeavour to
gain the affection of the Magnesians, by his proximity to them. On his
arrival at Pella, he sent his troops to their winter quarters, and
proceeded with Cotys to Thessalonica. There an account was received that
Atlesbis, a petty prince of Thrace, and Corragus, an officer belonging
to Eumenes, had made an inroad into the dominions of Cotys, and seized
on the district called Marene. Supposing, therefore, that he must send
Cotys home to defend his own territories, he honoured him at his
departure with very magnificent presents, and paid to his cavalry two
hundred talents,[83] which was but half a year’s pay, though he had
agreed to give them the pay of a whole year. The consul, hearing that
Perseus had left the country, marched his army to Gonnus, in hopes of
being able to take that town: which standing directly opposite to the
pass of Tempe, at its entrance, serves as the safest barrier to Macedon,
and renders a descent into Thessaly easy. But the city, from the nature
of its situation and the strength of the garrison, was impregnable; he
therefore gave up the design, and turning his route to Perrhæbia, having
taken Mallæa at the first assault, he demolished it; and after reducing
Tripolis, and the rest of Perrhæbia, returned to Larissa. From that
place he sent home Eumenes and Attalus, and quartered Misagenes and his
Numidians, for the winter, in the nearest towns of Thessaly. One half of
his army he distributed through Thessaly, in such a manner that all had
commodious winter quarters, and served at the same time as a defence to
the cities. He sent Quintus Mucius, lieutenant-general, with two
thousand men, to secure Ambracia, and dismissed all the allied troops
belonging to the Grecian states, except the Achæans. With the other half
of his army he marched into the Achæan Phthiotis; where, finding Pteleum
deserted by the inhabitants, he levelled it to the ground. He received
the voluntary surrender of Antron, and he then marched against Larissa:
this city was likewise deserted, the whole multitude taking refuge in
the citadel, to which he laid siege. First the Macedonians, who
constituted the king’s garrison, withdrew through fear; and then the
townsmen, on being abandoned by them, surrendered immediately. He then
hesitated whether he should first attack Demetrias, or take a view of
affairs in Bœotia. The Thebans, being harassed by the Coronæans, pressed
him to go into Bœotia; wherefore, in compliance with their entreaties,
and because that country was better adapted for winter quarters than
Magnesia, he led his army thither.



BOOK XLIII.


     _Several prætors were condemned because they had conducted
     themselves with avarice and cruelty in the administration of their
     provinces. Publius Licinius Crassus, the proconsul, took by storm
     several cities in Greece, and plundered them with great cruelty.
     For this reason the captives, who were sold by him, were
     subsequently, by a decree of the senate, restored to their
     respective states. Many tyrannical acts were done to the allies by
     the admirals of the Roman fleets also. This book contains likewise
     the successful operations of king Perseus in Thrace, with the
     conquest of Dardania and Illyricum; Gentius was the king of the
     latter country. The commotions which arose in Spain through the
     agency of Olonicus, were quelled by his death. Marcus Æmilius
     Lepidus was chosen by the censors prince of the senate._


1. In the same summer in which the Romans were conquerors in the cavalry
action in Thessaly, the lieutenant-general, sent by the consul to
Illyricum, compelled, by force of arms, two opulent cities to surrender,
and gave the inhabitants all their effects, in hopes, by the reputation
of his clemency, to allure to submission the inhabitants of Carnus, a
city strongly fortified. But after he could neither induce them to
surrender, nor take their city by a siege; that his soldiers might not
be fatigued by the two sieges without reaping any advantage, he sacked
those cities which he had spared before. The other consul, Caius
Cassius, performed nothing memorable in Gaul, the province that fell to
his lot; but made an ill-judged attempt to lead his army through
Illyricum to Macedon. The senate learned his having undertaken that
march from deputies from Aquileia, who complained that their colony,
which was new, weak, and but indifferently fortified, lay in the midst
of hostile states, Istrians and Illyrians; and begged the senate to take
into consideration some method of strengthening it. These, being asked
whether they wished that matter to be given in charge to the consul
Caius Cassius, replied, that Cassius, after assembling his forces at
Aquileia, had set out on a march through Illyricum into Macedon. The
fact was at first deemed incredible, and each individual was under the
impression that he had gone on an expedition against the Carnians, or
perhaps the Istrians. The Aquileians then said, that all that they knew,
or could take upon them to affirm, was that corn for thirty days had
been given to the soldiers, and that guides, who knew the roads from
Italy to Macedon, had been sought for and carried with him. The senate
were highly displeased that the consul should presume to act so
improperly as to leave his own province, and remove into that of
another; and lead his army by a new and dangerous route through foreign
states, and thereby open for so many nations a passage into Italy.
Assembled in great numbers, they decreed that the prætor, Caius
Sulpicius, should nominate out of the senate three deputies, who should
set out from the city on that very day, make all possible haste to
overtake the consul, Cassius, wherever he might be, and tell him not to
engage in a war with any nation, unless that against which the senate
voted that such war should be waged. These deputies left the city;
Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, Marcus Fulvius, and Publius Marcius Rex. The
fears entertained for the consul and his army caused the business of
fortifying Aquileia to be postponed for that time.

2. Then were introduced to the senate ambassadors from the several
states of both the Spains; these, after complaining of the avarice and
pride of the Roman magistrates, fell on their knees, and implored the
senate not to suffer them, who were their allies, to be more cruelly
plundered and ill-treated than their enemies. When they complained of
other unworthy treatment, and it was also evident that money had been
extorted from them; a charge was then given to Lucius Canuleius, the
prætor, to whom Spain was allotted, to appoint out of the senatorian
order five judges delegate, to try each person from whom the Spaniards
might demand back their money; and that they should give the latter
power to choose whomsoever they pleased as patrons. The ambassadors
being called into the senate-house, the decree of the senate was read
aloud, and they were ordered to name their protectors. They named
four,—Marcus Porcius Cato, Publius Cornelius Scipio, son of Cneius,
Lucius Æmilius Paullus, son of Lucius, and Caius Sulpicius Gallus. The
judges entered on the business with the case of Marcus Titinius first,
who had been prætor in Hither Spain, in the consulate of Aulus Manlius
and Marcus Junius. The cause was twice adjourned, and on the third
hearing the accused was acquitted. A dispute took place between the
ambassadors of the two provinces; and the states of Hither Spain chose
for their patrons Marcus Cato and Scipio; those of Farther Spain, Lucius
Paullus and Sulpicius Gallus. Publius Furius Philus and Marcus Matienus
were brought before the judges, the former by the states of the Hither
province, and the latter by those of the Farther; the former of whom had
been prætor, three years before, in the consulate of Spurius Postumius
and Quintus Mucius; and the latter, two years before, when Lucius
Postumius and Marcus Popilius were consuls. Both, being accused of most
heinous crimes, were remanded; but when the cause was about to be
pleaded anew, it was represented on their behalf that they had quitted
the country as voluntary exiles. Furius had gone to Præneste, Matienus
to Tibur, to live in exile. There was a report that the plaintiffs were
not suffered, by their patrons, to bring charges against people of high
birth and power; and Canuleius the prætor increased this suspicion, for
having neglected that business, he applied himself to the enlisting of
soldiers. Then he suddenly went off to his province, lest more might be
accused by the Spaniards. Although past transactions were thus consigned
to silence, yet the senate deliberated for the interest of the Spaniards
in future, for they passed an order that the Roman magistrates should
not have the valuation of the corn; nor should they compel the Spaniards
to compound for their twentieths at such prices as they pleased; and
that officers should not be placed in command of their towns for the
purpose of exacting money.

3. There came also from Spain another embassy, from a new race of men.
They, representing that they were the offspring of Roman soldiers and
Spanish women, to whom the Romans had not been united in wedlock, and
that their number amounted to more than four thousand, petitioned for a
grant of some town to be given them in which they might reside. The
senate decreed, that “they should put their names on a list before
Lucius Canuleius; and that, if he should judge any of them deserving of
freedom, it was their pleasure that they should be settled as a colony
at Carteia, on the ocean. That such of the present inhabitants of
Carteia as wished to remain there, should have the privilege of being
considered as colonists, and should have lands assigned them. That this
should be deemed a Latin settlement, and be called a colony of
freed-men.” At this time Prince Gulussa, son of king Masinissa, arrived
from Africa as ambassador from his father. Carthaginian ambassadors also
came. Gulussa, being first introduced to the senate, gave a detail of
the succours sent by his father to the maintenance of the war in
Macedon, and promised, that if they wished to order any thing besides,
he would execute it in return for the meritorious deeds of the Roman
people; and he warned the conscript fathers to be on their guard against
the treachery of the Carthaginians. That they “had formed the design of
fitting out a powerful fleet, in favour, as they pretended, of the
Romans, and against the Macedonians; but when it should be equipped and
ready for action, they would have it in their power to make their own
option which party they would treat as a friend, and which as a foe.”
_Then he pleaded Masinissa’s cause concerning the land and towns, which,
according to the complaint of the Carthaginians, were wrested from them,
by him; and the question was debated with great warmth between the
prince and the Carthaginian ambassadors. We have not ascertained what
were the arguments brought forward by both parties, or what was the
reply given by the senate. However this contest ceased, and seemed to
slumber for several years; it was subsequently renewed, and burst forth
into the flames of that war which was undertaken by the Carthaginians
against Masinissa, necessarily waged against Rome, and terminated only
by the downfal of Carthage. We find, in the annals of this year, that a
son was born of a virgin, while she was under the strict guardianship of
her parents, and by the order of the soothsayers was conveyed to a
desert island. The elections were held by Caius Cassius the consul, in
which Aulus Hostilius Mancinus and Aulus Atilius Serranus were appointed
consuls. Then Marcus Ræcius, Quintus Mænius, Lucius Flatensius, Quintus
Ælius Pætus, Titus Manlius Torquatus, and Caius Hostilius, were elected
prætors. Italy and Macedon are declared the consular provinces. Italy
fell to Atilius, and Macedon to Hostilius. With regard to the prætors,
Ræius obtained by lot the city jurisdiction, Mænias the foreign. The
fleet, together with the sea-coast of Greece, fell to Hortensius. The
rest of the prætorian provinces were, without doubt, those of the former
year, viz. Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia. But what prætors obtained the
command in each cannot be ascertained, in consequence of the silence of
the ancient records. In the mean time Publius Licinius, as if he were
sent to wage war not against Perseus, but the Greeks, turned the rage of
war, so ineffectual against the real enemy, towards wretches who were
unable to cope with him, and took by storm and plundered in a most
merciless manner several cities in Bœotia, in which he was passing the
winter. When the Coroneans, who were the most ill-used, threw themselves
on the protection of the senate, that august body decreed that the
captives who had been sold should be restored to freedom. Lucretius the
prætor, who had the command of the fleet, imitated, or rather surpassed,
the cruelty and avarice of the consul; he was oppressive to the allies,
despicable in the sight of the enemy. Since Perseus, by a sudden attack
on the fleet stationed at Oreum, took twenty transports laden with corn,
sunk the rest of them, and even made himself master of four galleys of
five banks of oars. Matters were successfully managed by Perseus in
Thrace also where he made a diversion in that country in favour of
Cotys against the forces of Atlesbis and Corragus. Nor truly was Cotys
false to his own interests, as he was a man indefatigable in war, and
pre-eminent in council, a Thracian by birth alone, not by his habits;
for he was singularly sober and temperate, and, besides, quite amiable,
owing to his mercy and moderation. The tide of war flowed on in favour
of Perseus, for at this time the nation of the Epirotes also passed over
to his party, by the advice of Cephalus, who however was induced to
revolt more by necessity, than his own free will. He was a man of
remarkable prudence and firmness, and even then influenced by the best
of feelings. For he had prayed to the immortal gods that war might never
break out between the Romans and Perseus, and that they might never come
to a decisive struggle. For he had determined, when the war broke out,
to aid the Romans according to the written articles of the treaty, but
to do nothing further than the conditions of that treaty demanded, and
not to be complaisant in a servile or disgraceful manner. These plans
were confounded by one Charopus, the grandson of that Charopus who
opened the pass at the river Arus to Titus Quinctius, in the war against
Philip; this Charopus was a worthless flatterer of those in power, and a
strange adept at forging calumnies against men of the best character. He
was educated at Rome, having been sent there by his grandfather, in
order that he might learn thoroughly the Roman language and literature.
Owing to this he became acquainted with, and dear to, very many of the
Romans; and yet, after his return home, as he was naturally of a fickle
and depraved disposition, and besides inspired with confidence, owing to
his intimacy with the Roman nobles, he was constantly sneering at the
leading men of the state. At first he was despised by all, nor was any
regard paid to his allegations. But after the war with Perseus broke
out, and suspicions were rife throughout Greece, as many openly
professed their zeal for Perseus, and still more felt it in secret,
Charopus never ceased accusing before the Romans those who were invested
with authority among the Epirotes. The intimate connexion that Cephalus,
and the others who adopted that line of politics, had formerly with the
kings of Macedon, gave a specious appearance and false colouring to his
calumnies. Already, in truth, by malignantly prying into all their acts
and words, and putting the worst construction on them, and by falsifying
the truth by adding and subtracting whatever he chose, he was succeeding
in having his accusations believed. Nor however were Cephalus, and,
those who had been the associates of his designs in the management of
the republic, moved by these allegations, since they relied on the full
consciousness of unsullied fidelity towards the Romans. But when they
perceived that the Romans lent an ear to these calumnies, and that some
of the Ætolian nobles, whom the calumnies of slanderers had rendered
objects of suspicion as well as themselves, were taken away to Rome,
then at length they believed it necessary to provide for the safety of
themselves and their property. And they, when no other resource than the
king’s friendship suggested itself to them, were compelled to form an
alliance with Perseus, and give their nation into his hands. Aulus
Hostilius and Aulus Atilius, the consuls, having entered on their office
at Rome, and having performed such religious and political acts as are
usually executed by the consuls in and around the city, set out for
their provinces. Hostilius, to whose lot Macedon had fallen, when he was
hastening into Thessaly, to join the army there, entered Epirus, which
had not yet openly revolted, and was very near falling into the hands of
Perseus. For one Theodotus and Philostratus, under the impression that,
if they would deliver him up to the king, they would receive great
favour from Perseus; and, besides, would strike a very severe blow
against the Romans at the time, sent letters to the king, desiring him
to come up with all the speed he could. And were it not that Perseus was
retained by delay, thrown in his way by the Molossians, at the passage
of the river Lous, and that the consul, being informed of his danger,
had changed his intended route, there was not a possibility of his
escaping. Therefore, having left Epirus, he sailed to Anticyra, and from
the latter place proceeded to Thessaly. Having received the command of
the army there, he marched at once against the enemy. But he was not a
whit more successful in the operations of the war than his predecessor.
For having engaged in battle with the king, he was beaten, and when at
first he attempted to force his way through Elimea, and afterwards to
march secretly through Thessaly, he was compelled to desist from his
useless attempts, as Perseus anticipated all his manœuvres. Nor did
Hortensius the prætor, to whom the fleet had fallen, carry on any of
his operations with sufficient skill or success, for none of his acts
deserves better to be remembered than his cruel and perfidious
plundering of the city of the Abdertes, when they endeavoured to avert,
by entreaty, the intolerable burdens imposed on them. Perseus,
therefore, now despising the Romans, as if he were completely at leisure
and disengaged, made an incursion, for the purpose of gaining a fresh
wreath of laurel, against the Dardanians, and having slain ten thousand
of the barbarians, bore away great booty._

4. _In this year the Celtiberians made some warlike motions in Spain, at
the instigation of a strange leader named Olonicus, some give him the
name of Salindicus. He was a man of great cunning and boldness, and
brandishing a silver spear, which he pretended was sent to him from
heaven, with the agitation of a person inspired, he attracted universal
attention. But when he, with corresponding rashness, had approached the
camp of the Roman prætor, in the dusk of the evening, with the intention
of slaying him, bringing with him an associate in his mad enterprise, he
was killed, near the very tent, by a sentinel with a javelin: his
companion paid the same penalty for his foolish undertaking. The prætor
immediately ordered both their heads to be cut off and fixed on spears,
and then given to some of the prisoners to bear to their countrymen._
These entering the camp and showing the heads caused such panic, that if
the Romans had instantly advanced to the camp they might have taken it.
As it was, a general flight took place; and some were of opinion that
ambassadors should be sent to supplicate for peace; while a great number
of states, on hearing this intelligence, surrendered: and when the
prætor had given pardon to them while endeavouring to excuse themselves,
and laying all the blame on the madness of the two individuals who had
voluntarily offered themselves for punishment, he proceeded immediately
to the other states, every one of which acknowledged his authority, and
he passed with his army in peace, without doing any injury, through the
tract of country where before the flames of war raged with the utmost
fury. This mercy shown by the prætor, by which he overcame without
bloodshed a very savage people, was the more pleasing to the senate and
people, as the war had been conducted in Greece both by the consul
Licinius and the prætor Lucretius with uncommon avarice and cruelty.
The plebeian tribunes, daily in their speeches to the people, censured
Lucretius for being absent, though it was alleged in his favour that he
was abroad on the business of the public. But so little was then known
of what passed, even in the vicinity of Rome, that he was, at that very
time, at his own estate near Antium; and with money amassed in his
expedition, was bringing water thither from the river Loracina; he is
said to have contracted for the execution of this work at the expense of
one hundred and thirty thousand _asses_.[84] He also decorated the
temple of Æsculapius with pictures taken from among the spoils. But
ambassadors from Abdera diverted the public displeasure, and the
consequent disgrace, from Lucretius to his successor. These stood
weeping at the door of the senate-house, and complained, that “their
town had been stormed and plundered by Hortensius. His only reason,”
they said, “for destroying their city was, that, on his demanding from
them one hundred thousand denariuses,[85] and fifty thousand measures of
wheat, they had requested time until they could send ambassadors on the
subject, both to the consul Hostilius, and to Rome; and that they had
scarcely reached the consul, when they heard that the town was stormed,
their nobles beheaded, and the rest sold for slaves.” This act appeared
to the senate deserving their indignation, and they passed the same
decree respecting the people of Abdera as they had passed concerning the
Coronæans. They also ordered Quintus Mænius, the prætor, to publish the
notice in a general assembly, as had been done the year before. Two
ambassadors, Caius Sempronius Blæsus and Sextus Julius Cæsar, were sent
to restore the Abderites to liberty; and were likewise commissioned to
deliver a message from the senate to the consul Hostilius, and to the
prætor Hortensius, that the senate judged the war made on the Abderites
to be unjust, and had directed that all those who were in servitude
should be sought out and restored to liberty.

5. At the same time, complaints were laid before the senate against
Caius Cassius, who had been consul the year before, and was then a
military tribune in Macedon, under Aulus Hostilius, and ambassadors came
from Cincibilus, a king of the Gauls. His brother made a speech to the
senate, complaining that Caius Cassius had entirely wasted the country
of the Alpine Gauls, their allies, and carried off into slavery many
thousands of their people. Ambassadors came at the same time from the
Carnians, Istrians, and Iapidans, who represented, that “at first guides
had been demanded from them by the consul, Cassius, to point out the
road to him, leading his army into Macedon: that he had parted from them
in a peaceable manner, as if to carry war elsewhere; but afterwards,
when he had proceeded half way, he returned, and overran their country
in a hostile manner, spreading depredations and fires through every
quarter; nor had they as yet been able to discover for what reason they
were treated as enemies by the consul.” The following answer was
returned to the absent prince of the Gauls, and the states present, that
“the senate had no previous knowledge of those acts of which they
complained; nor did they approve of them if they did take place. But
that it would still be unjust to condemn, unheard and absent, a man of
consular rank, especially as he was employed abroad in the business of
the public. That, when Caius Cassius should come home from Macedonia, if
they chose then to prosecute their complaints against him, in his
presence, the senate, after examining the matter, would endeavour to
give them satisfaction.” It was further resolved, that not only a verbal
answer should be given, but that ambassadors should be also sent to
those nations, (two to the transalpine chieftain, and three to the other
states,) to notify to them the determinations of the senate. They voted,
that presents, to the amount of two thousand _asses_,[86] should be sent
to the ambassadors; and to the prince, and his brother, some of
extraordinary value: two chains made of gold, and weighing five pounds;
five silver vases, amounting to twenty pounds’ weight; two horses, fully
caparisoned, with grooms to attend them, and horsemen’s armour and
cloaks, besides suits of apparel to their attendants, both freemen and
slaves. These were presented to them; and, on their request, permission
was given to each of them to purchase ten horses, and convey them out of
Italy. Caius Lælius and Marcus Æmilius were sent ambassadors with the
Gauls, to the regions on the northern side of the Alps; and Caius
Cicinius, Publius Cornelius Blasio, and Titus Memmius, to the other
states.

6. Embassies from many states of Greece and Asia arrived at Rome at the
same time. The first that had audience of the senate were the Athenians,
who represented, that “they had sent what ships and soldiers they had to
the consul Publius Licinius, and the prætor Caius Lucretius, who did not
think proper to employ their forces, but ordered the state to furnish
one hundred thousand measures of corn; and, notwithstanding that they
were the cultivators of a sterile soil, and that they fed even the
husbandmen with imported grain, yet that they might not appear deficient
in their duty, they had made up that quantity, and were ready to perform
any other service that might be required of them.” The Milesians making
no mention of their past services, promised to readily afford any
assistance in the war which the senate should think proper to demand.
The Alabandians said, that they had erected a temple to the city of
Rome, and instituted anniversary games to her divinity; that they had
brought a golden crown, of fifty pounds’ weight, to be deposited in the
Capitol, as an offering to Jupiter supremely good and great; also three
hundred horsemen’s bucklers, which they were ready to deliver to any
person appointed to receive them; and they requested permission to lodge
the said offering as intended, and to perform sacrifice. Ambassadors
from Lampsacus, who brought a crown of eighty pounds’ weight, made the
same request, and represented to the senate that “they had renounced the
party of Perseus as soon as the Roman army arrived in Macedon, though
they had been under the dominion of that monarch, and formerly of
Philip. In return for which, and for their having contributed every
assistance in their power to the Roman commanders, they only requested
to be admitted into the friendship of the Roman people; and that, if
peace should be made with Perseus, they should be exempted from falling
again into his power.” A gracious answer was given to the rest of the
ambassadors, and the prætor, Quintus Mænius, was ordered to enrol the
people of Lampsacus as allies. Presents were made to all, and two
thousand asses were given to each. The Alabandians were desired to carry
back the bucklers into Macedon, to the consul Aulus Hostilius. At the
same time ambassadors came from Africa; those of the Carthaginians
acquainted the senate that they had brought down to the sea-coast a
million of measures of wheat, and five hundred thousand of barley, “to
be transported to whatever place the senate should order. They were
sensible,” they said, “that this offer, and act of duty, were very
inferior the deserts of the Roman people, and to their own inclinations;
but that on many other occasions, when both nations were in favourable
circumstances, they had performed the duties of faithful and grateful
allies.” In like manner, ambassadors from Masinissa offered the same
quantity of wheat, one thousand two hundred horsemen, and twelve
elephants; desiring, that if he could be of service in any other
particular, the senate would lay their commands on him, and he would
execute them with as much zeal as if he had proposed them himself.
Thanks were returned both to the Carthaginians and to the king; and they
were requested to send the supplies, which they had promised, into
Macedon, to the consul Hostilius. A present of two thousand _asses_ was
made to each of the ambassadors.

7. When the ambassadors of the Cretans mentioned that they had sent into
Macedon the number of archers which had been demanded by the consul,
Publius Licinius, on being interrogated, they did not deny that a
greater number of their archers were serving in the army of Perseus than
in that of the Romans: on which they received this answer; that “if the
Cretans were candidly and sincerely resolved to prefer the friendship of
the Roman people to that of king Perseus, the Roman senate, on their
part, would answer them as allies who could be relied on. In the mean
time, that they should announce to their countrymen, that the senate
required that the Cretans should endeavour to call home, as soon as
possible, all the soldiers who were in the service of king Perseus.” The
Cretans being dismissed, the ambassadors from Chalcis were called, whose
embassy seemed to be a matter of extreme necessity, from the very
circumstance of their entering the senate-house at all, since Miction,
their chief, having lost the use of his limbs, was introduced on a
litter: and either the plea of bad health had not appeared to himself an
adequate motive for seeking exemption from duty, though he was in such a
distressing state, or exemption had not been given him at his request.
After premising that no other part was alive but his tongue, which
served him to deplore the calamities of his country, he represented,
first, the friendly assistance given by his state to the Roman
commanders and armies, both on former occasions and in the war with
Perseus; and then, the instances of pride, avarice, and cruelty, which
his countrymen had suffered from the Roman prætor, Caius Lucretius, and
were at that very time suffering from Lucius Hortensius; notwithstanding
which, they were resolved to endure all hardships, should they be even
more grievous than they underwent at present, rather than swerve from
their allegiance. “With regard to Lucretius and Hortensius, they knew
that it would have been safer to have shut their gates against them,
than to receive them into the city. For those cities which had so done,
remained in safety, as Emathea, Amphipolis Maronea, and Ænus; whereas,
in Chalcis, the temples were robbed of all their ornaments. Caius
Lucretius had carried off in ships, to Antium, the plunder amassed by
such sacrilege and had dragged persons of free condition into slavery;
the property of the allies of the Roman people was subjected to rapine
and plunder every day. For Hortensius, pursuing the practice of Caius
Lucretius, kept the crews of his ships in lodgings both in summer and
winter alike; so that their houses were filled with a crowd of seamen,
and those men who showed no regard to propriety, either in their words
or actions, lived among the inhabitants, their wives, and children.”

8. The senate resolved to call Lucretius before them, that he might
argue the matter in person, and exculpate himself. But when he appeared,
he heard many more crimes alleged against him than had been mentioned in
his absence; and two more weighty and powerful accusers stood forth in
support of the charges, Manius Juventius Thalna and Cneius Aufidius,
plebeian tribunes. These not only arraigned him bitterly in the senate,
but dragged him out into the assembly of the people, and there, after
reproaching him with many heinous crimes, they instituted a legal
prosecution against him. By order of the senate, the prætor, Quintus
Mænius, gave this answer to the ambassadors of Chalcis: that “the senate
acknowledged their account of the good offices done by them to the Roman
people, both on former occasions and during the present war, to be true;
and that their conduct met with gratitude, as it ought: that as to the
ill treatment, which they complained of having received formerly from
Caius Lucretius, and now from Lucius Hortensius, Roman prætors, who
could suppose that such things were done with the approbation of the
senate, who would consider that the Roman people had made war on
Perseus, and, before that, on his father Philip, for the express purpose
of asserting the liberties of Greece, and not that their friends and
allies should receive such treatment from their magistrates: that they
would give them a letter to the prætor, Lucius Hortensius, informing him
that the proceedings, of which the people of Chalcis complained, were
highly displeasing to the senate; charging him to take care that all
free persons, who had been reduced to slavery, should be sought out as
soon as possible, and restored to liberty; and commanding that no
seamen, except the masters of vessels, should be permitted to lodge on
shore.” Pursuant to the senate’s order, a letter to this purport was
written to Hortensius. A present of two thousand _asses_ was made to
each of the ambassadors, and carriages were hired for Miction, at the
public expense, to carry him commodiously to Brundusium. When the day of
Caius Lucretius’s trial came, the tribunes pleaded against him before
the people, and demanded that he should be fined in the sum of one
million of _asses_;[87] and an assembly of the people being held, every
one of the thirty-five pronounced him guilty.

9. In Liguria, nothing worthy of record occurred in that year; for the
enemy made no hostile attempt, nor did the consul march his legions into
their country; on the contrary, having made himself sure that there
would be peace that year, he discharged the soldiers of the two Roman
legions within sixty days after his arrival in the province, sent the
troops of the Latin confederates early into winter quarters at Luna and
Pisæ, and himself, with the cavalry, visited most of the towns in the
Gallic province. Although there was no open war any where but in
Macedon, yet the Romans suspected Gentius, king of Illyria. The senate,
therefore, voted that eight ships, fully equipped, should be sent from
Brundusium to Issa, to Caius Furius, lieutenant-general, who, with only
two vessels belonging to the inhabitants, held the government of that
island. In this squadron were embarked two thousand soldiers, whom the
prætor, Quintus Mænius, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, had
raised in the quarter of Italy opposite Illyria; and the consul
Hostilius sent Appius Claudius, with four thousand foot, into Illyria,
to protect the states that bordered on it. But Appius Claudius, not
content with the force which he brought with him, collected aid from the
allies, until he armed as many as eight thousand men of different
nations; and after overrunning all that country, took post at Lychnidus,
in the territory of the Dassaretians.

10. Not far from this place was Uscana, a town generally deemed part of
the dominions of Perseus. It contained ten thousand inhabitants, and a
small party of Cretans, who served as a garrison. From this place
messengers came secretly, to Claudius, telling him that “if he brought
his army nearer, there would be people ready to put the town into his
hands; and that it would be well worth his while; for he would satiate
with plunder not only his friends, but also his soldiers.” The hopes
presented to his avarice blinded his understanding to that degree, that
he neither detained any of those who came, nor required hostages as a
pledge for his security, in a business which was to be transacted
clandestinely and treacherously; neither did he send scouts to examine
matters, nor require an oath from the messengers; but, on the day
appointed, he left Lychnidus, and pitched his camp twelve miles from the
city, which was the object of his design. At the fourth watch he set
out, leaving about one thousand men to guard the camp. His forces, in
disorder, extending themselves in a long irregular train, and few in
number, as they were separated by a mistake in the night, arrived in
this state at the city. Their carelessness increased when they saw not a
soldier on the walls. But as soon as they approached within a weapon’s
cast, a sally was made from two gates at once. Besides the shout raised
by the sallying party, a tremendous noise was heard on the walls,
composed of the yells of women and the sound of brazen instruments,
while the rabble of the place, mixed with a multitude of slaves, made
the air resound with various cries. Such a number of terrific
circumstances, presented to them on all sides, had such an effect, that
the Romans were unable to support the first onset of the sallying party;
so that a greater number of them were killed in the flight than in the
battle, and scarcely two thousand, with the lieutenant-general himself,
effected their escape. The enemy had the greater opportunity of
overtaking the weary Romans, in proportion to their distance from the
camp. Appius, without even halting in the camp to collect his scattered
troops, which would have been the means of saving many stragglers, led
back, directly, to Lychnidus, the remains of his unfortunate army.

11. These and other unfavourable occurrences in Macedon were learned
from Sextus Digitius, a military tribune, who came to Rome to perform a
sacrifice. The senate being apprehensive on account of these advices of
some greater disgrace ensuing, deputed Marcus Fulvius Flaccus and Marcus
Caninius Rebilus to go to Macedon, and bring certain information of what
was going on there; at the same time ordering that the consul, Aulus
Hostilius, should summon the assembly for the election of consuls, and
arrange that it might be held in the month of January, and should come
home to the city as soon as possible. In the mean time instructions were
given to the prætor, Marcus Recius, to call home to Rome, by
proclamation, all the senators from every part of Italy, except such as
were absent on public business; and it was resolved that none of those
who were in Rome should go further than one mile from the city. All this
was done pursuant to the votes of the senate. The election of consuls
was held on the fifth day before the calends of February. Quintus
Marcius Philippus a second time, and Cneius Servilius Cæpio, were
elected consuls. Three days after, Caius Decimius, Marcus Claudius
Marcellus, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, Caius Marcius Figulus, Servius
Cornelius Lentulus, and Publius Fonteius Capito, were chosen prætors.
Four other provinces in addition to the two in the city were assigned to
the prætors elect; these provinces were Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and the
fleet. Towards the end of February the deputies returned from Macedon,
and gave an account of the successful enterprises of Perseus during the
preceding summer, and of the great fears which had taken possession of
the allies of the Roman people, on account of so many cities being
reduced under the king’s power. They reported, that “the consul’s troops
were very thin, in consequence of leave of absence being granted to
great numbers, with the view of gaining popularity; the blame of which
the consul laid upon the military tribunes, and they, on the other hand,
on the consul.” The senate understood them to make little of the
disgrace sustained through the rashness of Claudius, since they
represented “that very few soldiers of Italian extraction were lost, the
greatest part being the soldiers raised in that country by an irregular
levy.” The consuls elect received orders, immediately on entering into
office, to propose the affairs of Macedon to the consideration of the
senate; and Italy and Macedon were appointed their provinces. An
intercalation was made in the calendar of this year, intercalary calends
being reckoned on the third day after the feast of Terminus. There died
of the priests during this year, Lucius Flaminius, _augur_, and two
pontiffs, Lucius Furius Philus, and Caius Livius Salinator. In the room
of Furius, the pontiffs chose Titus Manlius Torquatus, and in that of
Livius, Marcus Servilius.

12. In the beginning of the ensuing year, when the new consuls, Quintus
Marcius and Cneius Servilius, had proposed the distribution of the
provinces for consideration, the senate voted that they should, without
delay, either settle between themselves about Macedon and Italy, or cast
lots for them; and that, before the lot should decide this matter, and
while the destination of each was uncertain, lest interest might have
any influence, the supplies of men, which the exigency required for each
province, should be ordered. Six thousand Roman foot and six thousand of
the Latin allies, two hundred and fifty Roman horse and three hundred of
the allies, were voted for Macedon. The old soldiers were to be
discharged, so that there should be in each Roman legion no more than
six thousand foot and three hundred horse. The number of Roman citizens,
which the other consul was to enlist for a reinforcement, was not
precisely determined; there was only this limitation mentioned, that he
should raise two legions, each of them to contain five thousand two
hundred foot and three hundred horse. A larger number of Latin infantry
was decreed to him than to his colleague; no less than ten thousand
foot, with six hundred horse. An order was given for raising four other
legions, to serve wherever occasion might require. The consuls were not
allowed the appointment of the military tribunes; the people elected
them. The confederates of the Latin nation were ordered to furnish
sixteen thousand foot and one thousand horse. This force was intended
only to be kept in readiness, to march out should any exigency demand
it. Macedon gave the senate most anxiety; they ordered, that one
thousand Roman citizens, of the rank of freed-men, should be enlisted in
Italy, as seamen, to man the fleet, and the same number in Sicily; and
instructions were given the prætor, to whose lot the government of the
latter province fell, to the effect that he should take care to carry
these over to Macedon, to whatever place the fleet should be stationed
at. Three thousand Roman foot and three hundred horse were voted to
recruit the army in Spain. Then also the number of men in each legion
was limited to five thousand foot and three hundred and thirty horse.
Besides these, the prætor, to whose lot Spain should fall, was ordered
to levy from the allies four thousand foot and three hundred horse.

13. I am well aware, that, through the same disregard of religion, owing
to which the men of the present day generally believe that the gods
never give portents of any future events, no prodigies are now either
reported to government, or recorded in histories. But for my part, while
I am writing the transactions of ancient times, my sentiments, I know
not how, become antique; and a kind of religious awe prevents me from
considering events, which the men of those days, renowned for wisdom,
judged deserving of the attention of the state and of public expiation,
unworthy of being recorded in my history. From Anagnia two prodigies
were reported this year: that a blazing torch was seen in the air; and
that a cow spoke, and was maintained at the public expense. About the
same time, at Minturnæ, the sky appeared as in a blaze of fire. At
Reate, a shower of stones fell. At Cumæ, the image of Apollo, in the
citadel, shed tears during three days and three nights. In the city of
Rome, two of the keepers of the temples made strange announcements, one
that in the temple of Fortune, a snake, with a mane like that of a
horse, had been seen by many; the other, that, in the temple of Fortuna
Primigenia on the hill, a palm sprung up in the court, and that a shower
of blood fell in the middle of the day. Two prodigies were not attended
to: one, because it happened in a place belonging to a private person;
Titus Marcius Figulus having reported, that a palm sprung up in the
inner court of his house; the other, because it occurred in a foreign
place, Fregellæ,—where, in the house of Lucius Arreus, a spear which he
had bought for his son, who was a soldier, burned, as was said, for
more than two hours, and notwithstanding the fire consumed none of it.
The Sibylline books were consulted by the decemvirs on account of the
public prodigies. They directed that the consuls should sacrifice forty
of the larger victims to the deities, whom they pointed out; that a
supplication should be performed; and that all the magistrates should
sacrifice victims of the larger kinds in all the temples, and the people
wear garlands. All these acts were performed according to the
injunctions of the decemvirs.

14. Then the elections were held for the creation of censors. Several of
the first men in the state, including Caius Valerius Lævinus, Lucius
Postumius Albinus, Publius Mucius Scævola, Marcus Junius Brutus, Caius
Claudius Pulcher, and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, were candidates for
this office. The Roman people appointed the two last censors. As, on
account of the Macedonian war, greater attention was paid to holding the
levy than usual, the consuls made a complaint to the senate against the
plebeians, that even the younger men did not obey their summons. But, in
opposition to them, Caius Sulpicius and Marcus Claudius, tribunes of the
people, pleaded in favour of the plebeians; asserting, that “the levying
of soldiers was a difficult task, not to the consuls in general, but to
such consuls as affected popularity; that no man was made a soldier by
them against his inclination; and that the conscript fathers might be
convinced of the truth of this, the prætors, who in their office had
less power and authority, would, if it seemed good to the senate,
complete the levy.” That business was accordingly committed to the care
of the prætors by an unanimous vote of the senate, not without great
murmuring on the part of the consuls. The censors, in order to forward
it, published, in a general assembly, the following notice: that “they
would make it a rule in conducting the survey, that, besides the common
oath taken by all citizens, the younger part should swear in this
manner, when challenged,—You are younger than forty-six years, and you
shall attend at the levy, pursuant to the edict of Caius Claudius and
Tiberius Sempronius, censors; and you shall attend at the levy, as often
as there shall be a levy held by any magistrate during the aforesaid
censors’ continuance in office, if you shall not have been already
enlisted.” Also as there was a report, that many men belonging to the
legions in Macedon were absent from the army on furloughs, which did not
limit the time, and were granted by the commanders to ingratiate
themselves with the soldiers, they issued a proclamation concerning all
who had been draughted for Macedon in the consulate of Publius Ælius and
Caius Popilius, or since that period; that “such as were in Italy
should, after being first registered by them in the survey, repair
within thirty days to the province in which they served; and that, if
any were under the power of a father or grandfather, the names of such
should be notified to them. That they would also make inquiry into the
cases of the soldiers who had been discharged; and that they would order
those, whose discharge should appear to have been obtained through
favour, before the regular number of campaigns were served, to be
enlisted again.” In consequence of this proclamation, and letters from
the censors being dispersed through the market-towns and villages, such
multitudes of young men flocked to Rome, that the extraordinary crowd
was even inconvenient to the city. Besides enrolling those whom it was
necessary to send as a reinforcement for the armies, four legions were
raised by the prætor, Caius Sulpicius, and the levies were completed
within eleven days.

15. The consuls then cast lots for their provinces; the prætors, on
account of the civil jurisdiction, had determined theirs earlier in the
season. The civil jurisdiction had fallen to Caius Sulpicius; the
foreign, to Caius Decimius; Marcus Claudius Marcellus had obtained by
lot Spain; Servius Cornelius Lentulus, Sicily; Publius Fonteius Capito,
Sardinia; and Caius Marcius Figulus had received the command of the
fleet. In the arrangement of the consular provinces, Italy fell to
Cneius Servilius, and Macedon to Quintus Marcius; and the latter set out
as soon as the Latin festival could be celebrated. Cæpio then desired
the senate to direct which two of the new legions he should take with
him into Gaul; when they ordered, that the prætors Caius Sulpicius and
Marcus Claudius should give the consul such of the legions, which they
had raised, as they should think fit. The latter, highly offended at a
consul being subjected to the will of prætors, adjourned the senate; and
standing at the tribunal of the prætors, demanded, that pursuant to the
decree, they should assign him two legions; but the prætors left the
consul to his own discretion in selecting them. The censors then called
over the list of the senate. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus was now, by the
third censors, chosen prince of the senate. Seven were expelled that
body. In making the survey of the people, they discovered from the rolls
how many of the soldiers belonging to the army in Macedonia were absent,
and obliged them all to return to that province. They inquired into the
cases of the men who had been discharged; and, when any of their
discharges appeared irregular in respect of time, they put the following
oath to them: “Do you truly swear, that you will, without deceit or
evasion, return into the province of Macedon, according to the edict of
the censors, Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius?”

16. In the review of the knights their censorship was very severe and
harsh: they deprived many of their horses; and after giving offence to
the equestrian order in this matter, they inflamed the general
displeasure to a higher degree by an edict, in which they ordered, that
“no person who had farmed the public revenues or taxes from the censors
Quintus Fulvius and Aulus Postumius, should attend their sale, or have
any partnership or connexion in the contracts then to be made.” When the
former tax-contractors could not prevail on the senate, by their
frequent complaints, to check the power of the censors, at length they
found a patron of their cause in Publius Rutilius, a plebeian tribune,
who was incensed against the censors in consequence of a dispute about a
private concern. They had ordered a client of his, a freed-man, to throw
down a wall, which stood opposite to a public building in the Sacred
Street, because it was built on ground belonging to the public. The
tribunes were appealed to by the citizen. When none of them would
interfere, except Rutilius, the censors were sent to seize the property
of the citizen, and imposed a fine on him in a public assembly. When the
present dispute broke out, and the old revenue-farmers had recourse to
the tribunes, a bill was suddenly promulgated under the name of one of
the tribunes, that “with regard to the public revenues and taxes, which
Caius Claudius and Tiberius Sempronius should have hired out, all
contracts made by them should be null and void: that they should all be
let anew, and that every person, without distinction, should be at
liberty to bid for and take them.” The tribune appointed the day for an
assembly to vote on this bill. When the day came, and the censors stood
forth to argue against the order, there was deep silence while Gracchus
addressed them: when the voice of Claudius was drowned in the murmurs,
he directed the crier to cause silence, that he might be heard. When
this was done, the tribune, complaining that the assembly which he had
summoned was taken out of his rule, and that he was reduced to a private
capacity, retired from the Capitol, where the assembly met. Next day he
raised a violent commotion. In the first place, he declared the property
of Tiberius Gracchus forfeited to the gods, because he, by fining and
seizing the goods of a person who had appealed to a tribune, and by
refusing to admit the tribune’s right of protesting, had reduced him to
a private capacity. He instituted a criminal process against Caius
Claudius because he had summoned the assembly away from him, and
declared his intention of prosecuting both the censors for treason; and
he demanded of Caius Sulpicius, the city prætor, that he would fix a day
for an assembly to try them. As the censors offered no objection to the
people passing their sentence on them as soon as they pleased, their
trial for treason was fixed to come the eighth and seventh days before
the calends of October. The censors went up immediately to the temple of
Liberty, where they sealed the books of the public accounts, shut up the
office, and dismissed the clerks; affirming, that they would do no kind
of public business until the sentence of the people was passed on them.
Claudius was first brought to trial; and after eight out of the eighteen
centuries of knights, and many others of the first class, had given
sentence against him, the principal men in the state, immediately taking
off their gold rings, in the sight of the people, put on mourning, in
order that they might suppliantly solicit the commons in his favour.
Yet, it is said, that Gracchus was the chief means of making a change in
their sentiments; for when shouts arose from the commons on all sides
that Gracchus was in no danger, he took a formal oath, that if his
colleague were condemned, he would be his companion in exile, without
waiting for their judgment concerning himself. After all, the case of
the accused was so near being desperate, that the votes of eight
centuries only were wanting to condemn him. When Claudius was acquitted,
the tribune said, that he would not delay Gracchus.

17. This year, when the ambassadors of the Aquileians demanded that the
number of the colonists should be increased, one thousand five hundred
families were enrolled by a decree of the senate; and Titus Annius
Luscus, Publius Decius Subulo, and Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, were
appointed commissioners to conduct them. During the same year, Caius
Popilius and Cneius Octavius, who had been sent ambassadors into Greece,
read, first at Thebes, and afterwards carried about to all the other
states of Peloponnesus, a decree, ordering, that “no person should
furnish the Roman magistrates with any thing for the use of the war,
except what the senate should determine.” This afforded the allies a
pleasing confidence, with regard to the future also, that they would be
relieved from the heavy burdens and expenses, by which they were
exhausted, in consequence of the various demands of those magistrates.
In the council of Achaia, held at Ægium, the ambassadors spoke, and were
heard with sentiments of mutual esteem and affection; and then, leaving
that faithful nation in confident assurance of lasting prosperity, they
crossed over to Ætolia. No civil war had yet broke out in that country;
but all places were full of suspicion and mutual recrimination. The
ambassadors having demanded hostages on account of these disputes, set
out from this place to Acarnania, without putting an end to the evil.
The Acarnanians gave to the ambassadors an audience of their general
council at Thyrium. Here, too, there was a struggle between opposite
factions; some of the nobles required that garrisons might be placed in
their cities, to protect them against the madness of those who were
endeavouring to bring the nation over to the Macedonians; and others
objected to the measure, lest peaceful and allied cities should receive
such an insult, as was usually offered only to towns taken in war, or
engaged in hostilities. Their objection was reckoned reasonable. The
ambassadors returned to Larissa, to Hostilius, for by him they had been
sent. He kept Octavius with him, and sent Popilius, with about a
thousand soldiers, into winter quarters at Ambracia.

18. Perseus did not venture, at the commencement of winter, to go out of
the limits of Macedon, lest the Romans might make an irruption into the
kingdom by some unguarded quarter; but on the approach of the winter
solstice, when the depth of the snow renders the mountains between it
and Thessaly impassable, he thought the season favourable for crushing
the hopes and spirits of his neighbours, lest any danger should be
lurking there, while his attention was turned to the Romans; since Cotys
afforded him security in the direction of Thrace, and Cephalus, by his
sudden revolt from the Romans, freed him from uneasiness on the side of
Epirus, and his late expedition had subdued the Dardanians, he
considered that Macedon was only exposed on the side next to Illyria,
the Illyrians themselves being in motion, and having offered a free
passage to the Romans: hoping, however, that if he reduced the nearest
tribes of Illyrians, Gentius himself, who had long been wavering, might
be brought into alliance with him, he set out at the head of ten
thousand foot, the greater part of whom were soldiers of the phalanx,
two thousand light infantry, and five hundred horse, and proceeded to
Stubera. Having there supplied himself with corn sufficient for many
days, and ordered every requisite for besieging towns to be sent after
him, he encamped on the third day before Uscana, the largest city in the
Penestian country. Before he employed force, he sent emissaries to sound
the dispositions, sometimes of the commanders of the garrison, sometimes
of the inhabitants; for, besides some troops of Illyrians, there was a
Roman garrison in the place. When his emissaries brought back no
friendly message, he resolved to attack the town, and made an attempt to
take it by a line of circumvallation formed of troops; but though his
men, relieving one another, continued without intermission, either by
day or night, some to apply ladders to the walls, others to attempt to
set fire to the gates, yet the defenders of the city sustained that
shock, for they had hopes that the Macedonians would not be able to
endure any longer the severity of the winter in the open field; and
besides, that the king would not have so long a respite from the war
with Rome, that he would be able to stay there. But, when they saw the
machines in motion, and towers erected, their resolution was overcome;
for, besides that they were unequal to a contest with his force, they
had not a sufficient store of corn, or any other necessary, as they had
not expected a siege. Therefore when they had no hopes of being able to
hold out, Caius Carvilius Spoletinus and Caius Afranius were sent by the
Roman garrison to request from Perseus, first, to allow the troops to
march out with their arms, and to carry their effects with them; and
then, if they could not obtain that, to receive his promise of their
lives and liberty. The king promised more generously than he performed;
for, after desiring them to march out with their effects, the first
thing he did was to take away their arms. As soon as they left the city,
both the cohort of Illyrians, five hundred in number, and the
inhabitants of Uscana, immediately surrendered themselves and the city.

19. Perseus, placing a garrison in Uscana, carried away to Stubera the
whole multitude of prisoners, almost equal to his army in number. He
then distributed the Romans, who amounted to four thousand, besides
officers, among several cities, to be kept in custody; and, having sold
the Uscanians and Illyrians, led back his army to Penestia, to reduce
the city of Oæneus: the town is advantageously situated in other
respects, and besides, in that direction there is a passage into the
country of the Labeatians, where Gentius was king. As he passed by a
fort, named Draudacum, which was full of men, one of the persons, well
acquainted with the country, told him that “there was no use in taking
Oæneus unless he had Draudacum in his power; for the latter was situated
more advantageously in every respect.” When his army was brought against
it, the garrison surrendered unanimously and at once. Encouraged by the
surrender of this place, which was earlier than he hoped, and perceiving
what terrors his march diffused, by taking advantage of the like fears,
he reduced eleven other forts to submission. Against a very few he had
occasion to use force; the rest submitted voluntarily; among whom one
thousand five hundred Roman soldiers were taken, who had been divided
among the Roman garrisons. Carvilius Spoletinus was very serviceable to
him in his conferences with the garrison, by declaring that no severity
had been shown to his own party. At length he arrived at Oæneus, which
could not be taken without a regular siege. The town possessed a much
greater number of young men than the others, and was strong in its
fortifications. It was enclosed on one side by a river called Artatus,
and on another by a very high mountain of difficult access; these
circumstances gave the inhabitants courage to make resistance. Perseus,
having drawn lines of circumvallation, began, on the higher ground, to
raise a mound, which he intended should exceed the wall in height. By
the time that this work was completed, the besieged, in their many
actions, when sallying out to defend their works, or to obstruct those
of the enemy, had lost great numbers by various chances; while the
survivors were rendered useless by wounds, and by continual labour both
in the day and night. As soon as the mound was brought close to the
wall, the royal cohort (the men of which are called Nicators) rushed
from it into the town, while an assault was made by scalade in many
places at once. All the males, who had reached the age of puberty, were
put to the sword, their wives and children were thrown into confinement,
and every thing else was given as booty to the soldiers. Returning
thence victorious to Stubera, he sent, as ambassadors to
Gentius,—Pleuratus, an Illyrian, who lived in exile at his court, and
Adæus, a Macedonian, from Berœa. He gave them instructions to represent
his exploits against the Romans and Dardanians during the preceding
summer and winter, and to add the recent operations of his winter
campaign in Illyria, and to exhort Gentius to unite with him and the
Macedonians in a treaty of friendship.

20. They crossed over the top of Mount Scordus, and through desert
tracts of Illyria, which the Macedonians had laid waste, for the purpose
of preventing the Dardanians from passing easily into Illyria or
Macedon; and, at length, after undergoing prodigious fatigue, arrived at
Scodra. King Gentius was at Lissus; to which place the ambassadors were
invited, and received a favourable audience while stating their
instructions, but obtained an indecisive answer: that “he wanted not
inclination to go to war with the Romans, but was in extreme want of
money to enable him to enter on such an undertaking, though he wished to
do so.” This answer they brought to the king at Stubera, whilst he was
engaged in selling the Illyrian prisoners. The same ambassadors were
immediately sent back, with an accession to their numbers in Glaucias,
one of his body guards, but without any mention of money; the only thing
by which the needy barbarian could be induced to take a part in the war.
Then Perseus, after ravaging Ancyra, led back his army once more into
Penestia; and having strengthened the garrison of Uscana, and the
surrounding fortresses which he had taken, he retired into Macedon.

21. Lucius Cælius, a Roman lieutenant-general, commanded at that time in
Illyria. While the king was in that country he did not venture to stir;
but, on his departure, he made an attempt to recover Uscana, in
Penestia; in which being repulsed, with great loss, by the Macedonian
garrison, he led back his forces to Lychnidus. In a short time after he
sent Marcus Trebellius Fregellanus, with a very strong force, into
Penestia, to receive hostages from the cities which had faithfully
remained in friendship. He ordered him, also, to march on to the
Parthinians, who had likewise covenanted to give hostages, which were
received from both nations without any trouble: those of the Penestians
were sent to Apollonia; those of the Parthinians, to Dyrrachium, then
more generally called by the Greeks Epidamnus. Appius Claudius, wishing
to repair the disgrace which he had suffered in Illyria, made an attack
on Phanote, a fortress of Epirus; bringing with him, besides the Roman
troops, Athamanian and Thesprotian auxiliaries, to the amount of six
thousand men; nor did he gain any advantage to recompense his exertion,
for Clevas, who had been left there with a strong garrison, effectually
defended the place. Perseus marched to Elimea, and, after reviewing his
army in the vicinity of that town, led it to Stratus, in compliance with
an invitation of the Epirotes. Stratus was then the strongest city in
Ætolia. It stands on the Ambracian Gulf, near the river Inachus. Thither
he marched with ten thousand foot and three hundred horse; for, on
account of the narrowness and ruggedness of the roads, he led a smaller
army than he would otherwise have done. On the third day he came to
Mount Citium, which he could scarcely climb over, by reason of the depth
of the snow, and with difficulty found even a place for his camp.
Leaving that spot, rather because he could not conveniently stay, than
that either the road or the weather was tolerable, the army, after
suffering severe hardships, which fell heaviest on the beasts of burden,
encamped on the second day at the temple of Jupiter, called Nicæus.
After a very long march thence, he halted at the river Aracthus, being
detained there by the depth of the water, during the time in which a
bridge was being constructed; he then led over his army, and, having
proceeded one day’s march, met Archidamus, an Ætolian of distinction,
who proposed delivering Stratus into his hands.

22. On that day Perseus encamped at the borders of the Ætolian
territory; and, on the next, arrived before Stratus, where, pitching his
camp near the river Achelous, he expected that the Ætolians would come
in crowds to put themselves under his protection; but on the contrary,
he found the gates shut, and discovered that the very night on which he
arrived, a Roman garrison, under Caius Popilius, lieutenant-general, had
been received into the town. The nobles, who, induced by the authority
of Archidamus, while he was present, had invited the king, as soon as he
went out to meet Perseus had become less zealous, and had given an
opportunity to the opposite faction to call in Popilius, with one
thousand foot, from Ambracia. At the same juncture came also Dinarchus,
general of the Ætolian cavalry, with six hundred foot and one hundred
horse. It was well known that he came to Stratus intending to act with
Perseus; but that, with the change of fortune, he had changed his mind,
and joined the Romans, against whom he had come. Nor was Popilius less
on his guard than he ought to be among people of such fickle tempers. He
immediately took into his own keeping the keys of the gates, with the
direction of the guard of the walls, and removed Dinarchus and the
Ætolians, together with the young men of Stratus, into the citadel,
under pretence of garrisoning it. Perseus sounded the garrison, by
addressing them from the eminences that hung over the upper part of the
city, and finding that they were obstinate, and even kept him at a
distance with weapons, removed his camp to the other side of the river
Petitarus, about five miles from the town: there he held a council,
wherein Archidamus and the refugees from Epirus were for detaining him
there; but the Macedonian nobles were of opinion that he ought not to
fight against the severity of the season without having magazines of
provisions; in which case the besiegers would feel a scarcity sooner
than the besieged, especially as the winter quarters of the enemy were
at no great distance: being deterred by these considerations, he removed
his camp into Aperantia. The Aperantians, in consequence of the great
interest and influence which Archidamus possessed among them, submitted
to Perseus with universal consent; and Archidamus himself was appointed
their governor, with a body of eight hundred soldiers.

23. The king then returned into Macedon with his men and horses, not
less harassed than they had been in their advance to Stratus. However,
the report of Perseus’s march to that place obliged Appius to raise the
siege of Phanote. Clevas, with a body of active young men, pursued him
to the foot of some mountains, which formed a defile almost impassable,
killed one thousand men of his disordered troops, and took two hundred
prisoners. Appius, when he got clear of the defile, encamped for a few
days in a plain named Meleon. Meanwhile Clevas, being joined by
Philostratus, who was invested with the chief power among the nation of
the Epirotes, proceeded over the mountains into the lands of Antigonea.
The Macedonians setting out to plunder, Philostratus, with his division,
posted himself in ambush, in a place where he could not be seen. When
the troops at Antigonea sallied out against the straggling plunderers,
they pursued them in their flight with too great eagerness, until they
precipitated themselves into the valley which was beset by the enemy,
who killed one thousand, and made about one hundred prisoners. Being
thus successful every where, they encamped near the post of Appius, in
order to prevent the Roman army from offering any violence to their
allies. Appius, as he was wasting time there to no purpose, dismissed
the Chaonian and other Epirotes, and with his Italian soldiers marched
back to Illyria; then sending the troops to their several winter
quarters, in the confederate cities of the Parthinians, he went home to
Rome on account of a sacrifice. Perseus recalled from the nation of the
Penestians one thousand foot and two hundred horse, and sent them to
garrison Cassandria. His ambassadors returned from Gentius with the same
answer as before. Still he did not cease from soliciting him, but sent
embassy after embassy; yet, notwithstanding that he was sensible of the
powerful support he would find in Gentius, the Macedonian could not
prevail on himself to expend money on the business, although it was to
him a question of vital importance.* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *



BOOK XLIV.


     _Quintus Marcius Philippus, the consul, penetrates into Macedonia
     through the rugged passes, and takes several cities. The Rhodians
     send an embassy to Rome, threatening to aid Perseus, unless the
     Romans made peace with him. This act was received with general
     indignation. Lucius Æmilius Paullus, the consul, sent against
     Perseus, defeats him, and reduces all Macedonia to subjection.
     Before the engagement, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, a military tribune,
     foretells an eclipse of the moon, and warns the soldiers not to be
     alarmed at that phenomenon. Gentius, king of Illyria, vanquished by
     Anicius the prætor, and sent prisoner, together with his wife and
     children, to Rome. Ambassadors from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, king and
     queen of Egypt, complain of Antiochus making war upon them.
     Perseus, not paying Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and Gentius, king of
     Illyria, the money he had promised them for their assistance, is
     deserted by them._


1. EARLY in the spring which succeeded the winter in which these
transactions took place, the consul, Quintus Marcius Philippus, set out
from Rome, with five thousand men, whom he was to carry over to
reinforce his legions, and arrived at Brundusium. Marcus Popilius, of
consular rank, and other young men of equal dignity, accompanied him, in
the capacity of military tribunes for the legions in Macedonia. Nearly
at the same time, Caius Marcius Figulus, the prætor, whose province was
the fleet, came to Brundusium; and, both sailing from Italy, made
Corcyra on the second day, and Actium, a port of Acarnania, on the
third. The consul, then, disembarking at Ambracia, proceeded towards
Thessaly by land. The prætor, doubling Cape Leucate, sailed into the
gulf of Corinth; then, leaving his ships at Creusa, he went by land also
through the middle of Bœotia, and, by a quick journey of one day, came
to the fleet at Chalcis. Aulus Hostilius at that time lay encamped in
Thessaly, near Palæpharsalus; and though he had performed no warlike act
of any consequence, yet he had reformed his troops from a state of
dissolute licentiousness, and brought them to exact military discipline;
had faithfully consulted the interest of the allies, and defended them
from every kind of injury. On hearing of his successor’s approach, he
carefully inspected the arms, men, and horses; and then, with the army
in complete order, he marched out to meet the consul. Their first
meeting was such as became their own dignity and the Roman character;
and in transacting business afterwards, _they preserved the greatest
harmony and propriety_.[88] The proconsul, addressing himself to the
troops, _exhorted them to behave with courage, and with due respect to
the orders of their commander. He then recommended them, in warm terms,
to the consul, and, as soon as he had despatched the necessary affairs,
set off for Rome._[88] A few days after, the consul made a speech to his
soldiers, which began with the unnatural murder which Perseus had
perpetrated on his brother, and meditated against his father; he then
mentioned “his acquisition of the kingdom by nefarious practices; his
poisonings and murders; his abominable attempt to assassinate Eumenes;
the injuries he had committed against the Roman people; and his
plundering the cities of their allies, in violation of the treaty.” “How
detestable such proceedings were in the sight of the gods, Perseus would
feel,” he said, “in the issue of his affairs; for the gods always
favoured righteous and honourable dealings; by means of which the Roman
people had risen to so great an exaltation.” He next compared the
strength of the Roman people, which now embraced the whole world, with
that of Macedonia, and the armies of the one with those of the other;
and then added, “How much more powerful armies of Philip and Antiochus
had been conquered by forces not more numerous than the present!”

2. Having animated the minds of his soldiers by such exhortations, he
began to consult on a general plan of operations for the campaign; being
joined by the prætor, Caius Marcius, who, after receiving the command of
the fleet, came thither from Chalcis. It was resolved not to waste time
by delaying longer in Thessaly; but to decamp immediately, and advance
thence into Macedonia; and that the prætor should exert himself to the
utmost, that the fleet might appear, at the same time, on the enemy’s
coasts. The prætor then having been sent away, the consul, having
ordered the soldiers to carry with them a month’s provisions, struck his
tents, on the tenth day after he received the command of the army, and
proceeded one day’s march. He then called together his guides, and
ordered them to explain, in the presence of the council, by what road
each of them proposed to lead him; then, having dismissed them, he asked
the opinion of the council, as to what route he should prefer. Some
advised the road through Pythium; others, that over the Cambunian
mountains, by which the consul Hostilius had marched the year before;
while others, again, preferred that which passed by the side of the Lake
Ascuris. There was yet before him a considerable length of road common
to each of these routes; the further consideration of this matter was
therefore postponed until they should encamp near the place where the
roads diverged. He then marched into Perrhæbia, and posted himself
between Azorus and Doliche, in order to consider again which was the
preferable road. In the mean time, Perseus, understanding that the enemy
was marching towards him, but unable to guess what route he might take,
resolved to secure all the passes by guards. To the top of the Cambunian
mountains, called by the natives Volustana, he sent ten thousand light
infantry, under the command of Asclepiodotus; ordering Hippias, with a
detachment of twelve thousand Macedonians, to guard the pass called
Lapathus, near a fort which stood over the Lake Ascuris. He himself,
with the rest of his forces, lay for some time in camp at Dium; but
afterwards, as if he had lost the use of his judgment, and was incapable
of forming any plan, he used to gallop along the coast, with a party of
light horse, sometimes to Heracleum, sometimes to Phila, and then return
with the same speed to Dium.

3. By this time the consul had determined to march through the pass near
Octolophus, where, as we have mentioned, the camp of the king formerly
stood. But he deemed it prudent to despatch before him four thousand
men, to secure such places as might be useful: the command of this party
was given to Marcus Claudius, and Quintus Marcius the consul’s son. The
main body followed close after; but the road was so steep, rough, and
craggy, that the advanced party of light troops, with great difficulty,
effected in two days a march of fifteen miles; and then encamped. They
call the place which they took, the tower of Eudicru. Next day they
advanced seven miles; and, having seized on a hill at a small distance
from the enemy’s camp, sent back a message to the consul, that “they had
come up with the enemy; and had taken post in a place which was safe and
convenient in every respect; urging him to join them with all possible
speed.” This message came to the consul at the Lake Ascuris, at a time
when he was full of anxiety, on account of the badness of the road on
which he had entered, and for the fate of the small force he had sent
forward into the midst of the posts of the enemy. His spirits were
therefore greatly revived; and, soon effecting a junction of all his
forces, he pitched his camp on the side of the hill that had been
seized, where the ground was the most commodious. This hill was so high
as to afford a wide-extended prospect presenting to their eyes, at one
view, not only the enemy’s camp, which was little more than a mile
distant, but the whole extent of territory to Dium and Phila, together
with a large tract of the sea-coast; circumstances which greatly
enlivened the courage of the soldiers, giving them so near a view of the
grand theatre of the war, of all the king’s forces, and of the country
of the enemy. So eager were they, that they pressed the consul to lead
them on directly to the enemy’s camp; but, after the fatigue that they
had suffered on the road, one day was set apart for repose. On the third
day, the consul, leaving one half of his troops to guard the camp, drew
out his forces against the enemy.

4. Hippias had been sent by the king, a short time before, to maintain
that pass; and having employed himself, since he first saw the Roman
camp on the hill, in preparing his men’s minds for a battle, he now went
forth to meet the consul’s army as it advanced. The Romans came out to
battle with light armour, as did the enemy; light troops being the
fittest to commence the engagement. As soon as they met, therefore, they
instantly discharged their javelins, and many wounds were given and
received on both sides in a disorderly kind of conflict; but few of
either party were killed. This only roused their courage for the
following day, when they would have engaged with more numerous forces,
and with greater animosity, had there been room to form a line; but the
summit of the mountain was contracted into a ridge so narrow, as
scarcely to allow space for three files in front; so that, while but few
were fighting, the greater part, especially such as carried heavy arms,
stood mere spectators of the fight. The light troops even ran through
the hollows of the hill, and attacked the flanks of the light-armed
troops of the enemy; and alike through even and uneven places, sought to
come to action. That day, greater numbers were wounded than killed, and
night put a stop to the dispute. The Roman general was greatly at a loss
how to proceed on the third day; for to remain on that naked hill was
impossible, and he could not return without disgrace, and even danger,
if the enemy with the advantage of the ground, should press on his
troops in their retreat: he had therefore no other plan left than to
improve his bold attempt, by persevering resolution, which sometimes, in
the issue, proves the wiser course. He had, in fact, brought himself
into such a situation, that if he had had to deal with an enemy like the
ancient kings of Macedon, he might have suffered a severe defeat. But
while the king, with his horsemen, ran up and down the shore at Dium;
and, though at a distance of twelve miles, he was almost within hearing
of the shout and noise of his forces who were engaged, neither
strengthened his forces by sending up fresh men to relieve the weary,
nor, what was most material, appeared himself in the action; the Roman
general, notwithstanding that he was above sixty years old, and unwieldy
through corpulency, performed actively every duty of a commander. He
persisted with extraordinary resolution in his bold undertaking; and,
leaving Popilius to guard the summit, marched across, through trackless
places, having sent forward a party to open a road. Attalus and
Misagenes, with the auxiliary troops of their own nations, were ordered
to protect them, while clearing the way through the forests. He himself,
keeping the cavalry and baggage before him, closed the rear with the
legions.

5. In descending the mountain, the men suffered inexpressible fatigue,
besides the frequent falling of the cattle and their loads, so that,
before they had advanced quite four miles, they began to think that
their most eligible plan would be to return, if they could, by the way
they had come. The elephants caused almost as much confusion among the
troops as an enemy could; for, when they came to impassable steeps, they
threw off their riders, and set up such a hideous roar, as spread terror
through all, especially among the horses, until a method was contrived
for bringing them down. They fastened in the earth, in the line of
descent, some way from the top, two long, strong posts, distant from
each other a little more than the breadth of the animal, on which were
fastened beams thirty feet long, so as to form a kind of bridge, and
covered it with earth; after a little intermediate space, a second and
similar bridge was formed; then a third bridge, with several others one
after another, where the rocks were precipitous. The elephant walked
forward on solid footing upon the bridge; but before he came to the end,
the posts underneath were cut, and the bridge falling, obliged him to
slide down gently to the beginning of the next bridge, which some of
them performed standing, others on their haunches. When they arrived at
the level of another bridge, they were again carried down, by its
falling in like manner; and so on until they came to more level ground.
The Romans advanced that day scarcely more than seven miles; and even of
this journey little was performed on foot. Their method of proceeding in
general was rolling themselves down, together with their arms and other
encumbrances, with every kind of discomfort; insomuch, that even their
commander, who led them such a march, did not deny, but that tho whole
army might have been cut off by a small party. During the night, they
arrived at a small plain; but, as it was hemmed in on every side, there
was no opportunity of discovering whether it was a position of danger or
not. However, as they had, beyond their expectation, at length found
good footing, they judged it necessary to wait, during the next day, in
that deep valley for Popilius, and the forces left behind with him; who,
though the enemy gave them no disturbance from any quarter, suffered
severely from the difficulties of the ground,—as if they had been
harassed by an enemy. These having joined the main body, the whole
proceeded, on the third day, through a pass called by the natives
Callipeuce. On the fourth day they marched down through places equally
trackless, but more cleverly in consequence of their experience, and
with more comfortable hopes, as they saw no enemy any where, and as they
were coming nearer to the sea, into the plains, where they pitched their
camp of infantry between Heracleum and Libethrus, the greater part being
posted on hills, the rest occupying a valley and part of the plain where
the cavalry encamped.

6. The king, it is said, was bathing, when he was informed of the
enemy’s approach; on hearing which, he started up from his seat, and
rushed out in a fright, crying out, that he was conquered without a
battle; and afterwards, in a state of great perturbation, amidst plans
and orders dictated by fear, he recalled two most intimate friends from
his garrisons, and sent one to Pella, where his treasure was lodged, and
the other to Parthus, and opened all the passes to the invasion of the
enemy. He himself, having suddenly removed from Dium all the gilded
statues, that they might not fall a prey to the enemy, ordered all the
inhabitants to remove to Pydna; and thus made the conduct of the consul,
in venturing into a situation out of which he could not retreat without
the enemy’s permission, although it might have been deemed rash and
inconsiderate, to wear the appearance of judicious boldness. For there
were only two passes through which the Romans could remove from their
present situation; one through Tempe into Thessaly, the other by Dium
into Macedonia; and both these were occupied by parties of the king’s
troops. So that if an intrepid commander had, only for ten days,
maintained his ground, without yielding to the first appearance of an
approaching terror, the Romans could neither have retreated by Tempe
into Thessaly, nor have had any road open for the conveyance of
provisions to their position. For Tempe is a pass of such a nature, that
even supposing no obstruction was given by an enemy, it is difficult to
get through it; being so narrow for the distance of five miles, that
there is barely room for a loaded horse to pass: the precipices, also,
on both sides, are so abrupt, that it is scarcely possible to look down
from them, without a dizziness alike of the eyes and the mind; while the
roaring and depth of the river Peneus, flowing through the middle of the
glen, increases the terrific effect. This defile, in its nature so
dangerous, was guarded by parties of the king’s troops, stationed in
four different places: one near Gonnus, at the first entrance; another
in an impregnable fortress at Condylos; a third near Lapathus, in a
place called Charax; and the fourth on the road itself about midway,
where the valley is narrowest, and might have been easily defended even
by half a score men. All possibility either of retreating, or of
receiving provisions through Tempe, being cut off, the Romans, in order
to return, must have crossed over the same mountains from which they
came down; but even though they might have been able to effect this by
passing unobserved, they never could have accomplished it openly, and
while the enemy kept possession of the heights; and besides, the
difficulties which they had already experienced would have precluded
every hope of the kind. In this rash enterprise they would have no other
plan left than to force their way into Macedonia, through the midst of
the enemy posted at Dium; and if the gods had not deprived the king of
his understanding, this would have been extremely difficult For the
space between the foot of Mount Olympus and the sea is not much more
than a mile in breadth; one half of which is taken up by the mouth of
the river Baphirus, which forms a large morass, and, of the remaining
plain, a great share is occupied by the town and the temple of Jupiter:
the rest, being a very small space, might have been shut up with a
trench and rampart of no great length; or, so great was the plenty of
stones and timber on the spot, that a wall might have been drawn across,
and towers erected. But the king’s judgment was so entirely blinded by
the sudden fright, that he reflected not upon any one of these
circumstances; on the contrary, he evacuated all his strong posts, and
leaving them open to the enemy, fled back to Pydna.

7. The consul, perceiving in the folly and sloth of the enemy a most
favourable prospect, not only of safety, but of success, sent back a
messenger to Larissa, with orders to Spurius Lucretius to seize on the
deserted forts about Tempe; then, sending forward Popilius, to examine
all the passes round Dium, and learning that all was clear, he marched
in two days to that town, ordering the camp to be fixed under the walls
of the temple, that no violation might be offered to that sacred place.
He went himself into the city; and seeing it, though not large, yet
highly ornamented with public buildings and abundance of statues, and
remarkably well fortified, he could scarcely believe that there was not
some stratagem concealed in the abandonment of such important advantages
without cause. He waited therefore one day to examine all the country
round; then he decamped; and supposing that he should find plenty of
corn in Pieria, advanced to a river called the Mytis. On the day
following, continuing his march, he received the voluntary surrender of
the city of Agassæ; whereupon, in order to gain the good opinion of the
rest of the Macedonians, he contented himself with receiving hostages,
assuring the inhabitants, that he would leave them their city without a
garrison, and that they should live free from taxes, and under their own
laws. Proceeding thence one day’s march, he encamped at the river
Ascordus; but, finding that the farther he removed from Thessaly, the
greater was the scarcity of every thing, he returned to Dium; which
clearly demonstrated how much he must have suffered if he had been cut
off from Thessaly, since he found it unsafe to go to any great distance
from it. Perseus, having drawn all his forces into one body, and
assembled all his generals, reprimanded severely the commanders of the
garrisons, and particularly Hippias, and Asclepiodotus; asserting that
they had betrayed to the Romans the keys of Macedonia; of which charge
no one was more truly guilty than himself. The consul, on seeing the
fleet at sea, conceived hopes that they were coming with provisions, for
every article had now become very dear and very scarce; but when the
ships came into harbour, he was informed that the transports had been
left behind at Magnesia. He was then under great perplexity to determine
what measures to take; so hard did he find it to struggle with the
difficulties of his situation, though not aggravated by any effort of
the enemy; when, very seasonably, a letter arrived from Lucretius,
acquainting him that he was in possession of all the forts about Tempe
and Phila, and had found in them great plenty of corn and other
necessaries.

8. The consul, highly delighted with this intelligence, removed his
quarters from Dium to Phila, in order to strengthen that post, and, at
the same time, to distribute corn to the soldiers, on the spot, as the
carriage of it thence would be tedious. That march gave rise to opinions
not at all favourable to his reputation: some said that he retired from
the enemy through fear; because if he had staid in Pieria he must have
risked a battle: others, that, not considering the daily changes
produced by fortune in the affairs of war, he had let slip out of his
hands advantages which threw themselves in his way, and which, in all
probability, he could never regain. For, by giving up the possession of
Dium, he at once roused the enemy to action; who at length saw the
necessity of endeavouring to recover what he had lost before, through
his own fault. On hearing of the consul’s departure, therefore, Perseus
marched back to Dium, repaired whatever had been destroyed and laid
waste by the Romans, rebuilt the battlements which they had thrown down,
strengthened the fortifications all round, and then pitched his camp
within five miles of the city, on the hither bank of the Enipeus, in
order to have the river itself, the passage of which was extremely
difficult, as a defence to his post. The Enipeus, which rises in a
valley of Mount Olympus, is a small stream during the summer, but is
raised by the winter rains to a violent torrent, when, as it runs over
the rocks, it forms furious eddies, and, by sweeping away the earth at
the bottom into the sea, makes very deep gulfs, while the sinking of the
middle of the channel renders the banks both high and steep. Perseus,
thinking that the advance of the enemy was sufficiently obstructed by
this river, contemplated spending there the remainder of the summer. In
the mean time, the consul sent Popilius, with two thousand men, from
Phila to Heracleum. It is distant about five miles from Phila, midway
between Dium and Tempe, and stands on a steep rock hanging over the
river.

9. Popilius, before he brought his troops up to the walls, sent to
recommend to the magistrates and principal men, rather to try the honour
and clemency of the Romans than their power; but this advice produced no
effect, the fires in the king’s camp on the Enipeus being now within
their sight. The attack was then commenced by assaults, and with works
and machines, as well on the side facing the sea, (for the ships had
been brought up close to the shore,) as on land. A party of Roman youths
actually gained possession of the lowest part of the wall, by turning to
the purposes of war a kind of sport which they were accustomed to
practise in the circus. In those times, when the present extravagant
fashion of filling the area with beasts of every kind was yet unknown,
it was customary to contrive various kinds of amusements; for when one
chariot race and one equestrian performer were exhibited, both the
performances scarcely filled up the space of an hour. Among other
diversions, in the more elaborate games, about sixty young men in arms,
sometimes more, used to be introduced, whose performances were partly a
representation of troops going through the military exercise, and partly
a display of more accurate skill than appeared in the practice of
soldiers, and which approached nearer to the mode of fighting used by
gladiators. After performing various evolutions, they formed in a square
body with their shields raised over their heads, and closed together,
the foremost standing upright, the next stooping a little, the third and
fourth lines more and more, and so on, until the hindmost rested on
their knees, thus composing a covering in the shape of a tortoise-shell,
and sloping, like the roof of a house. Then two armed men, who stood at
the distance of about fifty feet, ran forward, and after some menacing
flourishes of their arms, mounted over the closed shields, from the
bottom to the top of this roof; and, treading as steadily as if on solid
ground, sometimes paraded along the extreme edges of it, as if repelling
an enemy, and sometimes encountered each other on the middle of it. A
body similar to this was brought up against the lowest part of the wall,
and the soldiers, standing thereon, mounted until they were as high as
the defendants on the battlements; and these having been beaten off, the
soldiers of two companies climbed over into the town. The only
difference was, that here the outside men in the front and in the two
flanks alone did not raise their shields over their heads, lest they
should expose their bodies, but held them before them, as in battle; so
that the weapons thrown at them from the walls, as they advanced, did
them no injury, while those that were poured like a shower on the roof
glided down the smooth slope to the bottom, without doing any mischief.
When Heracleum was taken, the consul removed his quarters thither, as if
he intended to besiege Dium; and, after driving the king thence, to
advance to Pieria. But as he was now preparing his quarters for the
winter, he ordered roads to be made for the conveyance of provisions
from Thessaly, and proper places to be chosen for store-houses; also
huts to be built, where the people employed in bringing the provisions
might lodge.

10. Perseus, having at length recovered his spirits, after the panic
with which he had been seized, began to wish that obedience had not been
paid to the orders which he had given in his fright, to throw the
treasures at Pella into the sea, and to burn the naval arsenals at
Thessalonica. Andronicus, indeed, whom he had sent to Thessalonica, had
spun out the time, leaving him time for repentance, which actually took
place; but Nicias, less provident, threw into the sea what money he
found at Pella. He seems, however, to have fallen into a mistake which
was not without remedy, inasmuch as the greatest part of that treasure
was brought up again by divers. Nevertheless, such shame did the king
feel for his terror on the occasion, that he caused the divers to be
privately put to death, together with Andronicus and Nicias, that there
might be no living witnesses of so preposterous an order. In the mean
time, Caius Marcius, with the fleet, sailed from Heracleum to
Thessalonica. Landing his men, he made wide depredations on the country;
and when the troops from the city came out against him, he defeated them
in several actions, and drove them back in dismay within their walls. He
even alarmed the city itself; but the townsmen, erecting engines of
every kind, wounded, with stones thrown from them, not only such as
straggled carelessly near the walls, but even those who were on board
the ships. He therefore re-embarked his troops; and giving up the design
of besieging Thessalonica, proceeded thence to Ænia, fifteen miles
distant, situated opposite to Pydna, in a fertile country. After
ravaging the lands in that quarter, he coasted along the shore until he
arrived at Antigonea. Here his troops landed, and for some time carried
their depredations through all the country round, putting a great deal
of booty on board the ships; but afterwards a party of Macedonians,
consisting of foot and horse intermixed, fell upon them as they
straggled, and, pursuing them as they fled to the shore, killed near
five hundred, and took as many prisoners. Extreme necessity, on finding
themselves hindered from safely regaining their vessels, roused the
courage of the Roman soldiers, at once with despair of any other means
of safety, (than by resistance,) and also with indignation. They renewed
the fight on the shore, and those who were on board assisted them; and
here about two hundred Macedonians were killed, and a like number taken.
From Antigonea the fleet sailed on to the district of Pallene, where a
descent was made for the purpose of plundering. This district belonged
to the territory of Cassandrea, and was by far the most plentiful of any
at which they had yet touched on the coast. There they were met by king
Eumenes, who came from Elea with twenty decked ships; and king Prusias
also sent thither five ships of war.

11. By this accession of strength the prætor was encouraged to lay
siege to Cassandrea. This city was built by king Cassander, in the pass
which connects the territory of Pallene with the rest of Macedonia. It
is bounded on one side by the Toronæan, on another by the Macedonian
Sea; for it stands on a neck of land which stretches into the ocean, and
rises in the part opposite Magnesia to a height equal to that of Mount
Athos, forming two unequal promontories, the larger called Posideum, the
smaller Canastræum. The besiegers formed their attacks on two different
sides; the Roman general, at a place called Clitæ, drew a trench from
the Macedonian to the Toronæan Sea, to which he added pointed palisades,
to cut off the communication; while on the other side is the Euripus,
where Eumenes carried on his attack. The Romans underwent a vast deal of
labour in filling up a trench, which Perseus had recently dug in the
way; and on the prætor inquiring where the earth that had been taken out
of it was thrown, as he saw no heaps of it any where, some arches were
shown him that were closed up with it, not of equal thickness with the
old wall, but with a single row of brick. On this, he formed the design
of opening a way into the city, by breaking through that wall; and he
hoped to be able to escape observation, if, by assaulting another part
by scalade, and raising a tumult there, he could divert the attention of
the besieged to the defence of the place attacked. There were in
garrison at Cassandrea, besides the younger inhabitants, who formed no
contemptible body, eight hundred Agrians and two thousand Illyrians from
Penestia, sent thither by Pleuratus, each being a warlike race. While
these were busy in defending the walls, and the Romans using their
utmost efforts to scale them, in an instant of time the arches were
broken through, and the city laid open; and if those who made this
irruption had been armed, they must have immediately become masters of
the town. When the soldiers were told that this work was accomplished,
they were so elated with joy, that they raised a sudden shout, expecting
to force their way in, some in one part, and others in another.

12. At first the enemy was seized with wonder at to what this sudden
shout could mean; but when Pytho and Philip, the commanders of the
garrison, were told that the city was laid open, they concluded that
every advantage resulting from that event would be in favour of
whichever party should make the first charge; and, therefore, they
sallied out, with a strong body of Agrians and Illyrians, who, while the
Romans were coming together and being congregated from various parts
that they might march in order into the city, routed them while thus
disordered and irregular, and drove them to the trench, into which they
tumbled them, in heaps, one over another. About six hundred were killed
in this action, and almost every one that was found between the wall and
the trench was wounded. The blow meditated by the prætor having thus
recoiled on himself, made him slower to form any other attempts; and as
Eumenes made little or no progress though he carried on his operations
both by land and sea, they concurred in a resolution to strengthen their
guards, in order to prevent the introduction of any reinforcement from
Macedonia: and, since they had not succeeded by assault, to carry on the
siege by regular approaches. While they were making preparations for
this, ten barks, belonging to the king, sent from Thessalonica, with a
chosen body of Gallic auxiliaries, observing the enemy’s ships lying at
anchor in the road, and keeping as close to the shore as possible,
amidst the darkness of the night, in a single line, effected their
entrance to the city. Intelligence of this new addition of force obliged
both the Romans and Eumenes to raise the siege. They then sailed round
the promontory, and brought the fleet into the harbour of Torone. This
town also they attempted to besiege; but, perceiving that it was
defended, by a strong garrison, they dropped the design, and proceeded
to Demetrias. When they approached this place, they saw the walls fully
manned with armed troops; they therefore sailed on, and brought the
fleet into harbour at Iolcos, intending, after ravaging the country
there, to proceed to the siege of Demetrias.

13. In the mean time, the consul, not to lie inactive in the enemies’
country, sent Marcus Popilius, with five thousand men, to reduce the
city of Melibœa. This city stands at the foot of the Mount Ossa, where
it stretches out into Thessaly, and is very advantageously situated for
commanding Demetrias. The first approach of the enemy struck terror into
the inhabitants of the place; but soon recovering from the fright
occasioned by the unexpectedness of the event, they ran hastily in arms
to the gates and walls, where an entrance was apprehended, and at once
put a stop to all hope of taking the place by the first assault.
Preparations were therefore made for a siege, and the works commenced
for making the approaches. When Perseus was informed that both Melibœa
was being besieged by the consul’s army, and that the fleet at the same
time was lying at Iolcos, intending to proceed thence to attack
Demetrias, he sent Euphranor, one of his generals, with two thousand
chosen men, to Melibœa. His orders were, that, if he could compel the
Romans to retire from before Melibœa, he should then march secretly into
Demetrias, before the enemy should bring up their troops from Iolcos to
that city. As soon as he suddenly became visible on the high grounds to
the besiegers of Melibœa, they abandoned their numerous works in great
consternation, and set them on fire. Thus they withdrew from Melibœa,
and Euphranor, having raised the siege of one city, marched instantly to
Demetrias. Then the townsmen felt confident that they should be able,
not only to defend their walls, but to protect their lands also from
depredations; and they made several irruptions on the straggling parties
of the plunderers, not without injury to the enemy. However, the prætor
and the king rode round the walls to view the situation of the city, and
try whether they might attempt it on any side, either by storm or works.
It was reported, that some overtures of friendship between Eumenes and
Perseus were here agitated, through Cydas, a Cretan, and Antimachus,
governor of Demetrias. It is certain, that the armies retired from
Demetrias. Eumenes sailed to the consul; and, after congratulating him
on his success in penetrating into Macedonia, went home to Pergamus.
Marcius Figulus, the prætor, having sent part of his fleet to winter at
Sciathus, with the remainder repaired to Oreum in Eubœa; judging that
the most convenient city from which he could send supplies to the armies
in Macedonia and Thessaly. There are very different accounts given
respecting king Eumenes: if Valerius Antias is to be believed, he
neither gave any assistance with his fleet to the prætor, though often
solicited by letters; nor did he depart from the consul for Asia in good
humour, being offended at not being permitted to lie in the same camp
with him; he says too, that he could not be prevailed on even to leave
the Gallic horsemen that he had brought with him. But his brother
Attalus remained with the consul, and in the constant tenor of his
conduct evinced a sincere attachment, and an extraordinary degree of
zeal and activity in the service.

14. While the war was being carried on in Macedonia, ambassadors came to
Rome, from a chieftain of the Gauls beyond the Alps, whose name is said
to have been Balanos, but of what tribe is not mentioned. They brought
an offer of assistance towards the war in Macedonia. The senate returned
him thanks, and sent him presents,—a golden chain of two pounds weight,
golden bowls to the amount of four pounds, a horse completely
caparisoned, and a suit of horseman’s armour. After the Gauls,
ambassadors from Pamphylia, brought into the senate-house a golden
crown, of the value of twenty thousand Philippeans, and requested
permission to deposit it, as an offering, in the shrine of Jupiter
supremely good and great, and to offer sacrifice in the Capitol, which
was granted. The said ambassadors having expressed a wish to renew the
treaty of friendship, a gracious answer was given, and a present was
made to each of two thousand _asses_.[89] Then audience was given to the
ambassadors of king Prusias; and, a little after, to those of the
Rhodians, who discoursed on the same subject, but in a widely different
manner. The purpose of both embassies was, to effect a peace with king
Perseus. The address of Prusias consisted of entreaties rather than
demands; for he declared, that “he had hitherto supported the cause of
the Romans, and would continue to support it as long as the war should
continue. But, on Perseus sending ambassadors to him, on the subject of
putting an end to the war with Rome, he had promised them to become a
mediator with the senate:” and he requested that, “if they could prevail
on themselves to lay aside their resentment, they would place him in the
favourable position of mediator of the peace.” Such was the discourse of
the king’s ambassadors. The Rhodians, after ostentatiously recounting
their many services to the Roman people, and arrogating to themselves
rather the greater share of its successes, particularly in the case of
king Antiochus, proceeded in this manner; that, “at a time when peace
subsisted between the Macedonians and Romans, they likewise commenced a
friendship with king Perseus, which they had, since, unwillingly broken,
without having any reason to complain of him, but merely because it was
the desire of the Romans to draw them into a confederacy in the war,
that for three years past they had felt many inconveniences from that
war. In consequence of the interruption of commerce, and the loss of
their port duties and provisions, their island was distressed by a
general scarcity. When their countrymen could no longer suffer this,
they had sent other ambassadors into Macedonia, to Perseus, to announce
to him that it was the wish of the Rhodians that he should conclude a
peace with the Romans, and had sent them to Rome with the same message.
The Rhodians would afterwards consider what measures they should judge
proper to be taken against either party that should prevent an end being
put to the war.” I am convinced that no person, even at the present
time, can hear or read such expressions without indignation; we may,
then, easily judge what was the state of mind of the senators when they
listened to them.

15. According to the account of Claudius, no answer was given; and a
decree of the senate only was read, by which the Roman people ordered,
that the Carians and Lycians should enjoy independence; and that a
letter should be sent immediately to each of those nations, acquainting
them therewith. On hearing which the principal ambassador, whose
arrogant demeanour, just before, the senate could scarce contain, fell
down insensible. Other writers say, that an answer was given to this
effect: “That, at the commencement of the present war, the Roman people
had learned, from unquestionable authority, that the Rhodians, in
concert with king Perseus, had formed secret machinations against their
commonwealth; and that, if that matter had been doubtful hitherto, the
words of their ambassadors, just now, had reduced it to a certainty; as,
in general, treachery, though at first sufficiently cautious, yet, in
the end, betrays itself. Were the Rhodians now to act the part of
arbiters of war and peace throughout the world? were the Romans at their
nod to take up arms and lay them down? and henceforth to appeal, not to
the gods, but to the Rhodians, for their sanction of treaties? And was
this indeed the case, that, unless their orders were obeyed, and the
armies withdrawn from Macedonia, they would consider what measures they
should take? What the Rhodians might determine, they themselves knew
best; but the Roman people, as soon as the conquest of Perseus should
be completed, an event which they hoped was at no great distance, would
most certainly consider how to make due retribution to each state,
according to its deserts in the course of the war.” Nevertheless the
usual presents of two thousand _asses_ each were sent to the
ambassadors, which they did not accept.

16. Then was read a letter from the consul, Quintus Marcius, informing
the senate, that “he had passed the mountains, and penetrated into
Macedonia; that the prætor had collected there, and procured from other
places, stores of provisions for the approaching winter; and that he had
brought from the Epirots twenty thousand measures of wheat, ten thousand
of barley, the price of which he desired might be paid to their
ambassadors in Rome: that clothing for the troops must be sent from
Rome; and that he wanted about two hundred horses, above all Numidian
horses; where he was, he could procure none.” The senate decreed, that
every thing should be done in accordance with the consul’s letter. The
prætor, Caius Sulpicius, agreed with contractors for conveying into
Macedonia six thousand gowns, thirty thousand tunics, and the horses,
all to be left to the approbation of the consul; and he paid the Epirot
ambassadors the price of the corn. He then introduced to the senate,
Onesimus, son of Pytho, a Macedonian of distinction. He had always
advised the king to peaceable measures, and recommended to him, that, as
his father Philip had, to the last day of his life, made it an
established rule to read over twice every day the treaty concluded with
the Romans, so he should, if not daily, yet frequently, observe the same
practice. When he could not dissuade him from war, he at first began to
absent himself on various pretences, that he might not be present at
proceedings which he could not approve. But at last, having discovered
that suspicions were harboured against him, and that he was tacitly
accused of the crime of treason, he went over to the Romans, and was of
great service to the consul. When he was introduced into the
senate-house, he mentioned these circumstances, and the senate thereupon
decreed that he should be enrolled in the number of their allies; that a
house and accommodations should be provided for him; also a grant of two
hundred acres of land, in that part of the Tarentine territory which was
the public property of the Roman people; and a house in Tarentum to be
bought for him; the charge of executing all which was committed to Caius
Decimius, the prætor. On the ides of December, the censors performed the
general survey with more severity than formerly. A great many were
deprived of their horses, among whom was Publius Rutilius, who, when
tribune of the people, had carried on a violent prosecution against
them; he was, besides, degraded from his tribe, and disfranchised. In
pursuance of a decree of the senate, one-half of the taxes of that year
was paid by the quæstors into the hands of the censors, to defray the
expenses of public works. Tiberius Sempronius, out of the money assigned
to him, purchased for the public the house of Publius Africanus, behind
the old house, near the statue of Vertumnus, with the butchers’ stalls
and shops adjoining; where he built the public court-house, afterwards
called the Sempronian.

17. The end of the year was now approaching, and people chiefly
canvassed in their conversation, through their concern about the war in
Macedonia, what consuls they should choose, to bring that war, at
length, to a conclusion. The senate therefore passed an order, that
Cneius Servilius should come home, at the very first opportunity, to
hold the elections. Sulpicius, the prætor, sent the order of the senate
to the consul; and, in a few days after, read his answer in public,
wherein he promised to be in the city before the * * day of * * *. The
consul came in due time, and the election was finished on the day
appointed. The consuls chosen were, Lucius Æmilius Paullus, a second
time, fourteen years after his first consulship, and Caius Licinius
Crassus. Next day, the following were appointed prætors: Cneius Bæbius
Tamphilus, Lucius Anicius Gallus, Cneius Octavius, Publius Fonteius
Balbus, Marcus Æbutius Elva, and Caius Papirius Corbo. The senate’s
anxiety about the Macedonian war stimulated them to more than ordinary
expedition in all their proceedings; they therefore ordered, that the
magistrates elect should immediately cast lots for their provinces, that
it might be known which consul was to have the command in Macedonia, and
which prætor that of the fleet; in order that they might, without loss
of time, consider and prepare whatever was requisite for the service,
and consult the senate on any point where their direction was necessary,
they voted, that, “on the magistrates coming into office, the Latin
festival should be celebrated as early as the rules of religion
permitted; and that the consul who was to go into Macedonia should not
be detained on account of it.” When these orders were passed, Italy and
Macedonia were named as the provinces for the consuls; and for the
prætors, besides the two jurisdictions in the city, the fleet, Spain,
Sicily, and Sardinia. As to the consuls, Macedonia fell to Æmilius,
Italy to Licinius. Of the prætors, Cneius Bæbius got the city
jurisdiction; Lucius Anicius the foreign, under a rule to go wherever
the senate should direct; Cneius Octavius, the fleet; Publius Fonteius,
Spain; Marcus Æbutius, Sicily; and Caius Papirius, Sardinia.

18. It immediately became evident to all, that Lucius Æmilius would
prosecute the war with vigour; for, besides that he was a different kind
of man (from his predecessors), his thoughts were intently employed
night and day solely on the business relative to that war. In the first
place, he requested the senate to send commissioners into Macedonia, to
review the armies and the fleet, and to bring authentic information as
to what might be necessary both for the land and sea forces; to make
what discoveries they could respecting the state of the king’s forces;
and to learn how much of the country was in our power, how much in that
of the enemy; whether the Romans were still encamped among the woods and
mountains, or had got clear of all the difficult passes, and were come
down into the plains; who appeared to be faithful allies to us, who were
doubtful and suspended their fidelity on fortune, and who avowed
enemies; what store of provisions was prepared, and whence new supplies
might be brought by land-carriage, whence by the fleet; and what had
been achieved during the last campaign, either on land or sea. For he
thought that, by gaining a thorough knowledge of all these particulars,
decisive plans might be taken for future proceedings. The senate
directed the consul Cneius Servilius to send as commissioners, into
Macedonia, such persons as should be approved of by Luciua Æmilius.
Cneius Domitius Ahenobarbus, Aulus Licinius Nerva, and Lucius Bæbius,
accordingly, began their journey two days after. Towards the close of
this year it was reported that two showers of stones had fallen, one in
the territory of Rome, the other in that of Veii; and the nine days’
solemnity was performed. Of the priests, died this year, Publius
Quintilius Varus, flamen of Mars, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus,
decemvir, in whose room was substituted Cneius Octavius. It has been
remarked as an instance of the increasing munificence of the times, that
in the Circensian games, exhibited by Publius Cornelius Scipio Nasica
and Publius Lentulus, curule ædiles, sixty-three panthers, with forty
bears and elephants, made a part of the show.

19. At the beginning of the following year, Lucius Æmilius Paullus and
Caius Licinius, the consuls, having commenced their administration on
the ides of March, the senators were impatient to hear what propositions
were to be laid before them, particularly with respect to Macedonia, by
the consul to whose lot that province had fallen; but Paullus said, that
he had as yet nothing to propose to them, the commissioners not being
returned: that “they were then at Brundusium, after having been twice
driven back to Dyrrachium in attempting the passage: that he intended,
shortly, to propose something to their consideration, when he should
have obtained the information which was previously necessary, and which
he expected within very few days.” He added, that, “in order that
nothing should delay his setting out, the day before the ides of April
had been fixed for the Latin festival; after finishing which solemnity,
he and Cneius Octavius would begin their journey as soon as the senate
should direct: that, in his absence, his colleague Caius Licinius would
take care that every thing necessary to be provided, or sent for the
war, should be provided and sent; and that, in the mean time, audience
might be given to the embassies of foreign nations.” The first
introduced were ambassadors from Alexandria, sent by king Ptolemy and
queen Cleopatra. They came into the senate-house dressed in mourning,
with their hair and beard neglected, holding in their hands branches of
olive; there they prostrated themselves, and their discourse was even
more piteous than their dress. Antiochus, king of Syria, who had
formerly been a hostage at Rome, had lately, under the honourable
pretext of restoring the elder Ptolemy to the throne, made war on his
younger brother, who was then in possession of Alexandria; and having
gained the victory in a sea-fight off Pelusium, and thrown a temporary
bridge across the Nile, he led over his army, and was terrifying
Alexandria itself, by laying siege to it; so that he seemed almost on
the point of taking possession of that very opulent kingdom. The
ambassadors, after complaining of these proceedings, besought the senate
to succour those princes, the faithful friends of their empire. They
said, that “such had been the kindness of the Roman people to Antiochus,
such its influence over all kings and nations, that if they only sent
ambassadors, to give him notice that the senate were displeased at war
being made with princes in alliance with them, he would instantly retire
from the walls of Alexandria, and lead his army home into Syria. But if
they hesitated to do this Ptolemy and Cleopatra would soon come to Rome
as exiles from their kingdom, which must excite some degree of shame in
the Roman people, for not having brought them assistance in their
extreme distress.” The senate, affected by the supplications of the
Alexandrians, immediately sent Caius Popilius Lænas, Caius Decimius, and
Caius Hostilius, ambassadors, to put an end to the dispute between those
kings. Their instructions were, to go first to Antiochus, then to
Ptolemy; and to acquaint them, that, unless hostilities were stopped,
whichever party persisted, must expect to be considered by the senate as
neither a friend nor an ally.

20. These ambassadors set out, within three days, in company with those
of Alexandria; and, on the last day of the feast of Minerva, the
commissioners arrived from Macedonia. Their coming had been so
impatiently wished for, that, if it had not been very late in the day,
the consuls would have assembled the senate immediately. Next day the
senate met, and the commissioners had an audience. They stated, that
“the army had been led through pathless and difficult wilds into
Macedonia, with more risk than advantage: that Pieria, to which its
march had been directed, was then possessed by the king; and the two
camps so close to each other, as to be separated only by the river
Enipeus: that the king offered no opportunity to fight, nor were our men
strong enough to compel him; and, besides, that the winter had
unexpectedly interrupted all military operations: that the soldiers were
maintained in idleness, and had not corn sufficient for more than six
_days_: that the force of the Macedonians was said to amount to thirty
thousand effective men: that if Appius Claudius had a sufficient force
at Lychnidus, the king might be perplexed by a twofold hostile array;
but that, as the case stood, both Appius, and the troops under his
command, were in the utmost danger, unless either a regular army were
speedily sent thither, or they were removed thence.” From the camp,
they stated that “they had gone to the fleet; where they learned, that
part of the seamen had perished by sickness; that others, particularly
such as came from Sicily, had gone off to their own homes; and that the
ships were in want of men, while those who were on board had neither
received pay nor had clothing: that Eumenes and his fleet, as if driven
thither by the wind, had both come and gone away, without any apparent
reason; nor did the intentions of that king seem to be thoroughly
settled.” While they reported every particular in the conduct of Eumenes
as suspicious, they represented the fidelity of Attalus as stedfast in
the highest degree.

21. After the commissioners were heard, Lucius Æmilius said, that he
then proposed for consideration the business of the war: and the senate
decreed, that “tribunes for eight legions should be appointed, half by
the consuls, and half by the people; but that none should be named for
that year who had not held some magisterial office: that, out of all the
military tribunes, Lucius Æmilius should select such as he chose for the
two legions that were to serve in Macedonia; and that, as soon as the
Latin festival should be finished, the said consul, with the prætor
Cneius Octavius, to whose lot the fleet had fallen, should repair to
that province.” To these was added a third, Lucius Anicius, the prætor
who had the foreign jurisdiction; for it was resolved that he should
succeed Appius Claudius in the province of Illyria, near Lychnidus. The
charge of raising recruits was laid on the consul Caius Licinius, who
was ordered to enlist, of Roman citizens, seven thousand foot and two
hundred horse, and to demand, from the Latin confederates, seven
thousand foot and four hundred horse; and also to write to Cneius
Servilius, governor of Gaul, to raise there six hundred horse. This
force he was ordered to send, with all expedition, into Macedonia, to
his colleague. It was resolved, that there should be no more than two
legions in that province, but that their numbers should be filled up so
as that each should contain six thousand foot and three hundred horse;
and that the rest of the foot and horse should be placed in the
different garrisons; that such men as were unfit for service should be
discharged, and that the allies should be obliged to raise another body
of ten thousand foot and eight hundred horse. These were assigned as a
reinforcement to Anicius, in addition to the two legions which he was
ordered to carry into Illyria, consisting each of five thousand two
hundred foot and three hundred horse; and five thousand seamen were
raised for the fleet. The consul Licinius was ordered to employ two
legions in the service of his province, and to add to them ten thousand
foot and six hundred horse of the allies.

22. When the senate had passed these decrees, the consul Lucius Æmilius
went out from the senate-house into the assembly of the people, whom he
addressed in a discourse to this effect: “Romans, I think I have
perceived that your congratulations, on my obtaining, by lot, the
province of Macedonia, were warmer than either when I was saluted
consul, or on the day when I entered on office; and that for no other
reason, than your having conceived an opinion, that by me the war with
Perseus, which has been long protracted, may be brought to a conclusion
becoming the majesty of the Roman people. I trust that the gods also
have favoured this disposal of the lots, and will give me their aid in
the conduct of affairs. Some of these consequences I can prognosticate;
others I can hope for. One thing I regard as certain, and venture to
affirm; that I will endeavour, by every exertion in my power, that this
hope which you have conceived of me may not be frustrated. Every thing
necessary for the service, the senate has ordered; and as it has been
resolved, that I am to go abroad immediately, and I do not wish to
delay, my colleague, Caius Licinius, an admirable man, will make the
preparations with as much zeal, as if he himself were to carry on that
war. Do you give full credit to whatever I shall write to you, or to the
senate; but do not by your credulity encourage mere rumours, of which no
man shall appear as the responsible author. For, no man is so entirely
regardless of reputation, as that his spirits cannot be damped; which I
have observed has commonly occurred, especially in this war. In every
circle, and, truly, at every table, there are people who lead armies
into Macedonia; who know where the camp ought to be placed; what posts
ought to be occupied by troops; when and through what pass Macedonia
should be entered; where magazines should be formed; how provisions
should be conveyed by land and sea; and when it is proper to engage the
enemy, when to lie quiet. And they not only determine what is best to be
done, but if any thing is done in any other manner than what they have
pointed out, they arraign the consul, as if he were on his trial. These
are great impediments to those who have the management of affairs; for
every one cannot encounter injurious reports with the same constancy and
firmness of mind as Fabius did, who chose to let his own authority be
diminished through the folly of the people, rather than to mismanage the
public business with a high reputation. I am not one of those who think
that commanders ought never to receive advice; on the contrary, I should
deem that man more proud than wise, who did every thing of his own
single judgment. What then is my opinion? That commanders should be
counselled, chiefly, by persons of known talent; by those, especially,
who are skilled in the art of war, and who have been taught by
experience; and next, by those who are present at the scene of action,
who see the country, who see the enemy; who see the advantages that
occasions offer, and who, embarked, as it were, in the same ship, are
sharers of the danger. If, therefore, any one thinks himself qualified
to give advice respecting the war which I am to conduct, which may prove
advantageous to the public, let him not refuse his assistance to the
state, but let him come with me into Macedonia. He shall be furnished by
me with a ship, a horse, a tent; and even with his travelling charges.
But if he thinks this too much trouble, and prefers the repose of a city
life to the toils of war, let him not, on land, assume the office of a
pilot. The city, in itself, furnishes abundance of topics for
conversation; let it confine its passion for talking, and rest assured,
that we shall be content with such councils as shall be framed within
our camp.” Soon after this speech, the Latin festival having been
celebrated on the day before the calends of April, and the sacrifice on
the mount affording favourable omens, the consul, and Cneius Octavius,
the prætor, set out directly for Macedonia. There is a tradition that
the consul, at his departure, was escorted by multitudes unusually
numerous; and that people, with confident hope, presaged a conclusion of
the Macedonian war, and the speedy return of the consul, to a glorious
triumph.

23. During these occurrences in Italy, Perseus, though he could not, at
first, prevail on himself to complete the design which he had projected,
of attaching to himself Gentius, king of Illyria, on account of the
money which would be demanded for it; yet, when he found that the Romans
had penetrated the passes, and that the final crisis of the war drew
near, resolved to defer it no longer, and having, by his ambassador
Hippias, consented to pay three thousand talents of silver,[90] provided
hostages were given on both sides; he now sent Pantauchus, one of his
most trusty friends, to conclude the business. Pantauchus met the
Illyrian king at Meteo, in the province of Labeas, and there received
from the king his oath and the hostages. Gentius likewise sent an
ambassador, named Olympio, to require an oath and hostages from Perseus.
Together with him, were sent persons to receive the money; and by the
advice of Pantauchus, to go to Rhodes with ambassadors from Macedonia.
Parmenio and Morcus were appointed. Their instructions were, first, to
receive the king’s oath, the hostages, and money; and then to proceed to
Rhodes; and it was hoped, that, by the name of the two kings, the
Rhodians might be incited to a war against Rome, and that the union of
that state, which alone at that time possessed naval glory, would leave
the Romans no prospect of success, either on land or sea. As the
Illyrians approached, Perseus marched with all his cavalry, from his
camp on the Enipeus, and met them at Dium. There the articles agreed on
were executed; a body of cavalry having been drawn up around, whom the
king chose should be witness to the treaty of alliance made with
Gentius, supposing that this event would add greatly to their
confidence. The hostages were given and taken in the sight of all; those
who were to receive the money were sent to Pella, where the king’s
treasure lay; and the persons who were to go to Rhodes, with the
Illyrian ambassadors, were ordered to take ship at Thessalonica. There
was present one Metrodorus, who had lately come from Rhodes, and who, on
the authority of Dinon and Polyaratus, two principal members of that
state, affirmed, that the Rhodians were prepared for the war; he was
appointed head of the joint embassy with the Illyrians.

24. At this time Perseus sent to Eumenes and Antiochus, a common
message, which the state of affairs seemed to suggest that “a free
state, and a king, were, in their natures, hostile to each other. That
the Roman people were accustomed to attack kings singly; and, what was
more shameful, to conquer them, by the power of other kings. Thus, his
father was overpowered by the aid of Attalus; and by the assistance of
Eumenes, and of his father Philip, in part, Antiochus had been
vanquished; and now, both Eumenes and Prusias were armed against
himself. If the regal power should be abolished in Macedonia, the next,
in their way, would be Asia, which they had already rendered, in part,
their own, under the pretence of liberating the states; and next to that
Syria. Already Prusias was honoured by them, far beyond Eumenes; and
already Antiochus, though victorious, was debarred from Egypt, the prize
of his arms.” He desired that each of them, “considering these matters
seriously, should see that he either compelled the Romans to make peace
with him, or, if they should persist in such an unjust war, he should
regard them as the common enemies of all kings.” The message to
Antiochus was sent openly; the ambassador to Eumenes went under the
pretence of ransoming prisoners. But some more secret business was
transacted between them, which, in addition to the jealousy and distrust
already conceived by the Romans against Eumenes, _brought on him
charges_ of a heavier nature. For they considered him as a traitor, and
nearly as an enemy, while the two kings laboured to overreach each other
in schemes of fraud and avarice. There was a Cretan, called Cydas, an
intimate of Eumenes; this man had formerly conferred, at Amphipolis,
with one Chimarus, a countryman of his own, serving in the army of
Perseus; and he, afterwards, had had one interview with Menecrates, and
another with Archidamus, officers of the king, at Demetrias, close under
the wall of the town. Herophon, too, who was sent on that business, had,
before that, executed two embassies to the same Eumenes. These furtive
conferences and embassies were notorious; but what the subject of them
was, or what agreement had taken place between the kings, remained a
secret.

25. Now the truth of the matter was this: Eumenes neither wished success
to Perseus nor intended to make war upon him; and his ill-will arose not
so much from the enmity which they inherited from their fathers, as from
the personal quarrels which had broken out between themselves. The
jealousy of the two kings was not so moderate, that Eumenes could, with
patience, have seen Perseus acquiring such vast power and glory as
awaited him, if he conquered the Romans. Besides which, he saw that
Perseus, from the commencement of the war, by every mean, sought a
prospect of peace; and that every day, as the danger approached nearer,
he was contriving and contemplating no other object. He considered too,
that as the war had been protracted beyond the expectations of the
Romans, their commanders and senate would not be averse from putting an
end to a contest so inconvenient and difficult. Having discovered this
inclination in both parties, he concluded, that, from the disgust of the
stronger party, and the fears of the weaker, this might take place
spontaneously; and therefore he the more wished, for the sake of
conciliating favour to himself, to make his own efforts available in the
business. He therefore, sometimes, laboured to stipulate for a
consideration for not affording assistance to the Romans, either on sea
or land; at other times, for bringing about a peace with them. He
demanded for not interfering in the war, one thousand talents;[91] for
effecting a peace, one thousand five hundred;[92] and for his sincerity
in either case, he professed himself prepared, not only to make oath,
but to give hostages also. Perseus, stimulated by his fears, showed the
greatest readiness in the beginning of the negotiation, and treated
without delay about receiving the hostages; when it was agreed, that, on
their being received, they should be sent to Crete. But when they came
to the mention of money, there he hesitated; remarking that, in the case
of kings of their high character, a pecuniary consideration was mean and
sordid, both with respect to the giver, and still more so with respect
to the receiver. He preferred not to decline the payment in the hope of
a peace with Rome, but said that he would pay the money when the
business should be concluded; and that he would lodge it in the mean
time in the temple of Samothrace. As that island was under his own
dominion, Eumenes said, that it was all the same as if the money were at
Pella; and he struggled hard to obtain some part of it at the present.
Thus, having manœuvred with each other to no purpose, they gained
nothing but disgrace.

26. This was not the only business which Perseus left unfinished from
motives of avarice, since for a small sum of money he might have
procured, through Eumenes, a secure peace, well purchased even with half
of his kingdom; while, if defrauded, he might have exposed him to public
view, as an enemy laden with his pelf, and made the Romans deservedly
his enemies. Through this avaricious spirit the prompt alliance of king
Gentius, with the assistance of a large _army_ of Gauls, who had spread
themselves through Illyria, and offered themselves to him, was lost.
There came ten thousand horsemen, and the same number of footmen, who
themselves kept pace with the horses, and in place of the riders who had
fallen, took on the horses to the fight. They had stipulated that each
horseman should receive in immediate payment, ten golden Philippics,
each footman five, and their commander one thousand. Perseus went from
his camp on the Enipeus with half of his forces to meet them as they
approached; and issued orders through the towns and villages near the
road, to prepare provisions, so that they might have plenty of corn,
wine, and cattle. He brought with him some horses, trappings, and
cloaks, for presents to the chiefs; and a small quantity of gold to be
divided among a few; for the multitude, he supposed, might be amused
with hopes. He advanced as far as the city of Almana, and encamped on
the bank of the river Axius, at which time the army of the Gauls lay
near Desudaba, in Mædica, waiting for the promised hire. Thither he sent
Antigonus, one of his nobles, with directions, that the said army should
remove their camp to Bylazor, a place in Pæonia, and that their chiefs
should come to him in a body. They were at this time seventy-five miles
distant from the river Axius and the king’s camp. Antigonus, in his
message, told them what great plenty of every thing was provided on the
road by the king’s directions, and what presents of apparel, money, and
horses he intended for them on their arrival. They answered, that they
would judge of those things when they saw them; at the same time asking
him, whether, according to their stipulation for immediate payment, he
had brought with him the gold which was to be distributed to each
footman and horseman? When to this no direct answer was given,
Clondicus, their prince, said, “Go back, then, and tell your king, that,
unless they should have received the gold and the hostages, the Gauls
would never move one step farther.” When this message was brought to the
king, he called a council: and, as it was very plain what advice all the
members would give; he, being a better guardian of his money than of his
kingdom, began to descant on the perfidy and savage behaviour of the
Gauls. “The disasters,” he said, “of many states demonstrated, that it
would be dangerous to admit such a multitude into Macedonia, lest they
might feel such allies more troublesome than their Roman enemies. Five
thousand horsemen would be enough for them to employ in the war, and
that number they need not be afraid to receive.”

27. It was sufficiently clear to all that what he feared was the paying
of such a multitude, and nothing else; but as none had the courage to
declare their opinion, when asked, Antigonus was sent again, with a
message, that the king chose to employ only five thousand horsemen, but
that he could not receive the rest of their number. When the barbarians
heard this, they began to murmur, and show a great deal of anger at
being brought so far from home for no purpose; but Clondicus again asked
him, whether he would pay even the five thousand the hire agreed on.
When he perceived that an evasive answer was given to this question
also, the Gauls, dismissing the insidious envoy unhurt, which was what
he himself had scarcely hoped could be his fate, returned home to the
Danube, after utterly wasting such lands of Thrace as lay near their
road. Now had this body of troops, while the king lay quiet on the
Enipeus, been led against the Romans through the passes of Perrhæbia,
into Thessaly, it might not only have stripped that country so bare,
that the Romans could not expect supplies from thence; but might even
have destroyed the cities themselves, while Perseus, by detaining his
enemy at the Enipeus, would have put it out of their power to succour
their allies. The Romans, indeed, would have been obliged to look out
for their own safety, since they could neither stay where they were,
after losing Thessaly, whence their army drew sustenance, nor move
forward, as the camp of the Macedonians _stood in their way. By this
error, Perseus enlivened the hopes of the Romans_, and damped not a
little _those of the Macedonians_,[93] who had depended much on that
project. Through the same avarice, he alienated from him king Gentius.
When he paid, at Pella, three hundred talents to the persons sent by
Gentius, he allowed them to seal up the money. He then ordered ten
talents to be carried to Pantauchus, and these he desired should be
given immediately to the king. He ordered his people, who were carrying
the rest of the money, sealed with the seals of the Illyrians, to convey
it by short journeys, and when they should come to the bounds of
Macedonia, to halt there, and wait for a message from him. Gentius,
having received this small portion of the money, and being incessantly
urged by Pantauchus to provoke the Romans by some hostile act, threw
into custody Marcus Perperna and Lucius Petilius, who happened to come
at that time as ambassadors. Having heard this, Perseus, thinking that
the Illyrian had now laid himself under a necessity of waging war with
the Romans at least, sent to recall those who were conveying the money,
as if for no other object, than that the greatest possible booty might
be reserved for the Romans on his defeat. Herophon, too, returned from
Eumenes, without any one knowing what had been secretly negotiated
between them. The parties themselves had mentioned publicly that the
business of the prisoners had been concluded, and Eumenes, for the sake
of avoiding suspicion, acquainted the consul with it.

28. Upon the return of Herophon from Eumenes, Perseus, disappointed in
his hope, sent Antenor and Callippus, the commanders of his fleet, with
forty barks, to which were added five heavy galleys, to Tenedos, that
they might protect the vessels sailing to Macedonia with corn, and
scattered among the Cyclades. This squadron, setting sail from
Cassandrea, steered, first, to the harbour at the foot of Mount Athos,
and crossing over thence, with mild weather, to Tenedos, found lying in
the harbour a number of Rhodian undecked ships, and their commander
Eudamus; these they did not offer to molest, but, after having spoken
them in a friendly manner, suffered them to pursue their course. Then,
learning that, on the other side of the island, fifty transports of
their own were shut up by a squadron of Eumenes, commanded by Damius,
which lay in the mouth of the harbour, they sailed round with all haste;
and the enemy’s ships retiring, through fear, they sent on the
transports to Macedonia, ten barks having been appointed to accompany
them, which were to return to Tenedos as soon as they had convoyed them
to a place of safety. Accordingly, on the ninth day after, they rejoined
the fleet, then lying at Sigeum. From thence they sailed over to Subota,
an island between Elea and Athos. The next day after the fleet had
reached Subota, it happened that thirty-five vessels, of the kind called
horse-transports, sent by Eumenes to Attalus, and which had sailed from
Elea, with Gallic horsemen and their horses, were steering towards
Phanæ, a promontory of Chios, from whence they might cross over to
Macedonia, A signal having been given to Antenor, from a post of
observation, that these ships were passing along the main, he left
Subota, and met them between Cape Erythræ and Chios, where the strait is
narrowest. The officers of Eumenes believed nothing less probable than
that a Macedonian fleet was cruising in that sea; they imagined that
they were Romans, or that Attalus, or some people sent home by him from
the Roman camp, were on their way to Pergamus. But when, on their nearer
approach, the shape of the vessels was plainly perceived, and when the
briskness of their rowing, and their prows being directed straight
against themselves, proved that enemies were approaching, a panic was
struck into them; for they had no hope of being able to make resistance,
their ships being of an unwieldy kind, and the Gauls scarcely able to
bear a state of quiet when at sea. Some, who were nearest to the shore
of the continent, swam to Erythræ; some, crowding all their sail, ran
the ships aground near Chios; and, leaving their horses behind, made for
the city in disorderly flight. When the barks, however, had landed their
troops nearer to the city, where the access was more convenient, the
Macedonians overtook and put to the sword the flying Gauls, some on the
road, and some who had been shut out before the gate, for the Chians had
shut their gates, not knowing who they were that fled, or who that
pursued. About eight hundred Gauls were killed, and two hundred made
prisoners. Of the horses, some were lost in the sea, by the ships being
wrecked, and others the Macedonians hamstrung on the shore. Antenor
ordered the same ten barks, which he had employed before, to carry
twenty horses of extraordinary beauty, with the prisoners, to
Thessalonica, and to return to the fleet as speedily as possible;
saying, that he would wait for them at Phanæ. The fleet staid about
three days off the city, and then proceeded to Phanæ, and the ten barks
having returned sooner than was expected, they set sail, and crossed the
Ægean Sea to Delos.

29. While these things were taking place, the Roman ambassadors, Caius
Popilius, Caius Decimius, and Caius Hostinus having sailed from Chalcis
with three quinqueremes, arrived at Delos, and found there forty
Macedonian barks, and five quinqueremes belonging to king Eumenes. The
sacred character of the temple and the island secured all parties from
injury; so that the Roman and Macedonian seamen, and those of Eumenes,
used to meet promiscuously in the temple, a truce being imposed by the
religious feeling which the place inspired. Antenor, the commander of
Perseus’s fleet, having learned, by signals from his watch-posts, that
several transport ships were passing by at sea, went himself in pursuit,
with one half of his barks, (distributing the other half among the
Cyclades,) and sunk or plundered every ship he met with, except such as
were bound for Macedonia. Popilius and the ships of Eumenes assisted as
many as they were able; but, in the night, the Macedonians sailing out,
generally with two or three vessels, passed unseen. About this time,
ambassadors from Macedonia and Illyria came together to Rhodes. Their
influence was the greater, in consequence of their squadron cruising
freely among the Cyclades, and over all the Ægean Sea, and likewise on
account of the junction of Perseus and Gentius, and of the report of the
Gauls approaching with a great force both of horse and foot. Dinon and
Polyaratus, the partisans of Perseus, now took fresh courage, and the
Rhodians not only gave a favourable answer to the ambassadors, but
declared publicly, that “they would put an end to the war by their own
influence; and therefore desired the kings to dispose themselves to
accede to a peace.”

30. It was now the beginning of spring, and the new commanders had
arrived in their provinces; the consul Æmilius in Macedonia, Octavius at
Oreum, where the fleet lay, and Anicius in Illyria, to carry on the war
against Gentius. This prince, who was the son of Pleuratus, king of
Illyria, and his queen Eurydice, had two brothers, one called Plator, by
both parents, the other Caravantius, by the same mother only. The
latter, as descended of ignoble ancestors on his father’s side, was but
little suspected; but, that his reign might be more secure, he had put
to death Plator, and two active men his friends, Ettritus and Epicadus.
It was rumoured, that he was actuated by jealousy towards his brother,
who had engaged himself to Etuta, the daughter of Hononus, prince of the
Dardanians, as if, by that match, engaging that nation in his interest;
and this supposition was rendered the more probable by Gentius marrying
her, after the death of Plator. From this time, when he was delivered
from the fear of his brother, he began to be oppressive to his subjects,
and the natural violence of his temper was inflamed by an immoderate use
of wine. Having been incited, as was mentioned above, to a war with the
Romans, he collected all his forces, amounting to fifteen thousand men,
at Lissus. From thence, detaching his brother with one thousand foot and
fifty horse, to reduce, either by force or terror, the nation of the
Cavians, he marched himself to Bassania, a city five miles distant from
Lissus. The inhabitants were in alliance with Rome. Therefore, having
been first solicited by emissaries sent in advance, they determined
rather to endure a siege than surrender themselves. In Cavia, the people
of the town of Durnium cheerfully opened their gates to Caravantius, on
his arrival; but another town, called Caravantis, refused him
admittance; and whilst he was carelessly ravaging their lands, many of
his straggling soldiers were killed by a muster of the peasants. By this
time Appius Claudius, having joined to the army he had in command some
bodies of auxiliaries, composed of Bulinians, Apollonians, and
Dyrrhachians, had left his winter quarters, and was encamped near the
river Genusus. Having heard of the treaty between Persius and Gentius,
and being highly provoked at the ill-treatment of the outraged
ambassadors, he was resolved to make war upon him. The prætor Anicius,
who was now at Apollonia, being informed of what passed in Illyria,
despatched a letter to Appius, desiring him to wait for him at the
Genusus; and, in three days after, he arrived in the camp. _Having
added_ to the auxiliary troops which he then had, two thousand foot and
two hundred horse of the Parthinians, (the foot commanded by Epicadus,
and the horse by Agalsus,) he prepared to march into Illyria, chiefly
that he might relieve the Bassanians from the siege. But an account
brought him, of the sea-coast being ravaged by a number of the enemy’s
barks, checked his efforts. These were eighty vessels, which, by the
advice of Pantauchus, Gentius had sent to waste the lands of the
Dyrrhachians and Apollonians. _The Roman fleet was then lying near
Apollonia. Anicius hastily repaired thither, soon overtook the Illyrian
plunderers, brought them to an engagement, and, defeating them with very
little trouble, took many of their ships, and compelled the rest to
retire to Illyria. Returning thence to the camp at the Genusus, he
hastened to the relief of Bassania. Gentius did not bear up against the
rumour of the prætor’s coming; but, raising the siege, retired to Scodra
with such precipitate haste, that he did not even take the whole of his
army with him. There was a large body of forces, which, if their courage
had been supported by the presence of their commander, might have given
some check to the Romans; but, as he had withdrawn_,[94] they
surrendered.

31. The cities of that country, one after another, followed the example;
their own inclinations being encouraged by the justice and clemency
which the Roman prætor showed to all. The army then advanced to Scodra,
which was the chief seat of the war, not merely because Gentius had
chosen it for the metropolis of his kingdom, but because it has by far
the strongest fortifications of any in the territory of the Labeatians,
and is of very difficult access. Two rivers enclose it; the Clausula
flowing past the eastern side of the city, and by the western, the
Barbanna, which rises out of the lake Labeatus. These two rivers,
uniting their streams, fall into the river Oriuns, which, running down
from mount Scordus, and being augmented by many other waters, empties
itself into the Adriatic Sea. Mount Scordus is much the highest hill in
all that country; at its foot, towards the east, lies Dardania; towards
the south, Macedonia; and towards the west, Illyria. Notwithstanding
that the town was so strong, from the nature of its situation, and was
garrisoned by the whole force of the Illyrian nation, with the king
himself at their head, yet the Roman prætor, encouraged by the happy
success of his first enterprises, and hoping that the fortune of the
whole undertaking would correspond to its commencement, and thinking
also that a sudden alarm might have a powerful effect, advanced to the
walls with his troops in order of battle. But, if the garrison had kept
their gates shut, and manned the walls and the towers of the gates with
soldiers, they might have repulsed the Romans from the walls with their
efforts frustrated, instead of which they marched out from the gate,
and, on equal ground, commenced a battle with more courage than they
supported it: for, being forced to give way, and crowded together in
their retreat, and above two hundred having fallen in the very entrance
of the gate, the rest were so terrified, that Gentius immediately
despatched Teuticus and Bellus, two of the first men of the nation, to
the prætor, through whom he begged a truce, in order that he might be
able to deliberate on the state of his affairs. He was allowed three
days for the purpose, and, as the Roman camp was about five hundred
paces from the city, he went on board a ship, and sailed up the river
Barbanna, into the lake of Labeatus, as if in search of a retired place
for consultation; but, as afterwards appeared, he was led by a
groundless report, that his brother Caravantius was coming, with many
thousands of soldiers collected in the country, to which he had been
sent. This rumour dying away, on the third day he sailed down the river
in the same ship to Scodra; and, after sending forward messengers, to
request permission to call upon the prætor, and leave being given, came
into the camp. He began his discourse with reproaches against himself,
for the folly of his conduct; then descended to tears and prayers, and,
falling at the prætor’s knees, gave himself up into his power. He was at
first desired to keep up his spirits, and having been even invited to
supper, he went back into the city to his people, and, for that day, was
entertained by the prætor with every mark of respect. On the day
following, he was delivered into custody, to Caius Cassius, a military
tribune, having, though a king, received ten talents, scarcely the hire
of a party of gladiators, and that from a king, to reduce himself to
these circumstances.

32. The first thing Anicius did, after taking possession of Scodra, was,
to order the ambassadors, Petilius and Perperna, to be sought for and
brought to him; and having restored to them their former dignity, he
immediately despatched Perperna to seize the king’s friends and
relations, who, hastening to Medeo, a city of Labeatia, conducted to the
camp at Scodra, Etleva, the king’s consort; his brother Caravantius;
with his two sons, Scerdiletus and Pleuratus. Anicius, having brought
the Illyrian war to a conclusion within thirty days, sent Perperna to
Rome with the news of his success; and, in a few days after, king
Gentius himself, with his mother, queen, children, and brother, and
other Illyrians of distinction. This one war was announced at Rome as
finished before it was known to have been begun. At the time when these
things took place, Perseus laboured under dreadful apprehensions, on
account of the approach, both of the new consul Æmilius, who, as he
heard, was coming with formidable threats, and also of the prætor
Octavius: nor did he less dread the Roman fleet, and the danger which
threatened the sea-coast. Eumenes and Athenagoras commanded at
Thessalonica, with a small garrison of two thousand targeteers. Thither
he sent Androcles, as governor, and ordered him to keep the troops
encamped close by the naval arsenals. He ordered one thousand horse,
under Antigonus, to Ænia, to guard the sea-coast; directing them,
whenever they should hear of the enemy’s fleet approaching the shore in
any part, instantly to hasten thither, to protect the country people.
Five thousand Macedonians were sent to garrison the mountains Pythium
and Petra, commanded by Histiæus, Theogenes, and Medon. After making
these detachments, he set about fortifying the bank of the river
Enipeus, the channel being dry and fordable; and, in order that all the
men might apply themselves to this work, the women were obliged to bring
provisions from the neighbouring cities into the camp. He ordered the
soldiers to _fetch timber_ from the woods which were not far distant.
_Then a mound was formed and works thrown up strengthened with towers
and with engines, disposed in various parts so that the enemy might not
be able to force a way through without great opposition and danger. Thus
he trusted that he should be secure against every attack of the Romans,
and that, wearied out with inaction and slow delay, and drained by
expenses, a disgust at so difficult a war would seize on the mind of the
enemy. On the other side, the more diligence and caution Paullus saw the
Macedonians use, the more assiduously did he study to devise some means
of frustrating those hopes, which the enemy had not without reason
conceived. But he suffered immediate distress from the scarcity of
water, as the neighbouring river was almost dried up, except that a
little stream, and that impure, flowed in the part contiguous to the
sea._

33. _The consul, when those who were sent to search the neighbourhood
announced that no water could be found_,[95] at last ordered the
water-carriers to attend him to the shore, which was not three hundred
paces distant, and there to dig holes in several places, not far from
each other. The great height of the mountains gave him reason to suppose
that they contained hidden springs of water, the veins of which flowing
through to the sea, mingled with its waves; and the more so, as they
discharged no streams above ground. Scarcely was the surface of the sand
removed, when springs began to boil up, small at first, and muddy, but
in a little time they threw out clear water in great plenty, as if
through the favourable interference of the gods. This circumstance added
greatly to the reputation and influence of the general in the minds of
the soldiers. He then ordered them to get ready their arms; and went
himself, with the tribunes and first centurions, to examine the fords,
in hopes of finding a passage, where the descent would be easy for the
troops, and where the ascending the other bank would be least difficult.
After taking a sufficient view of these matters, he made it his first
care to provide, that, in the movements of the army, every thing should
be done regularly, and without noise, at the first order and beck of the
general. When notice was proclaimed of what was to be done to all at the
same time, every one did not distinctly hear; and as the orders received
were not clear, some making additions for themselves, did more than was
ordered, while others did less; while dissonant shouts were raised in
every quarter, insomuch that the enemy knew sooner than the soldiers
themselves what was intended. He therefore directed, that the military
tribune should communicate, secretly, to the first centurion of the
legion, then he to the next, and that so on, in order that each should
tell the next to him in rank what was requisite to be done, whether the
instructions were to be conveyed from front to rear, or from rear to
front. He likewise, by a new arrangement, forbade the sentinels to carry
their shields when on duty; for as a sentinel did not go to fight, but
to watch, he had no occasion for arms; it was his duty, when he
perceived an enemy approaching, to retire, and to rouse the rest to
arms. They used to stand with their helmets on, and their shields
erected on the ground before them; when tired, they leaned on their
spears; or laying their heads on the edge of their shields, stood dozing
in such a manner, that from the glittering of their arms they could be
seen afar off by the enemy, while themselves could see nothing. He
likewise altered the practice of the advanced guards. Formerly, the
guards were kept on duty through the whole day, all under arms, the
horsemen with their horses bridled; and when this happened in summer,
under a continual scorching sun, both men and horses were so much
exhausted by the heat and the languor contracted in so many hours, that
very often, when attacked by fresh troops, a few could get the better of
a greater number. He therefore ordered, that they should retire from the
morning-watch at noon, and that others should succeed to the duty for
the rest of the day; by which means the enemy could never come fresh
upon them when they were wearied.

34. Æmilius, after publishing, in a general assembly, his orders for
these regulations, added a speech of similar purport to that which he
had made in the city, that “it was the business of the commander alone
to consider what was proper to be done, sometimes singly, sometimes in
conjunction with those whom he should call to council; and that such as
were not called, ought not to pronounce their opinions either in public
or in private. That it was a soldier’s business to attend to these three
things,—his body, that he may keep it in perfect strength and agility;
his arms, in good order; and his provisions ready, in case of a sudden
order; and to understand, that all other matters relating to him are
under the care of the immortal gods and his captain. That in any army,
where the soldiers formed plans, and that the chief was drawn, first one
way, then another, by the rumours of the multitude, nothing was
successful. For his part,” he declared, that “he would take care, as was
the duty of a general, to afford them occasion of acting with success.
On their part, they were to make no inquiries whatever as to what was
about to take place; but, when the signal was given, to discharge the
duty of a soldier.” After these precepts, he dismissed the assembly,
while the veterans themselves acknowledged, that on that day, for the
first time, they had, like recruits, been taught the business of a
soldier. Nor did they, by such expressions only, demonstrate with what
perfect conviction they had listened to the consul’s discourse; but the
practical effect of it was immediate. In the whole camp, not one person
was to be seen idle; some were sharpening their weapons; others scouring
their helmets and cheek-pieces, their shields and breastplates; some
fitted their armour to their bodies and tested the agility of their
limbs under it; some brandished their spears, others flourished their
swords, and tried the points; so that it could be easily perceived that
their intention was, whenever they should come to battle, to finish the
war at once, either by a splendid victory or a memorable death. On the
other side, when Perseus saw that, in consequence of the arrival of the
consul, and of the opening of the spring, all was motion and bustle
among the Romans, as in a new war; and that the camp had been removed
from Phila and pitched on the opposite bank, and that the Roman general
employed himself busily, sometimes in going round and examining all his
works, doubtless looking out for a place to pass the river; _and
sometimes in preparing every thing requisite for attack or defence of a
camp, with the closest attention, and omitted nothing which could be
attempted or achieved by a great general, whether against the enemy or
for increasing the efficiency of his own men; he (Perseus) also exerted
himself no less diligently on his part to rouse the courage of his
soldiers, and add more and more strength to his defences, as if he were
approaching the crisis of the whole business, and never considered all
matters to be adequately provided for, or the bank sufficiently
fortified and secured. Nevertheless, amidst this most vehement ardour on
both sides, their camps were for some time in a state of tranquillity.
Nor was it ever recorded that such powerful armies, with their camps
pitched so near together, had ever lain so quiet._

35. _In the mean time, a report announced that king Gentius had been
defeated, in Illyria, by the prætor Anicius; and that himself, his
family, and his whole kingdom, were in the hands of the Romans_; which
event greatly raised the spirits of the Romans, and struck no small
degree of terror into the Macedonians and their king. At first, Perseus
endeavoured to suppress the intelligence, and sent messengers to
Pantauchus, who was on his way from that country, forbidding him to come
near the camp; but some of his people had already seen certain boys,
carried away among the Illyrian hostages; and it is certain that the
more pains there are used to conceal any circumstances, the more readily
they are divulged, through the gossiping disposition of the attendants
of kings. About this time, ambassadors came to the camp from Rhodes,
with the same message which had excited so much resentment in the Roman
senate. They were now heard by the council in the camp with much greater
indignation than at Rome; some _even advised_ that they should be
instantly driven out of the camp without any reply; but the consul said,
that he would give them an answer in fifteen days. Meanwhile, to show
how far the influence of the Rhodians as mediators extended, he began to
consult on the plan of carrying forward the war. Some, particularly the
older officers, advised to force their way across the Enipeus, and
through the enemy’s works. “When they should advance in close order and
make an assault, the Macedonians,” they said, “would never be able to
withstand them. They had been, last year, beaten out of many fortresses
much higher and better fortified, which they had occupied with much
stronger garrisons.” Others recommended, that Octavius, with the fleet,
should sail to Thessalonica; and, by committing depredations on the
sea-coast, to divide the king’s forces; so that when, on the appearance
of another enemy behind him, he should turn about to protect the
interior part of the kingdom, he would be forced to leave a passage over
the Enipeus open in some place or other. The consul himself was of
opinion, that the nature of the bank, and the works erected on it,
presented insuperable difficulties; and, besides its being every where
furnished with engines, he had been informed, that the enemy were
remarkable for using missile weapons with uncommon skill, and with a
very certain aim. The consul’s full conviction leaned quite another way;
as soon, therefore, as the council broke up, he sent for Schœnus and
Menophilus, Perrhæbian merchants, whom he knew to be men of probity and
good sense, and examined them in private about the nature of the passes
leading into Perrhæbia. They told him, that the places themselves were
not difficult; but that they were occupied by parties of the king’s
troops; from which he conceived hopes of being able to beat off those
parties, by making a sudden attack with a strong force in the night,
when they were off their guard. For he considered that “javelins, and
arrows, and other missile weapons, were useless in the dark, when one
cannot see at distance what to aim at; but that, when combatants closed
together in a throng, the business must depend on the sword, in which
the Roman soldier was superior.” He resolved to employ those two men as
guides; and, sending for the prætor Octavius, explained to him what he
intended, ordering him to sail directly with the fleet to Heracleum, and
to have in readiness, there, ten days’ provisions for one thousand men.
He then sent Publius Scipio Nasica, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, his own
son, with five thousand chosen men, to Heracleum, as if they were to
embark in the fleet, to ravage the coast of the interior parts of
Macedonia, as had been proposed in the council. He told them, in
private, that there were provisions prepared for them on board, so that
they should have no delay. He then ordered the guides to divide the road
in such a manner that they might attack Pythium at the fourth watch on
the third day. He himself, on the day following, in order to withdraw
the king from the observation of other matters, attacked his advanced
guards as soon as it was light in the middle of the channel of the
river, where the fight was maintained by the light infantry on both
sides, for the bottom was so uneven, that heavy arms could not be used.
The slope of each bank was three hundred paces long, and the breadth of
the channel, which was of various depths, somewhat more than a mile. In
this middle space the fight was carried on, while the king on one side,
and the consul with his legions on the other, stood spectators on the
ramparts of their camps. At a distance, the king’s troops had the
advantage in fighting with missile weapons; but in close fight the Roman
soldier was more steady, and was better defended, either with a target
or a Ligurian buckler. About noon, the consul ordered the signal of
retreat to be given, and thus the battle ended for that day, after
considerable numbers had fallen on both sides. Next morning at sun-rise,
the fight was renewed with greater fury, as their passions had been
irritated by the former contest; but the Romans were wounded, not only
by those with whom they were immediately engaged, but much more by the
multitudes that stood posted in the towers, with missiles of every sort,
particularly stones; so that whenever they advanced towards the enemy’s
bank, the weapons thrown from the engines reached even the hindmost of
their men. The consul, having lost far more men on that day, somewhat
later called off his men. On the third day he declined fighting, and
moved down to the lowest side of the camp, as if intending to attempt a
passage through an intrenchment which stretched down to the sea.
Perseus, _who did not extend his cares beyond_ the objects that lay
before his eyes, _bent all his thoughts and exertions to stop the
progress of the enemy in the quarter where he lay, careful of nought
beside. In the mean time, Publius Nasica, with the detachment assigned
to him, having departed towards the sea to Heracleum, when he arrived
there, waited for nightfall, ordering his soldiers to refresh
themselves. He then explained to the principal of his officers the real
directions of the consul, and when first the darkness spread itself,
bending his course to the mountain, he led his troops in silence to
Pythium, as he had been commanded. When they had arrived at the very
summit, which rises to a height of more than ten stadia, some repose was
given to the wearied soldiers. This height, as has been already stated,
Medon, Histiæus, and Theogenes, who were sent by Perseus, were occupying
with five thousand Macedonians, but so great was the negligence of the
king’s generals, that no one perceived that the Romans were approaching.
If we are to believe Polybius, Nasica, having attacked them while
asleep, easily dislodged them from the height. Nasica himself however,
narrates the affair very differently in a letter to one of the kings. He
says, that the mountain was of steep ascent, but so unguarded that he
could have taken possession of the pass with no trouble, had not a
deserter from those Cretans, whom he was taking with him, fled to
Perseus, and informed him what was being done. That the king himself
remained in his camp, but sent two thousand Macedonians and ten thousand
auxiliaries, with Medon as their leader, to take possession of the pass.
That with these a most fierce engagement took place on the top of the
hill, and, among other things, that he himself was thrust at with a
sword by a Thracian soldier, whom he transfixed by driving his spear
through his breast. That at length the Macedonians, being conquered,
gave way, and that their leader himself, throwing away his arms, sought
safety in a disgraceful flight. The Romans pursuing the fugitives had an
easy descent, without any danger, to the plain. In this stale of things
Perseus was in perplexity as to what was necessary to be done, as he
feared lest, now that a way through the pass had been opened, he should
be hemmed in by the Romans. It was absolutely necessary that he should
either retire to Pydna, and await the enemy there, so as to fight with
less danger under the walls of a fortified city; or that, dispersing his
forces through the cities of Macedonia, conveying the corn and cattle
into more fortified places, and devastating the fields, he, should leave
the bare soil to the enemy. The mind of the king fluctuated irresolute
between these two propositions: his friends, thinking that that which
was the most honourable would also be the safer, advised him to try the
fortune of a battle, alleging both that he was superior in the number of
his soldiers, and that he ought surely to trust to that valour which,
while it was natural to their minds, would be inflamed by the most
powerful and sacred incitements to a valiant opposition which could act
upon men;—their altars, their hearths, and their religious institutions,
amidst which and for which they had to fight; their parents and their
wives, and, lastly, their king himself observing them, and exposing
himself to a share of the danger. Influenced by these suggestions, the
king prepared himself for a battle, and when he had retired to Pydna, at
once pitched his camp, drew up his army, and assigned to each of his
leaders his position and duty, as if about to fight immediately after
the march. The locality was of this hind; the plain was suited for the
ranging of the phalanx, which requires an open and even space, not,
however, such as that it could be easily moved forward; then there were
continuous hills which afforded to the light-armed troops the means of
retreating at one time, and at another of wheeling round. Two streams,
the one of which the inhabitants called Œson, the other Leucus, though
they flowed with but a scanty supply of water, yet seemed likely to
occasion some trouble to the Romans. Æmilius, having united his forces
with Nasica, set out directly against the enemy, but at the sight of
their army, which was most effective both as to the number and the
strength of the soldiers, and admirably drawn up and ranged for battle,
he stopped, struck with awe, and revolving many considerations within
himself._

36. _The season of the year_[96] was a little after the summer
solstice; the time of the day was approaching towards noon; and his
march had been performed amidst great quantities of dust, and the
increasing heat of the sun. Lassitude and thirst were already felt, and
both would certainly be aggravated by mid-day coming on. He resolved,
therefore, not to expose his men in that condition to an enemy, fresh
and in full vigour; but so great was the ardour for battle in the minds
of both parties, that the general had occasion for as much art to elude
the wishes of his own men, as those of the enemy. He urged the military
tribunes to hasten the forming of the troops, went himself round the
ranks, and with exhortations inflamed their courage for the fight. At
first, they called to him for the signal briskly; but afterwards, as the
beat increased, their looks became less lively, and their voices
fainter, while many stood resting on their shields, or leaning on their
javelins. He then, at length, openly ordered the foremost ranks to
measure out the front of a camp, and store the baggage; on seeing which,
some undisguisedly rejoiced that he had not compelled them to fight when
they were wearied with marching and with the scorching heat. Immediately
about the general were the lieutenants-general, and the commanders of
the foreign troops; among others Attalus, who, when they thought that
the consul intended to fight, (for even to them he did not disclose his
intention of delaying,) had all approved the measure. On this sudden
alteration of his plan, while the rest were silent, Nasica alone of them
all ventured to advise the consul, not to let slip from his hands an
enemy, who, by shunning a battle, had baffled former commanders. “There
was reason to fear,” he said, “that if he should march off in the night,
he would have to be pursued with extreme toil and danger, into the heart
of Macedonia; and the troops must be led about, as under former
generals, wandering through the glens and forests of the Macedonian
mountains. He therefore earnestly recommended to attack the enemy while
he had him in an open plain, and not to lose the opportunity of
obtaining a victory, which now presented itself.” The consul, not in the
least offended at the frank advice of so illustrious a youth, answered:
“Nasica, I once thought as you do now; hereafter you will come to think
as I do. By the many chances of war, I have learned when it is proper to
fight, when to abstain from fighting. It would not be right in me, at
present, standing at the head of the troops to explain to you the causes
that render it better to rest to-day. Ask my reasons some other time. At
present you will acquiesce in the judgment of an old commander.” The
youth was silent, concluding that the consul certainly saw some
objections to fighting, which did not appear to him.

37. Paullus, as soon as he saw the camp marked out, and the baggage laid
up, drew off, first, the veterans from the rear line, then the
first-rank men, while the spearmen stood in the front, lest the enemy
might make any attempt; and lastly, the spearmen, beginning at the right
wing, and leading them away, gradually, by single companies. Thus were
the infantry drawn off without tumult; and, in the mean time, the
cavalry and light infantry faced the enemy; nor were the cavalry
recalled from their station, until the rampart and trench were finished.
The king, though he was disposed to have given battle that day, was yet
satisfied; since his men knew, that, the delay was owing to the enemy:
and he led back his troops to their station. When the camp had been
thoroughly fortified, Caius Sulpicius Gallus, a military tribune of the
second legion, who had been prætor the year before, with the consul’s
permission collected the soldiers in assembly, and gave them notice,
lest they should any of them consider the matter as a prodigy, that, “on
the following night, the moon would be eclipsed, from the second hour to
the fourth.” He mentioned that, “as this happened in the course of
nature, at stated times, it could be known, and foretold. As, therefore,
they did not wonder at the regular rising and setting of the sun and
moon, or at the moon’s sometimes shining with a full orb, and sometimes
in its wane, showing only small horns, so neither ought they to construe
as a portent, its being obscured when covered with the shadow of the
earth.” When on the night preceding the day before the nones of
September, at the hour mentioned, the eclipse took place, the Roman
soldiers thought the wisdom of Gallus almost divine; but the Macedonians
were shocked, as at a dismal prodigy, foreboding the fall of their
kingdom and the ruin of their nation; nor did their soothsayers explain
it otherwise. There was shouting and yelling in the camp of the
Macedonians, until the moon emerged forth into its full light. Both
armies had been so eager for an engagement, that, next day, both the
king and the consul were censured by many of their respective men for
having separated without a battle. The king could readily excuse
himself, not only as the enemy had led back his troops into camp, openly
declining a battle; but, also, as he had posted his men on ground of
such a nature, that the phalanx (which even a small inequality of
surface renders useless) could not advance on it. The consul, besides
appearing to have neglected an opportunity of fighting, and to have
given the enemy room to go off in the night, if he were so inclined, was
thought to waste time at the present, under pretence of offering
sacrifice, though the signal had been displayed, at the first light, for
going out to the field. At last, about the third hour, the sacrifices
being duly performed, he summoned a council, and there, too, he was
deemed by several to spin out, in talking and unseasonable consultation,
the time that ought to be employed in action; after the conversation,
however, the consul addressed to them the following speech.

38. “Publius Nasica, a youth of uncommon merit, was the only one of
those who were for fighting yesterday, that disclosed his sentiments to
me; and even he was afterwards silent, so that he seems to have come
over to my opinion. Some others have thought proper, rather to carp at
their general in his absence, than to offer advice in his presence. Now,
I shall, without the least reluctance, make known to you, Publius
Nasica, and to any who, with less openness, entertained the same opinion
with you, my reasons for deferring an engagement. For, so far am I from
being sorry for yesterday’s inaction, that I am convinced that by that
course I preserved the army. And if any of you think that I hold this
opinion groundlessly, let him come forward, if he pleases, and take with
me a review of how many things were favourable to the enemy and adverse
to us. In the first place, how far they surpass us in numbers, I am sure
not one of you was at any time ignorant; and yesterday, I am convinced
that you must have observed it, when you saw their line drawn out. Of
our small force, a fourth part had been left to guard the baggage; and
you know that they are not the worst of the soldiers who are left in
custody of the baggage. But suppose we were all here, can we believe it
a matter of little moment, that, with the blessing of the gods, we shall
this day, if judged proper, or tomorrow at farthest, march to battle out
of this our own camp, where we have lodged last night? Is there no
difference whether you order a soldier to take arms in his own tent,
when he has not suffered any fatigue on that day, either from a long
march or laborious work; after he has enjoyed his natural rest, and is
fresh; so as to lead him into the field vigorous both in body and mind;
or whether, when he is wearied by such a march, or fatigued with
carrying a load; while he is wet with sweat, and while his throat is
parched with thirst, and his mouth and eyes filled with dust, you oppose
him, under a scorching noon-day sun, to an enemy who has had full
repose, and who brings into the battle his strength unimpaired by any
previous circumstance? Is there, in the name of the gods, any one so
dastardly, that, if matched in this manner, he would not overcome the
bravest man? We must consider, that the enemy had, quite at their
leisure, formed their line of battle; had recruited their spirits, and
were standing in regular order; whereas we must have formed our line in
hurry and confusion, and have engaged before it was completed.

39. “We should then confessedly have an irregular and disorderly line,
but should we have had a camp fortified, a watering-place provided, and
the passage to it secured by troops, and all the country round
reconnoitred; or should we have been without any one spot of our own,
except the naked field on which we fought? Your fathers considered a
fortified camp as a harbour of safety in all the emergencies of an army;
out of which they were to march to battle, and in which, after being
tossed in the storm of the fight, they had a safe retreat. For that
reason, besides enclosing it with works, they strengthened it further
with a numerous guard; for any general who lost his camp, though he
should have been victorious in the field, yet was deemed vanquished. A
camp is a residence for the victorious, a refuge for the conquered. How
many armies, to whom the fortune of the fight has been adverse, when
driven within their ramparts, have, at their own time, and sometimes the
next moment, sallied out and defeated their victors! This military
settlement is another native country to every soldier: the rampart is as
the wall of his city, and his own tent his habitation and his home.
Should we have fought while in that unsettled state, and without
quarters prepared, to which, even if victorious, we might retire? In
opposition to these considerations of the difficulties and impediments
to the fighting at that time, one argument is urged: What if the enemy
had marched off in the course of last night? What immense fatigue, it is
observed, must have been undergone in pursuing him to the remotest parts
of Macedonia! But, for my part, I take it as a certainty, that if he had
had any intention of retreating, he would neither have waited, nor drawn
out his troops to battle. For, how much more easily could he have gone
off while we were at a great distance, than now, when we are close
behind him! Nor could he escape observation in departing either by day
or by night. What could be more desirable to us, who were obliged to
attack their camp, defended as it was by a very high bank of a river,
and enclosed likewise with a rampart and a number of towers, than that
they should quit their fortifications, and, marching off with haste,
give us an opportunity of attacking their rear in an open plain? These
were the reasons for deferring a battle from yesterday to this day. For
I am myself also inclined to fight; and for that reason, as the way to
come at the enemy over the river Enipeus was stopped, I have opened a
new way, by dislodging the enemy’s guards from another pass. Nor will I
rest until I shall have brought the war to a conclusion.”

40. Silence ensued after this address; for some were convinced by his
arguments, and the rest were fearful of giving offence needlessly in a
matter which, from whatever cause overlooked, could not now be regained.
Even on that day, neither the king nor the consul was desirous of
engaging; not the king, because he was not going, as on the day before,
to attack men who were fatigued after their march, were hurried in
forming their line, and not completely marshalled; nor the consul,
because, in his new camp, no collection was yet made of wood or forage,
to bring which from the adjacent country a great number of his men had
gone forth from the camp. Still fortune, whose power prevails over all
human schemes, brought about a battle. Nearer to the enemy’s camp was a
river, not very large, from which both parties supplied themselves with
water; and that this might be done with safety, guards were stationed on
each bank. On the Roman side were two cohorts, a Marrucinian and a
Pelignian, with two troops of Samnite horse, commanded by a
lieutenant-general, Marcus Sergius Silus; and in the front of the camp
there was posted another guard, under Caius Cluvius, lieutenant-general,
composed of three cohorts, a Firmian, a Vestinian, and a Cremonian;
besides two troops of horse, a Placentine and an Æsernian. While there
was quiet at the river, neither party making an attack; about the ninth
hour, a horse, breaking loose from those who had the care of him, ran
off towards the farther bank, and three Roman soldiers followed him
through the water, which was about as high as their knees. At the same
time two Thracians endeavoured to bring the horse from the middle of the
channel to their own bank; but one of these having been slain, and the
horse having been recovered, they retired to their post. On the enemy’s
bank there was a body of eight hundred Thracians, of whom a few, at
first enraged at their countryman being killed before their eyes,
crossed the river in pursuit of his slayers; in a little time some more,
and at last all of them, and engaged with the guard which defended the
bank on the Roman side. Some authors say, that by the command of
Paullus, the horse was driven without a bridle to the enemy’s side, and
men sent to bring him back, in order that the enemy might first provoke
the conflict. For when favourable auspices were not obtained by the
first twenty victims, at length the haruspices declared, “that the
entrails of the twenty-first portended victory to the Romans, provided
they acted only upon the defensive, without striking the first blow.”
However, whether by the design of the leader or by accident, the battle
was certainly brought about from this commencement, and, in a short
time, was so augmented by party after party on both sides flying to
carry succour to their comrades, that the commanders were compelled to
come down to a general decision of the contest; for Æmilius, on hearing
the tumult, came forth from his tent, and when it seemed neither easy
nor safe to recall or stop the impetuosity of those who were rushing to
arms, he thought it best to avail himself of the ardour of the soldiers,
and to turn an accident into an opportunity. He therefore led out his
forces from the camp, and riding among their ranks exhorted them to
enter upon the contest they had so greatly desired with corresponding
ardour. At the same time Nasica, having been sent forward to reconnoitre
what was the position of affairs amongst those who were engaged in the
commencing conflict, announced that Perseus was approaching with his
army in battle-array. First marched the Thracians, men of fierce
countenance and tall of stature, and protected on their left side by
bucklers which shone with remarkable brightness. A black cloak covered
both shoulders, and on their right they brandished from time to time a
sword of enormous weight. Next to the Thracians stood the hired
auxiliaries, their armour and costume differing according to their
respective nations; and among these were some Pæonians. Next came a band
of the Macedonians themselves, which they called the phalanx of the
Leucaspides. A few selected for their strength and valour were more
conspicuous, shining in gilded armour and scarlet cloaks: this was the
middle of the army. These were succeeded by those whom they called
Chalcaspides, from their brazen and glittering bucklers. This phalanx
was placed next to the other on the right wing. Besides these two
phalanxes, which constituted the chief strength of the Macedonian army,
the targeteers, who were also Macedonians, and carried pikes like those
of the phalanx, but in other respects more lightly armed, were
distributed on the wings advanced, and projecting beyond the rest of the
line. The plain was illuminated with the brightness of their arms, the
neighbouring hills echoed with their shouts, as they mutually cheered
each other on. Such was the swiftness and boldness of all these forces
as they came out to the fight, that those who were first slain fell at
two hundred and fifty paces from the Roman camp. Meanwhile Æmilius
advanced, and when he saw not only the other Macedonians, but those who
constituted the phalanx, some with their bucklers, and some with their
targets removed from their shoulders, and with their pikes inclined in
one direction receiving the attack of the Romans, admiring the firmness
of the serried ranks, and the bristling rampart of outstretched pikes,
he was smitten at once with astonishment and terror, as if he had never
seen so fearful a spectacle, and was afterwards in the habit of
frequently referring to it, and making this statement respecting
himself. Carefully concealing however at the time the agitation of his
troubled mind, he with serene countenance and careless aspect, and with
his head and body undefended, drew up his line. The Pelignians were now
fighting against the targeteers, who were ranged opposite to them, and
when, after long and laborious efforts, they were unable to break
through that compact array, Salius, who was commanding the Pelignians,
seized a standard and threw it among the enemy. On this a prodigious
conflict was excited, whilst on the one side the Pelignians strove with
all their might to recover the standard, the Macedonians on the other to
retain possession of it. The former strove either to cut through the
long spears of the Macedonians, or to repel them with the bosses of
their bucklers, or in some instances to turn them aside even with their
naked hands, while the latter drove them firmly grasped with both hands
with such force against the enemy, who rushed on with rash and heedless
fury, that, penetrating shields and bucklers, they overthrew the men
transfixed in like manner. The first ranks of the Pelignians having been
thus defeated, those who stood behind them were also cut down, and the
rest retreated towards the mountain which the inhabitants call Mount
Olocrus, though not yet in open flight. On this the grief of Æmilius
burst forth, so that he even rent his robe with mortification, for in
other places as well he saw that his men were hanging back and
approaching with timidity that hedge of steel, as it were, with which
the Macedonian line bristled in every part. But that skilful general
observed that this conjunction of the foe was not every where close, but
that here and there it opened with little interstices, either on account
of the unevenness of the ground, or on account of the very length of its
front, which was immensely extended, while those who attempted to occupy
higher ground were necessarily, though unwillingly, separated from those
who occupied lower positions, or those who were slower from those who
were faster, and those who advanced from those who held back, and
lastly, those who pressed upon the enemy from those who were repulsed.
In order, therefore, entirely to break the ranks of the enemy, and to
distribute the irresistible attack of the entire phalanx into a number
of separate conflicts, he commanded his men, that wherever they should
see the line of the enemy present openings, they should individually
rush to those spots, and insinuating themselves like a wedge into such
spaces, however narrow their extent, they should fight with impetuosity.
This order having been issued and spread through the whole army, he led
on in person one of the legions to the battle.

41. The troops were impressed by the high dignity of his office, the
personal renown of the man, and, above all, by his age: for, though
more than sixty years old, he discharged the duties of youth, taking on
himself the principal share both of the labour and danger. His legion
filled up the space between the targeteers and the phalanxes, and thus
disunited the enemy’s line. Behind him were the targeteers, and his
front faced the shielded phalanx of Chalcaspides. Lucius Albinus, a man
of consular rank, was ordered to lead on the second legion against the
phalanx of the Leucaspides, which formed the centre of the enemy’s line.
On the right wing, where the fight began, at the river, he brought
forward the elephants, with the cohorts of allied cavalry; and from this
quarter the retreat of the Macedonians first began. For as new
contrivances generally make an important figure in the words of men, but
on being put in practice ofttimes prove vain and ineffectual, so on that
occasion the elephants in the line of battle were a mere name, without
the least use. Their attack was followed by the Latin allies, who forced
the enemy’s left wing to give way. In the centre, the second legion
charged and dispersed the phalanx; nor was there any more evident cause
of the victory, than there being many distinct fights, which first
disordered that body, when it wavered, and at last quite broke it. Its
force, while it is compact and bristling with extended spears, is
irresistible; but if, by attacking them separately, you force them to
turn about their spears, which, on account of their length and weight,
are unwieldy, they are mingled in a confused mass; and, if any disorder
arises on the flank or rear, they fall into irretrievable disorder.
Thus, now, they were obliged to oppose the Romans in small parties, and
with their own line broken into numerous divisions; and the Romans, when
any opening was made, worked themselves into their ranks. But had they
advanced with their entire line, straight against the phalanx when in
its regular order, just as happened to the Pelignians, who, in the
beginning of the battle, incautiously engaged the targeteers; they would
have impaled themselves on the spears, and would have been unable to
withstand such a firm body.

42. But though a massacre was made of the infantry on all sides, except
those who threw away their arms and fled, the cavalry quitted the field
with scarcely any loss. The king himself was the first in flight. With
the sacred squadrons of horse he took the road to Pella, and was quickly
followed by Cotys and the Odrysian cavalry. The other wings of the
Macedonians, likewise, went off with full ranks: because, as the line of
infantry stood in the way, the slaughter of them detained the
conquerors, and made them careless of pursuing the cavalry. For a long
time, the men of the phalanx were cut off, in front, on the flanks, and
on the rear; at last, such as could avoid the enemy’s hands, fled
unarmed towards the sea; some even ran into the water, and, stretching
out their hands to those on board the fleet, humbly begged their lives.
And when they saw boats coming from all the ships, supposing that they
were coming to take them in rather than to slay them, advanced farther
into the water, so that some of them even swam. But, when they were cut
to pieces as enemies by the boats, such as were able regained the land
by swimming back, where they met with a more dreadful death; for the
elephants, which their riders had driven down to the shore, trod them
under foot, and crushed them in pieces. It was generally acknowledged,
that the Macedonians never lost so great a number of men in any battle
with the Romans; for their killed amounted to twenty thousand; six
thousand, who made their escape from the field to Pydna, fell alive into
the hands of the Romans, and five thousand were taken straggling through
the country. Of the victorious army there fell not more than one
hundred, the greater part of whom were Pelignians; but a much greater
number were wounded. If the battle had been begun earlier, so that the
conquerors might have had daylight enough for a pursuit, all their
troops must have been utterly destroyed. As it happened, the approach of
night both screened the fugitives, and made the Romans unwilling to
follow them through an unknown country.

43. Perseus fled as far as the Pierian wood, with a military appearance,
being attended by a numerous body of horse, together with his royal
retinue; but when he came into the thicket, where there were numerous
paths in different directions, and when darkness came on, he turned out
of the main path with a very few, in whom he placed the greatest
confidence. The horsemen, abandoned by their leader, dispersed, in
different directions, to their respective homes; some of whom made their
way to Pella, quicker than Perseus himself, because they went by the
straight and open road. The king was hindered by his fears and the many
difficulties of the way, till near midnight. Perseus was met at the
palace by Euctus, governor of Pella, and the royal pages; but of all his
friends who had escaped from the battle by various chances, and had
reached Pella, not one would come near him, though they were repeatedly
sent for. Only three persons accompanied him in his flight; Evander a
Cretan, Neo a Bœotian, and Archidamus an Ætolian. With these he
continued his retreat, at the fourth watch; for he began to fear, lest
those who had refused to obey his summons, might, presently, attempt
something more audacious. He had an escort of about five hundred
Cretans. He took the road to Amphipolis; leaving Pella in the night, and
hastening to get over the river Axius before daylight, as he thought
that it, from the difficulty of passing it, would put an end to the
further pursuit of the Romans.

44. The consul, when he returned victorious to his camp, to mar his
entire joy, was much distressed by concern for his younger son. This was
Publius Scipio, who afterwards acquired the title of Africanus by the
destruction of Carthage. He was, by birth, the son of the consul
Paullus, and by adoption, the grandson of the elder Africanus. He was
then only in the seventeenth year of his age, which circumstance
heightened his father’s anxiety; for, pursuing the enemy with eagerness,
he had been carried away by the crowd to a distant part. But when he
returned late in the evening, the consul, having received his son in
safety, felt unmixed joy for the very important victory. When the news
of the battle reached Amphipolis, the matrons ran together to the temple
of Diana, whom they style Tauropolos, to implore her aid. Diodorus, who
was governor of the city, fearing lest the Thracians, of whom there were
two thousand in garrison, might, during the confusion, plunder the city,
contrived to receive in the middle of the forum a letter through a
person whom he had deceitfully suborned to personate a courier. The
contents of it were, that “the Romans had put in their fleet at Emathia,
and were ravaging the territory round; and that the governors of Emathia
besought him to send a reinforcement to oppose the ravagers.” After
reading this, he desired the Thracians to march to the relief of the
coast of Emathia, telling them, as an encouragement, that the Romans
being dispersed through the country, they might easily kill many of
them, and gain a large booty. At the same time he threw discredit on
the report of the defeat, alleging that, if it were true, many would
have come thither direct from the retreat. Having, on this pretence,
sent the Thracians out of the town, he no sooner saw them pass the river
Strynion, than he shut the gates.

45. On the third day after the battle, Perseus arrived at Amphipolis,
and sent thence to Paullus suppliant ambassadors, with the wand of
peace. In the mean time, Hippias Medon, and Pantauchus, the principal
friends of the king, went themselves to the consul, and surrendered to
the Romans the city of Berœa, to which they had fled after the battle;
and several other cities, struck with fear, prepared to do the same. The
consul despatched to Rome, with letters and the news of his victory, his
son Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus. He gave to
his infantry the spoils of the enemy who were slain, and to his cavalry
the plunder of the circumjacent country, provided, however, that they
did not stay out of the camp longer than two nights. He himself then
removed nearer the sea towards Pydna. Berœa, Thessalonica, and Pella,
and indeed almost every city in Macedonia, successively surrendered
within two days. The inhabitants of Pydna, which was the nearest, had
not yet sent any ambassadors; the confused multitude, made up of many
different nations, with the numbers who had been driven into one place
in their flight from the battle, embarrassed the counsels and unanimity
of the inhabitants; the gates, too, were not only shut, but closed up
with walls. Milo and Pantauchus were sent to confer, under the wall,
with Solon, who commanded in the place. By his means the crowd of
military people were sent away, and the town was surrendered and given
up to the soldiers to be plundered. Perseus, after making a single
effort to procure the assistance of the Basaltians, to whom he had sent
ambassadors in vain, came forth into a general assembly, bringing with
him his son Philip, in order to encourage the Amphipolitans themselves,
and to raise the spirits of those horse and foot soldiers who had either
constantly accompanied him, or had happened to fly to the same place.
But, though he made several attempts to speak, he was always stopped by
his tears; so that, finding himself unable to proceed, he told Evander,
the Cretan, what he wished to have laid before the people, and came down
from the tribunal. Although the multitude, on observing the aspect of
the king, and his pitiable weeping, had themselves sighed and wept with
him, yet they refused to listen to the discourse of Evander; and some,
from the middle of the assembly, had the assurance to interrupt him,
exclaiming, “Depart to some other place, that the few of us who are left
alive may not be destroyed on your account.” Their daring opposition
stopped Evander’s mouth. The king retired to his palace; and, causing
his treasures to be put on board some barks which lay in the Strymon,
went down himself to the river. The Thracians would not venture to trust
themselves on board, but went off to their own homes, as did the rest of
the soldiers. The Cretans only followed in hope of the money: but, as
any distribution of it among them would probably raise more discontent
than gratitude, fifty talents[97] were laid for them on the bank, to be
scrambled for. After this scramble they went on board, yet in such hurry
and disorder, that they sunk one of the barks, which was swamped by
numbers in the mouth of the river. They arrived that day at Galepsus,
and the next at Samothrace, to which they were bound. Thither it is said
that as many as two thousand talents[98] were conveyed.

46. Paullus sent officers to hold the government of the several cities
which had surrendered; lest, at a time when peace was but newly
restored, the conquered might suffer any ill treatment. He detained with
himself the ambassadors of Perseus; and, being uninformed of the flight
of the king, detached Publius Nasica, with a small party of horse and
foot, to Amphipolis, both that he might lay waste the country of
Sintice, and be ready to obstruct every effort of the king. In the mean
time, Melibœa was taken and sacked by Cneius Octavius. At Æginium, to
which Cneius Anicius, a lieutenant-general, had been despatched, two
hundred men were lost by a sally made from the town; the Æginians not
being aware that the war was at an end. The consul, quitting Pydna,
arrived with his whole army, on the second day, at Pella; and, pitching
his camp at the distance of a mile from it, remained in that station for
several days, reconnoitring on all sides the situation of the city; and
he perceived that it was chosen to be the capital of the kingdom, not
without good reason. It stands on a hill which faces the south-west, and
is surrounded by morasses, formed by stagnant waters from the adjacent
lakes, so deep as to be impassable either in winter or summer. In the
part of the morass nearest to the city the citadel rises up like an
island, being built on a mound of earth formed with immense labour, so
as to be capable of supporting the wall, and secure against any injury
from the water of the surrounding marsh. At a distance it seems to join
the city rampart, but is divided from it by a river, and united by a
bridge; so that if externally invaded it has no access from any part,
and if the king chooses to confine any person within it, there is no way
for an escape except by that bridge, which can be guarded with great
ease. This was the depository of the royal treasure; but, at that time,
there was nothing found there but the three hundred talents which had
been sent to king Gentius, and afterwards brought back. While they were
stationed at Pella, audience was given to a great number of embassies,
which came with congratulations, especially out of Thessaly. Then,
receiving intelligence that Perseus had passed over to Samothrace, the
consul departed from Pella, and after four days’ march, arrived at
Amphipolis. Here the whole multitude poured out of the town to meet him;
a plain demonstration that the people considered themselves not as
_bereft of a good and just king, but as delivered from a haughty tyrant.
Paullus having entered the city while engaged in religious services, and
performing a solemn sacrifice, the altar was suddenly kindled by
lightning, while all considered the event to signify that the offerings
of the consul were most acceptable to the gods, since they were
consecrated by fire from heaven. The consul, after a short delay at
Amphipolis, proceeded at once in pursuit of Perseus, and also that he
might carry his victorious arms round to all the nations which had been
under his sway, made for the province of Odomantice, a region beyond the
river Strymon, and encamped at Siræ_.



BOOK XLV.


     _Perseus was captured by Æmilius Paulus in Samothrace. When
     Antiochus, king of Syria, was besieging Ptolemy and Cleopatra, king
     and queen of Egypt, and ambassadors were sent to him by the senate,
     to order him to desist from besieging a king in alliance with Rome,
     on his being informed of the mandates of the senate, he answered,
     that he would consider what line of conduct he should adopt. Then
     Popilius, one of the ambassadors, described, with his wand, a
     circle around the king, and ordered him to give a decided answer
     before he passed it. By which decided conduct he compelled the king
     to desist from the war. The embassies of the nations and king, that
     came to congratulate the Romans, were admitted into the
     senate-house, with the exception of the embassy from the Rhodians,
     which was excluded because their feelings in that war were opposed
     to the Roman people. The next day, when the question was put “that
     war should be proclaimed against them,” the Rhodian ambassadors
     pleaded the cause of their country before the senate, and were
     dismissed in a manner that rendered it uncertain whether they were
     looked on as enemies or allies. Macedon was reduced to the form of
     a Roman province. Æmilius Paulus triumphed; although his own
     soldiers opposed him, because they were dissatisfied with their
     share of the plunder, and Servius Sulpicius Galba spoke against
     him; Perseus and his three sons preceded his triumphal chariot.
     Still the joy of this triumph was not unmingled, for it was
     rendered remarkable by the death of his two sons: one of whom died
     before his father’s triumph; the death of the other speedily
     followed. The ceremony of the conclusion of the census was
     performed by the censors. Three hundred and twelve thousand eight
     hundred and five citizens were enrolled. Prusias, king of Bithynia,
     came to Rome, to congratulate the senate on the victory gained over
     Macedon; and committed his son Nicomedes to the charge of the
     senate: being full of servility, he called himself the freed-man of
     the Roman people._


1. Although Quintus Fabius, Lucius Lentulus, and Quintus Metellus, who
were sent with the news of the victory, made all possible haste to Rome,
yet they found rejoicings for that event anticipated there. The fourth
day after the battle with Perseus, while games were exhibiting in the
circus, a faint rumour spread itself suddenly among the people through
all the seats, “that a battle had been fought in Macedon, and that the
king was entirely defeated.” The rumour gathered strength, until at last
arose shouting and clapping of hands, as if certain tidings of victory
were brought to them. The magistrates were surprised, and caused inquiry
to be made for the originator of this sudden rejoicing; but as none was
found, the joy of course vanished, since the matter was uncertain; yet
the prestige of conquest still remained impressed on their minds; and
when, on the arrival of Fabius, Lentulus, and Metellus, the fact was
established by authentic information, they rejoiced on a twofold
account,—on that of the victory, and their happy presage of it. This
exultation in the circus is related in another manner, with equal
appearance of probability: that on the fifteenth day before the calends
of October, being the second day of the Roman games, as the consul
Licinius was going down to give the signal for the race, a courier, who
said he came from Macedon, delivered to him a letter decorated with
laurel. As soon as he had started the chariots, he mounted his own, and
as he rode back through the circus to the seats of the magistrates,
showed to the people the embellished tablets, at the sight of which the
multitude, regardless of the games, ran down at once into the middle of
the area. The consul held a meeting of the senate on the spot; and after
reading the letter to them, by their direction told the people, before
the seats of the magistrates, that “his colleague, Lucius Æmilius, had
fought a general engagement with Perseus; that the Macedonian army was
beaten and put to flight; that the king had fled with few attendants;
and that all the states of Macedon had submitted to the Romans.” On
hearing this, a universal shouting and clapping of hands arose among the
commons; and most of them, leaving the games, hastened home to
communicate the joyful tidings to their wives and children. This was the
thirteenth day after the battle was fought in Macedon.

2. On the following day a meeting of the senate was held in the
council-chamber, and a general supplication was voted, and likewise a
decree of the senate was passed, that the consul should disband all his
troops, excepting the legionary soldiers and seamen; and that their
disbandment should be taken into consideration as soon as the deputies
from the consul Æmilius, who had sent forward the courier, should
arrive in town. On the sixth day before the calends of October, about
the second hour, the deputies came into the city, and proceeded directly
to the tribunal in the forum, drawing after them, wherever they went, an
immense crowd, composed of those who went forth to meet and escort them.
The senate happened to be then in the council-chamber, and the consul
introduced the deputies to them. They were detained there no longer than
to give an account, “how very numerous the king’s forces of horse and
foot had been; how many thousands of them were killed, how many taken;
with what small loss of men the Romans had made such havoc of the enemy,
and with how small a retinue Perseus had fled; that it was supposed he
would go to Samothrace, and that the fleet was ready to pursue him; so
that he could not escape, either by sea or land.” They were then brought
out into the assembly of the people, where they repeated the same
particulars, and the general joy was renewed in such a degree, that no
sooner had the consul published an order, “that all the places of
worship should be opened,” than every one proceeded, with as much speed
as he could use, to return thanks to the gods, and the temples of the
immortal gods, throughout the entire city, were filled with vast crowds,
not only of men, but of women. The senate, being re-assembled, ordered
thanksgivings in all the temples, during five days, for the glorious
successes obtained by the consul Lucius Æmilius, with sacrifices of the
larger kinds of victims. They also voted that the ships, which lay in
the Tiber fit for sea, and ready to sail for Macedon, in case the king
had been able to maintain the contest, should be hauled up, and placed
in the docks, and that the seamen belonging to them should be
discharged, after receiving a year’s pay; and, together with these, all
who had taken the military oath to the consul; that all the soldiers in
Corcyra and Brundusium, on the coast of the Hadriatic and in the
territory of Larinum, (for in all these places had troops been cantoned,
in order that the consul Licinius might, if occasion required, take them
over to reinforce his colleague,) should be disbanded. The thanksgiving
was fixed, by proclamation in the assembly, for the fifth day before the
ides of October, and the five days following.

3. Two deputies, Caius Licinius Nerva and Publius Decius, arriving from
Illyria, brought intelligence that the army of the Illyrians was
defeated, their king, Gentius, taken prisoner and all Illyria reduced
under the dominion of the Roman people. On account of these services,
under the conduct and auspices of the prætor, Lucius Anicius, the senate
voted a supplication of three days’ continuance, and it was accordingly
appointed, by proclamation, to be performed on the fourth third, and
second days before the ides of November. Some writers tell us that the
Rhodian ambassadors, who had not yet been dismissed, were, when the news
of the victory was received, called before the senate in order to expose
their absurd arrogance. On this occasion, Agesipolis, their principal,
spoke to this effect: that “they had been sent by the Rhodians to effect
an accommodation between the Romans and Perseus; because the war
subsisting between them was injurious and burdensome to all Greece, and
expensive and detrimental to the Romans themselves; but that fortune had
acted very kindly, since, by terminating the war after another manner,
it afforded them an opportunity of congratulating the Romans on a
glorious victory.” This was the discourse of the Rhodians. The senate
returned the following answer: that “the Rhodians had sent that embassy,
not through anxiety for the interests of Greece, or for the expenses of
the Roman people, but merely from their wish to serve Perseus. For, if
their concern had been such as they pretended, they should have sent
ambassadors at the time when Perseus, leading an army into Thessaly, had
continued, for two years, to besiege some of the cities of Greece, and
to terrify others with denunciations of vengeance. All this time not the
least mention of peace was made by the Rhodians; but when they heard
that the Romans had passed the defiles, and penetrated into Macedon, and
that Perseus was held enclosed by them, then they sent an embassy, from
no other motive whatever, but a wish to rescue Perseus from the
impending danger.” With this answer the ambassadors were dismissed.

4. About the same time Marcus Marcellus, coming home from Spain, where
he had taken Marcolica, a city of note, brought into the treasury ten
pounds’ weight of gold, and a quantity of silver, amounting to a million
of sesterces.[99] While the consul, Paullus Æmilius, lay encamped at
Siræ, in Odomantice, as mentioned above, a letter from king Perseus was
brought to him by three ambassadors of mean appearance, and it is
reported that he, on looking at them, shed tears at the uncertainty of
the lot of man; because he who, a short time before, not content with
the kingdom of Macedon, had invaded Dardania and Illyria, and had called
out to his aid the whole Bastarnian nation, now banished from his
kingdom after the loss of his army, was forced to take refuge in a
little island, where, as a suppliant, he was protected by the sanctity
of the place, not by any strength of his own. But when he read the
address, “King Perseus to the consul Paullus, greeting,” the folly of a
man, who seemed insensible to his condition, banished every feeling of
compassion; therefore, although there were, in the remaining part of the
letter, entreaties ill suited to royalty, yet the embassy was dismissed
without an answer and without a letter. Perseus felt that he must, now
that he was conquered, forego the name of king, and consequently sent
another letter, inscribed simply with his name, in which he made a
request, and obtained it too, that some persons should be sent to him,
with whom he might confer on the state and condition of his affairs.
Three ambassadors were accordingly despatched, Publius Lentulus, Aulus
Postumius Albinus, and Aulus Antonius; but nothing was effected by this
embassy, for Perseus clung with all the energy of despair to the regal
title, while Paullus insisted on an absolute submission of himself, and
every thing belonging to him, to the honour and clemency of the Roman
people.

5. Whilst these things are going on, the fleet of Cneius Octavius put in
at Samothrace. When he also, by presenting immediate danger to Perseus’s
view, was endeavouring at one time by menaces, at another by hopes, to
prevail on him to surrender; in this design he was greatly assisted by a
circumstance which may have occurred either by accident or design.
Lucius Atilius, a distinguished young man, observing that the people of
Samothrace were met in a general assembly, requested permission of the
magistrate to address a few words to them; which being granted, he
said,—“People of Samothrace, our good hosts; is the account which we
have heard true or false, that this island is sacred, and the entire
soil holy and inviolable?” They all agreed in asserting the supposed
sanctity of the place; whereupon he proceeded thus: “Why, then, has a
murderer, stained with the blood of king Eumenes, presumed to profane
it? And though, previous to every sacrifice, a proclamation forbids all
who have not pure hands to assist at the sacred rites, will you,
nevertheless, suffer your holy places to be polluted by an assassin who
bears the mark of blood on his person?” The story of king Eumenes having
been nearly murdered by Evander at Delphi, was now well known by report
through all the cities of Greece. The Samothracians, therefore, besides
the consideration of their being themselves, as well as the temple and
the whole island, in the power of the Romans, were convinced that the
censure thrown on them was not unjust, and therefore sent Theondas,
their chief magistrate, whom they style king, to Perseus, to acquaint
him, that “Evander the Cretan was accused of murder; that they had a
mode of trial established among them, by the practice of their
ancestors, concerning such as were charged with bringing impure hands
into the consecrated precincts of the temple. If Evander was confident
that he was innocent of the capital charge made against him, let him
come forth, and stand a trial; but, if he would not venture to undergo
an inquiry, let him free the temple from profanation, and provide for
his own safety.” Perseus, calling Evander aside, advised him not on any
account to stand a trial, because he was no match for his accusers,
either in the merits of the cause, or in influence. He had secret
apprehensions that Evander, on being condemned, would expose him, as the
instigator of that abominable act. “What then remained,” he said, “but
to die bravely?” Evander made, openly, no objection; but telling the
king that he chose to die by poison rather than by the sword, took
measures in secret for effecting his escape. When this was told the
king, fearing lest he should direct the anger of the Samothracians
against himself as accessory to the escape of a guilty person, he
ordered Evander to be put to death. No sooner was this rash murder
perpetrated, than the idea immediately struck his mind that he had now
drawn on himself the whole of the guilt, which before had affected
Evander only; that the latter had wounded Eumenes at Delphi, and he had
slain Evander in Samothrace; and thus the two most venerable sanctuaries
in the world had, through his means alone, been defiled with human
blood. However, he avoided the imputation of this deed, by bribing
Theondas to tell the people that Evander had laid violent hands on
himself.

6. But by such an atrocious act, committed on his only remaining friend,
on one whose fidelity he had experienced on so many trying occasions,
and who, in return for not proving a traitor, was himself betrayed, he
alienated the feelings of every one. All went over to the Romans as soon
as they could, and consequently obliged him, now left almost alone, to
adopt the design of flying. He applied to a Cretan, called Oroandes, to
whom the coast of Thrace was well known, since he carried on traffic in
that country, to take him on board his vessel, and convey him to Cotys.
At one of the promontories of Samothrace, is the harbour of Demetrium;
there the vessel lay. About sun-set every thing necessary for the voyage
was carried thither, together with as much money as could be transported
with secrecy; and at midnight, the king himself, with three persons, who
were privy to his flight, going out through a back door into a garden
near his chamber, and having, with much difficulty, climbed over the
wall, went down to the shore. Oroandes had set sail, at the dusk of the
evening, the very moment the money arrived, and was now steering for
Crete. Perseus, after he could not find the ship in the harbour,
wandered about for a long time on the coast, but at last, fearing the
approach of day, and not daring to return to his lodging, he hid himself
in a dark corner at one side of the temple. The royal pages was the name
given among the Macedonians to a band of the children of the leading
noblemen, who were selected to wait on the king: this band had
accompanied Perseus in his flight, and did not even now desert him,
until a proclamation was made by the herald of Cneius Octavius, that,
“if the royal pages, and other Macedonians, then in Samothrace, would
come over to the Romans, they should have impunity, liberty, and all
their property, both what they had in the island, and what they had left
in Macedon.” On this notice they all passed over to the Romans, and gave
in their names to Caius Postumius, a military tribune. Ion of
Thessalonica delivered up to Octavius the king’s younger children also;
nor was any one now left with Perseus, except Philip, his eldest son.
Then, after uttering many execrations against fortune, and the gods to
whom the temple belonged, for not affording aid to a suppliant, he
surrendered himself and his son to Octavius, who gave orders to put him
on board the prætor’s ship; the remainder of his money was put on board
the same ship; and the fleet immediately returned to Amphipolis. Thence
Octavius sent the king into the camp to the consul, having previously
sent forward a letter to inform him that he was a prisoner, and on the
road thither.

7. Paullus, considering this a second victory, as it really was, offered
sacrifices on receiving the intelligence; then, calling a council, and
reading to them the prætor’s letter, he sent Quintus Ælius Tubero to
meet the king; the rest he desired to remain assembled in the prætorium.
Never, on any other occasion, did so great a multitude gather about a
spectacle. In the time of their fathers, king Syphax had been made
prisoner, and brought into the Roman camp; but, besides that he could
not be compared with Perseus, either in respect of his own reputation or
that of his country, he was at the time merely a subordinate party in
the Carthaginian war, as Gentius was in the Macedonian. Whereas Perseus
was the principal in this war; and was not only highly conspicuous
through his own personal renown, and that of his father, grandfather,
and other relations in blood and extraction, but of these, two shone
with unparalleled lustre,—Philip, and Alexander the Great, who made the
empire of the Macedonians the first in the world. Perseus came into the
camp, dressed in mourning, unattended by any of his countrymen, except
his own son, who being a sharer in the calamity, made him more wretched.
He could not advance on account of the number of persons that had
collected to see him, until the lictors were sent by the consul, and
they, after clearing the way, opened a passage to the prætorium. The
consul arose to do him honour, but ordered the rest to keep their seats,
and, advancing a little, held out his right hand to the king, on his
entrance; and raised him up when he endeavoured to throw himself at his
feet: nor would he suffer him to embrace his knees, but led him into the
tent, and desired him to sit on the side opposite to the officers
assembled in council.

8. The first question asked Perseus was, “by what injuries had he been
compelled to enter into a war against the Roman people with such violent
animosity, and to bring himself and his kingdom to the extremity of
danger?” While all expected his answer, fixing his eyes on the ground,
he wept a long time in silence. The consul, again addressing him, said,
“If you had succeeded to the government in early youth, I should have
wondered less at your not being sensible of the great importance of the
friendship, or enmity, of the Roman people: but that was not the case,
as you bore a part in the war which your father waged with us, and,
afterwards, must have remembered the peace which we observed towards him
with the strictest sincerity. What then was your design in preferring
war to peace, with those, whose power in war, and whose good faith in
peace, you had so fully experienced?” Neither questions nor reproaches
could draw an answer from him: on which the consul added, “Howsoever
these things may have occurred, whether through the frailty of mankind,
or accident, or necessity, be of good spirits. The clemency of the Roman
people, displayed in the distress of numerous kings and nations, affords
you not only hope, but almost perfect confidence of safety.” This he
said in the Greek language to Perseus; and then, turning to his own
people, he said, in the Latin tongue, “You observe this striking
instance of the instability of human affairs. To you, young men,
principally, I address the observation. In the hour of prosperity,
therefore, we ought to adopt against no man measures dictated by either
pride or violence, nor confide implicitly in present advantages; since
we know not what the evening may produce. He is really a man, whose
spirit neither prosperity can elate by success, nor adversity break by
misfortune.” On the dismissal of the council, the charge of guarding the
king is given to Quintus Ælius. Perseus was invited to dine that day
with the consul, and every other honour, which could be shown him under
existing circumstances, was paid to him.

9. The troops were immediately sent off to their winter cantonments.
Amphipolis furnished the greater part with quarters, and the towns in
that neighbourhood received the rest. Thus ended the war between the
Romans and Perseus, which had lasted, without intermission, four years;
and thus ended a kingdom, long renowned through a great part of Europe,
and throughout all Asia. From Caranus, who was their first king, they
reckoned Perseus the fortieth. Perseus came to the crown in the
consulate of Quintus Fulvius and Lucius Manlius, received the title of
king from the senate in that of Marcus Junius and Aulus Manlius, and
reigned eleven years. The Macedonians were little known by fame until
the reign of Philip, son of Amyntas; although the empire began to
increase in his time, and through his agency, still it was confined
within the limits of Europe, extending over all Greece with a part of
Thrace, and Illyria. Afterwards the power of Macedon poured down like a
deluge on Asia, and in the course of the thirteen years of the reign of
Alexander, reduced under its dominion that almost immense tract which
had constituted the empire of the Persians. Hence it overspread the
Arabias and India, as far as where the Red Sea forms the utmost boundary
of the earth. At that time their empire and name were the first in the
world; but on the death of Alexander, it was torn asunder into a number
of kingdoms, whilst his successors, in the general scramble for power,
dismembered it by their struggles. From the time of its highest
elevation to this its final downfall, it stood one hundred and fifty
years.

10. When the news of the victory, obtained by the Romans, was carried
into Asia, Antenor, who lay with a fleet of small vessels at Phanæ,
sailed over to Cassandrea. Caius Popilius, who staid at Delos to protect
the ships bound to Macedon, learning that the war there was at an end,
and that the enemy’s fleet had left its station, sent home the Athenian
squadron, and proceeded on his voyage for Egypt, to finish the business
of the embassy with which he was charged, in order that he might meet
Antiochus before he should approach the walls of Alexandria. When the
ambassadors, after sailing along the coast of Asia, arrived at Loryma, a
port somewhat more than twenty miles from Rhodes, and just opposite to
that city, some of the principal Rhodians (for the news of the victory
had by this time reached them too) met them, and requested them “to sail
over to their city; that it was of the utmost consequence to the
character and safety of the Rhodian state that they should, in person,
inform themselves of what had been done, and what was then passing at
Rhodes; so as to carry to Rome intelligence, founded on their own
knowledge, and not on vague reports.” After refusing for a long time,
they were at length prevailed on to submit to a short delay of their
voyage, for the sake of the safety of an allied city. When they came to
Rhodes, the same persons, by urgent entreaties, persuaded them to come
into a general assembly. The arrival of the ambassadors rather
heightened, than allayed, the fears of the public. For Popilius
enumerated all the hostile expressions and actions, both of the
community and of individuals, during the war: and, being naturally of an
austere temper, he magnified the atrociousness of the matters which he
mentioned, by the sternness of his countenance, and the harshness of his
tone of voice; so that, as he had no cause of personal quarrel with
their state, people judged from the severity of one Roman senator, what
was the feeling of the whole senate towards them. The speech of Caius
Decimius was more moderate; for he said, “that in most of the
particulars mentioned by Popilius, the blame lay, not on the nation, but
on a few incendiary ringleaders of the populace, who, employing their
tongues for hire, procured the passing of several decrees, full of
flattery towards the king; and had sent those embassies, at which the
Rhodians should always feel not less shame than grief; all which
proceedings, however, if the people were disposed to act properly, would
fall on the heads of the guilty.” He was heard with great satisfaction;
not only because he extenuated the offences of the community, but
because he threw the whole blame on the authors of their misconduct.
When, therefore, their own magistrates spoke in answer to the Romans,
the speech of those who endeavoured to exculpate them, in some measure,
from the charges advanced by Popilius, was not so pleasing to them as
the advice of those who concurred with the opinion of Decimius, in the
necessity of giving up the principal instigators to atone for their
crime. A decree was therefore immediately passed, that all who should be
convicted of having, in any instance, spoken or acted in favour of
Perseus, against the Romans, should be condemned to die. Several of
those concerned had left the city on the arrival of the Romans: others
put an end to their own lives. The ambassadors staid only five days at
Rhodes, and then proceeded to Alexandria. Nor were the trials
instituted, pursuant to the decree passed in their presence, carried on
at Rhodes with less activity; and this perseverance of the Rhodians, in
the execution of that business, was entirely owing to the mild behaviour
of Decimius.

11. Whilst these events were going on, Antiochus, after a fruitless
attempt on the walls of Alexandria, had retired: and being now master
of all the rest of Egypt, he left, at Memphis, the elder Ptolemy, whose
restoration to the throne was the pretended object of his armament,
though, in reality, he meant to attack him, as soon as he should have
vanquished his competitors; and then he led back his army into Syria.
Ptolemy, who was not ignorant of his intention, conceived hopes, that,
while he held his younger brother under terror, and in dread of a siege,
he might be received into Alexandria, provided his sister favoured the
design, and his brother’s friends did not oppose it. Accordingly, he
never ceased sending proposals to his sister first, and his brother and
his friends afterwards, until he effected an accommodation with them.
His suspicions of Antiochus were awakened by this circumstance, that,
when he gave him possession of the rest of Egypt, he left a strong
garrison in Pelusium: a plain proof that he kept that key of Egypt in
his hands, in order that he might be able, whenever he pleased, to
introduce an army again into the country; and he foresaw, that the final
issue of a civil war with his brother must be, that the conqueror,
thoroughly weakened by the contest, would be utterly unable to contend
with Antiochus. In these prudent observations of the elder brother, the
younger, and those about him, concurred; while their sister greatly
promoted the negotiation, both by her advice and entreaties.
Accordingly, peace being made with the approbation of all, the elder
Ptolemy was received into Alexandria, without any opposition even from
the populace; who, during the war, had been severely distressed by a
general scarcity, not only in consequence of the siege, but from
receiving no provisions from the rest of Egypt after the enemy had
retired from the walls. Although it was reasonable to suppose that
Antiochus would be rejoiced at these events, if he had really marched
his army into Egypt for the purpose of reinstating Ptolemy on the
throne,—(the plausible pretext which he had professed to all the states
of Asia and Greece, in his answers to their embassies, and in the
letters that he wrote,)—yet he was so highly offended, that he prepared
to make war on the two brothers, with much greater acrimony and fury of
resentment than he had shown against the one. He instantly sent his
fleet to Cyprus; and, as soon as the spring appeared, he directed his
route towards Egypt at the head of his army, and advanced into
Cœle-Syria. Near Rhinocolura he was met by ambassadors from Ptolemy,
who gave him thanks, because through his assistance he had recovered the
throne of his fathers; and requested him to secure to him the enjoyment
of the benefit, which he had himself conferred; and rather to signify
what he wished to be done, than from an ally to become an enemy, and
proceed by force of arms. To this he answered, that “he would neither
recall his fleet, nor stop the march of his army, on any other
conditions than the cession of all Cyprus and the city of Pelusium,
together with the lands adjoining the Pelusian mouth of the Nile;” and
he even named a particular day, on or before which he expected to
receive an answer that these demands were complied with.

12. When the time fixed for the suspension of hostilities had elapsed,
_Antiochus ordered the commanders of his fleet_ to sail up the mouth of
the Nile to Pelusium, while _he himself entered Egypt_, through the
deserts of Arabia. _He was amicably received by the people_ about
Memphis, as he was, afterwards, by the rest of the Egyptians; some being
led by inclination, others by fear; and he proceeded thus, by short
marches, down to Alexandria. The Roman ambassadors met him after
crossing the river at Eleusine, four miles from that city. On their
approach he saluted them, and held out his right hand to Popilius; but
Popilius put into his hand a written tablet, containing the decree of
the senate, and desired him first to peruse that. On perusing it, he
said, that he, after calling his friends together, would consult on what
was to be done; on which Popilius, with the usual asperity of his
disposition, drew a line round the king, with a wand which he held in
his hand, and said, “Before you go out of that circle, give me an answer
to report to the senate.” Astonished at such a peremptory injunction,
the king hesitated for some time; but at last replied, “I will do as the
senate directs.” Popilius then thought proper to stretch out his right
hand to him; as to a friend and ally. Antiochus having retired out of
Egypt, on the day appointed, the ambassadors, after confirming by their
influence the reconciliations between the brothers, as concord was far
from being established among them, sailed to Cyprus: from which they
sent home the ships of Antiochus, which had fought and defeated an
Egyptian fleet. This embassy attracted a great share of respect from
all nations; because it had manifestly rescued Egypt out of the hands
of the Syrian, when he had it within his grasp, and restored to the race
of Ptolemy the kingdom of their forefathers While one of the consuls of
this year distinguished his administration by a glorious victory, the
reputation of the other was thrown into the shade, because he had no
opportunity of displaying his talents. When, in the beginning of his
administration, he had appointed his troops to assemble, he entered the
consecrated place without due auspices; and the augurs, on the matter
being laid before them, pronounced the appointment improper. Going into
Gaul, he lay encamped near the long plains, at the foot of the mountains
Sicimina and Papirus, and passed the winter in the same country with the
troops of the Latin allies. The Roman legions staid all the while in the
city, because the day had been irregularly appointed for the meeting of
the soldiers. The prætors went to their several provinces, except Caius
Papirius Carbo, to whose lot Sardinia had fallen; the senate having
commanded him to administer justice, at Rome, between natives and
foreigners; a duty to which he had been already named.

13. Popilius, with his colleagues in the embassy to Antiochus, returned
to Rome, and gave information, that all disputes between the kings had
terminated, and that the army had marched out of Egypt into Syria. Soon
after, ambassadors arrived from the kings themselves. Those of Antiochus
represented, that “their king had considered a peace, which was
agreeable to the senate, as preferable to a victory, how complete
soever, and had, accordingly, obeyed the order of the Roman ambassadors,
as implicitly as if it had been a mandate of the gods.” They then
offered his congratulations on their victory, “to which,” they said,
“the king would have contributed with his utmost power, if any commands
to that effect had been given him.” The ambassadors of Ptolemy, in the
joint names of that prince and Cleopatra, presented their thanks,
acknowledging that “they were more indebted to the senate and people of
Rome than to their own parents, more than to the immortal gods; since
through their intervention they had been relieved from a most
distressing siege, and had recovered the kingdom of their fathers, when
it was almost entirely lost.” The answer given by the senate was that
“Antiochus had acted rightly and properly, in complying with the demand
of their ambassadors; and that his conduct was pleasing to the senate
and people of Rome.” To Ptolemy and Cleopatra, king and queen of Egypt,
they answered, that “the senate rejoiced very much, that any benefit or
advantage had accrued to the Egyptian monarchs, through their
instrumentality; and would take care, that they should always have
reason to consider, that the strongest bulwark of their kingdom lay in
the protection of the Roman people.” Caius Papirius, the prætor, was
commissioned to send the usual presents to the ambassadors. A letter now
arrived from Macedon, which doubled the public joy, as it brought
information that “king Perseus was in the hands of the consul.” After
the ambassadors were dismissed, a controversy between deputies from Pisa
and others from Luna came on; the former, complaining that they were
dispossessed of their lands by the Roman colonists; while the latter
insisted that the lands in question had been marked out to them by the
triumvirs. The senate sent five commissioners to examine and fix the
boundaries, Quintus Fabius Buteo, Publius Cornelius Blasio, Tiberius
Sempronius Musca, Lucius Nævius Balbus, and Caius Apuleius Saturninus. A
joint embassy from the three brothers, Eumenes, Attalus, and Athenæus,
came with congratulations on the victory; and Masgaba, son of king
Masinissa, having landed at Puteoli, Lucius Manlius, the quæstor, was
immediately despatched with money to meet him, and conduct him to Rome
at the public expense. An audience of the senate was immediately given
him on his arrival. This young prince spoke in such a manner that he
made services, which were meritorious in themselves, still more
gratifying. He recounted what numbers of foot and horse, how many
elephants, and what quantities of corn his father had sent into Macedon
in aid of the Romans during the last four years. “But there were two
things,” he said, “that made him blush; one, the senate having sent by
their ambassadors a request, instead of an order, to furnish necessaries
for their army; the other, their having sent money in payment for the
corn. Masinissa well remembered that the kingdom which he held had been
acquired, and increased, and multiplied by the Roman people; and
contenting himself with the management of it, acknowledged the right and
sovereignty to be vested in those who granted it to him. It was just,
therefore, to take, and not to ask from him nor purchase, any of the
produce of lands made over by themselves. Whatever remained, after
supplying the Roman people, would be fully sufficient for Masinissa.”
That with these instructions he parted with his father; but he was
afterwards overtaken by some horsemen, who announced to him the conquest
of Macedon, with directions to congratulate the senate, and acquaint
them that his father felt so much joy at that circumstance, that he
wished to come to Rome, and in the Capitol to offer thanks to Jupiter
supremely good and great. He requested, therefore, that if it were not
disagreeable, the senate would give him permission to do so.

14. Masgaba was answered, that “his father, Masinissa, acted as became a
prince of a benevolent and grateful disposition; to such a degree that,
by acknowledging the kindness of his friends, he added value and dignity
to it. The Roman people had been assisted by him in the Carthaginian war
with exertions at once faithful and brave; by the favour of the Roman
people he had obtained his kingdom, and had afterwards, in the
successive wars with the three kings, discharged with his usual
readiness every duty. That it was not surprising, that a king who had so
intimately blended his own interests, and those of his kingdom, with the
interests of the Romans, should be delighted at the victory of the Roman
people. That he should return thanks to the immortal gods for the
victory of the Roman people, before the tutelary deities of his family;
that his son could return thanks in his stead at Rome; as he had already
said enough in the way of congratulation, both in his own name and in
his father’s. But that the senate were of opinion, that his leaving his
own kingdom, and going out of Africa, besides being inconvenient to
himself, was detrimental to the Roman people.” On Masgaba making a
request that Hanno, son of Hamilcar, _might be brought to Rome as a_
hostage in the place _of some other, the senate replied, that they could
not reasonably require hostages from the Carthaginians, at the choice of
any other person_. The quæstor was ordered, by a vote of the senate, to
purchase presents for the young prince to the value of one hundred
pounds’ weight of silver, to accompany him to Puteoli, to defray all his
expenses while he staid in Italy, and to hire two ships to carry him and
the retinue of the king to Africa; clothes were given to every one of
his attendants, both freemen and slaves. Soon after this a letter was
brought concerning Masinissa’s other son, Misagenes, stating that, after
the conquest of Perseus, he was sent by Lucius Paullus, with his
horsemen, to Africa; and that while he was on his voyage in the Adriatic
Sea, his fleet was dispersed, and himself, in a bad state of health,
driven into Brundusium with only three ships. Lucius Stertinius, the
quæstor, was sent to him to Brundusium, with presents of the same kind
as those given to his brother at Rome, and he was ordered to provide
lodgings for the prince and his retinue, and _every thing necessary for
his health and convenience; and that the expenses of himself and his
entire retinue should be paid liberally; that he should look out for
ships by which the prince might pass over into Africa with ease and
safety. The quæstor was ordered to give to each of the horsemen a pound
of silver, and five hundred sesterces. The assemblies, for the election
of consuls for the ensuing year, were held by Caius Licinius the consul.
Quintus Ælius Pætus, Marcus Junius Pennus, were appointed consuls. Then
Quintus Cassius Longinus, Manius Juventius Thalna, Tiberius Claudius
Nero, Aulus Manlius Torquatus, Cneius Fulvius Gillo, C. Licinius Nerva,
were made prætors. In the same year the censors, Tiberius Sempronius
Gracchus and Caius Claudius Pulcher, at length united in passing a
decree on a matter, which had been for a long time discussed among
themselves in different disputes. Gracchus, when the freed-men, after
being repeatedly confined within the four city tribes, had once more
spread themselves through them all, wished to pluck up by the root the
evil which was always sending fresh shoots, and to exclude from
enrolment all who had ever been slaves. Claudius struggled energetically
against him, and made frequent references to the institutions of their
ancestors, who had often tried to restrain the freed-men, but never to
totally exclude them from the rights of citizens. He said that some
relaxation of the former strictness had been conceded even by the
censors, Caius Flaminius and Lucius Æmilius. And indeed, although even
at that time those dregs of the people had spread themselves through all
the tribes, and it appeared requisite to reduce them again within what
might be considered their original settlement, still at the time some
important concessions were made to several of that rank._

15. _For by those censors_ the freed-men were enrolled in the four city
tribes, excepting such as had a son more than five years old, who was
their own offspring; all these the censors ordered to be surveyed in the
tribe wherein they had been surveyed within the last five years; and
such as had a farm, or farms, in the country, exceeding in value thirty
thousand sesterces,[100] were allowed the privilege of being included in
the country tribes. Though this reservation was made in their favour,
yet Claudius still insisted, that “a censor could not, without an order
of the people, take away from any man, and much less from a whole class
of men, the right of suffrage. For though he can remove a man from his
tribe, which is nothing more than ordering him to change it, yet he
cannot, therefore, remove him out of all the thirty-five tribes; which
would be to strip him of the rights of a citizen, and of liberty; not to
fix where he should be surveyed, but to exclude him from the survey.”
These points were discussed by the censors, who at last came to this
compromise: that out of the four city tribes, they should openly, in the
court of the temple of Liberty, select one by lot, in which they should
include all those who had ever been in servitude. The lot fell on the
Æsquiline tribe; on which Tiberius Gracchus published an order, that all
sons of freed-men should be surveyed in that tribe. This proceeding
gained the censors great honour with the senate, who gave thanks to
Sempronius for his perseverance in so good a design, and also to
Claudius for not obstructing it. Greater numbers were expelled from the
senate, and ordered to sell their horses, by them than by their
predecessors. They both concurred in removing from their tribes and
disfranchising the same persons, in every instance; nor did one of them
remove any mark of disgrace inflicted by the other. They petitioned
that, according to custom, the year and half’s time allowed for
enforcing the repairs of buildings, and for approving the execution of
works contracted for, should be prolonged; but Cneius Tremellius, a
tribune, protested against it, because he had not been chosen into the
senate. This year Caius Cicereius dedicated a temple to Juno Monita on
the Alban mount, five years after he had vowed it; and Lucius Postumius
Albinus was inaugurated flamen of Mars.

16. The consuls, Quintius Ælius and Marcus Junius, having proposed the
business of distributing, the provinces, the senate decreed that Spain,
which during the Macedonian war had been but one province, should be
again formed into two; and that the present governors, Lucius Paullus
and Lucius Anicius, should continue in the government of Macedonia and
Illyria, until, with the concurrence of commissioners, they should
adjust the affairs of those countries disordered by the war, and reduce
them to a form of government different from the regal. The provinces
assigned to the consuls were Pisæ and Gaul, with two legions to each,
containing separately five thousand two hundred foot and four hundred
horse. The lots of the prætors were as follows: the city jurisdiction
fell to Quintus Cassius; the foreign, to Manius Juventius Thalna;
Sicily, to Tiberius Claudius Nero; Hither Spain, to Cneius Fulvius; and
to Caius Licinius Nerva, Farther Spain. Sardinia had fallen to Aulus
Manlius Torquatus, but he could not proceed thither, being detained by a
decree of the senate, to preside at trials of capital offences. The
senate was then consulted concerning prodigies which were reported: the
temple of the tutelar deities, on the Velian hill, had been struck by
lightning; and two gates, and a large part of the wall, in the town of
Minervium. At Anagnia, a shower of earth had fallen; and, at Lanuvium, a
blazing torch was seen in the sky. Marcus Valerius, a Roman citizen,
reported, that at Calatia, on the public lands, blood had flowed from
his hearth, during three days and two nights. On account of this last
occurrence in particular, the decemvirs were directed to consult the
books; on which they ordered a general supplication for one day, and
sacrificed in the forum fifty goats. On account of the other prodigies,
there was a supplication for another day, with sacrifices of the larger
victims, and the city was purified. Then, with reference to the
gratitude due to the immortal gods, the senate decreed, that, “forasmuch
as their enemies were subdued, and the kings Perseus and Gentius, with
Macedon and Illyria, were in the power of the Roman people, whatever
offerings were made in all the temples by Appius Claudius and Marcus
Sempronius, the consuls, on occasion of the conquest of king Antiochus,
offerings of the same value should then be made, and that Quintus
Cassius and Manius Juventius, the prætors, should superintend them.”

17. They then constituted commissioners, by whose advice the generals,
Lucius Paullus and Lucius Anicius, were to regulate the affairs of their
provinces; ten for Macedon, and five for Illyria. Those nominated for
Macedon were, Aulus Postumius Luscus, Caius Claudius, both of whom had
been censors, Caius Licinius Crassus, the colleague of Paullus in the
consulship; he then held the province of Gaul, as he had the command
continued to him. To these, who were of consular rank, the senate added
Cneius Domitius Ænobarbus, Servius Cornelius Sulla, Lucius Junius, Caius
Antistius Labeo, Titus Numisius Tarquiniensis, and Aulus Terentius
Varro. The following were nominated for Illyria: Publius Ælius Ligus, a
man of consular rank, Caius Cicereius, Cneius Bæbius Tamphilus, (he had
been prætor the last year, as had Cicereius many years before,) Publius
Terentius Tuscivicanus, and Publius Manilius. The consuls were then
advised by the senate, that, as one of them must go into Gaul, in the
room of Caius Licinius, who was appointed a commissioner, they should,
as soon as possible, either settle their provinces between themselves,
or cast lots, as might be agreeable to them. They chose to cast lots;
when Pisæ fell to Marcus Junius, (who was ordered to introduce to the
senate the embassies that came to Rome from all quarters, with
congratulations before he went to his province,) and Gaul to Quintus
Ælius.

18. But although men of such characters were sent on the commission,
that confident hopes might be entertained that the generals, influenced
by their counsel, would determine on nothing derogatory either to the
clemency or dignity of the Roman people, yet the heads of a plan of
settlement were considered in the senate, that the said commissioners
might carry, from Rome to the generals, an outline of the entire plan.
First, it was determined, that “the Macedonians and Illyrians should be
free; in order to demonstrate to all the world that the arms of the
Roman people did not bring slavery to the free, but freedom to slaves,
and that the nations which already enjoyed freedom, should be convinced
that it would be safe and permanent under the protection of the _Roman
people_; and that such nations as lived under regal government should be
convinced that their princes, under awe of the Roman people, would be,
at present, more just and mild; and that, should war break out at any
time between their kings and the Roman people, the issue would bring
victory to the latter, and liberty to themselves. It was also provided,
that the farming both of the Macedonian mines, which produced a very
large profit, and that of crown lands, should be abolished; as business
of this kind could not be managed without the intervention of revenue
farmers; and wherever a tax-contractor was employed, either the rights
of the people were a nonentity, or the freedom of the allies destroyed.
Nor could the Macedonians themselves conduct such affairs; for while
they afforded the managers opportunities of acquiring plunder for
themselves, there never would be wanting causes of disputes and
seditions. It was further determined, that there should be a general
council of the nation; lest the perverseness of the populace might, some
time or other, convert into pestilent licentiousness the liberty granted
by the senate with a wholesome degree of moderation: but that Macedonia
should be divided into four districts, each of which should have a
council of its own; and that they should pay to the Roman people half
the tribute which they used formerly to pay to their kings.” Similar
instructions were given respecting Illyria. Other particulars were left
to the generals and commissioners; whose investigation of matters on the
spot would enable them to form more accurate plans.

19. Among the many embassies from kings, nations, and states, Attalus,
the brother of Eumenes, attracted the general attention in a very
particular manner; for he was received by those who had served along
with him in the late war, with even greater demonstration of kindness
than if Eumenes had come in person. Two reasons, both, apparently,
highly honourable, had induced him to come; one to offer
congratulations, which were quite proper, in the case of a victory to
which he himself had contributed; the other to complain of disturbances
raised by the Gauls, and of a defeat received, by which his brother’s
kingdom was endangered. But he had, also, secret hopes of honours and
rewards from the senate, which he could scarcely receive without
infringing on his duty to his brother. There were among the Romans some
evil advisers, who were working on his ambition by promises. They told
him, that “the general opinion concerning Attalus and Eumenes was, that
one was a steady friend to the Romans, and that the other was not a
faithful ally either to them or to Perseus. That it was not easy to
determine whether the requests that he might make for himself, or those
against his brother, were more likely to be obtained from the senate; so
entirely were all disposed to gratify the one, and to grant nothing to
the other.” As the event proved, Attalus was one of those who would have
coveted all that hope can promise to itself, had not the prudent
admonitions of one friend put a curb on those passions, which were
growing wanton through prosperity. He had, in his retinue, a physician,
called Stratius sent to Rome by Eumenes, who distrusted Attalus, for the
purpose of watching over his conduct, and giving him faithful advice, if
he should perceive him swerve from his allegiance. This man, although he
had to address ears already prepossessed, and a mind already biassed,
yet, by addressing him at judiciously selected times, restored the thing
to its proper state, even after it had become almost desperate. He said
that “different kingdoms grew into power by different means: that their
kingdom being lately formed, and unsupported by any long-established
strength, was upheld solely by the concord of the brothers; for, while
one bore the title and the ornament which distinguishes the head of a
sovereign, each of the brothers was considered as a king. As to Attalus,
in particular, being the next in years, was there any man who did not
consider him as king? and that, not only because they perceived his
present power to be great, but because there was not a doubt but he must
ascend the throne, in a very short time, in consequence of the age and
infirmity of Eumenes, who had no legitimate issue” (for he had not at
this time acknowledged the son who afterwards reigned). “To what
purpose, then, employ violence, to attain what must come to him
presently without any exertions on his part? Besides, a new storm had
fallen on the kingdom, from the insurrection of the Gauls, which could
scarcely be resisted by the most perfect harmony and union of the
brothers. But if to a foreign war domestic dissensions were added, the
evil could not be checked; nor would he effect any thing else than
preventing his brother from dying on the throne, and depriving himself
of the hope of ascending it. If both modes of acting were
honourable,—either to preserve the kingdom for his brother, or to take
it from him,—yet the honour that would result to him from the
preservation of the kingdom, since it was united to brotherly love,
would be the greater. The latter indeed, would be detestable, and
bordering nearly on parricide; what room, then, could there be for
deliberation? For, whether did he mean to demand a share of the kingdom,
or to seize the whole? If he would demand a share, then both, by the
separation of their strength, would be rendered feeble, and exposed to
injuries of every kind; if the whole, would he then require his elder
brother, reduced to a private station, at his time of life and labouring
under such bodily infirmities, to live in exile, and die in such a
wretched state. For, not to mention the catastrophes of undutiful
brothers recorded in stories, the fate of Perseus seemed a striking
instance, who, prostrated at the feet of a victorious enemy, laid down,
in the temple of the Samothracians, before the gods, who, as it were,
demanded satisfaction for his crimes, the crown which he had seized
after the death of his brother.” “Those very men,” he continued, “who not
through friendship for him, but enmity to Eumenes, had instigated him to
the adoption of such measures, would praise his affection and firmness,
if he preserved to the last his allegiance to his brother.”

20. These arguments prevailed in the mind of Attalus. Therefore, on
being introduced to the senate, he congratulated them on their success,
and made mention of his own services during the war, and those of his
brother, whatever he had performed; of the defection of the Gauls, which
had lately happened, and which had caused violent commotions; and he
entreated that they should send ambassadors to those people, by whose
authority they should be summoned to desist. After delivering these
messages respecting the general interest of the state, he requested a
grant of Ænus and Maronea to himself. Having thus disappointed the hopes
of those who expected that he, after arraigning his brother’s conduct,
would solicit a partition of the kingdom, he retired from the
senate-house. Seldom on other occasions was either a king or private
person heard with such a degree of favour and approbation by all; during
his stay he received presents and honours of every description, and they
treated him similarly at his departure. Of the many embassies which came
from Greece and Asia, that of the Rhodians engaged the greatest share of
the public attention. At first they appeared in white, the colour which
was most becoming to persons congratulating others, for had they worn
mourning, they might seem to be lamenting the misfortunes of Perseus.
Afterwards the senate being consulted by the consul, Marcus Junius, (the
ambassadors standing in the Comitium,) whether they should grant them
lodgings, entertainments, and an audience of the senate they voted that
no duty of hospitality was due to them. When the consul came out of the
senate-house, after the Rhodians had told him that they were come to
congratulate the Romans on their late success, and to clear their state
of the charges made against it, and requested an audience of the senate,
he returned this answer, that “it was the custom of the Romans both to
grant audience in their senate, and to perform other acts of kindness
and hospitality to their friends and allies; but that the Rhodians had
not deserved in that war to be ranked in the number of friends or
allies.” On hearing this, they all prostrated themselves on the ground,
beseeching the consul and all present not to think it right that new and
false imputations should operate more powerfully to their prejudice,
than their long course of services, which they had themselves witnessed.
They immediately assumed a mourning dress, and going round to the houses
of the principal men, supplicated with prayers and tears that their
cause might be heard before they were condemned.

21. Marcus Juventius Thalna, the prætor who had the jurisdiction between
natives and foreigners, stimulated the public resentment against the
Rhodians, and promulgated a bill, that “war should be declared against
the Rhodians, and that the people should choose one of the magistrates
of the present year, who should be sent with a fleet to carry on that
war;” with the hope that he himself should be the person chosen. Two of
the plebeian tribunes, Marcus Antonius and Marcus Pomponius, opposed
this proceeding. But the prætor, on his part, commenced the business in
an unprecedented and pernicious manner; for without first consulting the
senate, and without acquainting the consuls, of his own sole judgment he
proposed to the people the question, “was it their will and order that
war should be declared against the Rhodians?” whereas, ever until then,
the senate was first consulted concerning the war, and then the business
was laid before the people. On the other side, the plebeian tribunes
_opposed this proceeding_; although it was a received rule that no
tribune should protest against a proposal, until opportunity was given
to private citizens to argue for and against it; in consequence of which
it had often happened that some, who had avowed no intention of
protesting, having discovered defects in the law from the discourses of
those who opposed it, on that account did protest; and some who came
avowedly to protest, abstained from it, being convinced by the arguments
of those who spoke in favour of the law. On this occasion the prætor and
tribunes vied with each other in doing every thing out of time. _While
the tribunes blamed the hasty proceeding of the prætor, they imitated
the example by protesting before their time. The only pretence they
alleged for it was, the necessity for adjourning the entire deliberation
concerning the Rhodians until the return of the general and the ten
commissioners from Macedon, who, after most carefully weighing the
matter according to the communications received in their letters and
tablets, were likely to give certain information relative to the
feelings which each state had borne towards Perseus or the Romans. But
when the prætor, nevertheless, persisted in his determination, the
matter came to this, that Antonius, the tribune of the commons, after
bringing the ambassadors before the people, dragged down from the
rostrum Thalna, who was attempting to ascend it contrary to his wishes,
and was beginning to address the people, and gave the Rhodians an
opportunity of speaking before the general assembly. But although the
violent and, impetuous attempt of the prætor had been defeated by
corresponding firmness on the part of the tribune, still anxiety did not
as yet leave the minds of the Rhodians; for the senators bore them a
most unfriendly feeling; so that the Rhodians were relieved from the
impending evil for the present, rather than completely rescued from it.
Therefore, when a meeting of the senate was granted to them, after
requesting it for a long time and frequently, on their introduction by
the consul they lay at first for a long time with their persons
prostrated on the ground; afterwards, when the consul raised them up and
ordered them to speak, Astymedes, whose appearance was most calculated
to excite pity, spoke to the following effect: “Conscript fathers, this
grief and degradation of allies, who enjoyed your friendship a short
time ago, cannot fail to be pitied even by those who are irritated
against us; and how much more justly will compassion enter your minds,
if you will but consider the hard conditions under which we this day,
in your presence, plead the cause of our state, already almost
condemned. Others are accused prior to their condemnation; nor do they
suffer punishment until their guilt is ascertained._

22. “Whether we Rhodians have transgressed, or not is yet doubtful;
meanwhile we suffer punishments and disgraces of all sorts. In former
times, when we visited Rome, after the conquest of Carthage, after the
defeat of Philip, and after that of Antiochus, we _were escorted_ from a
mansion furnished us by the public, into the senate-house, to present
our congratulations to you, conscript fathers, and, from the
senate-house to the Capitol, carrying offerings to your gods. But now,
from a vile and filthy inn, scarcely gaining a reception for our money,
treated as enemies, and forbid to lodge within the city, we come in this
squalid dress to the Roman senate-house: we, Rhodians, on whom a short
time ago you bestowed the provinces of Lycia and Caria; on whom you
conferred the most ample rewards and honours. You order even the
Macedonians and Illyrians, as we hear, to be free; though they were in
servitude before they waged war with you: (nor do we envy the good
fortune of any; on the contrary, we acknowledge therein the usual
clemency of the Roman people.) But will you convert, from allies into
enemies, the Rhodians, who were guilty of nothing more than remaining
neutral during the war? You are in truth the same Romans, who boast that
your wars are successful because they are just; who glory not so much in
the issue of them, in that you conquer, as in the commencement of them,
because you do not undertake them without a just cause. The attack on
Messana, in Sicily, made the Carthaginians your enemies. The siege of
Athens, and attempt to reduce Greece to slavery, together with the
assistance of men and money given to Hannibal, led to hostilities with
Philip. Antiochus, on the invitation of the Ætolians, your enemies, came
over in person with a fleet from Asia to Greece; and by seizing
Demetrias, Chalcis, and the pass of Thermopylæ, endeavoured to
dispossess you of empire. The motives to your war with Perseus were his
attacks on your allies, and his putting to death the princes and leading
members of certain states. But, if we are doomed to ruin, to what motive
will our misfortune be ascribed? I do not yet separate the cause of the
state from that of our countrymen, Polyaratus and Dino, with others,
whom we have brought hither in order to deliver them into your hands.
But supposing every one of us were equally guilty, I ask what was our
crime with respect to the late war? We favoured the interest of Perseus;
and we have supported that prince against you in like manner as, in the
wars of Antiochus and Philip, we supported you against those kings. Now,
in what manner we are accustomed to assist our allies, and with what
vigour to conduct wars, ask Caius Livius and Lucius Æmilius Regillus,
who commanded your fleets on the coasts of Asia. Your ships never fought
a battle without us. We, with our own fleet, fought one engagement at
Samos and a second on the coast of Pamphylia, against that distinguished
commander, Hannibal. The victory, which we gained in the latter, was the
more glorious to us because, although we lost a great part of our navy
and the flower of our youth in the unsuccessful action at Samos, we were
not deterred from venturing again to give battle to the king’s fleet on
its return from Syria. These matters I have mentioned not out of
ostentation, (that would ill become our present situation,) but to
remind you in what way the Rhodians assist their allies.

23. “When Philip and Antiochus were subdued, we received from you very
ample rewards. If the fortune of Perseus were such as yours now is by
the favour of the gods and your own courage, and we were to go into
Macedon, to the victorious king, to demand rewards from him, what merit
should we have to plead? Is it that he was aided by us with money or
corn; with land or sea forces? Had we defended his garrison? where had
we, either under his generals or by ourselves? If he should inquire
where were our soldiers or ships acting in concert with his; what answer
could we give? Perhaps we might be pleading our cause before him, if
successful, as we are now, before you. All that we have gained by
sending ambassadors to both, to mediate a peace, is, that we received no
thanks from either party, and incurred from one of them accusations and
danger. Perseus, indeed, might justly object to us what you cannot,
conscript fathers, that at the commencement of the war we sent
ambassadors to Rome, promising supplies of all sorts requisite for the
war, and engaging to be ready, as in former wars, with our docks, our
arms, and our men. It was your fault that we did not perform this, since
you, whatever was the reason, rejected our assistance on that occasion.
We have, therefore, neither acted in any instance as enemies, nor been
deficient in the duty of well-affected allies; but we were prevented by
you from performing it. What then shall we say? Rhodians, has there been
nothing said or done in your country which you disapprove of, and at
which the Roman people would be justly offended? Henceforth I do not
mean to defend what has been done, (I am not so weak,) but to
distinguish the cause of the public from the guilt of private men. For
there is no nation whatever that has not, generally, some ill-disposed
members, and always an ignorant populace. I have heard, that even among
the Romans there have been men who worked themselves into power by
courting the multitude; that the plebeians sometimes seceded from you,
and that the government was not always in your hands. If it were
possible for this to happen in a state so well constituted, who can
wonder at there being some among us, who, out of a wish to gain the
king’s friendship, led our commons astray by bad advice? Yet they
effected nothing more than our remaining inactive, without infringing on
our duty. I shall not pass by that, which has been made the heaviest
charge against our state during the war. We sent ambassadors at the same
time to you and Perseus, to mediate a peace; and that unfortunate design
was, by a furious orator, as we afterwards heard, rendered foolish to
the last degree; for it is ascertained that he spoke in such a manner as
Caius Popilius, the Roman ambassador, should have spoken, when you sent
him to the two kings, Antiochus and Ptolemy, to induce them to cease
from hostilities. But still, whether this conduct is to be called
arrogance or folly, it was the same towards Perseus as towards you.
States, as well as individuals, have their different characters; some
are violent, others daring, others timid; some addicted to wine, others
more particularly to women. Fame says that the Athenian nation was quick
and bold, beyond its strength, in beginning an enterprise; and that the
Lacedæmonian was dilatory and backward in entering upon business, even
when confident of success. I cannot deny that Asia, throughout its whole
extent, produces men too much inclined to vanity, and that the speech of
even the Rhodians is too much tinctured with vain-glory, because we
seem to have the pre-eminence above the neighbouring states; and that,
too, owing not so much to our strength as to the marks of honour and
esteem conferred on us by you. That embassy received on the spot
sufficient reproof for its immediate misconduct, when it was dismissed
with so severe an answer. But, if the disgrace which we then suffered
was too trifling, surely the present mournful and suppliant embassy
would be a sufficient expiation for an embassy even more insolent than
that was. Irritable men hate arrogance; men of sense despise it,
particularly if shown in words; more especially, if it be shown by an
inferior towards a superior; but no one has ever yet thought it
deserving of capital punishment. There was, in truth, danger lest the
Rhodians should contemn the Romans! Some men have spoken, even of the
gods, in terms too presumptuous; yet we have never heard of any one
being struck with thunder on that account.

24. “What charge then remains, of which we are to acquit ourselves,
since there has been no hostile act on our part, and the insolent
language of an ambassador, though grating to the ear, has not deserved
the ruin of a state. Conscript fathers, I hear that the estimate of the
penalty for our secret wishes has become the subject of your
conversation. Some assert that we favoured the king, and therefore that
we should be punished with war; others, that we did indeed wish him
success, but ought not, on that account, to suffer the penalty of war,
since it has not been so instituted either by the practice or laws of
any state, that if any one should wish an enemy to perish, he should be
condemned, provided that he did nothing towards effecting his wishes. We
feel, indeed, grateful to those who absolve us from the punishment,
though not from the crime; but we lay down this law for ourselves: if we
all entertained the wishes of which we are accused, we will then make no
distinction between the will and the deed: let us all be punished. If
some of our people in power favoured you, and others the king, I do not
demand, that for the sake of us who were on your side, the favourers of
the king may be saved; but I deprecate our perishing through them. You
are not more inveterate against them than is our state itself; and most
of them, when they ascertained this, fled, or put themselves to death,
the others have been condemned by us, and they will soon be in your
power, conscript fathers. The rest of us Rhodians, as we have merited no
thanks during the war, so neither have we deserved punishment. Let the
accumulation of our former services atone for our present dereliction of
duty. You have recently waged war with three kings: let not the
circumstance of our having been inactive in one of these wars, be more
injurious to us than our having fought on your side in the other two has
served us. Consider Philip, Antiochus, and Perseus, as you would three
votes; two of them acquit us; one, although it would be unfavourable, is
nevertheless doubtful. If they were to sit in judgment over us, we would
be condemned. Conscript fathers, you are to decide, whether Rhodes is to
continue on the earth or to be utterly destroyed. You are not
deliberating concerning war, conscript fathers, for though it is in your
power to declare war, it is not in your power to wage it, as not a
single Rhodian will take up arms against you. If you persist in your
anger, we will beg time from you, until we carry home an account of this
unhappy embassy. We will then, every free person of all the Rhodians,
both men and women, with all our wealth, embark in ships, and leaving
the seats of our tutelar deities, both public and private, repair to
Rome, where, heaping together in the Comitium, at the door of your
senate-house, all our gold and silver, all the public and private
property that we possess, we will submit our persons, and those of our
wives and children, to your disposal; that, whatever we are to suffer,
we may suffer here. Let our city be sacked and burned far away from our
view. The Romans may pass a judgment, that the Rhodians are enemies; but
we have also a right, in some degree, to judge ourselves; and we never
will judge ourselves your enemies, nor do one hostile act, should we
even suffer extreme calamities.”

25. After so mournful a speech, they all prostrated themselves again,
and as supplicants, held out olive branches; but at length they were
raised, and withdrew from the senate-house. They then began to ask the
opinions of the senators. The most inveterate against the Rhodians were
those, who as consuls, prætors, or lieutenant-generals, had been engaged
in the war with Macedon. Marcus Porcius Cato was the principal supporter
of their cause, who, though naturally austere, acted his part as a
senator, on this occasion, with much mildness and lenity. I will not
introduce here a specimen of his copious eloquence, by relating what he
said: his speech is extant, and is comprised in the fifth book of his
Antiquities. The answer given to the Rhodians was, that “they should
neither be declared enemies, nor any longer remain in alliance with
Rome.” At the head of this embassy were Philocrates and Astymedes. They
determined that half their number, with Philocrates, should carry home
to Rhodes an account of their proceedings; and that the other half, with
Astymedes, should remain at Rome, that they might be acquainted with
what passed, and inform their countrymen. For the present, they were
commanded to remove their governors out of Lycia and Caria, before a
certain day. This intelligence was announced at Rhodes; and although it
was galling in itself, yet as the Rhodians were relieved from the dread
of a greater evil, for they had feared a war, the announcement created
joy. They therefore immediately voted a present, amounting in value to
twenty thousand pieces of gold, and deputed Theætetus, the commander of
their fleet, on that embassy. They wished to procure an alliance with
the Romans; but, in such a manner, as that no order of the people should
pass concerning it, nor any thing be committed to writing; for in either
of these cases, if they failed in succeeding, there would be greater
disgrace in the refusal. The admiral of the fleet was empowered, singly,
to negotiate that business, if he could effect it without any law being
brought forward at Rome on the subject; for, during a considerable
length of time, they had maintained a friendship with the Romans, in
such a manner as not to bind themselves by a treaty of alliance, for no
other reason than that they might neither preclude the kings from all
hope of their assistance, if any of them should need it, nor themselves
from a participation of the advantages which might accrue from the good
fortune and liberality of the said kings. At this time, however, an
alliance seemed particularly desirable, not to render them more secure
from others, (for excepting the Romans, they feared none,) but to make
them less suspected by the Romans themselves. About this time, the
Caunians revolted from them, and the Mylasensians seized on the towns of
the Euromensians. The spirit of their community was not so totally
broken as to hinder their perceiving, that, if Lycia and Caria were
taken from them by the Romans, their other provinces would either assert
their own freedom by a revolt, or be seized on by their neighbours; and
that they themselves would then be shut up in a small island; within the
shores of a barren country, which could by no means maintain the
numerous people in so large a city. They therefore sent out with all
speed, a body of troops, and reduced the Caunians to obedience, though
they had received succours from Cybara: and afterwards defeated in a
battle at Orthosia the Mylassians and Alabandians, who, having seized
the province of Euroma, had marched against them with their allied
forces.

26. Whilst these events are occurring in Rhodes, different matters are
going on in Macedon and Rome; in the mean time, in Illyria, Lucius
Anicius, having reduced king Gentius under his power, as before
mentioned, placed Gabinius over a garrison that he posted in Scodra,
which had been the capital of the kingdom; and appointed Caius Licinius
commander in Rhizon and Olcinium, which were towns very conveniently
situated. Leaving these two in charge of Illyria, he marched with the
rest of his forces into Epirus. Here, Phanota was the first place which
submitted to him; the whole multitude, with fillets on their heads,
coming out to meet him. Placing a garrison there, he went over into
Molossis, all the towns of which province, except Passora, Tecmo,
Phylace, and Horreum, having surrendered, he marched first against
Passora. The two men of the greatest authority in that city, were
Antinous and Theodotus, who were remarkable for their warm attachment to
Perseus, and hatred to the Romans; the same individuals had instigated
the whole nation to revolt from the Romans. These men, since they had no
hope of pardon, owing to their consciousness of guilt, shut the gates,
that they might be buried under the general ruin of their country, and
exhorted the multitude to prefer death to slavery. No man dared to open
his lips against men of such transcendent power. At last one Theodotus,
a young man of distinction, (when his greater dread of the Romans had
overpowered the lesser fear of his own leaders,) exclaimed, “What
madness has seized you, to make the public accessory to the crimes of
two individuals? I have often heard mention made of men who offered
themselves to death for the sake of their country; but those are the
first that were ever found, who required that their country should
perish for them. Why not open our gates, and submit to that power to
which the whole world has submitted?” As he spoke thus, the multitude
followed him; on which Antinous and Theodotus rushed out on the advanced
guards of the enemy, and freely exposing themselves to their weapons,
were slain, and the city was surrendered to the Romans. Through a
similar obstinacy in Cephalus, a man in power, the gates of Tecmo were
shut: when he was put to death, Anicius received the surrender of the
town. Neither Phylace nor Horreum stood a siege. Having thus reduced
Epirus, Anicius distributed his troops in winter quarters, through the
most convenient towns; and returning into Illyria, held a general
convention at Scodra, where the five commissioners had arrived from
Rome, and to which place he had summoned the principal men from all
parts of the province. There, with advice of the council, he proclaimed
from his tribunal, that “the senate and people of Rome granted freedom
to the Illyrians; and that he would withdraw his garrisons from all
their towns, citadels, and castles. That the Issensians and Taulantians,
with the Pirustans, that were included among the Dassaretians, the
Rhizonites, and the Olcinians, should not only enjoy liberty, but
likewise an immunity from taxes; because when Gentius was in his full
strength, they had revolted to the Romans. That the same exemption was
granted to the Daorseans; because they forsook Caravantius, and came
over with their arms to the Romans; and that the Scodrans, Dassaretians,
Selepitans, and the rest of the Illyrians, should pay half the taxes
which they had formerly paid to their king.” He then divided Illyria
into three districts; he made the first division out of the people above
mentioned, the second comprehended all the Labeatians, and the third the
Agranonites, Rhizonites, and Olcinians, with the contiguous states.
Having established this constitution in Illyria, he returned into
Epirus, to his winter quarters at Passaro.

27. While these matters are passing in Illyria, Paullus, before the
arrival of the ten commissioners, sent his son Quintus Maximus, who was
by this time returned from Rome, to sack Agassæ and Æginium: Agassæ,
because the inhabitants, after surrendering their city to the consul,
and voluntarily soliciting an alliance with Rome, had revolted again to
Perseus: the crime of the people of Æginium was of a late date; not
giving credit to the report of the Romans being victorious, they had
treated with hostile cruelty some soldiers who came into the city. He
also detached Lucius Postumius to pillage the city of Ænia; because the
inhabitants had continued in arms with more obstinacy than the
neighbouring states. Autumn now drew nigh; at the commencement of this
season, when he resolved to make a tour through Greece, in order to take
a view of those curiosities, which, being celebrated by fame, are
represented as greater than they really are when examined by the eye, he
gave the command of his quarters to Caius Sulpicius Gallus, and, with a
moderate retinue, began his journey, accompanied by his son Scipio, and
Athenæus, king Eumenes’ brother, and directed his route through Thessaly
to the famous oracle at Delphi; where he offered sacrifices to Apollo,
and, in honour of his victory, destined for his own statues some
unfinished columns in the vestibule, on which they had intended to place
statues of king Perseus. He also visited the temple of Jupiter
Trophonius at Lebadia; where, after viewing the mouth of the cave,
through which people applying to the oracle descend, in order to obtain
information from the gods, he sacrificed to Jupiter and Hercyna, who
have a temple there; and then went down to Chalcis, to see the
curiosities of the Euripus, and of the island of Eubœa, which is there
united to the continent by a bridge. From Chalcis he passed by sea to
Aulis, a port three miles distant, famous for having been formerly the
station of Agamemnon’s fleet of one thousand ships, and distinguished
also for the temple of Diana, in which that king of kings sought a
passage for his fleet to Troy, by offering his daughter Iphigenia as a
victim at the altar. Thence he came to Oropus, in Attica; where an
ancient prophet is worshipped as a god, and has an old temple, rendered
delightful by the surrounding springs and streams. He then went to
Athens, which, though filled with only the decayed relics of ancient
grandeur, still contained many things worthy of observation; the
citadel, the port, the walls connecting Piræeus with the city; the
dockyards, the monuments of illustrious generals, the statues of gods
and men, alike remarkable for the variety of the materials and the
ingenuity of the artists.

28. After sacrificing to Minerva, the guardian of the citadel, he
continued his journey, and on the second day arrived at Corinth. The
city was then flourishing, as this visit was prior to its fall; the
citadel too, and the isthmus, afforded admirable views; the former,
within the walls, and towering up to an immense height, yet abounding
with springs; and the latter, separating by a narrow neck two seas,
which wash it on the east and west. He next visited the celebrated
cities of Sicyon and Argos; then Epidaurus, which, though unequal to
them in opulence, was yet remarkable for a famous temple of Esculapius,
which, standing at five miles’ distance from the city, was at that time
rich in offerings, which the sick had dedicated to that deity, as an
acknowledgment for the remedies which restored them to health; but now,
full of the traces of them only, whence they have been torn away. Thence
he proceeded to Lacedæmon, renowned, not for magnificent works of art,
but for its laws and discipline; and then, passing through Magalopolis,
he went up to Olympia. Here, having taken a view of all things worthy of
notice, and beholding Jupiter in a manner present before him, he was
struck with the deepest reverence; therefore he ordered preparations to
be made for a sacrifice, with more than usual magnificence, and as if he
were going to make offerings in the Capitol; having made his circuit
through Greece in such a manner as not to inquire into the sentiments
which any one, either in his public or private capacity, entertained in
the war against Perseus, lest he might disturb the minds of the allies
with any kind of apprehensions. On his way back to Demetrias, a crowd of
Ætolians, in mourning apparel, met him: on his expressing surprise, and
asking the reason of this proceeding, he was told that five hundred and
fifty of the chief of their countrymen had been put to death by Lyciscus
and Tisippus, who surrounded their senate with Roman soldiers, sent by
their commander Bæbius; that others had been driven into exile; and that
the accusers were in possession of the goods of the killed and exiled.
They were ordered to wait on him at Amphipolis; and then, having met
Cneius Octavius at Demetrias, who informed him that the ten
commissioners were landed, he laid aside all other business, and went to
Apollonia to meet them. And when Perseus, owing to the negligence of his
guard, had come hither to meet him from Amphipolis, (the distance is a
day’s journey,) Æmilius spoke to him with great courtesy; but is said
to have severely reprimanded Caius Sulpicius, when he reached the camp
at Amphipolis; first, for allowing Perseus thus to ramble through the
province, and next, for indulging the soldiers so far as to suffer them
to strip the buildings on the city walls of the tiles, in order to cover
their own winter huts. These tiles he ordered to be carried back the
buildings to be repaired, and put in their former condition. He gave in
charge to Aulus Postumius, Perseus, with his elder son Philip, and sent
them into a place of confinement; his daughter and younger son he
ordered to be brought from Samothrace to Amphipolis, and treated them
with all possible kindness.

29. When the day arrived, on which he had ordered ten chiefs from each
of the states to attend at Amphipolis, and all the writings wherever
deposited, and the money belonging to the king, to be brought thither,
he seated himself, with the ten commissioners, on his tribunal, while
the whole multitude of the Macedonians surrounded him. Though they were
inured to the government of a king, yet the strange tribunal presented a
terrible appearance; the path that was cleared towards the prætor by the
removal of the people, the herald, the sergeant, were all objects
strange to their eyes and ears, and capable of inspiring awe in allies,
much more in conquered enemies. Silence being proclaimed by the herald,
Paullus declared in the Latin language the regulations adopted by the
senate, and by himself with the advice of the council; and the prætor,
Cneius Octavius, (for he too was present,) translated them into the
Greek language, and read them aloud. First of all he ordered, that “the
Macedonians should live free; possessing the same cities and lands as
before; governed by their own laws, and creating annual magistrates; and
that they should pay to the Roman people one-half of the taxes which
they had paid to their kings. Next, that Macedon should be divided into
four districts. That the division which should be deemed the first,
should comprehend the lands between the rivers Strymon and Nessus: to
this territory should be added the territory beyond the Nessus, towards
the east, wherein Perseus had possessed villages, castles, or towns,
excepting Ænus, Maronea, and Abdera; and the country beyond the Strymon,
verging towards the west, including all Bisaltica, with Heraclea, which
they call Sintice. That the second district should be the country
enclosed by the river Strymon, on the east, where were excepted
Sintice-Heraclea and Bisaltica, and by the river Axius on the west; to
which should be added the Pœnians, who dwelt near the river Axius, and
on its right bank. The third district comprised the territory bounded by
the river Axius on the east, the Peneus on the west, and Mount Bora on
the north. That to this division should be joined that tract of Pæonia,
which stretches along the western side of the Axius; Edessa also, and
Berœa, should be united to it. The fourth district was to consist of the
country on the north of Mount Bora, touching Illyria on one side, and
Epirus on the other. He then appointed the capitals of the districts in
which the councils should be held: of the first district, Amphipolis; of
the second, Thessalonica; of the third, Pella; and of the fourth,
Pelagonia. In these he ordered that the councils of the several
districts should be assembled, the public money deposited, and the
magistrates elected.” He then gave notice, “that it was determined, that
there should not be intermarriage, nor liberty to purchase lands or
houses, out of the limits of their respective districts, that the mines
of gold and silver must not be worked; but those of iron and copper
might.” The tax imposed upon such persons as worked them, was one half
of that which they had paid to the king. He likewise forbade the use of
imported salt. To the Dardanians, who laid claim to Pæonia, because it
had formerly been theirs, and was contiguous to their territory, he
declared that, “he gave liberty to all who had been under subjection to
Perseus.” After the refusal of Pæonia, he granted them liberty to
purchase salt, and ordered that the third district should bring it down
to Stobi, in Pæonia; and he fixed the price to be paid for it. He
prohibited them from cutting ship timber themselves, or suffering others
to cut it. To those districts which bordered on the barbarians, (and
excepting the third, this was the case with them all,) he gave
permission to keep armed forces on their frontiers.

30. These terms, announced on the first day of the convention, affected
the minds of those who were present with very different emotions.
Liberty being granted them beyond their expectation, and the annual
tribute being lightened, gave them high satisfaction; but then, by the
prohibition of a commercial intercourse between the districts, Macedon
appeared dismembered, like an animal torn asunder into separate limbs,
which stood in need of mutual aid from each other; so little did the
Macedonians themselves know how great was the extent of their country,
how aptly it was formed for a division and how content each part could
be with its own resources. The first division contains the Bisaltians,
men of the greatest courage (residing beyond the river Nessus, and on
both sides of the Strymon); it has many peculiar productions of the
vegetable kingdom, and mines also, and the advantages derived from the
city of Amphipolis, which, standing just in the way, shuts up every
passage into Macedonia from the east. The second division has two very
remarkable cities, Thessalonica and Cassandria, and the country of
Pallene, producing grain and fruits in abundance; its harbours at Torone
and Mount Athos, (they call the latter the port of Ænea,) besides
others, some of which are conveniently situated opposite Eubœa, and some
upon the Hellespont, give it opportunities for maritime business. The
third district has the celebrated cities of Edessa, Berœa, and Pella;
and is partly inhabited by the Vettians, a warlike people; also by great
numbers of Gauls and Illyrians, who are industrious husbandmen. The
fourth district is occupied by the Eordæans, Lyncestans, and
Pelagonians, to whom are joined Atintania, Stymphalis, and Elemiotis.
All this tract is cold and rough, and unfavourable to tillage; it has
men whose dispositions are like the land that they till. Their vicinity
to the barbarians renders them more ferocious; for they at one time
inure them to arms, and at another are in peace, and introduce their
customs among them. Having separated the interests of the several
districts of Macedon by this division, he declared that he would give
them a constitution which should bind the Macedonians in general, when
he was prepared to give them a body of laws also.

31. The Ætolians were then summoned to appear; in which trial the
inquiry was directed to discover, rather, which party had favoured the
Romans, and which the king, than which had done, and which suffered
injury; for the murderers were absolved from guilt, and likewise the
banishment of the exiles confirmed, and the death of the citizens
overlooked. Aulus Bæbius alone was condemned for having lent Roman
soldiers as agents in the butchery. This result in the case of the
Ætolians puffed up the party which favoured the Romans to an
intolerable degree of arrogance, throughout all the states and nations
of Greece; and subjected all those, on whom the slightest suspicion of
being in the king’s interest fell, to be trodden under their feet. Of
the leading men in the states, there were three parties; two of which
paying servile court either to the Romans, or the kings, sought to
aggrandize themselves by enslaving their countries; while one, adopting
a middle course, and struggling against both, stood up in support of
their laws and liberty. Although the last had the greatest share of the
affection of their countrymen, still they had the least interest among
foreigners. The partisans of the Romans being elated by the success of
their party, alone held the offices of magistracy, and alone were
employed on embassies. Great numbers of these, coming from the diets of
Peloponnesus, Bœotia, and other parts of Greece, filled the ears of the
ten commissioners with insinuations, that “those who, through folly, had
openly boasted of being friends and intimates of Perseus, were not the
only persons who had favoured his cause; much greater numbers had done
so in secret. That there was another party, who under pretence of
supporting liberty, had, in the diets, advanced every measure contrary
to the Romans; and that these nations would not continue faithful,
unless the spirit of these parties was broken, and the influence of
those, who had no other object than the advancement of the Roman power,
was augmented and strengthened.” These persons, whose names were given
in by this clique, were summoned by the general’s letter out of Ætolia,
Acarnania, Epirus, and Bœotia, to follow him to Rome, and plead their
cause. Two of the ten commissioners, Caius Claudius and Cneius Domitius,
went to Achaia, that they might, on the spot, summon by proclamation the
persons implicated. This was done for two reasons; one was because they
believed that the Achæans would have greater spirit and confidence than
the rest, and might disobey, and perhaps even endanger Callicrates, and
other authors of the charges, and informers. The other reason for
summoning them on the spot, was, that the commissioners had in their
possession letters from the chief men of the other nations, which had
been found among the king’s papers; but with regard to the Achæans the
charges were not clear, because no letters of theirs had been
discovered. When the Ætolians were dismissed, the Acarnanian nation was
called in. No alteration was made in their situation, only Leucas was
disunited from their council. Then making more extensive inquiries
respecting those who had, publicly or privately, favoured the king, they
extended their jurisdiction even into Asia, and sent Labeo to demolish
Antissa, in the island of Lesbos, and to remove the inhabitants to
Methymna; because they had received within their port, and supplied with
provisions, Antenor, the commander of the king’s fleet, while cruising
with his squadron on the coast of Lesbos. Two distinguished men were
beheaded, Andronicus, son of Andronicus, an Ætolian, because, imitating
his father, he had borne arms against the Roman people; and Neo, a
Theban, by whose advice his countrymen had formed an alliance with
Perseus.

32. This examination into foreign matters having intervened, the general
assembly of the Macedonians was again summoned, and information was
given them that “with regard to the government of Macedon, they must
elect senators called by themselves Synedroi, by whose advice the
republic should be directed.” Then was read a list of Macedonians of
distinction, who, with their children above fifteen years of age, were
ordered to go before him into Italy. This injunction, at first view
cruel, appeared afterwards to the Macedonian populace to have been
intended in favour of their freedom. For the persons named were
Perseus’s friends and courtiers, the generals of his armies, and the
commanders of his ships or garrisons; men accustomed to pay servile
obedience to the king, and to domineer haughtily over others; some
immoderately rich, others vying in expense with those to whom they were
unequal in fortune, all living in regal pomp and luxury; in a word, none
possessed of a disposition suited to a member of a commonwealth, and all
incapable of paying due obedience to the laws, and of enjoying an equal
participation of liberty. All, therefore, who had held any employment
under the king, even those who had been upon the most trivial embassies,
were ordered to leave Macedon and go into Italy; and the penalty of
death was denounced against any who disobeyed the mandate. He framed
laws for Macedon with such care, that he seemed to be giving them not to
vanquished foes, but to allies who had merited well; laws so wise, that
even experience (which is the only corrector of laws) could not find
any fault in them after a long trial. Turning from serious business, he
celebrated with great pomp at Amphipolis games, for which he had been
making preparations for a long time, having sent people to the states
and kings in Asia to give notice of the intended diversions, and in his
late tour through Greece he had himself mentioned his design to the
principal people. There came thither from every region in the world,
multitudes of artists of every sort, skilled in such exhibitions, and
vast numbers of wrestlers and noble horses; deputations also came with
victims and every other mark of respect usually shown out of regard to
gods or men, in great games of Greece. Hence it came to pass, that the
people admired not only the magnificence, but likewise the skill
displayed in the entertainments; in which kind of business the Romans
were, at that time, quite inexperienced. Feasts were also provided for
the ambassadors with the same degree of care and opulence. They made
frequent mention of an expression of his, that to furnish out a feast,
and to conduct games, seldom fell to the lot of him who knew how to
conquer.

33. When the games of every kind were finished, he put the brazen
shields on board the ships; the rest of the arms, being all collected
together in a huge pile, the general himself, after praying to Mars,
Minerva, mother Lua, and the other deities, to whom it is right and
proper to dedicate the spoils of enemies, set fire to them with a torch,
and then the military tribunes who stood round all threw fire on the
same. It was remarkable, that, at such a general congress of Europe and
Asia, where such multitudes were assembled, some to congratulate the
victors, some to see the shows; and where such numerous bodies of land
and naval forces were quartered, so great was the plenty of every thing,
and so moderate the price of provisions, that presents of divers
articles were made by the general to private persons, and states, and
nations; not only for their present use, but even to carry home with
them. The stage entertainments, the gymnastics, and the horse races, did
not afford a more pleasing spectacle to the crowd which had assembled,
than the Macedonian booty, which was all exposed to view, consisting of
the ornaments of the palace at Pella, namely, statues, pictures,
tapestry, and vases, formed of gold, silver, brass, and ivory, in so
elaborate a manner, that they seemed intended not merely for present
show, like the furniture of the palace of Alexandria but even for
continual use. These were embarked in the fleet and given in charge to
Cneius Octavius, to be carried to Rome. Paullus, after dismissing the
ambassadors with great courtesy, crossed the Strymon, and encamped at
the distance of a mile from Amphipolis; then resuming his march, he
arrived on the fifth day at Pella. Having passed by that city, he halted
for two days at a place called Spelæum, and detached his son Quintus
Maximus and Publius Nasica, with half of the troops, to lay waste the
country of the Illyrians, who had assisted Perseus in the war, ordering
them to meet him at Oricum; then, taking the road to Epirus, on his
fifteenth encampment, he reached the city of Passaro.

34. Not far from this was the camp of Anicius, to whom he sent a letter,
desiring him not to be alarmed at any thing that should happen, for “the
senate had granted to his soldiers the plunder of those cities in Epirus
which had revolted to Perseus.” Having despatched centurions, who were
to give out that they came to bring away the garrisons, in order that
the Epirotes might be free, as well as the Macedonians; he summoned
before him ten of the principal men of each city, and after giving them
strict injunctions that all their gold and silver should be brought into
the public street, he then sent cohorts to the several states. Those
that were destined for the more remote states set out earlier than those
who were sent to the nearer, that they might all arrive on the same day.
The tribunes and centurions were instructed how to act. Early in the
morning all the treasure was collected; at the fourth hour the signal
was given to the soldiers to plunder, and so ample was the booty
acquired, that the shares distributed were four hundred denariuses[101]
to a horseman, and two hundred to a footman. One hundred and fifty
thousand persons were led away captive. Then the walls of the plundered
cities, they were about seventy in number, were razed; the effects sold,
and the soldiers’ shares paid out of the price. Paullus then marched
down to the sea to Oricum, having by no means satisfied the wishes of
his men as he had imagined, for they were enraged at being excluded from
sharing in the spoil of the king, as if they had not waged any war in
Macedon. When he found, at Oricum, the troops sent with his son Maximus
and Scipio Nasica, he embarked the army, and sailed over to Italy.
Anicius, a few days after, having held a convention of the rest of the
Epirotes and Acarnanians, and having ordered those of their chiefs,
whose cases he had reserved for consideration, to follow him into Italy,
waited only for the return of the ships that the Macedonian army had
used, and then passed over to Italy. At the time that these events took
place in Macedon and Epirus, the ambassadors that had been sent with
Attalus, to put a stop to hostilities between the Gauls and king
Eumenes, arrived in Asia. Having agreed to a suspension of arms for the
winter, the Gauls were gone home, and the king had retired to Pergamus
into winter quarters, where he fell sick of a grievous disease. The
first appearance of spring drew out both parties from their respective
homes; the Gauls had advanced as far as Synnada, while Eumenes had
collected from every quarter his forces, at Sardis. Then the Romans held
a conference with Solovettius, general of the Gauls, at Synnada, and
Attalus accompanied them; but it was not thought proper that he should
enter the camp of the Gauls, lest the passions of either party might be
heated by debate. Publius Licinius held a conference with the Gallic
chieftain, and brought back word that he was rendered more haughty by
the attempt to persuade him; so that it might, therefore, seem matter of
wonder that the mediation of Roman ambassadors should have had so great
influence on Antiochus and Ptolemy, two powerful kings, as to make them
instantly conclude a peace; and yet, that it had no influence with the
Gauls.

35. The captive kings, Perseus and Gentius, with their children, were
the first brought to Rome, and put in custody, and next the other
prisoners; then such of the Macedonians and principal men of Greece as
had been ordered to come to Rome; for of these, not only such as were at
home were summoned by letter, but even those who were said to be at the
courts of the kings. In a few days after, Paullus was carried up the
Tiber to the city, in a royal galley of vast size, which was moved by
sixteen tiers of oars, and decorated with Macedonian spoils, consisting
not only of beautiful armour, but of tapestry, which had been the
property of the king; while the banks of the river were covered with the
multitudes that poured out to do him honour. After a few days, arrived
Anicius, and Cneius Octavius with his fleet. A triumph was voted by the
senate to all three: and instructions were given to Quintus Cassius, the
prætor, to apply to the plebeian tribunes, who, by the authority of the
senate, should propose to the commons the passing of an order to invest
them with military command during the day on which they should ride
through the city in triumph. Those in the middle rank are never assailed
by popular displeasure, which usually aims at the highest. With regard
to the triumphs of Anicius and Octavius, no hesitation was made; yet
they detracted from the merits of Paullus, with whom these men could
not, without blushing, set themselves in comparison. He had kept his
soldiers under the ancient rules of discipline, and had made smaller
donations out of the spoil, than they hoped to receive, since the
treasures of the king were so large; for if he had indulged their
avarice, there would have left nothing to be carried to the treasury.
The whole Macedonian army was disposed to attend negligently in support
of their commander, at the assembly held for the passing of the order.
But Servius Sulpicius Galba, (who had been military tribune of the
second legion in Macedon, and who was a personal enemy of the general,)
by his own importunities, and by soliciting them through the soldiers of
his own legion, had instigated them to attend in full numbers, to give
their votes, and to “take revenge on a haughty and morose commander, by
rejecting the order proposed for his triumph. The commons of the city
would follow the judgment of the soldiery. Was it probable that he could
not give the money? The soldiers could confer honours! Let him not hope
to reap the fruits of gratitude among those from whom he had not merited
them.”

36. The soldiers were urged on by these expressions, and when, in the
Capitol, Tiberius Sempronius, tribune of the commons, proposed the
order, and private citizens had an opportunity of speaking on the law,
no one came forward to speak in favour of it, as there was not a doubt
entertained of its passing. Whereupon Servius Galba suddenly came
forward and demanded of the tribune, that, “as it was then the eighth
hour, and as there would not be time enough to produce all the reasons
for not ordering a triumph to Lucius Æmilius, they should adjourn to the
next day, and proceed with the business early in the morning: for he
would require an entire day to plead that cause.” When the tribune
desired, that he would say then whatever he chose to object; by his
speech he protracted the affair until night, representing to the people
and reminding the soldiers, that “the duties of the service had been
enforced with unusual severity; that greater toil and greater danger had
been imposed on them than the occasion required; while, on the other
hand, in respect of rewards and honours, every thing was conducted on
the narrowest scale; and if such commanders succeeded, military
employment would become more irksome and more laborious to the soldiers,
while it would produce to the conquerors neither riches nor honours.
That the Macedonians were in a better condition than the Roman soldiers.
If they would attend next day, in full numbers, to reject the order, men
in power would learn, that every thing was not in the disposal of the
commander, but that there was something in that of the soldiery.” The
soldiers, instigated by such arguments, filled the Capitol next day with
such a crowd, that no one else could find room to vote. When the tribes
which were first called in gave a negative to the question, the
principal men in the state ran together to the Capitol, crying out, that
“it was a shameful thing that Lucius Paullus, after his success in such
an important war, should be robbed of a triumph; that commanders should
be given up, in a state of subjection, to the licentiousness and avarice
of their men. As it was, too many errors were made through a desire to
gain popularity; but what must be the consequence if the soldiers were
raised into the place of masters over their generals?” All heaped
violent reproaches on Galba. At last, when the uproar was calmed, Marcus
Servilius, who had been consul and master of the horse, requested from
the tribunes that they would begin the proceedings anew, and give him an
opportunity of speaking to the people. These, after withdrawing to
deliberate, being overcome by the influence of the leading men of the
state, began the proceedings over again, and declared that they would
call back the tribes as soon as Servilius and other private persons
should have delivered their sentiments.

37. Servilius then said: “Romans, if we had no other means of judging
what a consummate commander Lucius Æmilius was, this one would be
sufficient: that, notwithstanding he had in his camp soldiers so fickle
and mutinously inclined, with an enemy so noble, so zealous, and so
eloquent, to stir up the passions of the multitude, yet he never had any
sedition in his army. That strictness of discipline, which they now
hate, kept them then in order. Subjected to the ancient rules, they did
not mutiny. If truly, Servius Galba wished to make his debut as an
orator in the case of Lucius Paullus, and to give a specimen of his
eloquence, still he ought not to obstruct his triumph, since, if there
was no other reason in its favour, the senate had judged it to be well
merited. But on the day after the triumph, when he should see Æmilius in
a private station, he should prefer a charge, and prosecute him
according to the laws; or else, at a later period, when he himself
should be invested with magistracy, let him cite Paullus to a trial, and
accuse his enemy before the people. By such conduct Lucius Paullus would
both receive the reward of his proper conduct, a triumph for
extraordinary success in war, and also meet punishment, if he had
committed any thing unworthy of his former or present reputation.
Instead of which, he has undertaken to detract from the merits of a man
to whom he cannot impute either crime or dishonour. Yesterday he
demanded a whole day, for making his charges against Lucius Paullus, and
he spent four hours, which remained of that day, in delivering a speech
to that purpose. What accused man was ever so transcendently wicked,
that the offence of his life could not be set forth in that number of
hours? And yet, in all that time, what did he object to him, that Lucius
Paullus, if actually on his trial, would have wished to be denied? Let
any one with me fancy for a moment, two assemblies: one composed of the
soldiers who served in Macedon; the other, of sounder judgment,
unbiassed either by favour or dislike; where the whole body of the Roman
people is the judge. Let the cause of the accused be pleaded, first,
before the citizens, peaceably assembled in their gowns. Servius Galba,
what have you to say before the Roman citizens? for such a discourse, as
you made before, is totally precluded. You were obliged to stand at your
posts with too much strictness and attention; the watches were visited
with too much exactness and severity; you had more fatigue than
formerly, because the general himself went the rounds, and enforced the
duties. On the same day you performed a march, and, without repose,
were led forth to battle. Even when you had gained a victory, he did not
allow you rest: he led you immediately in pursuit of the enemy. When he
has it in his power to make you rich, by dividing the spoil, he intends
to carry the king’s treasure in his triumph, and deposit it in the
treasury. Though these arguments may have some incentive to stimulate
the passions of soldiers, who imagine that too little deference has been
shown to their licentious temper, and too little indulgence to their
avarice; yet they would have no kind of influence on the judgment of the
Roman people; who, though they should not recollect old accounts, and
what they heard from their parents, of the numerous defeats suffered in
consequence of the desire of commanders to gain popularity, or of
victories gained in consequence of strict enforcement of discipline; yet
must they surely remember, what a difference there was in the last Punic
war between Marcus Minucius, the master of the horse, and Quintus Fabius
Maximus, the dictator. The accuser, therefore, would soon know, that any
defence, on the part of Paullus, would be superfluous.

38. “Let us now pass to the other assembly; and here I am not to address
you as citizens, but as soldiers, if, indeed, this name can cause a
blush, and inspire you with shame, for your injurious treatment of your
general. And I for my part feel my own mind affected in a very different
manner, when I suppose myself speaking to an army, from what it was,
just now, when my speech was addressed to the commons of the city. For
what say you, soldiers, is there any man in Rome, except Perseus, that
wishes there should be no triumph over Macedon; and are you not tearing
him in pieces with the same hands with which you subdued the
Macedonians? That man, who would hinder you from entering the city in
triumph, would, if it had been in his power, have hindered you from
conquering. Soldiers, you are mistaken, if you imagine that a triumph is
an honour to the general only, and not to the soldiers also, as well as
to the whole Roman people. This honour does not belong to Paullus alone.
Many who failed of obtaining a triumph from the senate, have triumphed
on the Alban Mount, No man can wrest from Lucius Paullus the honour of
having brought the Macedonian war to a conclusion, any more than he can
from Caius Lutatius, that of putting an end to the first Punic war, or
from Publius Cornelius, that of finishing the second; or from those who,
_since those generals_, have triumphed. Neither will a triumph add to,
or diminish, the honour of Lucius Paullus as a commander: the character
of the soldiers, and of the whole Roman people, is more immediately
concerned therein, lest they should incur the imputation of envy and
ingratitude towards one of their most illustrious citizens, and appear
to imitate, in this respect, the Athenians, who have persecuted their
distinguished men by exciting the hatred of the populace. Sufficient
error was committed by your ancestors in the case of Camillus, whom they
treated injuriously, before the city was recovered from the Gauls
through his means; error sufficient, and more than sufficient, was
committed by you in the case of Publius Africanus. How must we blush,
when we reflect that the habitation and house of the conqueror of Africa
was at Liternum; that his tomb is shown at Liternum! And shall Lucius
Paullus, equal to any of those men in renown, receive from you an equal
share of ill-treatment? Let then this infamy be first blotted out, which
is shameful in the eyes of other nations, and injurious to ourselves;
for who will wish to resemble either Africanus, or Paullus, in a state
ungrateful and inimical to the virtuous? If there were no disgrace in
the case, and the question merely concerned glory, what triumph does not
imply the general glory of the Roman race? Are all the numerous triumphs
over the Gauls, the Spaniards, and the Carthaginians, called the
triumphs of the generals only, or of the Roman people? As the triumphs
were celebrated not merely over Pyrrhus, or Hannibal, or Philip, but
over the Epirotes and Carthaginians; so it was not the individual,
Manius Curius, or Publius Cornelius, nor Titus Quinctius, but the
Romans, that triumphed. This, indeed, is the peculiar case of the
soldiers, who, themselves both crowned with laurel, and conspicuous for
the presents each one has received, proclaim the triumph by name, and
march in procession through the city, singing their own and their
commander’s praises. If, at any time, soldiers are not brought home from
a province to such honours, they murmur; and yet, even in that case,
they consider themselves distinguished, even in their absence, because
by their hands the victory was obtained. Soldiers, if it should be
asked, for what purpose you were brought home to Italy, and not
disbanded immediately, when the business of the province was finished;
why you came to Rome, in a body, round your standards; why you loiter
here, and do not repair to your several homes: what other answer can you
give, than that you wished to be seen triumphing? And, certainly, you
have a right to show yourselves as conquerors.

39. “Triumphs have been lately celebrated over Philip, father of the
present king, and over Antiochus. Both these triumphs over them took
place when they were in possession of their thrones, and shall there be
no triumph over Perseus, who has been taken prisoner, and, with his
children, brought away to the city? But if Lucius Paullus, as a private
citizen, should, amid the crowd of gowned citizens, interrogate, from
the lower ground, those mounting to the Capitol in a chariot, and clad
in gold and purple,—‘Lucius Anicius, Cneius Octavius, whether do you
esteem yourselves, or me, more deserving of a triumph?’ I am confident
they would yield him the chariot, and, through shame, themselves present
to him their ensigns of honour. And do ye choose, citizens, that Gentius
should be led in procession, rather than Perseus; do you wish to triumph
over an accessary, rather than over the principal in the war? Shall the
legions from Illyria, and the crews of the fleet, enter the city with
laurel crowns; and shall the Macedonian legions, after being refused a
triumph, be only spectators of other men’s glories? What then will
become of such a rich booty, the spoils of a victory so lucrative? Where
shall be buried so many thousand suits of armour, stripped from the
bodies of the enemy? shall they be sent back to Macedon? Where shall be
lodged the statues of gold, of marble, and of ivory: the pictures, the
tapestries, such a quantity of wrought silver and gold, and such a mass
of royal money? Shall they be conveyed to the treasury by night, as if
they were stolen? What? when will that greatest of shows, the celebrated
and powerful captive king, Perseus, be exhibited to the eyes of a
victorious people? Most of us remember what a concourse the captured
king Syphax, an auxiliary only in the Punic war, caused; and shall the
captured king, Perseus, with his sons, Philip and Alexander, names so
illustrious, be withdrawn from the eager gaze of the state? All men are
eagerly anxious to behold Lucius Paullus himself, twice consul, the
conqueror of Greece, entering the city in his triumphal chariot. We
made him consul for this very purpose, that he should finish a war which
had been protracted for four years, to our great shame. When he obtained
that province by lot, and when he was setting out for it, with presaging
minds, we destined to him victory and triumph; and shall we now, when he
is victorious, refuse him a triumph; shall we defraud, not only men, but
the gods also of the honours due to them? For a triumph is due to the
gods also, and not to men only: your ancestors commenced every business
of importance with worshipping them, and ended all in the same manner.
The consul, or prætor, (when going to his province and to a war, dressed
in his military robe, and attended by his lictors,) offers vows in the
Capitol; and when he returns victorious, after bringing the war to a
conclusion, carries in triumph to the Capitol, to the deities to whom he
made the vows, the due offering of the Roman people. The victims that
precede him are not the most immaterial part of the procession,—to
demonstrate that the commander comes home with thanksgivings to the gods
for the success granted to the state. You may slay at sacrifices
performed by different persons, all those victims, which he has claimed
to be led in his triumph. Do you intend to interrupt those banquets of
the senate which (whether they are meant for the gratification of men,
or both of gods and men) are not partaken of either in any private or
even public unconsecrated place, but only in the Capitol,—because such
is the will of Servius Galba? Shall the gates be shut against the
triumph of Lucius Paullus? Shall Perseus, king of Macedon, with his
children, the multitude of other captives, and the spoils of the
Macedonians, be left behind on this side of the river? Shall Lucius
Paullus, in a private character, go straight from the gate to his house,
as if returning home from his country-seat? And do you, centurion, and
you, soldiers, listen to the votes of the senate respecting your
general, Paullus, rather than to what Servius Galba may invent? Listen
to me, who say this, rather than to him. He has learned nothing, but to
speak; and even that with rancour and malice. I have three-and-twenty
times fought against the enemy, on challenges; from every one with whom
I engaged, I brought off spoils. I have my body plentifully marked with
honourable scars, all received in front.” It is said that he then
stripped himself, and mentioned in what war each of his wounds was
received; while he was showing these, he happened to uncover what ought
to be concealed, and a swelling in his groins raised a laugh among those
near him. He then said, “This too, which excites your laughter, I got by
continuing days and nights on horseback; nor do I feel either shame or
sorrow for it, any more than for these scars, since it never prevented
me from rendering effectual service to the republic, either in peace or
war. An aged soldier, I have shown to youthful soldiers this body of
mine, often wounded by the weapons of the enemy. Let Galba expose his,
which is sleek and unhurt. Tribunes, be pleased to call back the tribes
to vote. Soldiers, I[102] _will go down among you, and will follow you
as you proceed to give your votes, and I will mark the turbulent and
ungrateful, and such as require that they should not be governed by the
general, but that he should become their willing slave, through a desire
to gain popularity.” The great body of the soldiers felt so deeply the
justice of this reproof, that they changed their minds, so that all the
tribes, when recalled to give their votes, passed unanimously the bill
concerning the triumph. Therefore Paullus, having at length overcome the
malice and detraction of his enemies, celebrated a triumph over king
Perseus and the Macedonians, which lasted three days, namely, the
fourth, third, and second days, before the calends of December. This
triumph, whether we consider the greatness of the conquered king, or the
appearances of the images, or the quantity of money, was by far the most
magnificent that was ever celebrated, so that by its greatness it
precluded all comparison with occurrences of a similar nature. The
people having raised stands, like those in the theatre, along the
market-place and the other streets of the city, by which the procession
was to move, were spectators, and were dressed in white gowns. All the
temples were open, and were wreathed with garlands and smoking with
incense. The lictors and beadles kept the whole extent of the streets
clear, and the way open, by removing from the middle of them the mob,
which was crowding together and wandering about. Although the gorgeous
spectacle was destined to occupy three days, as we have already
mentioned, yet the first day scarcely sufficed for the procession of the
statues and paintings, which were placed on two hundred and fifty
chariots. The next day all the most beautiful and most magnificent arms
of the Macedonians were carried along on many waggons; and these arms
were glittering with all the brightness of steel, or lately polished
brass, and were piled up in such a manner with regard to one another,
that although they seemed to be heaped up in masses rather than
artificially arranged, yet they presented to the eye a striking
appearance, owing to this very fortuitous and confused arrangement:
helmets were mixed with shields, and coats of mail with greaves, and
Cretan targets, and Thracian bucklers, and quivers, in one heap with the
bridles of horses, and naked swords exposing their threatening points,
and Macedonian spears projecting from the sides. And as all these arms
were loosely bound together, whenever they clashed with one another in
the carriage, they sent forth a certain terrible and martial sound, so
that not even the arms of the conquered could be viewed without a
feeling of fear. Then more than seven hundred and fifty vases, filled
with coined silver, were borne along by three thousand men. Each vase
contained three talents, and was borne by four men. There were some who
bore silver bowls, and goblets, and cups, and vessels made of horn,
remarkable as well for the beauty of their arrangement, as for their
size and weight, and the surpassing workmanship of the raised carving.
On the third day, at the very dawn, the trumpeters began the march,
playing not only the festal strains which were usual in solemn
processions, but also sounding the war-notes, as if they were advancing
to battle. A hundred and twenty fat oxen with gilded horns, and adorned
with fillets and wreaths of flowers, were led along. Young men, begirt
with bands of exquisite workmanship, led the bulls along; and to them
were added as companions, boys who bore golden and silver goblets. Then
followed the persons who bore the coined gold in seventy-seven vases,
each of which contained three talents, like those in which the silver
was carried. Then was seen the sacred goblet, ten talents in weight,
adorned with precious gems, which Paullus had ordered to be made, and
also the goblets of Antigonus and Seleucus, and the cups made by
Thericles, and other distinguished artists, all made of gold, with to
which the saloons of Perseus had been furnished. After them came the
chariot of Perseus, laden with his arms, and a diadem in addition. A
band of captives followed, namely, Bethys, the son of king Cotys, who
had been sent by his father into Macedon as a hostage, and subsequently
taken by the Romans along with the children of Perseus; then the
children of Perseus themselves, accompanied by a band of tutors and
guardians, who in tears stretched forth their hands mournfully to the
spectators, and instructed the boys to implore suppliantly the mercy of
the victorious people. There were two sons and one daughter who excited
the greater commiseration in the spectators, because they themselves, on
account of their age, could scarcely comprehend their misfortunes.
Therefore the majority of the spectators could not refrain from tears,
and a sort of silent grief saddened the minds of all, and prevented them
from enjoying real pleasure, as long as the children met their gaze.
Behind his children walked Perseus with his wife, in a mourning robe,
dressed in sandals, after the Greek custom, like a person stupified and
astonished, whom the greatness of his calamities seemed to have deprived
of reason. Then followed a crowd of friends and acquaintances, in whose
countenances deep grief was depicted, for whenever they gazed on the
king they wept bitterly, demonstrating clearly that they were grieved on
account of his calamities, but forgot their own. Perseus had endeavoured
to avert this ignominy by entreaties, and had sent persons to Æmilius,
to beg that he should not be led in the triumphal procession. Æmilius
smiled at the dastardly spirit of the wretch, and said, “that this
request was formerly, and is even now, under his own actions and power;”
thereby giving him a silent hint, that he should avoid by a noble death
that of which he was afraid. But his irresolute mind was not capable of
adopting so determined a design, and under the soothing influence of
some hope, he preferred being considered part of his own spoil. Then
four hundred golden crowns were carried along, which had been sent by
almost all the states of Greece and Asia, through their ambassadors, as
gifts to Paullus, and an expression of their joy for his victory: their
value, if they were considered intrinsically, was immense, yet they
constituted a slight addition to the enormous treasures which were borne
in that triumph._

40. Valerius Antias tells us, that the total of the captured gold and
silver, carried in the procession, was one hundred and twenty millions
of sesterces;[103] but from the number of chariots, and the weights of
the gold and silver, specifically set down by himself, the amount is
unquestionably made much greater. An equal sum, it is said, had been
either expended on the late war, or dissipated during the flight, when
he sought Samothrace; and it was more wonderful on this account, because
so large a quantity of money had been amassed within the space of the
thirty years that intervened since Philip’s war with the Romans, partly
out of the produce of the mines, and partly from the other branches of
revenue. Philip began war against the Romans almost destitute of money;
Perseus, on the contrary, was immensely rich. Last came Paullus himself,
in his chariot, making a very majestic appearance, both from the dignity
of his person, and from his age. After his chariot, among other
illustrious personages, were his two sons, Quintus Maximus and Publius
Scipio; then the cavalry, troop by troop, and the cohorts of infantry,
each in its order. The donative distributed among them was one hundred
denariuses[104] to each footman, double to a centurion, and triple to a
horseman; and it is believed that he would have given as much more to
the infantry, and in the same proportion to the others, had they not
objected to his attaining the present honour, or had they answered with
thankful acclamations, when that sum was announced as their reward. But
Perseus, led through the city of his enemies in chains, before the
chariot of the general, his conqueror, was not the only instance at the
time of the misfortunes incident to mankind; another appeared even in
the victorious Paullus, though glittering in gold and purple. For, of
two sons, (whom, after having given away two others on adoption, he had
retained at home, the sole heirs of his name, household gods, and
estate,) the younger, about twelve years old, died five days before the
triumph, and the elder fourteen years of age, three days after it; who
ought to have been carried in the chariot with their father, dressed in
the prætexta, and anticipating, in their hopes, the like kind of honours
for themselves. A few days after, at a general assembly granted by
Marcus Antonius, tribune of the people, after Paullus has descanted on
his own proper services, as usually done by other commanders, his
speech was memorable, and worthy of a Roman chief.

41. “Although, Romans, I think you are not ignorant that I have
successfully administered the state, nor that two dreadful strokes have
lately crushed my house; since now my triumph and now the funerals of my
two sons have been exhibited to your view; yet permit me, I pray you, to
take in few words, and with that temper which becomes me, a comparative
view of my own private situation, and the happy state of the public.
Departing from Italy, I sailed from Brundusium at sun-rise; at the ninth
hour, with my whole squadron, I reached Corcyra. On the fifth day after
that I offered sacrifice to Apollo, at Delphi, in expiation of myself,
of your armies and fleets. From Delphi I arrived on the fifth day in the
camp; where, having received the command of the army, and altered
several matters which greatly impeded success, I advanced into the
country; as the enemy’s camp was impregnable, and Perseus could not be
brought to an action, I forced the pass of Petra in the very face of his
guards, and at length, compelled the king to come to an engagement, and
gained a complete victory. I reduced Macedonia under the power of the
Romans; and in fifteen days finished a war, which four consuls before me
had for four years conducted in such a manner, that each left it to his
successor more formidable than he had found it. Other prosperous events
followed in consequence of this; all the cities of Macedon submitted;
the royal treasure came into my hands; the king himself, with his
children, was taken in the temple of Samothrace, just as if the gods
themselves delivered him into my hands. I now thought my good fortune
excessive, and on that account to be suspected; I began to dread the
dangers of the sea in carrying away the king’s vast treasure, and
transporting the victorious army. When all arrived in Italy, after a
prosperous voyage, and I had nothing further to wish, I prayed that (as
fortune generally from the highest elevation rolls backwards) my own
house, rather than the commonwealth, might feel the change. I hope,
therefore, that the republic is free from danger, by my having undergone
such an extraordinary calamity, as to have my triumph, in mockery as it
were of human fortunes, intervene between the funerals of my two sons.
And though Perseus and myself are at present exhibited as the most
striking examples of the vicissitudes of mortals, yet he,—who, himself
in captivity saw his children led captive,—has them still in safety;
while I who triumphed over him, went up in my chariot to the Capitol
from the funeral of one son, and came down from the Capitol to the bed
of the other, just expiring; nor out of so large a family of children is
there one remaining to bear the name of Lucius Æmilius Paullus. For, as
out of a numerous progeny, the Cornelian and Fabian families have two of
them who were given in adoption. In the house of Paullus, except the old
man, none remains. However, your happiness, and the prosperous state of
the commonwealth, console me for this ruin of my house.” 42. These
words, expressed with such magnanimity, moved the minds of the audience
with deeper commiseration than if he had with tears bewailed the loss of
his children in the most plaintive terms.

Cneius Octavius celebrated a naval triumph over king Perseus, on the
calends of December. That triumph was without prisoners or spoils. He
distributed to each seaman seventy-five denariuses;[105] to the pilots
who were on board, twice that sum; and to the masters of ships, four
times. A meeting of the senate was then held. The fathers ordered that
Quintus Cassius should conduct king Perseus and his son Alexander to
Alba, to be there kept in custody; but that he should retain his
attendants, money, plate, and furniture. Bitis, son to the king of
Thrace, was sent to Carseoli; with the hostages he had given to Macedon,
the rest, who had been led in triumph, were ordered to be shut up in
prison. A few days after this passed, ambassadors came from Cotys, king
of Thrace, bringing money to ransom his son and the said hostages. When
they were introduced to an audience of the senate, and alleged, as an
argument, in excuse of Cotys, that he had not voluntarily assisted
Perseus in the war, but had been compelled to do it; and likewise
requested the senate to allow the hostages to be ransomed, at any price
that should be judged proper; the following answer was returned to them:
that “the Roman people remembered the friendship which had subsisted
between them and Cotys, and likewise his predecessors, and the Thracian
nation; that the giving of hostages was the very fault laid to his
charge, and not an apology for it; for Perseus, even when at rest from
others, could not be formidable to the Thracian nation, much less when
he was embroiled in a war with Rome. But that notwithstanding that Cotys
had preferred the favour of Perseus to the friendship of the Roman
people, yet the senate would consider rather what suited their own
dignity, than what treatment he had merited; and would send home his son
and the hostages; that the kind acts of the Roman people were always
gratuitous, and that they chose to leave the value of them in the memory
of the receivers, rather than to demand it at the time.” Titus Quintius
Flamininus, Caius Licinius Nerva, and Marcus Caninius Rebilus were
nominated ambassadors to conduct the hostages to Thrace; and a present
of two thousand _asses_[106] was made to each of the Thracian
ambassadors. Bithys was fetched from Carseoli, and, accompanied by the
hostages, was sent to his father along with the ambassadors. Some of the
king’s ships which were taken from the Macedonians, which were of a size
never seen before, were hauled ashore in the field of Mars.

43. While the memory of the Macedonian triumph was remaining not only in
the minds but almost before the eyes of the people, Lucius Anicius
triumphed over king Gentius and the Illyrians, on the day of the
festival of Quirinus. These exhibitions were considered rather as
similar than equal. The commander himself was inferior; Anicius was not
to be compared in renown with Æmilius; a prætor, in dignity of office,
with a consul; neither could Gentius be set on a level with Perseus, nor
the Illyrians with the Macedonians; nor the spoils, nor the money, nor
the presents obtained in one country, with those obtained in the other.
But though the late triumph outshone the present, yet the latter, when
considered by itself, appeared very far from contemptible. For Anicius
had, in the space of a few days, entirely subdued the Illyrian nation,
though they were remarkable for their courage both on land and sea, and
confident in the strength of their position; he had also taken their
king and the whole royal family. He carried in his triumph many military
standards, and much spoil of other sorts, with all the royal furniture;
and also twenty-seven pounds’ weight of gold, and nineteen of silver,
besides three thousand denariuses,[107] and, in Illyrian money, the
amount of one hundred and twenty thousand.[108] Before his chariot were
led Gentius, with his queen and children; Caravantius, the king’s
brother, and several Illyrian nobles. Out of the booty he gave
forty-five denariuses[109] to each footman, double that sum to a
centurion, triple it to a horseman; to the Latin allies the like sums as
to natives, and to the seamen the same as to the soldiers. The soldiers
attended this triumph with greater demonstrations of joy than that of
Æmilius, and the general was celebrated in abundance of songs. Valerius
Antias says, that twenty thousand sesterces[110] were produced by the
sale of the booty, besides the gold and silver carried to the treasury;
but, as no sources appeared from which such a sum could be raised, I
have set down my authority instead of asserting the fact. King Gentius,
with his queen, children, and brother, was, pursuant to an order of the
senate taken to Spoletium, to be kept there in custody; the rest of the
prisoners were thrown into prison at Rome; but the people of Spoletium
refusing the charge, the royal family was removed to Iguvium. There
remained of the Illyrian spoil, two hundred and twenty barks, which
Quintus Cassius, by order of the senate, distributed among the
Corcyreans, Apollonians, and Dyrrachians.

44. The consuls of this year, after merely ravaging the lands of the
Ligurians, as the enemy never brought an army into the field, returned
to Rome to elect new magistrates, without having performed any matter of
importance; and on the first day on which the assembly could meet, they
appointed Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Caius Sulpicius Gallus,
consuls. Lucius Livius, Lucius Appuleius Saturninus, Aulus Licinius
Nerva, Publius Rutilius Calvus, Publius Quintilius Varus, and Marcus
Fonteius, were elected prætors on the next day. The two city provinces,
the two Spains, Sicily, and Sardinia were decreed to these prætors.
There was an intercalation made in the calendar this year, which took
place on the day after the feast of Terminus. One of the augurs, Caius
Claudius, died this year, and Titus Quintus Flamininus was chosen in his
place by the college. The flamen quirinalis, Quintus Fabius Pictor, died
also. This year king Prusias arrived at Rome with his son Nicomedes.
Coming into the city with a large retinue, he went directly from the
gate to the forum, to the tribunal of the prætor, Quintus Cassius; and a
crowd immediately collecting, he said, that “he came to pay his
respects to the deities inhabiting the city of Rome, and to the Roman
senate and people, to congratulate them on their conquest of the two
kings, Perseus and Gentius, and the augmentation of their empire by the
reduction of Macedon and Illyria under their dominion.” When the prætor
told him that, if he chose it, he would procure him audience of the
senate on the same day, he desired two days’ time, in which he might go
round and visit the temples of the gods, see the city, and his
acquaintances and friends. Lucius Cornelius Scipio, then quæstor, who
had been sent to Capua to meet him, was appointed to conduct him around
Rome. A house was likewise provided, capable of lodging him and his
retinue with convenience. On the third day after, he attended at a
meeting of the senate. He congratulated them on their success, recounted
his own deserts towards them during the war, and then requested that “he
might be allowed to fulfil a vow of sacrificing ten large victims in the
Capitol, and one to Fortune at Præneste; a vow which had been made for
the success of the Roman people. He further desired that the alliance
with him might be renewed; and that the territory taken from king
Antiochus, and not granted to any other, but now in possession of the
Gauls, might be given to him.” Lastly, he recommended to the senate his
son Nicomedes. He was assisted by the interest of all those who had
commanded armies in Macedon; his requests therefore were granted, except
that with regard to the territory, concerning which he received this
answer: that “they would send ambassadors to examine the matter on the
spot. If the territory in question had become the property of the Roman
people, and if no grant had been made of it, they would deem no other so
deserving of a present of the kind as Prusias. But if it had not
belonged to Antiochus, it evidently, in consequence, did not become the
property of the Roman people; or if it had been already granted to the
Gauls, Prusias must excuse the Roman people if they did not choose to
confer a present on him in violation of the rights of others. A present
cannot be acceptable to the receiver, which he knows the donor may take
away whenever he thinks proper. That they cheerfully accepted his
recommendation of Nicomedes; and Ptolemy, king of Egypt, was an instance
of the great care with which the Roman people supported the children of
their friends.” With this answer Prusias was dismissed. Presents were
ordered to be given him to the value of * * * * sesterces besides vases
of silver, weighing fifty pounds. And they voted that gifts should be
given to his son Nicomedes of the same value with those given to
Masgaba, the son of king Masinissa; and that the same victims, and other
matters pertaining to sacrifices, should be furnished to the king at the
public expense, as to the Roman magistrates, whenever he chose to make
the offering, either at Rome or at Præneste; and that twenty ships of
war should be assigned to him, and which were then lying at Brundusium,
of which he should have the use until he arrived at the fleet which was
presented to him. That Lucius Cornelius Scipio should not quit him, but
defray all his expenses, and those of his retinue, until they went on
board the ships. We are told that Prusias was wonderfully rejoiced at
the kind treatment which he received from the Roman people; that he
refused all that had been offered to himself, but ordered his son to
receive the present of the Roman people. Such are the accounts given of
Prusias by our own writers. Polybius, however, represents that king as
having degraded the majesty of his name,—and says that he used to meet
the ambassadors, wearing a cap, and having his head shaved, calling
himself a freed slave of the Roman people, and, accordingly, bearing the
badges of that class; that likewise at Rome, when coming into the
senate-house, he stooped down and kissed the threshold; called the
senate his tutelar deities, and used other expressions not so honourable
to the hearers as disgraceful to himself. He staid in the city and its
vicinity not more than thirty days, and then returned to his kingdom,
and the war that had been carried on in Asia. * * * * * * * * * *


     Here ends all that has reached us of this history. Of ninety-five
     books more, which it originally consisted of, the contents only
     have been preserved; they are as follow:—



BOOK XLVI.


King Eumenes came to Rome. [Y. R. 586. B. C. 166.] A general law was
introduced, that no king should be permitted to come to Rome, in order
that he might not appear to be declared an enemy, if he were excluded;
nor yet justified, if he were admitted—because he had remained neutral
in the Macedonian war. The consul, Claudius Marcellus, subdued the
Alpine Gauls; and Caius Sulpicius Gallus the Ligurians. [Y. R. 587. B.
C. 165.] The ambassadors of king Prusias complain of Eumenes, for
ravaging their borders; they accuse him of entering into a conspiracy,
with Antiochus, against the Romans. A treaty of friendship was made with
the Rhodians, upon their solicitation, [Y. R. 588. B. C. 164.] A census
was held by the censors; the number of the citizens was found to be
three hundred and twenty-seven thousand and twenty-two. Marcus Æmilius
Lepidus was chosen chief of the senate. Ptolemy, king of Egypt, being
dethroned by his younger brother, was restored by ambassadors sent from
Rome. [Y. R. 589. B. C. 163.] Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, died, and
was succeeded by his son Ariarathes, who entered anew into a treaty of
friendship with the Romans. [Y. R. 590. B. C. 162.] Expeditions against
the Ligurians, Corsicans, and Lusitanians, were attended with various
success. Commotions took place in Syria, on occasion of the death of
Antiochus, who had left a son, an infant; Demetrius, the son of
Seleucus, who had been a hostage at Rome, secretly murders this young
Antiochus, with his tutor Lysias, because he was not dismissed by the
Romans, and usurps the kingdom, [Y. R. 591. B. C. 161.] Lucius Æmilius
Paullus, the conqueror of Perseus, died. Such was the moderation and
integrity of this great commander, that, notwithstanding the immense
treasures he had brought from Spain and Macedon, upon the sale of his
effects, there could scarcely be raised a sum sufficient to repay his
wife’s fortune, [Y. R. 592. B. C. 160.] The Pomptine marshes were
drained, and converted into dry land, by the consul, Cornelius Cethegus.



BOOK XLVII.


Cneius Tremellius, a plebeian tribune, was [Y. R. 593. B. C. 159] fined
for contending in an unjust cause with Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, the chief
priest; which greatly enhanced the authority of the priesthood. A law
was made respecting the canvassing for offices, [Y. R. 594. B. C. 158.]
A census was held: the number of Roman citizens was found to be three
hundred and twenty-eight thousand three hundred and fourteen. Marcus
Æmilius Lepidus was again chosen chief of the senate. A treaty was
concluded between the Ptolemies, brothers, that one should be the king
of Egypt, the other of Cyrene. [Y. R. 595. B. C. 157.] Ariarathes, king
of Cappadocia, being deprived of his kingdom by the intrigues and power
of Demetrius, king of Syria, was restored by the senate. Ambassadors
were sent by the senate to determine a territorial dispute between
Masinissa and the Carthaginians, [Y. R. 596. B. C. 156.] Caius Marcius,
the consul, fought against the Dalmatians, at first unfortunately; but
afterwards successfully. The cause of this war was, that they had made
inroads upon the Illyrians, who were in alliance with the people of
Rome. [Y. R. 597. B. C. 155.] The Dalmatians were subdued by the consul,
Cornelius Nasica. The consul, Quintus Opimius, defeats the Transalpine
Ligurians, who had plundered Antipolis and Nicæa, two towns belonging
to the Massilians. [Y. R. 598. B. C. 154.] Various ill successes
occurred under different commanders, in Spain. In the five hundred and
ninety-eighth year from the foundation of the city, the consuls enter
upon office immediately after the conclusion of their election; which
alteration was made on account of a rebellion in Spain. [Y. R. 599. B.
C. 153.] The ambassadors sent by the senate to determine a dispute
between Masinissa and the Carthaginians return, and report that the
Carthaginians had collected a vast quantity of materials for
ship-building. Several prætors, accused of extortion by different
provinces, were condemned and punished.



BOOK XLVIII.


A census was held by the censors [Y. R. 600. B. C. 152]; the number of
citizens amounted to three hundred and twenty-four thousand. The causes
of the third Punic war are enumerated: when a large army of Numidians
was said to be in the territory of the Carthaginians, with Ariobarzanes,
the descendant of Syphax, as general, Marcus Porcius Cato advised that
war should be declared against the Carthaginians, because they had
invited Ariobarzanes into their country, apparently to oppose king
Masinissa, but in reality against the Romans. Publius Scipio Nasica
being of a contrary opinion, it is resolved to send ambassadors to
Carthage, to inquire into the truth of the affair. The Carthaginian
senate being reproved for levying forces, and preparing materials for
ship-building, contrary to treaty, declare themselves ready to make
peace with Masinissa, upon condition of his giving up the lands in
dispute. But Gisgo, son of Hamilcar, a man of a seditious disposition,
at that time chief magistrate, notwithstanding the determination of the
senate to abide by the decision of the ambassadors, urges the
Carthaginians to war against the Romans, in such strong terms, that the
ambassadors are obliged to save themselves by flight from personal
violence. On this being announced at Rome, the senate becomes more
highly incensed against them. Cato, being poor, celebrated the funeral
obsequies of his son, who died in the office of prætor, at a very small
expense. Andriscus, an impostor, pretending to be the son of Perseus,
king of Macedonia, was sent to Rome. Marcus Æmilius Lepidus, who had
been six times declared chief of the senate, on his death-bed, gives
strict orders to his sons that he shall be carried out to burial on a
couch, without the usual ornaments of purple and fine linen, and that
there shall not be expended on his funeral more than ten pieces of
brass: alleging that the funerals of the most distinguished men used,
formerly, to be decorated by trains of images, and not by vast expense.
An inquiry was instituted concerning poisoning. Publicia and Licinia,
women of high rank, accused of the murder of their husbands, were tried
before the prætor, and executed, [Y. R. 601. B. C. 151.] Gulussa, son of
Masinissa, gives information that troops were levying and a fleet
fitting out at Carthage, and that there could be no doubt of their
intending war. Cato urging a declaration of war, and Nasica speaking
against it, entreated the senate to do nothing rashly; it is resolved to
send ten ambassadors to inquire into the affair. The consuls, Lucius
Licinius Lucullus, and Aulus Postumius Albinus, carrying on the levying
of soldiers with inflexible severity, were committed to prison by the
tribunes of the people, for not, at their entreaty, sparing some of
their friends. The ill success of the war in Spain having so discouraged
the citizens of Rome, that none could be found to undertake any military
command or office, Publius Cornelius Æmilianus comes forward, and offers
to undertake any office whatever, which it should be thought proper to
call him to: roused by his example, the whole body of the people make
the like offer. It was thought that the consul, Claudius Marcellus, had
reduced all the states of Celtiberia to a state of tranquillity;
nevertheless, his successor, Lucius Lucullus, is engaged in war with the
Vaccosans, Cantabrians, and other nations of Spaniards, hitherto
unknown; all of which he subdues. In this war, Publius Cornelius
Africanus Scipio Æmilianus, the son of Lucius Paullus, and nephew, by
adoption, of Africanus, a military tribune, slays a barbarian who had
challenged him, and distinguishes himself highly at the siege of
Intercatia; being the first who scaled the wall. The prætor, Servius
Sulpicius Galba, fights against the Lusitanians unsuccessfully. When the
ambassadors, returning from Africa, together with some Carthaginian
deputies, and Gulussa, reported that they found an army and a fleet
ready for service at Carthage, the matter was taken into consideration
by the senate. Cato, and other principal Senators, urge that an army
should be immediately sent over into Africa; but Cornelius Nasica
declaring that he yet saw no just cause for war, it is resolved that it
should not be declared, provided the Carthaginians would burn their
fleet, and disband their troops; but if not, that then the next
succeeding consuls should propose the question of war. A theatre which
the censors had contracted for, being built, Cornelius Nasica moves, and
carries the question, that it be pulled down, as being not only useless,
but injurious to the morals of the people: the people, therefore,
continue to behold the public shows standing. Masinissa, now ninety-two
years old, vanquishes the Carthaginians, who had made war against him
unjustly, and contrary to treaty. By this infraction of the treaty, they
also involve themselves in a war with Rome.



BOOK XLIX.


The commencement of the third Punic war, dated [Y. R. 602. B. C. 150],
which was ended within five years after it began. Marcus Porcius Cato,
deemed the wisest man in the state, and Scipio Nasica, adjudged by the
senate to be the best, differ in opinion, and have a sharp altercation:
Cato urging the demolition of Carthage; Nasica arguing against it. It
was, however, resolved, that war should be declared against the
Carthaginians, for having fitted out a fleet contrary to treaty, and led
forth an army beyond the boundaries of their state; for having
committed hostilities against Masinissa the friend and ally of the
Romans; and refusing to admit Gulussa, who accompanied the ambassadors
into their city. [Y. R. 603. B. C. 149.] Before any forces were
embarked, ambassadors came from Utica, and surrendered their state and
property to the Romans: an ominous circumstance highly pleasing to the
Roman senate, and at the same time a grievous mortification to the
Carthaginians. Games were exhibited at Tarentum, in honour of Pluto,
according to directions found in the Sibylline books, the same as had
been celebrated a hundred years before, during the first Punic war. [Y.
R. 502.] The Carthaginians send thirty ambassadors to Rome to make a
tender of submission; but the opinion of Cato, that the consuls should
be ordered to proceed immediately to the war prevails. These, passing
over into Africa, receive three hundred hostages, and take possession of
all the arms and warlike stores to be found in Carthage; they then, by
authority of the senate, command them to build themselves a new city, at
least ten miles from the sea. Roused by this indignant treatment, the
Carthaginians resolve to have recourse to arms. Lucius Marcius and
Marcus Manlius, consuls, lay siege to Carthage. During this siege, two
military tribunes force their way in, with their troops, in a place
which they observed to be negligently guarded; they are set upon and
beaten by the townsmen, but rescued afterwards by Scipio Africanus, who
also, with a few horsemen, relieves a Roman fort, attacked by the enemy
in the night. He also repulsed the Carthaginians, who sallied forth in
great force to attack the camp. When, afterwards, one of the consuls
(the other having gone to Rome to hold the elections) observed that the
siege of Carthage was not going on prosperously, and proposed to attack
Hasdrubal, who had drawn up his forces in a narrow pass, he (Scipio)
first advised him not to venture upon an engagement on ground so very
disadvantageous: and then, when his advice was overruled by those who
were envious both of his prudence and valour, he himself rushed into the
pass; and when the Romans were routed and put to flight, as he foresaw
would take place, he returns with a very small body of horse, rescues
his friends, and brings them off in safety. Which valiant action, Cato,
although much more inclined to censure than to praise, extols in the
senate in very magnificent terms: saying that all the others, who were
fighting in Africa, were but mere shadows; Scipio was life itself: and
such was the favour he gained among his fellow-citizens, that at the
ensuing election the greater number of the tribes voted for electing him
consul, although he was under the legal age. Lucius Scribonius, tribune
of the people, proposes a law, that the Lusitanians, who,
notwithstanding they had surrendered upon the faith of the Roman people,
had been sold in Gaul, by Servius Galba, should be restored to liberty;
which Marcus Cato supports with great zeal, as may be seen by his
oration, which is still extant, being published in his annals. Quintus
Fulvius Nobilior, although Cato had before handled him with great
severity, yet takes up the cause of Galba. Galba himself too,
apprehensive of being condemned, taking up in his arms his own two
infant children, and the son of Sulpicius Gallus, speaks in his own
behalf, in such a piteous strain of supplication, that the question was
carried in his favour. One Andriscus, a man of the meanest extraction,
having given himself out to be the son of Perseus, and changed his name
to Philip, flies from Rome, whither Demetrius had sent him, on account
of this audacious forgery; many people believing his fabulous account of
himself to be true, gather round him, and enable him to raise an army;
at the head of which, partly by force, and partly by the willing
submission of the people, he acquires the possession of all Macedon. The
story which he propagated was this: that he was the son of Perseus by a
harlot; that he had been delivered to a certain Cretan woman to be taken
care of, and brought up; in order that whatever might be the event of
the war, in which the king was at that time engaged with the Romans,
some one, at least, of the royal progeny might remain. That, upon the
death of Perseus, he was educated at Adramytteum, until he was twelve
years old; ignorant all along of his real parentage, and always
supposing himself to be the son of the person who brought him up. That,
at length, this person being ill, and about to die, discovered to him
the secret of his birth; informing him at the same time of a certain
writing, sealed with the royal signet of Perseus, which had been
intrusted to his supposed mother, to keep and give to him, when he
should attain to manhood: but with the strictest injunctions that the
affair should be kept a profound secret until the arrival of that
period. That, when the time came, the writing was delivered to him; in
which was indicated a very considerable treasure, left him by his
father. That the woman, after informing him fully of the circumstance of
his birth, earnestly besought him to quit that part of the country
before the affair should come to the knowledge of Eumenes, the enemy of
his father Perseus, lest he should be murdered. That, fearful of being
assassinated, and in hopes also of receiving some assistance from
Demetrius, he had gone into Syria; and had there first ventured openly
to declare who he was.



BOOK L.


The aforesaid impostor [Y. R. 604. B. C. 148] assuming the name of
Philip, being about to invade and forcibly possess himself of Thessaly,
was prevented by the Roman ambassadors, with the aid of the Achæans.
Prusias, king of Bithynia, a man abandoned to the practice of every
vice, was murdered by his son Nicomedes, assisted by Attalus, king of
Pergamus. He had another son, who in the place of teeth in his upper
jaw, is said to have had one entire bone. The Romans send an embassy to
negotiate peace between Nicomedes and Prusias; it happening that one of
the ambassadors had his head deformed by scars, from many wounds;
another was lame from gout, and the third was of weak understanding:
Cato said, it was an embassy without head, feet, or heart. The king of
Syria was of the royal race of Perseus; but being, like Prusias,
addicted to every vicious pursuit, and passing his whole time in
tipplinghouses, brothels, and such like places of infamous resort,
Ammonus rules in his stead; and puts to death all the king’s friends,
together with his queen Laodice, and Antigonus, the son of Demetrius.
Masinissa, king of Numidia, a man of a character truly illustrious,
dies, aged upwards of ninety years; he retained the vigour of youth even
to his last years; and begot a son at the age of eighty-six. Publius
Scipio Æmilianus, being authorized by his will so to do divides his
kingdom into three parts, and allots their respective portions of it to
his three sons, Micipsa, Gulussa, and Manastabal. Scipio persuades
Phamæas, general of the Carthaginian cavalry, under Himilco, a man
highly looked up to and relied upon by the Carthaginians, to revolt to
the Romans, with the troops under his command. Claudius Marcellus, one
of the three ambassadors sent to Masinissa, was lost in a storm.
Hasdrubal, nephew of Masinissa, was put to death by the Carthaginians,
who suspected him of treasonable views, on account of his affinity to
Gulussa, now the friend of the Romans. Scipio Æmilianus, when a
candidate for the ædileship was elected consul by the people, though
under age: a violent contest arises from this, the people supporting,
the nobles opposing, his election; which, at length, terminates in his
favour. Manius Manlius takes several citizens in the neighbourhood of
Carthage. The impostor Philip, having slain the prætor, Publius
Juventius, and vanquished his army, was himself afterwards subdued and
taken prisoner by Quintua Cæcilius, who recovered Macedonia.



BOOK LI.


Carthage, [Y. R. 605. B. C. 147,] comprehended in a circuit of
twenty-three miles, was besieged with immense exertion, and was
gradually taken; first, by Mancinus, acting as lieutenant-general; and
afterwards by Scipio, the consul, to whom Africa was voted as his
province, without casting lots. The Carthaginians having constructed a
new mole, (the old one being destroyed by Scipio,) and equipped,
secretly, in an unusually short space of time, a considerable fleet,
engage, unsuccessfully, in a sea-fight. Hasdrubal, with his army,
notwithstanding he had taken post in a place of extremely difficult
approach, was cut off by Scipio; who at length took the city by storm,
in the seven hundredth year after its foundation. [Y. R. 606. B. C.
146.] The greater part of the spoil was returned to the Sicilians, from
whom it had been taken. During the destruction of the city, when
Hasdrubal had given himself up into Scipio’s hands, his wife, who, a few
days before, had not been able to prevail upon him to surrender to the
conqueror, casts herself, with her two children, from a tower into the
flames of the burning city. Scipio, following the example of his father,
Æmilius Paullus, the conqueror of Macedon, celebrates solemn games;
during which he exposes the deserters and fugitives to wild beasts. The
origin of the Achæan war is referred to the circumstance of the
ambassadors of the Romans being expelled from Corinth by the Achæans,
when they were sent to separate from the Achæan council those cities
which had been under the dominion of Philip.



BOOK LII.


Quintus Cæcilius Metellus engages and conquers the Achæans, together
with the Bœotians and Chalcidians. Critolaus, their unsuccessful
general, poisons himself; in whose room, the Achæans choose as general,
Diæus, the chief promoter of the insurrection; he also is conquered, in
an engagement near Isthmos, and all Achaia reduced; Corinth was
demolished, by order of the senate, because violence had been done there
to the ambassadors. Thebes also, and Chalcis, for having furnished aid
to the Achæans, were destroyed. Lucius Mummius afforded in himself an
example of extreme forbearance, for, having all the vast wealth and
splendid ornaments of the opulent city of Corinth in his power, he took
none of them. Quintus Cæcilius Metellus triumphs, on account of his
victory, over Andriscus; likewise Publius Cornelius Scipio, for the
conquest of Carthage and Hasdrubal. [Y. R. 607. B. C. 145.] Viriathus,
in Spain, from a shepherd becomes a hunter, then leader of a band of
robbers; afterwards general of a powerful army, with which he possesses
himself of all Lusitania, having vanquished the prætor, Petilius, and
put his army to flight. Caius Plautius, the prætor, sent against him, is
equally unfortunate. So successful was his career, that, at length, it
was deemed necessary to send a consul, at the head of a consular army,
against him. Commotions in Syria, and wars between the kings in those
parts are recorded. Alexander, a man utterly unknown, and of an unknown
race, murders Demetrius, and usurps the crown in Syria: he is afterwards
slain by Demetrius, (son of the before-mentioned Demetrius,) aided by
Ptolemy, king of Egypt, whose daughter he had married. Ptolemy
grievously wounded in the head; dies of the operations intended for the
cure of his wounds; and is succeeded by his younger brother, Ptolemy,
king of Cyrene. Demetrius, by his cruelty towards his subjects, provokes
an insurrection; is vanquished by Diodotus, and flies to Seleucia, while
Diodotus claims the crown for Alexander, a child scarcely two years old.
Lucius Mummius triumphed over the Achæans, and so carried in his triumph
brazen standards, marble statues, and pictures.



BOOK LIII.


Appius Claudius, the consul, [Y. R. 608. B. C. 144,] subdued the
Salacians, a nation of the Alps. Another impostor, assuming the name of
Philip, appears in Macedonia, but is vanquished by the quæstor, Lucius
Tremellius. [Y. R. 609. B. C. 143.] Quintus Cæcilius Metellus, the
proconsul, defeats the Celtiberians. [Y. R. 610. B. C. 142.] Quintus
Fabius, the proconsul, takes many cities of Lusitania, and recovers the
greatest part of that country. Caius Julius, a senator, writes the
history of Rome in the Greek language.



BOOK LIV.


Quintus Pompeius, the consul, [Y. R. 611. B. C. 141,] subdues the
Termestines in Spain, and makes peace with them, and also with the
Numantines. A census was held,—the number of citizen amounts to three
hundred and twenty-eight thousand three hundred and forty-two.
Ambassadors from Macedon complain that Decius Junius Silanus, the
prætor, had extorted money from that province; Titus Manlius Torquatus,
the father of Silanus, sought and obtained permission to inquire into
the matter. And the case having been considered at home, he condemned
and disowned his son, and did not even attend his funeral after he had
hung himself, but continued to sit at home, and give audience to those
who consulted him, as if nothing, which concerned him, had happened, [Y.
R. 612. B. C. 140.] Quintus Fabius, the proconsul, having successfully
terminated the war, stains the honour of his victories by making peace
with Viriathus, upon terms of equality, [Y. R. 613. B. C. 139.]
Servilius Cæpio procures the death of Viriathus, by traitors; he is much
bewailed, and interred with distinguished funeral honours by his army.
He was, in truth, a great man, and a valiant general; and in the
fourteen years during which he carried on war with the Romans, had very
frequently vanquished their armies.



BOOK LV.


While Publius Cornelius Nasica, [Y. R. 614. B. C. 138,] (who was
nicknamed Scrapio by the plebeian tribune Curiatius, a man of humour,)
and Decius Junius Brutus, the consuls, were holding the levies, an act
of public justice was done, in the sight of the whole body of the young
men then assembled, which afforded a very useful example: Caius Matienus
was accused, before the tribunes, of deserting from the army in Spain;
being found guilty, he was scourged under the gallows, and sold as a
slave, for a sestertius.[111] The tribunes of the people claimed the
privilege of exempting from service any ten soldiers whom they thought
proper; on this being refused by the consuls, they commit the latter to
prison. Junius Brutus, the consul in Spain, allots lands, and a town
called Valentia, to the soldiers who had served under Viriathus. Marcus
Popilius, having made peace with the Numantines, which the senate
refused to ratify, was routed, and his whole army put to flight. [Y. R.
615. B. C. 137.] While Caius Hostilius Mancinus, the consul, was
sacrificing, the holy chickens escape from their coop, and fly away;
afterwards, as he was getting on board his ship, to sail for Spain, a
voice is heard crying out, “Go not, Mancinus, go not.” The event
afterwards proves these omens to have been inauspicious: for, being
vanquished by the Numantines, and driven out of his camp, when he had no
prospect of preserving his army, he made a disgraceful peace, which the
senate likewise refused to ratify. Upon this occasion thirty thousand
Romans were beaten by only four thousand Numantines. Decius Junius
Brutus subdues all Lusitania, as far as the western sea; and when his
soldiers refused to pass the river Oblivio, he seizes the standard and
carries it over; whereupon they follow him. The son of Alexander, king
of Syria, was traitorously murdered by his guardian Diodotus, surnamed
Tryphon: his physicians were bribed to give out that he had a stone in
his bladder; and in pretending to cut him for it, they killed him.



BOOK LVI.


[Y. R. 616. B. C. 136.] Decius Junius Brutus fought with success against
the Gallæcians, in Farther Spain: Marcus Æmilius Lepidus engages the
Vaccæans, unsuccessfully, and is as unfortunate as Mancinus was against
the Numantines. The Romans, to absolve themselves from the guilt of
breach of treaty, order Mancinus, who made the peace with the
Numantines, to be delivered up to that people; but they refuse to
receive him. [Y. R. 617. B. C. 135.] The lustrum was closed by the
censors: the number of citizens was three hundred and twenty-three
thousand. Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, subdued the Vardeans in Illyria.
Marcus Cosconius, the prætor, fights against the Scordiscians, in
Thrace, and conquers them. The war in Numantia still continuing, owing
to the ill-conduct of the generals, the senate and people voluntarily
confer the consulship upon Scipio Africanus: on which occasion the law,
which prohibits any man from being elected consul a second time, is
dispensed with. [Y. R. 618. B. C. 134.] An insurrection of the slaves
arose in Sicily; which is committed to the care of the consul, Caius
Fulvius, when the prætor is unable to quell it. Eunus, a slave, a Syrian
by birth, was the author of this war; by gathering a large body of the
rustic slaves, and breaking open the prisons, he raised a considerable
army: Cleon also, another slave, having assembled seventy thousand
slaves, joins him; and they, several times, engage the Roman forces in
those parts.



BOOK LVII.


Scipio Africanus laid siege to Numantia, [Y. R. 619. B. C. 133,] and
restored to the strictest military discipline the army, which had been
corrupted by licentiousness and luxury: this he effected by cutting off
every kind of pleasurable gratification; driving away the prostitutes
who followed the camp, to the number of two thousand; keeping the
soldiers to hard labour, and compelling every man to bear on his
shoulders provisions for thirty days, besides seven stakes for their
fortifications; to any one who lagged behind on account of the burden,
he used to cry out, When you are able to defend yourself with your
sword, then cease to carry your fortification; he ordered another who
carried with ease a small shield, to bear one unusually large; and not
unfrequently ridiculed them for being more expert in managing their
shields for the defence of their own bodies, than their swords for the
annoyance of those of the enemy. When he found any man absent from his
post, he ordered him to be flogged with vine twigs, if a Roman; if a
foreigner, with rods. He sold all the beasts of burden, that the
soldiers might be forced to carry their own baggage. He engaged in
frequent skirmishes with the enemy, with good success. The Vaccæans,
being reduced to extremity, first put their wives and children to death,
and then slew themselves. Antiochus, king of Syria, having sent him
some very magnificent presents, Scipio, contrary to the practice of
other commanders who used to conceal these royal gifts, received them
openly, and ordered the quæstor to place the whole to the public
account, and promised out of them, to reward those who should most
distinguish themselves by their valour. When Numantia was closely
invested on all sides, he gave orders that those who came out in search
of victuals should not be killed; saying, that the more numerous the
inhabitants were, the sooner would their provisions be consumed.



BOOK LVIII.


Titus Sempronius Gracchus, the plebeian tribune, having proposed an
Agrarian law, (contrary to the sense of the senate, and the equestrian
order,) to the effect that no person should hold more than five hundred
acres of the public lands, wrought himself up to such a degree of
passion that he deprived his colleague, Marcus Octavius, of his
authority by a law which he made, and appointed himself, together with
his brother Caius, and his father-in-law Appius Claudius, commissioners
for dividing the lands. He also proposed another Agrarian law, by which
the land was still more at his disposal, that the same commissioners
should be authorized to determine which was public and which private
land. When afterwards it appeared that there was not land sufficient to
be divided so as to satisfy the people, whose hopes he had raised to
cupidity by the expectations held out to them, he declared that he would
propose a law, that all those, who by the law of Sempronius were
entitled to such grant, should be paid in money out of the bequest of
king Attalus. But Attalus, king of Pergamus, son of Eumenes, had made
the Romans his heirs. The senate was roused to indignation at such
repeated ill-treatment; and chiefly Publius Mucius, the consul, who,
having delivered a severe invective against Gracchus in the senate, was
seized by him, dragged before the people, and accused; nevertheless he
continued to inveigh against him from the rostrum. Gracchus,
endeavouring to procure his re-election as tribune, was slain in the
Capitol, by the chief nobles, by the advice of Publius Cornelius Nasica,
after having been beaten first with the fragments of the seats, and was
thrown, without the rites of sepulture, into the river, together with
some others who fell in the tumult. Various engagements, with various
success, against the slaves in Sicily are recorded.



BOOK LIX.


The Numantines, reduced to the extremity of distress by famine, put
themselves to death. Scipio having taken the city, destroys it and
triumphs in the fourteenth year after the destruction of Carthage, [Y.
R. 620. B. C. 132.] The consul, Publius Rupilius, puts an end to the war
with the slaves in Sicily. Aristonicus, the son of king Eumenes, invades
and seizes Asia; which having been bequeathed to the Roman people by
Attalus, ought to be free. The consul, Publius Licinius Crassus, who was
also chief priest, marches against him out of Italy, (which never was
done before,) engages with him in battle, is beaten and slain. Marcus
Peperna, the consul, subdued Aristonicus. Quintus Metellus and Quintus
Pomponius, the first plebeians who were ever both at one time elected
censors, closed the lustrum; the number of citizens amounted to three
hundred and thirteen thousand eight hundred and twenty-three, besides
orphans and widows, [Y. R. 621. B. C. 131.] Quintus Metellus gives his
opinion, that every man should be compelled to marry, in order to
increase the population of the state. His speech upon the occasion, is
still extant, and so exactly does it apply to the present times, that
Augustus Cæsar read it in the senate upon occasion of his proposing to
release marriage from all restraints on account of the difference of
rank. Caius Atinius Labeo, tribune of the people, orders the censor,
Quintus Metellus, to be thrown from the Tarpeian rock for striking him
out of the list of the senate; but the other tribunes interfere and
protect him. [Y. R. 622. B. C. 130.] Quintus Carbo, the plebeian
tribune, proposes a law that the people might have the power of
re-electing the same tribune as often as they please: Publius Africanus
argues against the proposition in a speech of great energy, in which he
asserts that Tiberius Gracchus was justly put to death. Gracchus
supports the proposed law; but Scipio prevails. War was waged between
Antiochus, king of Syria, and Phraates, king of Parthia, nor does the
record show that greater tranquillity existed in Egypt. Ptolemy,
surnamed Evergetes, being detested on account of his cruelty by his
subjects, who set his palace on fire, escaped to Cyprus, and when the
people conferred the kingdom upon his sister Cleopatra, whom he had
divorced, after having first ravished and then married her daughter; he
being enraged, murders the son he had by her at Cyprus, and sent his
head and limbs to the mother, [Y. R. 623. B. C. 129.] Seditions were
excited by Fulvius Flaccus, Caius Gracchus, and Caius Carbo, appointed
to carry into execution the Agrarian law: these were opposed by Publius
Scipio Africanus, who going home at night in perfect health, was found
dead in his chamber the next morning. His wife, Sempronia, sister of the
Gracchuses, with whom Scipio was at enmity, was strongly suspected of
having given him poison: no inquiry however was made into the matter.
Upon his death the popular seditions blaze out with great fury. Caius
Sempronius, the consul, fought the Iapidæ, at first unsuccessfully, but
soon repairs all his losses by a signal victory, gained by the valour of
Junius Brutus, the conqueror of Lusitania.



BOOK LX.


Lucius Aurelius subdued the rebellious Sardinians, [Y. R. 624. B. C.
128.] Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, who first subdued the Transalpine
Ligurians, was sent to assist the Massilians, against the Salvian Gauls,
who were ravaging their country. Lucius Opimius, the prætor, caused the
revolted Fregellans to lay down their arms, and destroyed Fregellæ. [Y.
R. 625. B. C. 127.] An extraordinary multitude of locusts in Africa,
killed and lying dead on the ground, is said to have produced a
pestilence, [Y. R. 626. B. C. 126.] The censors closed the lustrum: the
number of the citizens was three hundred and ninety thousand seven
hundred and thirty-six. [Y. R. 627. B. C. 125.] Caius Gracchus, the
plebeian tribune, the brother of Tiberius, even more eloquent than his
brother, carried some very dangerous laws; among others, one respecting
corn, that the people shall be supplied with the article in the market
at the rate of half and a third of an _as_; also an Agrarian law, the
same as his brother’s: and a third intended to corrupt the equestrian
order, who at that time were subservient in all their opinions to the
senate: namely, that six hundred of them should be admitted into the
senate: these six hundred equestrians were to be joined to three hundred
senators for at that time there were only three hundred senators; that
is, in other words, that the equestrian order should have double
influence in the senate. His office being continued to him another year,
by Agrarian laws which he passed, he caused that many colonies should be
led out into Italy, and he himself, having been made triumvir, headed
one to the territory of demolished Carthage, [Y. R. 628. B. C. 124.] The
successful expeditions of the consul Quintus Metellus against the
Balearians, called by the Greeks Gymnesians, because they go naked all
the summer, are recorded. They are called Balearians, from their skill
in throwing weapons; or, as some will have it, from Baleus, the
companion of Hercules, who left him there behind him, when he sailed to
Geryon. [Y. R. 629. B. C. 123.] Commotions in Syria, in which Cleopatra
murders her husband Demetrius, and also his son Seleucus, for assuming
the crown without her consent, upon his father’s death, are also
mentioned.



BOOK LXI.


Caius Sextius, the proconsul, [Y. R. 630. B. C. 122,] having subdued the
nation of the Salyans, founds a colony, which he named Aquæ Sextiæ,
after his own name, and on account of the abundance of water which he
found there, flowing both from hot and cold springs, [Y. R. 631. B. C.
121.] Cneius Domitius, the proconsul, fought the Allobrogians with
success at the town of Vindalium. The cause of this war was their
receiving, and furnishing with all the aid in their power, Teutomalius,
the king of the Salyans, who had fled to them, and their ravaging the
lands of the Æduans, who were in alliance with the people of Rome. [Y.
R. 632. B. C. 120.] Caius Gracchus, upon the expiration of his seditious
tribunate, seized upon the Aventine mount with a considerable number of
armed followers; Lucius Opimius, by a decree of the senate, armed the
people, drove him from it, and put him to death, together with Fulvius
Flaccus, a man of consular rank, a participator of the same wild
project. Quintus Fabius Maximus, the consul, nephew of Paullus, gained a
battle against the Allobrogians and Bituitus, king of the Arvernians, in
which one thousand one hundred and twenty of the army of Bituitus were
slain, [Y. R. 633. B. C. 119.] The king having come to Rome to make
satisfaction to the senate, was sent prisoner to Alba, there to be kept
in custody, as it was not considered safe to send him back to Gaul. A
decree was also passed, that his son, Congentiatus, should be taken and
sent to Rome. The Allobrogians were admitted to a capitulation. Lucius
Opimius, being brought to trial before the people for committing to
prison some citizens who had not been condemned, was acquitted.



BOOK LXII.


The consul, Quintus Marcius, [Y. R. 634. B. C. 118,] subdued the
Stonians, an Alpine nation. Micipsa, king of Numidia, dying, bequeathed
his kingdom to his two sons, Adherbal, Hiempsal, and Jugurtha, his
nephew, whom he had adopted. [Y. R. 635. B. C. 117.] Lucius Cæcilius
Metellus subdued the Dalmatians. Jugurtha went to war with his brother
Hiempsal; vanquished him and put him to death; drove Adherbal from his
kingdom, who was restored by the senate. [Y. R. 636. B. C. 116.] Lucius
Cæcilius Metellus, and Cneius Domitius Ahenobarbus, the censors,
expelled thirty-two senators. [Y. R. 637. B. C. 115.] Disturbances in
Syria are recorded.



BOOK LXIII.


Caius Porcius, the consul, [Y. R. 638. B. C. 114,] fought against the
Scordiscians in Thrace, unsuccessfully. The lustrum was closed by the
censors: the number of the citizens amounts to three hundred and
ninety-four thousand three hundred and thirty-six. Æmilia, Licinia, and
Marcia, vestal virgins, were found guilty of incest. [Y. R. 639. B. C.
113.] The Cimbrians, a wandering people, came into Illyria, where they
fight with and defeat the army of the consul, Papirius Carbo. [Y. R.
640. B. C. 112.] The consul, Livius Drusus, made war successfully upon
the Scordiscians, a people descended from the Gauls.



BOOK LXIV.


Jugurtha attacked Adherbal, besieged him in Cirta, and put him to death,
contrary to the express commands of the senate. [Y. R. 641. B. C. 111.]
War was declared against him on this account, which being committed to
the conduct of the consul, Calpurnius Bestia, he made peace with
Jugurtha, without authority from the senate and people. [Y. R. 642. B.
C. 110.] Jugurtha, called upon to declare who were his advisers, came to
Rome upon the faith of a safe-conduct; he is supposed to have bribed
many of the principal senators. And being called on to stand his trial
for the murder of a certain prince, by name Massiva, slain at Rome, who
had aimed at his kingdom, which he hoped to obtain through the hatred of
the Romans to Jugurtha, he escaped when he found himself in danger; and
is reported to have said, on going away, “O venal city! doomed to quick
perdition, could but a purchaser be found!” Aulus Posthumius, having
fought against Jugurtha unsuccessfully, added to his disgrace, by making
an ignominious peace with him; which the senate refused to ratify.



BOOK LXV.


Quintus Cæcilius Metellus, the consul, [Y. R. 643. B. C. 109,] defeated
Jugurtha, in two battles, and ravaged all Numidia. Marcus Junius
Silanus, the consul, fought unsuccessfully against the Cimbrians. The
Cimbrian ambassadors petitioning the senate for a settlement and lands,
were refused. [Y. R. 644. B. C. 108.] Marcus Minucius, the proconsul,
vanquished the Thracians. Cassius, the consul, with his army, was cut
off by the Tigurine Gauls, in the country of the Helvetians. The
soldiers who survived that unfortunate action stipulated for their
lives, by giving hostages, and delivering up half their property.



BOOK LXVI.


Jugurtha, [Y. R. 645. B. C. 107,] being driven out of Numidia by Caius
Marius, received aid from Bocchus, king of the Moors. [Y. R. 646. B. C.
106.] Bocchus, having lost a battle, and being unwilling to carry on the
war any longer, delivered up Jugurtha in chains to Marius. In this
action, Lucius Cornelius Sylla, the quæstor under Marius, distinguished
himself most highly.



BOOK LXVII.


Marcus Aurelius Scaurus, [Y. R. 647. B. C. 105,] lieutenant-general
under the consul, was taken prisoner by the Cimbrians, his army being
routed; and was slain by Boiorix, for saying, in their council, when
they talked of invading Italy, that the Romans were not to be conquered.
Cneius Mallius, the consul, and Quintus Servilius Cæpio, the proconsul,
were taken prisoners by the same enemies who defeated their armies and
drove them from both their camps, with the loss of eighty thousand men,
and forty thousand sutlers, and other camp-followers. The goods of
Cæpio, whose rashness was the cause of this misfortune, were sold by
auction, by order of the people; being the first person whose effects
were confiscated, since the dethronement of king Tarquin, and he was
deprived of office. [Y. R. 648. B. C. 104.] Jugurtha, with his two sons,
was led in triumph before the chariot of Caius Marius, and was put to
death in prison. Marius entered the senate, in his triumphal habit; the
first person that ever did so: on account of the apprehensions of a
Cimbrian war, he is continued in the consulship for several years, being
elected a second and a third time, in his absence; dissembling his
views, he attains the consulship a fourth time. The Cimbrians, having
ravaged all the country between the Rhine and the Pyrenees, passed into
Spain, where, having committed many depredations, they were at length
put to flight by the Celtiberians: returning into Gaul, they joined the
Teutons, a warlike people.



BOOK LXVIII.


Marcus Antonius, the prætor, [Y. R. 649. B. C. 103,] attacked the
pirates, and chased them into Cilicia. The consul, Caius Marius, when
attacked by the Teutons and Ambrogians, with their utmost force,
defended himself; and afterwards, in two battles, in the neighbourhood
of Aquæ Sextiæ, utterly defeated them, with the loss, it is said, of two
hundred thousand killed, and ninety thousand taken prisoners. Marius was
elected consul, in his absence, a fifth time. A triumph was offered to
him, which he deferred until he should have subdued the Cimbrians also.
[Y. R. 650. B. C. 102.] The Cimbrians, having driven Quintus Catulus,
the proconsul, from the Alps, where he had possessed himself of the
narrow passes, and erected a castle to command the river Athesis, which
he abandoned, passed into Italy. Catulus and Marius, having effected a
junction of their forces, fought and vanquished them: in this battle we
are told that there fell one hundred and forty thousand of the enemy,
and that sixty thousand were taken. Marius, on his return to Rome, was
received with the highest honours, by the whole body of the citizens;
two triumphs were offered him, but he contented himself with one. The
principal men in the state, who were for some time extremely envious
that such distinctions should be conferred upon a man of no family, now
acknowledge him to have saved the commonwealth. [Y. R. 651. B. C. 101.]
Publicius Malleolus was executed for the murder of his mother; being the
first that ever was sewn up in a sack and cast into the sea. The sacred
shields are said to have shaken, with considerable noise, previous to
the conclusion of the Cimbrian war. Wars between the kings of Syria.



BOOK LXIX.


Lucius Apuleius Saturninus, aided by Marius,—the soldiers having killed
his competitor, Aulus Nonius,—having been forcibly elected prætor,
exercised his office with a violence equal to that by which he obtained
it. Having procured an Agrarian law, he summons Metellus Numidicus to
stand his trial before the people, for refusing to swear to the
observance of it. Metellus, notwithstanding he enjoyed the protection of
all the best men in the state, yet, being unwilling to furnish matter of
dispute, retires into voluntary exile, to Rhodes: there he passed his
time entirely in study, and in receiving the visits of men of eminent
character, [Y. R. 652. B. C. 100.] Caius Marius, the chief promoter of
the sedition, who had now purchased a fourth consulship, by openly
distributing money among the tribes, pronounced sentence of banishment
upon him after his departure. The same Appuleius Saturninus murders
Caius Memmius, who was a candidate for the consulship, fearing lest he
might have, in him, a strenuous opposer of his evil actions. By which
conduct the senate was aroused, and Caius Marius, when he could no
longer defend Saturninus, being a man of fickle and versatile
disposition, who always suited his plans to circumstances, joined it.
Saturninus, with Glaucias, and other participators of the same mad
conduct, having been overpowered by force of arms, was killed in what
may be considered a war. [Y. R. 653. B. C. 99.] Quintus Cæcilius
Metellus was recalled from banishment by the decided favour of the whole
state. Marcus Aquilius, the proconsul put an end to the servile war in
Sicily.



BOOK LXX.


Manius Aquilius, [Y. R. 654. B. C. 98,] being accused of extortion,
refused to implore the favour of the judges appointed to try him. Marcus
Antonius, his advocate, cut open his vest, and showed the scars of his
honourable wounds; upon sight of which he was clearly acquitted, [Y. R.
655. B. C. 97.] This fact is related upon the authority of Cicero only.
Titus Didius, the proconsul, fought successfully against the
Celtiberians. [Y. R. 656. B. C. 96.] Ptolemy, king of Cyrene, surnamed
Apio, dying, bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people: and the senate
decreed that the cities in that kingdom should be free. [Y. R. 657. B.
C. 95.] Ariobarzanes was restored to his kingdom of Cappadocia by Lucius
Sylla. Ambassadors from Arsaces, king of Parthia, come to Sylla, to
solicit the friendship of the Roman people, [Y. R. 658. B. C. 94.]
Publius Rutilius, a man of the strictest integrity, because he exerted
himself, when lieutenant-general under Quintus Mucius, the proconsul, to
protect the people of Asia from the oppression of the revenue farmers,
became odious to the equestrian order, who had the cognizance of affairs
of that nature, and being brought to trial, was condemned to exile, [Y.
R. 659. B. C. 93.] Caius Sentius, the prætor, fought unsuccessfully
against the Thracians. [Y. R. 660. B. C. 92.] The senate not being
disposed to tolerate the inefficiency of the equestrian order in the
exercise of their judicial functions, tried, by all its influence, to
have those functions transferred to itself, and Marcus Livius Drusus,
the plebeian tribune, promoting this design, stimulated the people, by
the pernicious hope of bribes, to add their sanction. Moreover a
commotion occurred among the kings of Syria.



BOOK LXXI.


Marcus Livius Drusus, the plebeian tribune, [Y. R. 661. B. C. 91,] in
order the more effectually to support the senate in their pretensions,
gained the concurrence of the allies, and the Italian states, by
promising them the freedom of the city. Aided by them, besides the
Agrarian and corn laws, he carried that also relative to criminal
jurisdiction;—that in capital prosecutions the senate should have equal
authority with the equestrian order. It was afterwards found that the
freedom which he had promised could not be conferred upon them; which
incensed and incited them to revolt. An account is given of their
assembling,—their combinations and speeches made at their meetings, by
the chief men among them. Drusus becoming obnoxious even to the senate,
on account of his conduct in this affair, and being considered as the
cause of the social war, was slain in his own house, by an unknown hand.



BOOK LXXII.


The Italian states, the Picentians, Vestinians, Marcians, Pelignians,
Marrucinians, Samnites, and Lucanians, revolted, the war commencing with
the Picentians. Quintus Servilius, the proconsul, was murdered, in the
town of Asculum, with all the Roman citizens in the place. The whole
body of the Roman people assumed the military dress. Servius Galba,
having been taken by the Lucanians, escaped by the assistance of a woman
with whom he lodged. [Y. R. 662. B. C. 90.] Æsernia and Alba were
besieged by the Italians. Aid was sent to the Romans by the Latins, and
other foreign nations, and the expeditions, and sieges, on both sides,
are recorded.



BOOK LXXIII.


The consul, Lucius Julius Cæsar, fought against the Samnites
unsuccessfully. The colony of Nola fell into the hands of the Samnites,
together with Lucius Posthumius, the prætor, whom they killed. Many
different states went over to the enemy. After Publius Rutilius had
fought unsuccessfully against the Marcians, and had been slain in
battle, Caius Marius, his lieutenant-general, encountered them with
better success. Servius Sulpicius defeated the Pelignians, in a pitched
battle. Quintus Cæpio, Rutilius’s lieutenant-general, made a successful
sally against the enemy besieging him; on account of which success he
was made equal in command to Marius, and becoming adventurous and rash,
was surprised in an ambuscade, and his army being defeated, was slain.
Lucius Julius Cæsar, the consul, fought successfully against the
Samnites. On account of this victory the inhabitants of Rome laid aside
the military habit; the war being carried on with various success,
Æsernia, with Marcellus, fell into the hands of the Samnites. Caius
Marius vanquished the Marcians, Herius Asinius, the prætor of the
Marrucinians, being killed. Caius Cæcilius subdued the rebellious
Salvians in Trausalpine Gaul.



BOOK LXXIV.


Cneius Pompeius defeated the Picentians, and laid siege to their town;
on account of this victory the inhabitants of Rome resume their purple
robes, and other distinguishing marks of magistracy. Caius Marius fought
an undecided battle with the Marcians. Freedmen’s sons were now first
received into the army. [Y. R. 663. B. C. 89.] Aulus Plotius, the
lieutenant, subdued the Umbrians, and Lucius Porcius, the prætor, the
Marcians, both of whom had revolted. Nicomedes was restored to the
kingdom of Bithynia, and Ariobarzanes to that of Cappadocia. Cneius
Pompeius, the consul, overthrew the Marcians in a pitched battle. The
citizens, being deeply involved in debt, Aulus Sempronius Asellio, the
prætor, was murdered in the forum, by the usurers, in consequence of
some judgments given by him in favour of debtors. Incursions were made
by the Thracians, and devastations committed against the Macedonians.



BOOK LXXV.


Aulus Posthumius Albinus, commander of a fleet, upon a suspicion of
treachery, was murdered by the forces under his command. Lucius
Cornelius Sylla, lieutenant-general, defeated the Samnites, and took two
of their camps. The Vestinians surrendered to Cneius Pompeius. Lucius
Porcius, the consul, having been successful in frequent engagements with
the Marcians, was slain in an attack upon their camp, which circumstance
decided the victory in favour of the enemy. Cosconius and Lucceius
overthrew the Samnites in a battle, slew Marius Egnatius, the most
distinguished of their generals, and received the surrender of many of
their towns. Lucius Sylla subdued the Hirpinians, defeated the Samnites
in many battles, and received the submission of several states; in
consequence of having performed so many distinguished services, as
scarcely any one had ever done under the circumstances, he repaired to
Rome to solicit the consulship.



BOOK LXXVI.


Aulus Gabinius, the lieutenant, having defeated the Lucanians, and taken
several of their towns, was slain in an attack on their camp. Sulpicius,
a lieutenant-general, committed military execution on the Marrucinians,
and reduced their whole country. Cneius Pompeius, the proconsul, forced
the Vestinians and Pelignians to submission. Also the Marcians, defeated
in several battles, by Lucius Murena and Cæcilius Pius, sued for peace,
[Y. R. 664. B. C. 88.] Asculum was taken by Cneius Pompeius, and the
Italians there were put to death by Mamercus Æmilius. Silo Pompædius,
the author of the revolt, was killed in an action. Ariobarzanes, king of
Cappadocia, and Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, were driven out of their
kingdoms by Mithridates, king of Pontus. Predatory incursions were made
by the Thracians into Macedon.



BOOK LXXVII.


Publius Sulpicius, the tribune of the people, having, with the aid of
Caius Marius, carried certain laws: “that those who had been banished
should be recalled; that the newly-created citizens, and the sons of
freed-men, should be distributed among the tribes, and that Caius Marius
should be appointed general against Mithidrates, king of Pontus,” and
having used violence towards Quintus Pompeius and Lucius Sylla, the
consuls, who had opposed these proceedings; Quintus, the son of
Pompeius, who was married to Sylla’s daughter, being murdered, Lucius
Sylla came into the town with an army, and fought against the faction of
Sulpicius and Marius, in the city, and drove it out. Twelve of the
number, among whom are Caius Marius, the father, and his son, were
condemned by the senate. Publius Sulpicius having concealed himself in a
farm-house in the neighbourhood, being betrayed by one of his slaves,
was apprehended and put to death. The slave, being entitled to the
reward promised to the discoverer, was made free; and was then thrown
from the Tarpeian rock, for having traitorously betrayed his master.
Caius Marius, the son, passed over into Africa. Caius Marius, the
father, having concealed himself in the marshes of Minturna, was seized
by the towns-people: after a Gallic slave who was sent to despatch him,
being terrified at his majestic appearance, had retired, unable to
accomplish the deed, he was publicly placed in a vessel, and sent off to
Africa. Lucius Sylla reformed the state, and afterwards sent forth
colonies. Cneius Pompeius, the proconsul, procured the murder of Quintus
Pompeius, the consul, who was to have succeeded him in the command of
the army. Mithridates, king of Pontus, seized Bithynia and Cappadocia,
after having driven the Roman general, Aquilius, out of them: and at the
head of a great army entered Phrygia, a province belonging to the Roman
people.



BOOK LXXVIII.


Mithridates possessed himself of Asia; threw into chains Quintus Oppius,
the proconsul, and Aquilius, the general; and ordered all the Romans in
Asia to be massacred on the same day; he attacked the city of Rhodes,
the only one which had retained its fidelity to the Roman state; and
being overcome in several actions at sea, he retreated, [Y. R. 665. B.
C. 87.] Archelaus, one of the king’s governors, invaded Greece and took
Athens. Commotions resulted in several states and islands, some
endeavouring to draw over their people to the side of the Romans, others
to that of Mithridates.



BOOK LXXIX.


Lucius Cornelius Cinna having, by force of arms, procured the enactment
of several injurious laws, was driven out of the city by his colleague,
Cneius Octavius, together with six plebeian tribunes. Thus deposed from
the authority, he procured the command of his army under Appius
Claudius, by bribery, and made war upon the city, having called to his
assistance Caius Marius, and other exiles, from Africa. In this war, two
brothers, (one of Pompeius’s army, the other of Cinna’s,) encountered
each other without knowing it; and when the conqueror despoiling the
enemy recognised his brother, he vented his grief in uncontrolled
lamentation, and having prepared a funeral pile for him, he stabbed
himself on it, and was consumed with him. Although this war might have
been suppressed at first, yet owing to the treachery of Pompeius, who,
by encouraging either party, gave power to Cinna, whilst he only
succoured the patriotic party when their energies were exhausted; and
also to the neglect of the consul; Cinna and Marius, with four armies,
two of which were commanded by Sertorius and Carbo, gained strength and
laid siege to the city. Marius took Ostia, which he plundered in the
most cruel manner.



BOOK LXXX.


The freedom of the city of Rome was granted to the Italian states. The
Samnites, the only people who continued in arms, joined Cinna and
Marius, and overthrew Plautius’s army, killing the general. Cinna and
Marius, with Carbo and Sertorius, seized the Janiculum; and were
repelled by the consul Octavius. Marius plunders Antium, Aricia, and
Lanuvium. The principal men in the state having now no hope of
resisting, on account of the cowardice and treachery both of the
generals and soldiers, who, being bribed, either refused to fight, or
deserted to one party or another, received Cinna and Marius into the
city, who, as if it had been captured, devastated it by murder and
robbery, putting to death the consul, Cneius Octavius, and all the
chiefs of the opposite party; among others, Marcus Antonius, a man
highly distinguished for his eloquence, with Lucius and Caius Cæsar,
whose heads they stuck up on the rostrum. The younger Crassus having
been slain by a party of horsemen at Fimbria; his father, to escape
suffering insult, killed himself. Cinna and Marius, without even the
formality of an election, declared themselves consuls; and on the first
day of their entering upon office, Marius ordered Sextus Licinius, a
senator, to be cast from the Tarpeian rock, and after having committed
very many atrocious acts, died on the ides of January. If we compare his
vices with his virtues, it will be difficult to pronounce whether he was
greater in war, or more wicked in peace. Having preserved his country by
his valour, he ruined it afterwards by every species of artifice and
fraud; and finally destroyed it by open force.



BOOK LXXXI.


Lucius Sylla besieged Athens, [Y. R. 666. B. C. 86,] held by Archelaus,
under Mithridates, and took it, after an obstinate resistance. The city
and such of the inhabitants as remained alive, were restored to liberty.
Magnesia, the only city in Asia which continued faithful, was defended
against Mithridates with great valour. The Thracians invaded Macedon.



BOOK LXXXII.


Sylla defeated Mithridates in Thessaly, killing one hundred thousand
men, and taking their camp. The war being renewed, he entirely routed
and destroyed the king’s army. Archelaus, with the royal fleet,
surrendered to Sylla. Lucius Valerius Flaccus, Cinna’s colleague in the
consulship, who was appointed to succeed Sylla in the command of his
army, became so odious to his men, on account of his avarice, that he
was slain by Caius Fimbria, his lieutenant-general, a man of consummate
audacity, who assumed the command. Several cities in Asia were taken by
Mithridates, who treated them with extreme cruelty. Macedon was invaded
by the Thracians.



BOOK LXXXIII.


[Y. R. 667. B. C. 85.] Caius Fimbria having defeated several of
Mithridates’ generals in Asia, took the city of Pergamus, and was very
near making the king captive. He took and destroyed the city of Ilion,
which adhered to Sylla, and recovered a great part of Asia. Sylla
overcame the Thracians in several battles. Lucius Cinna and Cneius
Papirius Carbo, having declared themselves consuls, made preparations
for war against Sylla; Lucius Valerius Flaccus, the chief of the senate,
having made a speech among that body, by their assistance, with that of
all who desired tranquillity, effected that ambassadors should be sent
to Sylla, concerning a treaty of peace. Cinna, attempting to force his
men to embark and go against Sylla, was slain by them. [Y. R. 668. B. C.
84.] Carbo alone held the consulship. Sylla made peace in Asia with
Mithridates, upon conditions that the king should evacuate Asia,
Bithynia, and Cappadocia. Fimbria, deserted by his army, which went over
to Sylla, put himself to death, by calling on his slave to cut off his
head.



BOOK LXXXIV.


Sylla replied to deputies sent by the senate, that he would yield to the
authority of the senate, upon condition that those who, being banished
by Cinna, had fled to him, should be restored; which proposition
appeared reasonable to the senate, but was opposed and rejected by Carbo
and his faction, who conceived that they would derive more advantage
from a continuance of the war. Carbo, requiring hostages from all the
towns and colonies of Italy, to bind them more firmly in union against
Sylla, was overruled by the senate. The right of voting was given to the
new citizens by a decree of the senate. Quintus Metellus Pius, who had
taken part with the chief men of the state, being prepared for war in
Africa, was crushed by Caius Fabius, the prætor, [Y. R. 660. B. C. 83.]
Carbo’s faction and the Marian party procured a decree of the senate,
that the armies should every where be disbanded. The sons of freed-men
were distributed among the thirty-five tribes. Preparations were made
for war against Sylla.



BOOK LXXXV.


Sylla entered Italy at the head of an army, and defeated in a battle
Norbanus, the consul, by whom his ambassadors, sent to negotiate a
peace, had been maltreated. Having ineffectually tried every means with
Lucius Scipio, the other consul, to bring about a peace, he prepared to
attack his camp, when the consul’s whole army deserted to Sylla, having
been seduced by some soldiers sent out by him. Scipio was set free, when
he could have been killed. Cneius Pompeius, the son of Pompeius, who
took Asculum, raised an army of volunteers, and went over to Sylla with
three legions; also the whole body of the nobility quit the city and
joined his camp. Sundry actions in different parts of Italy are recorded
in the book.



BOOK LXXXVI.


While Caius Marius, son of Caius Marius, was made consul [Y. R. 670. B.
C. 82] by force, before he was twenty years old, Caius Fabius was burned
alive in his tent, in Africa, for his avarice and extortion. Lucius
Philippus, Sylla’s lieutenant-general, having overthrown and killed the
prætor, Quintus Antonius, took Sardinia. Sylla made a league with the
states of Italy, lest he should be suspected of intending to deprive
them of their constitution and the right of suffrage, which had been
lately conceded to them. So confident was he of the victory, that he
published an order that all persons engaged in lawsuits, bound by
sureties, should make their appearance at Rome, although the city was
yet in the possession of the opposite party. Lucius Damasippus, the
prætor, having called together the senate, at the desire of Marius,
murdered such of the nobility as remained in the city; among them
Quintus Mucius Scævola, the high priest, who, endeavouring to make his
escape, was killed in the vestibule of the temple of Vesta. Besides, it
includes an account of the war in Asia against Mithridates, renewed by
Lucius Muræna.



BOOK LXXXVII.


Sylla, having conquered and destroyed Caius Marius’s army, at
Sacriportus, laid siege to Præneste, where Marius had taken refuge. He
recovered Rome out of the hands of his enemies. Marius attempting to
break forth from Præneste, was repelled. This book moreover contains an
account of the successes of the different commanders under him, every
where.



BOOK LXXXVIII.


Sylla, having routed and cut off the army of Carbo at Clusium, Faventia,
and Fidentia, drove him out of Italy; he completely subdued the Samnites
near the city of Rome, before the Colline gate: they were the only one
of all the Italian states that had not before laid down their arms.
Having restored the affairs of the commonwealth, he stained his glorious
victory with the most atrocious cruelties ever committed; he murdered
eight thousand men in the Villa Publica, who had submitted and laid down
their arms, and published a list of persons proscribed: he filled with
blood the city of Rome, and all Italy. He ordered all the Prænestines,
without exception, although they had laid down their arms, to be
murdered; he killed Marius, a senator, by breaking his legs and arms,
cutting off his ears, and scooping out his eyes. Caius Marius, being
besieged at Præneste by Lucretius Asella, one of the partisans of Sylla,
having endeavoured to escape through a mine, was intercepted by an army,
and committed suicide; this took place in the centre of the mine, when
he found it impossible to escape with Pontius Telesinus, the companion
of his flight, for each having drawn his sword, rushed madly on: when he
had slain Telesinus, he himself, being wounded, begged of a slave that
he would despatch him.



BOOK LXXXIX.


Marcus Brutus being sent in a fishing-boat to Lilybæum, by Cneius
Papirius Carbo, who had sailed to Cossura, to discover if Pompeius were
there, and being surrounded by the ships, which Pompey had sent, turned
the point of his sword against himself, and threw himself on it with all
the weight of his body, at one of the ship’s benches. Cneius Pompeius,
being sent by the senate to Sicily, with full powers, having taken Carbo
prisoner, put him to death; he dies weeping with womanly weakness.
Sylla, having been created dictator, marched through the city with
twenty-four lictors, which no one had ever done before. He established
new regulations in the state; abridged the authority of the plebeian
tribunes; took from them the power of proposing laws; increased the
college of priests and augurs to fifteen; filled up the senate from the
equestrian order; took from the descendants of the proscribed persons
all power of reclaiming the property of their ancestors, and sold such
of their effects as had not been already confiscated, to the amount of
one hundred and fifty millions of sesterces. He ordered Lucretius Ofella
to be put to death in the forum, for having declared himself a candidate
for the consulship, without having previously obtained his permission;
and when the people of Rome were offended, he called a meeting, and told
them that Ofella was slain by his orders, [Y. R. 671. B. C. 81.] Cneius
Pompeius vanquished and killed, in Africa, Cneius Domitius, one of the
proscribed persons, and Hiarbas, king of Numidia, who were making
preparations for war. He triumphed over Africa, although not more than
twenty-four years of age, and only of equestrian rank, which never
happened to any man before. Caius Norbanus, of consular rank, being
proscribed, when he was taken at Rhodes, committed suicide. Mutilus, one
of the proscribed, coming privately and in disguise to the back door of
his wife Bastia’s house, was refused admission, and she told him that he
was a proscribed man, whereupon he stabbed himself, and sprinkled the
door of his wife’s house with his blood. Sylla took Nolla, a city of the
Samnites, [Y. R. 672. B. C. 80,] and led forth forty-seven legions into
the conquered lands, and divided them among them. [Y. R. 673. B. C. 79.]
He besieged and took the town of Volaterra, which was as yet at war with
him. Mitylene, the only town in Asia which continued to adhere to
Mithridates, was likewise stormed and demolished.



BOOK XC.


Sylla died, and the honour was paid him by the senate of being buried in
the Campus Martius. [Y. R. 674. B. C. 78.] Marcus Æmilius Lepidus,
attempting to rescind the acts of Sylla, raised a war, and was driven
out of Italy by his colleague, Quintus Catulus, and having vainly
planned a war in Sardinia, lost his life. [Y. R. 675. B. C. 77.] Marcus
Brutus, who held possession of Cisalpine Gaul, was slain by Cneius
Pompeius. Quintus Sertorius, one of the proscribed, raised a formidable
war in Farther Spain. Lucius Manilius, the proconsul, and Marcus
Domitius were overthrown in a battle by the quæstor Herculeius. This
book contains, moreover, an account of the expedition of the proconsul,
Publius Servilius, against the Cilicians.



BOOK XCI.


Cneius Pompeius, while yet only of equestrian rank, was sent with
consular authority against Sertorius. Sertorius took several cities, and
reduced very many others to submission. The proconsul Appius Claudius,
conquered the Thracians in several battles, [Y. R. 676. B. C. 76.]
Quintus Metellus, the proconsul, cut off Herculeius, the quæstor of
Sertorius, with his whole army.



BOOK XCII.


Cneius Pompeius fought an undecided battle with Sertorius, the wings on
each side being beaten. Quintus Metellus conquered Sertorius and
Peperna, with both their armies; Pompeius, desirous of having a share in
this victory, engaged in the action, but without success. Sertorius,
besieged in Clunia, made frequent sallies, to the great loss of the
besiegers, [Y. R. 677. B. C. 75.] This book contains, moreover, an
account of the successful expedition of Curio, the proconsul, against
the Dardanians, and of the cruelties of Sertorius against his own
partisans, many of whom he put to death, upon pretended suspicion of
treachery.



BOOK XCIII.


Publius Servilius, the proconsul in Cilicia, subdued the Isaurians, and
took several cities belonging to the pirates. Nicomedes, king of
Bithynia, dying, bequeathed his dominions to the Roman people, who
reduced them into the form of a province, [Y. R. 678. B. C. 74.]
Mithridates, having established a league with Sertorius, declared war
against Rome; he made vast preparations, both by land and sea, and
seized Bithynia: Marcus Aurelius Cotta was overcome in an action by the
king, at Chalcedon. This book contains the history of the actions of
Pompey and Metellus against Sertorius, who was equal to them in all the
tactics of war and military service, and having driven them from the
blockade of the town of Calagurris, he compelled them to retire to
different countries—Metellus to Farther Spain, and Pompey to Gaul.



BOOK XCIV.


Lucius Licinius Lucullus, consul, defeated Mithridates in an action
between their cavalry, and made several successful expeditions, and
repressed a mutiny among his soldiers which originated from an eager
desire of fighting. Deiotarus, tetrarch of Gallogræcia, killed certain
officers of Mithridates who were stirring up war in Phrygia. This book
contains, moreover, an account of the successes of Pompeius against
Sertorius in Spain.



BOOK XCV.


Caius Curio, the proconsul, [Y. R. 679. B. C. 73,] subdued the
Dardanians, in Thrace. Seventy-four gladiators, belonging to Lentulus,
make their escape from Capua, and having collected a great number of
slaves and hired servants, and having put themselves under the command
of Crixus and Spartacus, they defeated, in a battle, Claudius Pulcher, a
lieutenant-general, and Publius Varenus, the prætor. Lucius Lucullus,
the proconsul, destroyed the army of Mithridates, by the sword and
famine, at Cyzicus; and obliged that king, when driven from Bithynia,
and broken down by various misfortunes arising from war and shipwrecks,
to take refuge in Pontus.



BOOK XCVI.


Quintus Arrius, the prætor, [Y. R. 680. B. C. 72.] slew Crixus, the
commander of the fugitive gladiators, with twenty thousand men. Cneius
Lentulus, the consul, engaged Spartacus unsuccessfully, who also
defeated Lucius Gellius, the consul, and Quintus Arrius, the prætor.
Sertorius was slain at a feast, in the eighth year of his command, by
Manius Antonius, Marcus Peperna, and other conspirators: he was a great
general, and although opposed to two eminent commanders, Pompeius and
Metellus, was often equal, and sometimes even superior, to both of them;
at last, being deserted and betrayed, the command of his force devolved
upon Peperna, whom Pompeius took prisoner and slew, and recovered Spain,
towards the close of the tenth year of that war. Caius Crassus, the
proconsul, and Cneius Manlius, the prætor, fought Spartacus
unsuccessfully; the charge of that war was committed to the prætor,
Marcus Crassus.



BOOK XCVII.


Marcus Crassus, the prætor, [Y. R. 681. B. C. 71,] fought successfully
first with that part of the fugitives which was composed of Gauls and
Germans, and slew thirty-five thousand of them, with their general,
Granicus; afterwards he fought with Spartacus, killing him and forty
thousand men. Marcus Antonius, the prætor, ended, by his death, the war
against the Cretans, which had been unsuccessfully undertaken. Marcus
Lucullus, the proconsul, subdued the Thracians. Lucius Lucullus fought
successfully against Mithridates in Pontus, more than sixty thousand of
the enemy being slain, [Y. R. 682. B. C. 70.] Marcus Crassus and Cneius
Pompey, being made consuls, restored the tribunitian power; the latter,
being of the equestrian order, had not filled the office of quæstor. The
right of trial was transferred to the Roman knights, by the prætor,
Lucius Aurelius Cotta. The affairs of Mithridates being reduced to a
state of desperation, he flew for refuge to Tigranes, king of Armenia.



BOOK XCVIII.


A treaty of friendship was made by Machares, son of Mithridates, king of
Bosphorus, with Lucius Lucullus. Cneius Lentulus and Caius Gellius, the
censors, exercised their office with extreme rigour; expelling
sixty-four senators. The lustrum was closed, and the number of citizens
amounted to four hundred and fifty thousand. [Y. R. 683. B. C. 69.]
Lucius Metellus, the prætor, was successful against the pirates in
Sicily. The temple of Jupiter in the Capitol, having been consumed by
fire, was rebuilt, and dedicated by Quintus Catulus. [Y. R. 684. B. C.
68.] Lucius Lucullus defeated Mithridates and Tigranes, with their vast
armies, in Armenia, in several battles. The war against the Cretans
being committed to the charge of the proconsul, Quintus Metellus, he
laid siege to the city of Cydonia. [Y. R. 685. B. C. 67.] Lucius
Triarius, a lieutenant-general of Lucullus, was defeated in a battle
against Mithridates. Lucullus was prevented, by a sedition in his army,
from pursuing Mithridates and Tigranes, and completing his victory; the
Valerian legions refused to follow Lucullus, alleging that they had
served out their time.



BOOK XCIX.


The proconsul, Quintus Metellus, took Gnossus, Lyctus, Cydonia, and many
other cities. Lucius Roscius, the plebeian tribune, carried a law, that
the fourteen lower seats in the theatre shall be allotted to the Roman
knights. Cneius Pompeius, being ordered by a law, which had the sanction
of the people, to proceed against the pirates, who had interrupted the
commerce of corn, in forty days drove them wholly from the sea; and
having finished the war against them in Cilicia, and reduced them to
submission, assigned them lands and towns. This book contains, moreover,
the history of the successes of Metellus against the Cretans, the
letters between Metellus and Pompeius. Metellus complained that Pompeius
had robbed him of the glory of his actions, in sending a deputy of his
own to receive the submission of the Cretans. Pompeius alleged that he
had a right to do so.



BOOK C.


Caius Manilius, the tribune of the people, [Y. R. 686. B. C. 66,] to the
great dissatisfaction of the nobility, proposed that the Mithridatic war
should be committed to the conduct of Pompeius. He made an admirable
speech on the occasion. Quintus Metellus, having subdued Crete, imposed
laws upon that hitherto free island. Cneius Pompeius, on setting out for
the war against Mithridates, renewed the treaty of friendship with
Phraates, king of Parthia; he overcame Mithridates in an engagement
between their cavalry. This book contains also the history of the war
between Phraates, king of Parthia, and Tigranes, king of Armenia;
afterwards, between the father and son Tigranes.



BOOK CI.


Cneius Pompeius vanquished Mithridates, in a battle fought in the night,
and compelled him to fly to Bosphorus; reduced Tigranes to submission,
taking from him Syria, Phœnicia, and Cilicia; and restored to him his
own kingdom of Armenia. The conspiracy planned by those, who had been
found guilty of bribery in seeking the consulship, to murder the
consuls, was suppressed. [Y. R. 687. B. C. 65.] Pompeius pursued
Mithridates into remote, and even unknown regions; he conquered in
battle the Iberians and Albanians, who had refused him a passage through
their territories. This book contains also the history of the flight of
Mithridates through Colchis and the country of the Heinochi, and of his
actions at Bosphorus.



BOOK CII.


Pompeius reduce Pontus to the form of a Roman province. Pharnaces, son
of Mithridates, made war upon his father. Mithridates, besieged in his
palace, took poison, and, when this did not produce the desired effect,
he caused himself to be slain by a Gaul, named Bituitus. Pompeius
conquered the Jews, and took their hitherto unviolated temple at
Jerusalem. [Y. R. 688. B. C. 64.] Catiline, having twice failed in his
suit for the consulship, forms a conspiracy, with Lentulus, Cethegus,
and others, to destroy the consuls and the senate, to burn the city, and
seize the commonwealth: he raised an army in Etruria; [Y. R. 689. B. C.
63;] the conspiracy was discovered, and frustrated by the exertions of
Marcus Tullius Cicero, the consul. Catiline was driven out of Rome; the
other conspirators were punished with death.



BOOK CIII.


Catiline, together with his army, [Y. R. 690. B. C. 62,] was slain by
the proconsul, Caius Antonius. Publius Clodius being accused of having,
disguised in woman’s apparel, entered a chapel, which it was not lawful
for a man to enter, and of having defiled the wife of the high priest,
was acquitted. Caius Pontinius, the prætor, subdued at Solon the
Allobrogians, who had rebelled. Publius Clodius joined the party of the
people. Caius Cæsar subdued the Lusitanians: [Y. R. 691. B. C. 51:]
being a candidate for the consulship, and determined to seize the power
of the commonwealth in his own hands, he formed a party with two of the
principal men of the state, Cneius Pompeius and Marcus Crassus. [Y. R.
692. B. C. 60.] Cæsar, the consul, procured the passing of some
Agrarian laws, contrary to the will of the senate, and notwithstanding
the opposition of his colleague, Marcus Bibulus. [Y. R. 693. B. C. 59.]
Caius Antonius, the proconsul, was defeated in Thrace. [Y. R. 694. B. C.
58.] Marcus Cicero was banished, in consequence of a law procured by
Publius Clodius, for having put to death Roman citizens uncondemned.
Cæsar, having gone into the province of Gaul, subdued the Helvetians, a
wandering tribe, who, seeking a place of settlement, attempted to pass
through Narbo, a part of his province. This book contains a description
of the situation of Gaul. Pompeius triumphed over the children of
Mithridates, Tigranes, and also the son of the latter; and the surname
of the Great was conferred upon him by a full assembly of the people.



BOOK CIV.


This book commences with a description of the situation of Germany, and
the manners and customs of the natives. Caius Cæsar, at the request of
the Æduans and Sequanians, whose country had been seized upon, leads his
army against the Germans, who had invaded Gaul, under the command of
Ariovistus, roused by an address the courage of his soldiers, who were
alarmed at the unusual appearance of these new enemies, and expelled
from Gaul the Germans, defeated in a battle, [Y. R. 695. B. C. 57.]
Marcus Tullius Cicero, to the great joy of the senate, and of all Italy,
was recalled from banishment chiefly by the persuasion of Pompeius,
aided by Titus Annius Milo, the plebeian tribune, who also argued in his
favour. The charge of providing corn for the city was committed to
Cneius Pompeius for five years. Cæsar brought to subjection the Ambians,
Suessians, Veromanduans, and Atrebatians, a people of the Belgians,
whose numbers were immense, after having subdued them in battle. He
afterwards, at great risk, engaged the Nervians, a people belonging to
one of the above states, and destroyed that race; this war they
continued with such obstinacy, that their army was reduced from sixty
thousand men to three hundred, and, of four hundred senators, only three
remained alive. A law being made to reduce Cyprus to the form of a
province, and to confiscate the royal treasure; the management of that
business was committed to Marcus Cato. [Y. R. 696. B. C. 56.] Ptolemy,
being ill-treated by his subjects, and dethroned, came to Rome. Caius
Cæsar defeated the Venetians, a people living on the borders of the sea,
in a sea-fight. This book contains also the history of his lieutenants’
equally good fortune.



BOOK CV.


When, by the intercessions of Caius Cato, the elections were suspended,
the senate went into mourning, [Y. R. 607. B. C. 55.] Marcus Cato, a
candidate for the prætorship, lost the election, Vatinius carrying it
against him. The same Cato was committed to prison by the tribune
Trebonius, for resisting the law allotting the provinces, for five
years, in the following manner: to Cæsar, Gaul and Germany; to Pompeius,
Spain; and to Crassus, Syria, and the Parthian war. Aulus Gabinius, the
proconsul, restored Ptolemy to his kingdom of Egypt, and dethroned
Archelaus, whom the people had elected king. [Y. R. 698. B. C. 54.]
Cæsar, having vanquished the Germans who had invaded Gaul, passed the
Rhine, and subdued the nearest part of it: and then crossed over the sea
into Britain, with adverse fortune, at first owing to opposing
tempests, and afterwards with little better success; and, having killed
a very great number of the inhabitants, he reduced a part of the island
to subjection.



BOOK CVI.


Julia, the daughter of Cæsar, and wife of Pompeius, died, and by a vote
of the people she was honoured with burial in the Campus Martius.
Certain tribes of the Gauls revolted under the command of Ambiorix; they
insnare and cut off Cotta and Titurius, lieutenants-general under Cæsar,
with the armies under their command: having attacked the camps of the
other legions, who with difficulty defended them, and among the rest the
camp of Quintus Cicero, who commanded in the country of the Nervii, they
were defeated by Cæsar in battle. [Y. R. 699. B. C. 53.] Marcus Crassus
crossed the Euphrates, to make war against the Parthians, and was
overthrown in a battle, in which his son was killed, after he had
collected the remains of his army upon a rising ground: having been
invited to a conference by the enemy, whose leader was Surenas, under
the pretence of a treaty of peace, he was insnared, and fell fighting
bravely, to prevent his suffering indignity from the enemy while alive.



BOOK CVII.


Caius Cæsar, having subdued the Trevirian Gauls, passed over a second
time into Germany; finding no enemy there, he returned to Gaul, and
reduced to obedience the Eburones, and other cities, which had revolted.
Titus Annius Milo, a candidate for the consulship, killed Publius
Clodius on the Appian road, near Bovilla: the people burned the body of
the latter in the curia, [Y. R. 700. B. C. 52.] The candidates for the
consulship, Hypsæus, Scipio, and Milo, carried on their contention with
so much rancour, as to come to open violence, which excited a seditious
tumult. To repress these enormities, Cneius Pompeius was a third time
elected consul, in his absence, and without a colleague,—a circumstance
which never occurred before. Milo was tried for the murder of Clodius,
and condemned to banishment. A law was made, notwithstanding the
strenuous opposition of Marcus Cato, to empower Cæsar to stand for the
consulship, though absent. This book contains also the history of
Cæsar’s operations against the Gauls, who had almost all revolted, and
put themselves under the command of Vercingetorix: he took many towns;
amongst others, Avaricum, Biturium, and Gergovia.



BOOK CVIII.


Caius Cæsar overthrew the Gauls at Alesia, and reduced all the revolted
cities to subjection. Caius Cassius, Marcus Crassus’s quæstor, defeated
the Parthians who had passed over into Syria. [Y. R. 701. B. C. 51.]
Marcus Cato failed in his suit for the consulship; the successful
candidates being Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus. Caius Cæsar
subdued the Bellovacians, and other Gallic tribes. This book contains,
moreover, the record of the disputes between the consuls, concerning
the sending out of a person to succeed Cæsar; Marcellus contending that
Cæsar should come home to sue for the consulship, being, by a law made
expressly for that purpose, enabled to hold his province until that
period; and also the exploits of Marcus Bibulus in Syria.



BOOK CIX.


In this book are recorded the causes and commencement of the civil war,
and [Y. R. 702. B. C. 50] disputes about sending a successor to Cæsar,
who refused to disband his army, unless Pompeius should also do the
same. And it contains an account of the actions of Caius Curio, the
plebeian tribune, first against Cæsar, afterwards in his favour. [Y. R.
703. B. C. 49.] A decree of the senate being passed, that a successor to
Cæsar should be appointed, Marcus Antonius and Quintus Cassius being
driven out of the city, for protesting against that measure, orders were
sent by the senate to the consuls, and to Cneius Pompeius, to take care
that the commonwealth should sustain no injury. Cæsar, determined to
make war upon his enemies, arrived in Italy with his army, took
Corfinium, and in it Lucius Domitius and Lucius Lentulus, whom he
discharged; and drove Cneius Pompeius and his adherents out of Italy.



BOOK CX.


Cæsar besieged Masilia, the gates of which had been shut against him;
leaving his lieutenants-general, Caius Trebonius and Decimus Brutus, to
carry on the siege, he set out for Spain, where Lucius Afranius and
Caius Petreius, Pompeius’s lieutenants-general, with seven legions,
surrendered to him at Ilerda: he dismissed them all in safety. He also
reduced to submission Varro, another lieutenant-general of Pompeius,
with the army under his command. He granted the privileges of Roman
citizens to the Gaditanians. The Massilians were defeated in two
engagements at sea; after having sustained a long siege, they yielded to
Cæsar. Caius Antonius, a lieutenant-general of Cæsar, having made an
unsuccessful attack upon Pompeius’s forces in Illyria, was taken
prisoner. In the course of this war, the inhabitants of Opitergium, a
district beyond the Po, in alliance with Cæsar, seeing their bridge
blocked up by the enemy’s ships, rather than fall into their hands,
killed one another. Caius Curio, one of Cæsar’s lieutenants-general in
Africa, after a successful engagement with Varus, a general of the
Pompeian party, was cut off, together with his army, by Juba, king of
Mauritania. Caius Cæsar passed over into Greece.



BOOK CXI.


Marcus Cælius Rufus, the prætor, [Y. R. 662. B. C. 48,] having excited a
sedition in the city, by holding out hopes to the people that their
debts should be annulled, his office being taken from him, was driven
from the city: he joined Milo, who, being in exile, was raising an army
of fugitives: they were both slain while preparing for war. Cleopatra,
queen of Egypt, was dethroned by her brother Ptolemy. The Cordubians in
Spain, harassed by the extortion and oppression of the prætor, Quintus
Cassius, desert Cæsar’s party, together with two legions. Cneius
Pompeius being besieged by Cæsar at Dyrracchium, beats him out of his
lines; the siege being raised, the seat of war was removed to Thessaly;
Cæsar conquered Pompeius in a battle at Pharsalia. Cicero remained in
the camp, as he was a man better calculated for any thing than war.
Cæsar granted a free pardon to all who submitted themselves to his
power.



BOOK CXII.


The consternation and flight of the vanquished parties in various
quarters of the world are recorded. Cneius Pompeius, when he had gone to
Egypt, before he could land, was slain in his boat by Achilles, who had
been sent for that purpose, according to the command of Ptolemy, the
young king, who was instigated by Pothinus and Theodotus, his tutor, who
had great influence over the king. Cornelia, his wife, and Sextus, his
son, fled to Cyprus. Cæsar followed him three days after; and when
Theodotus presented to him the head and ring of Pompeius, he was
grievously offended, and wept over them. [Y. R. 705. B. C. 47.] Cæsar
entered Alexandria in safety, though it was in a state of tumult. Cæsar
being created dictator, restored Cleopatra to her throne; and defeated
with great slaughter Ptolemy, who had made war upon him by the advice of
those who had caused him to put Pompeius to death. Ptolemy, in his
flight, sunk with his vessel in the Nile. This book contains also an
account of the fatiguing march of Marcus Cato, with his legions, through
the deserts of Africa; and of the unsuccessful war of Cneius Domitius
against Pharnaces.



BOOK CXIII.


The Pompeian party having collected their forces in Africa, the supreme
command was given to Publius Scipio,—Marcus Cato, who had been joined
with him in the command, giving it up. When it was deliberated, in
council, whether the city of Utica should not be demolished, on account
of its attachment to Cæsar, Cato opposed that measure, which was
strongly recommended by Juba: Cato’s opinion prevailing, he was
appointed governor of the city. Cneius Pompeius, the son of Pompeius the
Great, having collected some forces in Spain, which neither Afranius nor
Petreius would take the command of, renews the war against Cæsar.
Pharnaces, king of Pontus, son of Mithridates, after supporting the war
but a very short time, was subdued. When seditions were excited in Rome
by Publius Dolabella, a plebeian tribune, who moved for a law to abolish
the debts of the people, and on that account a tumult arose among the
people, Marcus Antonius, master of the horse, brought troops into the
town, and killed eight hundred of the people. Cæsar discharged the
veteran soldiers, who were grown mutinous, crossed over into Africa,
and engaged the forces of king Juba in a very hazardous combat.



BOOK CXIV.


Cæcilius Bassus, [Y. R. 706. B. C. 46,] a Roman knight of the Pompeian
party, stirred up war in Syria; the legion left there under the command
of Sextus Cæsar, having slain their commander, and revolted to Bassus.
Cæsar defeated Scipio the prætor, Afranius, and Juba, at Thapsus, their
camps having been stormed. Having heard of this circumstance, Cato
stabbed himself at Utica, and by the intervention of his son he might
have been saved, but in the middle of the restoratives, having torn open
the wound, he expired, in his forty-ninth year. Petreius put Juba and
himself to death. Publius Scipio, being surrounded in his ship, to an
honourable death added also a remarkable speech, for to the enemies who
inquired about the general, he said, “The general is well.” Faustus and
Afranius were slain. Cato’s son was pardoned. Brutus, Cæsar’s
lieutenant-general, defeated the rebellious Bellovacians in battle.



BOOK CXV.


Cæsar triumphed four times; over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. He
gave a feast, and exhibited shows of every description. To Marcus
Marcellus, a man of consular rank, he granted leave to return at the
request of the senate; which favour Marcellus did not live to enjoy,
having been murdered at Athens by Cneius Magius Cilo, his own dependant.
Cæsar held a census, when the number of citizens amounted to one hundred
and fifty thousand, [Y. R. 707. B. C. 45,] and went to Spain against
Cneius Pompey; where, after many attacks on both sides, many cities
having been stormed, he at length gained a signal victory, after a most
desperate engagement, at Munda. Sextus Pompeius effected his escape.



BOOK CXVI.


Cæsar triumphed a fifth time over Spain. Very many and high honours were
decreed him by the senate; among others, that he should be styled Father
of his country, and Sacred, and also that he should be perpetual
dictator, [Y. R. 708. B. C. 44.] It afforded cause of odium against him,
that he rose not to the senate when conferring these honours on him, as
he was sitting before the shrine of Venus Genetrix; and that he laid
aside on a chair the diadem, placed on his head, by his colleague in the
consulship, Marcus Antonius, who was running among the Lupercalians, and
that the magistracies were taken away from Epidius Marullus and
Cassetius Flavus, the tribunes of the people, who excited envy against
him for aiming at the imperial dignity. For these reasons, a conspiracy
was formed against him; the chiefs of which were, Marcus Brutus and
Caius Cassius, with two of his own partisans, Decimus Brutus and Caius
Trebonius. He was slain in Pompey’s senate-house with three-and-twenty
wounds; and the Capitol was seized on by his murderers. An act of
amnesty having been passed by the senate in relation to his murder, and
the children of Antony and Lepidus having been taken as hostages, the
conspirators came down from the Capitol. Octavius, Cæsar’s nephew, was
by his will made heir of half his possessions. Cæsar’s body was burnt by
the people, in the Campus Martius, opposite the rostrum. The office of
dictator was abolished for ever. Caius Amatius, one of the lowest of the
people, giving himself out for the son of Caius Marius, having excited
some seditious movements among the credulous vulgar, was slain.



BOOK CXVII.


Caius Octavius came to Rome from Epirus, whither Cæsar had sent him to
conduct the war in Macedonia; and, having received favourable omens,
assumed the name of Cæsar. In the confusion and bustle of affairs,
Lepidus procured the office of chief priest. But when Marcus Antonius,
the consul, governed with violence, and forcibly caused a law to be
passed respecting the change of provinces; and had also given very
injurious treatment to Cæsar, when he requested that he would assist him
in punishing the murderers of his uncle; Cæsar, to strengthen himself
and the commonwealth against him, called out the veteran soldiers, who
had been settled in the colonies. The fourth and Martian legions also
deserted from Antony to Cæsar. Afterwards also very many revolted to
Caasar, on account of the cruelty of Antony, who slaughtered every where
in their own camps even those whom he suspected. Decimus Brutus, in
order to stop Antonius on his way into Cisalpine Gaul, seized Mutina
with his army. This book contains also the history of the attempts of
both parties to possess themselves of the provinces, and of the
preparations for war.



BOOK CXVIII.


Marcus Brutus, in Greece, under the pretext of supporting the
commonwealth, and the war against Antonius, managed to get the command
of Vatinius’ army and province. [Y. R. 709. B. C. 43.] To Cæsar, who had
first undertaken to defend the commonwealth by arms, was given the
authority of proprætor, with consular ornaments by the senate, and it
was added that he should be enrolled a senator. Marcus Antonius besieged
Brutus at Mutina; and the ambassadors sent to him by the senate, with a
treaty of peace, met with little success in effecting it. The people of
Rome assumed the military habit. Marcus Brutus reduced under his power
Caius Antonius, the prætor, together with the army which he commanded in
Epirus.



BOOK CXIX.


By the treachery of Publius Dolabella, Caius Trebonius was slain in
Asia: for which crime the senate voted Dolabella to be a public enemy.
When Pansa, one of the consuls, had fought unsuccessfully against
Antony, Aulus Hirtius, the other consul, coming up with his army,
equalized the fortune of either party, the forces of Antony being
routed. Antonius, afterwards being conquered by Hirtius and Cæsar, fled
into Gaul, and joined to himself Marcus Lepidus, together with the
legions which were under him, and was declared a public enemy by the
senate, together with all his associates. Aulus Hirtius, who, after his
victory, was slain in the enemy’s camp, and Lucius Pansa, who died of a
wound received in an unsuccessful battle, were buried in the Campus
Martius. To Cæsar, the only surviving general of the three, the senate
showed but little gratitude; for a triumph was voted to Decimus Brutus,
who was relieved from the siege of Mutina by Cæsar. They did not mention
with sufficient gratitude Cæsar and his soldiers, wherefore Caius Cæsar,
having, by the intervention of Marcus Lepidus, renewed his friendly
relation with Marcus Antonius, came with his army to Rome, and those who
had been unjust to him, being struck with dread at his approach, he was
elected consul in his nineteenth year.



BOOK CXX.


Cæsar, the consul, introduced a law to hold an inquiry into the case of
those by whose instigation his father had been murdered, and Marcus
Brutus, Caius Cassius, and Decimus Brutus having been tried by this law,
were condemned, though absent. When Asinius Pollio and Munatius Plancus,
having also joined their forces to those of Antonius, had increased his
strength, and when Decimus Brutus, to whom the senate had given orders
to pursue Antony, being deserted by the legions under his command, had
fled, he was killed by Capenus Sequanus, by order of Antonius, into
whose hands he had fallen. Caius Cæsar became reconciled to Antonius and
Lepidus, so that he and Lepidus and Antony formed a triumvirate for the
administration of the republic for five years, and that they should
proscribe each his particular enemies, in which proscription were
included very many of the equestrian order, and one hundred and thirty
senators; among whom were Lucius Paulus, the brother of Lepidus, Lucius
Cæsar, Antony’s uncle, and Marcus Tullius Cicero, whose head and right
hand were placed on the rostrum, when he was murdered in his sixty-third
year by Popilius, a legionary soldier. This book also contains an
account of the transactions of Brutus in Greece.



BOOK CXXI.


Caius Cassius, having received orders from the senate to pursue
Dolabella, who had been pronounced a public enemy, acting under the
sanction of the state, reduced Syria under his authority by means of the
three armies which were in that province, and besieging Dolabella, in
Laodicea, put him to death. Caius Antonius, having been taken, was also
slain by order of Marcus Brutus.



BOOK CXXII.


Marcus Brutus fought unsuccessfully with the Thracians. Afterwards all
the provinces beyond sea, together with the armies in them, having been
brought into obedience to him and Cassius, they met at Smyrna, to hold a
council relative to the war which they were about to engage in. [Y. R.
710. B. C. 42.] They agreed in pardoning Publicola, the brother of
Marcus Messala, who had been conquered.



BOOK CXXIII.


Sextus, son of Pompey the Great, having assembled a considerable number
of the proscribed Romans, and other fugitives, in Epirus, wandering
about for a long time, subsisting chiefly by piracy; at length he seized
first on Messana in Sicily, and afterwards on the whole province; and
having killed Aulus Pompeius Bithynicus, the prætor, he defeated Quintus
Salvidienus, a general of Cæsar’s, in a sea-fight. Cæsar and Antonius,
with their armies, passed over into Greece, to make war against Brutus
and Cassius. Quintus Cornificius conquered, in a battle in Africa, Titus
Sestius, the leader of Cassius’ party.



BOOK CXXIV.


Caius Cæsar and Antony fought an undecisive battle with Brutus and
Cassius at Philippi; in which the right wing of each army was
victorious; and on both sides the camps were taken: the death of Cassius
turned the scale of fortune; for, being at the head of that wing which
was beaten, he supposed his whole army routed, and killed himself.
Afterwards, in another battle, Brutus, being overcome, put an end to his
life, in his fortieth year, after entreating Strabo, the companion of
his flight, to drive a sword through him. _Many others slew themselves_,
among whom was Quintus Hortensius.



BOOK CXXV.


Cæsar, [Y. R. 711. B. C. 41,] leaving Antonius to take care of the
provinces beyond the sea, returned to Italy, and made a distribution of
lands among the veterans. He represses, with great risk, a mutiny among
his soldiers, who, being bribed by Fulvia, the wife of Marcus Antonius,
conspired against their general. Lucius Antonius, the consul, influenced
by Fulvia, made war upon Cæsar, having taken to his assistance those
whose lands Cæsar had distributed among his veteran soldiers: and having
overthrown Lepidus, who, with an army, had charge of the defence of the
city, he entered it in a hostile manner.



BOOK CXXVI.


Cæsar, now twenty-three years of age, [Y. R. 712. B. C. 40,] besieged
Antonius in Perusia, and forced him, after several ineffectual attempts
to escape, to surrender through famine, and pardoned him and all his
soldiers. He razed Perusia to the ground and terminated the war without
bloodshed, all the forces of the enemy having been brought under his own
power.



BOOK CXXVII.


The Parthians, who had joined the Pompeian party, under the command of
Labienus, invaded Syria, and having beaten Decidius Saxa, a
lieutenant-general under Antonius, seized that whole province. When
Marcus Antonius was excited to dispute with Cæsar by his wife Fulvia,
having dismissed her, lest she should mar the concord of the generals,
and having concluded a treaty of peace with Cæsar, he married his sister
Octavia. He himself informed against Quintus Salvidienus, who was
forming a villanous combination against Cæsar, who, having been
condemned, committed suicide. [Y. R. 713. B. C. 39.] Publius Ventidius,
the lieutenant of Antony, drove the Parthians from Syria, having
conquered them in battle, their general, Labienus, having been slain.
When Sextus Pompey held Sicily, (being hostilely disposed, and near to
Italy,) and obstructed the commerce in corn, at his own request Cæsar
and Antony entered into a treaty of peace, so that he was made governor
of Sicily. This book contains also the history of the commotions and war
in Africa.



BOOK CXXVIII.


[Y. R. 714. B. C. 38.] When Sextus Pompeius had again infested the sea
with his piracies, nor kept the peace which he had solicited, Cæsar,
being obliged to make war upon him, fought against him in two indecisive
sea-engagements, [Y. R. 715. B. C. 37.] Publius Ventidius, the
lieutenant of Marcus Antonius, overthrew the Parthians in battle, in
Syria, and killed their king. [Y. R. 716. B. C. 36.] Antonius’s generals
vanquished the Jews also. This book contains also the account of the
preparations for war in Sicily.



BOOK CXXIX.


Several battles were fought at sea, with Sextus Pompeius, with various
success; of Cæsar’s two fleets, one under the command of Agrippa gained
a victory; the other, led by Cæsar himself, was cut off; and his
soldiers, being sent on shore, were exposed to great dangers. Pompeius,
being afterwards defeated, fled into Sicily. Marcus Lepidus, who came
from Africa, under the pretext of joining Cæsar in the war which he was
about to wage against Sextus Pompeius, when he declared war against
Cæsar himself, being deserted by his army, and deprived of the honour of
the triumvirate, obtained his life. Cæsar conferred a naval crown upon
Agrippa, an honour never before bestowed on any commander.



BOOK CXXX.


Marcus Antonius, having spent much time in luxurious indulgence with
Cleopatra, having arrived late in Media, with eighteen legions and
sixteen thousand horse, made war upon the Parthians. When, having lost
two of his legions, nothing prospered with him, he retreated to Armenia;
being pursued by the Parthians, he fled three hundred miles in
twenty-one days, great trepidation and danger encompassing his whole
army. He lost about eight thousand men by tempests; he was himself the
cause, as well of the losses by the tempests, as of the unfortunate
Parthian war; for he would not winter in Armenia, being in haste to
revisit Cleopatra.



BOOK CXXXI.


Sextus Pompeius, [Y. R. 717. B. C. 35,] notwithstanding his engagements
to Marcus Antonius, endeavoured to raise a war against him in Asia, and
was slain by one of Antonius’s generals. [Y. R. 718. B. C. 34.] Cæsar
repressed a mutiny of the veterans, which threatened much mischief; he
subdued the Japidæ, the Dalmatians, and Pannonians. [Y. R. 179. B. C.
33.] Antonius, having, by promises of safety and protection, induced
Artavardes, king of Armenia, to come to him, commanded him to be thrown
into chains, and gave the kingdom of Armenia to his own son, whom he had
by Cleopatra, whom he now treated as his wife, having been long
enamoured of her.



BOOK CXXXII.


Cæsar conquered the Dalmatians in Illyria. [Y. R. 720. B. C. 32.] He
passed over to Epirus at the head of an army [Y. R. 721. B. C. 31]
against Antonius, who, fascinated by the love of Cleopatra, by whom he
had two sons, Alexander and Philadelphus, would neither come to Rome,
nor, the time of his triumvirate being expired, would resign that
office; but meditated war, which he should wage against Rome and Italy,
and for that purpose was preparing great forces both by sea and land,
having also divorced Octavia, Cæsar’s sister. Sea-fights, and battles on
land between the cavalry, in which Cæsar was victorious, are recorded.



BOOK CXXXIII.


After his fleet had been vanquished by Cæsar at Actium, Antonius escaped
to Alexandria, where, being besieged by Cæsar, in desperation, induced
principally by a false rumour of the death of Cleopatra, he committed
suicide. Cæsar having reduced Alexandria, [Y. R. 722. B. C. 30,]
Cleopatra, to avoid falling into his hands, having put herself to death,
on his return to Rome triumphs three times: first, over Illyria;
secondly, on account of the victory at Actium; and, thirdly, over
Cleopatra: the civil wars being thus terminated, after they had lasted
one-and-twenty years, [Y. R. 723. B. C. 29.] Marcus Lepidus, the son of
Lepidus, who was of the triumvirate, forming a conspiracy against Cæsar,
was taken and killed.



BOOK CXXXIV.


Cæsar, having settled the affairs of the state, [Y. R. 724. B. C. 28,]
and reduced all the provinces to exact order, received the surname of
Augustus; and the month Sextilis was named, in honour of him, August.
[Y. R. 725. B. C. 27.] Cæsar having called a meeting of the states at
Narbo, a census was made of the three Gauls, which were conquered by his
father. The war against the Bastarnians, Mœsians, and other nations,
under the conduct of Marcus Crassus, is described in this book.



BOOK CXXXV.


The war carried on by Marcus Crassus against the Thracians, and by Cæsar
against the Spaniards, is recorded in this book. [Y. R. 729. B. C. 23.]
The Salassians, a people of the Alps, were subdued.



BOOK CXXXVI.


Rhætia was subdued by Tiberius Nero and Drusus, the step-sons of Cæsar.
Agrippa, Cæsar’s son-in-law, died. The census was held by Drusus.



BOOK CXXXVII.


The states of Germany, situated on either side of the Rhine, are
attacked by Drusus. The insurrections, excited by the taxes levied in
Gaul, were suppressed, [Y. R. 740. B. C. 12.] An altar was dedicated to
Cæsar at the confluence of the Arar and the Rhone, by Caius Julius
Vercundaris Dubius, an Æduan, appointed priest for that purpose.



BOOK CXXXVIII.


That the Thracians were subdued by Lucius Piso; [Y. R. 741. B. C. 11;]
also the Cheruscans, Tenetherans, Cattians, and other nations beyond the
Rhine, by Drusus, is recorded in this book. Octavia, Augustus’s sister,
died, having before lost her son, Marcellus; a theatre and portico,
dedicated in his name, form his monument.



BOOK CXXXIX.


[Y. R. 742. B. C. 10.] The war against the nations beyond the Rhine,
conducted by Drusus, is recorded in this book: the chief actors in it
were Senectius and Anectius, military tribunes, belonging to the
Nervians. Nero, the brother of Drusus, subdued the Dalmatians and
Pannonians. Peace was concluded with Parthia, the standards which were
taken from Crassus, and afterwards from Antonius, being restored by
their king.



BOOK CXL.


[Y. R. 743. B. C. 9.] The war against the German nations beyond the
Rhine, conducted by Drusus, is recorded in this book. Drusus himself,
his horse having fallen on his leg, died of the fracture thirteen days
after the accident. His body was conveyed to Rome by his brother, Nero,
who having been summoned by the tidings of his illness, had quickly come
to him, and it was buried in the tomb of Caius Julius. His funeral
eulogium was pronounced by Cæsar Augustus, his stepfather, and many
honours were added to his last rites.



FRAGMENTS

OF

THE HISTORY OF LIVY.

TRANSLATED

BY WILLIAM A. M‘DEVITTE, SEN. MOD. EX. SCHOL. A. B. T. C. D.

N. B. An asterisk is prefixed to such fragments as can, by a probable
conjecture, be referred to the books to which they belong: the other
fragments, to which we cannot assign their proper place in the books of
Livy, together with what remains of a letter inscribed to his son, have
been added subsequently.


* Belonging to the 12th book.

Pyrrhus was a consummate tactician, but more skilful in the arrangements
of a battle than the operations of a war.—Servius on Virg. Æn. i. 456.


* Belonging to the 13th book.

We might have held it in private.—Priscian.


* Belonging to the 14th book.

Both Livy and Sallust inform us that the ancients used scythe-armed
chariots.—Servius. Virg. Æn. i. 476.


* Belonging to the 16th book.

Sichæeus was called Sicharbas; Belus, the father of Dido, Methres;
Carthage from Carthada, (as we read it,) which is found in the history
of the Carthaginians, and in Livy.—Servius. Virg. Æn. i. 343.

Carthage signifies, in the Punic tongue, “New City,” as Livy informs
us.—Servius. Virg. Æn. i. 366.

Bitias was the admiral of the Punic fleet, as Livy informs us.
Servius.—Virg. Æn. i. 738.


* Belonging to the 17th book.

The day before the Nones. The day before the Ides.—Priscian.


* Belonging to the 18th book.

Beardless.—Charis. book i.

There is also mention made by Livy of a serpent, in a narrative alike
interesting and eloquent.

For he says that there was in Africa, at the river Bagradas, a snake of
such enormous size, that it prevented the army of Atilius Regulus from
using the water: and that, after seizing many of the soldiers in its
powerful fangs, and crushing several to death in the folds of its tail,
as soon as they discovered that it could not be injured by weapons cast
by the hand, it was at last attacked on every side by missiles from the
engines, and killed by numerous and ponderous blows of huge stones; and
that it appeared to all, both cohorts and legions, more terrible than
Carthage itself. He narrates that the Romans were compelled to remove
their camp, owing to the river being tinged with its blood, and the air
in the vicinity being corrupted by the pestilential effluvia.

He says, too, that the skin of the monster, which was a hundred and
twenty feet long, was sent to Rome.—Valerius Maximus.


* Belonging to the 19th book.

The third (secular) games were celebrated, according to Antias and Livy,
in the consulship of Publius Claudius Pulcher, and Caius Junius
Pullus.—Censorinus.

It is recorded in Livy that when a certain general, who was desirous of
carrying on a war, was prevented by one of the tribunes of the commons
from setting out on the expedition, he ordered the sacred chickens to be
brought forward: when they did not eat the corn that was cast before
them, the consul, in derision of the augury, said, “let them drink,” and
cast them into the Tiber. Afterwards, when returning victorious in his
ships, he was drowned off the coast of Africa, with all that he
commanded.—Servius. Virg. Æn. vi. 198.


* Belonging to the 22nd book.

And in repeating the attack with a small body of troops on the walls of
Alisfa, after coming like a marauder, an elephant covered with armour
broke forth from the town: the consul took it, and after slaying those
on its back, reserved it for the fight. But the townsmen, as they felt
little anxiety about it, on the second day, armed with shields, engraven
with the figures of elephants, attack a few fugitives, and retake the
elephant under more favourable omens; and the inhabitants give the name
of Alifæ to the town, formerly called Ruffius, from the circumstance of
the favourable following the unfavourable omen.

This fragment is undoubtedly spurious.


* Belonging to the 49th book.

There are three different opinions concerning the date of the fourth
(secular) games. For Antias, and Varro, and Livy have recorded, that
they were exhibited in the consulate of Lucius Marcius Censorinus and
Manius Manilius, in the six hundred and fifth year after the foundation
of Rome.—Censorinus.


* Belonging to the 56th book.

Who say that Pompey pleaded disease as an excuse, lest, by his presence
in the tumult, he might irritate the minds of the Numantines.—Priscian.


* Belonging to the 77th book.

Sulla makes a most noble matrimonial alliance, by marrying Cæcilia, the
daughter of Metellus, the pontifex maximus. For which reason the
populace chanted many lampoons against him, and many of the principal
men envied him, considering him, whom they judged deserving of
consulship, unworthy of that woman, as Livy remarks.—Plutarch. Sulla.

Livy relates that, when Sulla first advanced to the city against Marius,
the entrails appeared so propitious to the person sacrificing, that
Postumius, the soothsayer, expressed his willingness to give himself
into custody, on condition that he should suffer capital punishment, if
Sulla did not, by the aid of the gods, succeed in the projects which he
had in contemplation.—Augustin.


  * Belonging to the 83rd book.

Since when all the statues were overthrown and burned along with the
town, the statue of Minerva alone is reported (as Livy says) to have
stood uninjured under the ruins of that immense temple.—Augustin.


  Belonging to the 91st book.

The inhabitants of Contrebia, although they were attacked by the pangs
of famine, in addition to their other calamities, after making many
ineffectual attempts to repel the war from their city and walls, injured
the works of Sertorius by casting fire from the walls; and a tower of
many stories, which exceeded in height all the fortifications of the
city, being consumed by the spreading flames, fell to the ground with a
great crash. However, during the following night another tower was
reared in the same place, by the efforts of Sertorius, who remained
awake all night; the sight of which at the dawn struck the enemy with
astonishment. At the same time the city-tower, which had been their
strongest defence, as its foundations were undermined, began to yawn
with great rents, and afterwards take fire from a torch that was thrown
against it; and the inhabitants of Contrebia, being terrified by the
fear of the fire and fall of the battlements combined, fled in alarm
from the walls: and the whole populace shouted out that ambassadors
should be sent to surrender the city. The same valour which had urged
Sertorius to besiege them when they provoked him, made him, when
victorious, more inclined to mercy. After receiving hostages, he exacted
a small sum of money, and took away from them all their arms. He ordered
the deserters that were freemen to be brought alive to him: he ordered
the inhabitants to slay the fugitive slaves, of whom there was a greater
number. They cut their throats and cast them from the walls. Having
reduced Contrebia, after a siege of forty-four days, which cost him a
great number of men, and having left Lucius Insteius in command there
with a strong garrison, he himself marched his army to the river Iberus.
Then having built his winter quarters nigh to the town, which is called
Castra Ælia, he remained in person in the camp; during the day he held a
congress of the allied states in the town. He had previously issued a
proclamation throughout the entire province, that each state should make
arms in proportion to its resources: and after inspecting them, he
ordered his soldiers to bring in their other arms, which had been
rendered ineffective by frequent marches, or assaults and battles, and
divided the new arms among the men by means of the centurions. He also
furnished the cavalry with new arms: and distributed among them clothes,
which had been previously prepared for them, and gave them pay also. He
searched carefully for mechanics, and brought them together from every
quarter, and erected public manufactories in which he could employ their
labour, and made calculations of the amount of work that could be done
each day. Therefore all the implements of war were in process of
preparation at the same time: neither did the mechanics want materials,
as all things had been previously prepared by the zealous efforts of the
states; nor was any department of the service unprovided with proper
workmen. Then, after calling together the embassies of all the nations
and states, he returned them thanks, because they furnished the supplies
which had been levied on them for the infantry: he laid before them a
statement of the acts which he had performed in defending his allies and
besieging the cities of the enemy, and encouraged them to prosecute the
war with vigour: he informed them, briefly, how deeply the provinces of
Spain were interested in the success of his party. He then dismissed the
assembly, and after bidding them all to be of good courage, and return
to their respective states, he sent Marcus Perperna early in spring with
twenty thousand infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry, to the nation of
the Ilercaonians, to defend the maritime coast of that country: he gave
him instructions relative to the routes by which he should march to
defend the cities in alliance with him, which Pompey was besieging, and
pointed out the places in which he might lay ambuscades for Pompey on
his march. At the same time he sent letters to Herennuleius, who was in
the same country, and to Lucius Hirtulius, in the other province, with
instructions as to the manner in which he wished the war to be
conducted: charging him especially “to defend the allied states in such
a manner as not to fight a pitched battle with Metellus, for whom he was
not a match either in influence or strength. That he himself did not
intend to march against Pompey; nor did he believe that the latter would
come to a pitched battle; since if the war were protracted, the enemy
could procure supplies from every quarter by their shipping, as they had
the sea at their back, and all the provinces under their dominion; and
that he himself would be reduced to want of every thing, since what he
had previously stored was consumed during the former summer. That
Perperna was appointed to the command of the region bordering on the
sea, in order that he might be able to defend the country which was as
yet free from the ravages of the enemy, and at the same time attack them
unawares, if any opportunity should occur.” He determined to march in
person with his army against the Beronians and Autrigonians; because he
ascertained that they had frequently, during the winter, solicited aid
from Pompey, and had sent persons to point out the way to the Roman
army, during the time that he himself was employed in besieging the
Celtiberian cities; and besides, his soldiers were often harassed by
their cavalry during the siege of Contrebia, in whatsoever direction
they might proceed in search of corn and forage. They had even the
hardihood at that time to solicit the Arevaci to join their party. He
intended, after giving them an example of the severity of war, to
deliberate which of his two enemies he should attack, which of the two
provinces he should repair to: whether he should go to the maritime
coast, to prevent Pompey from entering Ilercaonia and Contestania, both
of which were allied nations, or should turn his attention to Metellus
and Lusitania. Sertorius, anxiously deliberating on these plans, marched
his army peaceably along the banks of the river Iberus, through the
territory of his allies, without injuring any one. Then he marched into
the territories of the Bursaonians, Cascantinians, and Gracchuritanians;
and after wasting every thing, and trampling down the crops, came to
Calaguris Nasica, a city of the allies; and after passing the river nigh
to the town, by a bridge built for the occasion, he encamped there. On
the next day he sent Marcus Marius, the quæstor, into the territory of
the Arevacans and Cerindonians, to enlist soldiers among those nations,
and to convey the corn from them to Contrebia, called also Leucas, near
which city lay the most convenient roads leading out of the country of
the Beronians, in whatever direction he should determine to march his
army: and he sent Caius Insteius, the prefect of the cavalry, to Liguria
and the nation of the Vaccæans, to search for horsemen, with orders to
wait for him at Contrebia with such cavalry as he could collect. After
despatching them, he himself set out, and having marched his army
through the territory of the Vasconians, pitched his camp on the
confines of the Beronians. On the next day he went forward with the
cavalry to reconnoitre the roads, after giving orders to the infantry to
march in the form of a square, and came to Vaccæa, the strongest city in
that country. He came on them unexpectedly during the night. The
townsmen having summoned from every quarter the cavalry, both of their
own nation and the Autrigonians, made a sally and marched against
Sertorius, to prevent him from entering the pass.—The Vatican copy of
Livy. This was the first battle that was fought between Sertorius and
Pompey. We have the authority of Livy, that Pompey’s army lost ten
thousand men and all their baggage.—Frontinus.


  * Belonging to the 94th book.

Livy says, in his 94th book, that Inarime was in part of Mæonia, where,
for an extent of fifty miles, the earth has been burned with fire. He
intimates that Homer signified the same fact.—Servius. Æn. ix. 715.


  Belonging to the 97th book.

Livy relates that thirty thousand armed men (composed of the fugitives
conquered by Crassus) were slain in that battle with their leaders,
Castus and Gannicus, and that five of the Roman eagles were recovered,
besides twenty-six military standards, and many spoils, among which were
the rods and axes.—Frontinus.


  * Belonging to the 98th book.

Livy says that the Romans never before, with such inferior numbers,
engaged an enemy. For the victors were scarcely equal in number to a
twentieth, or even a smaller portion, of the conquered.—Plutarch.
Lucullus. We have the authority of Livy that in the former engagement
(that at Tigranocerta) a greater number of the enemy was slain and taken
prisoners, but in the latter battle (that at Artaxata) the noblest of
the nation met that fate.—Plutarch. Lucullus.


  * Belonging to the 99th book.

Crete had at first a hundred cities; from which circumstance it was
called Hecatompolis; afterwards it contained twenty-four; and
subsequently, as we are told, two, Gnossus and Hierapytna: although Livy
says that several were stormed by Metellus.—Servius. Virg. Æn. iii. 106.


  * Belonging to the 102nd book.

After having dissolved this.—Agroetius. For on the capture of the city,
(he alludes to the capture of Jerusalem by Cneius Pompeius,) in the
third month of the siege, on a fast-day, in the 179th Olympiad, in the
consulship of Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero, when the Romans,
after storming the town, were butchering those who were in the temple;
notwithstanding all this, those who were engaged in the sacred
ceremonies continued to offer divine worship with the same attention,
and were not induced, either by the fear of losing their lives, or by
the number of men who were slain around them, to take to flight, for
they considered it better to suffer at the very altars whatever they
might be compelled to endure, than to neglect any of the commandments
instituted by their forefathers. Those who have recorded the
achievements of Pompey, testify that these facts were not invented,
merely with a tendency to extol a false piety, but that they are really
true; among these writers may be enumerated Strabo and Nicolaus, and in
addition to them Titus Livy, the writer of Roman History.—Josephus.


  Belonging to the 103rd book.

The cancer which eats away the body is more horrible. When concealed it
consumes the vitals; when palpable, tears them away: formerly the
ancients expelled it by various remedies. For the 103rd book of Titus
Livy informs us that such an ulcer was cut out by a red-hot knife, or
driven away by drinking the seed of rape: he asserts that the life of a
person who has received the infection can scarcely be prolonged for
seven days; so great is the violence of the disease.—Q. Seren. Lamon.


  * Belonging to the 105th book.

Livy among the ancients, and Fabius Rusticus among the moderns, both
most eloquent writers, have compared the shape of Great Britain to an
oblong shield, or two-edged battle-axe.—Tacitus. Agric. Although no one
as yet has made the circuit of the entire of Britain, as Livy relates,
still various opinions have been expressed by many in speaking on that
subject.—Jornandes.


  * Belonging to the 109th book.

In the seven hundredth year from the foundation of Rome, a
conflagration, the origin of which has not been ascertained, broke out
in that city, and consumed fourteen divisions of it: never, as Livy
remarks, was it wasted by a greater fire; so extensive was it, that
several years after, Cæsar Augustus gave a large sum of money out of
the public treasury for the purpose of rebuilding those edifices which
were then burned to the ground.—Orosius. Cæsar, having crossed the river
Rubicon, on his reaching Ariminum soon after, issued the necessary
commands to the five cohorts, which were the only troops that he then
had, and with which, as Livy says, he attacked the world.—Orosius.


  * Belonging to the 111th book.

Caius Crastinus was the first that struck an enemy on the late occasion,
which he did with the first javelin that he could seize.—Scholiast on
Lucan. Caius Cornelius, a man skilled in the science of augury, the
fellow-citizen and intimate friend of Livy the historian, happened to be
engaged in taking auspices at the same time. He first, as Livy records,
knew the exact period of the battle (of Pharsalia), and told the
bystanders that the affair was going on at that moment, and that the
leaders were commencing battle. When he took the auguries a second time,
and beheld the signs, he leaped up in a fit of inspiration, shouting
out, “Cæsar, thou art conquering!” While they who were present were
astonished, he took off the garland from his head, and swore that he
would not replace it until the event was proved to correspond to his
art. Livy positively asserts that this is true.—Plutarch. Cæsar.


  Belonging to the 112th book.

Bogud Bogudis, the name of a barbarian, which Livy has declined in the
112th book with the genitive Bogudis.—Priscian. Cassius and Bogud
attacked the camp also in different parts, and were not far from forcing
the works. At which time also he endeavoured to transport his army
rapidly into Africa, for the purpose of strengthening the kingdom of
Bogud. Cassius would have waged war against Trebonius, if he could have
induced Bogud to become a partner in his mad design.—Priscian. Four
hundred thousand books, the noblest monument of the wealth of kings that
ever existed, were burned at Alexandria. Other writers have spoken in
favour of this library; Livy, for instance, who said that it was the
surpassing work of the elegance and research of kings.—Seneca.


  Belonging to the 113th book.

And he himself defended the coast about Palpud.


  * Belonging to the 114th book.

These are the accounts that some give of Bassus; but Livy says that he
fought under the command of Pompey, and on his defeat lived privately at
Tyre, and by bribing some of the legionary soldiers, succeeded in being
elected general by them when Sextus was killed.—Appian. I should wish my
lot to be such as Titus Livy describes Cato’s to have been: for his
glory was of such an elevated character, that no addition to or
diminution of it was made by the praise or blame of any man, though men
of the greatest abilities did both. He alludes to Marcus Cicero and
Caius Cæsar, the former of whom wrote in praise, and the latter in
condemnation, of the above-mentioned individual.—Hieronymus.


  * Belonging to the 116th book.

According to the narrative of Livy, an ornamental top had been added to
the house of Cæsar, by a decree of the senate, to give it beauty and
grandeur. His wife Calpurnia imagined in her dreams that this had
fallen, and that she was lamenting and weeping over it. Therefore, when
day dawned, she entreated Cæsar not to go into the street that day, but
postpone the meeting of the senate to another occasion, if he could
possibly effect it.—Plutarch. Cæsar. It is considered an evil omen when
Mount Ætna, in Sicily, emits not only smoke, but balls of fire: and Livy
says that such extensive flames issued from it before the death of
Cæsar; that not only the neighbouring cities, but also the state of
Rhegium, which is far distant from it, felt the fiery vapour.—Servius.
The remark that was generally made concerning Julius Cæsar, and
attributed to Titus Livy, is applicable also to the winds; namely, that
it was doubtful whether his existence or non-existence would have been
more advantageous to the republic.—Seneca.


  * Belonging to the 118th book.

In opposition to the murderers of Caius Cæsar, he levied some troops to
assist his avengers.


  * Belonging to the 120th book.

Marcus Cicero had left the city a little before the arrival of the
triumvirs, considering it certain that there was no greater possibility
of his being rescued from Antonius, than of Brutus and Cassius being
saved from Cæsar, and so the matter really was. He fled first to the
territory of Tusculum, and afterwards proceeded by crossroads into the
territory of Formiæ, with the intention of embarking at Caieta. From
which he sailed out several times into the deep sea, but when the
adverse winds at one time drove him back, at another he himself could
not endure the pitching of the ship in the heavy roll of the sea, he was
at length seized with a disgust at both life and flight: and having
returned to his upper villa, which is little more than a mile from the
sea, he said, “I will die in my native land that I have saved so often.”
It is ascertained that his slaves were prepared to fight with bravery
and fidelity; and that he himself ordered them to lay down the litter,
and bear with resignation whatever the severity of fortune would enjoin.
As he stretched forth from the litter, and held his neck unmoved, his
head was cut off. Nor did that suffice the senseless cruelty of the
soldiers. They cut off his hands also, in reproach of their having
written any thing against Antonius. In this way his head was brought to
Antonius, and by his orders placed between his hands on the rostrum. The
people, raising up their eyes bedimmed with tears, could scarcely bear
the sight of his dismembered limbs. He lived sixty-three years; so that
in the absence of violence his death would not have seemed a premature
one: his genius was successfully displayed in his works, and in gaining
the rewards of his works: he himself was for a long time prosperous, yet
during his long career of success suffering occasionally great
calamities: namely, exile, the ruin of the party which he had espoused,
the death of his daughter, his own, so miserable and galling; none of
which calamities he bore with the firmness worthy of a man, except his
death, which, to a man that estimated matters justly, might seem less
likely to call forth indignation, as he had not suffered from his
victorious enemy greater cruelty than he would himself have practised,
if he had been equally successful. However, if any one will weigh
accurately his virtues against his vices, he will come to the conclusion
that he was a great, energetic, and remarkable man, and one who would
require the eulogies of a second Cicero to do justice to his merit.


  Belonging to the 127th book.

Since traces of the dissensions between Augustus and Antonius still
existed, Cocceius Nerva, the ancestor of that Nerva who was subsequently
emperor of Rome, recommended to Augustus to send deputies to treat of
affairs in general. Therefore Mæcenas and Agrippa were sent, who brought
both armies into one camp, as Livy relates in the 127th book. But we
must understand that when Fonteius was deputed by Antonius, Augustus
sent Mæcenas and others to the same place.—Acro on Horace. When a
dispute arose between Cæsar Augustus and Antonius, Cocceius Nerva, the
ancestor of him who was afterwards emperor of Rome, requested of Cæsar
to send some one to Tarracina to negotiate the principal points. Mæcenas
held the conference first, and was shortly after joined by Agrippa, and
there entered into a most solemn compact with Antonius’s deputies, and
ordered the standards of both armies to be brought together into the
same camp. Livy mentions this also in the 127th book, but makes no
mention of Capito.—Porphyrio on Horace. Fonteius Capito had been sent as
deputy by Antonius and Mæcenas, and Agrippa, in a similar capacity, by
Augustus, owing to the mediation of Cocceius Nerva, who possessed great
influence with both Augustus and Antonius, and was the ancestor of the
emperor Nerva. But the deputies met for the purpose of negotiating the
general interests of their principals, and settling the disputes that
had broken out between these two commanders; which they did, and brought
both armies into one camp, near Brundusium; an event which was hailed
with great demonstrations of joy, as Livy relates in the 127th
book.—Commentator Cruquii on Horace.


  * Belonging to the 133rd book.

Livy relates that Cleopatra, when after her capture by Augustus she was
designedly treated with great indulgence, used to say: I will not grace
a triumph.—Commentator Cruquii. Hor. Odes, i. 37.


  Belonging to the 136th book.

In the same year Cæsar celebrated the secular games with great pomp;
they were usually celebrated every hundredth year (for such was the
limit of a secular period).—Censorinus.

A man of great but ill-directed abilities.—Seneca.

I confess that I am astonished that Titus Livy, a most celebrated
writer, in one of the volumes of his history, which he traces back to
the foundation of the city, used the following exordium: that he had
already acquired sufficient glory, and had it in his power to cease his
exertions, were it not that his intellectual restlessness obtained food
by labour.—Pliny.

Titus Livy and Cornelius Nepos have recorded that the breadth of the
Straits of Gibraltar at the narrowest part is seven miles; but at the
widest part ten miles.—Pliny. The proper number of consuls being
elected.—Servius.

Thou, whosoever thou art, shalt be ours, are the words of a general
receiving a deserter under his protection, in which sense we meet them
in Livy.—Servius.

I was destined from my birth to be a general, not a common soldier.

William of Malmesbury appears to have borrowed this expression of Scipio
from Livy.

Tell me, when we often read in Roman history, on the authority of Livy,
that countless thousands of men perished very frequently in this city by
the breaking out of plagues, and that matters often came to such a state
that there were scarcely sufficient men to constitute an army in those
warlike times, were no sacrifices offered to your god, Februarius, at
that period? Or was his worship utterly ineffectual? Were not the
Lupercalia celebrated at that time? For you cannot say that these sacred
rites were unknown at the time since they were said to have been
introduced into Italy by Evander before the date of Romulus. But Livy,
in his second decade, tells us the reason of the institution of the
Lupercalia (as they are intimately connected with his own
superstitions): he does not say that they were instituted to check
disease, but to remove the barrenness of women, which was then
prevalent.—Gelasius.

According to Livy, ambassadors suing for peace are called
heralds.—Servius.

Livy calls silver heavy; he means masses of it.—Servius.

On this eminence (the promontory of Circæum) was a town, which was
called both Circæum and Circæi. For Livy uses both.—Servius.

Titus Livius was so unfavourable to Sallust, that he reproached him with
this sentence, “prosperity has a wonderful tendency to cloak
misconduct,” as being not only translated, but even spoiled in the
translation. Nor does he do this out of regard to Thucydides, with a
view to extol him. He praises him whose rivalry he does not fear, and
thinks that Sallust could be more easily surpassed by him if he were
previously excelled by Thucydides.—Seneca.

Titus Livy used to say that Miltiades, the rhetorician, made the
following elegant remark—“they are mad on common-place subjects ...” in
reference to orators who hunt after antiquated or obsolete terms, and
consider chastity of style to consist in obscurity of diction.—Seneca.

Several have fallen into the same error: nor is it a novel defect, since
I find, even in Livy, that there was a certain teacher of rhetoric who
ordered his pupils to throw an air of mystery over their expressions,
which he expressed by the Greek word σκότισον. From which circumstance
originated the remarkable expression of approbation: “so much the
better: even I myself did not understand.”—Quintilian.

Therefore that hint was the safest, of which an example occurs in Livy,
in the letter written to his son, “we ought to read Demosthenes and
Cicero, and them too in such a manner that each of us should closely
resemble Demosthenes and Cicero.”—Quintilian.


THE END.



  INDEX.

  _The numerals refer to the books, the figures to the chapters._


  ABDERITES complain of the rapacity and cruelty of Hortensius,
    and redress is ordered by the senate, xliii. 4.

  Abelox, a Spaniard, contrives to put into Scipio’s hands the
    hostages left by Hannibal at Saguntum, xxii. 22.

  Aborigines, united to the Trojans, lose their king Latinus in
       battle, i. 1, 2.

  Abrupolis, an ally of the Romans, oppressed by Perseus, xlii. 13.
    Charged by him as the aggressor, 41.

  Aburius, C., ambassador to Africa, xlii. 35.

  ——, M., prætor, xli. 14.

  ————, plebeian tribune, xxxix. 4.

  Abydus, city of Mysia, besieged by Philip, xxxi. 14.
    Desperate resolution of the townsmen, 17.
    They kill their wives, children, and themselves, 18.
    The Rhodians insist on the Macedonian garrison being withdrawn,
      xxxii. 33.
    Which is made an article in a treaty of peace, xxxiii. 30.
    It is besieged by the Romans, xxxvii. 12.

  Acarnania, xxvi. 24, 25, 26.
    Two Acarnanians killed at Athens, for entering the temple of Ceres,
      which gives rise to the Macedonian war, xxxi. 14.

  Acerræ, city, admitted to the freedom of Rome, viii. 17.
    Sacked and burned by Hannibal, xxiii. 17.
    Rebuilt, xxvii. 3.

  Achaia, xxv. 15.

  Achæans, assisted by Philip against the Ætolians, xxvii. 29.
    Gain a victory at Messene, 32.
    In a council at Sicyon they determine in favour of the Romans, xxxii.
      19, 23.
    Are declared free, xxxiii. 20.
    Proclaim war against Antiochus, xxxv. 50;
      against the Lacedæmonians, xxxviii. 32.
    Refuse audience to the ambassadors of Perseus, xli. 25.

  Achæron, river of Molossis, viii. 24.

  ——, or Acherusia, river in Italy, viii. 24.

  Achelous river, xliii. 21, 23.

  Achradina, _see_ Syracuse.

  Acilius, historian, his work translated into Latin by Claudius,
    xxv. 39.

  ——, C., plebeian tribune, xxxii. 29.

  Acilius, L., lieutenant-general, xl. 31, 32.

  ——, Glabrio, Man., plebeian tribune, xxx. 40.
    Commissioner of religious affairs, xxxi. 50.
    Plebeian ædile, xxxiii. 25.
    Consul, xxxvi. 1, 2, 3.
    Arrives with his army in Thessaly, 14.
    His proceedings in Greece, 15-20.
    When he defeats Antiochus and the Ætolians at Thermopylæ, reduces
      Heraclea, xxii. 24.
    Reduces the Ætolians to submission, 28;
      and composes the affairs of Greece, 35.
    Takes Lamia and Amphissa from the Ætolians, xxxvii, 5.
    Triumphs, 46.
    Dedicates a temple to Piety, in which he places a gilded statue of
      his father, the first of the kind seen in Italy, xl. 34.

  ——, Q., commissioner of a colony, xxi. 25.

  Acræ, town, xxiv. 36; xxxv. 27.

  Acrillæ, city, xxiv. 35.

  Acrocorinthus, citadel, xxxvi. 49, 50.

  Actium, promontory, xliv. 1.

  Adherbal, defeated at sea by Lælius, xxviii. 30.

  Adramytteum, city of Asia, in the plain of Thebes, celebrated by Homer,
    xxxvii. 19, 21.

  Adria, Tuscan colony, v. 33; xxvii. 10; xxxiv. 45.

  Adriatic Sea, i. 1; v. 33; xl. 21, 57.

  Adultery, punished by a fine, x. 31.

  Æbutia, Roman matron, xxxix. 11, 12.

  Æbutius, L., consul, dies of a pestilence, iii. 6.

  ——, Elva, M., commissioner of a colony, iv. 11.

  ——, M., military tribune, xli. 1.

  ——, Elva, M., prætor, xliv. 17.

  ——, Cornicen, Postumus, consul, iv. 11.

  ——, T., consul, and master of horse, ii. 19.

  ——, Carus, T., commissioner of a colony, xxxix. 55; xlii. 4.

  Ædiles, plebeian, iii. 6.
    Are ordered to keep the decrees of the senate in the temple of Ceres,
      and their persons are declared inviolable, 55.

  ——, curule or patrician, vi. 42; vii. 1.

    Commence a practice of ornamenting the forum on festivals, ix. 40.

  Æditui, xxx. 17.

  Æduans, people of Gaul, v. 34.

  Ægates, islands, xxi. 10, 41, 49; xxii. 54, 56; xxiii. 13; xxx. 32.

  Ægean Sea, xxxvi. 43.

  Ægimurus island, xxix. 27.
    At the mouth of the harbour of Carthage, xxx. 24.

  Ægina, island, xxvii. 30, 33; xxviii. 5; xxxi. 14—33; xxxii. 39;
    xxxiii. 17, 30; xxxvi. 42; xlii. 14, 18.

  Æginium, town, xxxii. 15; xxxvi. 13; xliv. 46; xlv. 27.

  Ægium, sea-port, xxviii. 7, 8; xxxv. 26, 47, 48.

  Ælius, C., prætor, xxxii. 26.
    Military tribune, xli. 1, 4.

  ——, Pætus, L., plebeian ædile, x. 23.

  ————, P. one of the first plebeian quæstors, iv. 54.

  ——, P., prætus, xxx. 17, 21.
        Ambassador to Antiochus, xxxiv. 59.

  ——, Pætus, P., consul, viii. 15.
        Master of horse, resigns on his election appearing faulty, ix. 7.
        Augur, x. 9.

  ————, P., prætor, xxix. 38.
          Commissioner of lands, xxxi. 4.
          Of a colony, xxxii. 2.
          Censor, 7.
          Augur, xli. 21.

  ——, Ligus, P., consul, xlii. 9; xlv. 17.

  ——, Tubero, P., prætor, xxx. 40.
        Commissioner of a colony, xxxv. 9.
        Commissioner to Asia, xxxvii. 55.

  ——, Q., xli. 6.

  ——, Pætus, Q., xxii. 35; xxiii. 21; xli. 21.

  ——, Tubero, Q., historian, iv. 23; x. 9.

  ————, plebeian tribune, xxxiv. 53; xxxv. 9.

  ——, Q., charged by the consul with the care of Perseus when a prisoner,
        xlv. 8.

  ——, Pætus, Sex., xxxii. 2.
        Consul, 7.
        Censor, xxxiv. 44; xxxv. 8.

  ——, T., military tribune, xli. 1, 4.

  Æmilia, wife of Scipio Africanus, xxxviii. 57.

  Æmilian law, ix. 33, 34.

  ——, tribe, xxxviii. 36.

  ——, portico, xli. 27.

  Æmilius, consul, compels Cleonymus to re-embark, x. 2.

  ——, C., consular tribune, v. 26.
    A second time, 32.

  ——, L., consul, ii. 42.
    A second time, 49.
    A third, 54.

  ————, consular tribune, vi. 1.
    A second time, 5.
    A third, 21.
    A fourth, 22.
    A fifth, 32.

  ————, interrex, vii. 17.
    Being again interrex, he holds the election of consuls, viii. 23.

  ——, Mamercinus, L., consul, vii. 1.
    A second time, 3.
    Master of horse, 21.

  ——, Regillus, L., commander of the fleet employed against Antiochus,
          xxxvii. 1, 14.
        Defeats the enemy’s fleet, 29, 30.
        Triumphs, 58.
        _See_ xl. 52.

  Æmilius Mamercinus, L., master of horse vii. 39.
    Consul, viii. 1.
    Dictator, 16.
    A second time consul, 20.
    Again dictator, ix. 21.

  ——, Scaurus, L., xxxvii. 31.

  ——, Paullus, L., commissioner of a colony, xxxiv. 45.
    Ædile, xxxv. 10.
    Prætor, 24.
    Commissioner to settle the affairs of Asia, xxxvii. 55.
    Defeats the Lusitanians, 57.
    Consul, xxxix. 56.
    Proconsul, triumphs over the Ligurians, xl. 28.
    A second time consul, xliv. 17.
    His conduct in the war against Perseus, 13—42.
    When he gains a complete victory, he receives Perseus with courtesy,
      xlv. 7.
    He, with fifteen commissioners, adjusts the affairs of Macedonia, 29.
    Exhibits games at Amphipolis with extraordinary magnificence, 32.
    Triumphs over Perseus, and loses his two sons, 40.

  ——, L., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18.

  ——, Paullus, L., a second time consul, xxii. 35.
    Is slain at Cannæ, xxiii. 21.

  ——, Mamercus, consular tribune, iv. 16.
    Dictator, 17.
    Triumphs over the Veians, 20.
    A second time dictator, 23.
    He shortens the term of the censorship, 24.
    A third time dictator, 31.
    He triumphs over the Veians, 34.

  ——, Manius, consul, iv. 53.
    Consular tribune, 61.
    A second time consul, v. 1.
    A third time consular tribune, 10.

  ——, Man., consular tribune, v. 32.

  ——, Papirius, Man., dictator, lx. 7.

  ——, Paullus, Man., master of horse, x. 3.

  ——, Man., ambassador to king Philip, xxxi. 18.
    Consul, xxxviii. 42.
    Censor and chief pontiff, xl. 45.
    Chosen a third time prince of the senate, xliii. 15.

  Æmus, xl. 21, 22.

  Ænaria, island, viii. 22.

  Æneas, i. 1, 2.

  ——, Sylvius, third king of Alba, i. 3.

  Æqui, or Æquicolæ, i. 3.
    They invade Latium, ii. 30.
    Are defeated, 31.
    A quarrel, and furious battle, between them and the Volscians, 40.
    They make war on the Romans, and harass the Latins, 48, 53, 58.
    Are conquered, 60.
    Are defeated by Servilius, iii. 2.
    Again, 3.
    Again, 5.
    In conjunction with the Volscians, they ravage the lands of the
      Romans and Hernicians, 6.
    Are routed by Lucretius, 8.
    Seize the citadel of Tusculum, and suffer a severe overthrow, 23.
    Obtain peace, 24.
    Surround the consul Minucius in his camp, 26.
    Are surrounded and sent under the yoke, by Q. Cincinnatus, dictator,
      28.
    Are again defeated, 31.
    They defeat a Roman army, 42;
      after several losses in battle, 60, 61, 70; iv. 26.
    They obtain a truce of eight years, 30.
    They join the Lavicans, and waste the lands of Tusculum, 45.
    Are driven out of that country, 47;
      and from Vola, 49.
    Attack Lavici, v. 16.
    Are compelled to retire with loss, 28.
    Suffer the same fate at Vitellia, 29, 31.
    Are almost entirely cut off in battle, ix. 45;
      and are finally subdued by C. Junius, dictator, x. 1.
    How they were enabled to recruit their armies, v. 12.

  Æquimælium, iv. 16; xxiv. 47; xxxviii. 28.

  Ærarii facti, disenfranchised, iv. 24.

  Æs grave, iv. 41, 60.

  Æneates, people, xl. 4.

  Ænus, town, declared free, xxxvii. 60; xxxix. 33; xlv. 20.

  Æolis, country, xxxiii. 38; xxxiv. 58; xxxv. 16; xxxvii. 8, 35.

  Æsceulapius, brought from Epidaurus to Rome, xxix. 11.
    His temple adorned with pictures by Lucretius, xliii. 4.

  Æsula, its citadel, xxvi. 9.

  Ætna, mount, xxvi. 29.

  Ætolians, form an alliance with the Romans, xxvi. 24.
    Make war on Macedonia and Acarnania, 25.
    Ravage Achaia, xxvii. 29.
    Are defeated by Philip, 30.
    Dislodged from Thermopylæ, xxviii. 7.
    Make peace with him, xxix. 12.
    Solicit the aid of Antiochus, Philip, and Nabis, against the Romans,
      xxxv. 12.
    Openly declare war, 33;
      and seize Demetrias, 34.
    Are defeated, together with Antiochus, at Thermopylæ, by Acilius,
      xxxvi. 19.
    Sue for peace, 27.
    Obtain a truce, 28.
    Renew hostilities, 29.
    Obtain peace, xxxviii. 11.
    Their internal commotions, xli. 25.
    The parties reconciled, xliii. 5.

  Afranius Stellio, C., prætor, xxxix. 23.
    Deputed to Perseus, xliii. 18.

  Africa furnished with a strong army by Hannibal, xxi. 22.
    The consul, Servilius, is unsuccessful there, xxii. 31.
    It is ravaged by M. Valerius Messala, xxvii. 5.
    Scipio goes into Africa, xxix. 26, 27.
    _See_ Scipio, Hannibal.

  African wind, xxvi. 41; xxx. 24.

  Agathocles, king of Syracuse, went into Africa, xxviii. 43.

  Agathyrna, town in Sicily, filled with miscreants, xxvi. 40; xxvii. 12.

  Agesipolis, rightful heir to the crown of Lacedæmon, an exile, xxxiv.
    26.

  Aglaspides, a band of soldiers, xliv. 41.

  Agrians, xxviii. 5; xxxiii. 18; xlii. 51.

  Agrigentum, xxiv. 35; xxv. 23.
    Is surrendered to the Romans, xxvi. 4; xxxvi. 2.

  Agrarian law, first proposed by Cassius, ii. 41.
    Disputes concerning it, iii. 1; iv. 48; vi. 11, &c.

  Agrippa, king of Alba, i. 3.

  Aius Locutius, v. 50.

  Alabanda, xxxiii. 2; xxxviii. 13.
    Alabandans inform the senate, that they had built a temple to the
      city of Rome as a deity and instituted games in honour of it,
      xliii. 6.

  Alba Longa, built by Ascanius, i. 3.
    Demolished, 29.

  Alba Sylvius, fifth king of Alba, i. 3.

  ——, a colony among the Æquans, x. 1.

  Alban lake, v. 15, 22.

  Albans, wage war with the Romans, i. 1, 22, 23.
    Combat of the Horatii and Curiatii, 24.
    Mettius punished, 28.
    Albans removed to Rome, 29.
    Their chiefs brought into the senate, 30.

  Albinius, L., carries the vestal virgins in a waggon to Cære, v. 40.

  ——, M., plebeian consular tribune, vi. 30.

  Albius Calanus, C., a leader of the mutiny at Sucro, xxviii. 24.
    Put to death, 29.

  Albula, old name of the Tiber, i. 3.

  Alcis, Minerva so called,, xlii. 51.

  Alexamenus, Ætolian, xxxv. 34, 35.

  Alexander, Ætolian chief, xxxv. 34, 35.

  ——, king of Epirus, comes into Italy, viii. 3.
    Makes peace with the Romans, 17.
    His actions and death, 24.
    His wife sister to Alexander the Great.

  ——, the Great, contemporary with the preceding, viii. 3.
    Compared with the Roman generals of that age, ix. 17, 20.

  ——, son of Perseus, xlii. 52.

  ——, of Beræa, xl. 24.

  ——, Ætolian, a man of eloquence, xxxii. 33.

  ——, of Megalopolis, father-in-law of Amynander, pretends to be a
    descendent of Alexander the Great, and is led into hopes of the
    crown of Macedonia, xxxv. 48.

  Alexandria in Egypt, founded, viii. 24.
    Besieged by Antiochus, xliv. 19.
    Relieved by Roman ambassadors, xlv. 12.

  ——, in Troas, xxxv. 42; xxxvii. 35.

  Algidum mount, iii. 2—68; iv. 26; v. 31; xxi. 62; xxvi. 9.

  Aliphera, xxviii. 8.

  Allia river, v. 37; vi. 28; vii. 13; xxxviii. 17.

  Allienus, L., plebeian ædile, iii. 31.

  Allifæ, viii. 25; ix. 38.

  Allucius, Celtiberian prince, receives his spouse from Scipio,
    xxvi. 50.

  Alopeconnesus, xxxi. 16.

  Alorcus and Alcon mediate between Hannibal and the Saguntines,
    xxi. 12, 13.

  Alps, i. 1.
    First passed by the Gauls, v. 34.
    Crossed by Hannibal in fifteen days, xxi. 38.
    Impassable in winter, xxvii. 36.

  Altar, greatest, dedicated to Hercules by Evander, i. 7; ix. 29.

  Amarynthis, Diana so called at Eretria, xxxv. 38.

  Ambassadors, ought to be considered as inviolable, ii. 4.
    Ambassadors from enemies were admitted to audience in the temple of
      Bellona, xxx. 22.

  Ambigarus, king of the Celts, v. 34.

  Ambracia, xxxii. 15.
    Besieged by M. Fulvius, xxxviii. 4.
    Surrendered, 9.

  Ambracian gulf, xxiii. 14; xliii. 21.

  Amiternian lands, xxi. 6.
    The inhabitants promise soldiers to Scipio, xxviii. 45.

  Amphilochia, xxxviii. 7.

  Amphilochus, worshipped at Æropus, xxxviii. 5.

  Amphipolis, xl. 24, 56, 57; xliv. 43.
    The inhabitants refuse to give refuge to Perseus, 45.

  Amphissa, xxxvii. 5.

  Amulius, dethrones his brother Numitor, i. 3.
    Is slain, and Numitor restored, 5, 6.

  Amyclæ, xxxiv. 28.

  Amynander, king of Athamania, xxvii. 30; xxix. 12.
    Joins the Romans, and wastes Thessaly, xxxii. 14.
    Seizes Pellinæum, xxxvi. 10.

  Amyntas, king of Macedonia, father of Philip, xxxviii. 34; xlv. 9.

  Anagnia, xxvi. 23; xxvii. 4; xxix. 14; xliii. 13; xlv. 16.

  Anapus river, xxiv. 36.

  Ancilia, the sacred shields that fell from heaven, i. 20; v. 52.

  Ancius, Sp., Roman ambassador, slain by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17.

  Ancona, xli. 1.

  Ancus, king of Rome, his acts, i. 32, 33. Death, 35.

  Andranodorus, son-in-law of Hiero, king of Syracuse, and guardian of
      his son Hieronymus, xxiv. 4.
    Seizes the island and citadel, 21.
    Is made prætor, 23.
    Slain, 24.

  Androcles, Macedonian ambassador to the Acarnanians, xxxiii. 16.

  Andros, island, xxxi. 15.
    Taken by the Romans, and bestowed on Attalus, xxxi. 45; xxxii. 16;
      xxxvi. 20.

  Androsthenes, Macedonian commander of a garrison in Corinth, obliges
      Quintius and Attalus to raise the siege, xxxii. 23.
    Is defeated by the Achæans, xxxiii. 14.
    Again, 15.

  Anicius, L., prætor. xliv. 17.
    Is sent against Gentius, 30.
    His clemency and justice, 31.
    Recovers the Roman ambassadors seized by Gentius, 32.
    Returns victorious to Rome, xlv. 34.
    Leads Gentius and his family in triumph, 43.

  Anio, river, i. 27, 36; iv. 17; vi. 42; xxx. 28.

  Anitorgis, xxv. 32.

  Annals of the magistrates, ix. 18.
    Ancient annals confused, ix. 15.
    Uncertain, 44, 45; x. 2, 17.
    Inconsistent 30.

  ——, of Acilius, xxv. 39.

  Annius, L., prætor of the Latins, summoned to Rome, viii. 3.
    Demands that one consul, and half the senate of Rome, may be chosen
      out of Latium, 5.

  ——, T., commissioner of a colony, flies to Mutina from an insurrection
    of the Boians, xxi. 25.

  ——, Luscus, T., xlii. 25.

  Antemnatians, i. 9, 11.

  Antenor, Trojan, i. 1.

  ——, admiral of Perseus’s fleet, xliv. 23; xlv. 10.

  Antesignani, xxii. 5; xxvii. 18.

  Antians, make war on the Romans, vi. 6.
    Are conquered, 8.
    Renew hostilities, viii. 1.
    Their ships are taken from them, with the prows of which the pulpit
      in the forum is ornamented, 14.
    Hence called Rostrum.

  Anticyra, island, taken by the Romans, and delivered to the Ætolians,
    xxvi. 26; xxviii. 28.

  Antigonia, xliii. 23.

  Antigonus, son of Echecrates, xl. 54.
    Informs Philip, king of Macedonia, of the crimes of Perseus against
      Demetrius, 55.
    Destined to the throne by Philip, 56.
    Slain by Perseus, 58.

  Antimachus, Macedonian commander of the holy brigade, xlii. 46.

  Antinous, xlv. 26.

  Antiochia, xxxv. 13; xxxviii. 13; xli. 20; xlii. 18.

  Antiochus, king of Syria, in league with Philip of Macedonia, xxxi. 14.
    Endeavours to make himself master of all Asia, xxxiii. 38.
    Is solicited by the Ætolians to join in alliance against the Romans,
      xxxv. 12.
    A conference between his minister and ambassadors from Rome, 16.
    He passes over to Europe, 43.
    Makes a vain attempt on Chalcis, 46.
    Gains possession of it, 51.
    Solicits the states of Greece, xxxvi. 5.
    Rejects the advice of Hannibal, 8.
    At the approach of the Romans, raises the siege of Larissa, 10.
    Marries at Chalcis, 11.
    Is defeated at Thermopylæ, 18, 19;
      and driven out of Greece, 21.
    Instigated by Hannibal, he prepares to renew the war, 41.
    Proposes a treaty of peace, which is rejected by Æmilius, xxxvii. 19.
    His fleet is defeated by the Rhodians, 23, 24.
    Again by the Romans, 30.
    He makes overtures for peace, and sends back the son of Scipio
      Africanus, who was a prisoner in his hands, 34.
    The treaty is broken off, and his offers to Scipio rejected, 35, 36.
    He is finally defeated by Scipio, 43.
    Terms of peace granted to him, 45.
    His proceedings in Egypt, xlv. 11.

  Antipater, ambassador from Antiochus, xxxvii. 55.
    Governor of Asia, xxxviii. 16.

  Antistius Labeo, C., xlv. 17.

  ——, L., plebeian tribune, iv. 42.
    Plebeian consular tribune, vi. 30.

  ——, M., xxi. 63.

  ——, Sex., xxvii. 36.

  Antium, ii. 33.
    Surrendered to the Romans, 65.
    A colony settled there, iii. 1.
    A new colony, viii. 14.

  Antonius, M., master of horse, viii. 17.

  ——, Merenda, Q., consular tribune, iv. 42.

  ————, T., made a decemvir by Appius, iii. 35.

  Anxur, afterwards Tarracina, taken by the Romans, iv. 59.
    Surprised by the Volscians, v. 8.
    Recovered, 13.
    A colony sent thither, viii. 21.

  Aous river, xxxii. 5, 10; xxxvi. 17.

  Apamea, so called from Apamea, sister of king Seleucus, formerly
    Celenæ, xxxv. 15; xxxviii. 13.

  Apennine mount, v. 33.
    Hannibal attempts to pass over it, xxi. 58.

  Aperantia, xxxvi. 34: xxxviii. 3; xliii. 22.

  Apollinarian games, their origin, xxv. 12.
    Vowed perpetual, xxvii. 23; xxx. 38.

  ——, circus, iii. 63.

  Apollo Pythius, consulted, i. 56; v. 15.
    A tenth of the spoil offered to him, 23.
    A golden vase sent to Delphi, 25.
   _See_ iv. 25; v. 13, 15; vii. 20; xxiii. 11; xxv. 12; xxix. 10, &c.

  Apollo’s promontory, xxx. 24.

  Apollodorus, xxxv. 50.

  Apollonia attacked by Philip, xxiv. 40; xxvi. 25; xxix. 12.

  Apollonius, commander of the Syrian fleet, xxxvii. 23.

  Apparitors, i. 40; iii. 38.

  Appeal to the people established by law, ii. 8; iii. 55; x. 9.
    Not allowed from a dictator, ii. 18, 29.
    Nor from the decemvirs, iii. 22.
    Nor at a greater distance from the city than one mile, iii. 20.
    Submitted to by a dictator, ii. 18, 29.

  Appian road made, ix. 29; xxii. 15; xxvi. 8.

  Appuleius, L., plebeian tribune, prosecutes Camillus, v. 32.

  ——, Saturninus, C., commissioner of a colony, xlv. 13, 44.

  ——, Q., consul, x. 6.

  Apronius, C., plebeian tribune, iii. 54.

  Apsus river, xxxi. 27.

  Apulia, vi. 42; vii. 26; ix. 2, 12, &c.

  Apulians, form an alliance with the Romans, viii. 25.
    Revolt to the Carthaginians, xxii. 61.

  Apustius, L., xxiii. 38.

  ——, Fullo, L., plebeian ædile, xxxi. 4.

  ——, T., ravages Macedonia, xxxi. 27.

  Aquileia, xxxix. 22, 55.

  Aquilii, brothers, conspire against the commonwealth, ii. 4.

  Aquillius, C., consul, subdues the Hernicians, ii. 40.

  ——, Corvus, L., consular tribune, vi. 4.

  ——, Gallus, L., prætor, xli. 14.

  Aquilonia, x. 38.
    Taken by the Romans, 41.
    Plundered and burned, 44.

  Aquinean territory, xxvi. 9.

  Aquitania, xxi. 23.

  Arabian archers, xxxvii. 4.

  ——, deserts, xlv. 12.

  Arar river, xxi. 31.

  Aratus, chief of the Achæans, xxvii. 31.

  Arbacala, xxi. 5.

  Arcadia, i. 5.

  Archidamus, Ætolian general, xxxii. 4; xxxv. 48; xliv. 43.

  Archimedes, the famous mathematician, baffles the attacks of the Romans
      on Syracuse, xxiv. 34.
    Is slain, xxv. 31.

  Ardea, besieged by Tarquinius Superbus, i. 57.
    In a dispute between the Ardeans and Aricians, the Romans make a
      scandalous decision, iii. 71, 72.
    The Ardeans revolt, iv. 1.
    The alliance is renewed with them, 7.
    A colony led to Ardea, 11.
    The Ardeans, under the command of Camillus, attack the Gauls, v. 43.

  Ardonea, xxiv. 20.

  Arennius, C. and L., plebeian tribunes, xxvii. 6.

  ——, L., prefect or general of the allies, xxvii. 26, 27.

  Arethusa, fountain, xxv. 30.

  Argei, places appointed for the performance of sacrifices, i. 21.

  Argiletum, hill, adjacent to Rome, i. 19.

  Argithea, xxxviii. 2.

  Argos, xxxiv. 25.
    Betrayed to Philip, and given in trust to Nabis, xxxii. 38.
    Robbed by him and his wife, 40.
    A fruitless attempt to deliver it, xxxiv. 25.
    It is taken by the Romans, and given up to the Achæans, xxxiv. 41.

  Argos of Amphilochia, xxxviii. 10.

  Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, assists Antiochus, xxxvii. 40.
    Is fined, and admitted into alliance by the Romans, xxxviii. 39.
    Sends his son to Rome to be educated, xlii. 19.

  Aricea, i. 50; ii. 14, 26.

  Ariminum, xxi. 51; xxiv. 44.
    As a province, xxviii. 38.

  Aristænus, Achæan prætor, xxxii. 19, 20.

  Aristo, actor of tragedies, xxiv. 24.

  ——, Tyrian, sent, by Hannibal, to Carthage, xxxiv. 61.

  Aristodemus, tyrant of Cumæ, detains the Roman ships to gratify
    Tarquinius, ii. 34.

  Aristomachus, leader of the populace at Croto, betrays the city to
    Hannibal, xxiv. 2, 3.

  Aristoteles, officer in the army of Antiochus, xxxvi. 21.

  Armes, Carthaginian commander at New Carthage, xxvi. 49.

  Armilustrum, a festival, and a place so called, xxvii. 37.

  Army, Roman, and all its parts, described, with the arms and method
      of marshalling and fighting, viii. 8.
    Compared with the Macedonian, ix. 19.

  Arnus, river, its overflowing very much obstructs Hannibal’s march,
    xxii. 2, 3.

  Arpi, xxii. 9, 12; xxiv. 3; xxv. 15.
    Is taken by Q. Fabius, consul, xxiv. 46, 47.

  Arpinum, taken from the Samnites, ix. 44.

  Arretians, meditate a revolt, but are kept in awe by Marcellus, xxvii.
      21.
    Are compelled to give hostages, 24.
    Promise supplies to Scipio, xxviii. 45.

  Arsian wood, ii. 7.

  Artatus river, xliii. 19.

  Artetarus, Illyrian, killed by order of Philip, xlii. 13.

  Arvernians, v. 34.
    Join Hannibal, xxvii. 39.

  Aruns, son of Tarquinius, ii. 6.

  ——, son of Porsena, ii. 14.

  ——, Clusian, advises the Gauls to besiege Clusium, and acts as their
    guide, v. 33.

  Aruspices brought from Etruria, xxvii. 37.

  Ascalum, xxxii. 29.

  Ascanius, son of Æneas, builds Alba Longa, i. 3.

  Asclepiodorus, Gallic general, xlii. 51; xliv. 7.

  Asnaus, mount, xxxii. 5.

  Asopus, river, xxxvi. 29.

  Assembly of the centuries elects consuls, i. 60.
    Consular tribunes, v. 52.
    Prætors, x. 22.
    Passes the laws of the twelve tables, iii. 34;
      and others, tries persons accused of treason, vi. 20.
    Declares war, xxxi. 6, 7.

  ——, of the tribunes elects plebeian magistrates, ii. 56, 57.
    Excludes patricians, 60.
    Its orders bind all ranks, iii. 55; viii. 12.

  ——, of the curias determines on military affairs, v. 52; ix. 38.

  Astapa besieged, xxviii. 22.
    The inhabitants set fire to the city, and put themselves to death,
      23.

  Asylum, sanctuary opened by Romulus, i. 8.

  Atalanta, island, xxxv. 37, 38.

  Atella, sides with the Carthaginians, xxii. 61.
    Surrenders to the Romans, xxvi. 16.
    The inhabitants are removed to Calatia, xxvii. 3.

  Atellan farces, vii. 2.

  Aterius, A., consul, iii. 31.
    Plebeian tribune, 65.

  Athamanians, xxix. 12; xxxii. 14; xxxvi. 14; xxxviii. 1.

  Athanagia, xxi. 61.

  Athenæum, fort, xxxviii. 1; xxxix. 25

  Athenæus, brother of king Eumenes, xxxviii. 12.

  Athenagoras, one of Philip’s generals, xxxi. 34, 35.

  Athenians, send ambassadors to compromise disputes between Philip and
      the Ætolians, xxvii. 30.
    Implore the protection of Rome against Philip, xxxi. 5.
    Origin of their war with Philip, 14.
    Their extravagant compliments to Attalus, 15.
    Their complaints in the Ætolian council, 30.
    Decrees against Philip, 44.
    They intercede with Scipio in favour of the Ætolians, xxxvii. 6.
    Their character, xlv. 23.

  Athens, ambassadors sent thither from Rome to collect laws, iii. 31.
    It is saved from being surprised, by Philip, by the expedition of a
      courier, xxxi. 24, 26.
    It is visited by P. Æmilius, xlv. 27.

  Athos, mount, xliv. 11; xlv. 30.

  Atilius, C., prætor, brings succour to L. Manlius, xxi. 26.
    Stands for the consulship, xxii. 35.
    Dedicates the temple of Concord, xxiii. 21.

  ——, L., consular tribune, v. 13.

  ————, one of the first consular tribunes, iv. 7.

  ————, plebeian tribune, ix. 30.

  ——, Regulus, M., consul, marches against the Sidicinians, viii. 16.

  ————, consul, x. 32.
           Defeated by the Samnites, 35.
           Defeats them, 36.

  ——, L., quæstor, slain at Cannæ, xxii. 49.

  ————, governor of Locri, xxiv. 1.

  ——, Regulus, M., a second time consul, xxii. 25.
        Conducts the war, according to the advice of Fabius, xxiii. 21.
        Censor, xxiv. 11.
        Abdicates, 43.

  ——, M., prætor, xxiv. 43.
    Clears the city of foreign religious rites, xxv. 1.
    Ambassador to Ptolemy, xxvii. 4.

  ——, Serranus, C., prætor, xxi. 62.
    Pontiff, xxii. 35.
    Curule ædile, xxxiv. 5.

  Atinius Labeo, C., prætor, xxxvi. 45.

  ——, C., military tribune, throws the standard among the enemy, xxxiv.
    46.

  Atintania, xxvii. 30; xxix. 12; xlv. 30.

  Atrius Umber, C., leader of a mutiny at Sucro, beheaded, xxviii. 24, 29.

  Attalus, king of Asia, xxvi. 24.
    Winters at Ægina, xxvii. 30, 33.
    Takes Opus, where he narrowly escapes being surprised by Philip, and
      returns to Asia, xxviii. 7.
    He escorts the Roman ambassadors to Pessinus, and gives them the
      sacred stone Cybele, xxix. 11.
    Comes again to Piræeus, xxxi. 14.
    Exhorts the Ætolians to join in the war against Philip, 15.
    His ambassadors solicit aid from the Romans against Antiochus,
      xxxii. 8.
    His death, xxxiii. 21.

  Attalus, brother of Eumenes, comes to Rome, xxxv. 23.
    Again, with congratulations on the victory over Antiochus, xlv. 19.
    His honourable conduct towards his brother, 20.

  Attius Tullius, Volscian general, ii. 35.
    Entertains Coriolanus, inflames his countrymen against the Romans,
      38.
    Is joined in command with Coriolanus, 39.
    The Æquans refuse to act under his command, 40.

  Atys, king of Alba, i. 3.

  Aventine, mount, i. 6.
    Added to the city, and given to the Latins, 33.
    Seized by the seceding populace, iii, 50.

  Aventinus, king of Alba, i. 3.

  Avernus, lake, xxiv. 13.

  Aufidus, river, xxii. 44.

  Augurs, their college formed by Numa, iv. 4.
    At first, three in number, x. 6.
    Five plebeians added, 9.
    Ceremonies at taking auguries, i. 16.

  Augustus Cæsar, shut the temple of Janus, i. 19.
    Built and repaired many temples, iv. 20.
    Finally subdued Spain, xxviii. 12.

  Aulis, xxxv. 37, 51; xlv. 27.

  Aulius Cenetanus, Q., consul, viii. 37.
    A second time, ix. 15.
    Master of horse, he kills the Samnite general, and is himself slain,
      22.

  Aurelius Cotta, C., prætor, xxx. 26.

  ——, Scaurus, C., prætor, xxxix. 6.

  ——, C., consul, xxxi. 12.

  ——, Cotta, L., military tribune, xl. 27, 28.

  ——, ——, M., plebeian ædile, xxiii. 30.
    Governor of Puteoli, xxv. 22.
    Commissioner of sacrifices, xxix. 38.
    Ambassador to Philip, xxx. 26.

  Aurinx, or Oringis, city in Spain, xxiv. 42.

  Aurunca Suessa, viii. 15.
    A colony settled there, ix. 28.

  Auruncians, make war on the Romans, ii. 16, 17, 26.
    Surrender themselves, viii. 15.

  Aurunculeius, C., prætor, xxvii. 6.
    Military tribune, 41.

  ——, L., prætor, xxxvi. 45.

  Ausetanians, subdued by Hannibal, xxi. 23.
    Roused to insurrection against the Romans, by Indibilis, xxix. 2.
    Are conquered, 3.

  Ausonians, defeated by the Romans, viii. 16.
    Exterminated, ix. 25.

  Auspices, attended to on all occasions, i. 36; vi. 41.
    Confined to the patricians, iv. 6, 41.
    Neglected, xxi. 63.
    Falsely reported, x. 40.

  Axes, never, after Publicola, carried before the magistrates in the
    city, xxiv. 9.


  Babylon, xxxviii. 17.

  Bacchæ, or Bacchanals, xxxix. 9.
    Extirpated, 17.

  Badius, Campanian, challenges Crispinus, and flies, xxv. 18.

  Bæbius Tamphilus, Cn., plebeian tribune, brings an action against the
       censors, xxix. 37.
    Placed at the head of an army in Gaul, he is defeated with great
       slaughter, xxxii. 7.

  ——, M., ambassador from Scipio to Carthage, xxx. 25.
        Prætor, xxxv. 10.
        Wages war with Philip, xxxvi. 10.

  ——, Tamphilus, M., consul, xl. 18.

  ————, Q., ambassador to Hannibal, xxi. 6.
           To Carthage, 18.

  ——, Herennius, Q., plebeian tribune, inveighs against the senate
    and the augurs, xxii. 34.

  ——, Sulca, Q., ambassador to Ptolemy, xlii. 6.

  Bæculonius, A., standard-bearer, throws the standard into the enemy’s
      camp, and is the first that enters, xli. 4.

  Bæcula, xxvii. 18; xxviii. 13.

  Bætica, xxviii. 2.

  Bætis river, xxviii. 22.

  Balearic isles, xxii. 23; xxiii. 4; xxviii. 37.

  ——, slingers, xxi. 21, 55; xxii. 37; xxviii. 37.

  Ballista, mount, xxxix. 2; xli. 18.

  Bantius of Nola, inclined to favour Hannibal, is engaged by the
    kindness of Marcellus, xxiii. 15.

  Barbosthenes, mount, xxxv. 27.

  Barcine family, xxiii. 13; xxviii. 12, 41.

  ——, faction, xxi. 2, 9.

  Bargyliæ, xxxii. 33; xxxiii. 35.

  Barley given, instead of wheat, to cohorts that lost their standards,
      xxvii. 13.

  Bastarnians, xl. 5, 57.

  Beard, not shaved by the ancient Romans, v. 4.
    Afterwards suffered to grow long in time of mourning, vi. 16.

  Bellona, viii. 9.
    Victorious, x. 19.

  Bellovesus, nephew of Ambigarus, king of the Celts, leads a body of
    them into Italy, v. 34.

  Beneventum, formerly Maleventum, ix. 27; xxii. 13; xxv. 17; xxvii. 10.

  Berœa surrendered to the Romans, xliv. 45; xlv. 29.

  Bisaltians, xliv. 45.

  Bithynia, xxvii. 30; xxix. 12; xxxiii. 30.

  Bituriges Gauls, v. 34.

  Blasius surrenders Salapia to Marcellus, xxvi. 38.

  Blosii, two brothers in Capua, detected in a conspiracy against
      the Romans, xxvii. 3.

  Bocchar, king of Mauritania, xxix. 30.

  ——, an officer sent by Syphax against Masinissa, xxix. 32.

  Bœotia, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 8; xxix. 12; xxxiii. 14.
    Joins the Romans against Perseus, xlii. 44.

  Boian Gauls, xxxii. 29, 30.
    Submit to the Romans, 31.
    Defeat the Romans, xxxiii. 36.
    Surrender to the consul Domitius, xxxv. 40.

  Bomilcar, Carthaginian admiral, sails to Locri, xxiii, 41.
    To Syracuse, xxiv. 36.
    _See_ xxv. 25, 27.

  Bononia, colony, xxxvii. 57.
    Depopulated by Ligurians, xxxix. 2.

  Books, linen, deposited in the temple of Moneta, iv. 20.

  ——, of the magistrates, iv. 7, 20.

  ——, Sibylline, inspected, iii. 10, &c.

  Bostar, Carthaginian governor of Saguntum, xxii. 22.
    Ambassador to Philip, xxiii. 34.

  Bovianum, ix. 28.
    Taken by the Romans, 31.
    Taken from the Samnites, x. 12, 43.

  Bovillæ, x. 47.

  Brachyllas, Bœotarch, or chief magistrate of Bœotia, xxxiii. 27; xxxv.
      47.

  Brennus, leader of the Gauls, defeats the Romans at the Allia, v. 38.
    His insolence when weighing the ransom of the capital, 48.

  Bridge, Sublician, built, i. 33; ii. 10.

  Bridges broken down to retard Hannibal’s march, xxvi. 9.

  Brixia, Cenomanian Gauls settle in that quarter, v. 35.

  Brundusium, promontory, x. 2.

  ——, harbour, xxiii. 33.
    The inhabitants commended by the Romans, xxvii. 10.

  Bruttian states revolt to the Carthaginians, xxii. 61.
    Proceedings of the Carthaginians in Bruttium, xxiv. 1.
    Bruttians take Croto, 2. _See_ xxv. 1; xxvi. 12; xxvii. 41.

  Brutulus Papius, who had advised the Samnites to break the truce with
      the Romans, avoids, by a voluntary death, being sent prisoner to
      Rome, viii. 39.

  Busa, Apulian woman, entertains at Canusium the remains of the defeated
      Roman army, xxii. 52.

  Buxentum, colony, xxxii. 29.

  Byzantium, xxxii. 33.
    Seized by Gauls, xxxviii. 16.


  Cacus, slain by Hercules, i. 7.

  Cæcilius Metellus, L., after the battle of Cannæ, proposes to abandon
      Italy, xxii. 53.
    Is disgraced by the censors, xxiv. 18.

  ————, M., plebeian ædile, xxvii. 36.
    Prætor, xxviii. 10.
    Ambassador to Attalus, xxix. 11.

  ————, Q., plebeian tribune, iv. 16.
    pontiff, xxiii 21.
    Plebeian ædile, xxvii. 21.
    Master of horse, xxviii. 10.
    Consul and dictator xxix. 11.

  Cædicius, centurion, at the head of some Roman fugitives at Veii, routs
    the Etrurians, v. 45, 46.

  ——, lieutenant-general, x. 40.

  Cæninensians defeated, i. 10.

  Cænomanians, the only Gallic tribe that did not revolt to Hannibal,
      xxi. 55.
    They join Hamilcar, xxxi. 10.
    Are stripped of their arms, by M. Furius, who is ordered to restore
      them, and quit the country, xxxix. 3.

  Cære, entertains the Roman priests and vestals, v. 40.
    An alliance of hospitality is formed with the inhabitants, and
      afterwards war declared against them, vii. 19.
    Peace is granted to them, 20.
    They assist Scipio in fitting out a fleet, xxviii. 45.

  Cæso, _see_ Duilius, Fabius, Quintius.

  Cajeta, xl. 2.

  Calabria, xxiii. 34.

  Calatia, ix. 2, 28.
    Taken by the Samnites, 43.
    Joins the Carthaginians, xxii. 61; xxiii. 14.
    Surrenders to the Romans, xxvi. 16; xxvii. 3.

  Calavii charged with setting fire to Rome, xxvi. 27.

  Calavius, Pacuvius, acquires an ascendency over the senate and people
      of Campania, xxiii. 2, 3.
    Hinders his son Perolla from killing Hannibal, 9.

  Calendar published by Flavius, ix. 46.

  Cales taken by the Romans, and a colony established, viii. 16; xxii.
    15; xxiii. 31; xxiv. 45; xxvi. 9, 16; xxvii. 9; xxix. 15.

  Callicrates, Achæan, xli. 23; xlv. 31.

  Callicula, mount, xxii. 15, 16.

  Callidromus, a summit of mount Œta, xxxvi. 16—18.

  Callifæ, viii. 25.

  Calor river, xxiv. 14; xxv. 17.

  Calpurnius, C., xxii. 61.

  ——, Piso, C., prætor, xxv. 41.
    Again, xxvi. 10, 15, 21.
    Governor of Capua, xxvii. 6.
    Triumphs over the Lusitanians, xxxix. 42.
    Consul, xl. 37.

  ——, L., ambassador to the Achæans, xxxii. 19.

  Camertians, in Umbria, xxviii. 45.

  Campania, ii. 52.

  Campanians and Sidicinians overpowered by the Samnites, vii. 29.
    Implore aid from the Romans, and are refused, 30, 31.
    Surrender themselves as subjects to the Romans, viii. 11.
    Are deprived of a part of their lands, and made citizens of Rome
      without right of suffrage, 14.
    Misconduct of their senate and populace, xxiii. 24.
    They suffocate the Roman soldiers, and invite Hannibal, xxv. 15.
    Are besieged by the Romans, xxvi. 4.
    At the instigation of Vibius Virius, twenty-seven senators poison
      themselves, 14.
    Punishment of their senate, 15, 16.
    A conspiracy of the Campanians discovered, xxvii. 3.
    A part of their lands sold, xxviii. 46.

  Canastrum, promontory at Cassandrea, xxxi. 45; xliv. 41.

  Caninius Rebilus, C., prætor, xlii, 28; xliii. 11; xlv. 42.

  Canna, river, xxv. 12.

  Cannæ, town, xxii. 43.
    Battle, 47, &c.
    Roman troops engaged there banished to Sicily, xxiii. 31.
    They beseech Marcellus to employ them, xxv. 6.
    The senate inexorable towards them, 7.
    The knights who fled thence disgraced, xxvii. 11.

  Cantherium in fossa, xxiii. 47.

  Canuleius, C, plebeian tribune, procures a repeal of the law which
      prohibited the intermarriage of plebeians with patricians, iv. 6.

  ——, M., plebeian tribune, iv. 44.

  ——, Dives, L., prætor, xlii. 28.

  Canusium affords shelter to the Roman fugitives from Cannæ, xxii. 50,
      52.

  Capena, town, xxii. 1.

  ——, gates, i. 26; vii. 23; x. 23; xxiii. 32; xxv. 40; xxvi. 10.

  Capenatian war, v. 8.

  Capetus, king of Alba, i. 3.

  Capitol vowed by Tarquinius Priscus, i. 38.
    Built by Tarquinius Superbus, 55.
    Is seized by Herdonius, a Sabine, with slaves and exiles, iii. 15.
    Recovered, 18.
    Besieged by the Gauls, v. 43.
    Saved by geese, 47.
    The siege raised, 49.
    The lower part built with hewn stone, vi. 4.

  Capitoline hill, i. 10.
    Given to the Sabines for their residence, 33.

  Cappadocia, xxxvii. 21, 40.

  Capræ marsh, i. 16.

  Capua, formerly Vulturnum, iv. 37.
    Remarkable for luxury, vii. 38.
    Præfects appointed by the Romans to govern it, ix. 20.
    Hannibal spends the winter there, xxiii. 18.
    It is besieged by the Romans, xxv. 20, 22; xxvi. 1, 4.
    Taken, 14.

  Capusa, son of Œsalces, king of Numidia, succeeds his father, and is
    slain, xxix. 29.

  Capys, king of Alba, i. 3.

  ——, who gave name to Capua, xiv. 37.

  Carales, xxiii. 40; xxx. 39.

  Caranus, first king of Macedonia, xlv. 9.

  Caria, xxxiii. 19, 27.

  Carinæ, part of Rome, xxvi. 10.

  Carmenta, prophetess, i. 7.

  Carmental gate, ii. 49.

  Carmentis, a craggy hill, v. 47.

  Carnutians, v. 34.

  Carseoli, colony, x. 3, 13.
    Refuses its proportion of troops, xxvii. 9; xxix. 15; xlv. 42.

  Carteia taken by Hannibal, xxi. 5.

  ——, a sea-port on the Atlantic Ocean, xxviii. 30.

  Carthage, New, described, attacked by Scipio, xxvi. 42.
    Taken with immense booty, and the hostages of all the Spanish states,
      46, 50.

  Carthaginians, send an army into Sicily, iv. 29.
    Their treaty with the Romans, vii. 27.
    Renewed, ix. 43.
    They besiege Saguntum, xxi. 6.
    And take it, 14.
    War is declared by Rome, 18.
    The Carthaginians are finally vanquished by Scipio, and compelled to
      submit to his terms of peace, xxx. 35, 37. _See_ Hannibal, Mago,
      Hasdrubal.
    The Carthaginians send to Rome the first payment of the tribute,
      and receive some of their hostages, xxxii. 2.
    Offer ships and corn to the Romans, xxxvi. 4.
    Dispute with Masinissa, xl. 17.
    Send ambassadors to Rome, with complaints against him, xlii. 23.

  Carthalo, Carthaginian general, conducts the prisoners to Rome, and is
    ordered to quit Italy, xxii. 58.

  Carvilius Spoletinus, C., capitulates with Perseus for the garrison of
    Uscana, xliii. 18.

  ——, L., plebeian tribune, xxv. 3.

  ——, Sp., curule ædile, x. 9.

  ————, advises to choose half the senate out of the Latins, xxiii. 22.
    Dies augur, xxvi. 23.

  ————, consul, takes Amiternum, and other towns in Samnium, xxxix. 44.

  Carystians, Grecian, harassed by descents of the Romans and Rhodians,
      xxxi. 45; xxxii. 16.
    Send succour to Chalcis, xxxv. 38.

  Carystus, city in Greece, xxxi. 45; xxxii. 16.

  ——, in Liguria, xlii. 7.

  Casilinum, xxii. 15.
    Its remarkable siege, xxiii. 17, 20.
    It is recovered by the Romans, xxiv. 19.

  Casinum, colony, ix. 28; xxii. 13; xxvi. 9.

  Cassander betrays Maronea to Philip, and is poisoned by his order,
    xxxix. 34.

  Cassandrea, xxviii. 8; xliii. 23.
    Obliges the Romans to retire, xliv, 11, 12.

  Cassius Longinus, C., consul, xlii. 28.

  ——, Sp., consul, takes Pometia, and triumphs, ii. 17.
    Is the first master of horse, 18.
    A second time consul, 33.
    A third time; he first proposes an Agrarian law, is found guilty of
      treason, and executed, 41.

  Castor, a temple vowed to him, ii. 20; viii. 11.

  Castulo, a strong city in Spain, joins the Romans, xxiv. 41.
    Reunites with the Carthaginians, xxviii. 19.
    Surrenders to Scipio, 20.

  Catana, xxvii. 8.

  Catapultæ, engines, xxi. 11; xxvi. 47.

  Catius, Q., plebeian ædile, xxvii. 6.
    Carries an offering to Delphi, xxviii. 45.

  Caudium, and the Caudine forks, ix. 2, 5, 10, 27.

  Caulonia, besieged by order of Fabius, xxvii. 12.
    Relieved by Hannibal, 15.

  Caunus, mount, xl. 50.

  Celeres, instituted by Romulus, i. 15.
    Their tribune Brutus, 59.

  Celtiberia, xxviii. 1.

  Celtiberian mountains, xxi. 43.

  Celtiberians, shake off the yoke of the Carthaginians, xxii. 21.
    Are engaged by the Roman generals, on the same terms that they had
      stipulated with the Carthaginians, xxiv. 49.
    They desert Scipio, xxv. 33.
    Are subdued by M. Silanus, xxviii. 2.
    They attack Fulvius Flaccus, prætor, xl. 30.
    Are defeated, 32.
    Are finally subdued, xli. 26.

  Celts, v. 34.

  Cenchreæ, port of Corinth, xxviii. 8; xxxii. 17.

  Cenomanian Gauls, settle in Italy, v. 35.
    Are attached to the Romans, xxi. 55.
    Join the Ligurians, xxxi. 10.
    Are defeated by Cn. Cornelius, xxxix. 3.

  Censors, created, iv. 8.
    First plebeian, vii. 22.
    A censor disgraced by his colleague, xxix. 37.
    Term of the office reduced from five years to one year and a half,
      iv. 24; ix. 33.

  Census, general survey, instituted, i. 42, 43.

  Centenius, C., proprætor, xxii. 8.

  ——, M., remarkable centurion, xxv. 19.

  Centuries of knights, three chosen by Romulus, i. 13.
    Their numbers doubled by Servius Tullius, 42.
    The people divided into centuries by the same, 42.
    Prerogative century, v. 18; x. 22; xxiv. 7; xxvi. 22.

  Centurion, chief, or first, primipilus, vii. 41; viii. 8.

  Cephallenia, xxxvi. 11; xxxvii. 13; xxxix. 5.

  Cephalus, Epirote general, xliii. 18; xlv. 26.

  Cercina, island, xxii. 31; xxxiii. 48.

  Ceres, ii. 41.
    Her temple, iii. 55.
    Her mysteries, xxxi. 47.
    Games, xxx. 39.

  Cessation of business proclaimed, iii. 3, 27; iv. 26, 31; vi. 2, 7;
      vii. 6, 28.
    To continue eighteen days, x. 21.
    A voluntary cessation, ix. 7.

  Chæronea, xxxv. 46; xlii. 43.

  Chair, curule, i. 8; ii. 54; vii. 1; x. 7.
    One sent to king Syphax, xxvii. 4.

  Chalcedon, xxxv. 46.

  Chalcis in Eubœa, whence the people of Cumæ derive their origin, viii.
      22.
    Garrisoned by Philip, xxvii. 30.
    Attempted by the Romans, xxviii. 6.
    Surrendered to Antiochus, xxxv. 51; xliii. 7.

  Chaonia, xxxii. 5; xliii. 23.

  Charilaus surrenders Palæpolis to the Romans, viii. 26.

  Chersonesus, xxxi. 16.

  Chios, island, xxxvii. 14, 27.

  Cibira, xxxviii. 14; xlv. 25.

  Cicereius, C, prætor, xli. 28; xlii. 21; xlv. 15.

  Cilicia, xxxiii. 19; xxxv. 13; xxxviii. 19.

  Ciminian forest penetrated by a Roman army, ix. 36, 37.

  Cincius, an ancient historian, commended, vii. 3.

  ——, Alimentus, L., taken by Hannibal xxi. 38.
    Prætor, xxvi. 23; xxvii. 7.

  ————, M., plebeian tribune sent to Scipio, xxix. 20.

  Circe, i. 49.

  Circeii, colony, i. 56; ii. 39; xxvii. 9; xxix. 15.

  Circus, principal, built by Tarquinius Priscus, i. 35.
    Goals first placed in it viii. 20.

  ——, Apollinarian, iii. 63.
    Overflowed, xxx. 38.

  ——, Flaminian, iii. 54.
    The altar of Neptune therein, xxviii. 11.

  Cirta, capital of Syphax, surrenders to Masinissa, xxx. 12.
    On whom Scipio bestows it, 44.

  Cithæron, mount, xxxi. 26.

  Citium, city, xlii. 51.
    Mount, xliii. 21.

  Civil law published by Flavius, ix. 46.

  Clampetia taken by the Romans, xxix. 38; xxx. 19.

  Classes of the people, i. 43; iv. 4.

  Clastidium betrayed to the Carthaginians, xxi. 48; xxix. 11.

  Claudia Quinta, Roman matron, receives the Idæan Mother, xxix. 14.

  Claudian family always zealous champions for the patricians, vi. 41.
    And opposers of the plebeians, ix. 34.

  ——, tribe, ii. 16.

  ——, camp, xxiii. 31, 39, 48; xxv. 22.

  Claudius, historian, viii. 19; ix. 5.
    Translated the annals of Acilius, xxv. 39.

  ——, Asellus encounters Jubellius Taurea, a Campanian, xxiii. 46, 47.

  ——, Appius, formerly Atta Clausus, removes from Regillum to Rome,
        with a large number of clients, who are admitted citizens,
        and is made a senator, ii. 16.
    Consul, 21.

  ————, son of Appius, ii. 56.
    Is sent against the Volscians, and his army, through dislike to him,
      fly before the enemy, 59.

  ————, decemvir, iii. 33.
    His ambition, 35.
    Violence, 36.
    Lust, 44.
    He abdicates the decemvirate, 54.
    And puts himself to death in prison, 58.

  ————, son of the preceding, military tribune, iv. 54.

  ——, grandson of the decemvir, opposes the admission of plebeians
          to the consulship, vi. 40.
    Is made dictator, vii. 6.
    Dies consul, 25.

  Claudius, Appius, in the office of censor, makes the famous road,
      and aqueduct; through his advice, the Potitian family commit
      the charge of the rites of Hercules to public slaves, and become
      extinct, ix. 29.
    He is made consul, 42.
    Interrex, x. 11.
    Consul a second time, 15.
    Prætor, 22.
    His proceedings against the Samnites, 31.

  ————, consul, first makes war against Carthage, xxxi. 1.

  ————, military tribune, xxii. 53.
    Prætor, xxiii. 24.
    Commands in Sicily, 30.
    Consul, xxv. 3.
    Is wounded at the siege of Capua, xxvi. 1.

  ——, C., son of Appius, consul, iii. 15, 40, 58; IV. 6.

  ——, Cicero, C., prosecutes the consul Romillius, iii. 31.

  ——, Centho, C., interrex, xxii. 34.
    Dictator, xxv. 2.
    Prætor, _ib._

  ——, Nero, C., xxiv. 17.
    Commands in Spain, and is baffled by Hasdrubal, xxvi. 17.
    Is made consul, xxvii. 34.
    Encounters Hannibal several times, 41, 42.
    Goes against Hasdrubal, 43.
    Orders Hasdrubal’s head to be thrown in the enemy’s view, 51.
    Triumphs, xxviii. 9.
    Is made censor, xxix. 37.

  ——, Pulcher, C., consul, xli. 8.
    Triumphs, 13.

  ——, Nero, C., prætor, xl. 18.

  ——, M., client of the decemvir, claims Virginia as his slave, iii. 44.
    Goes into exile, 58.

  ——, Marcellus, M., prætor, xxii. 35.
    Is sent, after the battle of Cannæ, to collect the remains of the
      army, 57.
    Defeats Hannibal at Nola, xxiii. 16.
    Is chosen consul a second time, and abdicates, 31.
    As proconsul, repulses Hannibal, 46.
    Is made consul a third time, xxiv. 9.
    Commands in Sicily, 21.
    Besieges Syracuse, 33.
    Takes it, xxv. 23, 24.
    Triumphs on the Alban mount, and enters the city in ovation,
      xxvi. 21.
    Is consul a fourth time, 22.
    Worsted by Hannibal, xxvii. 12.
    Defeats him, 14.
    Is made consul a fifth time, 21.
    Insnared by a stratagem, and slain, 26, 27.

  ————, son of the consul, military tribune, xxvi. 26; xxix. 11, 20.

  ————, prætor, xxxviii. 35.

  ——, Pulcher, P., consul, xxxix. 32.

  ——, P., præfect of the allies, xxvii. 41.

  ——, Q., plebeian tribune, xxi. 63.

  ——, Flamen, Q., prætor, xxvii. 21.

  ——, Asellus, Tib., military tribune, xxvii. 41.
    Prætor, xxviii. 10.
    Plebeian ædile, xxix. 11.

  ——, Nero, Tib., prætor, xxix. 11.
    Consul, xxxviii. 26, 39.

  Clazomenians, xxxviii. 39.

  Cleomenes, first tyrant of Lacedæmon, xxxiv. 26.

  Cleonæ, xxxiii. 14; xxxiv. 25.

  Cleonymus, Lacedæmonian general, brings an army into Italy, and takes
    Thuriæ, but is driven out by the Patavians, x. 2.

  Cleopatra, consort of Alexander, king of Epire, viii. 24.

  ——, queen of Egypt, xxvii. 4; xxxvii. 3; xlv. 13.

  Cloacina, iii. 48.

  Cloak, embroidered, sent to Cleopatra, xxvii. 4.

  ——, of the Grecian fashion, charged as an instance of effeminacy on
    Scipio, xxix. 19.

  Clœlia, ii. 13.

  Clœlius, Gracchus, Æquan general, vanquished, and taken by
    Q. Cincinnatus, iii. 28.

  ——, Tullius, Roman ambassador, murdered by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17.

  ——, Titus, one of the first consular tribunes, iv. 7.

  ——, Q., consul, ii. 21.

  ——, Siculus, Q., censor, vi. 31.

  ——, P., consular tribune, vi. 31.

  Clondicus, Gallic general, in treaty with Perseus, xliv. 26.

  Cluilian trench, i. 23; ii. 39.

  Cluilius, Volscian general, iv. 9.

  ——, C., chief magistrate at Alba, i. 22, 23.

  Clusium, v. 33.
    Besieged by the Gauls, xxxv. 20.

  ——, formerly Camers, x. 25.

  Cluvia, taken by the Samnites, recovered by the Romans, ix. 31.

  ——, and Oppia, Campanian women, have their liberty and property
    restored, xxvi. 34.

  Cluvius, C., lieutenant-general, xliv. 40.

  ——, Saxula, C., prætor, xli. 28.

  ——, Sp., prætor, xlii. 9.

  Cnidus, xxxvii. 16.

  Cnossians refuse to restore the Roman prisoners, xxxvii. 60.

  Cœle-Syria, xxxiii. 19; xlii. 29; xlv. 11.

  Cœlian mount added to the city, i. 30, 33.

  Cœlimontan gate struck by lightning, xxxv. 9.

  Cœlius, ancient historian, xxi. 38; xxii. 31; xxiii. 6; xxvi. 11;
    xxvii. 27; xxix. 27; xxxiii. 7; xxxviii. 46.

  Collatia taken from the Sabines, i. 38.

  Collatinus. _See_ Tarquinius.

  Colline gate, ii. 11; iii. 51; vii. 11; viii. 15; xxvi. 10.

  Colophon, xxxvii. 26; xxxviii. 39.

  Combulteria, xxiii. 39; xxiv. 20.

  Come Macra, xxxii. 13, 36; xxxiii. 36.

  Cominium besieged, x. 39.
    Burnt, 44; xxv. 14.

  Comitium, part of the forum where the curias assembled, vi. 15.
    Covered, xxvii. 36.

  Comitius, Post., consul, ii. 18.
    Again, 33.

  Commentaries of Numa, published by Ancus Marcius, i. 32.

  ——, of Servius Tullius, i. 60.

  ——, of the pontiffs, iv. 3: vi. 1.

  ——, of king Eumenes, xliii. 6.

  Compsa, given up to the Carthaginians, xxiii. 1.
    Recovered by the Romans, xxiii. 20.

  Concord, her temple, ix. 46, xxii. 33; xxvi. 23.
    Altar, xxiv. 22.

  Conscript Fathers, so named, ii. 1.

  Consentia, viii. 24; xxv. 1; xxviii. 11; xxx. 19.

  Consualia, games of Neptune, i. 9.

  Consuls first created, i. 60.
    Decemvirs, iii. 33.
    Consuls again, 54, 55.
    Consular tribunes, iv. 6, 7.
    One plebeian consul admitted, vi. 35, 42.
    Both consuls plebeian, xxiii. 31.

  Contenebra taken by the Romans, and plundered, against the will
    of the commanders, vi. 4.

  Cora, colony, viii. 9,
    Refuses contribution, xxvii. 9.

  Corbio, ii. 39; iii. 66.

  ——, in Spain, taken, xxxix. 42.

  Corcyra, island, xxvi. 24; xxxvi. 42.

  Corinth, xxvii, 31; xxxii. 37; xxxviii. 7; xlv. 28.

  Corinthian bay, xxvi. 26; xxviii. 7; xliv. 1.

  Corioli taken by Marcius, ii. 33.

  Cornelia forced to drink the poison which she had prepared for her
    husband, viii. 18.

  Cornelian tribe, xxxviii. 36.

  Cornelius Barbatus, chief pontiff, ix. 46.

  ——, A., quæstor, iii. 24.
    Chief pontiff, iv. 27.
    Consular tribune, vi. 36.
    Again, 42.

  ——, Arvina, Aul., dictator, viii. 38.

  ————, herald, delivers up to the Samnites the sureties for
    the convention of Caudium, ix. 10.

  ——, Cossus, Aul., military tribune, kills Tolumnius, king of the
        Veientians, iv. 19.
    And offers the grand spoils, 20.
    Is made consul, 30.
    Consular tribune, 31.

  ————, dictator, vi. 11.
    Overthrows the Volscians, 13.
    Imprisons M. Manlius for sedition, 16.

  ————, master of horse, vii. 19.
    Again, 26.
    Consul, 28.
    Vanquishes the Samnites, and triumphs, 36, 38.
    The first who waged war with the Samnites, x. 31.

  ——, Mammula, Aul., proprætor, commanding in Sardinia, xxiii. 21.
    Prætor, xxxv. 24.

  ——, C., consular tribune, vi. 5.

  ——, Cossus, Cn., consular tribune, iv. 49.
    Again, 61.
    consul, iv. 54.
    Consular tribune, 58.
    Again, v. 10.

  ——, Dolabella, Cn., king in religious rites, xxvii. 36.

  ——, Lentulus, Cn. military tribune, xxii. 49.
    Quæstor, he fights Hannibal with doubtful success, xxv. 19.
    Curule ædile, xxix. 11.
    Consul, xxx. 40.
    Protests against the decree of the senate giving peace to the
      Carthaginians, 43.

  ——, Cethegus, Cn., consul, xxxii. 27.

  ——, Merenda, Cn., and Cn. Cornelius Blasio, prætors, xxxiv. 42.

  ——, Hispalus, Cn., consul, xli. 14.

  ——, Scipio, L., sent by his brother against Hasdrubal, xxi. 32.
    His actions, 60, 61; xxii. 19, 21.
    He acts in conjunction with his brother, xxiii. 26, 29, 48, 49;
      xxiv. 41—49.
    Commands against Hasdrubal Barcas, xxv. 32.
    Deserted by the Celtiberians, he and his army are cut off, 36.

  ——, Lentulus, L,. consul, viii. 22.
    Advises to accept the terms dictated by Pontius at Caudium, ix. 4.

  ——, Maluginensis, L., consul, iii. 22, 23, 40.

  ——, Scipio, L., interrex, vii. 2.
    Consul, 23.

  ——, Scipio, L., consul, x. 11, 25, 26.

  ——, Caudinus, L., curule ædile, xxvii. 21.

  ——, Lentulus, L., chief pontiff, xxii. 10.

  ————, commander in religious affairs, xxv. 2.
    Prætor, 41.
    Lieutenant-general, xxvii. 14.

  ————, succeeds Scipio in the government of Spain, xxviii. 38.
    Defeats Indibilis, who is slain, xxix. 2, 3.
    Is curule ædile, 11.

  ——, Scipio, L., brother of Publius, takes Oringis, xxviii. 3.
    Is elected prætor, xxxiv. 54.
    Consul, xxxvi. 45.
    Arrives in Asia, xxxvii. 33.
    Defeats Antiochus, 43.
    Triumphs and assumes the title Asiaticus, 59.
    Condemned for having accepted presents from Antiochus, xxxvii. 55.
    Ordered into prison, 58.
    Liberated by Tib. Gracchus, plebeian tribune, 60.
    At the review of the knights, he is deprived of his horse, xxxix. 44.

  ——, Merula, L., prætor, xxxii. 7. Consul, xxxiv. 54.
    His letter after he had defeated the Boians at Mutina, xxxv. 6.

  ——, Cossus, M., consul, iv. 51.

  ——, Maluginensis, M., decemvir, iii. 35, 40, 41.
    Consul, iv. 21.
    Censor, v. 31.
    Consular tribune, vi. 36.
    Again, 42.

  ——, Cethegus, M., chief pontiff, xxv. 2.
    Prætor, 41.
    Commands in Sicily, xxvi. 21.
    Censor, xxvii. 11.
    Consul, xxix. 11.
    Proconsul, defeats Mago, xxx. 18.

  Cornelius Scipio, M., prætor, xli. 14.

  ——, Cossus, P., consular tribune, iv. 49.
    Again, 56.
    Dictator, 57.
    Consular tribune, 58.
    Again, v. 24.

  ——, Arvina, P., consul, ix. 42.
    Censor, x. 47.
    Again consul, xi. 24.

  ——, Maluginensis, P., consular tribune, iv. 61; v. 16.

  ——, Scipio, P., master of horse, v. 19.
    Consular tribune, 24.
    Interrex, 32.
    Again, vi. 1.
    One of the first curule ædiles, vii. 1.
    Dictator, ix. 44.

  ——, Lentulus, P., prætor, xxiv. 9.
    Commands in Sicily, 10, and xxv. 6.

  ——, Scipio Asina, P., consul, xx. 56.
    Interrex, xxii. 34; xxvi, 8.

  ————, P., consul, xxi. 6.
    Attempts in vain to overtake Hannibal in Gaul, 32.
    And hastens back to the Po, 39.
    Is defeated, and wounded at the Ticinus, 46.
    Recommends to his colleague to avoid fighting, 52, 53.
    Sails to Spain, and joins his brother, xxii. 22.
    Marches against Mago, xxv. 32.
    Is defeated and slain, 34.

  ——————, son of the preceding, rescues his father from imminent danger
      at the Ticinus, xxi. 46.
    After the battle of Cannæ, he breaks up a conspiracy, formed for
      abandoning Italy, xxii. 53.
    At twenty-four years of age is sent proconsul into Spain, xxvi. 18.
    Takes New Carthage in one day, xlii. 46.
    Restores to Allucius his spouse, 50.
    Acts in Spain with extraordinary success, xxvii. 17, 18; xxviii.
      1, 4, 12, 16.
    Passes over to Africa, on a visit to Syphax, 17.
    Dines at the same table with Hasdrubal, 18.
    Quells a mutiny at Sucro, xxiv. 29.
    Vanquishes Mandonius and Indibilis, 32, 34.
    Forms an alliance between the Romans and Masinissa, 35.
    On his return to Rome is elected consul, 38.
    Goes to Sicily, 45.
    Prepares for a descent on Africa, xxix. 1.
    Passes over thither, and meets with great success, 24—35.
    Overthrows Syphax and Hasdrubal, xxx. 3, 9.
    Reproves Masinissa’s conduct toward Sophonisba, 14.
    Confers with Hannibal, 29, 31.
    Defeats him, 32, 35.
    Dictates terms of peace, 37.
    Returns to Rome, triumphs, and assumes the surname of Africanus, 45.
    Is created censor, xxxii. 7.
    Consul a second time, xxxiv. 42.
    Converses with Hannibal at Ephesus, xxxv. 14.
    Accepts the post of lieutenant-general under his brother, xxxvii. 1.
    Receives his son from Antiochus, and rejects his offers, 34, 36.
    Prescribes the terms of peace, xxxvii. 45.
    Is accused of bribery, xxxviii. 50.
    Retires to Liturnum, 52.
    Where he dies, and, according to his orders previously given,
      is buried, 53.

  ————, P., son of Africanus, augur, xl. 42.

  ————, Nasica, P., son of Cornelius, not yet of quæstorian age, is
      judged the best man in Rome, and sent to receive the Idæan Mother,
      xxix. 13.
    Made consul, xxxvi. 1.
    He triumphs over the Boians, xxxvi. 40.
    Is commander of a colony, xxxix. 55; xl. 34.

  ——, Sulla, P., prætor, xxv. 2, 3.
    The first that solemnized the Apollinarian games, 12, 19, 22.

  ——, Ser., consul, ii. 41.
    Flamen Quirinalis, dies of the plague, iii. 22.

  ——, Maluginensis, Ser., consular tribune, v. 36.
    Again, vi. 6.
    A third time, 18.
    A fourth, 22.
    A fifth, 27.
    A sixth, 36.
    A seventh, 38.
    Master of horse, vii. 9.

  ——, Ser., military tribune, xxix. 2.

  ——, Lentulus, Ser., curule ædile, xxviii. 10.
    Prætor, xliii. 11.

  Corniculum taken by Tarquinius Priscus, i. 38.

  Cornus, capital of Sardinia, taken by T. Manlius, xxiii. 40.

  Coronea besieged by Quintius, xxxiii. 29.
    Its lands wasted, xxxvi. 20.

  Corsica, island, xxii. 31; xxx. 39.

  Corsicans, revolt from the Romans, xli. 19.
    Peace is granted to them, xlii. 7.

  Cortona solicits peace with the Romans, a truce is granted, ix. 37.

  Corycus, promontory, xxxiii. 20; xxxvi. 43; xxxvii. 12.

  Cosa commended for fidelity, xxvii. 10.
    Its harbour, xxii. 11; xxx. 39.

  Cosconius, M., military tribune, xxx. 18.

  Cotto, Bastarnian chieftain, xl. 57.

  Cotton, city, xxxviii. 25.

  Cotys, king of the Odrysians, xlii. 29.
    Assists Perseus, 51, 67.

  Cranon, xxxvi. 10, 14; xlii. 64.

  Craterus, xxxv. 26.

  Cremaste, otherwise Larissa, xxxi. 46.
    Besieged, xlii. 56.

  Cremera, river, ii. 49.

  Cremona besieged by the Gauls, xxxi. 10.
    Its lands wasted, xxviii. 10, 11.

  Cretan archers, xxxvii. 41.

  Cretans, xxiv. 30.
    Their civil war, xli. 25.

  Creusa, mother of Ascanius, i. 3.

  ——, port of Thespiæ, xxxvi. 21.

  Crito, of Berœa, ambassador from Philip to Hannibal, xxiii. 39.

  Croton, i, 18.
    Revolts to Hannibal after the battle of Cannæ, xxii. 61.
    Its inhabitants remove to Locri, xxiv. 3; xxix. 36; xxx. 19.

  Crown of gold presented in the Capitol to Jupiter by the Latins, ii.
      22; iii. 57.
    _See_ iv. 20; vii. 38.
    Soldiers honoured with golden crowns, vii. 10, 26, 27; x. 44.

  ——, civic, vi. 20; x. 46.

  ——, obsidional, vii. 37.

  Crown, mural, vi. 20; x. 46.

  ——, vallarian, x. 46.

  ——, laurel, xxiii. 11; xxvii. 37.

  Crustumerium, colony, founded by Romulus, i. 11.
    Taken by Tarquinius, 38.
    By the Romans, ii. 19; iii. 42.

  Crustuminian tribe, xlii. 34.

  Crustuminians, i. 9, 11.

  Cumæ, ii. 9; iv. 44; ix. 19.
    Besieged by Hannibal, and defended by Gracchus, xxiii. 36.
    The siege raised, 37.
    Its lands ravaged by Hannibal, xxiv. 13; xli. 16.

  Curatius, P., plebeian tribune, accuses two military tribunes, v. 11.

  Curiatii fight the Horatii, i. 24, 25.

  Curiatius, P., consul, iii. 32.

  Curio, the first plebeian, xxvii. 8.

  Curtian lake, i. 13; vii. 6.

  Curtius, C., consul, iv. 1.

  ——, M., leaps into a gulf in the forum, vii. 6.

  Cyclades, islands, xxxiv. 26; xliv. 28.

  Cycliades, prætor of the Achæns, xxxi. 25.
    Banished, xxxii. 19.

  Cyllene, xxvii. 32.

  Cynosarges, xxxi. 24.

  Cynoscephalæ, xxxiii. 16, 17.

  Cyprian street, i. 48.

  Cyprus, xxxiii. 41.

  Cyrenæ, xxiii. 10; xxxiv. 62.

  Cyrus, king of Persia, ix. 17.


  Damocles, an Argive, his bravery, xxxiv. 25.

  Damocritus, prætor of the Ætolians, xxxi. 32.
    Envoy to Nabis, xxxv. 12.
    Falls into the hands of the Romans, xxxvi. 24.
    Disappointed in an attempt to escape, he kills himself, xxxvii. 46.

  Dardanians, xxvi. 25.
    Ravage Macedonia, xxvii. 33.
    Are invaded by Philip, xxviii. 8.
    Philip proposes to exterminate them, xl. 57.
    They are defeated by the Bastarnians, xli. 19.

  Dasis, of Salapia, favours Hannibal, xxvi. 38.

  Dasius Altinius, of Arpi, a traitor, thrown into prison by the Romans,
    his family burned by Hannibal, xxiv. 45.

  ——, of Brundusium betrays Clastidium to Hannibal, xxi. 48.

  Dassaretians, xxvii. 32; xxxi. 33; xlv. 26.

  Debts very great at Rome; disturbances and secession in consequence,
      ii. 23, 33.
    Debts contracted by rebuilding, vi. 27.
    Commissioners (mensarii) appointed to regulate matters respecting
      debts, vii. 21.
    A law passed against imprisoning debtors, viii. 28.

  Decemvirs, appointed to form a body of laws, iii. 32.
    A new set elected, 35.
    Their cruelty and tyranny, 36, 37.
    They retain the power after their time had expired, 38.
    Are compelled to abdicate the office, 54.
    Two of them die in prison; the rest are banished, and their goods
      confiscated, 58.

  Decemvirs, commissioners of religious matters, half patrician, and half
    plebeian, vi. 37, 42.

  Decimation of soldiers, ii. 59.

  Decimius Flavus, C., military tribune, repulses Hannibal’s elephants,
      xxvii. 14.
    Prætor, xxxix. 32.

  Decius Mus, P., rescues the legions from a desperate situation,
      vii. 34, 35, 36.
    Is chosen consul, viii. 3.
    Devotes himself for the army, ix. 10.

  ——, consul, ix. 28, 29.
    A second time, when he commands in Etruria, 41.
    Censor, 46.
    A third time consul, x. 14.
    Proconsul; he performs great exploits, 16-20.
    A fourth time consul, 22.
    He devotes himself for the army, 28.

  Decuman gate, iii. 5: x. 32.

  Dedication of a temple must be performed by a consul or general, ix.
    45.

  Delium, a temple of Apollo and asylum xxxv. 51.

  Delos island, deemed sacred and inviolable, xliv. 29.

  Delphi, i. 56; v. 15, 16, 28; xli. 25; xlii. 15, 17, 40; xlv. 27.

  Delphic oracles, i. 56; v. 15, 16, 28; xxix. 10.

  Demaratus, father of Lucumo, i. 34.

  Demetrias, in Thessaly, xxvii. 32; xxviii. 5, 8; xxxiii. 31; xxxv. 34.

  Demetrium, xxviii. 6.

  Demetrius, son of Philip, xl. 5.
    His quarrel with Perseus, and its immediate consequences, 7-16, 21,
      23.
    He is poisoned at Heraclea, 24.

  ——, of Pharos, xxii. 33.

  Deserters scourged, and thrown from the rock, xxiv. 20.

  ——, Latin, beheaded, xxxiii. 43.

  Devoting law, iii. 55; vii. 41.
    One of the Æquans and Volscians, iv. 26.
    The principal elders in Rome devote themselves, on the approach of
      the Gauls, v. 41.
    A consul, dictator, or prætor, may devote either himself or any
      soldier regularly enlisted, for the army, viii. 10.

  Diana of Ephesus, and her temple on the Aventine, i. 45.
    A lectisternium in honour of her, xxii. 10.
    Her grove, xxvii. 4.
    Festival of three days at Syracuse, xxv. 23.
    Her temple at Abydus, xxxi. 17.
    At Aulis, xlv. 27.

  ——, Amarynthis, her festival at Eretria, xxxv. 38.

  ——, Tauropolos, xliv. 44.

  Dianium, i. 48.

  Dicæarchus, proper name, xxxiii. 2; xxxv. 12; xxxvi. 28.

  Dice played with, iv. 17.

  Dictator, first created, ii. 18.
    No appeal from him, 29; iii. 20.
    An instance of an appeal by Fabius, viii. 33.
    Dictator nominated to drive the nail, vii, 3; viii. 18.
    The first plebeian, vii. 17.
    Dictator not allowed to use a horse without leave of the people,
      xxiii. 14.
    Two dictators at one time, 22, 23.
    Warm disputes about the nomination of dictators, iv. 56; xxvii. 5.

  Didas, governor of Pæonia, poisons Demetrius, xl. 24.

  Digitius, Sex., claims a mural crown, on the capture of New Carthage,
    xxvi. 48.

  ————, prætor, unsuccessful in Spain, xxxv. 1; xliii. 11.

  Dimallum taken by Æmilius, xxix. 12.

  Dinocrates, Macedonian general, xxiii. 18.

  ——, prætor of Messene, xxxix. 49

  Dinomenes, life-guard of Hieronymus, conspires against him, xxiv. 7.
    Is made prætor at Syracuse, 23.

  Diomede’s plains, xxv. 12.

  Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily, gets possession of the citadel of Croton,
      xxiv. 3.
    An expression of his, 22.

  Dioxippus, Athenian general, xxxi. 24.

  Dipylus, part of Athens, xxxi. 24.

  Discipline, military, severely enforced by Manlius, viii. 7.
    Supported by the dictator Papirius, 34, 35.
    Its gradual improvement, ix. 17.

  Disfranchised, (ærarii facti,) iv. 24; xxiv. 18; xxix. 37, &c.

  Dodonæan Jupiter, his caution to Pyrrhus, viii. 24.

  Dolopians, declared free, xxxiii. 34.
    Join the Ætolians, xxxviii. 3, 5, 8.

  Domitius, Cn., consul, viii. 17.

  ——, Calvinus, Cn., curule ædile, x. 9.

  ——, Ænobarbus, Cn., plebeian ædile, xxxiii. 42.
    Consul, xxxv. 10; xlv. 17.

  Dorimachus, Ætolian, xxvi. 24.

  Doris, its towns taken, xxviii. 7.

  Druentia, xxi. 31.

  Dry season, remarkable, iv. 30.

  Duilius, Cæso, iii. 35.
    Consul, viii. 16.

  ——, plebeian consular tribune, v. 13; vii. 21.

  Duillius, M., plebeian tribune, ii. 58.
    Prosecutes Ap. Claudius, 61.
    His good conduct respecting the decemvirs, iii. 52, 54.
    He procures the passing of a law, allowing an appeal from the
      consuls, 54.
    Opposes his colleagues, who wish to continue in office, 64.
    Reduces the rate of interest, vii. 16.

  Duumvirs, judges of capital offences, i. 26; vi. 20.

  ——, commissioners in religious affairs, keepers of the Sibylline books,
      iii. 10; v. 13.
    Their number increased to ten, vi. 37.

  ——, naval, ix. 30.

  Dymæ, xxvii. 31; xxxii. 22; xxxviii. 29.

  Dyrrachium, xxix. 12; xlii. 48.


  Ebutius, L., consul, iii. 6.

  ——, M., military tribune, xli. 1.

  ——, Elva, M. commissioner of a colony, iv. 11.

  ————, prætor, xliv. 17.

  ——, Cornicen, Postumus, consul, iv. 11.

  ——, P., xxxix. 9, 12.

  ——, T., consul, and master of horse, ii. 19.

  ——, Carus, T., commander of a colony, xxxix. 55.
    Prætor, xlii. 4.

  Ecetra, iii. 10; vi. 31.

  Ecetrans, peace granted to them, and part of their lands taken from
      them, ii. 25.
    They revolt to the Æquans, iii. 4.

  Echedemus employed by Philip as envoy to the Acarnanians, xxxiii. 16.

  ——, Athenian ambassador, xxxvii. 7.

  Echinus, xxxii. 33; xxxiv. 23.

  Eclipse of the sun, xxii. 1; xxx. 2, 38; xxxvii. 4.

  ——, of the moon, foretold to the army by Sulpicius Gallus, xliv. 37.
    Custom of making noise on it, xxvi. 5.

  Edesco, a celebrated Spanish general, joins Scipio, xxvii. 17.

  Edessa, xlv. 29.

  Egeria, nymph, i. 19.

  Egerius, son of Aruns, so named from his poverty, i. 34, 38.

  Egnatius, Gellius, Samnite general, advises war with the Romans, x. 18.
    Invites the Umbrians to join him, and tempts the Gauls, 21.
    Is killed, 29.

  Egypt, viii. 24. _See_ Ptolemy, Cleopatra.

  Elatia, xxviii. 7; xxxii. 18, 21.
    Taken by the Romans, 24.

  Elders, Roman, slain by the Gauls, v. 41.
    Elders obliged to undertake the guard of the city, v. 10; vi. 2, 6.
    Cohorts formed of elders, x. 21.

  ——, Carthaginian, thirty form the principal council of state, xxx. 16.

  Eleans, wage war with the Achæans, xxvii. 31—33.
    Machanidas resolves to attack them during the Olympic games, xxviii.
      7.
    They send ambassadors to Antiochus, xxxvi. 5.

  Elephants, first used by the Romans, xxxi. 36.
    Elephants confuse their own party, xxvii. 14.
    Are conveyed over the Rhone, xxi. 28.
    Method of killing them invented by Hasdrubal, xxvii. 49.

  Elicius, Jupiter, i. 20.

  Elimæa, xxxi. 40.

  Elimæans, xxxv. 48; xxxvii. 40.

  Elis, xxvii. 32; xxxvi. 31; xxxviii. 32.

  Elitovius, Gallic chief, crosses the Alps, v. 35.

  Emathia, or Pæonia, xl. 3; xliv. 44.

  Emporia, country, xxix. 25, 33.

  Emporiæ, city in Spain, founded by Phocæans, xxi. 60; xxvi. 19; xxviii.
    42.

  Emporium, fort near Placentia, xxi. 57.

  Enipeus, river, xliv. 8, 20, 27.

  Enna seized by the Romans, xxiv. 39.

  Ennius, Q., his observation respecting Fab. Maximus, xxx. 26.

  Eordæa, xxxi. 39; xlii. 53; xlv. 30.

  Ephesus, xxxiii. 38; xxxviii. 12, 39.

  Epicrates, xxxvii. 13—15.

  Epicydes sent by Hannibal, with his brother Hippocrates, ambassador to
      Hieronymus, xxiv. 6, 23.
    Both elected prætors at Syracuse, 27.
    They seize Syracuse, 32.
    Epicydes commands in the city when besieged by the Romans, 35.
    He leaves it, xxv. 27.
    And goes to Africa, xxvi. 40.

  ——, Sindon, killed at Syracuse, xxv. 28.

  Epidaurus, x. 47; xlv. 28.

  Epipolæ, part of Syracuse, xxv. 24.

  Epirus, viii. 3; xxix. 12; xxxii. 13; xlv. 34.

  Equestrian estate, v. 7.

  ——, spoils, viii. 7.

  ——, statue, ix. 43.

  Eretria, xxxii. 13, 16; xxxiii. 34; xxxv. 38.

  Eretum, iii. 29; xxvi. 11, 25.

  Ergavia, xl. 50.

  Ericinum, xxxvi. 13.

  Erigonus, river, xxxi. 39.

  Eropon, xliv. 24, 28.

  Eropus, xxvii. 32; xxix. 12.

  Erycine Venus, xxii. 9, 10.

  Erythræ, xxviii. 8; xxxvi. 43; xxxvii. 27.

  ——, promontory, xliv. 28.

  Eryx, mount, xxi. 10, 41.

  Esquiliæ, i. 44; ii. 28.

  Esquiline hill, i. 48.

  ——, gate, ii. 11; iii. 66, 68; vi. 22.

  Etovissa, xxi. 22.

  Etruria, i. 23, 30.
    Subdued by Fabius, consul, ix. 41.
    Renews hostilities, x. 3.
    Is laid waste, 12, 30, 37.
    Its general assemblies, iv. 23; v. 17; x. 16.

  Etrurians, besiege Rome, ii. 11.
    Recommence hostilities, 44.
    Are displeased at the Veians for electing a king, v. 1.
    Make war on the Romans, vi. 2—4.
    Prepare again for war, vii. 17.
    Are defeated, ix. 35.
    Obtain a truce, 41.
    Defeat the Romans, x. 3.
    Are routed, 4, 5. _See_ 10, 18, 30.
    Meditate a revolt, xxvii. 21.
    Are checked, 24.

  Evander, Arcadian, introduces the use of letters in Italy, i. 5, 7.

  ——, Cretan, attempts to murder king Eumenes, xlii. 15.
    Accompanies Perseus in his flight, xliv. 43.
    Is put to death by him, xlv. 5.

  Eubœa, island, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5; xxxv. 51; xxxvi. 15.

  Euboic gulf, xxxi. 47.

  ——, talent, xxxvii. 45; xxxviii. 9.

  Eubulidas of Chalcis, demanded by Scipio, xxxvii. 45.

  Eudamus, commander of the Rhodian fleet, xxxvii. 12, 15; xliv. 28.

  Eumenes, king of Pergamus, joins the Romans against Antiochus, xxxvi.
      42, 45.
    Is obliged to go home to protect Pergamus, xxxvii. 18.
    Advises Æmilius not to listen to overtures of peace, 19.
    Assists in the total overthrow of Antiochus, 41, 42.
    Goes to Rome, 52, 53.
    And is rewarded with a large addition of territory, 56.
    His ambassadors complain of Philip, xxxix. 27.
    He comes to Rome, and discovers the designs of Perseus, xlii. 6,
      11—13.
    Is assaulted near Delphi, 15.
    He and the Romans are worsted by Perseus, 59.
    Whom they afterwards defeat, and Eumenes becomes suspected by the
      Romans, xliv. 20.
    He is solicited by Perseus, 24.
    The treaty is broken off, 25.
    He sends ambassadors to Rome with congratulations, xlv. 13.
    Makes a truce with the Gauls, 34.

  Euphranor, Macedonian general, relieves Melibœa from a siege, xliv. 13.

  Euripus, strait of Eubœa, xxviii. 6; xxxi. 22.

  Eurotas, river, xxxiv. 28; xxxv. 29, 30.

  Euryalus, hill at Syracuse, xxv. 25, 26.

  Eurylochus, Magnesian chief magistrate, provokes Quintius, xxxv. 31.
    Flies to Ætolia, 32.
    Kills himself, xxxvi. 33.

  Eurymedon, river, xxxiii. 41.

  Euthymidas, head of a faction at Chalcis, xxxv. 37, 38.

  Exodia, interludes, vii. 2.


  Fabiæ, daughters of M. Fab. Ambustus, vi. 34.

  Fabian family, ii. 45.
    Undertake the war with the Veians, 48.
    Are all cut off except one, 50.

  Fabius Pictor, a very old writer, i. 44; ii. 40; viii. 30; x. 37; xxii.
    7.

  ——, C., consul, wages an unsuccessful war with the Tarquinians, vii.
      12, 15.
    Is made interrex, 17.
    Master of horse, ix. 23.

  ——, Cæso, quæstor, accuses Sp. Cassius of treason, ii. 41.
    Is made consul, 42.
    A second time consul, when his troops refuse to conquer, 43.
    He and his brother renew the fight, 46.
    Is chosen consul a third time, 48.
    Leads his family against the Veians, 49.

  ——, Ambustus, Cæso, quæstor, iv. 54.
    Consular tribune, 61.
    Again, v. 10.
    A third time, 24.

  ——, Dorso, C., during the siege of the Capitol, passes through the
    Gauls to perform sacrifice, and returns safe, v. 46.

  ——, L., envoy from Scipio to Carthage, xxx. 25.

  ——, M., brother of Cæso, consul, ii. 42.
    Again, 43.
    Refuses a triumph, 47.

  ——, chief pontiff, dictates the form of words, in which the Roman
    elders devote themselves on the approach of the Gauls, v. 41.

  Fabius Ambustus, M., whose daughter’s envy of her sister occasioned
      the consulship to be opened to plebeians, consular tribune, vi. 22.
    Again, 36.

  ——————, consul, honoured with an ovation over the Hernicians, vii. 11.
    Again consul, 17.
    Dictator, 22.
    Argues in favour of his son against Papirius, viii. 33.
    Master of horse, 38.

  ——, Dorso, M., consul, vii. 28.

  ——, Vibulanus, M., consul, iv, 11.
    Consular tribune, 25.

  ——, Buteo, M., dictator, without a master of horse, created for the
    purpose of filling up the senate, xxiii. 22.

  ————, curule ædile, xxx. 26.
    Prætor, 40.

  ——, Ambustus, Numerius, consular tribune, iv. 58.

  ——, Vibulanus, Numerius, consul, iv. 43.
    Consular tribune, 49.
    Again, 57.

  ——, Q., consul, ii. 41.
    Again, 43.
    Slain in battle, 46.

  ————, the only survivor of the disaster at Cremera, consul, iii. 1.
    Again, 2.
    A third time consul, he conquers the Volscians, and is made one of
      the decemvirs for forming laws, 36.
    He is banished with his colleagues, 58.

  ————, ambassador to the Gauls, kills one of their leaders, and is made
      consular tribune, v. 35, 36.
    He, with his brother, is called to an account for his conduct towards
      the Gauls, and dies, vi. 1.

  ——, Ambustus, Q., consul, iv. 52.
    Master of horse, vii. 28.
    Dictator, ix. 7.

  ——, Gurges, Q., consul, x. 47.

  ——, Maximus Rullianus, Q., curule ædile, viii. 18.
    Master of horse, 29.
    Fights the Samnites contrary to the order of the dictator, Papirius,
      and is successful, 30.
    His dispute with the dictator, 30—36.
    He is made consul, 38.
    Interrex, ix. 7.
    Dictator, he defeats the Samnites, 23.
    Again consul, he defeats the Etrurians, 35.
    Though at enmity with Papirius, nominates him dictator, 38.
    A third time consul, he overthrows the Samnites and Umbrians, 41.
    Censor, he distributes the lowest rabble among the four city tribes,
      and thence gains the surname of Maximus, 46.
    A fourth time consul, he overcomes the Samnites, x. 13, 14.
    Is made consul a fifth time, 22.
    Triumphs, 30.

  ——, Vibulanus, Q., consul, iv. 37.
    Consular tribune, 49.

  ——, Maximus Verrucosus, Q., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18.
    Prodictator, xxii. 8.
    His cautious method of conducting the war, 11—17.
    He sells his estate to ransom prisoners, 23.
    Saves from total defeat his master of horse, who had fought Hannibal
      contrary to his judgment, 28, 29.
    His advice to the consul Æmilius, 39.
    He is made chief pontiff, xxiii. 21.
    A third time consul, 31.
    His actions, 46, 48.
    Is consul a fourth time, xxiv. 8.
    Acts as lieutenant-general under his son, 44.
    Is made consul a fifth time, xxvii. 7.
    Prince of the senate, 11.
    He takes Tarentum, 15.
    Effects a reconciliation between the consuls Livius and Nero, 35.
    Opposes Scipio’s design of carrying the war into Africa, xxviii.
      40; xxix. 19.
    Dies, xxx 26.

    Fabius, Q., son of the preceding, prætor, xxiv. 9.
    Consul, 43.
    Makes his father dismount on approaching him, 44.
    Takes Arpi, 46.

  ————, lieutenant-general, despatched to the senate by Livius, xxviii.
    9.

  ——, Pictor, Q., sent to consult the oracle at Delphi, xxii. 57.
    Returns, xxiii. 11.

  ——, Labeo, Q., prætor, xxxvii. 47.

  ——, Pictor, Q., flamen of Quirinus, and prætor, xxxvii. 47, 50.

  Fabraternians taken into protection by the Romans, viii. 19.

  Fabricius Luscinus, C., prætor, xxxiii. 43; xxxvii. 4.

  Fæsulæ, xxii. 3.

  Faith solemnly worshipped, by order of Numa, i. 21.

  Falerine tribe added, ix. 20.

  Falerians, or Faliscians, assist the Veians and Fidenatians, iv. 17.
    Attack the Roman camp at Veii, v. 8, 13.
    Are defeated by Camillus, their camp taken, and their city besieged,
      19, 26.
    The treacherous schoolmaster is punished, and the town surrenders, 27.
    They revive hostilities, vii. 17.
    Obtain a truce, 22.
    War is proclaimed against them, x. 45.
    A truce granted, 46.

  Falernian lands, as far as the river Vulturnus, divided among the
    commons of Rome, viii. 11.

  Fasces do not attend both consuls in the city, ii. 1.
    Lowered, in compliment to the people, by Publicola, 7.

  Fathers, Conscript, ii. 1. _See_ Senate, Patricians.

  Faustulus saves Romulus and Remus, i. 4, 5.

  Fecenia, Hispala, a courtesan, discovers the practices of the
      Bacchanalians, xxxix. 9, 11, 13.
    Is rewarded, 19.

  Feralia, festival of the infernal deities, xxxv. 7.

  Ferentine grove, i. 50, 52.
    Water, 51.
    Source of it, ii. 53.

  Ferentum, taken by the Romans, x. 34.

  Feronia, her temple, i. 30.
    Her temple and grove, xxvi. 12; xxvii. 4.
    Her temple at Capena struck by lightning, xxxiii. 26.

  Fescinine verses, vii. 2.

  Ficulnea, i. 3.
    Ficulnean, or Nomentan, road, iii. 52.

  Fidenæ, colony, i. 27; iv. 17.
    Revolts, and is reduced, 22, 33, 34.

  Fidenatians make war on the Romans, and are conquered, i. 14.
    Again, 27.
    Are besieged, ii. 19.
    Kill Roman ambassadors, iv. 17.
    Are subdued, 33, 34.

  Field of Mars, i. 4; ii. 5; vi, 20.

  Figtree Ruminal, i. 4; x. 23.

  Fires, great, at Rome, xxiv. 47; xxvi. 27.

  Flamens instituted by Numa, i. 20.

  Flamen of Jupiter must not spend one night out of the city, v. 52.

  Flaminian circus, iii. 54; xl. 52.

  ——, meadows, iii. 54, 63.

  Flaminius, C., a second time consul, xxi. 57.
    Goes privately to Ariminum, where he assumes the office, 63.
    Is killed in the battle of Thrasimene, xxii. 4, 6.

  ————, quæstor, xxvi. 47.

  ————, consul, xxxviii. 42.
    Defends M. Fulvius, 43.
    Defeats the Ligurians, xxxix. 2.

  ————, commissioner of a colony, xl. 34.

  ——, L. xliii. 11.

  ——, Q., commissioner of lands, xxxi. 4.

  Flavius, Cn., a notary, made curule ædile, and opposes the patricians;
    publishes the civil law, and exhibits the calendar in tablets hung
    round the forum, ix. 46.

  ——, M., makes a distribution of flesh meat, viii. 22.
    Is made plebeian tribune, 37.

  ——, a Lucanian, betrays Tib. Gracchus, xxv. 16.

  Flavoleius, M., centurion, ii. 45.

  Fleet launched in forty-five days after the timber was brought from the
    wood, xxviii. 45.

  Floronia, a vestal convicted of incontinence, xxii. 57.

  Flumentan gate, vi. 20; xxxv. 9, 21.

  Fonteius, M., prætor, xlv. 44.

  ——, Balbus, P., prætor, xliv. 17.

  ——, Capito, P., prætor, xliii. 11.

  ——, T., xxv. 34; xxvi. 17.

  ——, Capito, T., prætor, xl. 58.

  Formians made Roman citizens, without right of suffrage, viii. 14.
    That right granted to them, xxxviii. 36.

  Fortuna Primigenia, xxix. 36; xxxiv. 52.

  Fortune, her temple at Rome, xxv. 7.
    At Præneste, xxiii. 19.
    That of Fors Fortuna, xxvii. 11.
    Of Female Fortune, ii. 40.

  Forum, Roman, i. 12.
    Adorned with the gilded shields of the Samnites, ix. 40.

  ——, boarium, or cattle-market, xxi. 62; xxvii. 37; xxix. 37.

  ——, olitorium, or herb-market, xxi. 62.

  ——, piscatorium, or fish-market, xxvi. 27.

  Fostius, M., consular tribune, iv. 25.

  ——, Flaccinator, M., consul, ix. 20.
    Master of horse, 26.
    Again, 28.

  Fregellæ, colony, viii. 22.
    Seized by the Samnites, ix. 12.
    Recovered, 28.
    Its fidelity to the Romans, xxvii. 10.
    Bravery of its horsemen, xxvi. 27.

  Frusinians mulcted a third part of their lands, x. 1.

  Frusino, or Frusinum, xxvii. 37.

  Fucine lake, iv. 57.

  Fulcinius, C., Roman ambassador, killed by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17.

  Fulvius Curvus, C., plebeian ædile, x. 23.

  ——, Cn., consul, x. 11.
    Defeats the Samnites and triumphs, 12.
    Proprætor, he overthrows the Etrurians, 26 27, 30.

  ————, quæstor, delivered up to Hannibal by the Ligurians, xxi. 59.

  ————, lieutenant-general, xxvi. 14 33; xxvii. 8.

  ——, Centumalus, Cn., curule ædile, made prætor, xxiv, 43.
    Consul, xxv. 41; xxvi. 1.
    Is defeated by Hannibal at Herdonea, and slain, xxvii. 1.

  ——, Flaccus, Cn., prætor, xxv. 2.
    Is intoxicated with success, 20.
    Defeated by Hannibal at Herdonea, 21.
    Called to account for misconduct, xxvi. 2.
    He goes into exile, 3.

  ——, L., consul, viii. 38.
    Master of horse, ix. 21.

  ——, M., military tribune, killed in battle, xxvii. 12.

  ——, Centumalus, Cn., prætor, xxxv. 10, 20.

  ——, Flaccus, M., commissioner of lands, xxxi. 4.
    Lieutenant-general, xliii. 11.

  ——, Nobilior, M., prætor, xxxiv. 54.
    Defeats the Celtiberians and their allies, taking their king
      prisoner, xxxv. 7.
    His ovation, xxxvi. 21.
    A second, 38.
    Is chosen consul, xxxvii. 48.
    Wages war with success against the Ætolians, xxxviii. 4—12.
    A triumph is decreed to him after some dispute, xxxix. 5.
    He triumphs, xl. 45.

  ——, Pætinus, M., consul, x. 9.

  ——, Q., curule ædile, xxx. 39.

  ——, Flaccus, Q., pontiff, xxiii. 21.
    Prætor, xxiv. 30.
    Master of horse and consul, xxv. 2.
    Takes Hanno’s camp, 13, 14.
    Lays siege to Capua, xxvi. 4.
    Follows Hannibal on his route to Rome, 8-10.
    Beheads the Campanian senators, 15.
    Is accused by the Campanians, 27, 33.
    Created dictator, xxvii. 5.
    Consul a fourth time, 6.
    His reputation loses its lustre, 20.
    He is continued in command at Capua, 22.

  ——, Gillo, Q., lieutenant-general under Scipio, xxx. 21.
    Prætor, xxxi. 4.

  ——, Flaccus, Q., prætor, xxxviii. 42; xxxix. 56.
    Is made a pontiff, xl. 42.
    Triumphs over the Celtiberians, and is chosen consul, 43.
    Triumphs over the Ligurians, 59.
    Is made censor, xli. 27.
    Strips the temple of Juno Lacinia, xlii. 3.
    Hangs himself, 28.

  Fundæ, its inhabitants made Roman citizens without right of suffrage,
    viii. 14.

  Funeral orations, ii. 47, 61.
    Allowed to matrons, v. 50.
    Often misrepresent facts, viii. 40.

  Furius and Fusius, the same, iii. 4.

  ——, lieutenant-general, brother of the consul Sp. Furius, killed by the
    Æquans, iii. 5.

  ——, Agrippa, iii. 66, 70.
    Consular tribune, v. 32.

  ——, Pacilus, C., consul, iv. 12.
    Censor, 22.
    Disfranchises Mamercus Æmilius, 24.
    Is made consular tribune, 31.
    Consul again, 52.

  ——, Aculeo, C., quæstor, xxxviii. 55.

  ——, L., consul, opposes the Agrarian law, ii. 54.

  ————, consular tribune with Camillus, vi. 22.
    Dispute between them, 23, 24, 25.

  ————, plebeian tribune, ix. 42.

  ——, Camillus, L., dictator, restores the consulship to the patricians,
      and is elected consul, vii. 24.
    Defeats the Gauls, 26.
    Is made dictator, 28.

  ——————, consul, takes Pedum, and triumphs, viii. 13.
    Consul a second time, 29.

  ——, Medullinus, L., a person or persons of this name held the following
        offices, but the accounts are obscure:
    Consular tribune, iv. 25, 35.
    Again, 44.
    Consul, 51.
    Again, 54.
    Consular tribune, 57.
    Again, 61.
    A third time, v. 14.
    A fourth, 16.
    A fifth, 24.
    A sixth, 26.
    A seventh, 32.

  ——, Purpureo, L., military tribune, xxvii. 2.
    Attends a general assembly of the Ætolians, xxxi. 29.
    Is made consul, xxxiii. 24.

  ——, Camillus, M., consular tribune, v. 1.
    Again, 10.
    A third time, he ravages Campania, 14.
    Interrex, 17.
    Dictator, 19.
    Defeats the Faliscians, and takes Veii, 25.
    Opposes the design of removing to Veii, and is made consular tribune
      a fourth time, 26.
    Sends back to the Falerians their children, and the traitor who
      brought them to his camp, 27.
    Interrex, he is accused by Apuleius; goes into exile, and is fined,
      32.
    Is recalled, and made dictator, 46.
    Utterly vanquishes the Gauls, and triumphs, 49.
    Dictator a third time, he takes the Volscian camp, vi. 1.
    Consular tribune a fifth time, 6.
    His services, 7—10.
    Consular tribune a sixth time, 18.
    A seventh, 22.
    His moderation towards his colleague, and success in war, 23, 25.
    Dictator a fourth time, 38.
    A fifth, he triumphs over the Gauls, 42.
    His death, and character, vii. 1.

  Furius, M., defends M. Aurelius against charges made by Philip,
    xxx. 42.

  ——, Crassipes, M., commissioner of lands, xxxiv. 53.
    Prætor, xxxviii. 42.
    Again, xli. 28.

  ——, P., consul, ii. 56.

  ——, Philus, P., prætor, xxi. 35, 55.
    Returns wounded from Africa, xxiii. 11.
    Is made censor, xxiv. 11;
      and acts with severity, 18.
    Is accused by Metellus, plebeian tribune, and dies, 43.

  ——, Q., chief pontiff, ii. 54.

  ——, Sex., consul, ii. 39.

  ——, Sp., consul, ii. 43.

  ————, consul, worsted by the Æquans, and surrounded in his camp,
      iii. 4.
    Is relieved by T. Quintius, 5.

  ————, consular tribune, vi. 31.

  ——, Camillus, Sp., son of Marcus, first prætor, vii. 1.

  Fusius, Sp., pater patratus, i. 24.


  Gabians, iii. 8; vi. 21.

  Gabian road, iii. 6.

  Gabii taken by the treachery of Sex. Tarquinius, i. 53, 54; xxiv. 10;
    xxvi. 9.

  Gabine cincture, v. 46; viii. 9; x. 7.

  Gabinius made governor of Scodra, xlv. 26.

  Gades, xxi. 21; xxiv. 49; xxvi. 43; xxviii. 1.

  Gætulian troops, xxiii. 18.

  Gala, king of Numidia, xxiv. 48, 49; xxix. 29; xl. 17.

  Gallic tumult, vii. 9, 11.
    Bay, xxvi. 19; xxx. 19.

  Gallogrecians, xxxvii. 8.
    Their origin, xxxviii. 16.
    They are subdued by Cn. Manlius Vulso, 23.
    Who triumphs over them, xxxix. 6.

  Games, Roman, or great, exhibited by Romulus, i. 9.
    Established by Tarquinius Priscus, to be performed annually, 35.

  ——, Capitoline, v. 50.

  ——, Apollinarian, instituted, xxv. 12.
    Established, xxvii. 23.

  ——, Circensian, xxx. 27.

  ——, Megalesian, xxix. 14.

  ——, Plebeian, xxiii. 30.

  ——, Funeral, remarkable, exhibited by the sons of Æmilius Lepidus,
    xxiii. 30.

  ——, Olympic, xxvii. 35.

  ——, Nemæan, xxvii. 30, 31.

  ——, Isthmian, xxxiii. 32.

  Ganymedes, governor of Ænus, for Ptolemy, betrays it to Philip,
    xxxi. 16.

  Garamantians, xxix. 33.

  Garitenes murdered by Philip, xxxii. 21.

  Gates of a Roman camp, prætorian in front, xl. 27.
    Decuman, or quæstorian, in the rear, iii. 5; x. 32.
    Right and left principal, xl. 27.

  Gates of the city of Rome;—
    Capuan, or Capena, i. 26; iii. 22.
    Carmental, ii. 49; or Wicked.
    Colline, i. 51; ii. 11.
    Esquiline, ii. 11; iii. 36.
    Flumentan, vi. 20.
    Nævian, ii. 11.
    Numentan, vi. 20.
    Trigemina, iv. 16.

  Gavillius, Cn. and L., cause a great alarm at Rome, xli. 5.

  Gaul, province, called Ariminum, xxviii. 38.

  Gauls, enticed by the delicious fruits and wines, had come into Italy
      200 years before the taking of Rome, v. 17.
    Their several migrations, 33-35.
    The Senones besiege Clusium, 35.
    Quarrel with the Romans, 36.
    March to Rome, and gain a victory at the Allia, 37, 38.
    Burn Rome, 41.
    Are utterly defeated by Camillus, 49.
    Are again routed by Camillus, vi. 42.
    Advance within three miles of Rome, vii. 9.
    On their champion being slain by Manlius, retire in dismay, 9, 11.
    Various engagements with them, 12-15, 23, 24; viii. 20.
    The combat of Valerius Corvus, vii. 26.
    The Gauls, for a large sum of money, make peace with the Etrurians,
      x. 10,
    They, in conjunction with the Etrurians, Samnites, and Umbrians,
      are defeated by the Romans, 27, 29.
    The Senones cut off a Roman legion, 26.
    Character of the Gauls, v. 37-46; and x. 28.
    Transalpine Gauls join Hannibal, xxi. 20-28.
    Make an irruption into Italy, xxxix. 22, 45.
    Submit to the Roman consul, and retire, 54.

  Gaurus, mount, vii. 32.

  Geese save the Capitol, v. 47.

  Geganian family, Alban, admitted among Roman patricians, i. 30.

  Geganius, L., consular tribune, vi. 31.

  ——, M., consular tribune, vi. 42.

  ——, Macerinus, M., consul, quashes the combinations of the plebeian
        tribunes against the patricians, iii. 65.
    Is made consul a second time, iv. 8.
    He overthrows the Volscians, sends them under the yoke, and triumphs,
      10.
    Is a third time consul, 17.
    Censor, 22.
    _See_ ix. 33, 34.

  ——, T., consul, ii. 34.

  Gelo, son of Hiero, favouring the Carthaginians, is carried off by a
      sudden death, xxiii. 30.
    His character, xxiv. 5.

  Geminius Metius, Etrurian, his single combat with T. Manlius, viii. 7.

  Genius, a deity, xxi. 62.

  Gentius, king of Illyria, xl. 42.
    Ambassadors sent to him from Rome, xlii. 26.
    He imprisons the ambassadors, and takes part with Perseus, xliv. 27.
    Murders his brother, and his two friends, 30.
    Surrenders himself to the Roman prætor, Anicius, 31.
    Is led in triumph with his queen, children, and brother, xlv. 43.

  Genua, xxi. 32.
    Taken by Mago, and demolished, xxviii. 46.
    Rebuilt by the Romans, xxx. 1.

  Genucius, plebeian tribune, killed in his own house, ii. 54.

  ——, Cn., plebeian consular tribune v. 13.
    A second time, when he falls in battle, 18.

  ————, consul, vii. 3.

  ————, one of the first plebeian augurs, x. 9.

  ——, L., plebeian consul, vii. 1.
    A second time, 4.
    Is slain in battle with the Hernicians, 6.

  ————, plebeian tribune, proposes a law against usury, vii. 42.

  ————, consul, x. 1.

  ————, ambassador to Syphax, xxvii. 4.

  ——, M., consul, iv. 1.

  ——, T., plebeian tribune, proposes an Agrarian law, and accuses
        T. Menenius, ii. 52.
    Makes a heavy charge on the consuls of the preceding year, and is put
      to death, 54.

  ——, decemvir, iii. 33.

  Geronium, xxii. 13, 24, 39.

  Gisgo, Carthaginian ambassador to Philip, xxiii. 34.

  ——, arguing against peace, is treated roughly by Hannibal, xxx. 37.

  Gladiators exhibited, xxiii. 30; xxviii. 21.

  ——, called Samnites, by the Campanians, ix. 40.

  Gods, celestial and infernal, x. 28.

  ——, Indigetes, and Novensiles, viii. 9.

  ——, Manes, viii. 6, 9; x. 28.

  ——, Penates, or household, i. 1.

  ——, Tutelar, of Rome, iii. 7.
    The custom of calling them out from the town of an enemy, and the
      ceremonies used in removing their images, v. 21, 22.

  Gold, vicesimary, xxvii. 10.

  ——, 1000 pounds’ weight stipulated as the ransom of the Roman people,
        v. 48.
    Retaken, and placed under the throne of Jupiter, 50.

  Gomphi, xxxi. 41.
    Taken by the Romans, xxxvi. 13.

  Gonni, xxxvi. 10; xlii. 54, 67.

  Goods of Porsenna for sale, whence the phrase arose, ii. 14.

  Gown, bordered with purple, prætexta, borrowed from the Etrurians,
    i. 8.

  Gradivus, Mars, ii. 45.
    His priests Salii instituted by Numa, i. 20.

  Graviscæ, Roman colony, xl. 29.

  Grecian arts first admired by the Romans, xxv. 40.

  ——, fleet infests the coasts of Italy, vii. 25, 26.
    Another, under Cleonymus, a Spartan, is compelled to retire by the
      Patavians, x. 2.

  Grecian man and woman buried alive in the forum, xxii. 57.

  ——, states declared free by T. Quintius, at the Isthmian games,
        xxxiii. 32.

  Greece, the Farther, vii. 26.

  ——, the Greater, revolts to Hannibal, xxii. 61; xxxi. 7.

  Greek fables, xxviii. 43.
    Trench, 46.

  Gulf in the forum closes, on Curtius leaping into it, vii. 6.

  Gulussa, son of Masinissa, pleads before the senate in favour of his
    father, xlii. 24.

  Gythium taken by T. Quintius, xxxiv. 29.
    By Nabis, xxxv. 27.


  Hadrumetum, city in Africa, xxx. 29, 35.

  Haliacmon, river, xlii. 53.

  Haliartus, city, favours Perseus, xlii. 46.
    Is taken by the prætor Lucretius, 63.

  Halicarnassians, obliged to the Rhodians for their liberty, xxxiii. 20.
    Zealous to serve the Romans, xxxvii. 16.

  Halys, river, its banks inhabited by Gauls, xxxviii. 16.

  Hamæ, near Cumæ, the camp of the Campanians, is surprised there
    by Gracchus, xxiii. 35.

  Hamilcar, forming plans for a war against the Romans, dies,
      xxi. 1, 2, 5.
    This happened at a place in Spain called Highfort, xxiv. 41.

  ——, acting in concert with the Insubrian Gauls, is killed in battle
        at Cremona, xxxi. 21.

  ——, son of Bomilcar, defeated by the Scipios, xxiii. 49.

  ——, son of Gisgo, given up to the Romans, with the isle of Melita,
        xxi. 51.

  ——, Carthaginian general, made prisoner by Cn. Cornelius, xxxii. 30.
    Is led in triumph, xxxiii. 23.

  Hampsicora, Sardinian chief, meditates a revolt, xxiii. 32.
    Kills himself, 41.

  Hannibal, about nine years old, swears perpetual enmity to the Romans,
      xxi. 1.
    Is appointed general in the place of Hasdrubal, 3.
    His character, 4.
    He besieges and takes Saguntum, vi. 14.
    Passes the Iberus and Pyrenæan mountains, 23.
    Crosses the Rhone, 31.
    The Alps, 32.
    The number of his forces, 42.
    He defeats the Romans at Ticinus, 46.
    Again at the Trebia, 54.
    Again at Placentia, 59.
    Again at the lake Trasimenus, xxii. 4.
    Escapes out of a defile by the stratagem of tying faggots to the
      horns of oxen, 16.
    Worsts Minucius, who is saved by Fabius, 29.
    Pretends flight, but his scheme is detected, 42.
    Distressed and perplexed, he removes to Cannæ, 43.
    There overthrows the Romans with great slaughter, 49.
    Goes to Capua, xxiii. 7.
    Is defeated at Nola by Marcellus, 16.
    His men enervated by the luxury of Capua, 18.
    Are long resisted by a small body of Prænestines, at Casilinum,
      which at last surrenders, 19.
    He gains possession of Tarentum by treachery, xxv. 8-10.
    Defeats Cn. Fulvius, prætor, at Herdonia, 21.
    Resolves to lay siege to Rome, xxvi. 7.
    Encamps within three miles of that city, 10.
    Failing in his attempt, he retires, 11.
    Vanquishes Cn. Fulvius, proconsul, at Herdonea, xxvii. 1.
    He surrounds Marcellus, who is slain, 27.
    After the death of Hasdrubal, he retires into Bruttium, 51.
    Worsted by Scipio, he retires from Locri, xxix. 7.
    Is recalled from Italy, xxx. 19.
    Holds a conference with Scipio, 29.
    Is conquered at Zama, and flies to Adrumetum, 35.
    Is kindly received by Antiochus, at Ephesus, xxxiii. 49.
    Advises Antiochus to attack the Romans in Italy, xxxiv. 60.
    Converses with Scipio, xxxv. 14.
    Loses the favour of Antiochus, 43.
    Is restored to his good opinion, xxxvi. 6, 15, 41.
    Is defeated at sea by the Rhodians, xxxvii. 24.
    Is compelled by the Romans to leave the court of Antiochus, 45.
    Having found refuge with Prusias, but being still persecuted
      by the Romans, he swallows poison, xxxix. 51.

  Hanno, head of the faction which opposed the Barcine, insists that
    Hannibal ought not to be sent into Spain, xxi. 3;
      but to be given up to the Romans, 9.
    After the battle of Cannæ, he recommends making proposals of peace
      to the Romans, xxiii. 13.

  ——, son of Bomilcar, distinguishes himself in the passage of the Rhone,
        xxi. 27, 28.

  ——, defeated and taken in Spain by Cn. Scipio, xxi. 60.

  ——, driven out of Lucania by Sempronius Longus, xxiii. 17.
    Persuades the Grecian cities in Bruttium to join him, xxiv. 1.
    Fights a desperate battle with Gracchus, 14, 15.
    Flies to Bruttium, xxv. 14.
    Commands the garrison of Metapontum, xxvii. 42.

  ——, succeeds Hasdrubal Barcas as commander in Spain, xxviii. 1.
    Is made prisoner by the Romans, 2;
      and sent to Rome, 4.

  ——, an officer under Mago, is routed by L. Marcius, xxviii. 30.

  ——, general of cavalry, falls in battle, xxix. 29, 35.

  ——, son of Hamilcar, defeated and slain by Masinissa, xxix. 34.

  Harmonia, daughter of Gelon, put to death, xxiv. 24, 25.

  Harpalus, ambassador from Perseus, gives offence to the senate,
    xlii. 14.

  Hasdrubal, son-in-law and successor of Hamilcar, killed by a savage,
    xxi. 2.

  ——, brother of Hannibal, is left commander in Spain, xxi. 22.
    Is defeated by the Scipios, xxiii. 29.
    Cuts off the two Roman generals, with the greatest part of their men,
      xxv. 32.
    Baffles Nero, xxvi. 17.
    Is defeated by Scipio, xxvii. 18, 19.
    Passes into Gaul, and over the Alps, 36, 39.
    Lays siege to Placentia, 43.
    Is vanquished at the Metaurus, and slain, 48, 49.
    His head is thrown into Hannibal’s camp, 51.

  Hasdrubal, Calvus is sent into Sicily, xxiii. 32, 34.
    Defeated and taken, 40, 41.

  ——, son of Gisgo, commands in Spain, xxiv. 41.
    Is overthrown by Scipio, xxviii. 15, 16.
    Flies into Africa, 17.
    He and Scipio dine together in the house of Syphax, 18.
    He gives his daughter in marriage to Syphax, xxix. 23.
    He and Syphax are defeated by Scipio, xxx. 5, 6.

  ——, Hædus, advises the Carthaginians to conclude a peace, xxx. 42.
    Reproves Hannibal’s laughter, 44.

  Health, her temple, ix. 43; x. 1.

  Hegeas, commander of Neapolitan cavalry, xxiii. 1.

  Hellespont, xxxi. 15; xxxvii. 9.

  Helorus, xxiv. 35.

  Helvius, Cn., military tribune, killed, xxx. 18.

  ——, prætor, xxxii. 7, 8.
    Commands in Spain, xxxiii. 21.
    Is honoured with an ovation, xxxiv. 10.

  Hephæstia, xxxiii. 35.

  Heraclea, in Greece, xxviii. 5, 7; xxxvi. 22, 24; xliv. 8, 9.

  ——, in Italy, i. 18; viii. 24.

  ——, Minor, in Sicily, xxiv. 35; xxv. 40.

  ——, Sinticé, in Macedonia, xlv. 29.

  Heraclides, one of Philip’s generals, xxxi. 16.
    Is thrown into prison, xxxii. 5.

  ——, Byzantian, xxxvii. 34.

  Heraclitus Scotinus, Philip’s ambassador to Hannibal, xxiii. 39.

  Hersæa, xxviii. 7, 8.
    The direction of the Hersæan, or Junonian games, is conferred
      on Philip, xxvii. 30.

  Herbessus taken by Marcellus, xxiv. 30, 35.

  Hercinian forest, v. 34.

  Herculaneum taken by Carvilius, x. 45.

  Hercules, in Latium, i. 7.
    A lectisternium, or banquet, in honour of him, v. 13.
    His ministers Potitii, i. 7; ix. 29.
    His pillars, xxi. 43.

  Herdonea, xxv. 21.
    Is taken by Hannibal, and the inhabitants are expelled, xxvii. 1.

  Herdonius, Ap., a Sabine, seizes the Capitol, iii. 15.
    Is killed, 18.

  Herdonius, Turnus, inveighs against Tarquinius, i. 5.
    Who procures his death, 51.

  Herennius Bassus, and Herius Pettius Nolans, confer with Hanno,
    xxiii. 43.

  ——, Pontius, Samnite, ix. 1.
    His opposite opinions respecting the Romans at Caudium, 3.

  Hermandica stormed by Hannibal, xxi. 5.

  Herminius, Lars, consul, iii. 65.

  ——, T., assists Horatius Cocles in defending the bridge, ii. 30.
    Is slain at Regillus, 20.

  Hermione, town, xxxi. 44.

  Hernicians prepare for war, ii. 22.
    Are conquered, 40.
    Their lands are wasted by Æiquans and Volscians, iii. 6.
    They revolt from the Romans, vi. 2.
    Who are defeated by them, vii. 6.
    They are subdued by C. Plautius, 15.
    They make war again, iv. 42.
    Surrender, 43.

  Herodicus, Thessalian, killed by Philip, and his family persecuted,
    xl. 4.

  Hexapylon, at Athens, xxv. 24, 32, 39.

  Hiero, king of Syracuse, promises corn and clothing to the Roman
      legions, xxi. 50.
    After the defeat at Trasimenus, he sends ample supplies to the
      Romans, and a golden image of victory, xxii. 37.
    Dies, xxiv. 4.

  Hieronymus, Hiero’s grandson and successor, his character, and a
      conspiracy formed against him, xxiv. 4, 5.
    He sneers at the Roman ambassador, 6.
    Is slain by the conspirators, 7.

  Himera, river, xxiv. 6; xxv. 49.

  Himilco, leads an army into Sicily, xxiv. 35, 36.
    Retires to Agrigentum, 39.
    Brings supplies to Syracuse, and dies of the plague, xxv. 26.

  Hippo Royal, in Africa, xxix. 4, 32.

  ——, in Spain, xxxix. 30.

  Hippocrates, in conjunction with the Carthaginians, carries on war
      against Marcellus, xxiv. 35.
    Is defeated, 36.
    Brings supplies to Syracuse, and dies, xxv. 26.

  Hirpinians, xxii. 13.
    Join the Carthaginians, 61; xxiii. 1.
    Their towns are taken by the Romans, 17.
    They submit, xxvii. 15.

  Honour and Virtue, their temples, xxvii. 25.

  Hope, her temple, ii. 51.

  Horatii, brothers, fight the Curiatii, i. 24, 25.

  Horatius Cocles maintains the Sublician bridge, leaps into the river,
    and escapes, ii. 10.

  ——, C., consul, fights the Etrurians, ii. 51.

  ——, Pulvillus, C., consul, routs the Æquans, iii. 30.
    Dies augur, 32.

  ——, Barbatus, L., warmly opposes the decemvirs, iii. 39.
    Drives Ap. Claudius out of the forum, 49.
    Is made consul, 55.
    Defeats the Sabines, and triumphs without leave of the senate, 61,
      63. _See_ iv. 6.

  ——, Pulvillus, M., consul, ii. 8; vii. 3.

  ——, M., consular tribune, vi. 31.

  ——, P., labours to save his son from the punishment incurred by killing
        his sister, i. 26.

  Horses, public, given to the knights, i. 43; v. 7.
    Taken from some by the censors, xxiv. 18; xxvii. 11.

  Hostages of the Tarentines, attempting an escape, are seized, and put
    to death, xxv. 7.

  ——, of the Spanish states are restored to their friends by Scipio,
        xxvi. 49.

  ——, required from the Carthaginians, xxx. 31.

  Hostilian senate-house, i. 30.

  Hostilius Cato, two of this name, A. and C., xxvii. 35.

  ——, Tubulus, C., prætor, xxvii. 6.
    Defeats Hannibal, 40. Is continued in command, xxviii. 10.

  ————, Mancinus, A., prætor, xl. 35.

  ——, L., sent by Minucius with four hundred horsemen to procure
        intelligence, is cut off by the Carthaginians, xxii. 15.

  ——, Tullus, king, i. 22-31.

  ——, Hostus, distinguishes himself in battle against the Sabines,
        and falls, i. 12.

  Hybla, xxvi. 21.

  Hypata, xxxvi. 17; xxxvii. 7; xli. 25.

  Hyrcanian plains, xxxvii. 38.


  Ibera, city, xxiii. 28. So called from

  Iberus, river, the boundary between the Romans and Carthaginians in
    Spain, xxi. 2, 5; xxvi. 17.

  Icilius, L., betrothed to Virginia, iii. 44—51.
    Is made plebeian tribune on the Aventine, 54.

  ————, plebeian tribune, iv. 52.

  ——, Sp., plebeian tribune, ii. 58.

  ——, three of that name plebeian tribunes in one year, iv. 54.

  Idæan Mother brought to Rome from Pessinus in Asia, xxix. 10, 14.

  Ilergetians subdued by Hannibal, xxi. 23.
    Their country wasted by Cn. Scipio, 62.
    They renew the war, xxii. 21.
    They implore aid from the Romans, xxxiv. 11.

  Ilians, xxix. 12; xxxviii. 39.

  Ilium, xxxv. 43; xxxvii. 9.

  Illiberis, xxi. 24.

  Illiturgis is besieged by the Carthaginians, and relieved by the
      Romans, xxiii. 49.
    Is again besieged, and relieved, xxiv. 41; xxvi. 17.
    Revolts to the Carthaginians, xxviii. 19.
    Is taken by Scipio, and burnt, 20, 25.

  Illyrians, their designs, in favour of Philip, are discovered to the
      Romans, xlii. 26.
    They join Perseus, xliv. 30—32.
    Are declared free, xlv. 18.

  Ilva, island, xxx. 39.

  Ilvatian Ligurians, xxxi. 10; xxxii. 29.

  India, ix. 17; xxxv. 32; xlv. 9.

  Indians, bad soldiers, ix. 19.

  Indibilis, prince of the Ilergetians, xxii. 21; xxv. 34.
    His family kindly treated by Scipio, xxvi. 49.
    He joins Scipio, xxvii. 17.
    Changes sides again, xxviii. 24.
    Submits to Scipio, and is pardoned, 34.
    Revolts, and is killed in battle, xxix. 2, 3.

  Indiges Jupiter, Æneas so called, i. 2.

  Indigetes, deities, viii. 9.

  Indus, river, xxxviii. 14.

  Ingaunian Ligurians, xxviii. 46; xxx. 19.
    A treaty between them and the Romans xxxi. 2.

  Insubrian Gauls, a canton of the Æduans, found Mediolanum, v. 34.
    Plunder and burn Placentia, xxxi. 10.
    Are defeated by the Romans, xxxii. 30.

  Interamna, Roman colony, ix. 28.
    In vain attempted by the Samnites, x. 36.
    Refuses supplies, xxvii. 9.
    Is compelled to contribute more than usual, xxix. 15.

  Interest of money, vii. 16, 21.
    Reduced, 27.

  Intermarriage of patricians and plebeians, iv. 1, 3, 4.

  Inuus, Pan so called, i. 5.

  Interregnums, i. 17, 22; iii. 8; iv. 7, 43, 51; v. 17, 31; vi. 1, 5;
    vii. 17, 21, 28; viii. 3, 17; ix. 7; x. 11; xi. 10, 23, 33.

  Ionia, xxxiii. 38; xxxiv. 58; xxxviii. 13.

  Ionian Sea, xiii. 35; xxiii. 33: xlii. 48.

  Isalca, Gætulian general, xxiii. 18.

  Issa, island, xliii. 9.

  Issæans join the Roman fleet, xxxi. 45.
    Complain of the Macedonians, xlii. 26.

  Ister, river, xxxix. 35; xl. 21, 57.

  Isthmus of Corinth, xlv. 28.

  Istrians, a savage nation, x. 2; xxi. 16.
    The Romans at war with them, xli. 1, 11.


  Jamphorina, capital city of Mædica, surrendered to the Romans,
    xxvi. 25.

  Janiculum added to the city, i. 33.
    Is seized by the Etrurians, ii. 10, 51.

  Janus, his temple shut twice after the reign of Numa, i. 19.

  Jassus demanded by the Rhodians, xxxii. 33.
    The Romans raise the siege of it at the request of the Rhodians,
      xxxvii. 17.

  Jubellius Taurea, Campanian, his encounter with Cl. Asellus,
      xxiii. 8, 47.
    His death, xxvi. 15.

  Jugarian street, in Rome, xxiv. 47; xxvii. 37; xxxv. 21.

  Julian family, originally Alban, i. 30.

  Julius Julus, C., consul, ii. 43. Decemvir, iii. 33.
    Is deputed by the senate to the seceders on the Aventine, 50.

  ——, C., consul, iii. 65.
    Again, iv. 21.
    A third time, 23.

  ——, Julus, C., consular tribune, iv. 56.
    Again, 61.
    Dies censor, v. 31.

  ——, C., dictator, vii. 21.

  ——, Mento, C., consul, disputes with his colleague and the senate,
        iv. 26.

  Julius, L., consular tribune, iv. 16.
    Master of horse, 26.
    Consul, 30.

  ————, consular tribune, vi. 30.

  ——, Julus, L., consular tribune, v. 1.

  ——————, consular tribune, v. 10.
    Again, 16.

  ——, Sex., consular tribune, iv. 35.

  ——, Cæsar, Sex., prætor, xxvii. 21. Deputed to the consul, 29.

  Junius Bubulcus, C., consul, ix. 20.
    A second time, 28.
    Dictator, 29.
    A third time consul, 30.
    Master of horse, 38.
    Censor, 43.
    Dictator, x. 1.
    He triumphs over the Æquans.

  ——, Brutus, D., master of horse, viii. 12.
    Consul, 29.

  ——, Scæva, D., lieutenant-general, x. 43.
    Consul, 47.

  ——, D., commander at the mouth of the Vulturnus, xxv. 22.

  ——, Brutus, L., is sent to Delphi, with the sons of Tarquinius, i. 56.
    Accompanies Collatinus to Lucretia, 58.
    Takes the lead in expelling the Tarquins, 59.
    Is created consul, 60.
    Puts his own sons to death for a conspiracy, ii. 2.
    Falls in fight, together with Aruns his antagonist, 6.

  ——, L., commissioner to Macedonia, xlv. 17.

  ——, Pennus, M., plebeian ædile, xxix. 11.
    Prætor, xxx. 40.

  ——, Pera, M., dictator, after the battle of Cannæ, xxii. 57; xxiii. 14.

  ——, M., deputed to the senate by the prisoners in the hands
        of Hannibal, xxii. 59.

  ——, Silanus, M., prætor, xxv. 2.
    Lieutenant-general to P. Scipio, xxvi. 19.
    He gains a victory over Mago and Hanno, xxviii. 2.

  ——, Brutus, M., prætor, xxxv. 24.
    Commissioner to settle the affairs of Asia, xxxvii. 55.
    Consul, xl. 59.

  ————, P., plebeian tribune, supports the Oppian law, xxxiv. 1.
    Plebeian ædile; he punishes usurers, xxxv. 41.

  ——, P., prætor, xxxvi. 45.
   Leads an army against the Etrurians, xxxvii. 2.

  ——, Q., plebeian tribune, proposes to
  revenge the death of Mælius, iv. 16.

  Juno, i. 32.

  ——, Moneta, vii. 28.

  ——, Sospita, viii. 14; xxxiv. 25.

  ——, Lacinia, xxii. 1; xxiii. 33; xxiv. 3; xxviii. 46; xxx. 20.

  ——, Regina, v. 21.
    Brought from Veii to Rome, 22.
    An offering made to her by Camillus, vi. 4.
    A temple dedicated to her by M. Æmilius, xl. 52.

  Jupiter Capitolinus, i. 55; vi. 17.

  ——, Dodonæus, viii. 24.

  ——, Elicius, i. 20.

  ——, Feretrius, i. 10.

  ——, Imperator, vi. 29.

  Jupiter Optimus Maximus, iv. 2.

  ——, Stator, i. 12, 41; x. 36

  ——, Victor, x. 29.

  ——, Latiaris, xxi. 63; xxii. 1.

  ——, Olympius, xxiv. 21.

  ——, Trophonius, xlv. 27.

  ——, Vicilinus, xxiv. 44.

  Juventas, goddess, v. 54; xxi. 62; xxxvii. 36.

  Juventius Thalna, L., lieutenant-general, xxxix. 31.

  ——, M., plebeian tribune, accuses Lucretius, xliii. 8.
    Prætor, xlv. 16.


  King of the sacrifices, ii. 2; vi. 41; ix. 34.

  Kings banished from Rome, i. 59.

  Knights, three centuries instituted by Romulus, i. 13.
    The number doubled by Serv. Tullius, 43.
    There are three hundred in each legion, viii. 8.
    They are furnished with horses by the public, i. 43, 45.
    They wear gold rings, xxiii. 12.
    Are reviewed annually, ix. 46.
    They serve on their own horses, and pay is assigned to them, v. 7.
    The censors punish several for misconduct, by depriving them
      of their horses, xxiv. 18; xxvii. 11; xxix. 37.
    Six hundred are given as hostages to the Samnites, ix. 5.
    Are recovered, 15.


  Labeatians subject to Gentius, xliii. 19; xliv. 31.

  Labeo, Cn., military tribune, xxxiii. 22.

  Labici, or Lavici, taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39.
    Its lands wasted by Gracchus, iii. 25.
    It is taken by the Romans, who settle a colony there, iv. 47, 49.
    Lavican road, 41.

  Lacedæmon robbed by Nabis and his wife, xxxii. 40.
    Besieged by Quintius, xxxiv. 40.
    Visited by P. Æmilius, xlv. 28.
    _See_ Sparta.

  Lacedæmonians, or Laconians, under Cleonymus, infest the coast
      of Italy, x. 2.
    Quarrel with the Achæans, xxxi. 25.
    War is declared against them by the Romans, xxxiv. 22.
    They are subdued by T. Quintius, xxvi. 40.
    Are given in charge to the Achæans, xxxv. 13.
    Their towns on the coast are attacked by Nabis, 22.
    They are delivered from the tyranny of Nabis, who is assassinated
      by Ætolians, and they join the Achæan league, 36.

  Lacerius, C., plebeian tribune, v. 10.

  Lacetania, xxi. 23.

  Lacetanians are reduced by Scipio, xxi. 60, 61.
    They attack the allies of the Romans, xxviii. 24.
    M. Silanus is sent against them, 26.
    _See_ xxxiii. 34.

  Lacinium, xxxvi. 42.

  Lacumaces, Numidian, called king by Mezetulus, xxix. 29, 30.

  Lælius, C., is appointed commander of the fleet by Scipio, xxvi. 42.
    Sent to Rome with despatches, xxvii. 7.
    Sent to Africa, xxix. 1, 4, 6.
    Goes with Scipio into Africa, 25.
    He and Masinissa pursue and defeat Syphax, xxx. 9, 11, 13, 17.

  Lælius, C., prætor, xxxiii. 25.
    Consul, xxxvi. 45.

  Lætorius, C., curule ædile, xxiii. 30; xxv. 22.
    Prætor, xxvi. 23; xxvii. 8.

  ——, Cn., lieutenant-general, xxxi. 21.

  ——, L., plebeian ædile, xxx. 39.

  ——, M., chief centurion, is appointed to dedicate a temple of Mercury,
        ii. 27.

  Lake, Alban, rises to an unusual height, v. 15.

  ——, Curtian, i. 13; vii. 6.

  ——, Fucine, iv. 57.

  ——, Regillus, ii. 19; vi. 2.

  ——, Vadimon, ix. 39.

  ——, Avernus, xxiv. 13, 20.

  ——, Trasimenus, xxii. 4.

  ——, Ostia, xxvii. 11.

  Lamia, Ætolians defeated there by Philip, xxvii. 30; xxxv. 43.
    Besieged by him, xxxvi. 25.
    By Acilius, xxxvii. 4.
    Is taken, 5.

  Lampsacus attacked by Antiochus, xxxiii. 38; xxxv. 42.
    Is admitted into alliance with Rome, xliii. 6.

  Lanuvians, revolt, vi. 21.
    Are made citizens of Rome, viii. 14.

  Lanuvium, iii. 29; vi. 2; xxvi. 8; xxix. 14.

  Lares, household gods, viii. 9.
    Permarini, xl. 52.

  Larissa, a council of the Thessalians held there, xxxvi. 8.
    Philip’s forces assembled, xxviii. 5; xxxii. 15, 25, 33; xxxvi. 9.

  ——, Cremaste, xlii. 56.

  Larissus, river, xxvii. 31.

  Lars, or Lartes. _See_ Porsenna and Tolumnius.

  Lartius, Sp., assists Horatius in defence of the bridge, ii. 10.

  ——, T., consul and first dictator, ii. 18.
    A second time consul, 21.

  Laticlaves laid aside in mourning, ix. 7.

  Latin festival, v. 17, 19; vi. 42; xxi. 63; xxii. 1; xxv. 11;
    xxxii. 1; xxxvii. 3; xl. 45.

  Latins, whence so called, i. 2.
    Ancient Latins, 3, 32, 52.

  ——, are conquered by Ancus Marcius, and many removed to Rome, i, 32,
      33.
    Their wars with Tarquinius Priscus, 35, 38.
    A treaty concluded with them, 50, 52.
    They suffer a severe overthrow at the lake Regillus, ii. 19, 20.
    Are admitted into alliance, 33.
    They assist the Romans against the Æquans and Volscians, iii. 7.
    Revolt, vi. 2.
    Obtain peace, vii. 12.
    Ravage Samnium, viii. 2.
    Require a consul, and half the senate of Rome, to be chosen out of
      Latium, 5.
    The Romans declare war, and entirely subdue them, 6—14.

  Latinus, king, forms an alliance and affinity with Æneas, i. 1.

  ——, Sylvius, king of Alba, i. 8.

  Latona, v. 13; xxv. 12.

  Lavinia married to Æneas, and Lavinium built, i. 1.

  Laurentians, the treaty with them renewed annually, ten days after the
    Latin festival, viii. 11.

  Lautia, entertainment furnished to ambassadors, xxviii. 39; xxx. 17.

  Lautulæ, vii, 39; ix. 23.

  Lauturniæ, xxvi. 27; xxxvii. 3; xxxix. 44.

  Law, Divine and human, i. 18.

  ——, civil, published by Flavius, ix. 46.

  Laws of the twelve tables, iii. 34, 57.

  Lebadia, xlv. 27.

  Lectisternium, or banquet of the gods, the first at Rome, and the
    ceremonies used, v. 13; vii. 2, 27; viii, 24; xxii. 1, 10, &c.;
    one at Cære, xxi. 62.

  Legion, and its divisions, described, viii. 8.
    Linen legion of the Samnites, x. 38.

  Lemnos, island, xxviii. 5.

  Leonatus, commander of the chosen band of Perseus, xlii. 51.

  Leonides, Lacedæmonian, commands the Grecian auxiliaries under Perseus,
    xlii. 51.

  Leonorius and Lutarius, Gallic chieftains, seize Byzantium,
    xxxviii. 16.

  Leontini, Hieronymus is slain there, xxiv. 7.
    The city is occupied by Hippocrates and Epicydes, 29.
    Taken by Marcellus, 30.

  Leptis, xxx. 25.
    The dominion of it disputed by Masinissa and the Carthaginians,
      xxxiv. 62.

  Letus, mount, where the Ligurians are defeated, xli. 18.

  Leucas, promontory and island, xxvi. 26; xxxiii. 16.
    Taken by the Romans, 17.
    Is exempted from the government of the Acarnanians, xlv. 31.

  Leucaspis phalanx, xliv. 41.

  Levy of troops not made out of the whole people indiscriminately,
    iv. 46.

  ——, of volunteers, ix. 10.

  ——, of all kinds of men, x. 21.

  ——, of slaves, xxii. 57; xxiii. 14.

  ——, made with difficulty, xxv. 5. _See_ xxii. 37, 38; xxiv. 11;
        xxvi. 35; xxvii. 38.

  Liber and Libera, their temple, iii. 55.

  Liberty, temple of, xxiv. 16.
    Court in which the Tarentine hostages were kept, xxv. 7; xxxiv. 44.

  Libitina, xl. 19; xli. 21.

  Libuan Gauls, xxi. 38.

  Liburnians, a savage people, x. 2.

  Libyphœnicians, xxi. 22, xxv. 40.

  Licinius Macer, who wrote a history of Rome, iv. 7, 20, 23; vii. 9;
    x. 9, &c.

  Licinius, C., plebeian tribune, ii. 33.

  ——, consular tribune, vi. 31.
    First plebeian master of horse, 39; x. 8.

  ——, Calvus Stolo, C., plebeian, married to the daughter of Fab.
      Ambustus, is made plebeian tribune, vi. 35.
    Being plebeian tribune a tenth time, he effects the passing of his
      laws against the patricians, vi. 42.
    Is consul, ix. 2.
    Again, 9.
    Is condemned on one of his own laws, 16.

  ——, C., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18.

  ——, Crassus, C., prætor, xlii. 9, 27.
    Consul, 28.
    Proconsul and commissioner to settle the affairs of Macedonia,
      xlv. 17.

  ——, L., prætor, xxvii. 8.

  ——, Pollio, L., xxvii. 27.

  ——, Lucullus, L., curule ædile, xxx. 39.

  ——, M., military tribune, slain, xxvii. 12.

  ——, Lucullus, M., prætor, xxxix. 6.

  ——, Strabo, M., military tribune, xli. 2.

  ——, Calvus, P., first plebeian consular tribune, v. 12.
    The same post being offered to him again, he requests it may be
      conferred on his son, 18.

  ————, consular tribune, v. 18, 20.

  ——, Crassus, P., chief pontiff, xxv. 5.
    Master of horse, xxvii. 5.
    Censor, 6.
    Prætor, 21.
    Consul, xxviii. 38.
    He and his army suffer by sickness, xxix. 10.
    He and the consul Sempronius defeat Hannibal, 36.
    His character, xxxi. 1.

  ——, Varus, P., curule ædile, xxvii. 6.
    Prætor, 21.

  ——, P., chief pontiff, disputes with Fabius, flamen of Quirinus,
        xxxvii. 51.
    His death, xxxix. 46.

  ——, Crassus, P., prætor, xli. 14.
    Consul, xlii. 28.

  ——, Tegula, P., poet, xxxi. 12.

  Ligurians, v. 35.
    Ambassadors sent to them from Rome, xxii. 33.
    They prepare aid for Hasdrubal, xxvii. 39.
    Join Mago, xxviii. 46; xxix. 5.
    Ravage the country on the Po, xxxiv. 56.
    Invest Pisa, xxxv. 3.
    Are subdued by Minucius, xxxvii. 2.
    Both consuls are sent against them, xxxviii. 42.
    They surrender, and are removed from the mountains, xl. 38, 41.
    They prepare for war, xli. 11.
    Are defeated by C. Claudius, 12.
    They seize Mutina, xli. 14.
    Are defeated, 18.
    Again, xlii. 7.
    They and their effects are sold, 8.

  Ligustinus, Sp., receives public thanks for encouraging the levies,
    xlii. 34.

  Lilybæum, promontory, xxv. 31; xxvii. 5.
    Sea-fight near it, xxi. 50.

  Linen books, iv. 7.

  Lingonians, v. 35.

  Linternum, xxii. 16; xxiii. 35.

  Liparensian pirates, v. 28.

  Liparæ islands, xxi. 49.

  Liris river, x. 21; xxvi. 9, 34.

  Litana, wood, where the Gauls destroy a Roman army, xxiii. 24.

  Livius, poet, first who wrote comedy on a regular plot, vii. 2.

  ——, C., pontiff, xxvi. 23.
    Curule ædile, xxix. 38.
    Prætor, xxx. 26.
    Consul, xxxviii. 35; xliii. 11.

  ——, L., prætor, xlv. 44.

  ——, Denter, M., consul, x. 1.
    One of the first plebeian pontiffs, 9.
    Dictates to Decius the form of devoting himself, 28.

  ——, M., ambassador to Carthage, xxi. 18.
    Eight years after a severe sentence had been passed on him, he is
      brought back to Rome, and, against his will, made consul a second
      time, xxvii. 34.
    He vanquishes Hasdrubal, 46, 49.
    Triumphs, xxviii. 9.
    Is made dictator, 10.
    Censor; he acquires the surname Salinator, and maintains a shameful
      dispute with his colleague, xxix. 37.

  ————, defends Tarentum, xxiv. 20.
    Is obliged to retire into the citadel, xxv. 10, 11; xxvi. 39.
    A dispute about him in the senate, xxvii. 25.

  ——, Macatus, M., xxvii. 34.

  ——, T., wrote in the reign of Augustus, xxviii. 12.
    _See_ iv. 20.

  Locri, revolts to the Carthaginians, xxii. 60; xxiii. 30.
    Is besieged by Crispinus, xxvii. 25.
    Retaken by Scipio, xxix. 6, 7.
    Is put under the command of Pleminius, 8.
    His conduct there, 8-21.
    Its laws and liberty are restored by the senate, 21.

  Locris, in Greece, xxvi. 26; xxviii. 6; xxxii. 18, 32.

  Locusts waste Campania, xxx. 11.

  Longula, ii. 33; ix. 39.

  Loryma, port, xxxvii. 17; xlv. 10.

  Lua, mother, viii. 1.

  Luca, xxi. 59; xli. 13.

  Lucanians, support the Samnites against Alexander of Epirus, viii. 17.
    Make an alliance with the Romans, 25.
    Revolt, 27.
    Are suppressed, x. 11, 18.
    Several of their towns are taken by the Romans, xxv. 1.
    They submit, xxvii. 15.

  Luceres, tribe, i. 13; x. 6.

  ——, century of knights, i. 13, 36.

  Luceria, ix. 2.
    Roman hostages kept there, 12.
    Is taken by the Romans, 15.
    Lost, and recovered, and settled as a colony, 26.
    Is attacked by the Samnites, x. 35.

  Lucretia, wife of Collatinus, i. 57.
    Violated by Sex. Tarquinius, she kills herself, 58.

  Lucretius, C., commander of a fleet, xl. 26.
    Is accused by the people of Chalcis, xliii. 7;
      and condemned, 8.

  Lucretius Gallus, C, prætor, xlii. 28.

  ——, Tricipitinus, Hostus, consul, iv. 30.

  ——, Flavus, L., consul, defeats the Æquans, v. 29.
    Consular tribune, he defeats the Volsinians, 32.

  ——, Tricipitinus, L., consul, vanquishes the Volscians, and triumphs,
        iii. 8, 10.

  ——————, consular tribune, iv. 4.
    A second time, 21.
    A third, 22.

  ——, L., quæstor, betrayed to Hannibal, xxi. 59.

  ——, M., plebeian tribune, xxvii. 5.

  ——, P., consul, ii. 15.

  ——, Tricipitinus, P., consular tribune, iv. 44.
    Again, 47.

  ——, P., governor of Rome, iii. 24.

  ——, Sp., father of Lucretia, i. 58.
    Dies in the consulship, ii. 8.

  ————, prætor, xxviii. 38.
    Is continued in command, xxix. 13.
    Again, xxx. 1.

  ——, T., consul, ii. 8. Again, 16.

  Lucumo, son of Demaratus, removes to Rome, where he is called
    Tarquinius, i. 34.

  ——, debauches the wife of Aruns of Clusium, v. 33.

  Luna, city, xli. 19; xliii. 9; xlv. 13.

  ——, harbour, xxxiv. 8; xxxix. 21.

  Lupercal, i. 5.

  Lusitania, xxi. 43; xxvii. 20.
    Is subdued by Æmilius Paullus, xxxvii. 57.

  Lustrum. _See_ Survey.

  Lutarius, Gallic chieftain, xxxviii. 16.

  Lutatius, Cn., made prisoner by the Boians, xxi. 25.
    Is restored to liberty sixteen years after, xxx. 19.

  ——, Cerco, Cn., ambassador to Ptolemy, xlii. 6.

  ——, Q., consul, xxx. 44.

  Lycaonia, xxxviii. 38; xxxix. 54.

  Lycæum, at Athens, burned by Philip, xxxi. 24.

  Lycean Pan, i. 5.

  Lycia, xxxiii. 41; xxxvii. 16, 23.
    The Lycians complain of the Rhodians, xli. 6.

  Lycortas, of Megalopolis, general of horse, father of Polybius the
      historian, xxxv. 29.
    Ambassador of the Achæans to Rome, xxxviii. 32.
    Prætor, xxxix. 35.

  Lycurgus, tyrant of Lacedæmon, xxxiv. 26.

  ——, lawgiver, his laws and institutions abolished, xxxviii. 34;
        xxxix. 33, 36.

  Lycus, in Dassaretia, xxxi. 33; xxxii. 9.

  Lydia, xxxviii. 39.

  Lyncus, xxvi. 25.

  Lysimachia, having been sacked and burned by the Thracians, is rebuilt
    by Antiochus, xxxiii. 38, 40, 41; xxxiv. 58.

  Lysimachus, king, xxxiv. 58.

  ——, Macedonian courtier, xl. 8.

  Lysinoe, city, xxxviii. 15.


  Macedonia, i. 1; ix. 18.
    An obscure state before the reign of Philip, son of Amyntas,
      subsisted from its highest summit of grandeur under Alexander to
      Perseus, the last king, 150 years, xlv. 9, 30.
    _See_ Philip, Perseus.

  Macedonian army compared with the Roman, ix. 19.
    Solemnity of its purification, xl. 6.

  ——, phalanx, ix. 19.

  ——, territory, divided into four districts, xlv. 29.

  Machanidas, tyrant of Sparta, makes war on the Achæans, xxvii. 30;
    xxviii. 5, 7.

  Macri, or long, plains so called, xli. 18; xlv. 12.

  Macris, island, xxxvii. 13, 28, 29.

  Maduatenians, xxxviii. 40.

  Mæander, river, xxxvii. 55; xxxviii 13, 15.

  Mæcian tribe added, viii. 17.

  Mæcilius, Sp., a turbulent plebeian tribune, iv. 48.

  Mædica, xxvi. 25; xl. 21, 22.

  Mælius, P., consular tribune, v. 12.
    Again, 18.

  ——, Q., plebeian tribune, ix. 8.

  ——, Sp., aspires to absolute power, iv. 13.
    Is summoned to attend the dictator Cincinnatus, and slain
      by Servilius Ahala, 14.
    His house is demolished, 16.

  Mænalus, mount, xxxiv. 28.

  Mænius, C., consul, triumphs over the Aricians and Lavinians, viii. 13.
    Dictator; he abdicates, is accused, and acquitted, ix. 26, 34.

  ——, L., plebeian tribune, regulates the interest of money, vii. 16.

  ——, M., proposes an Agrarian law, and obstructs the levies, iv. 53.

  ————, plebeian tribune, in the commotions excited by Manlius,
         submits to the direction of the senate, vi. 19;
    and prosecutes Manlius, 20.

  ————, military tribune, falls in a battle with Mago, xxx. 18.

  ——, P., consular tribune, v. 12.

  ——, T. prætor, xxxix. 6, 8.

  Mæsian wood, i. 33.

  Magaba, mount, xxxviii. 19.

  Magalus, Boian chief, xxi. 29.

  Magistrates, curule, iv. 7.
    Their election prevented during five years by the plebeian tribunes,
      vi. 35.
    Auspices are not observed at the election of plebeian magistrates,
      vi. 41.

  Magius, Cn., medixtuticus, or chief magistrate of Campania, xxiv. 19.

  ——, Decius, Capuan, maintains his fidelity to the Romans, and takes
        refuge in Egypt, xxiii. 7, 10.

  Magnesia, on the Meander, xxxvii. 45.

  ——, near Sipylus, xxxvi. 43; xxxvii. 11, 37, 44.

  Magnesians, and Magnetarch, xxxiii. 34; xxxv. 31.

  Mago, brother of Hannibal, xxi. 47, 54; xxii. 46.
    Carries to Carthage an account of Hannibal’s successes, xxiii. 12,
      13.
    Is sent into Spain, and defeated at Illiturgi, 32, 49.
    He levies troops, xxiv. 42.
    In conjunction with Hasdrubal, Gisgo defeats P. Scipio, xxv. 32, 34.
    His camp is taken by Marcius, 39.
    He joins his brother, Hasdrubal, xxvii. 20.
    Is obliged to fly, xxviii. 2.
    Sails to Italy, and takes Genoa, 37, 46.
    Is defeated by the Romans, xxx. 18.
    Dies, 19.

  ——, Carthaginian ambassador to Philip, xxiii. 34.

  ——, Barcine made prisoner in Sardinia, xxiii. 41.

  ——, governor of New Carthage, surrenders to Scipio, xxvi. 44, 46.

  Maharbal, son of Himilco, xxi. 12, 45.
    Pursues the Romans flying from Trasimenus, xxii. 6.
    Advises Hannibal, after the battle of Cannæ, to march directly
      to Rome, 51; xxiii. 18.

  Malea, promontory, xxxi. 44, 47; xxxii. 16; xlii. 56.

  Maleventum, ix. 27; x. 15.

  Malian bay, xxvii. 30; xxxi. 46.

  Mallæa, xxxi. 41.

  Mamertines, xxviii. 28; xxx. 31.

  Mamilius Vitulus, C., first plebeian chief curio, xxvii. 8.
    Ambassador to Philip, xxx. 26.
    Prætor, xxxv. 38.

  ——, L., dictator, of Tusculum, assists the Romans, iii. 18, 29.

  ——, Oct., of Tusculum, descended from Ulysses and Circe, marries
        the daughter of Tarquinius the proud, i. 49.
    Entertains him in his exile, ii. 15.
    Raises thirty states against the Romans, 18.
    Is wounded at Regillus, 19.

  ——, Q., plebeian ædile, xxvii. 36.

  ——, Thurinus, Q., prætor, xxviii. 10.

  Mandonius, xxii. 22.
    Brother of Indibilis, chief of the Ilergetians, xxvi. 49.
    He joins the Romans, and his wife and children are restored to him,
      xxvii. 17.
    He goes over to the enemy, xxviii. 24.
    Is defeated, 33;
      and pardoned by Scipio, 34.
    Rebels, is taken and put to death, xxix. 3.

  Manduria taken by Fabius, xxvii. 15.

  Manes, the rites proper for appeasing them are directed by the chief
      pontiff, i. 20.
    Decius devotes himself to the gods, manes, and the earth, viii. 9.

  Manicius, prætor of Præneste, xxiii. 19.

  Manilius, Sex., a leader in the secession of the soldiers, iii. 5.

  Manipulus, a company of soldiers, i. 52. vii. 24; viii. 8.

  Manlian orders, iv. 29; viii. 7.

  Manlius, Aul., consul, is accused, ii. 54.
    His accuser is murdered, and he is made decemvir, iii. 33.

  ————, consular tribune, iv. 61.
    A second time, v. 8.
    A third, 16.
    Sent with a golden bason to Delphi, is taken by Liparæan pirates,
      and set at liberty, 28.

  ——, Capitolinus, A., consular tribune, vi. 1.
    Again, 11.
    A third time, 21.
    A fourth, 36.

  ——, A., military tribune, killed, xxvii. 27.

  ————, consul when the first Punic war was terminated, xxx. 44.

  ——, Vulso, A., consul, xl. 59.

  ——, C., consular tribune, vi. 30.

  ——, Cn., consul, ii. 43.

  ————, consul, defeats the Tiburtians, vii. 12.
    Again consul, 16.
    Interrex, 17.
    Censor, 22.
    Master of horse, 28.

  ——, Vulso, C., prætor, xxxiii. 42.
    Consul, xxxvii. 47.
    Commands in Gallogræcia, xxxviii. 12.
    And after surmounting many difficulties, entirely subdues the Gauls,
      27.
    Is accused by his own lieutenant-generals, xxxviii. 45.
    A triumph is decreed to him, 50; xxxix. 6.

  ——, Imperiosus, L., dictator, vii. 3.
    His severity to his son, and the dutiful conduct of the latter, 4, 5.

  ——, Capitolinus, L., consular tribune, iv. 42.

  ——, Torquatus, L., lieutenant-general, slain by the Gauls, x. 26.

  ——, L., prætor, is defeated by the Boian Gauls, xxi. 17, 25.

  ——, Acidinus, L. prætor, xxvi. 23.
    Commands an army at Narnia, xxvii. 43, 50.
    Succeeds Scipio in the province of Spain, xxviii. 38.
    His conduct there, xxix. 2, 3, 13.
    He is disappointed of an ovation by M. Porcius Læca, xxxii. 7.

  ——, L., having assaulted Carthaginian ambassadors, is delivered
        up to them by the feciales, and sent to Carthage, xxxviii. 42.

  ————, prætor, xxxviii. 35.
    Is refused a triumph, and allowed an ovation, xxxix. 29.
    Consul, xl. 43.

  ——, M., consular tribune, iv. 44.

  ——, Capitolinus, M., consul, v. 31.
    He saves the Capitol, 47.
    Is made interrex, vi. 5.
    His ambition and seditious behaviour, 11—18.
    He is brought to trial, condemned, and thrown from the Tarpeian rock,
      20.

  ——, P., consular tribune, vi. 30.
    Dictator, 38.

  ——, Vulso, P., prætor, xxvi. 23; xxvii. 6.

  ——, T., son of L., an example of filial duty, vii. 5.
    He kills a Gaul in single combat, and is named Torquatus, 10.
    Is made dictator, 19.
    A second time, 26.
    Consul, 27.
    Again, 28.
    A third time, viii. 3.
    Puts his son to death, 7.

  Manlius Torquatus, T., consul, dies, in consequence of a fall from his
    horse, x. 11.

  ——, votes against ransoming the prisoners taken at Cannæ, xxii. 60.
    Is sent governor of Sardinia, and subdues the island, xxiii. 34, 40,
      41.
    Is a candidate for the post of chief pontiff, xxv. 5.
    Refuses the consulship, xxvi. 22.
    Is made dictator, xxvii. 33.

  Manly gown, xxvi. 19.

  Mannus, a slave, discovers a plot of the Calavii to burn Rome,
    xxvi. 27.

  Mantua, xxiv. 10.

  Marcian shield, xxv. 39.

  Marcius, C., signalizes himself in the taking of Corioli, and is
      surnamed Coriolanus, ii. 33.
    Warmly opposes the plebeian tribunes, 34.
    Goes into exile, 35.
    Is made general of the Volscians, 39.
    Is prevailed on by his mother to retire from Rome, and dies, 40.

  ————, plebeian tribune, prosecutes Q. Fabius for taking part in a
          fight against the Gauls, vi. 1.

  ——, Rutilus, C., consul, triumphs over the Privernians, vii. 16.
    First plebeian dictator, he triumphs without leave of the senate, 27.
    Consul a second time, 21.
    First plebeian censor, 22.
    A third time consul, 28.
    A fourth, 38.

  ——, C., augur, x. 9.

  ——, Rutilus, C., consul, ix. 33.
    Takes Allifæ, 38.
    Is pontiff, x. 9.
    Censor, 47.

  ——, L., chosen general by the soldiers on the death of the two Scipios
        in Spain, xxv. 37.
    He takes the two camps of the enemy, 39.
    He gives offence to the senate, xxvi. 2.
    Takes Astapa, xxviii. 22.

  ——, M., xxvii. 6.

  ——, Ralla, M., prætor, xxix. II; xxx. 38.

  ——, Sermo, M., and Q. Marcius Scylla, xlii. 21.

  ——, Numa, pontiff, i. 20.

  ——, Philippus, Q,. prætor, xxxviii. 35.
    Consul, xxxix. 6.
    Commissioner of religious affairs, xl. 42.
    His conference with Perseus, and insidious conduct, xlii. 40, 43.
    Again consul, xliii. 11.
    Goes into Macedonia, xliv. 1, 16.

  ——, Ralla, Q., xxxv. 41.

  ——, Rex, Q., plebeian tribune, xxxiii. 25.

  ——, a soothsayer, xxv. 12.

  Marica’s grove, xxvii. 37.

  Marius Blosius, prætor, at Capua, favours Hannibal, xxiii. 7.

  Marius Statilius detects a stratagem of Hannibal, xxii. 42.

  Maronea, in Samnium, xxvii. 1.

  ——, in Greece, xxxi. 16; xxxvii. 60.

  Mars Gradivus, i. 20; ii. 45.

  Mars’s field dedicated, i. 44; ii. 5.

  Marsians, viii. 6.
    Revolt, ix. 41.
    Are conquered and fined, x. 3; xxii. 9.
    They furnish seamen, xxviii. 45.

  Marsyas river, xxxviii. 13.

  Marucinians, viii. 29; ix. 45; xxii. 9.

  Masæsylians, subjects of Syphax, xxiv. 48; xxviii. 17; xxix. 32;
    xxx. 11.

  Masgaba, son of Masinissa, comes to Rome, xlv. 13, 14.

  Masinissa, king of the Masylian Numidians, overthrows Syphax, xxiv. 48,
      49.
    In alliance with the Carthaginians, he gives much trouble to
      P. Scipio, xxv. 34.
    Confers, and forms a treaty with him, xxviii. 16, 35.
    Complains of Scipio’s delay, xxix. 4.
    His various turns of fortune, and expulsion from his kingdom, 29—32.
    He joins Scipio, 33.
    Burns the camp of Syphax, xxx. 5.
    Recovers his kingdom, 11.
    Marries Sophonisba, and being reproved by Scipio, sends her poison,
      12, 14, 15.
    Receives a large addition to his dominions, 44.
    Presents sent to him from Rome, xxxi. 11.
    He sends a supply to the Romans, 19.
    Another, very large, xxxvi. 4.
    A dispute between him and the Carthaginians is pleaded at Rome,
      xlii. 23, 24.

  Massilians, a colony from Phocæa, v. 34.
    Inform the Romans of Hannibal’s passing the Iberus, xxi. 25.
    Act as guides to Scipio, 26.

  Massiva, nephew of Masinissa, is taken prisoner, and sent back to his
    uncle by Scipio, xxvii. 19; xxviii. 35.

  Master of horse, the first, Sp. Cassius, ii. 18.
    The first plebeian, C. Licinius, vi. 39.
    Master of horse raised to an equality of power with the dictator,
      xxii. 25.
    A dictator without a master of horse, xxiii. 22, 23.

  Matienus, M., prætor, xli. 28.
    Goes into exile, xliii. 2.

  ——, P., military tribune, abused by Pleminius, xxix. 6, 8.

  Matrons mourn a year for Brutus, ii. 7;
      and for Publicola, 16.
    Bring all their gold and ornaments to the treasury, v. 25.
    Make a contribution towards satisfying the Gauls, 50.
    Are repaid, vi. 4.
    A dispute between the patricians and plebeians, x. 23.
    They dedicate a brazen statue to Juno on the Aventine, xxi. 62.
    Also, a golden bason, xxvii. 37.
    Receive the mother of the gods, xxix. 14.

  Matuta, Mother, v. 21; xxv. 7; xxix. 37; xli. 28.

  Mavors, Mars, xxii. 1.

  Mauri, or Moors, auxiliaries to Hasdrubal in Spain, xxi. 22;
      xxviii. 17.
    Escort Masinissa, xxix. 30.

  Maurusians, xxiv. 49.

  Mecilius, L., plebeian tribune, ii. 58.

  Mædians, Thracian, xxviii. 5.

  Medians, Asiatic, xxxv. 48.

  Mediolanum founded by the Gauls, v. 34.
    Defeat of the Gauls there, xxxiv. 46.

  Medixtuticus, title of the chief magistrate of Campania, xxiv. 19;
    xxvi. 6.

  Medullia, i. 33, 38.

  Megalesian games, xxix. 14.

  Megalopolis, xxxii. 5; xxxvi. 31.

  Megalopolitans, xxviii. 8; xxxii. 22.

  Megara, in Sicily, xxiv. 30, 35.

  ——, in Greece, xxviii. 7; xxxi. 22.

  Megiste, port, xxxvii. 22, 24, 44.

  Mele, or Meles, xxiv. 20; xxvii. 1.

  Melessum, xxviii. 3.

  Melibœa, xxxvi. 13.
    Besieged by the Romans, xliv. 13.
    Taken, 46.

  Melita, island, xxi. 51.

  Memmius, C., prætor, xlii. 10.

  Memnon, xxxii. 22.

  Memphis, xlv. 12.

  Menenius, Agrippa, consul, ii. 16.
    He brings home the commons from the sacred mount, 32.
    Dies, 33.

  ————, commissioner of a colony, iv. 11.

  ——, Lanatus, Agrippa, consul, iv. 13.
    Consular tribune, 45.
    Again, 47.

  ——, C., consul, iii. 32.

  ——, Lanatus, L., consul, iv. 12.

  ——, L., consular tribune, vi. 5.
    Again, 2.

  ——, T., consul, ii. 51, 52.

  Meninx, island, xxii. 31.

  Menippus, Macedonian general, xxvii. 32; xxviii. 5.

  ——, envoy of Antiochus to the Ætolians, xxxv. 32; xxxvi. 10.

  Mens, Mind, a temple dedicated to her, xxii. 10; xxiii. 31.

  Mensarii triumviri, commissioners of the public accounts appointed for
    the liquidation of debts, vii. 21; xxiii. 21.

  Mercenary troops, first employed by the Romans, xxiv. 49.

  Merchants, a college of them, ii. 27.

  Mercury, ii. 21; v. 13.

  Mercury’s hill, xxvi. 44.
    Promontory, xxix. 27.

  Mericus, a Spaniard, betrays the island, a part of Syracuse, to the
      Romans, xxv. 30.
    Is rewarded with the freedom of Rome and a golden crown, xxvi. 21.

  Messana, in Sicily, xxi. 49; xxiv. 1; xxix. 7, 9.

  Messapians, viii. 24.

  Messene, in Peloponnesus, xxix. 12.
    Is besieged by the Achæans, and united to them, xxxvi. 31.

  Metapontus, i. 18; viii. 24; xxv. 11; xxvii. 1.

  Metapontines, after the battle of Cannæ, revolt to Hannibal, xxii. 61;
    xxv. 15; xxvii. 16.

  Metapontine lands, xxiv. 20.

  Metaurus river, xxvii. 47.

  Metellus, Q., curule ædile, xxvii. 36.
    Argues in favour of P. Scipio, xxix. 20.

  Metilius, M., plebeian tribune, inveighs against Fabius, xxii. 15.
    Proposes to give the master of horse equal authority with the
      dictator, 25.

  Metilius, Sp. plebeian tribune, iv. 48.

  ——, Croto, T., lieutenant-general, xxiii. 31.

  Metropolis surrenders to the Romans, xxxii. 15; xxxvi. 10.

  Mettius Curtius, i. 12, 13.

  ——, Fuffetius, dictator of Alba, i. 23.
    His treachery, 27.
    Punishment, 28.

  ——, Vectius, Volscian, distinguishes himself highly in battle, iv. 28.

  Mevania, ix. 41.

  Mezentius, king of Etruria, i. 2.

  Mezetulus, Numidian, disputes the throne with Capusa, xxix. 29.
    Is obliged to fly, 30.

  Mictio, general at Chalcis, xxxv. 38.

  Milesians, xxxviii. 39.

  Miletus, xxxviii. 13.

  Milionia, x. 3, 34.

  Milo, favourite of Perseus, xliv. 32.
    Forsakes him, 45.

  Milvian, or Mulvian bridge, xxvii. 51.

  Mincius, river, xxiv. 10; xxxii. 30.

  Minerva discovered the use of numbers, vii. 3.

  ——, Alcis, xlii. 51.

  ——, Itonia, xxxvi. 20.

  Minerva’s promontory, xl. 18; xlii. 20.

  Mines in a siege, v. 19, 21; xxiii. 18.

  Minii Celeres entertain Hannibal in Capua, xxiii. 8.

  Minio, prime minister of Antiochus, xxxv. 15, 16; xxxvii. 40.

  Minoa Heraclea, xxiv. 35.

  Minors, their money lent to the public, xxiv. 18.

  Minturnæ, viii. 11; ix. 25.
    A colony settle there, x. 21; xxvii. 38.

  Minucia, a vestal, buried alive, viii. 15.

  Minucius, L., consular tribune, his bad conduct, iii. 25, 26.
    He is relieved by the dictator Cincinnatus, and ordered to abdicate,
      29.

  ————, decemvir, iii. 35.

  ————, director of the market, discovers to the senate the designs of
          Mælius, iv. 13.
    Is rewarded, 16.

  ——, Myrtilus, L., having ill-treated ambassadors of Carthage,
        is sent thither in custody, xxxviii. 42.

  ——, L., prætor, xxxi. 4.

  ——, M., consul, ii. 21.
    Again, 34.

  ————, plebeian tribune, v. 11.

  ——, Fessus, M., plebeian augur, x. 9.

  ——, Rufus, M., master of horse to Fabius, xxii. 8.
    Censures his caution, 14.
    Is invested with equal authority, 26.
    Engages Hannibal, and is saved by Fabius from a total defeat, 28, 29.
    Acknowledges his misconduct, 30.
    Is killed at Cannæ, 49.

  Minucius, M., plebeian tribune, xxiii. 21.

  ——, P., military tribune, xxxv. 5.

  ——, Q., consul, iii. 30.

  ——, lieutenant-general, xxvi. 33.

  ——, Thermus, Q., prætor, xxxiii. 24.

  ——, Rufus, Q., prætor, xxxi. 4.
    Consul, xxxii. 27.

  ——, Thermus, Q., curule ædile, xxxii. 27.
    Prætor, xxxiii. 26.
    Consul, xxxiv. 54; xxxv. 20.
    Defeats the Ligurians, 21.
    Is refused a triumph, xxxvii. 46.
    Dies, xxxviii. 41.

  ——, T., consul, defeats the Samnites, ix. 44.

  ——, Rufus, T., xlii. 54.

  ——, Molliculus, T., prætor, xl. 35.

  Misagenes, son of Masinissa, xlii. 29.
    Brings aid to the Romans against Perseus, 62.

  Misenum, promontory, xxiv. 13.

  Mithridates, son of Antiochus, xxxiii. 19.

  Mitylene, xxxvii. 21.

  Molossis, viii. 24.

  Moneta, Juno, vi. 20.

  Money, lent out of the treasury, secured by mortgages and bonds,
    xxii. 60.

  ——, of widows and minors lent to the public, xxiv. 18.

  Mopsian faction, at Compsa, xxiii. 1.

  Mother, Idæan, xxix. 10.
    Her priests come out of Pessinus to meet the consul Manlius,
      xxxviii. 18.

  Mucian meadows, ii. 1.3.

  Mucius, C, mistakes Porsenna’s secretary for the king, and kills him,
    burns his right-hand, and is thence called Scævola, ii. 12, 13.

  ——, P., prætor, xl. 44.

  ——, Scævola, Q., prætor, xxiii. 24.

  Mummius, C, prætor, xli. 8.

  ——, L. and Q., oppose the proposal of Petillius respecting Scipio
         Africanus, xxxviii. 54.

  Munatius, C, prætor, xlii. 4.

  Munda, xxiv. 42.
    Taken by Gracchus, xl. 47.

  Murcia, goddess, i. 33.

  Murgantia, in Samnium, taken, x. 17.

  ——, in Sicily, xxiv. 17, 36; xxvi. 21.

  Mutina, xxi. 25; xxvii. 21; xxxv. 4, 6.

  Mutines, having learned the art of war under Hannibal, is very
      troublesome to the Romans in Sicily, xxv. 40; xxvi. 21.
    Is ill-treated by Hanno, 40.
    Surrenders Agrigentum to the Romans, xxvii. 5.

  Mutiny of Roman soldiers, iv. 50; xxviii. 24, &c.

  Mycenica, near Argos, xxxii. 39.

  Myla, river, xxiv. 30, 31.

  Myndus, xxxvii. 16.

  Mysia, xxxviii. 39.


  Nabis, tyrant of Lacedæmon, xxix. 12.
    Forms an alliance with Philip, xxxii. 38.
    Sends aid to the Romans, 40.
    War is declared against him by the other states of Greece, xxxiv. 24.
    He refuses the terms of peace offered by the Romans, 36.
    Being besieged in Lacedæmon, he is forced to comply with them, 40.
    The Achæans declare war against him, xxxv. 25.
    He is defeated, 30.
    Put to death, 35.

  Nadagara, a conference there between Scipio and Hannibal, xxx. 29.

  Nævian gate, ii. 11.

  Nævius Crista, Q., prefect of allies, drives Philip out of his camp
    at Apollonia, xxiv. 40.

  ——, Balbus, L., prætor, xlv. 13.

  ——, M., said by some to be the accuser of P. Scipio, xxxviii. 56.

  ——, Q., commissioner of a colony, xxxiv. 53; xxxv. 40.

  ——, Matho, Q., prætor, xxxix. 32.

  Nail driven by a dictator, vii. 3; ix. 28. viii. 18.

  Narnia, colony, x. 9, 10.
    Refuses supplies, xxvii. 9; xxix. 15.

  Narnian tribe, vi. 5; xxix. 37.

  Nasos, or Island, part of Syracuse, xxv. 24.
    Taken by the Romans, 30.

  Navius, Accius, i. 36.

  ——, Q., advises to mix footmen with the cavalry, xxvi. 4.
    His brave conduct, 5.

  Naupactum, xxvi. 26; xxvii, 30; xxxvl. 30.

  Naustathmus, port at Phocæa, xxxvii. 31.

  Nautius, C., consul, ii. 52.
    Again, iii. 25.
    He routs the Sabines, xxvi. 29.

  ——, Rutilus, C., consul, iv. 52.

  ——, Sp., consul, ii. 39.

  ——, Rutilus, Sp., consular tribune, iv. 35.
    Again, 45.

  ——————, commands the cohorts of the allies, x. 41.
    Is honoured for his bravery, 44.

  Neapolis, viii. 22.
    Its ambassadors offer gold to the Romans, who accept the smallest
      bason, xxii. 32.
    Its lands are ravaged by Hannibal, xxiv. 13.

  Nemean games, the direction of them given to Philip, xxvii. 30, 31;
      to T. Quintius, xxxiv. 41.

  Nepete, is taken by the Etrurians, and recovered by the Romans,
      vi. 9, 10.
    A colony is settled there, 21.
    It refuses supplies, xxvii. 9.
    Is punished, xxix. 15.

  Neptune, equestrian, i. 9.
    A lectisternium to obtain his favour, v. 13; xxii. 10.

  Neptunian lake, xxxix. 44.

  Nerulum, stormed by the Romans, ix. 20.

  Nessus, river, xlv. 29.

  Nicæa, city, on the Malean bay, xxviii. 5; xxxv. 26.

  Nicander, a leader of pirates, xxxvii. 11.

  ——, Ætolian prætor, xxxviii. 4, 5.

  Nicias, Achæan prætor, xxviii. 8.

  ——, Macedonian, put to death by Perseus, xliv. 10.

  Nico forms a conspiracy, and betrays Tarentum to Hannibal, xxv. 8, 9.
    Kills D. Quintius, xxvi. 39.
    Is killed in the capture of Tarentum, xxvii. 16.

  Nicodamus, Ætolian general, xl. 5.

  Nile river, xliv. 19.

  Nola, taken by the Romans, ix. 28.
    Is besieged by Hannibal, xxiii. 14, 16.
    Again, 43, 46.
    The plebeian party invite Hannibal, xxiv. 13.

  Nomentan road, iii. 52.

  Nomentum, taken by Tarquinius Priscus, i. 38; iv. 22.

  Norba, Roman colony, ii. 34.
    Is attacked by the Privernians, vii. 42.
    Maintains constant friendship with the Romans, xxvii. 10.

  Nortia, Etrurian goddess, vii. 3.

  Novendiale sacrum, or nine days’ festival, i. 31; xxi. 62; xxv. 7;
    xxvi. 23, &c.

  Novensiles, deities, viii. 9.

  Nuceria, ix. 38.
    Is taken by Hannibal, xxiii. 15, 16.
    The inhabitants are removed to Atella, xxvii. 30.

  Numa Pompilius, is chosen king, i. 18.
    His various religious institutions, 21.
    His commentaries, 32.
    His books of philosophy discovered, xl. 29.

  Numerius Decimius, Samnite, xxii. 24.

  Numicius, river, i. 2.

  ——, L., Latin prætor, summoned to Rome, viii. 3.

  ——, Priscus, T., consul, defeats the Volscians, ii. 63.

  Numidians, xxi. 22; xxiv. 48; xxix. 23, 31, 34; xxx. 12; xxxv. 11.
    _See_ Syphax, Masinissa, Gala.

  Numisius, Latin general, viii. 11.

  Numitor, king of Alba, i. 3, 5.

  Numitorius, L., chosen tribune in an assembly of the tribes, ii. 58.

  Nursians promise soldiers to Scipio, xxviii. 45.

  Nymphius betrays Palæpolis to the Romans, viii. 25, 26.


  Ocriculum, ix. 41; xxii. 11.

  Octavius Metius, x. 41.

  ——, Cn., prætor, xxviii. 38.
    He captures eighty Carthaginian ships, 46.
    Is sent ambassador to Africa, xxxi. 11.
    Made commissioner of a colony, xxxiv. 45.
    Prætor, xliv. 17.
    He triumphs over Macedonia, xlv. 42.

  Octolophus, in Dassaretia, xxxi. 36.

  Odrysians, xxxix. 53; xliv. 42.

  Oeneum, xliii. 19.

  Oenus river, xxxiv. 28.

  Oesalces succeeds his brother Gala in the kingdom of Numidia,
    xxix. 29-31.

  Oeta, mount, the highest part called Callidromos, xxxvi. 15, 22, 30;
    xxxvii. 5; xli. 22.

  Ofilius Calavius, a Campanian, his opinion of the silence of the Romans
    going home from Caudium, ix. 6.

  Ogulnius, Aul., military tribune, xxxiii. 36.

  ——, Cn. and Q., plebeian tribunes, propose a law to open the priesthood
      to plebeians, x. 6.
    Are curule ædiles, 23.

  ——, M., is sent into Etruria to purchase corn, xxvii. 3.

  Olba, in Sardinia, ravaged by Hamilcar, xxvii. 6.

  Olcades, islands, conquered by Hannibal, xxi. 5.

  Olympia, xxvi. 24; xlv. 28.

  Olympian games, xxvii. 35; xxviii. 7.

  ——, Jupiter, xxiv. 21.

  Olympias, mother of Alexander the Great, viii. 24.

  ——, city, formerly Connocondylum, xxxix. 25.

  Olympium, temple, near Syracuse, xxiv. 33.

  Olympus, mount, xxxviii. 18-20, 23.

  Olzinium, xlv. 26.

  Onesimus, a Macedonian, is received kindly by the Roman senate,
    admitted an ally, and presented with a house and land, xliv. 16.

  Onomastus, by order of Philip, massacres the Maronites, xxxix. 34;
    xl. 8.

  Opimia, a vestal, buried alive, xxii. 57.

  Opimius Pansa, L., quæstor, x. 32.

  Opiternius, L., a Faliscian, a leader of the Bacchanals, xxxix. 17.

  Oppia, a vestal, condemned for a breach of chastity, ii. 42.

  Oppia and Cluvia, Campanian women, their liberty and goods are restored
    by the Romans, xxvi. 33, 34.

  Oppius, C., plebeian tribune, iii. 54.

  ————, præfect of allies, is surprised by the Gauls, and slain, xxxi. 2.

  ————, proposer of the law forbidding women the use of golden ornaments,
          and a debate about that law, xxxi. 1, 2, &c.

  ——, L., plebeian tribune, xxxii. 28.

  ——, Salinator, L., commander of a fleet protecting Sicily, xxxv. 23;
     prætor, 24.

  ——, M., leader of the seceding soldiers, iii. 51.

  ——, Cornicen, Sp., decemvir, iii. 35.
    Is left in Rome with Ap. Claudius, 41.
    Endeavours to assist him, 49.
    Assembles the senate, 50.
    Accused, and ordered into prison, he lays violent hands on himself,
      58.

  Ops, her temple struck by lightning, xxxix. 22.

  Opus, is sacked by Attalus, xxviii. 7.
    Dissensions there, xxxii. 32.
    Its port Cynus, xxviii. 6.

  Oracle of Delphi, i. 56; v. 15; xxix. 10,11.

  ——, of Jupiter, at Dodona, viii. 24.

  Orbitanium, xxiv. 20.

  Orestis, xxvii. 33.

  Oretans, xxi. 11.

  Oreum, xxviii. 5, 7, 8.
    Taken by the Romans, xxviii. 6.
    Again, by them and Attalus, xxxi. 46; xxxiii. 31, 34.

  Oricum is taken by Philip, and retaken by the Romans, xxiv. 40;
    xxvi. 25; xxxiv. 51, 52; xlv. 33.

  Oringis, or Aurinx, xxviii. 3.

  Oroanda, xxxviii. 18, 37, 39.

  Oroandes, a Cretan, robs Perseus of his treasure, xlv. 6.

  Oropus, xlv. 27.

  Orsua and Corbis determine, in single combat, their dispute about the
    throne, xxviii. 21.

  Orthobula, wife of Proxenus, is condemned for poisoning her husband,
    xli. 25.

  Ortiagon, a Gallic chief, xxxviii. 19.
    His wife’s ill-treatment and revenge, 24.

  Ortona, ii. 43.

  Oscan silver, from Osca, now Huesca in Spain, xxxiv. 10.

  Oscians, inventors of the Atellan farce, vii. 2.

  Ossa, mount, xlii. 54.

  Ostia, built at the mouth of the Tiber, by Ancus Marcius, i. 33;
    xxii. 11, 27; xxiii. 38; xxv. 20; xxvii. 22; xxix. 14.

  Otacilius, T., prætor, xxii. 10.
    Is sent as proprætor with a fleet to Sicily, xxiii. 32.
    Is disappointed in a near prospect of the consulship, by Q. Fabius,
      xxiv. 7, 9; xxv. 31; xxvi. 1, 22, 23.

  Ovation, iii. 10, &c.

  Ovile, enclosure in the field of Mars, where the centuries gave their
    votes, xxvi. 22.

  Ovius Paccius, Samnite priest, directs the ceremonies in devoting the
    soldiers, x. 8.


  Pachynum, promontory, xxiv. 27, 35; xxv. 27.

  Pactius and Vibius, brothers, men of eminence in Bruttium, apply to
    Q. Fabius, xxvii. 15.

  Padus, now Po, river, v. 33, 35; xxi. 43, 47, 52.

  Pæonia, xxxiii. 19; xxxviii. 17; xxxix. 54.
    Afterwards called Emathia, xl. 3.

  Pæstum, viii. 17; xxii. 36; xxvi. 39; xxvii. 10.

  Palæpharsalus, xliv. 1.

  Palæpolis, viii. 22.
    Surrendered to the Romans, xxv. 26.

  Palatine hill, i. 5, 7, 33; ii. 10; xxix. 37.

  Palinurus, promontory, xxxvii. 11.

  Pallene, xxxi. 45; xxxviii. 28; xliv. 11; xlv. 30.

  Palm branches first given in token of victory at the Roman games,
    x. 47.

  Palumbinum taken by the Romans, x. 45.

  Pamphylia, xxxvii. 23, 40; xliv. 14; xlv. 22.

  Pan, Lycæan, called by the Romans Inuus, i, 5.

  Panætolium, general assembly of the Ætolians, xxxi. 29, 32; xxxv 32

  Pandosia, viii. 24.
    Is surrendered to the Romans, xxix. 38.

  Panormus, in Sicily, xxiv. 36; xxix. 1.

  ——, in Samos, xxxvii. 11.

  Pantaleon, Ætolian chief, protects Eumenes at Delphi, xlii. 15.

  Pantauchus, ambassador, and intimate friend of Philip, xlii. 39;
      xliv. 23.
    Surrenders Berœa to the Romans, 45.

  Paphlagonia, i. 1.

  Papirian tribe, viii. 37.

  ——, cruelty, x. 3.

  Papirius Crassus, C., consular tribune, vi. 18.

  ——, Maso, C., xxi. 25.
    Dies pontiff, xxv. 2.

  ——, Turdus, C., plebeian tribune, xli. 6.

  ——, Carbo, C., prætor, xliv. 17.

  ——, L., consular tribune, vi. 22, 38.

  ————, prætor, viii. 17.

  ————, a detestable usurer, viii. 28.

  ——, Crassus, L., consul, iv. 21.

  ——————, consul, iv. 30.

  ——————, dictator, viii. 12.
    Consul, 16.
    Again, 19.
    Master of horse, 36.

  ——, Cursor, L., consular tribune, vi. 5.
    Again, 11.
    He was censor when the city was taken, ix. 34.

  ——————, master of horse, viii. 12.
    Consul, 23.
    Dictator, 29.
    Determines to punish Fabius, his master of horse, for fighting
      contrary to orders, 30, 34.
    On the request of the people, forgives him, 35.
    Is made consul a second time, ix. 7.
    He takes Luceria, and sends the Samnites under the yoke, 10.
    Is a third time consul, 15.
    Triumphs, 16.
    Is made consul a fourth time, 22.
    A fifth, 28.
    Dictator a second time; he triumphs over the Samnites, 40.

  ——————, consul, x. 9.
    Pays little attention to auspices, 40.
    Triumphs over the Samnites, 46.
    Is chosen prætor, 47.

  ——, Mugillanus, L., consul, iv. 7.
    The first censor, 8.
    Is consul a second time, 30.
    Consular tribune, 42.
    Interrex, 43.

  ——————, consul, viii. 23.

  ——, M., one of the elders, slain by the Gauls on their entering Rome,
        v. 41.

  ————, a commissioner for the liquidation of debts, vii. 21.

  ——, Atratinus, M., consul, iv. 52.

  ——, Crassus, M., consul, iv. 12.
    Dictator, viii. 17.

  ————, Mugillanus, M., consular tribune, iv. 45.
    Again, 47.

  Papirius, Sp., prætor, vi. 22.
    Again, 27.

  ————, informs his uncle, the consul, of a defect in the auspices,
          x. 40.

  Parilia, festival, xl. 2.

  Parma, Roman colony, xxxix. 55.

  Parnassus, mount, xlii. 16.

  Paroreia, xxxix. 27; xlii. 51.

  Paros, island, xxxi. 15.

  Parthenius, mount, xxxiv. 26.

  Parthians, ix. 18.

  Parthinians, xxix. 12; xxxiii. 34.

  Patara, capital of Lycia, xxxiii. 41; xxxvii. 15.

  Patavium, x. 2; xli. 27.

  Patræ, xxxvi. 21; xxxviii. 29.

  Patrician chastity, its chapel, x. 23.

  Patricians, why so called, i. 8; x. 8.
    They insist that they only have the power of taking auspices, and
      consequently a right to magistracies, and the command of armies,
      iii. 1; vi. 41; vii. 6.
    Their contest with the plebeians about the consulship, iv. 1.
    Is compromised, 6.
    Renewed, vi. 34; vii. 18-28; x. 15.
    They claim the offices of prætor and curule ædile, vi. 42; vii. 1.
    They have the power of appointing an interrex, vi. 41.
    Are not eligible to plebeian magistracies, iv. 25.
    The law is repealed which forbade their intermarrying with plebeians,
      iv. 6.

  Pausanias, prætor of Epirus, xxxii. 10; xxxvi. 9.

  Pausistratus, prætor of Rhodes, xxxiii. 18; xxxvii. 11.

  Pedanius, T., centurion, throws the standard among the enemy, and
    forces the Carthaginian camp, xxv. 14.

  Pedum taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39; vii. 12.
    By Camillus, and the inhabitants made citizens of Rome, viii. 13.

  Pelagonia, xxvi. 25; xxxi. 39.

  Pelignians, viii. 6, 29.
    Revolt, and are defeated, ix. 41.
    Peace is granted to them, 45; x. 30.

  Pella, xxvi. 25; xliv. 42-46.

  Pellene, xxxiii. 14, 15.

  Pellina, xxxi. 39.

  Pelliti, tribe of Sardinians, xxiii. 40.

  Peloponnesus, i. 7.

  Pelops, king of Lacedæmon, xxxiv. 32.

  Pelusium, xliv. 19.
    Pelusian mouth of the Nile, xlv. 11.

  Penestia, xliii. 19-21; xliv. 11.

  Peneus, river, xxxii. 15; xlii. 38, 55, 60; xliv. 6; xlv. 29.

  Pennine, summit of the Alps, v. 35; xxi. 38.

  Pentrian tribe of Samnites, ix. 31; xxii. 61.

  Peparethus, island, xxviii. 5.
    City, xxxi. 28.

  Peræa, xxxii. 34, 35.

  Pergamus, xxix. 11; xxxi. 46; xxxvii. 18, 19.

  Perolla resolves to kill Hannibal, xxii. 8.

  Perpenna and Petillius, Roman ambassadors, imprisoned by Gentius,
    xliv. 27.

  Perrhæbia, xxxi. 41; xxxii. 15; xlii. 36, 53; xliv. 35.

  Perseus, Macedonian general, xxvi. 25.

  ————, son of king Philip, xxxi. 28.
    Quarrels with his brother Demetrius, xl. 6-16.
    His forgery of letters detected, 54, 55.
    He gets possession of the kingdom, 57, 58.
    Prepares for war against the Romans, xli. 22, 23.
    Is accused at Rome by Eumenes, xlii. 11-13.
    Employs assassins to murder Eumenes, 15, 16;
      and Rammius of Brundusium to poison the Roman ambassadors, 17.
    Confers with Q. Marcius, 39-43.
    Collects a very large army, 51.
    Is worsted by the Romans, 59, 66.
    Gains advantages in Thrace and Illyria, xliii. 18-23.
    Is utterly defeated at Pydna by Æmilius Paullus, xliv. 42.
    Flies to Samothrace, 46;
      where he and his children are taken, xlv. 6, 7;
      and are led in triumph, 40.

  Persians, ix. 18, 19; xxxvi. 15.

  Perusia, ix. 37, 40; x. 30, 31, 37; xxiii. 17; xxviii. 45.

  Pessinus, xxix. 10, 11.

  Petelia, xxiii. 20, 30; xxvii. 26.

  Peteline grove, vi. 20.

  Petillii, accusers of Scipio Africanus, xxxviii. 54.

  Petra, xl. 22; xliv. 32.

  Phalanna, xlii. 54, 65.

  Phalanx, Macedonian, compared with Roman troops, viii. 8; ix. 19.

  Phalera, xxvii. 30; xxxv. 43; xxxvi. 29.

  Phanæ, harbour, xxxvi. 43; xlv. 10.

  Phaneas, or Phæneas, Ætolian prætor, xxxii. 32, 34; xxxviii. 8.
    His dispute with M. Acilius, xxxvi. 28.

  Pharnaces, king of Pontus, sends ambassadors to Rome, xl. 20.

  Pharsalus, iii. 35; xxxvi. 14.

  Phaselis xxxvii. 23.
    The fleet of Antiochus, commanded by Hannibal and Apollonius,
      is defeated there, 24.

  Pheræ, xxxii. 13; xxxiii. 6; xxxv. 30; xxxvi. 9, 14.

  Phileas, Tarentine, xxv. 7.

  Philemenus betrays Tarentum to Hannibal, xxv. 8, 9; xxvii. 16.

  Philetærus, brother of Eumenes, xlii. 55.

  Philip, king of Macedonia, xxii. 33.
    Forms an alliance with Hannibal, xxiii. 33, 39.
    Commences hostilities by taking Oricum, and is obliged to fly from
      Apollonia, xxiv. 40.
    Makes several incursions on the Thessalians and others, xxvi. 25;
      xxvii. 30; xxviii. 7.
    Concludes a peace with the Romans and Ætolians, xxxix. 12.
    Demands the Macedonian prisoners, who had served under Hannibal,
      and is refused by the senate, xxx. 42.
    War is renewed, xxxi. 8.
    He ravages Attica, 14.
    Besieges Abydos, 16.
    Makes a fruitless attempt on Athens, 24.
    Is defeated by the Romans, 37.
    Holds a conference with the consul Quintius, xxxii. 10.
    Is defeated, and flies to Thessaly, 12.
    At another conference he obtains a truce, 36;
      but his application to the senate is rejected, 37.
    He makes an alliance with Nabis, 38;
      who breaks it, 39.
    He is utterly defeated by Quintius, xxxiii. 7, 9.
    A peace is concluded, 13.
    He assists the Romans against Antiochus, xxxvi. 13.
    Is offended at the behaviour of the Romans, xxxix. 23, 29.
    His cruelty to Herodicus and his family, xl. 4.
    His sons quarrel, 5-16.
    He employs Didas to poison Demetrius, 24.
    Discovers the villany of Perseus, and resolves to leave the crown
      to Antigonus, but dies, 54, 55.

  Philip, præstor of Epirus, xxix. 12.

  ——, of Megalopolis, defends Pellinæum, xxxvi. 13.
    Is sneered at by king Philip, 14.
    Is made governor of Zacynthus, 32.

  ——, governor of Cassandrea, xliv. 12.

  Philippic, golden coin, xxxvii. 59; xxxix. 5, 7.

  Philippopolis, xxxix. 25, 53.

  Philo, of Chalcis, xxxvii. 4.

  Philocles, Macedonian general, xxxi. 16; xxxii, 16; xxxiv. 32.
    Ambassador to Rome, xl. 20.

  Philocrates, Rhodian ambassador, xlv. 25.

  Philodemus betrays mount Euryalus to the Romans, xxv. 25.

  Philopœmen, prætor of Achaia, xxxv. 25.
    Defeated in a sea-fight by Nabis, 26.
    His method of acquiring skill in war, 28.
    Surprises and vanquishes Nabis on land, 27, 29.
    Is taken by the Messenians, and poisoned, xxxix. 50.

  Philostratus, prætor of Epirus, xliii, 23.

  Phlius, xxviii. 7.

  Phocæa, xxxvii. 31.
    Taken by the Romans, 32.

  Phocæans, xxxiii. 32, 34; xxxviii. 39.

  Phocis, xxviii. 7.

  Phœnice, in Epirus, xxix. 12.

  Phragandæ, xxvi. 25.

  Phrygia, xxix. 11.

  Phrygians, xxxvii. 40; xxxviii. 17.

  Phthiotians, xxxiii. 36; xxxvi. 15.

  Phylace, xlv. 26.

  Picenian territory, xxii. 9.

  Picenum, xxi. 62; xxvii. 43.

  Pieria, xxxix. 26; xliv. 9.
    Pierian wood, 43.

  Pinarii, priests of Hercules, i. 7.

  Pinarius, L., governor of Enna, suppresses an insurrection,
    xxiv. 37, 39.

  ————, consul, ii. 56.

  ——, Mamercinus, L., consular tribune, iv. 25.

  ——, L., master of horse, vii. 3.
    Prætor, 25.

  ——, M., prætor, xl. 18.

  Piræeus, port of Athens, xxxi. 25, 26; xxxv. 50; xxxvi. 42.

  Pisæ, xxi. 39; xxxiv. 56; xl. 43.

  Pisaurum, colony, xxxix. 44.

  Pisidia, xxxv. 13, 14; xxxvii. 56; xxxviii. 15

  Pisistratidæ, Hippias and Hipparchus, sons of Pisistratus, xxxi. 44.

  Pisistratus, a Bœotian of eminence, put to death for the murder
    of Brachyllas xxxiii. 28.

  Piso, the historian, i. 55; ii. 58; ix 44; x. 9; xxv. 39.

  Pithecusæ, island, viii. 22.

  Pityusa, island, xxviii. 37.

  Placentia, colony, xxi. 56.
    The Roman troops take refuge there, 57, 59.
    It is besieged by Hasdrubal, xxvii. 39.
    The siege raised, 43.
    It is sacked by Gauls and Ligurians, xxxi. 10.

  Placentians, xxxiii. 23.
    Their lands wasted, xxxiv. 56

  Plains, Old, name of a place, xxv. 16.

  Plator, Macedonian, governor of Oreum, gives it up to the Romans,
    xxviii. 6, 7.

  ——, brother of Gentius, murdered by him, xliv. 30.

  Plautius, C., consul, vii. 12.
    Master of horse, 17.

  ——, consul, vii. 27.
    Again, viii. 1.

  ——, consul, triumphs over the Privernians, viii. 20.
    Censor, ix. 29, 33.

  ——, Hypsæus, L., prætor, xxxvii. 47.

  Plebeian nobles, xxii. 34, 35.

  Pleminius, Q., proprætor, takes one of the citadels of Locri, xxix. 6.
    Is appointed by Scipio governor of the city, displays great cruelty
      and avarice, and robs the temple of Proserpine, 8.
    Is sent to Rome in chains. 21;
      and put to death for a plot to burn the city, xxxiv. 44.

  Plestina taken by the Romans, x. 3.

  Pletorius, C., commissioner of a colony, xxxiv. 45.
    Ambassador to Gentius, xlii. 26.

  Pleuratus, king of Illyria, xxvi. 24; xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5;
    xxxi. 28; xxxviii. 7; xliv. 30.

  Politorium, i. 33.

  Pollian tribe, viii. 37.

  Pollentia, or Polentia, colony, xxxix. 44; xli. 27.

  Polusca, ii. 33.

  Polyaratus, a man of power in Rhodes, xliv. 23, 29; xlv. 22.

  Polybius, a writer deserving great credit, xxx. 10, 45.

  Polyænus, of Syracuse, his free and moderate address to his countrymen,
    xxiv. 22.

  Polyphantes, Macedonian general, xxvii. 32; xxviii. 5.

  Polyxenidas, a Rhodian, commander of Antiochus’s fleet, defeated
      by the Romans, xxxvi. 45.
    Imposes on the Rhodian commander, defeats and kills him,
      xxxvii. 10, 11.
    Is defeated by the Romans and Rhodians, 30.

  Pomærium, i. 26, 44.

  Pometia, _see_ Suessa.

  Pompeii, ix. 38.

  Pompeius, L., military tribune, xlii. 65.

  Pomponius, L., præfect of allies, xxv. 1.

  ————, an infamous farmer of the revenues, 3.

  ——, Matho, Man., master of horse, abdicates, because his appointment
        proved to be irregular, xxii. 33.
    Prætor, 35; xxii. 55; xxiii. 24; xxvi. 23.

  ——————, plebeian ædile, xxviii. 10.

  ——, M., deputed to carry an offering to Delphi, xxviii. 45.
    Prætor, xxix. 11.
    Appointed to command a fleet, xxx. 2.

  ——, M., plebeian tribune, protests against a war with Rhodes, xlv. 21.

  ——, Sex., xxi. 51.

  ——, M., plebeian tribune, accuses L. Manlius, whose son deters him
        from the prosecution, vii. 45.

  Pomptine tribe, vii. 15.

  ——, lands, ii. 34; iv. 25; vi. 5, 21.
    Wasted by locusts, xlii. 2.

  Pontiff, chief, created by Numa, his duties and privileges, i. 20;
      iv. 44.
    Inferior pontiffs, xxii. 57.

  Pontificius, Ti., plebeian tribune, proposer of the Agrarian law,
    ii. 44.

  Pontius Cominius, swimming down the Tiber, conveys intelligence from
    Camillus to the besieged in the Capitol, v. 46.

  ——, C., Samnite general, shuts up the Roman army in the defiles of
        Caudium, and sends them under the yoke, ix. 1—15.

  Popilius Sabellus, C., distinguishes himself in fight, xli. 4.

  ——, Lænas, C., consul, xlii. 9.
    Ambassador to Antiochus and Ptolemy, xliv. 19; xlv. 10.

  ————, M., consul, overthrows the Tiburtians, vii. 12.
    Again consul, 17.
    A third time, 23.
    A fourth, 26.

  ——, M., consul, ix. 21.

  ——, P., ambassador to Syphax, xxvii. 4.

  ——, T., xxvi. 6.

  Porcian law, x. 9.

  Porcius Licinius, L., lieutenant-general, xxvi. 6.
    Plebeian ædile, xxvii. 6.
    Prætor, xxxv. 39.

  ——, L., consul, xxxix. 33.

  ——, Licinius, L., xl. 34.

  ——, Cato, M., quæstor to Scipio, xxix. 25.
    Consul, xxxiii. 42.
    Pleads in support of the Oppian law, xxxiv. 2.
    Goes into Spain, 8.
    And effectually subdues all the country as far as the Iberus, 17.
    Triumphs, 46.
    Shows himself a bitter enemy to Scipio Africanus, xxxviii, 54.
    Censor, xxxix. 41.
    Acts with strict severity, 42, 44.
    Favours the Rhodians xlv. 25.

  Porcius Cato, M., prætor, xxxii. 7.

  Porsenna, Lar, or Lartes, king of Clusium, entertains the Tarquins,
      and makes war on the Romans, ii. 9.
    Besieges Rome, 11.
    Restores the hostages, and concludes a treaty of friendship with
      the Romans, 15.

  Porsenna’s goods for sale, whence the phrase, ii. 14.

  Postumia, a vestal, rebuked for too much attention to dress, iv. 44.

  Postumius, A., dictator, vanquishes the Latins at Regillus,
      and triumphs, ii. 19, 20.
    Is made consul, 21.

  ——, Albus, A., consul, iii. 4.
    Ambassador to the Æquans, is affronted by their general, 25.

  ——, Regillensis, A., consular tribune, overpowers the Tarquinians,
        v. 16.
    Again consular tribune, vi. 22.

  ——, Tibertus, A., master of horse, iv. 23.
    Dictator; defeats the Æquans and Volscians, 26, 29.

  ——, Albinus, A., prætor, xxxix. 23.

  ————, Luscus, A., consul, xl. 35.
    Censor, xli. 27.

  ——, Luscus, A., commissioner to settle Macedonia, xlv. 17.

  ——, Albinius, L., consular tribune, vi. 1.
    Again, 22.

  ——, Megellus, L., consul, triumphs over the Samnites, ix. 44.
    Proprætor, x. 26.
    Again consul, 32.
    Triumphs over Etruria, in opposition to the senate and people, 37.

  ——, L., consul elect, cut off with his army in the wood Litina,
        xxiii. 24.

  ——, Albinus, L., prætor, xl. 35.
    Triumphs over Lusitania, xli. 7.
    Consul, 28.
    Candidate for the censorship, xliii. 14.
    Flamen Quirinalis, xlv. 15.

  ——, M., consular tribune, iv. 31.
    Fined 10,000 asses, 41.

  ——, Albinus, M., consular tribune, v. i.

  ——, Regillensis, M., consular tribune, iv. 49.
    Stoned by his army, 50.

  ——, Purgensis, M., a contractor for supplying the armies, outlawed,
        and his property confiscated, for fraudulent practices,
        xxv. 3, 4.

  ——, P., consul, triumphs over the Sabines, ii. 16.

  ——, Sp., consul, iii. 2. Decemvir, 33.

  ——, Albus, Sp., consular tribune, v. 26.
    Overcomes the Æquans, 28.

  ——, Sp., consul, viii. 16.
    Censor, 17.
    Master of horse, 23.
    Again consul, ix. 1.
    Is sent under the yoke at Caudium, 6.

  ——, Regillensis, Sp., censor, vi. 27.

  ——, Albinus, Sp., prætor, xxxvii. 47.
    Consul, xxxix. 6.
    Augur, 45.

  Potidania, xxviii. 8.

  Potitian family, priests of Hercules, i. 7.
    Delegate the office to slaves, and the family becomes extinct,
      ix. 29.

  Præneste, vi. 29; vii. 12.

  Prænestines revolt, vi. 21.
    Are conquered, and the statue of Imperial Jupiter is removed to Rome,
      28.
    They aid the Pedans, and are punished, viii. 12, 14.
    Five hundred Prænestines defend Casilinum, xxiii. 17, 19.
    Are rewarded, 20.

  Prærogative century, v. 18; x. 22.

  Prætor, chosen out of the patricians to administer justice in the city,
      vi. 42; vii. 1.
    Was elected under the same auspices, and considered as a colleague of
      the consuls, iii. 55; viii. 32.
    The first plebeian, viii. 1.

  Prætorium, general’s pavilion, vii. 12.

  Prætutian lands, xxii. 9; xxvii. 45.

  Praxo, a woman of distinction at Delphi, confidant of Perseus,
    xlii. 15, 17.

  Priene, xxxviii. 13.

  Priests chosen by Numa out of the patricians, i. 20.
    Plebeians added, x. 6, 8.

  Primigenia, Fortuna, xxix. 36.

  Prince or chief of the senate, the mode of choosing him altered,
    xxvii. 11.

  Prison, first, built in Rome, i. 33.
    Private prisons, vi. 36.

  Privernum, the inhabitants ravage the Roman territory, vii. 15.
    Are defeated, and their city taken, by C. Marcius, 16.
    Renew the war, are conquered, and two parts of their lands taken
      from them, viii. 1.
    Again commence hostilities, are conquered, and their senate banished
      beyond the Tiber, 19, 20.
    Undaunted reply of one of their ambassadors, 21.

  Procas, king of Alba, i. 3.

  Proconsul, first mentioned by Livy, iii. 4.
    The first who was continued in command on the expiration of his
      consulate, Publius Philo, viii. 26.
    Proconsuls had no authority in the city, xxvi. 9.

  Proculus Giganius Maurinus, consul, iv. 12.

  ————, Julius, i. 16.

  ————, Virginius, consul, his contest with his colleague about the
          Agrarian law, ii. 41.

  Prodictator, Q. Fabius Maximus, xxii. 8.

  Propontis, sea, xxxviii. 16, 18.

  Prosecution, capital, ii. 52.
    Pecuniary, xxvi. 3.

  Proserpine, xxiv. 39.
    Her temple at Locri robbed by Pleminius, xxix. 7.
    Complaint made by the Locrians, 18.
    By the prætor Minucius, xxxi. 12;
      who replaces the treasure, 13.
    _See_ xxix. 20, 21.

  Proxenus, Ætolian, poisoned by his wife, xli. 25.

  Prusias, king of Bithynia, solicited by Antiochus to join him in war
      against the Romans, is prevented by a letter from Scipio Africanus,
      xxxvii. 25.
    After giving refuge to Hannibal, he consents to surrender him
      to T. Quintius, xxxix. 51.
    Proposes to mediate between the Romans and Perseus, xliv. 14.
    Comes to Rome, and behaves with abject meanness, xlv. 44.

  Prytanis, the title of the chief magistrate of Rhodes, xlii. 45.

  Pteleum, xxxv. 43.
    Is demolished, xlii. 67.

  Ptolemy Philopater, king of Egypt, his statue affords refuge to Magius
      the Capuan, xxiii. 10.
    He renews a treaty of friendship with the Romans, xxvii. 4.
    Offers to repress the inroads of Philip xxxi. 9.

  ——, king of Egypt, xxxii. 33.
    Marries the daughter of Antiochus, xxxv. 13.

  ——, and Cleopatra, king and queen of Egypt, offer aid to the Romans
        against Antiochus, xxxvii. 3.
    Implore their assistance against him, xliv. 19.
    The elder Ptolemy is reconciled to his brother and sister, and
      received in Alexandria, xlv. 11.
    They are saved from the attempts of Antiochus by Roman ambassadors,
      12.

  Publicans, farmers of the revenue, furnish supplies to the troops
      at their own expense, on being promised payment when money should
      come into the treasury, xxiii. 48, 49.
    Fraudulent practices and turbulent behaviour of some of them,
      xxv. 3, 4.

  Publicius Bibulus, C., plebeian tribune, his charges against Marcellus
    and the patricians, xxvii. 21.

  ——, L., military tribune, xxii. 53.

  Publilian tribe added, vii. 15.

  Publilius, C., confined for his father’s debts, viii. 28.

  ——, Volscus, L., consular tribune, v. 12.

  ——, Q., plebeian tribune, during the dissensions excited by Manlius,
        supports the cause of the senate, vi. 19;
      and commences a prosecution against Manlius, 20.

  ——, Philo, Q., consul, defeats the Latins, is nominated dictator,
        procures laws to be passed in favour of the commons, viii. 12.
    He is the first plebeian prætor. 15.
    Is made master of horse, 16.
    Censor, 17.
    Consul a second time, 22.
    He is the first person continued in command on the expiration of
      his consulate, and the first that triumphed when out of office,
      26.
    Consul a third time, ix. 7.
    He vanquishes the Samnites, 13-15.

  ——, T., plebeian augur, x. 9.

  ——, Volero, a plebeian, refuses to enlist in the army, and appeals
        to the tribunes and to the people, ii. 55.
    Is chosen plebeian tribune, 56.
    Proposes a law, that plebeian magistrates should be elected in
      assemblies of the tribes;
      is re-elected tribune, _ibid._

  Publilius, Volero, consular tribune, v. 13.

  Pupinian district, xxvi. 9.

  Pupius, Cn., a commissioner to build a temple of Concord, xxii. 33.

  ——, L., candidate for the prætorship, xxxix. 39.
    Prætor, 45.

  ——, P., one of the first plebeian quæstors, iv. 54.

  Puteoli, xxiv. 12; xxv. 22; xxvi. 17.
    Attacked in vain by Hannibal, xxiv. 13.

  Pydna, xliv. 6, 10, 42.
    Sacked by the Romans, 45.

  Pylæ, or Thermopylæ, xxxii. 4.

  Pylæmenes, king of the Heneti, i. 1.

  Pylaic council, xxxiii. 35.

  Pylos, xxvii. 30.

  Pyra, on mount Œta, the place were Hercules was burned, xxxvi. 30.

  Pyrene, promontory, xxvi. 19.

  Pyrenæan mountains, ii. 23.
    Harbour, xxxiv. 8.

  Pyrgus, fort, xxvii. 32.

  Pyrrheum, fort, at Ambracia, xxxviii. 5, 6.

  Pyrrhias, prætor of Ætolia, defeated by Philip, xxvii. 30.

  Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, his kind treatment of Roman prisoners,
      xxii. 59.
    His character mentioned by Scipio, xxxv. 14.
    He was warned by the Romans to guard against poison, xxxix. 51.
    His dishonourable death a punishment for robbing the temple of
      Proserpine, xxix. 17.

  Pyrrhus’s camp, name of a place in Macedonia, xxxii. 13; xxxv. 27.

  Pythagoras, the Samian philosopher, posterior to Numa, i. 18.
    Some supposed that Numa’s books were written by him, xl. 29.

  ——, son-in-law of Nabis, governor of Sparta, xxxiv. 25.
    Makes a vigorous defence, 39.

  Pythian Apollo, his answer brought by Fabius Pictor the historian,
    xxiii. 11.

  Pythium, xlii. 53; xliv. 2, 35.

  Pytho, Macedonian, governor of Cassandrea, repulses the Romans,
    xliv. 12.


  Quadrants, contributed by the people to bury Valerius, iii. 18.

  Quadrigati, coin so called, xxii. 52.

  Quadrireme, galley of four banks of oars, xxx. 25.

  Quadruplator, a term of reproach, iii. 72.

  Quæstors, first mentioned by Livy, ii. 41.
    Their number doubled, iv. 43.
    First plebeian, 54.

  Quæstorium, part of a camp taken by the Samnites, x. 32.

  Quinquatrus, feast of Minerva, lasting five days, xxvi. 27; xliv. 20.

  Quinquereme, five-banked galley, xxi. 17.

  Quintian family, iii. 12.
    Meadows, 26.

  Quintii, Albans made Roman senators i. 30.

  Quintilis, month, the nones appointed for the Apollinarian games,
      xxvii. 23.
    Calling magistrates into office, v. 32.
    Knights reviewed, ix. 46.

  Quintilius Varus, xxx. 1.

  ——, Cn., dictator, to drive a nail in the Capitol, viii. 18.

  ——, Varus, M., consular tribune v. 1.

  ——, M., xxx. 18.

  ——, Varus, P., prætor, xxix. 38; xxx. 1.
    Defeats Mago in Insubrian Gaul, 18.

  ————, flamen of Mars, xliv. 18.

  ——, Sextus, consul, iii. 42.

  ——, Varus, T., xxxix. 31.

  Quintius Cincinnatus, consular tribune, iv. 49.

  ——, Cæso, warmly opposes the tribunes, iii. 11.
    Is falsely charged with murder, is the first that gives bail to the
      people, goes into exile, 13.

  ——, Flamininus, Cæso, commissioner to build a temple of Concord,
        xxii. 33.

  ——, Cincinnatus, C., consular tribune, vi. 32.

  ——, Capitolinus, Cn., first curule ædile, vii. 1.

  ——, D., of obscure birth, remarkable for bravery and conduct,
        commander of a Roman fleet, is killed in a sea-fight with
        the Tarentines, xxvi. 39.

  ——, L., military tribune, viii. 25.

  ——, Cincinnatus, L., supplicates the people in favour of his son Cæso,
        iii. 12.
    Consul, 19.
    Refuses to be re-elected consul, 21.
    Is called from the plough to the dictatorship, 26.
    Surrounds and vanquishes the Æquans, and sends them under the yoke,
      27, 28.
    Is presented by his army with a golden crown, and triumphs, 29.
    A candidate for the decemvirate, fails, 35.
    Executes the business of censor with moderation, iv. 6.
    Is again dictator, 13.

  ——, L., son of Cincinnatus, consular tribune, iv. 16.
    Master of horse, 17.
    Consular tribune, 35.
    Again, 44.
    A fourth time, vi. 6.
    Again, 32.
    Recovers Tusculum, 33.

  ——, Capitolinus, L., consular tribune, vi. 11.

  ——, Flamininus, L., augur, xxv. 2.
    Prætor, xxxi. 49.

  ——, Crispinus, L., prætor, xxxix. 6.
    Commissioner of a colony, 55.
    Triumphs over the Celtiberians and Lusitanians, xxxix. 42.

  ——, Flamininus, L., brother of the consul Titus, admiral of the fleet
        on the coast of Greece, xxxii. 16.
    Consul, xxxv. 10.
    Is expelled the senate for barbarous cruelty, xxxix. 42.

  Quintius Cincinnatus, P., consular tribune, iv. 61.

  ——, Q., consular tribune, vi. 36.

  ——, Barbatus Capitolinus, T., consul, appeases the fury of the populace,
        ii. 56.
    Is thanked by the senate, 57.
    A favourite of the soldiers, 60.
    Is raised again to the consulship by the patricians, and by a
      stratagem defeats the Volscians, 64.
    Commissioner of a colony, iii, 1.
    Consul a third time, 2.
    Proconsul, rescues the consul from imminent danger, 4, 5.
    Pleads in favour of Cæso Quintius, 12, 13.
    Quæstor, arraigns Volscius, on whose evidence Cæso had been
      condemned, 25.
    A candidate for the censorship, is disappointed, 35.
    A fourth time consul, 66.
    His character, 69.
    He defeats the Æquans and Volscians, 70.
    Interrex, iv. 7.
    A fifth time consul, 8.
    A sixth, he nominates L. Quintius Cincinnatus dictator, 13.
    Supplicates the people in favour of T. Quintius, son of Cincinnatus,
      41.
  ——, Cincinnatus Pennus, T., iv. 26.
    His disputes with his colleague, and activity in the field, 27, 29.
    Again consul, 30.
    Consular tribune; unsuccessful at Veii, 31.
    Shares in victory with the dictator, 32, 33.
    Is brought to trial, and acquitted, 41.

  ——, Capitolinus, T., son of Capitolinus, consul, iv. 43.
    Consular tribune, 61.

  ——, Cincinnatus, T., consular tribune, vi. 4.
    Again, 18.
    Dictator; he subdues the Prænestines, 28, 29.
    And in his triumph conveys to the Capitol the image of Imperial Jove,
      brought from Præneste.

  ——, Capitolinus, T., consular tribune, and master of horse, vi. 11.

  ——, T., consular tribune, vi. 38.

  ——, Pennus, T., master of horse, vi. 42.

  ——, T., dictator, vii. 9.
    Master of horse, 11.
    Consul, 18.

  ——, Pennus, T., consul, vii. 22.

  ——, T., chosen as leader by the troops in mutiny, vii. 39, 41.

  ————, commissioner of a colony, viii. 16.

  ——, Crispinus, T., appointed by Marcellus to the command of a fleet,
        xxiv. 39.
    Prætor, xxvii. 6.
    Consul, 21.
    Is wounded, 27.
    Disconcerts a scheme of Hannibal, 28.
    Dies of his wound, 33.

  ——————, his singular encounter with Badius, a Campanian, xxv. 18.

  ——, Flamininus, T., curule ædile, exhibits stage plays with great
        magnificence, xxxi. 4.
    Consul, xxxii. 7.
    Sails to Greece, 9.
    Holds a conference with Philip, without effect, 10.
    Defeats Philip, 12.
    Is obliged to raise the siege of Atrax, 18.
    Holds another conference with Philip, which produces a truce, but not
      a peace, 32, 37.
    Gives Philip a total overthrow, xxxiii. 9, 10.
    Concludes a peace with him, 13, 24, 30.
    Proclaims liberty to the states of Greece, 32.
    Leads an army to Argo, xxxiv. 25.
    Lays siege to Lacedæmon, 26.
    Refuses at first to listen to Nabis, and afterwards grants him peace,
      40.
    Triumphs during three days, 52.
    Procures the siege of Naupactum to be raised, xxxvi. 35.
    Censor, xxxvii. 58; xxxviii. 28.
    Augur, xlv. 44.

  Quirinal flamen created by Numa, i. 20.

  ——, hill added to the city, i. 44.

  Quirinus, i. 20; v. 52; viii. 9.
    His temple, iv. 21.
    Dedicated, and adorned with spoils of the enemy, x. 46.

  Quirites, why so called, i. 13.

  Quiritian trench made by Anc. Marcius i. 33.


  Rabuleius, Man., decemvir, iii. 35.

  Racilia, wife of Quintius Cincinnatus, iii. 26.

  Ramnius, L., a Brundusian, tempted by Perseus to poison the Roman
    ambassadors and officers, discovers the matter to the Romans,
    xlii. 17, 41.

  Ramnenses, or Ramnes, one of the first tribes, and a century of
    knights, i. 13, 36; x. 6.

  Reate, xxv. 7; xxvi. 11.
    Promises soldiers to Scipio, xxviii. 45.

  Red rocks, ii. 49.
    Sea, xlv. 9.

  Regillum, town of the Sabines, ii. 16.

  Regillus, lake, near which Postumias routed the Latins, ii. 19, 20;
    vi. 2.

  Religion established by Numa, i. 19.
    A passion for foreign religious rites prevails, iv. 30.
    Religious worship performed with more piety than magnificence,
      iii. 57.
    The bad consequences of introducing foreign modes of worship, xxv. 1.

  Remus, made prisoner, and given up to Amulius; assists in restoring his
    grandfather, and is slain by his brother, i. 5.

  Retius, M., ambassador to Gaul, xxvii. 36.

  Revenue managed by the censors, iv. 8.

  Rhaphia, xxxv. 13.

  Rhæteum, promontory, xxxvii. 9, 37; xxxviii. 39.

  Rhætians, v. 33.

  Rhea Sylvia, i. 3, 4.

  Rhegium, faithful to the Romans, xxiii. 30.
    Attempted by the Carthaginians, xxiv. 1; xxvi. 12; xxix. 6.
    Furnishes the Romans with a supply of ships, xxxvi. 42.

  Rhinocolura, xlv. 11.

  Rhion, or Rhium, strait between Naupactum and Patræ, being the entrance
    to the bay of Corinth, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 7.

  Rhisiasus, of Pellene, threatens his son Memnon with death, if he
    persists in obstructing the proceedings of a council of the Achæans,
    xxxii. 22.

  Rhizon, xlv. 26.

  Rhodians, send ambassadors to compose disputes between Philip and the
      Ætolians, xxvii. 30; xxviii. 7.
    Send a fleet to aid the Romans against Philip, xxxi. 46.
    Recover Peræa from the Macedonians, xxxiii. 18.
    Join their fleet to the Roman against Antiochus, xxxvii. 9.
    Defeat his fleet, commanded by Hannibal, xxiii. 24.
    Again, in conjunction with the Romans, defeat Polyxenidas, 30.
    Receive Lycia and Caria, after the reduction of Antiochus,
      xxxviii. 39.
    Send to the Roman consul a menacing embassy in favour of Perseus,
      xliv. 14.
    Implore pardon of the Roman ambassadors, and punish the advisers
      of their misconduct, xlv. 10.
    Juvencius Thalna, prætor, proposes to the Roman commissioners
      a declaration of war against Rhodes, and is opposed by the
      tribunes, 21.

  Rhoduntia, one of the summits of mount Œta, near Thermopylæ,
    xxxvi. 16, 18.

  Rhone, xxi. 31; xxvii. 39.
    Crossed by Hannibal, xxi. 26.

  Rings laid aside in mourning, ix. 7.

  Rome, built by Romulus, i. 16.
    Augmented by the destruction of Alba, 30.
    Surrounded with a stone wall, 38.
    Besieged by Porsenna, ii. 11.
    Sacked and burned by the Gauls, v. 41, 42.
    Rebuilt, 55, and vi. 4.
    Its situation and advantages described, v. 54.
    Doubled by the accession of the Sabines, i. 13.
    Attempted by Hannibal, xxvi. 10.
    Suffers much by fire, xxiv. 47; xxvi. 27.

  Romans, their magnanimity, iv. 6.
    Love of liberty, ii. 15; vi. 19.
    Moderation in prosperity, xxx. 42.
    Fortitude in adversity, ix. 3.
    Love of their country, xxiii. 49; xxiv. 18; xxvi. 36.
    Gratitude to its friends, ii. 10, 13; v. 47.
    Justice, v. 27.
    Regard to religion, i. 21.
    Military abilities, ix. 17, 19. _See_ Army, Camp, Discipline.
    They long held poverty in honour, _see_ Poverty.
    It is the character of a Roman, both to act and to suffer with
      fortitude, ii. 12.

  Romilius, T., consul, brought to trial on a charge made by Cl. Cicero,
      iii. 31.
    Decemvir, 33.

  Romular, afterwards Ruminal, fig-tree, ni. 4.

  Romulea taken by the Romans, x. 17.

  Romulus Sylvius, king of Alba, i. 3.

  ———. son of Rhea, kills his brother Remus; builds a city on the
      Palatine hill, and, from his own name, calls it Rome, i. 16.
    Forms the government, enlarges the city, opens a sanctuary, and forms
      a senate, 8.
    Orders the seizure of the Sabine women, 9.
    Overthrows the Cæninians, killing their king, offers the grand spoils
      to Jupiter Feretrius, and dedicates to him the first temple in Rome,
      10.
    Defeats the Antemnians and Crustumnians, 11.
    Distressed in battle with the Sabines, vows a temple to Jupiter
      Stator, 12.
    Makes peace with the Sabines, and divides the city into thirty
      curias, 13.
    Conquers the Fidentians and Veians, appoints three hundred celeres
      to guard his person, 15.
    Dies, and is esteemed a divinity, 16.

  Rorarian soldiers, viii. 8.

  Roscius, L., Roman ambassador, killed by order of Tolumnius, iv. 17.

  Ruscino, where some states of Gaul assembled, with intent to oppose
    Hannibal, xxi. 24.

  ———, a sea-port in Africa, xxx. 10.

  Rusellan lands, x. 4.
    Wasted, and the city taken, 37.

  Rutilius Crassus, Sp., consular tribune, iv. 47.

  ——, P., plebeian tribune, warmly opposes the censors, and brings them
        to trial, xliii. 16.
    Is fined, and disfranchised, xliv. 16.

  ——, Calvus, P., prætor, xlv. 44.

  Rutulians vanquished by Æneas, i. 2.
    By Tarquinius the Proud, 57.


  Sabatine tribe, vi. 5.

  Sabatines, xxvi. 33.

  Sabellan cohorts, x. 19.
    Country, viii. 1.

  Sabine women seized by the Romans, i. 9.
    Put an end to the fight between the Romans and Sabines; their names
      given to the curias, 13.

  Sabines make war on the Romans, i. 9, 10.
    Seize the citadel, 11.
    Maintain a furious fight, and afterwards make a peace, 13.
    Are attacked and conquered by T. Hostilius, 30, 31.
    Those who removed to Rome with Tatius reside on the Capitol and
      citadel, 33.
    The Sabines are attacked, and defeated by Tarquinius, 36, 37.
    Make preparations for war, ii. 16.
    Sue for peace, 18.
    Make a predatory inroad as far as the Anio, and are dispersed, 26.
    Renew the war, and are defeated, 31.
    Join the Veians against Rome, and are overthrown, 53.
    Advance to the gates of the city, 63, 64.
    Recommence hostilities, iii. 26, 30.
    Are defeated, 63.

  Sacred Mount, ii. 32; iii. 52.
    Street, ii. 13.
    Rites, foreign, forbidden at Rome, xxv. 1.
    Shocking rites of the Samnites, x. 38, 39.
    Sacred spring, xxxiv. 44.

  Sacrifices, several extraordinary, performed by direction of the
      Sibylline books xxii. 57.
    The anniversary sacrifice of Ceres omitted after the battle of Cannæ,
      xxii. 56.

  Sacriportus, harbour, near Tarentum, xxvi. 39.

  Sagmina, vervain, i. 24; xxx. 43.

  Saguntum, an opulent city on the Iberus, xxi. 7.
    Besieged and taken by Hannibal, the inhabitants throw their valuables
      and themselves into a fire, 14, 15.
    Spanish hostages are kept at Saguntum, xxii. 22.
    It is retaken by the Romans, and restored to its old inhabitants,
      xxiv. 42; xxviii. 39.

  Saguntines, threatened by Hannibal, send ambassadors to Rome,
      xxi. 2, 6.
    Show great firmness in supporting the siege, 11.
    Send an embassy to Rome with thanks to the senate, xxviii. 39.
    Another embassy, xxx. 21.

  Salapia, xxiv. 20, 47.
    Surrendered to Marcellus with the Carthaginian garrison, xxvi. 38;
      xxvii. 1.

  Salapians overreach Hannibal, xxvii. 28.

  Salarian street, vii. 9.

  Salassians dwelling on the Alps, xxi. 38.

  Salera, in Africa, xxix. 34.

  Salernum, colony, xxxii. 29; xxxiv. 45.

  Salii, twelve priests of Mars instituted by Numa, i. 20.
    Twelve more vowed by Tullus, and called Agonales, or Colline, 27.

  Salinator, why Livius was so surnamed, xxix. 37.

  Sallentines conquered, ix. 42.
    Some of their towns revolt to Hannibal, xxv. 1.
    Their country, x. 2; xxiv. 20.

  Salonius, C., commissioner of a colony, xxxiv. 44; xlii. 4.

  ——, P., alternately military tribune and chief centurion, entreats the
        senators not, on his account, to refuse the demands of the
        mutinous soldiers, vii. 41.

  Salpinians infest the Roman lands, v. 31, 32.

  Salsula, vii. 19.

  Salyi, or Salyes, or Salluvii, people of Gaul, v. 35.
    Their mountains, xxi. 26.

  Samæans, in Cephallenia, break the peace, which had been concluded,
      and are besieged, xxxviii. 28.
    After a vigorous defence the city is taken, and sacked, 29.

  Same, or Samos, island, xxxvi. 42.
    Samians, xxxi. 31; xxxiii. 20.

  Samnites, form an alliance with the Romans, vii. 19.
    Origin of the war between those states, 29.
    Ambassadors sent to the Samnites, receive a rude and menacing answer,
      31.
    War is proclaimed, 32.
    A furious battle, in which the Samnites are defeated, 33.
    Are again defeated in Samnium, 36.
    A third time, 37.
    They send ambassadors to sue for peace, viii. 1.
    The old treaty is renewed, 2.
    They join the Lucanians against Alexander of Epire, 17.
    Answer with haughtiness the expostulations of the Romans, 23.
    Are expelled Palæpolis, 26.
    Defeated by Fabius, master of horse, 30.
    Again, by Papirius, dictator, 36.
    Make a truce for a year, break it, and, after a desperate engagement,
      are defeated, 38, 39.
    Entrap the Roman army at the Caudine forks, ix. 2;
      and after violent exertions, and suffering many defeats, 13-16,
        21-23, 27, 31, 40, 41;
      they submit, and are sent under the yoke, 42.
    Their gold and silver shielded battalions, 40.
    The old treaty is renewed with them, 45.
    They take arms again, and are worsted, x. 12.
    Fight a furious battle, and are obliged to fly into Etruria, 16.
    Are again defeated, 19.
    Again, and their general taken, 20.
    They join the Etrurians, Umbrians, and Gauls, 21.
    With the Gauls invade the Roman territories, 27;
      and are defeated, 29.
    Their character as soldiers, 28.
    They are defeated in a bloody battle, 31.
    They assault the Roman camp, 32; and are repulsed, 33.
    Seven thousand of them are sent under the yoke, 36.
    Again, by Papirius, xli. 42.
    Their towns taken, 45.
    They, excepting the Pentrians, revolt to Hannibal, xxii. 61.
    Their country severely ravaged by Marcellus, xxiii. 42.

  Samnites, gladiators so called, ix. 40.

  Samnium, vii. 32.

  Samothrace, island, xliv. 25.
    Perseus takes refuge there, 45, 46; xlv. 2, 5.

  Samus, island, xxxvii. 10, 11, &c.

  Sangarius, river, abounding with fish, xxxviii. 18.

  Sappinian tribe, district of Umbria, xxxi. 2; xxxiii. 37.

  Sardes, xlv. 34.

  Sardians, or Sardinians, xxi. 16.
    Send a secret embassy to the Carthaginians, xxiii. 32.
    Are vanquished by the Romans, 40.
    Entirely subdued, 41.
    Successes of Sempronius against them, xli. 12.

  Sardinia, island, xxi. 1; xxii. 31.
    Ravaged by a Carthaginian fleet, xxvii. 6.
    A Roman army ordered to be sent thither, xli. 9.
    Are conquered by Sempronius Gracchus, and a picture hung up, xli. 28.

  Sarpedon, promontory, xxxviii. 38.

  Sarus, river, fleet of Antiochus shipwrecked at its mouth, xxxiii. 41.

  Saticula, vii. 32, 34.
    Besieged by the Romans, ix. 21.
    Taken, 22. Its territory, xxiii. 14.
    Its inhabitants commended by the Romans, xxvii. 10.

  Satricum, taken from the Romans by Coriolanus, ii. 39.
    By the Romans from the Volscians, vi. 8.
    By the Prænestines and Volscians, 22.
    Burned by the Latins, 33.
    The Antians settle a colony there, and the Romans sack and burn
      the city, vii. 27.
    The Volscians take post at Satricum, viii. 1.
    It is taken by Papirius, ix. 16.

  Saturæ, interludes, vii. 2.

  Saturnalia, instituted, ii. 21.
    Proclaimed to last a day and a night, and to be observed for ever,
      xxii. 1.

  Saturn’s temple, ii. 21.
    Sacrifices and a lectisternium at it, xxii. 1.

  Satyrus, Rhodian ambassador, xlii. 14.

  Scævola. _See_ Mutius.

  Scantinius, P., pontiff, xxiii. 21.

  Scaptian tribe added, viii. 17.

  Scaptius, P., persuades the Roman people in a case where they are
    arbitrators, to assume to themselves some lands in dispute between
    the Ardeans and Aricians, iii. 71.

  Scarcity, and consequent disturbances, ii. 34; iv. 12.

  Scea, called Tripolis, xliii. 55.

  Scerdilædus, king of Illyria, xxvi. 24; xxvii. 30; xxviii. 5.

  ——, son of Gentius, xliv. 32.

  Scharphia, xxxvi. 19.

  Schœnus, merchant, informs Quintius of the roads to Perrhæbia,
    xliv. 35.

  Sciathus demolished by Philip, xxxi. 28, 45; xxxv. 43.

  Scissis, xxi. 60.

  Scodra, capital of Illyria, xliii. 20; xliv. 31, 32; xlv. 26.

  Scodrus, mount, xliv. 31.

  Scopas, prætor of the Ætolians, xxvi. 24.
    Makes war on the Acarnanians, 25.
    Carries a large body of troops to Egypt, xxxi. 43.

  Scorpions, engines, the number found in New Carthage, xxvi. 47.

  Scotussa, xxviii. 5, 7.
    Plain of Scotussa, or Melambium, xxxiii. 6.

  Scribonius Curio, C., plebeian ædile, prosecutes farmers of the public
      lands, xxxiii. 42.
    Is made chief curio, xli. 21.
    Prætor, xxxiv. 54.

  ——, L., deputy from the Roman prisoners, taken by Hannibal, xxii. 61.

  ——, Libo, L., commissioner of the exchequer, xxiii. 21. _See_ xxii.
    61. Prætor, xxix. 11.

  ————, prætor, xxxv. 10.

  ————, prætor, xxxix. 23.

  Scultenna, river, at which the Ligurians are defeated by C. Claudius,
    xli. 12, 18.

  Scyllæum, promontory, xxxi. 44; xxxvi. 42.

  Scyrus, xxxi. 45; xxxiii. 30.

  Seamen supplied by private persons, xxiv. 11.

  Secession of the commons to the Sacred Mount, ix. 32, 33;
      to the Aventine, iii. 50, 51;
      and thence to the Sacred Mount, 52.
    Of the soldiers, viii. 39, 52.

  Sedentary occupations, people of, summoned to take arms, viii. 20.

  Sedetania country wasted by Mandonius, xxviii. 24; xxix. 2.

  Sedetanians join the Romans, xxxiv. 20.

  Seditious commotions at Rome, ii. 23, 28, 56; iii. 66, &c. &c.

  Segistica, xxxiv. 17.

  Seguntia, xxxiv. 19.

  Seleucia, Macedonian colony, xxxiii. 41; xxxviii. 17.

  Seleucus, son of Lysimachus, xxxiii. 40.

  ——, son of Antiochus, xxxiii. 40.
    Recovers Phocæa, xxxvii. 11.
    Wastes the country of Pergamus, and lays siege to the city,
      xxxvii. 18.
    Is compelled by Diophanes, an Achæan, to retire out of the country,
      21.

  Selinus taken by Antiochus, xxxiii. 20.

  Sellius, A., plebeian tribune, iv. 42.

  Selymbria, xxxiii. 39.

  Sempronius Blæsus, quæstor, is slain with one thousand of his men,
    xxii. 31.

  ——, A., consul, ii. 21.
    Again, 34.

  ——, Atratinus, A., one of the first consular tribunes, iv. 7.
    Again, 44.
    A third time, 47.
    Master of horse, vi. 28.

  ————, C., consul, his negligence and rashness, iv. 37.
    He is accused by L. Hortensius, plebeian tribune, and saved by the
      entreaties of the military tribunes of his army, 42.
    Is again accused, and condemned, 44.

  ——, Blæsus, C., brings to trial Cn. Fulvius, for the loss of his army,
        xxvi. 2.

  ————, Cn., lieutenant-general under Q. Fulvius, xxvii. 6.

  ————, C., plebeian ædile, xxxix. 7.
    Prætor, 32.

  ——, Longus, C., commissioner of religious affairs, xli. 21.

  ——, Atratinus, L., consul, iv. 7.
    Censor, 8.

  ——, Tuditanus, M., on the capture of New Carthage, appointed arbiter
        in the dispute about a mural crown, xxvi. 48.
    Prætor, xxxvii. 47.
    Consul, xxxix. 23.
    Chief pontiff, 46.
    Dies of the plague, xli. 21.

  ————, P., ambassador to Ptolemy Epiphanes, xxxi. 2.
    Curule ædile, is made prætor, xxiv. 43, 44; xxv. 3; xxvi. 1.
    Censor, xxvii. 11.
    Consul, xxix. 11.
    Makes peace with Philip, 12.
    Engages in an irregular combat with Hannibal, and is worsted;
      engages him again, and gains the victory, 36.

  ——, Sophus, P., plebeian tribune, ix. 33.
    Inveighs against Appius Claudius, censor, and orders him to be
      imprisoned, 34.
    Consul, he enjoys a triumph, 45.
    Is made pontiff, x. 9.
    Prætor, 21.

  ——, Blæsus, P., plebeian tribune, opposes the grant of a triumph
        to P. Cornelius Scipio, xxxvi. 39.

  Sempronius Gracchus, P., plebeian tribune, and Caius, accuse Acilius
    Glabrio of peculation, xxxvii. 58.

  ——, Longus, P., prætor, xxxix. 32.

  ——, Gracchus, Tib., master of horse, xxii. 57.
    Sends corn and nuts down the river to the besieged in Casilinum,
      xxiii. 19.
    Curule ædile, is made consul, 24.
    Supports the spirits of the senate, 25.
    Takes the command of the volunteer slaves, 32.
    His services, 35-37.
    He defeats Hanno, xxiv. 14, 15.
    Gives freedom to the volunteer slaves, 16.
    Again consul, 43.
    His actions in Lucania, xxv. 1.
    He is insnared by treachery, and his body is sent to Hannibal, 16.

  ————, when very young, is made augur, xxix. 38.
    Chosen, as remarkably spirited, by Scipio, for an expeditious
      journey to Philip, xxxvii. 7.

  ——, Longus, Tib., consul, xxi. 6.
    Is sent into Sicily, 17.
    Recalled, and joins his colleague, 51.
    Is defeated by Hannibal, 55.
    Fights Hannibal again, is successful at first, but worsted
      afterwards, 59.
    Fights Hanno with good success, xxiii. 37.

  ——, Gracchus, Tib., plebeian tribune, although at enmity with Scipio
        Africanus, stops the prosecution against him, and receives thanks
        from the senate for his honourable conduct, xxxviii. 53.
    Prevents the imprisonment of L. Scipio, 60.

  ————, commissioner of a colony, xxxix. 55.
    Prætor, xl. 35.
    Consul, xli. 8.
    Triumphs over the Celtiberians, 7.

  ——, Longus, Tib., son of Caius, commissioner of religious affairs,
        xxvii. 6.
    Prætor, xxxiii. 24.
    Consul, xxxiv. 42.
    Informs the senate of an insurrection in Liguria, 56.

  ——, Musca, Tib., commissioner of lands, xlv. 13.

  Sena, colony, xxvii. 46.

  Senate, instituted by Romans, consisting of one hundred members,
      called Patres, and their descendants, Patricians, i. 8.
    Why called Conscript Fathers, ii. 1.
    Their number augmented on the destruction of Alba, i. 17, 30;
      to two hundred and to three hundred by the first Tarquinius,
      called Fathers of Inferior Birth, 35.
    Is diminished by the cruelty of Tarquinius the Proud, 49;
      and filled up by Brutus, ii. 1.
    Chiefs of the Albans chosen into the senate, i. 30.
    The first mention by Livy of a plebeian senator, v. 12.
    Appius Claudius procures the admission of sons of freed-men into the
      senate, but this practice is not followed, ix. 46.
    The rule altered, which required the senate’s previous approbation of
      a law, before it was passed by the people, i. 17.
    Senators chosen first by the kings, 8, 30, 35;
      afterwards by the consuls, ii. 1;
      and from the year 300, by the censors, iv. 8.
    After the battle of Cannæ, a dictator created to choose the senate,
      xxiii. 22.
    Prince of the senate generally the member alive who had been censor
      first, xxvii. 11.
    This rule not always observed, 13.
    A particular place assigned to senators at the public shows,
      xxxiv. 54.
    Decrees of the senate first kept by the ædiles in the temple
      of Ceres, iii. 55.
    Afterwards in the treasury, 9.
    Decree of the last necessity, 4.
    Senators forbidden to deal in merchandise, xxi. 63.
    Liable to a fine for non-attendance, iii. 38.
    Judgment of the senate, auctoritas, iv. 57.

  Senones, people of Gaul, advance to Clusium, and to Rome, v. 35.
      _See_ Gauls.
    Surround and cut to pieces a Roman legion, x. 26.

  Sentina, x. 27, 30.

  Sepinum taken by L. Papirius, x. 44, 45.

  Seppius Lesius, the last Campanian who was chief magistrate at Capua,
    xxvi. 6, 13.

  Sergia, practised in poisoning, put to death by a dose of her own
    composition, viii. 18.

  Sergius, C., consular tribune, vi. 5.
    Again, 11.
    A third time, 27.

  ——, L., carrying an offering to Delphi, taken by pirates,
        and dismissed, v. 28.

  ——, Fidenas, L., military tribune, v. 16.
    Consul, 17.
    Consular tribune, 25.
    A second time consul, 30.
    A second time consular tribune, 35.
    A third time, 45.

  ——————, consular tribune, iv. 35.

  ——, Manlius, decemvir, iii. 35.

  ——, Fidenas, Man., consular tribune, iv. 61.
    Again, v. 8.
    On his camp being attacked by the Faliscians, he chooses to be
      vanquished by the enemy, rather than send to his colleague for
      succour, for which he is brought to trial, 11,
    and fined, 12.

  ——, Man., military tribune, assists in the taking of Locri, xxix. 6.
    Is scourged by Pleminius, and put to death, 9.

  ——, Silus, Man., prætor, when the number was increased to six,
        xxxii. 27.
    Lieutenant-general, xliv. 30.

  Serrhium, fort, taken by Philip, xxxi. 16.

  Servilii, Albans, chosen into the senate by Tullius Hostilius, i. 30.

  Servilius, C., commissioner of lands, obliged to fly by an inroad of
     the Boians, xxi. 25.

  ————, consul, ii. 49.

  ————, consular tribune, contending with his colleagues, submits to the
          advice of his father, iv. 45.

  ——, Ahala, C., master of horse, kills Mælius, iv. 13, 14.
    Is commended by the dictator, 15.
    Made consul, 30.
    Consular tribune, 56.
    Master of horse, and a second time consular tribune, 57.
    A third time, v. 8.
    In obedience to the will of the senate, he obliges his colleagues to
      abdicate, 9.

  Servilius Ahala, C., master of horse, vi. 2.

  ——, C., commissioner for conducting a colony to Placentia, is seized
        by the Gauls, xxi. 25;
      and sixteen years after is delivered, and brought home by his son,
        xxx. 19.

  ————, son of the preceding, lieutenant-general, throws supplies into
          the citadel of Tarentum, xxv. 15.
    Is made pontiff, xxvii. 6.
    Plebeian ædile, 21.
    Master of horse, and curule ædile, 33, 36.
    Prætor, xxviii. 10, 46.
    Consul, xxix. 38; xxx. 1.
    Liberates and brings home his father, xxx. 19.
    Dictator, 39.
    Chief pontiff, xxxix. 46.
    Is ordered to find out expiations in time of a pestilence, xl. 37.
    Dies, 42.

  ——, Casca, C., plebeian tribune, xxv. 3.

  ——, Cæpio, Cn., pontiff, xxv. 2.
    Curule ædile, xxviii. 10.
    Prætor, xxxviii. 46.
    Consul, xxix. 38; xxx, 1.
    Goes over to Sicily in pursuit of Hannibal, but is recalled by
      a dictator appointed for the purpose, 24.
    Dies, xli. 21.

  ——, Geminus, Cn.,. consul, xxi. 57; xxii. 1.
    He ravages the island of Maninx, 31.
    Follows the plan of Fabius in conducting the war, 32, 43.
    Is slain at Cannæ, 49.

  ——, Structus, L., consular tribune, iv. 47.

  ——, M., augur, xxvi. 23.
    Curule ædile, xxix. 38.
    Master of horse, xxx. 24.
    Consul, 26, 27.
    Is continued in command, 41.
    His speech in favour of Æmilius Paullus, xlv. 37, &c.

  ——, M., military tribune, xl. 27.
    Pontiff, xliii. 11.

  ——, Geminus, M., master of horse, xxx. 24, 27.
    Commissioner of lands, xxxi. 4.
    Of a colony, xxxii. 29.

  ——, P., consul, ii. 21.
    Not pleasing either to the patricians or plebeians, 27.

  ————, consul, iii. 6.
    Dies, 7.

  ——, Q., consul, ii. 6.
    Again; and is sent against the Æquans, iii. 2.

  ————, quæstor, prosecutes M. Volscius for false evidence against Cæso,
          iii. 24.

  ——, Priscus, Q., dictator, iv. 21.
    Routs the Etrurians, and takes Fidenæ, 22.
    Calls on the tribunes to make the consuls name a dictator, 26.
    Is made dictator, 46.
    Defeats the Æquans, 47.

  ——, Fidenas, Q., consular tribune, v. 8.
    Again, 14.
    Interrex, 17.
    Consular tribune a third time, 24.
    A fourth, 36.
    A fifth, vi. 4.
    A sixth, 6.

  ——, Q., consular tribune, xi. 22.
    Again, 31.
    A third time, 36.

  ——, Ahala, Q., consul, vii. 1.
    A second time, 4.
    Dictator; he, by direction of the senate, vows the great games, and,
      after several services, abdicates, 11.
    Is made interrex, 17.

  ——, Q., master of horse, vii. 22.
    Consul, 38.

  ——, Sp., consul, repulses the Veians; is afterwards worsted by them,
        and saved by his colleague, ii. 51, 52.

  ——, Priscus, Sp., consul, vi. 31.
    Consular tribune, 38.

  Servius Cornelius, consul, ii. 41.

  ——, Tullius, i. 18.
    Son of a prisoner taken at Corniculum, 39, and iv. 3.
    Advanced to the throne by the senate, 41.
    Marries his daughters to the Tarquins. 42.
    Institutes the census, 42;
      and closes the lustrum, 44.
    Is murdered, 48.
    His commentaries, 60.

  Sestius Capitolinus, P., consul, iii. 22.
    Decemvir, 33.

  ——, P., a patrician, brought to trial before the people by C. Julius,
        decemvir, iii. 33.

  ————, quæstor, iv. 50.

  Sestos, or Sestus, on the Hellespont, xxxii. 33.

  Setia, colony, vi. 30.
    Plundered by the Privernians, vii. 42; xxvi. 8; xxx. 14.
    Refuses supplies, xxvii. 9.
    Decree of the senate on the occasion, xxix. 15.

  Setians inform of the revolt of the Privernians, viii. 1.

  Sewer, great, constructed by Tarquinius the Proud, i. 55.

  Sextilius, C., a plebeian consular tribune, vi. 30.

  ——, M., of Fregellæ, answers for eighteen colonies, that they would
        supply troops, xxvii. 10.

  Sextius, L., plebeian tribune, iv. 49.

  ——, plebeian tribune, proposes laws concerning debts, concerning lands,
        and the admission of plebeians to the consulship, and prevents
        the election of curule magistrates, vi. 35.
    Being a tenth time tribune, he is made the first plebeian consul, 42.

  ——, Sabinus, M., prætor, xxx. 26.

  Ships, long, or ships of war, v. 28.

  ———, light, xxi. 28.

  ——, transport, xxii. 11.

  ——, prætorian, or chief commander’s, xxix. 25.

  ——, beaked, xxviii. 45, 46; xxx. 10.

  ——, scout, xxx. 10.

  ——, conveyed over land at Tarentum, xxv. 11.

  Ship-race, annual, at Patavium, x. 2.

  Shops of the silversmiths in the Roman forum setup to sale by Hannibal,
    xxvi. 11.

  Sibaris, xxvi, 39.

  Sibyl, i. 7.

  Sibylline books, iii. 10; v. 13, &c.

  Siccius, L., murdered by contrivance of the decemvirs, iii. 43.

  Sicilians, their affairs regulated by Marcellus, xxiv. 40.
    They complain to the senate of Marcellus, xxvi. 29.
    The humble supplication of the ambassadors to him, 33.

  Sicilian war, xxiv. 36; xxv. 40.
    Strait, i. 2.

  Sicilius, who had excited the Hirpinians to a revolt, beheaded,
    xxiii. 37.

  Sicily, Æneas arrives there, i. 1.
    Corn is purchased there by the Romans, ii. 34.
    The Carthaginians first send an army thither, iv. 29.
    A fleet sent, as supposed by Livy, by the tyrants of Sicily,
      infests the Tuscan sea, vii. 25.
    The island is abandoned by the Carthaginians, xxvi. 40.
    Its affairs adjusted by Scipio, xxix. 1.

  Sicinius, C, advises the secession to the Sacred Mount, ii. 32.
    Is one of the first plebeian tribunes, 33. _See_ iii. 54.

  ——, Cn., prætor, xlii. 10.
    Is sent with an army to Macedonia, 27.

  ——, L., plebeian tribune, vi. 6.

  ——, T., consul, ii. 40.
    Defeats the Volscians, 41.

  ————, proposes that the Romans should remove to Veii, v. 24.

  Sicyon, xxvii. 13; xxxii. 23, 39.

  Sicyonians, Aratus, (father and son,) murdered by Philip, xxxii. 21.
    The country wasted, xxxiii. 15.

  Sidetans, people, xxxv. 13.

  Sidicinians, attacked by the Samnites, procure the assistance of the
      Campanians, vii. 29.
    Wish to surrender themselves to the Romans; and, being rejected,
      are reduced by the Latins, viii. 1, 2.
    Wage war with the Auruncians, 15.
    Are conquered by the Romans, 16, 17.

  Sidicinian lands ravaged by Hannibal, xxvi. 9.

  Sidonians, xxxv. 48.

  Sigeum, promontory, xliv. 28.

  Signia, colony, i. 55; ii. 21; viii. 3.
    Faithful to the Romans, xxvii. 10.

  Sigovesus, leader of the Celts into Italy, v. 34.

  Silenus, a Greek writer, xxvi. 49.

  Silius, Q., first plebeian quæstor, iv. 54.

  Silpia, xxviii. 12.

  Silver accruing from fines, by which brazen images were purchased,
    and set up in the temple of Ceres, xxvii. 6; and xxx. 39.

  ——, contribution of, to the treasury, xxviii. 38; xxx. 45.

  ——, mines in Spain, xxviii. 3.

  Sinope, afterwards Sinuessa, x. 21; xxvii. 38; xxxii. 9.

  Sinuessa, viii. 11.
    Colony, x. 21; xxii. 14.

  Sinuessan waters, xxii. 13.

  Sipontum taken by Alexander of Epirus, viii. 24.

  ——, colony, xxxiv. 45.
    Deserted, xxxix. 23.

  Sipyrrhicas, Ætolian ambassador, xxxi. 46.

  Slingers, xxi. 21; xxviii. 37; xxxviii. 21, 29.

  Smyrna asserts its freedom xxxiii. 38.
    Defends itself with bravery xxxv. 42.
    Is honoured by the Romans, and rewarded with an addition of
      territory, xxxviii. 39.

  Soldiers, Roman, first receive pay, iv. 59.
    Donations usually made to them by a general at his triumph, x. 44.
    Their verses, iii. 26; iv. 40. _See_ Army and Legion.

  Soli, fort, xxxiii. 20.

  Solon’s laws, copied by the Romans, iii. 31.

  Sopater made prætor at Syracuse, xxiv. 33.

  ——, one of Philip’s generals, carries four thousand men to Africa,
        xxx. 26.
    Is refused to the demand of Philip’s ambassadors, 42.

  Sophonisba, daughter of Hasdrubal, wife of Syphax, marries Masinissa,
      xxx. 12.
    Swallows poison, 15.

  Sora, taken by the Romans, vii. 28.
    Inhabitants kill the Roman colonists, and join the Samnites, ix. 23.
    It is taken by the Romans, by means of a deserter, 24.
    Retaken by the Samnites, 43.
    Recovered by the Romans, 44.
    A colony settled there, x. 1.
    Decree of the senate on its refusing supplies, xxix. 15.

  Sosis, and Theodotus, as soon as Hieronymus was slain, hasten to
    Syracuse, xxiv. 21.

  ——, sent by Marcellus to the governor of the fort Euryalus, xxv. 25.
    Wears a golden crown in Marcellus’s triumph, and is rewarded with
      the freedom of Rome, xxvi. 21.

  Sosistheus Magnus, ambassador of Philip to Hannibal, xxiii. 39.

  Sospita, Juno, viii. 14.

  Sotimus, page to Alexander of Epirus, viii. 24.

  Spain, divided between the Romans and Carthaginians by the river
      Iberus, xxi. 2.
    Cn. Scipio the first Roman who headed an army there, xxi. 32;
      xxv. 37.
    The first conquest attempted on the continent, and the last
      completed, xxviii. 12.
    The inhabitants restless, and fond of change, xxii. 21.

  Sparta, in early times, had not walls, xxxiv. 38.
    Romans attempt to storm it, 39.
    Its mode of education rough and hardy, xxxviii. 17. _See_ Lacedæmon.

  Sperchiæ, xxxii. 13.

  Sperchius, river, xxxvi. 14; xxxvii. 4.

  Spies, employed by Hannibal, taken by the Roman guards, are, by the
    order of Scipio, conducted through all parts of the camp, and
    dismissed, xxx. 29.

  Spoils, grand, offered by Romulus to Jupiter Feretrius, i. 10.
    Offered again by Corn. Cossus, iv. 20, 32.

  ——, equestrian, viii. 7.

  ——, burned in honour of Vulcan, i. 37.

  Spoletum attempted in vain by Hannibal, xxii. 9; xxiv. 10.
    The inhabitants commended by the Romans, xxvii. 10.

  Spring, sacred, xxxiii. 44.

  Spurius Nautius Rutilus, consular tribune, iv. 61. _See_ Nautius.

  Spy of the Carthaginians discovered at Rome, had his hands cut off,
    and was sent away, xxii. 33.

  Statiellæ, a Ligurian city, unjustly attacked by M. Popilius,
      xlii. 7, 8, 21.
    He eludes punishment, 22.

  Statilius, Manius, a Lucanian, detects a stratagem of Hannibal,
    xxii. 42, 43.

  Statius Trebius promises to put Hannibal in possession of Compsa,
    xxxiii. 1.

  ——, Metius, commander of the celebrated garrison of Casilinum,
        xxiv. 19.

  ——, T., plebeian tribune, accuses Sp. Servilius, ii. 52.

  ——, Gellius, Samnite general, is taken by the Romans, ix. 44.

  ——, Minatius, Samnite general, is made prisoner, x. 20.

  Stator. _See_ Jupiter.

  Statorius, Q., left with Syphax to discipline his troops, xxiv. 48;
    xxx. 28.

  Stellatian plains, ix. 44; x. 31.

  Stellatine tribe, vi. 5.

  Stena, defile, near Antigonia, xxxii. 5.

  Stenius Minius Celer, one of Hannibal’s hosts at Capua, xxiii. 8.

  Stertinius, C, prætor, xxxviii. 35.

  ——, L., commissioner to give liberty to several Thracian states,
        xxxiii. 35.

  Stimo, xxxii. 14.

  Stobi, xxxiii. 19.

  Stratonice, a fruitless expedition of the Rhodians against it,
      xxxiii. 18.
    It is assigned to the Rhodians by the Romans, 30.

  Stratonides, accomplice of Zeuxippus in a plot against Brachyllas,
    xxxiii. 28.

  Stratum, xxxvi. 11; xxxviii. 4, 5; xliii. 21.

  Streets, cause of their irregularity, v. 55.

  Strymon, river, xliv. 44, 45.

  Stubera, xxxi. 39; xliii. 19.

  Stymphalia, xxxiii. 14.
    The same as Stymphalis, xlv. 30.

  Sub-centurion, a, conquers a Latin centurion, viii. 8.

  Sublician bridge, v. 40.

  Suburra, part of Rome, iii. 13.

  Suessa Pometia, taken from the Volscians, i. 41.
    Revolts, ii. 16.
    Is taken, 17.

  ——, Aurunca, viii. 15.
    Colony, ix. 28.
    Refuses supplies, xxvii. 9.
    Decree of the senate in consequence, xxix. 15.

  Suessetans, people of Spain, xxv. 34.
    Their lands wasted by Mandonius, xxviii. 24; xxxiv. 20.

  Suessula, vii. 37; xxiii. 14, 17; xxiv. 46; xxv. 7, 22; xxvi. 9;
    xxviii. 9.

  Suessulans are complimented with the freedom of Rome without right
    of suffrage, viii. 14.

  Suffetes, title of the chief magistrate at Carthage, xxviii. 37;
    xxx. 7.

  Suismomontium, mount, xxxix. 2; xl. 41.

  Sulmo, xxvi. 11.

  Sulpicia, mother-in-law to the consul Postumius, gives him a good
    character of Æbutia, in the affair of the Bacchanals, xxxix. 11.

  Sulpicius Camerinus, C., abdicates the censorship, vi. 27.

  ——, Longus, C., consul, viii. 15.
    Again, 37.
    A third time, ix. 24.
    Defeats the Samnites, 27.

  ——, C., lieutenant-general, vanquishes the Hernicians, vii. 7.
    Probably the same with C. Sulpicius Pæticus, consul, vii. 2.
    Again, 9.
    He takes Ferrentinum, 9.
    Is made dictator, and defers coming to action, to the dissatisfaction
      of his army, 12.
    His stratagem, 14.
    He defeats the Gauls, and triumphs, 15.
    Is made interrex, and a third time consul, 17.
    A fourth time. 19.
    A second time interrex, and a fifth time consul, 22.

  ————, prætor, xxv. 41.

  ——, Gallus, C., pontiff, xxxii. 7.

  ——, Galba, C., augur, xli. 21.

  ——, Gallus, C., prætor, is chosen a patron by hither Spain, xliii. 2.
    Prætor, 11.
    Military tribune; foretells to the army an eclipse of the moon,
      xliv. 37.
    Consul, xlv. 44.

  ——, L., military tribune, xl. 27.

  ——, Severus, P., consul, triumphs over the Æquans, ix. 45.
    Censor, x. 9.

  ——, Galba, P., before he had held any curule office, made consul,
        xxv. 41.
    Is sent into Apulia, and thence to Macedonia, xxiv. 22, 28.
    His exploits, xxvii. 10, 31, 32; xxviii. 5, 7.
    Dictator, xxx. 24.

  ————, consul, xxxi. 5.
    Sent to Macedonia, 14.
    His services there, to 47.

  ——, Q., lieutenant-general under A. Postumius, dictator, iv. 27.

  ——, Camerinus, Q., consular tribune, v. 8.
    Again, 14.

  ——, Longus, Q., consular tribune, v. 36, 47.
    Makes terms with Brennus for raising the siege of the Capitol, 48.

  ——, Galba, Servius, curule ædile, xxvii. 21.
    Ambassador to Attalus, xxix. 11.
    Pontiff, xxx. 26.

  Sulpicius, Servius, consul, ii. 19.

  ——, chief curio, iii. 7.

  ——, consul, iii. 10.
    Deputy to Athens, to collect laws, 31.
    Decemvir, 33.
    Deputy to the seceding troops on the Aventine, 50.

  ——, Camerinus, Servius, consul, vii. 28.

  ——, Rufus, Servius, consular tribune, vi. 4.
    A second time, 18.
    A third time, vi. 21.

  ——, Servius, consular tribune, vi. 22.
    Again, 32.
    Retakes Tusculum, 33.
    His wife daughter of M. Fabius Ambustus, 34.
    Consular tribune a third time, 26.
    A fourth, 38.

  ——, Galba, Servius, prætor, xxxviii. 42.
    Instigates the second legion to oppose the triumph of P. Æmilius,
      xlv. 35.

  Summanus, Pluto, his temple at Rome, xxxii. 29.

  Sunium, promontory, xxviii. 8; xxxi. 23; xxxii. 17.

  Suovetaurilia, i. 44; viii. 10.

  Sura, P., lieutenant-general, xxii. 31.

  Surrentines revolt to the Carthaginians, xxii. 61.

  Survey, general, instituted by Ser. Tullius, i. 42.

    Performed, i. 44.       Number rated  80,000
      ——     iii. 3.          ——     124,214
      ——     iii. 24.         ——     132,409
      ——     x. 9, 47.        ——     262,322
      ——     xxvii. 36.       ——     137,108
      ——     xxix. 37.        ——     214,000
      ——     xxxviii. 36.     ——     258,308
      ——     xlii. 10.        ——     269,015

  Sutrian lands, xxvi. 34.

  Sutrium taken by Etrurians, and retaken by Camillus, vi. 3.
    The city is besieged by the Etrurians, and relieved, 9.
    Considered as the key of Etruria, and again besieged, ix. 32, 35.
   _See_ x. 14.
   Refuses supplies as a colony, xxvii. 9.
   Decree of the senate in consequence, xxix. 15.

  Swine used in confirming a treaty, i. 24; ix. 5.

  Sycurium, operations of Perseus and the Romans near it, xlii. 54, 57,
  62, 64.

  Syleum, xxxviii. 14.

  Sylvanus, supposed to have uttered a loud voice from the Arsian wood,
  ii. 7.

  Sylvius, surname of the Alban kings, i. 3.

  Synnada, xxxviii. 15; xlv. 34.

  Syphax, king of Numidia, solicited by Scipio, forms a treaty
      of amity with the Romans, xxiv. 48.
    Defeated by Masinissa, he flies to the Maurusians, 49.
    Sends an embassy to Rome, and receives one from thence, xxvii. 4.
    Is visited by Scipio and Hasdrubal, and makes an alliance with Scipio,
      xxviii. 17, 18.
    Marries a daughter of Hasdrubal, and renounces the friendship
      of Scipio, xxix. 23.
   His war with Masinissa, 33.
   His camp is burned by Scipio and Masinissa, xxx. 5.
   He advances against Masinissa and Lælius; is defeated and taken, 11.
   His discourse to Scipio on being brought to the Roman camp, 13.
   He is sent to Rome, 17, and dies in confinement, 45.

  Sypheum comes over to the Romans, xxx. 19.

  Syracuse, suffers great disturbances after the death of
      Hieronymus, xxiv. 21, 27, 28.
    Falls under the command of Hippocrates and Epicydes, 33.
    Is besieged by Marcellus, and defended by Archimedes,
      and the siege turned into a blockade, 34.
    The city is taken, xxv. 23, 31.
    The spoils carried to Rome, 40.

  Syracusans put their city under the patronage of Marcellus, xxvi. 32.

  Syria, xxxvii. 3.

  Syrians by nature fitted for slavery, xxxvi. 17.

  Syrtis, lesser, xxix. 33.


  Tabæ, xxxviii. 13.

  Tables, twelve, of laws, iii. 34, 37. Engraved in brass, and hung up in
    public, 57.

  Tagus, river, xxi. 5; xxvii. 19.

  Talassio, whence the practice of repeating this word at weddings, i. 9.

  Tanagra, xxxiii. 28.

  Tanais, river, xxxviii. 38.

  Tanaquil, wife of Lucumo, skilled in augury, i. 34.
    Advises her husband to give the best education to Servius Tullius, 39.
    Conceals the death of Tarquinius until Servius secures the throne, 41.
    _See_ 47.

  Tarentines engage the Lucanians in a war against Rome, viii. 27.
    Their insolent embassy derided by Papirius, ix. 14.
    They join the Carthaginians, xxii. 61.
    Send ambassadors to Hannibal, xxiv. 13.
    Their hostages, apprehended in flight from Rome, are thrown from
      the Tarpeian rock, xxv. 7.
    They join the enemy, 8, &c.
    Their fleet defeats that of the Romans, while the Romans defeat
      their army on land, xxvi. 39.

  Tarentum betrayed to Hannibal, xxv. 8, 9.
    Taken by Fabius Maximus, xxvii. 15.
    The citadel besieged by Hannibal, xxv. 11.
    Its defence provided for by the Romans, 15.

  ——, country of, xxvii. 40. Its harbour, xxiii. 33.

  Tarpeius, Sp., commander in the citadel of Rome; his daughter,
    bribed by T. Tatius, admits the Sabines into the fortress, i. 11.

  ——, accused, on the expiration of his consulate, iii. 31.
    Is one of the deputies sent to the seceders on the Aventine, 50.
    Made plebeian tribune, 65.

  Tarpeian mount, i. 55. Rock, vi. 20.

  Tarquinii, i. 34; xxvii. 4.

  Tarquinians, take arms in favour of Tarquinius the Proud; and, after a
      battle with the Romans, ii. 6,
    return home, 7.
    Ravage the Roman territory, are defeated, and treated with severity
      for having massacred Roman soldiers, 19.
    A truce of forty years is granted to them, 22.
    The Tarquinians and Taliscians defeat the consul Fabius by means
      of snakes and burning torches, vii. 17.

  Tarquinius Priscus, L., appointed tutor to the king’s sons, forms
      designs on the throne, i. 34.
    Is elected king, adds one hundred to the senate, wages war with
      the Latins, 35; with the Sabines, 36.
    His works, 38.
    Death, 40.

  ——, L., aspires to the crown, i. 46.
    Instigated by his wife, seizes it by force, 47.
    Puts the principal senators to death, secures his person by a strong
      guard, neglects the practice of consulting the senate, courts the
      favour of the Latins, marries his daughter to Mamilius of Tusculum,
      is surnamed the Proud, 49.
    Is severely censured by Herdonius, 50, whose death he procures, 51.
    He makes war on the Volscians, and takes Suessa Pometia; takes Gabii
      by stratagem, 53, 54.
    Builds the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and executes other works,
      55.
    Lays siege to Ardea, 57.
    Is dethroned, and banished, 60.
    Attempts to recover the kingdom by the aid of the Veians and
      Tarquinians, ii. 6; then of Porsenna, and is wounded at the battle
      of Regillus, 19. Dies, 21.

  ——, Aruns, son of the Proud, sent to Delphi, i. 56. Falls in battle,
        together with his antagonist L. J. Brutus, ii. 6.

  ——, L., son of the Proud, i. 56. Is present in the battle of Regillus,
        ii. 19, 20.

  ——, Sex., son of the same, betrays Gabii to his father, i. 53, 54. His
        treatment of Lucretia, 58. He is killed at Gabii, 60.

  ——, Auruns, brother of the Proud, mild in disposition, is murdered by
        his wife, i. 46.

  ——, Collatinus, L., son of Egerius, husband of Lucretia, i. 57. Is made
        consul, 60. Abdicates, and goes into exile, ii. 2.

  Tarquitius, L., master of horse, iii. 37.

  Tarracina, formerly Anxur, iv. 59. Colony, pleads exemption from
    sea-service, xxxvi. 3; xxii. 15; xxvii. 4; xxviii. 11.

  ——, river, xxiv. 44.

  Tarraco, xxi. 61; xxii. 19; xxvi. 17, 51. Its harbour, xxii. 22. An
    assembly of all the Spanish allies is held there by Scipio, xxvi. 19.

  Tartessians, Spanish people, xxiii. 26.

  Tatius, T., i. 10, 11, 13, 14.

  Taulantians, xlv. 26.

  Taurea, _see_ Jubellius.

  Taurilia, games, xxxix. 22.

  Taurine forest, v. 34.

  Taurinians, their capital city taken by Hannibal, xxi. 39.

  Tauris, mount, xxxv. 13; xxxvii. 35, 45, 52-54; xxxviii. 27, 37, 38, 47,
  53, 59.

  Tauropolos, Diana so called at Amphipolis, xliv. 44.

  Taurus, river, xxxviii. 15.

  Taxes, remitted to the commons of Rome, ii. 9.
    Imposed for payment of the army, and collected in spite of the
      tribunes, iv. 60.
    Are collected with difficulty, v. 10, 12.
    A tax for building a wall of hewn stone, vi. 32.
    Another for paying the army, x. 46.
    Double taxes imposed, xxiii. 32.

  Taygetus, mount, xxxiv. 28.

  Teanians, ix. 20.

  Teanum, city in Apulia, xxiii. 24. In Sidicinia, xxii. 57.

  Tectosagian Gauls settle in the inland part of Asia, xxxviii. 16.
    Form an ambush for the Roman consul, 25; and are defeated, 27.
    Ordered not to carry arms beyond their own bounds, 40.

  Tegea, xxxv. 27; xxxviii. 34.

  Tegmon, xlv. 26.

  Telesia, taken by Hannibal, xxii. 13. Stormed by the Romans, xxiv. 20.

  Tellenæ, i. 33.

  Tellus, goddess, x. 28. Her temple, ii. 41.

  Telmessus, xxxviii. 39.

  Telmessian bay, xxxvii. 16.

  Tempanius, Sex., decurio of horse, by making the cavalry dismount,
      prevents a total defeat, iv. 38.
    His prudent answer respecting the consul Sempronius, 41.
    He is made plebeian tribune, 42.

  Tempe, vale in Thessaly, xxxii. 15.
    A meeting there of Cn. Cornelius and Philip, xxxiii. 35;
      xxxvi. 10; xlii. 67; xliv. 6, 7.

  Tendeba, xxxiii. 18.

  Tenedos, island, xxxi. 16; xliv. 28.

  Teos, island, supplies Antiochus with provisions, xxxvii. 27.
    Is plundered by the Romans, and compelled to furnish supplies, 28.
    A naval victory gained there by the Romans over Antiochus, 30.

  Terentillus Arsa, C., plebeian tribune, proposes the creation of five
    commissioners to compose laws for restraining the power of the
    consuls, iii. 9.

  Terentine tribe, x. 9.

  Terentius Varro, A., prætor, xxxix. 32. Deputy to Greece, xlv. 17.

  ——, C., of mean birth, proposes an order of the people, giving the
        master of horse authority equal to that of the dictator, and
        is made consul, xxii. 25, 35.
    Disagreement between him and his colleague Æmilius, 44.
    Gives the signal of battle at Cannæ, 45.
    Flies to Venusia, 49.
    At his return to Rome, receives general thanks, 61.
    His speech to the Campanian deputies, xxiii. 5.
    He is continued in command during several years, xxv. 6; xxvii. 35.
    Sent ambassador to Philip, xxx. 26;
    to Africa, xxxi. 11.
    Commissioner of a colony, 49.

  Terentius, L., sent one of ten deputies to adjust a dispute between
    Antiochus and Ptolemy, xxxiii. 39.

  ——, Massa, L., plebeian ædile, xxxi. 50. Prætor, xxxviii. 42.

  ——, Tuscivicanus, P., xlv. 17.

  ——, Q., deputy to the consul Flaminius, xxi. 63.

  ——, Culleo, Q., a senator, after having been long a prisoner of the
        Carthaginians, is restored to his country, xxx. 43.
    Follows Scipio in his triumph, 45.
    Ambassador to Carthage, xxxiii. 47.
    Prætor, xxxviii. 42.
    Is commissioned to hold an inquiry respecting the conduct of Scipio,
      55.

  Terentine tribe, x. 9.

  Terina taken by Alexander of Epire, viii. 24.

  Termessus, xxxviii. 15.

  Terminalia festival, xliii. 11; xlv. 44.

  Terminus, deity, i. 55; v. 54.

  Tessera, ticket, mode of conveying orders, vii. 35; ix. 32; xxvii. 46;
  xxviii. 14.

  Testudo, fence, formed of close shields, x. 29, 43.

  Tetraphilia delivered from the Macedonian garrison, xxviii. 1.

  Thanksgiving of one day, iii. 7. Two days, x. 23. Three days, xxvii. 51.
  Four days, xxix. 14. Five days, xxx. 21.

  Thaumaci, besieged by Philip, relieved by the Ætolians, xxxii. 4.
    Taken by the Romans, xxxvi. 14.

  Thebe plain, celebrated by Homer, xxxvii. 19.

  Thebes, capital of Bœotia, its ruins, ix. 18.
    It is seized by T. Quintius, xxxiii. 1, 2.
    The inhabitants divided into two parties, the stronger of which
      surrenders the city to the Romans, xlii. 44.
    The Romans again take possession of it, 63.

  ——, in Phthiotis, xxviii. 7. Retained by the Romans, in opposition to
  the Ætolians, xxxiii, 13; xxxix. 25.

  Themistus, son-in-law of Gelon, accomplice of Andranodorus, put to
  death, xxiv. 24, 25.

  Thensæ, carriages for the images of the gods, v. 41; ix. 40.

  Theodotus, one of the conspirators against Hieronymus, when put to the
    torture, conceals his accomplices, and falsely accuses Thraso,
    xxiv. 5.
  Hastens with Sosis to Syracuse, after the death of Hieronymus, 21.

  Theogenes, Macedonian general, xliv 32.

  Theondas, king of Samothrace, summons Evander of Crete to stand trial
  for murder, is bribed afterwards by Perseus, xlv. 5.

  Theoxena, daughter of Herodicus, a Thessalian chieftain, her
  extraordinary affection for the children of her sister Archo and her
  courageous death, xl. 4.

  Thermopylæ, straits, xxviii. 5, 7. Pylaic council held there, xxxiii.
  35.

  ——, why so called, rendered memorable by the efforts of the
        Lacedæmonians against the Persians, xxxviii. 15.
    Defeat of Antiochus near it, 18, 19. _See_ 42, and xlv. 22.

  Thesprotian bay, receives the river Acheron, viii. 24.

  Thesprotians assist Ap. Claudius in Epirus, xliii. 21.

  Thessalian cavalry, ix. 19.

  Thessalians, make heavy complaints against Philip, xxxix. 25.
    Are answered by him in a menacing manner, 26.
    Raise insurrections on account of debts, xlii. 5.

  Thessalonice, a congress held there, concerning Thracian cities seized
  by Philip xxxix. 27; xl. 56.

  Thessaly, xxvii. 30, 32.
    Its rich plains tempt the Ætolians, xxxi. 41.
    It is plundered by three armies at once, xxxii. 14, 15.
    Philip defeated there by T. Quintius, xxxiii. 7, 8, 24.

  Thetidium, xxxiii. 6, 7.

  Thoas, prætor of the Ætolians, persuades them to engage Antiochus,
      Philip, and Nabis, in alliance against the Romans, xxxv. 12.
    Exaggerates the power of Antiochus, 32.
    Dissuades Antiochus from employing Hannibal, 42.
    Opposes Phæneas’s proposal of an accommodation. 45.
    Is required to be given up to the Romans, xxxviii. 38.

  Thrace, xxxvii. 60. Invaded by the Gauls, xxxviii. 16.

  Thracians attack the troops of Manlius on their march, xxxviii. 40, 41,
      46.
    Consent to give a passage to the Bastarnians, xl. 57.
    On the death of Philip, quarrel with and expel them, 58.
    Send ambassadors to Rome, and form an alliance and friendship,
      xlii. 19.
    Wage frequent wars with the Macedonians, 52.
    Attack the Roman cavalry with extraordinary fury, 59.
    Send an embassy to Rome to ransom prisoners, and obtain them without
      ransom, xlv. 42.

  Thrasians, plunderers, put to flight by the Romans, xxxviii. 41.

  Thrasimene, or Trasimene, lake, the battle near it, xxii. 6, 7; xxiv.
  18.

  Thrasippus, Macedonian, commander of a chosen band of targeteers, xlii.
  51.

  Thraso, intimate friend of Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, falsely
    accused as a conspirator, and put to death, xxiv. 5.

  Thronium, a conference held there between Philip and Quintius, xxxii.
    36; xxxv. 37; xxxvi. 20.

  Thunder being heard while an assembly is held, vitiates
    the proceedings, xxiii. 31.

  Thuriæ, or Thurii, ix. 19; x. 2.
    Having revolted to Hannibal, returns to its former friendship with
      Rome, xxv. 1.
    Revolts again to Hannibal, the Roman garrison being treacherously
     exposed to Hannibal’s stratagem, 15.

  Thyatira, xxxvii. 8, 21.

  Thymbris, river, xxxviii. 18.

  Thyrium, xxvi. 11.
    Refusing an alliance with Antiochus, is besieged by him, but the
      siege is soon raised, 12.
    A council of the Acarnanians held there, to give audience to Roman
      commissioners, xliii. 17.

  Tiber, or Tiberinus, river, formerly Albula, until king Tiberinus was
      drowned in it, i. 3.
    Frozen so hard, that the navigation is stopped, xv. 13.
    Remarkable floods in it, xxiv. 9; xxx. 38; xxxv. 9.
    Two bridges and many buildings in Rome destroyed, 21.
    The field of Mars and low parts of the city overflowed twelve times
      in one year, xxxviii. 28.

  Tiberina, island, ii. 5.

  Tiberinus, tenth king of Alba, i. 3.

  Tibur, xxii. 12.

  Tiburtians, war declared against them by the Romans, vii. 9, who gain a
      victory over them, 11.
    They come in the dead of the night to the walls of Rome, and are
      defeated, 12.
    Compelled to submit to the Romans, 19.
    They support the Pedians, viii. 12.
    Are conquered by L. Furius, 13.
    And stripped of part of their lands, 14.

  Tichius, a summit of mount Œta, xxvi. 16, 18.

  Ticinus, river, v. 34.

  Tifata, mount, vii. 29; xxiii. 36; xxvi. 5; xxxii. 7.

  Tifernum, ix. 44; x. 14, 31.

  Timanor, Macedonian general, xlii. 58.

  Timasitheus, commander of the Liparean pirates, protects the Roman
    ambassadors, v. 28.

  Timavus, lake, xli. 2.

  Timisicrates, Rhodian naval commander, xxxvii. 14.

  Timocrates, governor of Gythium, xxxiv. 29, 40.

  Timon, a person of consequence in Phthiotic Thebes, xxxiii. 5.

  ——, made governor of Lydia by Antiochus, xxxvii. 44.

  Timotheus, Macedonian general, xlii. 67.

  Titienses, a century of Roman knights, and an old tribe, i. 13, 36; x.
  6.

  Titinius, L., consular tribune, v. 12. Again, he is unsuccessful
    against the Faliscians, 18.

  ——, M., plebeian tribune, iii. 54.

  ————, master of horse, x. 1.

  ——, Curvus, M., prætor, xl. 59.

  Titinius, M. and C., plebeian tribunes, oppose the suit of L. Cornelius
    for a triumph, xxxv. 8.

  ——, P., lieutenant-general, xxxi. 21.

  Toletum, xxxv. 7. Taken by M. Fulvius, 22.

  Tolistoboian Gauls, xxxviii. 16, 19.

  Tolumnius, Lars, king of the Veians, orders the Roman ambassadors to be
      slain, iv. 17.
    Is killed in battle by Cornelius Cossus, military tribune, 19.

  Torone, taken by Philip, xxviii. 7; xliv. 12.

  ——, promontory, xxxi. 45.

  Torquatus, _see_ Manlius.

  Tralles, in Asia, surrendered to the Romans, xxxvii. 45.
    Assigned to Eumenes, xxxviii. 39.

  Trallians, Illyrian, xxvii. 32; xxxi. 35; xxxvii. 39, 40.

  Treasury, ii. 23; iv. 22; xxiv. 18; xxvi. 36.

  Trebellius, M., xliii. 21.

  ——, Q., centurion, claims the mural crown at New Carthage, xxvi. 48.

  Trebia, taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39.

  ——, river, where Hannibal defeats the Romans, xxi. 48.

  Trebius procures the surrender of Compsa to Hannibal, xxiii. 1.

  Trebonian law, v. 11, 12.

  Trebonius, C., plebeian tribune, v. 11.

  ——, lieutenant-general, x. 40.

  ——, L., plebeian tribune, a bitter adversary to the patricians, thence
        surnamed Asper, iii. 65.

  ——, M., consular tribune, vi. 21.

  Trebula stormed by Fabius, xxiii. 39.

  Trebulans made free of Rome, x. 1.

  Tremellius Flaccus, C., ambassador to Attalus, xxix. 11. Prætor, xxx.
    26.

  ——, C., commissioner of lands, xxii. 4.

  ——, Flaccus, C., plebeian ædile, xxx. 26.

  ——, Cn., plebeian tribune, protests against the censors being continued
        in office, xlv. 15.

  Triarian, veteran soldiers, ii. 47; vii. 23; viii. 8.

  Tribune of the celeres, i. 59.

  Tribunes, military, on the secession of the soldiers, are appointed by
    the troops, iii. 51.

  ——, military, at first appointed by the generals, afterwards in part by
        the people, vii. 5; ix. 30.

  ——, consular, three in number, first elected, iv. 67.
    Four elected, 31.
    Six are elected, 61.
    Eight are elected, v. 1.
    All patricians during forty-four years, vi. 37.
    The first plebeian, v. 12.

  ——, plebeian, first created, ii. 33.
    Their persons inviolable, iii. 55.
    Magistrates of the commons, not of the people at large, ii. 35, 56.
    Ordered to be elected in an assembly of the tribes, and three added
      to their number, 56, 58.
    The number increased to ten, iii. 30.
    The office laid aside on the creation of decemvirs, 32.
    Restored, 54.
    Two are brought in by choice of their college, 64, and v. 10.
    This mode of co-optation forbidden, iii. 65, and v. 11.
    A plebeian tribune orders his beadle to seize a consul, ii. 56.
    The tribunes threaten to imprison the consuls, iv. 26.
    Do the same to the consular tribunes, v. 9.
    Prevent the election of curule magistrates during five years, vi. 35.
    Their power confined within the walls of the city, iii. 20.

  Tricca, xxxii. 13.
    Recovered from the Athamanians, xxxvi. 13.
    Disputed by Philip and the Thessalians, xxxix. 25.

  Tricorian people, xxi. 30.

  Trigemina gate, iv. 16; xxxv. 10, 41; xli. 27.

  Triphylia restored to the Achæans by Philip, xxviii. 8; xxxii. 5.

  Tripolis, in Laconia, xxxv. 27.

  ——, Scea, in Perrhæbia, xlii. 53, 55, 67.

  Tripudium Solistimum, when the chickens eat greedily, x. 40.

  Tritonon, xxviii. 7.

  Triumph of Tarquinius Priscus, the first mentioned by Livy, i. 38.

  ——, iii. 29. The dress of generals in triumph, x. 7.
    The granting of a triumph belongs properly to the senate, iii. 63.
    A triumph ordered by the people, without the approbation of the
      senate, iii. 63; vii. 17.
    One without an order of either, x. 37.

  ——, a, not allowed to a commander, who was not invested with any
  magistracy, xxviii. 38.

  ——, of Scipio Africanus, xxx. 45.

  Trocmi, one of the three tribes of Gauls that migrated to Asia,
    xxxviii. 16.

  Trogilii harbour, xxv. 23.

  Troilium, x. 46.

  Tromentine tribe added, vi. 5.

  Trophonian Jupiter, his temple in Lebadia, xlv. 27.

  Troy taken; two other places named Troy, i. 1.

  Trojan district, i. 1.

  Tubero, Q., historian, iv. 23; x. 9.

  Tuccius, M., curule ædile, xxxv. 41. Prætor, xxxvi. 45.
    Commissioner of a colony, xxxix. 23.

  Tullia, two of the name, daughters of Servius Tullius, king, i. 46-59.

  Tullianum, prison, xxix. 22.

  Tullius, Man., consul, ii. 19.

  ——, Sex., chief centurion a seventh time, addresses the dictator
        Sulpicius on his protracting the war, vii. 13. Shows
        extraordinary bravery in battle, 16.

  Tumult, Gallic, vii. 9.

  Tunes, a strong city, fifteen miles distant from Carthage, taken by
    Scipio, xxx. 9, 16.

  Turdetans, or Turdulians, a restless people in Spain, xxi. 6.
    Are entirely subdued by the Romans, sold by auction, and their city
      razed, xxiv. 42.
    Their lands tributary to Saguntum, xxviii. 39.
    They are defeated by P. Manlius, xxxiv. 17, 19.

  Turnus, king of the Rutulians, i. 2.

  Tuscans, _see_ Etrurians.

  Tuscan sea, v. 33; xxvi. 19.

  ——, street, in Rome, ii. 14; xxvii. 39.

  Tusculum, ii. 15, 16.
    Taken by the Latins, and recovered, vi. 33.
    Shuts its gates against Hannibal, xxvi. 9.
    Its hills, iii. 7, 8.
    Citadel, 23, and vi. 33.

  Tusculans send succours to Rome, iii. 18.
    War declared against them by the Romans, which they avoid by
      peaceable demeanour, obtain peace, and privileges of Roman
      citizens, vi. 25, 26; viii. 14, 37.

  Tutia river, xxvi. 11.

  Tycha, part of Syracuse, xxiv. 21; xxv. 25.

  Tyndarium, xxxvi. 2.

  Tyrrheum, or Thyrium, xxxvi. 11; xxxviii. 9.

  Tyrus, xxxiii. 48, 49; xxxiv. 61.

  Tyscos, xxxviii. 18.


  Ufens river, v. 35.

  Ufentine tribe added, ix. 20.

  Uffugum revolts from the Carthaginians to the Romans, xxx. 19.

  Ulysses said to be the progenitor of Octavius Mamilius, i. 49.

  Umbria, x. 1.
    Part of it called the Materine tract, ix. 41.
    Another part the Sappinian tribe, xxi. 2; xxii. 9; xxvii. 43.

  Umbrians are driven out of their country by the Boians, v. 35.
    They, and the Etrurians, are defeated by the Romans at the Cirninian
      forest, ix. 37.
    Utterly overthrown, 39.
    They boast that they will attack Rome, are vanquished, and compelled
      to give up the advisers of their revolt, 41.
    They join the Etrurians, Samnites, and Gauls, against the Romans,
      x. 21, 27.

  Urbicua, taken by Fulvius with great difficulty, xl. 16.

  Urites, people, furnish ships to the Romans for the Macedonian war,
    xlii. 48.

  Uscana, in Illyria, where Appius Claudius is insnared by the garrison,
      and suffers severely, xliii. 10.
    It is taken by Perseus after an obstinate defence, 18.
    Perseus, in violation of the capitulation, sells the natives, and
      confines the Romans, 19.

  Usurers, fined, vii. 28; x. 23. Their practices, viii. 28.

  Utens river, _see_ Ufens.

  Utica, its lands ravaged by Otacilius, xxv. 31.
    Again wasted, xxvii. 5.
    Again by Valerius Lævinus, xxviii. 4.
    Scipio encamps near it, xxix. 28.
    Lays siege to it, and retires, 35.
    Besieges it again, xxx. 3, 5, 8.
    His fleet is attacked by the Carthaginians, 9, 10.


  Vaccæans, people, Spanish, conquered by Hannibal, xxi. 5. Defeated by M.
  Fulvius, xxxv. 7; xl. 47, 50.

  Vacciprata, viii. 19. _See_ Vitruvius.

  Vadimon lake, a furious battle fought there by the Romans and
    Etrurians, ix. 39.

  Valerius Antias, historian, iii. 5. Regardless of truth, xxvi. 49.
    Quoted, xxv. 39; xxix. 35; xxx. 19, 29, &c.

  ——, Flaccus, military tribune, xxv. 14; xxxix. 4.

  ——, C., consular tribune, vi. 36.

  ————, consul, viii. 18.

  ——, Potitus, C., consular tribune, iv. 49.
    Consul, 53.
    Consular tribune a second time, 57.
    A third time, 61.

  ——, Flaccus, C., made flamen of Jupiter against his will, assumes a
        seat in the senate, xxvii. 8.
    Made curule ædile, he cannot take the requisite oath, xxxi. 50.

  ——, Tappus, C., plebeian tribune, xxxviii. 36.

  ——, L., quæstor, accuses Spurius Cassius of treason, ii. 41.
    Is made consul, 42.
    Again, 61.
    Wages war with the Æquans, 62.

  ————, interrex, v. 17.

  ————, deputed to carry to Delphi an offering to Apollo, is taken by
          pirates, and set at liberty, v. 28.

  ————, master of horse, viii. 18.

  ——, Poplicola, L., consular tribune, v. 26.
    A second time, vi. 1.
    A third time, 5.
    A fourth, 21.
    A fifth, 27.

  ——, Potitus, L., commences an opposition to the decemvirs, iii. 39, 41.
    With M. Horatius, drives Appius out of the forum, 49.
    Is deputed by the senate to the commissioners, 53.
    Made consul, he procures laws in favour of the commissioners, 55.
    His conduct in war, 60, 61.
    He triumphs by order of the people, without consent of the senate,
      63.
    Refuses to be continued in office, 64.
    _See_ iv. 6.

  ——————, consular tribune, iv. 49.
    A second time, 58.
    A third, v. 1.
    A fourth, 10.
    A fifth, 14.
    Consul, he defeats the Æquans, and triumphs, 31.

  ————, interrex, v. 32. Again, vi. 5.

  ——, L., pontiff, xxxiii. 44.

  ——, Flaccus, L., curule ædile, xxxi. 4.
    Prætor, 49.
    Consul, xxxiii. 42.
    Defeats the Boians, xxxiv. 21.
    Proconsul, he entirely vanquishes the Boians and Insubrians, 46.

  ——————, with L. Valerius Tappus, commissioners of colonies, xxxvii.
            46, 57.
    Candidate for the consulship, 58.

  ——————, chosen censor with Cato, in opposition to the nobility, xxxix.
            41.
    Pontiff, dies of the plague, xl. 42.

  Valerius Tappus, L., prætor, xxxv. 10. Commissioner of colonies,
    xxxvii. 46.

  ——, M., herald, ratifies a treaty in form, i. 24.

  ——, Man., brother of Poplicola, consul, triumphs over the Sabines, ii.
        16.
    Is slain at Regillus in attempting to kill Tarquinius, 20.

  ————, not the first dictator, ii. 18.

  ————, son of Volesus, dictator, ii. 30. Triumphs over the Sabines, and,
          not being suffered to fulfil the hopes that he had given to the
          commissioners, abdicates, 31.

  ————, quæstor, iii. 25. Consul, 31.

  ————, military tribune, gains the surname of Corvus, from being aided
          by a crow in a single combat with a Gaul, and is made consul at
          twenty-three years of age, vii. 26.
    A second time consul, he triumphs over the Volscians, 27.
    A third time consul, 28.
    Is beloved by the soldiers, 33.
    Triumphs over the Samnites, 38.
    Dictator, 39.
    Composes a mutiny of the troops, 40, 41.
    A fourth time consul, he triumphs over the Ausonians, viii. 16.
    Interrex, 17, and ix. 7.
    Dictator a second time, x. 3.
    Triumphs, 5.
    Consul a fifth time, 6.
    A sixth time, 11.

  ——, Maximus, M., consular tribune, v. 14. Again, 24.

  ——————, ix. 28. Lieutenant-general, 40. Prætor a fourth time, 41.

  ——, Poplicola, M., master of horse, vii. 12. Consul, 17. Again, 19.

  ——, Falto, Man., ambassador to Attalus, xxix. 11. Curule ædile,
        xxx. 26. Prætor, 40.

  ——, Lævinus, M., prætor, xxiii. 24, 30, 31, 37.
    Proprætor, he guards the coast at Brundusium, xxiv. 10.
    His exploits in Greece during the Macedonian war, 40, and xxvi. 24,
      26.
    He is chosen consul in his absence, 22.
    Exchanges provinces with Marcellus, 29.
    Persuades the senators to contribute their gold, silver, and money
      to the treasury, 36.
    Drives the Carthaginians quite out of Sicily, 40.
    Disputes with the senate about the nomination of a dictator,
      xxvii. 5.
    Proconsul, he passes from Sicily into Africa, xxviii. 4.
    Is sent ambassador to Attalus, xxix, 11.
    Proposes restitution of the money contributed by private citizens,
      16.
    Remarkable funeral games are exhibited in honour of him by his sons,
      xxxi. 50.

  ——, Messala, M., admiral, sails to Africa, and ravages the coast,
      xxvii. 5.
    Is made prætor, xxxiv. 54.
    Consul, xxxvii. 47.
    A second time, xxxviii. 35.
    Pontiff, xlii. 28.

  ——, P., son of Volesus, accompanies Collatinus to Lucretia, i. 58.
    Swears after Brutus, 59. Is made consul in the place of Collitenus,
      ii. 2.
    Overcomes the Tarquinii in battle, 6.
    Is accused of aiming at sovereignty, clears himself, compliments the
    people, and is surnamed Publicola; is also made consul, 8.
    A third time, 15.
    A fourth, he defeats the Sabines, triumphs, and dies so poor, as not
      to leave sufficient money for his funeral, 16.

  Valerius, P., consul, ii. 52.

  ——, Potitus, P., consular tribune, vi. 6.
    A second time, 18.
    A third, 27.
    A fourth, 32.
    A fifth, 36.
    A sixth, 42.

  ——, Publicola, P., interrex, iii. 8, Consul, 15.
    Attempts to recover the Capitol from Herdonius, and is slain, 18.

  ——————, consul, vii. 21. Prætor, 23. Dictator, 28. Master of horse,
            viii. 17.

  ——, Flaccus, P., ambassador to Hannibal, xxi, 6. Lieutenant-general
        under Marcellus, xxiii. 16. Commander of the fleet, 34, 38.
    _See_ xxvi. 8.

  ——, T., lieutenant-general, xxiv. 40.

  Vatican lands, x. 26.

  Veian lands are divided among the commons of Rome, v. 30.

  Veians, make incursions on the Roman territories, and are routed by
      Romulus, i. 15.
    Again, by Tullus, 27.
    _See_ 30, 42.
    They assist Tarquinius, ii. 6.
    Waste the lands of the Romans, 43.
    Challenge the Romans to battle, 45.
    Are defeated, 46, 47.
    After cutting off the Fabii, 50, are vanquished by the Romans, 51.
    Are defeated again, 53.
    They kill the ambassadors sent from Rome, and renew the war with bad
      success, iv. 17—19.
    Force the Romans to retire, 31; but are afterwards routed, 33.
    Obtain a truce of twenty years, 35.
    Their senate gives a haughty answer to Roman ambassadors, 58; on
      which the Romans declare war, 60.
    The Veians elect a king, which disgusts the Etrurians, v. 1.

  Veii, is besieged by the Romans, iv. 61.
    A winter encampment before it, v. 2.
    Transactions of the siege, 7—21; when it is taken by Camillus
      after a siege of ten years, 22.
    A design formed at Rome of removing to Veii causes great commotions,
      24, 25, 29; is laid aside, 30.
    The relics of the fight at Cannæ fly to Veii, 37.
    Camillus marches thence to recover Rome, 46, 48.
    The proposal of removing to Veii is renewed, 49, 50; rejected, 55.
    Such as had gone thither, are recalled, vi. 4.
    A tenth part of the spoils of Veii vowed to Apollo by Camillus,
      v. 21.
    _See_ 23, 25, 28.

  Velabrum, a street in Rome, xxvii. 37.

  Velia, a city in Lucania, xxvi. 39.

  ——, a district in Rome, ii. 7.

  Velitræ, ii. 30. A colony, 31. Augmented, 34.

  Velitrans, revolt, vi. 13, 21.
    Are subdued, 22, 29.
    Attack Tusculum, and are invested by the Romans, 36—42.
    Plunder the Roman territory, vii. 15.
    Revolt again, viii. 3, 12.
    Are treated with severity on account of their many revolts, and
      banished beyond the Tiber, 14.

  Veneti, in Italy, descended from the Heneti and Trojans, i. 1.
    Live round the bottom of the Adriatic Gulf, v. 33; x. 2.

  Venus, i. 1. Her temple, near the Circus, built out of fines levied for
    breach of chastity, x. 31.

  ——, Cloacina, iii. 48.

  ——, Erycina, xxii. 9; xxiii. 30, 31; xxx. 38.

  Venusians, give a hospitable reception to the fugitives from Cannæ,
      xxii. 54.
    Maintain their loyalty to the Romans during a general defection,
      xxvii. 10.

  Veragrians, an Alpine tribe, xxi. 38.

  Vercellius, beheaded for promoting a revolt of the Hirpinians, xxiii.
    37.

  Vergæ, xxx. 19.

  Vergiliæ, constellation, xxi. 35.

  Vergium, a fort in Spain, a receptacle of robbers, is taken by Cato;
    the robbers are put to death, and the guilty part of the inhabitants
    sold, xxxiv. 21.

  Vermina, son of Syphax, forces Masinissa to fly, xxix. 33.
    Brings succours to the Carthaginians, xxx. 36.
    Sends ambassadors to Rome, xxxi. 11.
    Submits the conditions of peace to the Romans, 19.

  Verona, v. 35.

  Verrugo, iv. 1, 55, 56; v. 28.

  Verses, Fescennine, vii. 2.

  Vertumnus, his statue, xliv. 16.

  Verulans, ix. 42.
    Prefer their own laws to the rights of Roman citizens, 43.

  Vescelia, xxxv. 22.

  Vescia, viii. 11. Comes into the hands of the Romans, ix. 25.

  Vescian people, x. 20.

  ——, lands, xxi. 31.

  Veseris, river, viii. 8; x. 28.

  Vesilius, mount, iii. 50.

  Vesta, a couch for her at a feast of the gods, xxii. 10. The fatal
      pledge of the Roman empire is kept in her temple, which is saved by
      some slaves from being burnt, xxvi. 27.
    Her fire is extinguished, xxviii. 11.

  Vestal, Rhea Sylvia, mother of Romulus, is made one, i. 3, 4.

  ——, virgins, chosen by Numa, have a stipend appointed, and many
        privileges are conferred on them, i. 20.

  ——, virgins, with the sacred stores, are carried to Cære by
        L. Albinius, v. 40.

  Vestal, a, accused, is dismissed, with a charge to be more serious in
    conversation, and more grave in her dress, iv. 44.

  ——, convicted of a breach of chastity, is buried alive, viii. 15.

  ——, who had the charge of the sacred fire, when it was extinguished, is
        scourged to death, xxviii. 11.
    Of two vestals found guilty of incontinence, one is buried alive at
      the Colline gate, the other kills herself, xxii. 57.

  Vestia Oppia, a woman of Atellæ, who had offered daily sacrifices for
    the prosperity of the Romans, is restored to her liberty and
    property, xxvi. 33, 34.

  Vestians, join the Samnites, are routed and dispersed, viii. 29. An
  alliance is granted on their petition, x. 3.

  Vesuvius, mount, viii. 8.

  Vettians, a warlike people, adjoining Macedonia, xlv. 30.

  Vettones defeated by M. Fulvius, xxxv. 7. A second time, 22.

  Veturia, mother of Coriolanus, prevails on him to retire from Rome, ii.
    40.

  Veturian century, xxvi. 22.

  Veturius, C., consul, is charged with misconduct, iii, 31. Is made an
    augur, 32.

  ————, consular tribune, vi. 32. Again, 36.

  ——, L., decemvir, iii. 33.

  ——, consular tribune, vi. 38.

  ——, Philo, L., dictator, to hold elections, xxii. 33. Censor, xxvii. 6.

  ——————, curule ædile, xxvii. 6.
    Prætor, 7.
    Proprætor in Gaul, 22.
    Lieutenant-general, xxviii, 9.
    Consul, 10.
    Master of horse, xxix. 11.
    Is sent home from Africa, and recounts the exploits of Scipio,
      xxx. 38, 40.

  ——, M., consular tribune, v. 13.

  ——, Philo, T., flamen of Mars, xxix. 38.

  ——, Calvinus, T., consul, viii. 16. Again, ix. 1. Is sent under the
        yoke of Caudium, 6.
    Offered as prisoner to the Sabines, 10.

  ——, Geminus, T., consul, routs and disperses the Volscians, iii. 8. Is
        honoured with an ovation, 10.

  Vetusius, C., consul, ii. 19.

  ——, T., consul, ii. 28. Marches against the Æquans, 30.

  Vibius Accuæus, prefect of a Pelignian cohort, throws the standard into
  the enemy’s camp, xxv. 14.

  ——, Virius, one of the Campanian ambassadors to the consul Varro,
        persuades his countrymen to join the Carthaginians, xxiii. 6.
    Exhorts the senators to put an end to their lives, xxvi. 13.
    He and twenty-seven senators swallow poison, 14.

  ——, a Bruttian of distinction, comes ambassador to Rome with offers of
        submission, xxvii. 15.

  Vibo, xxxi. 3. A colony settled there, xxxv. 40. Its lands, xxi. 51.

  Vicæpota, or Victory, her temple, ii. 7.

  Vicilinus, Jupiter, xxiv. 44.

  Victims of the larger kinds, xxx. 21.

  Victory, her temple, built with money accruing from fines, x. 33.
    Her temple on the Palatine, xxix. 14.
    A chapel of Virgin Victory, xxxv. 9.
    A golden image of Victory, weighing three hundred and twenty pounds,
      sent by Hiero to the Roman senate, xxii. 37.
    Mount of Victory, xxiv. 41.

  Victorius, Q., chief centurion, throws a standard among the enemy,
  xxxiv. 46.

  Victumviæ, sea-port, xxi. 45. Is taken with great slaughter of the
    inhabitants, 57.

  Villa publica, house for lodging ambassadors and strangers of note,
    built, iv. 22. Repaired, xxxiv. 44.

  Villius Tappulus, L., plebeian ædile, xxv. 2.

  ——————, prætor, xxxi. 49.

  ——, P., plebeian tribune, iii. 54.

  ——, Tappulus, P., is raised from the office of plebeian ædile to that
        of prætor, xxix. 38.

  ——, P., a commissioner to adjust a dispute between Antiochus and
        Ptolemy, xxxiii. 39.

  Tappulus, P., commissioner of lands for Scipio’s soldiers, xxxi. 4.
    Consul, 49.

  Viminal hill added to Rome, i. 44.

  Vindicius, a slave, discovers a conspiracy formed for restoring the
      Tarquinii, ii. 4.
    Is rewarded with liberty, and a sum of money, 5.

  Virbian hill, i. 48.

  Virginia, daughter of Aulius, a patrician, married to Volumnius, a
    plebeian consul, being excluded from the temple of Patrician
    Chastity, dedicates a chapel and altar to Plebeian Chastity, x. 23.

  ——, daughter of Lucius, her unfortunate beauty, lamentable death, and
        the punishment of her persecutors, iii. 44, 48, 58.

  Virginius, A., consul, ii. 28. Routs the Volscians, 30.

  ————, son of Appius, consul, ii. 63.

  ——, Rutilus, A., consul, ii. 51.

  ——, A., commissioner of lands, iii. 1.

  ————, plebeian tribune, commences a capital prosecution against Cæso
          Quintius, which causes violent contentions, iii. 11, 13.

  ——, is brought to trial and fined, for having in his tribuneship
        favoured the senate, v. 29.

  ——, L., father of Virginia, chief centurion, iii. 44.
    His contest with Appius about his daughter, 47.
    He kills her, 48.
    Commotions in consequence, 49, 50.
    He advises the soldiers to elect ten military tribunes, and refuses
      to be one, 51.
    Is made plebeian tribune, 54.
    Prosecutes Appius, 56; and orders him to be imprisoned, 57.
    Remits the capital punishment of Claudius, who had claimed Virginia,
      58.

  ——, consul, iv. 21, Again, 23.

  ——, consular tribune, out of enmity neglects assisting his colleague
        Servius, v. 8.
    Both are compelled to resign the office, 9.
    He is brought to trial by a plebeian tribune, and fined, 11, 12.

  Virginius, L., consular tribune, vi. 1.

  ——, Opiter, consul, with his colleague, takes Pometia, and triumphs,
        ii. 17.

  ————, consul, ii. 54.

  ——, Proculus, consul, maintains a contest with his colleague about the
        Agrarian law, ii. 41.

  ——, Sp., consul, iii. 31.

  ——, T., consul, ii. 21, 48.

  ——, Rutilus, T., augur, iii. 7.

  ——, Cœlimontanus, T., consul, iii. 65.

  Virtue, her temple vowed by Marcellus, xxvii. 25. Dedicated by his son,
    xxix. 11.

  Visceratio, distribution of flesh, viii. 22.

  Vitellia, taken by Coriolanus, ii. 39. A Roman colony taken by the
  Æquans, v. 29.

  Vitellii, brothers, conspirators in favour of the Tarquinii, ii. 4.

  Vitruvius Vaccus, of Fundæ, general of the Privernians, viii. 19.
    Is scourged, and put to death by the Romans, his house razed,
      and his property confiscated to Semo Sanchus, 20.
    The site of his house on the Palatine is called Vacciprata.

  Vocontians, xxi. 31.

  Volæ, or Bolæ, belonging to the Æquans, iv. 49, 51; vi. 2.

  Volatenæ, x. 12. The inhabitants promise Scipio rigging for his ships,
    and corn, xxviii. 45.

  Volcans oppose Hannibal’s passing of the Rhone, xxi. 26.

  Volero, _see_ Publilius. The tribunes called Voleros by Appius
    Claudius, ii. 58.

  Volones, slaves enlisted in the armies, xxii. 57; xxiii. 32; xxiv. 11.
    Gracchus promises them liberty, on condition of their bringing the
      heads of the enemies, xxiv. 14.
    They are set free, 15.
    Gracchus orders their public feast, at Beneventum, to be represented
      in painting; hangs up the picture in the temple of Liberty, 16;
      xxv. 20; xxvii. 38; xxviii. 46.

  Volscians, are attacked by Tarquinius Superbus, i. 53.
    Corn is purchased from them, ii. 9.
    They prepare to assist the Latins, but give hostages, yet secretly
      prepare for war, 22; and march to attack Rome, 24.
    Are defeated, 25.
    Renew the war, and are conquered, 30.
    Deprived of part of their lands, 31.
    Again defeated, 33.
    Are ordered to quit Rome, 37.
    At the instigation of Attius Tullus they take arms against the
      Romans, 39.
    Are led to Rome by Coriolanus, 40.
    Are conquered, and treated with the harshest severity, 53.
    A truce of forty years is granted to them, 54.
    They renew hostilities, 58.
    Defeat the Romans, 59.
    Attack their camp, and are severely beaten, 64, 65.
    They invade the Roman territory, are utterly routed, and the nation
      is almost extirpated, iii. 7, 8.
    They renew the war in conjunction with the Æquans, 10.
    Are vanquished, 12, 60.
    They lay siege to Ardea, and are surrounded by the Romans, iv. 9.
    Beaten, and sent under the yoke, 10.
    They again join the Æquans against the Romans, 26.
    Attack the consul’s camp, 27.
    Their own camp is taken, and all the prisoners, except senators,
      are sold as slaves, 29.
    Again they renew hostilities, 37, 55, 56.
    Suffer a defeat, 57.
    Take Venugo, 58.
    Are again worsted in battle, 61.
    They besiege Anxur, v. 16.
    Obtain peace, 23.
    Break the peace, and are reduced to submission by Camillus, vi. 2.
    Meet the same fate in two subsequent efforts, 6, 8, 11, 13.
    Join the Prænestines, and take Satricum, 22.
    Suffer several discomfitures 23, 32; vii. 17; viii. 1.
    They desert Hannibal, and submit to the Romans xxvii. 15.

  Volscians and Æquans, so often conquered, still found recruits for
    their armies; this is accounted for, vi. 12.

  ——, people in Spain, their much approved answer to the Roman
        ambassadors, xxi. 19.

  Volscius Fictor, M., appears as a witness against Cæso Quintius, iii.
      13.
    Is prosecuted for false evidence by the quæstors, 24.
    Condemned and banished, 29.

  Volsinians, make inroads on the Roman territory, v. 31.
    Are defeated, and obtain a truce of twenty years, 32.
    They use nails, fixed in the temple of the goddess Nortia, as a
      registry of the years, vii. 3.
    They suffer several defeats, ix. 41; x. 37.

  Voltumna, goddess, her temple, iv. 23; v. 17.
    A general assembly of Etruria is summoned thither, iv. 23, 25; v. 17.
    A conspiracy against the Romans is formed there, vi. 2.

  Volumnia, wife of Coriolanus, ii. 40.

  Volumnius, L., consul, gets the better of the Sallentines, ix. 42.
    A second time consul, x. 15.
    He leaves his own province to succour Appius Claudius, and, after
      some altercation, they gain a glorious victory, 18, 19.
    He surprises the Samnites who had plundered Campania, 20, 21.
    Shows remarkable moderation and prudence at the elections, 21.
    Is continued in command, 22; and acts with success in Samnium,
      30, 31.

  ——, P., consul, iii. 10. Ambassador to the Æquans, he is insulted by
  their leader, Gracchus Clœlius, 25.

  Voluntary contribution to the treasury by the senators, xxvi. 36.

  Volunteer soldiers, v. 16; xxvii. 46; xxviii. 45; xxix. 1, &c.

  Volustana, summit of the Cambunian mountains, xliv. 2.

  Vulcan, the arms and spoils of the enemy dedicated to him, and burned,
      i. 37; viii. 10.
    His temple in the field of Mars, xxiv. 10.
    Arms of the Carthaginians, offered to him by Scipio, xxx. 6.
    Court of his temple, ix. 46; xxxix. 46; xl. 19.

  Vulcan’s islands, xxi. 49, 51.

  Vulturnus, river, viii. 11; x. 20, 31; xxii. 14; xxiii. 14, 19.
    Fort at its mouth, afterwards a city, xxv. 20, 22.

  ——, a city of the Etrurians, seized by the Samnites, and called Capua,
  iv. 57.

  ——, wind blows dust into the eyes of the Romans at Cannæ, xxii. 46.


  Walls built round Rome, i. 6, 33, 36, 44; vi. 32.

  War, the mode of declaring it, i. 32.

  Watches, the night divided into four, the first, v. 44.
    Second, vii. 35.
    Third, ix. 44.
    Fourth, ix. 37.

  ——, mounted, by senators, iii. 6.

  ——, posted in all the streets of Rome, x. 4.

  Water brought into the city, ix. 29.

  Waters of Cumæ, medicinal, xli. 16.
    Those of Sinuessa much celebrated, xxii. 13.

  Wicked street, i. 48.

  ——, field, viii. 15.

  Widows, their taxes assigned to the maintenance of horses for the
      knights, i. 43.
    Their money lent to the public, xxiv. 18.

  Wine for sacrifices supplied by the public, x. 23.

  ——, allured the Gauls into Italy, v. 33.

  Winter campaign at Veii, v. 2.

  ——, uncommonly severe, v. 13.

  Wolf, said to have suckled Romulus and Remus, i. 4. Images of the wolf
    and infants, x. 23.

  ——, sacred to Mars, x. 27.

  Wood, the Arsian, ii. 7.

  ——, Ciminian, ix. 36.

  ——, Mæsian, i. 33.

  ——, Malitions, i. 30.

  ——, Litana, xxiii. 24.

  Writers quoted by Livy: Acilius’s Annals, xxv. 39.
    Cincius, vii. 3.
    Claudius Quadrigarius, viii. 19.
    Clodius Licinius, xxix. 22.
    Licinius Macer, iv. 7.
    Piso, i. 55.
    Silenus, xxvi. 49.
    Tubero, iv. 23.
    Valerius Antias, iii. 5.
    Linen books, iv. 7.
    Books of the magistrates, iv. 20.
    Commentaries of the pontiffs, vi. 1. _See_ iv. 3.


  Xanthippus, Lacedæmonian general, xxviii. 43.

  Xenarchus, prætor of the Achæans, wishes to ingratiate himself with
    Perseus, xli. 23.

  Xenoclides, governor of Chalcis, disappoints an attempt of Thoas and
      the Ætolians, xxxv. 38.
    Reinforces the garrison of Chalcis, 50.

  Xenophanes, head of an embassy from Philip to Hannibal, is taken by a
      party of Romans, and escapes through an artful fiction, xxiii. 3.
    Is taken again, and conveyed to Rome, xxxiv. 38.

  Xenophon, Achæan chief, accompanies Quintius at a conference with
    Philip, xxxii. 33.

  Xychus, accomplice of Perseus in compassing the ruin of Demetrius,
    forges letters under the signature of Flamininus, xl. 55.

  Xyniæ, xxxii. 13; xxxiii. 3.


  Year is divided by Numa into twelve lunar months, i. 19.

  Years reckoned among the Volsinians by nails fixed in the wall of a
    temple, vii. 3.

  Yoke, military, iii. 28. A Roman army sent under it, ix. 5. A Samnite
    army, 15. _See_ x. 36.

  Youth, a goddess, v. 54. A feast of the gods in honour of her, xxi. 62.


  Zacynthus, island, xxi. 7. Is taken by Lævinus, xxvi. 24. Is given up
    to the Romans, xxxvi. 32.

  Zama, five days’ journey from Carthage; here Scipio defeated Hannibal,
    xxx. 29.

  ——, or Same, island, xxxii. 16.

  Zelasium, promontory, xxxi. 46.

  Zeno supplicates T. Quintius in favour of his countrymen the
    Magnetians, xxxv. 31.

  ——, is made governor of Apamea by Antiochus, xxxvii. 44.

  ——, Macedonian, governor of Theium, xxxviii. 1.

  Zeuxides, prætor of Acarnania, is deposed for favouring the Romans,
    xxxiii. 16.

  Zeuxis, ambassador from Antiochus to Scipio, xxxvii. 45.

  Zoippus, son-in-law of Hiero, guardian of Hieronymus, xxiv. 4, 5.
    Being sent ambassador to Egypt, he remains in voluntary exile,
    and his wife and daughters are murdered by the Syracusans, 26.

  Zybœa holds part of Bithynia in opposition to Nicomedes, and is
    conquered by the aid of the Gauls, xxxviii. 16.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] 193,750_l._

[2] 12_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._

[3] Called Galli, and Corybantes.

[4] Silver shield-bearers.

[5] The difficulty, which Scheffer, Crevier, and Drakenborch apparently
had, in interpreting this passage with the reading (decem cubita), seems
to me to have arisen principally from their misinterpretation of the
word cuspis; which in the classics is no where used as the edge of a
cutting, but the point of a piercing instrument—differt a mucrone, quæ
est acies gladii.—Facciolati. That the cuspides, here spoken of, must
have been piercing, not cutting instruments, is likewise proved from the
meaning of the word “transfigerent,” which is never used in reference to
a cutting instrument. Taking it for granted, then, that the “cuspitibus
decem cubita” were spears ten feet long, fastened to the pole and
extended from the yoke, I can easily understand how they, being so long,
were likely to clear the way far in front of the horses, while the
“falces” on either side were intended to cut down those that escaped the
cuspides; and this being the case, I see no necessity for Scheffer’s
reading, “cubito,” which Crevier also seems to favour, and Drakenborch’s
“duo” for “decem;” both of which seem to have been adopted, owing to the
seeming improbability of cutting weapons so long, and proportionably
heavy, being attached to the poles of chariots.

[6] About 2,900,000_l._

[7] 14,596_l._ 16_s._ 8_d._

[8] 4270_l._ 19_s._ 9_d._

[9] A coin so called, from its bearing the image of a priest carrying in
a box (cistus) the consecrated things, used in the mysteries of Ceres,
and of other deities. Its value, 7-1/2_d._, was equal to four drachmas.

[10] 322_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._

[11] 4482_l._ 1_s._ 8_d._

[12] About 2260_l._

[13] 28,984_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._

[14] 5699_l._ 8_s._ 5_d._

[15] 77,629_l._ 3_s._ 4_d._

[16] 16_s._ 1-1/2_d._

[17] 193,750_l._

[18] About 96,000_l._

[19] Holy Town.

[20] The Gordian wall.

[21] 4843_l._ 15_s._

[22] 4813_l._ 15_s._

[23] 96,875_l._

[24] 19,375_l._

[25] 7_l._ 10_s._

[26] The wood town.

[27] The town of Acaris.

[28] 38,750_l._

[29] Woodless.

[30] This does not prove that he was in the office of consul at the time
of his making it; for it was usual to mention, in such inscriptions, the
highest office that the person had ever held.

[31] 484,275_l._

[32] 2,235,000_l._

[33] 67,812_l._

[34] 24,609_l._

[35] Black.

[36] The name of Diana in the Thracian language.

[37] 3,229_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._

[38] 193,750_l._

[39] 1,614,583_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._

[40] 645_l._ 17_s._ 2_d._

[41] 2 15,241_l._ 12_s._ 4_d._

[42] 801_l._ 3_s._ 3_d._

[43] 16_s._ 1-1/4_d._

[44] 16,404_l._ 3_s._ 4_d._

[45] 4309_l._ 14_s._ 9_d._

[46] 1054_l._

[47] 1_l._ 6_s._ 3_d._

[48] 6_s._ 5_d._

[49] 3_l._ 4_s._ 7_d._

[50] 322_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._

[51] Those to whom the censor assigned a horse, were bound to serve. But
as liberty was granted to Æbutius to serve or not, as he chose, it
became necessary that the censor should be thus restrained, by a vote of
the senate, from assigning him a horse; otherwise, if one had been
assigned him, whether willing or not, he must have served.

[52] Games in honour of the infernal deities, instituted in the reign of
Tarquin the Proud, on occasion of a malignant disorder that had attacked
pregnant women. Black bulls were sacrificed, whence the name.

[53] 48_l._ 8_s._ 9_d._

[54] 32_l._ 5_s._ 10_d._

[55] 1_s._ 11-1/4_d._

[56] 3_l._ 4_s._ 9_d._

[57] 19_s._ 4_d._

[58] 1210_l._ 19_s._ 9_d._

[59] As there were six tribunes in each legion, they took the command of
it in turn, each holding it for two months.

[60] 592_l._ 17_s._ 4_d._

[61] 19,375_l._

[62] In consequence of which regulation, all those of each tribe, who
were of the same rank and occupation, voted together.

[63] 64_l._ 11_s._ 4_d._

[64] Neptune, Thetis, and Glaucus.

[65] Here are given, in the original, some lines, as the inscription;
but so corrupted and so defective, as to be utterly unintelligible.
Gronovius endeavours in vain, to explain them; Crevier gives the matter
up.

[66] They called him also Euergetes, and Soter.

[67] The eleventh of March.

[68] This book is very imperfect; a great part of the beginning of it is
lost; and there are, besides, considerable chasms in other parts of it.
The supplemental passages which the translator has introduced, to
complete the connexion, are taken from Crevier. They are printed in a
different character.

[69] 15_s._ 7-1/2_d._

[70] 9593_l._ 15_s._

[71] 1339_l._ 1_s._ 10-1/2_d._

[72] 9_s._ 4-1/2_d._

[73] 5th May.

[74] 3rd August.

[75] 11th August.

[76] 5th August.

[77] Letum, the name of the place, in the Latin language, signifies
death.

[78] So in the original; the name of the person who was chosen in the
room of Cæpio being lost.

[79] 7th of June.

[80] 885_l._ 8_s._ 4_d._

[81] 322_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._

[82] 6_l._ 9_s._ 2_d._

[83] 38,750_l._

[84] 419_l._ 15_s._ 10_d._

[85] 3,229_l._ 3_s._ 4_d._

[86] 6_l._ 9_s._ 2_d._

[87] 3029_l._ 1_s._ 4_d._

[88] The words in Italics are introduced conjecturally, to supply chasms
in the original.

[89] 6_l._ 9_s._ 2_d._

[90] 58,125_l._

[91] 193,750_l._

[92] 290,625_l._

[93] The passages in Italics are only conjectural, and introduced to
supply an hiatus in the original.

[94] This passage is supplied conjecturally.

[95] The whole of the foregoing passage is supplied conjecturally.

[96] The above has been introduced to supply the place of a passage
which has been lost from the original text.

[97] 9687_l._ 10_s._

[98] 387,480_l._

[99] 8072_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._

[100] 242_l._ 4_s._ 3_d._

[101] 12_l._ 18_s._ 4_d._

[102] The conclusion of this speech is lost. The effect of it was, that
the order for the triumph of Lucius Paullus passed unanimously. The
beginning of the account of the procession is also lost. As we have
adopted Twiss’s text in our translation, we give here the continuation
of the history, which has been derived chiefly from Plutarch.

[103] 968,750_l._

[104] 3_l._ 4_s._ 7_d._

[105] 2_l._ 8_s._ 5_d._

[106] 6_l._ 9_s._ 2_d._

[107] 96_l._ 17_s._ 6_d._

[108] 3874_l._

[109] 1_l._ 9_s._ 1_d._

[110] 161,458_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._

[111] Worth a little more than 2_d._



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20 & 23. ROGER DE HOVEDEN’S ANNALS OF ENGLISH HISTORY, from A.D. 732 to
A.D. 1201. Translated by H. T. RILEY, Esq., B.A. In 2 Vols.

21. HENRY OF HUNTINGDON’S HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH, from the Roman
Invasion to Henry II.; with The Acts of King Stephen, &c.

22. PAULI’S LIFE OF ALFRED THE GREAT. To which is appended ALFRED’S
ANGLO-SAXON VERSION OF OROSIUS, with a literal translation. Notes, and
an Anglo-Saxon Grammar and Glossary, by B. THORPE, Esq.

24 & 25. MATTHEW OF WESTMINSTER’S FLOWERS OF HISTORY, especially such as
relate to the affairs of Britain, from the beginning of the world to
A.D. 1307. Translated by C. D. YONGE, B.A. In 2 Vols.

26. LEPSIUS’S LETTERS FROM EGYPT, ETHIOPIA, and the PENINSULA OF SINAI.
Revised by the Author. Translated by LEONORA and JOANNA B. HORNER. With
Maps and Coloured View of Mount Barkal.

27, 28, 30 & 36. ORDERICUS VITALIS. His Ecclesiastical History of
England and Normandy, translated, with Notes, the Introduction of
Guizot, Critical Notice by M. Delille, and very copious Index, by T.
FORESTER, M.A. In 4 Vols.

29. INGULPH’S CHRONICLE OF THE ABBEY OF CROYLAND, with the Continuations
by Peter of Blois and other Writers. Translated, with Notes and an
Index, by H. T. RILEY, B.A.

32. LAMB’S SPECIMENS OF ENGLISH DRAMATIC POETS of the time of Elizabeth;
including his Selections from the Garrick Plays.

33. MARCO POLO’S TRAVELS, the translation of Marsden, edited, with Notes
and Introduction, by T. WRIGHT, M.A., F.S.A., &c.

34. FLORENCE OF WORCESTER’S CHRONICLE, with the Two Continuations;
comprising Annals of English History, from the Departure of the Romans
to the Reign of Edward I. Translated, with Notes, by T. FORESTER, Esq.

35. HAND-BOOK OF PROVERBS, comprising the whole of Ray’s Collection, and
a complete Alphabetical Index, in which are introduced large Additions
collected by HENRY G. BOHN.

37. CHRONICLES OF THE TOMBS: a select Collection of Epitaphs; with Essay
on Monumental Inscriptions, &c., by T. J. PETTIGREW, F.R.S., F.S.A.

38. A POLYGLOT OF FOREIGN PROVERBS; comprising French, Italian, German,
Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese & Danish. With English Translations, &
General Index.


=BOHN’S HISTORICAL LIBRARY,=

_Uniform with the_ STANDARD LIBRARY, _price 5s. per Volume_.

1, 2 & 3. JESSE’S MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF
THE STUARTS, including the PROTECTORATE. In 3 vols., with General Index,
and upwards of 40 Portraits engraved on steel.

4. JESSE’S MEMOIRS OF THE PRETENDERS AND THEIR ADHERENTS. New edition,
complete in 1 vol., with Index and Six Portraits after original
Pictures.

5, 6, 7 & 8. PEPYS’ DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE, edited by LORD BRAYBROOKE.
New and Improved Edition, with Additions. Complete in 4 Volumes.
Illustrated with Portraits and plates.

9, 10, 11 & 12. EVELYN’S DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE, with the Private
Correspondence of Charles I. New edition, considerably enlarged, from
the original Papers by (JOHN FORSTER, Esq.) In 4 vols. Portraits and
plates.


=BOHN’S LIBRARY OF FRENCH MEMOIRS.=

_Uniform with the_ STANDARD LIBRARY, _price 3s. 6d. per Volume_.

1 & 2. MEMOIRS OF PHILIP DE COMMINES, containing the Histories of Louis
  XI. and Charles VIII., Kings of France, and of Charles the Bold, Duke of
Burgundy. To which is added, The Scandalous Chronicle. In 2 volumes.
_Portraits._

3, 4, 5, & 6. MEMOIRS OF THE DUKE OF SULLY, Prime Minister to Henry the
Great. With Notes, and an Historical Introduction by SIR WALTER SCOTT.
In 4 vols. With a General Index. _Portrait._





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