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Title: History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3 of 3
Author: Buckle, Henry Thomas
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "History of Civilization in England, Vol. 3 of 3" ***
HISTORY
OF
CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
BY
HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. III.
_NEW EDITION._
TORONTO:
ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
60 YORK STREET.
1878.
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
PAGE
Scotland and Spain are very dissimilar in regard to loyalty 1
But are very similar in regard to superstition 4
The Scotch unite liberality in politics with illiberality in
religion. This is the largest and most important fact in their
history; and the rest of the Volume will be occupied in
investigating its causes 5
Influence of physical geography 5-7
Roman invasion of Scotland 7-9
Irish invasion of Scotland 9
Norwegian invasion of Scotland 11-12
English invasion of Scotland 12-17
The injury which these invasions inflicted upon Scotland
stopped the growth of towns, and thereby favoured the power of
the nobles 18
The power of the nobles was still further favoured by the
physical structure of the country 19-20
And by the weakness of the Crown 20-21
Hence their authority had, before the close of the fourteenth
century, become enormous. The Crown, completely overshadowed
by them, could derive no aid from the citizens, because, owing
to the circumstances just mentioned, there were no cities 21-23
For, industry was impossible, and the commonest arts were
unknown 23-26
Evidence of the scanty population of the Scotch towns 26-30
They were too feeble and insignificant to elect their own
magistrates 32-33
The municipal element being thus imperfect, the only ally,
which the Crown could possibly find, was the Church 34-35
Hence, a coalition between the kings and the clergy against
the nobles 34
The clergy were the only body who could withstand the nobles.
Causes of the great influence of the clergy 35-44
CHAPTER II.
CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown
and the Church against the nobles, became obvious 45
James I. attacked the nobles, and favoured the Church; hoping
thereby to establish the supremacy of the throne 46-47
But his policy failed, because it was opposed by the operation
of general causes 47-48
Besides failing, it produced his own destruction 49
Power of the Douglases, who were at the head of the southern
nobility 49-50
James II. murdered the chiefs of that family 51-52
The Crown, in its efforts against the nobles, was encouraged
by the clergy; and before the middle of the fifteenth century,
the Church and the aristocracy were completely estranged from
each other 52-54
James III., like James II. and James I., allied himself with
the clergy against the nobles 55-56
Their power, however, was too deeply rooted to be shaken; and
in 1488, they put the king to death 55
Still, and notwithstanding these successive failures,
James IV. followed the same policy as his predecessors 56
So did James V. Consequently the nobles imprisoned him, and
ejected the clergy from all offices in the state 57
In 1528, James V. escaped; the Crown and the Church regained
the ascendant, and the principal nobles were banished 58
From this moment, the nobles hated the Church more than ever.
Their hatred brought about the Reformation 58-59
Active measures of the government against the nobles 60-61
The nobles revenged themselves by becoming Reformers 62
James V., on the other hand, threw himself entirely into the
arms of the Church 62-63
As the nobles took the opposite side, and as the people had no
influence, the success or failure of the Reformation in
Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of
the aristocratic power 65-68
In 1542, the nobles openly refused obedience to James V.; and
their treatment of him at this critical period of his life,
broke his heart 68-69
Directly he died, they regained authority. The clergy were
displaced, and measures favourable to Protestantism were
adopted 69-72
In 1546, Cardinal Beaton was assassinated, and Knox began
his career 74-75
Subsequent proceedings of Knox 76-77
While Knox was abroad, the nobles established the Reformation 78
He returned to Scotland in 1559, by which time the struggle
was nearly over 79
In 1559, the queen regent was deposed; the nobles became
supreme; and, in 1560, the Church was destroyed 80-84
Immediately this revolution was completed, the nobles and the
preachers began to quarrel about the wealth of the Church 84
The nobles, thinking that they ought to have it, took it into
their own hands 85-88
Thereupon, the Protestant preachers said that the nobles were
instigated by the devil 88-90
Morton, who was at the head of the nobility, became enraged at
the proceedings of the new clergy, and persecuted them 91-92
A complete rupture between the two classes 93
The clergy, finding themselves despised by the governing
class, united themselves heartily with the people, and
advocated democratic principles 93
In 1574, Melville became their leader. Under his auspices, that
great struggle began, which never stopped until, sixty years
later, it produced the rebellion against Charles I. 94
The first manifestations of this rebellious spirit was the
attack on the bishops 94
In 1575, the attack began. In 1580, episcopacy was abolished 96-97
But the nobles upheld that institution, because they loved
inequality for the same reasons which made the clergy love
equality 97-100
Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy respecting
episcopacy 100-103
In 1582, James VI. was imprisoned; and his captivity was
justified by the clergy, whose democratic principles were now
openly proclaimed 103-104
Violent language used by the clergy against the king and
against the nobles 104-109
Their leader, Melville, personally insulted the king, and they
were probably privy to the Gowrie conspiracy in 1600 110
Still, the clergy, notwithstanding the indecency of their
conduct, conferred the greatest of all boons upon Scotland, by
keeping alive and nurturing the spirit of liberty 111-114
CHAPTER III.
CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.
In 1603, the King of Scotland became also King of England, and
determined to use his new resources in curbing and chastising
the Scotch clergy 115-122
His cruel treatment of them 122-124
In 1610, James, backed by the power of England, forced
episcopacy upon Scotland. Courts of High Commission were also
set up 125-127
Tyrannical conduct of the bishops 127-129
Meanwhile, a reaction was preparing 129-132
In 1637, the reaction declared itself, and, in 1638, the
bishops were overthrown 132-133
The movement being essentially democratic, could not stop
there, but quickly spread from the Church to the State. In
1639, war was made upon Charles I. by the Scotch, who, having
defeated the king, sold him to the English, who executed him 134-136
The Scotch, before they would crown Charles II., compelled him
to humble himself, and to confess his own errors and the
errors of his family 136-137
But, after Charles II. mounted the throne of England, he
became powerful enough to triumph over the Scotch. He availed
himself of that power to oppress Scotland even more
grievously than his two predecessors had done 137-140
Happily, however, the spirit of liberty was strong enough to
baffle his attempts to establish a permanent despotism 140
Still, the crisis was terrible, and the people and their
clergy were exposed to every sort of outrage 141-146
Now, as before, the bishops aided the government in its
efforts to enslave Scotland. Being hated by the people, they
allied themselves with the Crown, and displayed the warmest
affection towards James II., during whose reign cruelties
were perpetrated worse than any previously known 147-150
In 1688, another reaction, in which the Scotch again freed
themselves from their oppressors 151
The only powerful friends of this bad government were the
Highlanders 151
Reasons which induced the Highlanders to rebel in favour of
the Stuarts 151-153
The Highland rebellions of 1715 and 1745 were not the result
of loyalty 153-159
After 1745, the Highlanders sank into complete insignificance,
and the progress of Scotland was uninterrupted 159
Beginning of the trading spirit 160-161
Connexion between the rising of the trading spirit and the
abolition, in 1748, of hereditary jurisdictions 161-162
The abolition of these jurisdictions was a symptom of the
declining power of the Scotch nobles, but not a cause of it 161
One cause of the decline of their power was the union with
England, in 1707 162-167
Another cause was the failure of the Rebellion of 1745 167
The nobles being thus weakened, were, in 1748, easily deprived
of their right of jurisdiction. In this way, they lost the
last emblem of their old authority 169-170
This great democratic and liberating movement was aided by the
growth of the mercantile and manufacturing classes 171-172
And their growth was itself assisted by the Union with England 172
Evidence of the rapid progress of the industrious classes in
the first half of the eighteenth century 173-183
During the same period, a new and splendid literature arose in
Scotland 183-184
But, unfortunately, this literature, notwithstanding its bold
and inquisitive spirit, was unable to diminish national
superstition 184-186
It is the business of the historian to ascertain the causes of
its failure. If he cannot do this, he cannot understand the
history of Scotland 186
The first and most essential quality of an historian, is a
clear perception of the great scientific doctrine of Law. But
whoever seeks to apply this doctrine to the whole course of
history, and to elucidate, by its aid, the march and theory of
affairs, is met by obstacles which no single mind can remove 186-190
CHAPTER IV.
AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
The rest of the Volume will be occupied with a still closer
investigation of the double paradox presented by the history
of Scotland; namely, 1st, that the same people should be
liberal in politics, and illiberal in religion; and, 2nd, that
the free and sceptical literature which they produced in the
eighteenth century, should have been unable to lessen their
religious illiberality 191
Their religious illiberality was the result of the immense
power possessed by their clergy in the seventeenth century.
The causes of that power will be examined in the present
chapter 192
The failure of their literature in diminishing this
illiberality during the eighteenth century, was the result of
the peculiar method of the inquiry adopted by the Scotch
philosophers. The causes of the universal diffusion of that
method, the nature of the method, and the consequences of it,
will be examined in the next chapter, which will conclude the
Volume 192-193
Circumstances in the seventeenth century favourable to the
influence of the Scotch clergy 193-197
While the English war against Charles I. was essentially
political, the Scotch war against him was essentially
religious 197-200
Though this was the effect of Scotch superstition, it was also
a cause of its further progress 201-202
Hence, in the seventeenth century, secular interests were
neglected, and theological ones became supreme. Illustration
of this, from the zeal of the people to hear sermons of
inordinate frequency and of terrible length; so that they
passed the greater part of their lives in what were
erroneously termed religious exercises 203-206
The clergy availed themselves of these habits to extend and
consolidate their own authority 205-206
Their great engine of power was the Kirk-Session. Tyranny of
the Kirk-Sessions 206-210
Monstrous pretensions of the clergy 210-212
Cases in which it was believed that these pretensions were
upheld and vindicated by miracles 212-220
The clergy, becoming elated, indulge in language of
extraordinary arrogance 221-227
They asserted that miracles were wrought in their behalf, and
often on their persons 228-229
Effect of these proceedings upon the Scotch mind 230-232
The clergy, to intimidate the people, and bring them
completely under control, advocated horrible notions
concerning evil spirits and future punishments 232-243
With the same object they propounded notions more horrible
still, respecting the Deity, whom they represented as a cruel,
passionate, and sanguinary Being 245-252
They moreover declared that harmless and even praiseworthy
actions were sinful, and would provoke the Divine wrath 251-262
To prevent such imaginary sins, the clergy made arbitrary
regulations, and punished those who disobeyed them, sometimes
by flogging, and sometimes by branding with hot irons, and
sometimes in other ways 262-263
Specimens of the sins which the clergy invented 264-268
The result was, that all mirth, all innocent gaiety, all
demonstrations of happiness, and nearly all physical
enjoyments, were destroyed in Scotland 268-269
Hence, the national character was mutilated. For, the
pleasures of the body are, in our actual condition, as
essential a part of the great scheme of life, and are as
necessary to human affairs, as are the pleasures of the mind 269-271
But the clergy, by denouncing these pleasures of the senses,
do what they can, in every country, to diminish the total
amount of happiness of which humanity is susceptible, and
which it has a right to enjoy 271-275
In no Protestant country have the clergy pushed these narrow
and unsocial tenets so far as in Scotland 275-276
Indeed, in some respects, the Scotch clergy were more ascetic
than those of any branch of the Catholic Church, except the
Spanish; since they attempted to destroy the affections, and
to sever the holiest ties of domestic love 276-279
CHAPTER V.
AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century,
was a reaction against the theological spirit of the
seventeenth 281
But the peculiarity of the philosophy which now arose, is
that, instead of being an inductive philosophy, it was a
deductive one 281-282
This is well worthy of notice; because the inductive method
being essentially anti-theological, it might have been
expected that the opponents of the theological spirit would
have followed that method 282-284
The truth, however, was, that the theological spirit had taken
such hold of the Scotch mind, that it was impossible for the
inductive method to gain a hearing 284-289
Hence, the secular philosophy of the eighteenth century,
though new in its results, was not new in the method by which
those results were obtained 289
In this respect, Scotland is similar to Germany, but
dissimilar to England 289-290
Summary of the most important distinctions between induction
and deduction 291
The whole of the Scotch philosophy, physical as well as
metaphysical, is deductive 291
Hutcheson's philosophy 292-304
Its results and tendency 292-299
Its method 299-304
Adam Smith's philosophy 304-330
His _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ and his _Wealth of
Nations_ are different parts of one subject. To understand
either, we must study both 304-305
His deductive method depended upon a suppression of premisses 304-309
Account of his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ 309-314
Account of his _Wealth of Nations_ 314-330
Hume's philosophy 331-349
His want of imagination 331-332
Importance and novelty of his doctrines 333-337
His method was eminently deductive; and he, like Adam Smith,
cared little for experience 337-341
Hence, his injustice to Bacon, whose method was diametrically
opposed to his own 338-339
His _Natural History of Religion_ 342-348
Comparison between the method of this work, and the method
employed by Cudworth 348
Reid's philosophy 349-361
His timidity made him look at the practical tendency of
speculative doctrines, instead of confining himself to the
question of their truth or falsehood 349-354
But a philosopher should deem it his business to ascertain
new truths, without regard to their consequences 349-350
Reid attacked Hume's method, because he disliked the results
to which that method had led 354-355
And yet, in raising his own philosophy, he followed the very
same method himself 355-359
Estimate of the value of what Reid effected 359-360
Opposition between the method of Reid and that of Bacon 360-361
In physical philosophy, the deductive method was equally
prevalent in Scotland 361-seq.
The laws of heat 362
Indestructibility of force. Interchange of forces 362-365
Black's philosophy 367-377
His theory of latent heat prepared the way for subsequent
discoveries 367-371
His method was deductive, and does not come under any of the
rules of the Baconian philosophy 371-372
He reasoned from his principles speculatively, instead of
occupying himself with a long course of experiments 372-377
To do this was to indulge the imagination, which is deemed
dangerous by the inductive school of English physicists. But,
in the pursuit of truth, we need all our powers; and the
advance of physical science is retarded by our neglect of the
imaginative and emotional faculties 377-382
Black, therefore, did immense service by giving free scope, to
the imagination. The same plan was pursued by his successor,
Leslie 383
Leslie's philosophy of heat 383-388
He derived great aid from poetry 385
And was unjust to Bacon, whose inductive views he disliked 388
Hutton's geological philosophy 388-402
Fire and water are the two causes which have altered, and are
still altering, the crust of the earth. The supposition that
volcanic action was formerly more powerful than at present, is
quite consistent with the doctrines of an unbroken sequence of
events, and of the uniformity of natural laws 388-390
The action of fire and water on the crust of the earth, may be
studied deductively, by computing separately the probable
operation of each. Or they maybe studied inductively, by
observing their united effects, and rising from the effects to
the causes; while the deductive plan is to descend from the
causes to the effects 390-391
Of these two methods, the English followed the inductive; the
Scotch and Germans followed the deductive 391
English geology founded by William Smith 391-393
German geology founded by Werner 393-395
Scotch geology founded by Hutton 396
The English observed effects in order to ascertain causes. The
Germans, assuming water to be the cause, reasoned from it to
the effects. The Scotch, assuming heat to be the cause, made
its principles the first step in their argument 391-396
Reasons which made the Scotch geologists argue from the
principles of heat, instead of, like the German geologists,
arguing from the principles of water 396
Though Hutton founded the theory of metamorphic rocks, and
ascribed such immense importance to heat, he would not take
the trouble of examining a single region of active volcanos,
where he might have seen those very operations of nature,
respecting which he speculated 398
But, by a deductive application of the principles unfolded by
Black, he arrived at a conclusion concerning the consolidation
of strata by heat 399-400
That conclusion was entirely speculative, and unsupported by
experience 399
Though experiment might perhaps verify it, no one had yet made
the trial; and Hutton was too averse to the inductive method
to undertake the investigation himself 400-401
Sir James Hall afterwards took the matter up, and empirically
verified the great idea which Hutton had propounded 401-402
Watt's invention of the steam-engine, and discovery of the
composition of water 402-406
Contrast between the method by which he, as a Scotchman,
discovered the composition of water, and the opposite method
by which the Englishman, Cavendish, made the same discovery at
the same time 404-406
Nature of the evidence of the supposed difference between the
organic and inorganic world. Life is probably a property of
all matter 406-410
Assuming, however, for the purposes of classification, that
the organic world is fundamentally different from the
inorganic, we may divide organic science into physiology and
pathology 410-412
The two great Scotch pathologists are Cullen and John Hunter.
Hunter, having a larger mind than Cullen, was also a
physiologist 412
Account of Cullen's philosophy 413-427
His love of theory 413
Theory, though necessary in science, is dangerous in practice 414-416
Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
therapeutics 417-418
Comparison between the method of Cullen's pathology and the
method employed by Adam Smith 417-419
Cullen's theory of the solids 420-seq.
He refused to inquire into the truth of the principles from
which he argued 421-422
His conclusions, like his premisses, represent only a part of
the truth, and were extremely one-sided. Still, their value
is unquestionable, forming, as they did, a necessary part of
the general progress 423-424
His theory of fever 424-426
His nosology 426-427
The philosophy of John Hunter 428-458
His grandeur, and, unfortunately, his obscurity of language 428-430
In his mind, the inductive and deductive methods struggled for
mastery. Their conflict oppressed him. This is one of the
causes of the darkness of his thoughts and consequently of his
style 429-432
His natural disposition was towards deduction 432
But circumstances made him inductive, and he collected facts
with untiring industry 432-434
By this means he made a large number of curious physiological
discoveries 434-436
He traced the history of the red globules of the blood, and
arrived at the conclusion that their function is to strengthen
the system rather than to repair it 436-437
Long after his death, this inference was corroborated by the
progress of miscroscopical and chemical researches. It was
especially corroborated by Lecanu's comparison of the blood in
different sexes, and in different temperaments. 439
Hunter's inquiries concerning the movements of animals and
vegetables 439-441
He recognized the great truth that the sciences of the
inorganic world must be the foundation of those of the organic 443
His object was, to unite all the physical sciences, in order
to show that, the operations of nature being always uniform,
regularity prevails even amidst the greatest apparent
irregularity 443-444
Hence, aiming chiefly at a generalization of irregularities,
his favourite study was pathology 444
In his pathological inquiries, he took into account the
malformations of crystals 445
As a physiologist, he was equalled or excelled by Aristotle;
but as a pathologist, he is unrivalled for the grandeur of his
views 446-447
In pathology, his love of deduction was more obvious than in
physiology 447
His pathological speculations respecting the principles of
action and the principles of sympathy 448-452
But his English contemporaries, being eminently inductive, so
disliked his method, that he exercised scarcely any influence
over them 453
This is the more observable, because his discoveries
respecting disease have caused him to be recognized as the
founder of modern surgery, and the principal author of the
doctrines now taught in the medical profession 454-457
Such were the great results achieved by Scotchmen in the
eighteenth century. Difference between this splendid
literature and the wretched productions of the Scotch mind in
the seventeenth century. 458-460
Notwithstanding this difference, the deductive method was
supreme in both centuries 461
The deductive method strikes the senses less than the
inductive. Hence, induction being more accessible to average
understandings, is more popular than deduction. Hence, too,
the teachings of an inductive philosophy are more likely to
affect national character than the teaching of a deductive
philosophy 461-464
Theology forms the only exception to this rule 464-465
The Scotch literature of the eighteenth century, being
essentially deductive, was, on that account, unable to affect
the nation. It was, therefore, unable to weaken national
superstition 465-469
Superstition and religious illiberality still existing in
Scotland 469-471
The notions countenanced there respecting the origin of
epidemics. Correspondence which, in consequence of those
notions, took place, in 1853, between the Scotch Church and
the English Government 471-476
These superstitions are eminently irreligious, and are
everywhere becoming effaced, as physical science advances.
Nothing else can touch them. Hence the gradual liberation of
the human mind from the slavish and unmanly fears by which it
has long been oppressed 476-482
HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
CHAPTER I.
CONDITION OF SCOTLAND TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
In the preceding view of the rise and decay of Spain, I have sought to
exhibit the successive steps by which what was formerly one of the
greatest nations of the earth, was broken, and cast down from its high
estate. As we look back on that scene, the picture is, indeed, striking.
A country rich in all natural productions, inhabited by a brave, a loyal,
and a religious people, removed, too, by its geographical position from
the hazards of European revolutions, did, by the operation of those
general causes which I have indicated, suddenly rise to unparalleled
grandeur; and then, without the occurrence of any new combination, but by
a mere continuance of the same causes, fall with an equal velocity. Yet,
these vicissitudes, strange and startling as they appear, were perfectly
regular. They were the legitimate consequence of a state of society, in
which the spirit of protection had reached its highest point, and in
which, every thing being done for the people, nothing was done by the
people. Whenever this happens, there may be great political progress, but
there can be no really national progress. There may be accessions of
territory, and vast increase of fame and of power. There may be
improvements in the practice of administration, in the management of
finances, in the organization of armies, in the art and theory of war, in
the tricks of diplomacy, and in those various contrivances by which one
nation is able to outwit and insult another. So far, however, from this
benefiting the people, it will injure them in two different ways. In the
first place, by increasing the reputation of the ruling classes, it
encourages that blind and servile respect which men are too apt to feel
for those who are above them, and which, wherever it has been generally
practised, has been found fatal to the highest qualities of the citizen,
and therefore to the permanent grandeur of the nation. And, in the second
place, it multiplies the resources of the executive government, and thus
renders the country unable, as well as unwilling, to correct the errors
of those who are at the head of affairs. Hence, in Spain, as in all
countries similarly circumstanced, it was at the very moment when things
were most prosperous at the surface, that they were most rotten at the
foundation. In presence of the most splendid political success, the
nation hastened to its downfall, and the crisis was fast approaching, in
which, the whole edifice being overturned, nothing would be left, except
a memorable warning of the consequences which must ensue, when the
people, giving themselves up to the passions of superstition and loyalty,
abdicate their own proper functions, forego their own responsibility,
renounce their highest duties, and degrade themselves into passive
instruments to serve the will of the Church and the throne.
Such is the great lesson taught by the history of Spain. From the history
of Scotland, we may gather another lesson, of a different, and yet of a
similar, kind. In Scotland, the progress of the nation has been very
slow, but, on the whole, very sure. The country is extremely barren; the
executive government has, with rare exceptions, been always weak; and the
people have never been burdened with those feelings of loyalty which
circumstances had forced upon the Spaniards. Certainly, the last charge
that will be brought against the Scotch, is that of superstitious
attachment to their princes.[1] We, in England, have not always been very
tender of the persons of our sovereigns, and we have occasionally
punished them with what some consider excessive severity. With this, we
have been frequently taunted by the more loyal nations of the Continent;
and, in Spain in particular, our conduct has excited the greatest
abhorrence. But, if we compare our history with that of our northern
neighbours, we must pronounce ourselves a meek and submissive people.[2]
There have been more rebellions in Scotland than in any other country;
and the rebellions have been very sanguinary, as well as very numerous.
The Scotch have made war upon most of their kings, and put to death many.
To mention their treatment of a single dynasty, they murdered James I.
and James III. They rebelled against James II. and James VII. They laid
hold of James V., and placed him in confinement. Mary, they immured in a
castle, and afterwards deposed. Her successor, James VI., they
imprisoned; they led him captive about the country, and on one occasion
attempted his life. Towards Charles I., they showed the greatest
animosity, and they were the first to restrain his mad career. Three
years before the English ventured to rise against that despotic prince,
the Scotch boldly took up arms, and made war on him. The service which
they then rendered to the cause of liberty it would be hard to overrate;
but the singular part of the transaction was, that having afterwards got
possession of the person of Charles, they sold him to the English for a
large sum of money, of which they, being very poor, had pressing need.
Such a sale is unparalleled in history; and although the Scotch might
have plausibly alleged that this was the only gain they had derived, or
ever could derive, from the existence of their hereditary prince, still
the event is one which stands alone; it was unprecedented; it has never
been imitated; and its occurrence is a striking symptom of the state of
public opinion, and of the feelings of the country in which it was
permitted.
[1] One of their own historians complacently says, 'but the Scots were
seldom distinguished for loyalty.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
vol. iii. p. 199, edit. 1819. See also p. 366. To the same effect,
Brodie (_History of the British Empire_, Edinburgh, 1822, vol. i. p.
388): 'The little respect paid to royalty is conspicuous in every
page of Scottish history.' Or, as Wilkes expressed himself in the
House of Commons, 'Scotland seems, indeed, the natural _foyer_ of
rebellion, as Egypt is of the plague.' _Parliamentary History_, vol.
xix. p. 810, London, 1814; and Nimmo (_History of Stirlingshire_,
Edinburgh, 1777, p. 219): 'Never was any race of monarchs more
unfortunate than the Scottish. Their reigns were generally turbulent
and disastrous, and their own end often tragical.'
[2] Indeed, a well-known Scotchman of the seventeenth century,
scornfully says of the English, 'such is the obsequiousness, and
almost superstitious devotion of that nation towards their prince.'
_Baillie's Letters_, vol. i. p. 204, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.
This, however, was written in 1639, since which we have effectually
wiped off that reproach. On the other hand, an English writer of
the seventeenth century, indignantly, though with evident
exaggeration, imputes to the Scotch that 'forty of their kings have
been barbarously murdered by them; and half as many more have
either made away with themselves, for fear of their torturing of
them, or have died miserably in strait imprisonment.' _Account of
Scotland in_ 1670, in _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 140, edit.
Park, 4to, 1810. Compare two curious passages in _Shields' Hind let
loose_, 1687, pp. 8, 9, 15.
While, however, in regard to loyalty, the opposition between Scotland and
Spain is complete, there is, strange to say, the most striking similarity
between those countries in regard to superstition. Both nations have
allowed their clergy to exercise immense sway, and both have submitted
their actions, as well as their consciences, to the authority of the
Church. As a natural consequence, in both countries, intolerance has
been, and still is, a crying evil; and in matters of religion, a bigotry
is habitually displayed, discreditable indeed to Spain, but far more
discreditable to Scotland, which has produced many philosophers of the
highest eminence, who would willingly have taught the people better
things, but who have vainly attempted to remove from the national mind
that serious blemish which mars its beauty, and tends to neutralize its
many other admirable qualities.
Herein lies the apparent paradox, and the real difficulty, of Scotch
history. That knowledge should not have produced the effects which have
elsewhere followed it; that a bold and inquisitive literature should be
found in a grossly superstitious country, without diminishing its
superstition; that the people should constantly withstand their kings,
and as constantly succumb to their clergy; that while they are liberal in
politics, they should be illiberal in religion; and that, as a natural
consequence of all this, men who, in the visible and external department
of facts and of practical life, display a shrewdness and a boldness
rarely equalled, should nevertheless, in speculative life, and in matters
of theory, tremble like sheep before their pastors, and yield assent to
every absurdity they hear, provided their Church has sanctioned it; that
these discrepancies should coexist, seems at first sight a strange
contradiction, and is surely a phenomenon worthy of our careful study. To
indicate the causes of this anomaly, and to trace the results to which
the anomaly has led, will be the business of the remaining part of this
volume; and although the investigation will be somewhat lengthy, it will
not, I hope, be considered prolix, by those who recognise the importance
of the inquiry, and are aware how completely it has been neglected, even
by those who have written most fully on the history of the Scottish
nation.
In Scotland, as elsewhere, the course of events has been influenced by
its physical geography; and by this I mean, not only its own immediate
peculiarities, but also its relation to adjoining countries. It is close
to Ireland; it touches England; and by the contiguity of the Orkney and
Shetland Isles, it was eminently exposed to the attacks of that great
nation of pirates, which for centuries inhabited the Scandinavian
peninsula. Considered merely by itself, it is mountainous and sterile;
nature has interposed such obstacles, that it was long impossible to open
regular communications between its different parts, which, indeed, in
regard to the Highlands, was not effected till after the middle of the
eighteenth century.[3] Finally, and this, as we shall presently see, was
a matter of great importance, the most fertile land in Scotland is in the
south, and was, therefore, constantly ravaged by the English borderers.
Hence, the accumulation of wealth was hindered; the growth of towns was
discouraged, by the serious hazards to which they were liable; and it was
impossible to develop that municipal spirit, which might have existed, if
the districts most favoured by nature had been situated in the north of
Scotland, instead of in the south. If the actual state of things had been
reversed, so that the Highlands were in the south,[4] and the Lowlands in
the north, it can hardly be doubted, that, after the cessation in the
thirteenth century of the great Scandinavian invasions, the most fertile
parts of Scotland, being comparatively secure, would have been the seat
of towns, which the active spirit of the people would have caused to
prosper, and the prosperity of which would have introduced a new element
into Scotch affairs, and changed the course of Scotch history. This,
however, was not to be; and, as we have to deal with events as they
actually are, I will now endeavour to trace the consequences of the
physical peculiarities which have just been noticed; and by coördinating
their results, I will, so far as I am able, show their general meaning,
and the way in which they have shaped the national character.
[3] In England, the travelling was bad enough; in Scotland, it was far
worse. Morer, stating what he saw in 1689, says 'Stage-coaches they
have none; yet there are a few Hackney's at Edinburgh, which they
may hire into the country upon urgent occasions. The truth is, the
roads will hardly allow 'em those conveniences, which is the reason
that their gentry, men and women, chuse rather to use their horses.'
_Morer's Account of Scotland_, London, 1702, p. 24.
As to the northern parts, we have the following account, written in
Inverness, between 1726 and 1730. 'The Highlands are but little
known even to the inhabitants of the low country of Scotland, for
they have ever dreaded the difficulties and dangers of travelling
among the mountains; and, when some extraordinary occasion has
obliged any one of them to such a progress, he has, generally
speaking, made his testament before he set out, as though he were
entering upon a long and dangerous sea-voyage, wherein it was very
doubtful if he should ever return.' _Letters from a Gentleman in the
North of Scotland_, edit. London, 1815, vol. i. p. 4. Between 1720
and 1730, military roads were cut through parts of the Highlands,
but they were 'laid down by a practical soldier, and destined for
warlike purposes, with scarcely any view towards the ends for which
free and peaceful citizens open up a system of internal transit,'
_Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 255. See also _Chalmers'
Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 36. This is confirmed by the fact, that even
between Inverness and Edinburgh, 'until 1755, the mail was conveyed
by men on foot.' Account of Inverness-shire, in _M^cCulloch's
British Empire_, London, 1847, vol. i. p. 299; to which I may add,
that in _Anderson's Essay on the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1827, pp.
119, 120, it is stated, that 'A postchaise was first seen in
Inverness itself in 1760, and was, for a considerable time, the only
four-wheeled carriage in the district.' As to the communications in
the country about Perth, see _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, pp. 131,
132, Perth, 1836; and as to those from Aberdeen to Inverness, and
from Aberdeen to Edinburgh, see _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol.
ii. pp. 269, 270, London, 4to, 1818.
The history of the improvement of the roads during the latter half
of the eighteenth century, has never been written; but it is of the
greatest importance for its intellectual results, in causing
national fusion, as well as for its economical results, in helping
trade. Some idea may be formed of the extraordinary energy displayed
by Scotland in this matter, by comparing the following passages:
_Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 494, 865, 939, vol. iii. pp.
599, 799; _Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew_, part ii. pp.
128, 160; _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, pp. 245, 246;
_Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 109, 210,
367, 430, 496; vol. ii. p. 498; vol. iii. pp. 331, 352, 353; vol.
iv. p. 313; vol. v. pp. 128, 234, 235, 315, 364, 365; vol. vi.
pp. 107, 154, 180, 458; vol. vii. pp. 135, 251, 275, 299, 417; vol.
viii. pp. 81, 243, 344, 345, 541; vol. ix. pp. 414, 530; vol. x.
pp. 221, 237, 238, 466, 618; vol. xi. pp. 127, 380, 418, 432, 522,
541; vol. xii. p. 59; vol. xiii. pp. 42, 141, 488, 542, 663; vol.
xiv. pp. 217, 227, 413, 443, 466, 506; vol. xv. pp. 54, 88, 276;
vol. xvi. p. 120; vol. xvii. pp. 5, 267, 297, 377, 533; vol. xviii.
p. 309; vol. xx. p. 156.
[4] I use the word Highlands, in the common, though improper, sense of
including all Scotland from the Pentland Firth to the beginning of
the mountains, a few miles north of Glasgow, Stirling, Perth, and
Dundee. All such distinctions are necessarily somewhat vague,
because the boundaries of nature are never clearly marked. Compare
_Macky's Scotland_, p. 124, London, 1732, with _Anderson's Guide to
the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1847, pp. 17, 18.
The earliest fact with which we are acquainted respecting the history of
Scotland, is the Roman invasion under Agricola, late in the first
century. But neither his conquests, nor those of his successors, made
any permanent impression. The country was never really subjugated, and
nothing was effected except a military occupation, which, in spite of the
erection of numerous forts, walls, and ramparts, left the spirit of the
inhabitants unbroken. Even Severus, who, in the year 209, undertook the
last and most important expedition against Scotland, does not appear to
have penetrated beyond the Firth of Moray;[5] and directly he retired,
the natives were again in arms, and again independent. After this,
nothing was attempted upon a scale large enough to give a chance of
success. Indeed, the Romans, far from being equal to such an effort, were
themselves deteriorating. In their best days, their virtues were the
virtues of barbarians, and even those they were now about to lose. From
the beginning, their scheme of life was so one-sided and imperfect, that
the increase of wealth, which improves the civilization of really
civilized countries, was to the Romans an irreparable mischief; and they
were corrupted by luxury, instead of being refined by it. In our time, if
we compare the different nations of Europe, we find that the richest are
also the most powerful, the most humane, and the most happy. We live in
that advanced state of society, in which wealth is both the cause and the
effect of progress, while poverty is the fruitful parent of weakness, of
misery, and of crime. But the Romans, when they ceased to be poor, began
to be vicious. So unstable was the foundation of their greatness, that
the very results which their power produced, were fatal to the power
itself. Their empire gave them wealth, and their wealth overthrew their
empire. Their national character, notwithstanding its apparent strength,
was in truth of so frail a texture, that it was ruined by its own
development. As it grew, it dwarfed. Hence it was, that, in the third and
fourth centuries, their hold on mankind visibly slackened. Their
authority being undermined, other nations, of course, stepped in; so that
the inroads of those strange tribes which came pouring from the north,
and to whose appearance the final catastrophe is often ascribed, were at
best the occasion, but by no means the cause, of the fall of the Roman
Empire. Towards that great and salutary event, every thing had long been
pointing. The scourgers and oppressors of the world, whom a false and
ignorant sympathy has invested with noble qualities which they never
possessed, had now to look to themselves; and when, after receding on all
sides, they, in the middle of the fifth century, withdrew their forces
from the whole of Britain, they merely executed a movement, which a train
of circumstances, continued through several generations, had made
inevitable.
[5] Browne (_History of the Highlands_, vol. i. p. 33) says that 'he
traversed the whole of North Britain, from the wall of Antoninus to
the very extremity of the island.' The same thing is stated in
_Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i. p. 90. Neither of these writers quote
their authority for this; but they probably relied on a passage in
_Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. iv. p. 94. 'Neque tamen
desideratis quinquaginta millibus (ut scribit Dion) prius ab
inc[oe]pto destiterunt, quam ad finem insulæ penetrassent.' I
believe, however, that Scotch antiquaries are now agreed that this
is wrong, as Chalmers was one of the first to perceive. See his
_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 187; a very valuable and learned, but
unhappily ill-arranged, book, and written in a style which is
absolutely afflicting. See also _Irving's History of
Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, p. 14.
It is at this point that we begin to discern the operation of those
physical and geographical peculiarities which I have mentioned as
influencing the fortunes of Scotland. The Romans, gradually losing
ground, the proximity of Ireland caused repeated attacks from that
fertile island, whose rich soil and great natural advantages gave rise to
an exuberant, and therefore a restless, population. An overflow, which,
in civilized times, is an emigration, is, in barbarous times, an
invasion. Hence the Irish, or Scotti as they were termed, established
themselves by force of arms in the west of Scotland, and came into
collision with the Picts, who occupied the eastern part. A deadly
struggle ensued, which lasted four centuries after the withdrawal of the
Romans, and plunged the country into the greatest confusion. At length,
in the middle of the ninth century, Kenneth M'Alpine, king of the
Scotti, gained the upper hand, and reduced the Picts to complete
submission.[6] The country was now united under one rule; and the
conquerors, slowly absorbing the conquered, gave their name to the whole,
which, in the tenth century, received the appellation of Scotland.[7]
[6] The history of Scotland, in this period, is in great confusion, and
perhaps will never be recovered. For the statements made in the
text, I have chiefly used the following authorities: _Fordun's
Scotichronicon_, vol. i.; _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
lib. v. pp. 121-132, and the beginning of the sixth book. Also
various parts of _Bede_; _Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History
of Scotland_; _Chalmers' Caledonia_; the first volume of _Browne's
History of the Highlands_; and, above all, Mr. Skene's acute and
learned work on the Highlanders. In the last-named book, the western
boundary of the Picts is traced with great ingenuity, though perhaps
with some uncertainty. _Skene's Highlanders of Scotland_, vol. i.
pp. 26-33, London, 1837.
[7] Here, again, we are involved in doubt; it being uncertain when the
name Scotia was first applied to Scotland. The date, therefore,
which I have given, is only intended as an approximative truth. In
arriving at it, I have compared the following different, and often
conflicting, passages: _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 339.
_Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. i. p. 34. _Pinkerton's
Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 253, 254,
vol. ii. pp. 151, 228, 237, 240. _Spottiswoode's History of the
Church of Scotland_, edit. Russell, 1851, vol. i. p. 16, note,
where, however, Pinkerton's authority is appealed to for an
assertion which he did not make. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. i. pp.
45, 61, 244. _Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands_, p. 34.
But the kingdom was to have no rest. For, in the mean time,
circumstances, which it would be tedious to relate, had raised the
inhabitants of Norway to be the greatest maritime power in Europe. The
use which that nation of pirates made of their strength, forms another
and a very important link in the history of Scotland, and moreover
illustrates the immense weight, which, in an early period of society,
should be assigned to mere geographical considerations. The nearest land
to the centre of the long coast of Norway is the Shetland Isles, whence
it is an easy sail to the Orkneys. The northern pirates naturally seized
these small, but, to them, most useful islands, and, as naturally, made
them intermediate stations, from which they could conveniently pillage
the coasts of Scotland. Being constantly reinforced from Norway, they, in
the ninth and tenth centuries, advanced from the Orkneys, made permanent
settlements in Scotland itself, and occupied not only Caithness, but also
great part of Sutherland. Another body of them got possession of the
Western Islands; and as Skye is only separated from the mainland by a
very narrow channel, these pirates easily crossed over, and fixed
themselves in Western Ross.[8] From their new abodes, they waged
incessant and destructive war against every district within their reach;
and, keeping a large part of Scotland in constant alarm, they, for about
three centuries, prevented the possibility of its social improvement.
Indeed, that unhappy country was never free from the dangers of Norwegian
invasion, until the failure of the last great attack, in 1263, when Haco
left Norway with a prodigious armament, which he further strengthened by
reinforcements from the Orkneys and Hebrides. Scotland could offer but
little resistance. Haco, with his allies, sailed along the western coast
to the Mull of Kentire, wasted the country with fire and sword, took
Arran and Bute, entered the Firth of Clyde, suddenly fell upon Loch
Lomond, destroyed all the property on its shores and on its islands,
ravaged the whole county of Stirling, and threatened to descend with all
his force upon Ayrshire. Fortunately, the inclemency of the weather broke
up this great expedition, and scattered or destroyed the entire fleet.[9]
After its dispersal, the course of affairs in Norway prevented the
attempt from being renewed; and danger from that quarter being over, it
might have been hoped that Scotland would now enjoy peace, and would have
leisure to develop the natural resources which she possessed,
particularly those in the southern and more favoured districts.
[8] _Pinkerton's Enquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i.
pp. 136, 317, vol. ii. pp. 179, 298. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. i.
pp. 90, 91, 94, 106, 114, 258, 259. _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i.
pp. 340-347.
[9] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 38-54. The account in
_Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. i. pp. 399-403, ascribes
too much to the prowess of the Scotch, and too little to the
elements which dispersed the fleet. Compare _Irving's History of
Dumbartonshire_, second edition, 4to, 1860, pp. 48, 49.
This, however, was not to be. For, scarcely were the attacks from Norway
at an end, when those from England began. Early in the thirteenth
century, the lines of demarcation which separated Normans from Saxons,
were, in our country, becoming so obliterated, that in many cases it was
impossible to distinguish them.[10] By the middle of the same century,
the two races were fused into one powerful nation; and, as that nation
had a comparatively feeble neighbour, it was certain that the stronger
people would try to oppress the weaker.[11] In an ignorant and barbarous
age, military success is preferred to all other kinds of fame; and the
English, greedy for conquest, set their eyes upon Scotland, which they
were sure to invade at the first opportunity. That Scotland was near,
made it tempting; that it was believed to be defenceless, made the
temptation irresistible. In 1290, Edward I. determined to avail himself
of the confusion into which Scotland was thrown by disputes respecting
the succession of the crown. The intrigues which followed, need not be
related; it is enough to say, that, in 1296, the sword was drawn, and
Edward invaded a country which he had long desired to conquer. But he
little recked of the millions of treasure, and the hundreds of thousands
of lives, which were to be squandered, before that war was over.[12] The
contest that ensued was of unexampled length and severity; and in its sad
course, the Scotch, notwithstanding their heroic resistance, and the
victories they occasionally gained, had to endure every evil which could
be inflicted by their proud and insolent neighbour. The darling object of
the English, was to subjugate the Scotch; and if anything could increase
the disgrace of so base an enterprise, it would be that, having
undertaken it, they ignominiously failed.[13] The suffering, however, was
incalculable, and was aggravated by the important fact, that it was
precisely the most fertile part of Scotland which was most exposed to the
English ravages. This, as we shall presently see, produced some very
curious results on the national character; and for that reason, I will,
without entering into many details, give a slight summary of the more
immediate consequences of this long and sanguinary struggle.
[10] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. pp. 116, 117.
[11] In _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 18, 'the early part
of the reign' of Alexander III. is indicated as the period in which
'the first approaches were made towards the great plan for the
reduction of Scotland, by the English.' Alexander III. came to the
throne in 1249. Earlier, the feeling was very different. Thus, late
in the twelfth century, 'the two nations, according to Fordun,
seemed one people; Englishmen travelling at pleasure through all
the corners of Scotland (?); and Scotchmen in like manner through
England.' _Ridpath's Border History_, p. 76. Compare _Dalrymple's
Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 158. At that time, England, being
weak, was peaceably disposed.
[12] An old Scotch writer says, with some exaggeration, 'The year 1296,
at which tyme, the bloodyest and longest warr that ever was betwixt
two nationes fell out, and continued two hundreth and sextie years,
to the undoeing and ruineing of many noble families, with the
slaughter of a million of men.' _Somerville's Memorie of the
Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 61.
[13] See some just and biting remarks in _Hume's History of the House
of Douglas_, vol. i. p. 85.
In 1296, the English entered Berwick, the richest town Scotland
possessed, and not only destroyed all the property, but slew nearly all
the inhabitants.[14] They then marched on to Aberdeen and Elgin; and so
completely desolated the country, that the Scotch, flying to the
mountains, and stripped of their all, had no resource left but to wage
from their native fastnesses a war similar to that which their savage
ancestors, twelve centuries earlier, had conducted against the
Romans.[15] In 1298, the English again broke in, burnt Perth and St.
Andrews, and ravaged the whole territory south and west.[16] In 1310,
they invaded Scotland by the eastern march, and carrying off such
provisions as were left, caused so terrible a dearth, that the people
were forced to feed on horses and other carrion.[17] All over southern
Scotland, both east and west, the inhabitants were now reduced to a
horrible condition, being for the most part houseless and starved. In
1314, made desperate by their state, they rallied for a moment, and, in
the battle of Bannockburn, gloriously defeated their oppressors. But
their unrelenting enemy was at hand, and pressed them so hard, that, in
1322, Bruce, in order to baffle an English invasion, was obliged to lay
waste all the districts south of the Firth of Forth; the people taking
refuge, as before, in the mountains.[18] This time, therefore, when
Edward II. reached Edinburgh, he plundered nothing, because, the country
being a desert, there was nothing to plunder; but, on his return, he did
what he could, and meeting with some convents, which were the only signs
of life that he encountered, he fell upon them, robbed the monasteries of
Melrose and Holyrood, burnt the abbey of Dryburgh, and slew those monks
who, from age or disease, were unable to escape.[19] In 1336, the next
king, Edward III., equipped a numerous army, devastated the Lowlands,
and great part of the Highlands, and destroyed every thing he could find,
as far as Inverness.[20] In 1346, the English overran the districts of
Tweeddale, the Merse, Ettrick, Annandale, and Galloway;[21] and in 1355,
Edward, in a still more barbarous inroad, burnt every church, every
village, and every town he approached.[22] And scarcely were these
frightful losses somewhat repaired, when another storm burst upon the
devoted land. In 1385, Richard II. traversed the southern counties to
Aberdeen, scattering destruction on every side, and reducing to ashes the
cities of Edinburgh, Dunfermline, Perth, and Dundee.[23]
[14] 'Anno gratiæ MCCXCVI. tertio kalendas Aprilis, villa et castro de
Berevvico, per magnificum regem Angliæ Eadvvardum captis, omnes
ibidem inuentos Angli gladio occiderunt, paucis exceptis, qui ipsam
villam postmodum abiurar[=u]t.' _Flores Historiarum per Matthæum
Westmonasteriensem collecti_, Lond. 1570, folio, lib. ii. p. 403.
'Atque modo prædicto villâ captâ, civibus prostratis, rex Angliæ
prædictus nulli ætati parcens aut sexui, duobus diebus rivulis de
cruore occisorum fluentibus, septem millia et quingentas animas
promiscui sexûs jusserat, in sua tyrannide desæviens, trucidari.'
_Fordun's Scotichronicon, curâ Goodall_, Edinb. 1775, folio, vol.
ii. pp. 159, 160. 'Secutus Rex cum peditum copiis miserabilem omnis
generis cædem edit.' _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
Abredoniæ, 1762, lib. viii. p. 200. 'They left not one creature
alive of the Scotish blood within all that toune.' _Hollinshead's
Scottish Chronicle_, Arbroath, 1805, 4to, vol. i. p. 418. In 1286,
that is, only ten years earlier, 'No other part of Scotland, in
point of commercial importance, came near to a comparison with
Berwick.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, London, 4to, 1805,
vol. i. p. 446. Such were the brutal crimes of our wretched and
ignorant ancestors.
[15] 'The Scots assembled in troops and companies, and betaking
themselves to the woods, mountains, and morasses, in which their
fathers had defended themselves against the Romans, prepared for a
general insurrection against the English power.' _Scott's History
of Scotland_, London, 1830, vol. i. p. 70. Elgin appears to have
been the most northern point of this expedition. See _Tytler's
History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 119, and _Chalmers' Caledonia_,
vol. i. p. 657. The general results are summed up by Buchanan:
'Hanc stragem ex agrorum incultu consecuta est fames, et famem
pestis, unde major quàm è bello clades timebatur.' _Rerum
Scoticarum Historia_, lib. viii. p. 203.
[16] 'The army then advanced into Scotland by moderate marches, wasting
and destroying every thing on their way.' ... 'A party of Edward's
army, sent northwards, wasted the country, and burnt Perth and
Saint Andrews.' _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 146, 147.
[17] 'The king entered Scotland by the eastern march with a great army.'
... 'There was this year so terrible a dearth and scarcity of
provisions in Scotland, arising from the havoc of war, that many
were obliged to feed on the flesh of horses and other carrion.'
_Ibid._ pp. 164, 165. See also _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii.
pp. 242, 243. 'Quo anno, propter guerrarum discrimina, tanta erat
panis inopia et victualium caristia in Scotia, quòd in plerisque
locis, compellente famis necessitate, multi carnibus equorum et
aliorum pecorum immundorum vescebantur.'
[18] Bruce 'carefully laid the whole borders waste as far as the Firth
of Forth, removing the inhabitants to the mountains, with all their
effects of any value. When the English army entered, they found a
land of desolation, which famine seemed to guard.' _Scott's History
of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 145. See also _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
Historia_, lib. viii. p. 218.
[19] 'Eadwardus, rex Angliæ, intravit Scotiam cum magno exercitu equitum
et peditum, ac navium multitudine copiosa, duodecimo die mensis
Augusti, et usque villam de Edinburgh pervenit.' ... 'Spoliatis
tamen tunc in reditu Anglorum et prædatis monasteriis Sanctæ Crucis
de Edinburgh et de Melros, atque ad magnam desolationem perductis.
In ipso namque monasterio de Melros dominus Willelmus de Peblis,
ejusdem monasterii Prior, unus etiam monachus tunc infirmus, et duo
conversi cæci effecti, in dormitorio eorundem ab eisdem Anglis sunt
interfecti, et plures monachi lethaliter vulnerati. Corpus
Dominicum super magnum altare fuit projectum, ablatâ pixide
argenteâ in quâ erat repositum. Monasterium de Driburgh igne
penitùs consumptum est et in pulverem redactum. Ac _alia pia loca
quamplurima_ per prædicti regis violentiam ignis flamma consumpsit:
quod, Deo retribuente, eisdem in prosperum non cessit.' _Fordun's
Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 278. 'In redeundo sacra juxta ac
prophana spoliata. Monasteria Driburgum et Mulrossia etiam cæsis
monachis infirmioribus, qui vel defectu virium, vel senectutis
fiducia soli remanserant, incensa,' _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
Historia_, lib. viii. p. 219.
[20] _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. pp. 322, 323. _Dalrymple's
Annals_, vol. ii. pp. 232, 447. _Scott's History of Scotland_,
vol. i. pp. 187, 188.
[21] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 451.
[22] _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol. ii. p. 288. _Fordun's Scotichronicon_,
vol. ii. pp. 352-354.
[23] 'Rex Angliæ, Richardus secundus ægrè ferens Scotos et Francos tam
atrociter terram suam deprædare, et municipia sua assilire et ad
terram prosternere, exercitum collegit grandem, et intravit
Scotiam, ætate tunc novemdecim annorum, in multitudine superba
progrediens, omnia circumquaque perdens, et nihil salvans; templa
Dei et sanctuaria religiosorum monasteria viz. Driburgh, Melros et
Newbottel, ac nobilem villam de Edinburgh, cum ecclesia Sancti
Ægidii ejusdem, voraci flammâ incineravit; et, destructione
permaximâ factâ per eum in Laudonia, ad propria sine damno
repatriavit' _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 401. 'En ce
séjour que le roi Richard fit en Haindebourch les Anglois coururent
tout le pays d'environ et y firent moult de desrois; mais nullui
n'y trouvèrent; car tout avoient retrait ens ès forts, et ens ès
grands bois, et là chassé tout leur bétail.' ... 'Et ardirent les
Anglois la ville de Saint-Jean-Ston en Ecosse, où la rivière du Tay
cuert, et y a un bon port pour aller partout le monde; et puis la
ville de Dondie; et n'épargnoient abbayes ni moûtiers; tout
mettoient les Anglois en feu et en flambe; et coururent jusques à
Abredane les coureurs et l'avant-garde.' _Les Chroniques de
Froissart_, edit. Buchon, vol. ii. pp. 334, 335, Paris, 1835. See
also, on this ruffianly expedition, _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii.
pp. 592, 593, and _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. ix.
p. 253: 'Nulli loco, neque sacro, neque profano, nulli homini, qui
modò militari esset ætate, parcebat.'
By these disasters, the practice of agriculture was every where
interrupted, and in many places ceased for several generations.[24] The
labourers either fled, or were murdered; and there being no one to till
the ground, some of the fairest parts of Scotland were turned into a
wilderness, overgrown with briers and thickets. Between the invasions, a
few of the inhabitants, taking courage, issued from the mountains, and
raised wretched huts in the place of their former abodes. But, even then,
they were pursued to their very doors by wolves, searching for food, and
maddened with hunger. If they escaped from these famished and ferocious
animals, they and their families were exposed to a danger still more
horrible. For, in those terrible days, when famine stalked abroad,
despair perverted the souls of men, and drove them to new crime. There
were cannibals in the land; and we have it on contemporary authority,
that a man and his wife, who were at length brought to justice, subsisted
during a considerable period on the bodies of children, whom they caught
alive in traps, devouring their flesh, and drinking their blood.[25]
[24] 'Agriculture was ruined; and the very necessaries of life were lost,
when the principal lords had scarcely a bed to lye on.' _Chalmers'
Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 142. See also, in p. 867 of the same volume
of this learned work, some curious extracts from Scotch charters
and other sources, illustrating the horrible condition of the
country. And on the difficulty of obtaining food, compare _Fordun's
Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. pp. 242, 324; _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol.
i. p. 307, vol. ii. pp. 238, 330; and _Tytler's History of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 94.
[25] Notices of Scotch cannibals will be found in _Lindsay of
Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland_, edit. 1814, vol. i. p. 163;
and in _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, 4to, 1805, vol. ii. pp.
16, 99. In _Fordun's Scotichronicon_, vol. ii. p. 331, the
following horrible account is given: it refers to the neighbourhood
of Perth in the year 1339: 'Tota illa patria circumvicina eo
tempore in tantum fuit vastata, quòd non remansit quasi domus
inhabitata, sed feræ et cervi de montanis descendentes circa villam
sæpiùs venabantur. Tanta tunc temporis facta est caristia, et
victualium inopia, ut passim plebicula deficeret, et tanquam oves
herbas depascentes, in foveis mortua reperirentur. Prope illinc in
abditis latitabat quidam robustus rusticus, Crysticleik nomine, cum
viragine sua, qui mulierculis et pueris ac juvenibus insidiabantur,
et, tanquam lupi eos strangulantes, de ipsorum carnibus
victitabant.'
Thus the fourteenth century passed away. In the fifteenth century, the
devastations of the English became comparatively rare; and although the
borders were the scene of constant hostilities,[26] there is no instance,
since the year 1400, of any of our kings invading Scotland.[27] An end
being put to those murderous expeditions, which reduced the country to a
desert, Scotland drew breath, and began to recover her strength.[28] But,
though the material losses were gradually repaired; though the fields
were again cultivated, and the towns rebuilt, there were other
consequences, which were less easy to remedy, and from whose effects the
people long smarted. These were inordinate power of the nobles, and the
absence of the municipal spirit. The strength of the nobles, and the
weakness of the citizens, are the most important peculiarities of
Scotland during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and they, as I am
about to show, were directly encouraged by the ravages committed by the
English troops. We shall, moreover, see that this combination of events
increased the authority of the clergy, weakened the influence of the
intellectual classes, and made superstition more prevalent than it would
otherwise have been. It is in this way, that in Scotland, as in all other
countries, every thing is linked together; nothing is casual or
accidental; and the whole march of affairs is governed by general causes,
which, owing to their largeness and remoteness, often escape attention,
but which, when once recognized, are found to be marked by a simplicity
and uniformity, which are the invariable characteristics of the highest
truths that the mind of man has reached.
[26] Even when the two nations were at peace, the borderers were at war.
See _Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 240, 308, 394; and for other
evidence of this chronic anarchy, compare _Hollinshead's Scottish
Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 30. _Lesley's History of Scotland_, pp. 40,
52, 67. _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. pp. 300, 301, 444, 449.
_State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._, 4to, 1836, vol. iv. pp.
366, 370, 569, 570, vol. v. pp. 17, 18, 161. _Historie of James the
Sext_, pp. 21, 91, 146.
[27] In 1400, Henry IV. made 'the last invasion which an English monarch
ever conducted into Scotland.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol.
ii. p. 406. It is said, however, that it was not till the reign of
Elizabeth than an English sovereign 'had the policy to disavow any
claim of sovereignty over Scotland.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i.
p. 650.
[28] But very slowly. Pinkerton (_History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 166,
167) says: 'The frequent wars between Scotland and England, since
the death of Alexander III., had occasioned to the former country
the loss of more than a century in the progress of civilization.
While in England, only the northern provinces were exposed to the
Scotish incursions, Scotland suffered in its most civilized
departments. It is apparent that in the reign of Alexander III.,
the kingdom was more abundant in the useful arts and manufactures,
than it was in the time of Robert III.'
The first circumstance favourable to the authority of the nobles, was the
structure of the country. Mountains, fens, lakes, and morasses, which
even the resources of modern art have only recently made accessible
supplied the great Scottish chieftains with retreats, in which they could
with impunity defy the power of the crown.[29] The poverty of the soil
also, made it difficult for armies to find means of subsistence; and from
this cause alone, the royal troops were often unable to pursue the
lawless and refractory barons.[30] During the fourteenth century,
Scotland was constantly ravaged by the English; and in the intervals of
their absence, it would have been a hopeless undertaking for any king to
try to repress such powerful subjects, since he would have had to march
through districts so devastated by the enemy, that they no longer yielded
the common necessaries of life. Besides this, the war with the English
lessened the authority of the crown, absolutely as well as relatively.
Its patrimony, lying in the south, was incessantly wasted by the
borderers, and before the middle of the fourteenth century, greatly
deteriorated in value.[31] In 1346, David II. fell into the hands of the
English, and during his captivity of eleven years, the nobles carried all
before them, and affected, says an historian, the style and title of
princes.[32] The longer the war with England continued, the more these
consequences were felt; so that before the close of the fourteenth
century, a few of the leading Scotch families had raised themselves to
such preëminence, that it was evident, either that a deadly struggle must
ensue between them and the crown, or else that the executive government
would have to abdicate its most essential functions, and leave the
country a prey to these headstrong and ferocious chiefs.[33]
[29] Owing to this, their castles were, by position, the strongest in
Europe; Germany alone excepted. Respecting their sites, which were
such as to make them in many instances almost unassailable, see
_Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 122, 406, 407, 918, 919, vol.
iii. pp. 268, 269, 356-359, 864; _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
175, 177; _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 169, vol. vii. p.
510, vol. xi. pp. 102, 212, 407, 408, vol. xii. pp. 25, 58, vol.
xiii. p. 598, vol. xv. p. 187, vol. xvi. p. 554, vol. xviii. p.
579, vol. xix. p. 474, vol. xx. pp. 56, 312; _Macky's Scotland_,
pp. 183, 297; and some good remarks in _Nimmo's History of
Stirlingshire_, p. 56. Neither England, nor France, nor Italy, nor
Spain, afforded such immense natural advantages to their
aristocracy.
[30] 'By retiring to his own castle, a mutinous baron could defy the
power of his sovereign, it being almost impracticable to lead an
army through a barren country, to places of difficult access to a
single man.' _History of Scotland_, book i. p. 59, in _Robertson's
Works_, edit. London, 1831. Notwithstanding the immense materials
which have been brought to light since the time of Robertson, his
_History of Scotland_ is still valuable; because he possessed a
grasp of mind which enabled him to embrace general views, that
escape ordinary compilers, however industrious they may be.
[31] 'The patrimony of the Crown had been seriously dilapidated during
the period of confusion which succeeded the battle of Durham,'
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 86.
[32] 'During the long captivity of David,' the nobles had been completely
insubordinate, and 'affected the style and title of princes,'
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 85. See also, on the
state of the barons under David II., _Skene's Highlanders_,
vol. ii. pp. 63-67.
[33] In 1299, 'a superior baron was in every respect a king in
miniature.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 150. In
1377, 'the power of the barons had been decidedly increasing since
the days of Robert the First,' p. 332. And, by 1398, it had risen
still higher, p. 392.
At this crisis, the natural allies of the throne would have been the
citizens and free burgesses, who in most European countries were the
eager and resolute opponents of the nobles, whose licentious habits
interfered not only with their trade and manufactures, but also with
their personal liberty. Here again, however, the long war with England
was favourable to the aristocracy of Scotland. For, as the invaders
ravaged the southern parts of Scotland, which were also the only
tolerably fertile parts, it was impossible that towns should flourish in
the places which nature had appointed for them. There being no large
cities, there was no asylum for the citizens, and there could be no
municipal spirit. There being no municipal spirit, the crown was deprived
of that great resource, which enabled the English kings to curtail the
power of the nobles, and to punish a lawlessness which long impeded the
progress of society.
During the middle ages, the Scotch towns were so utterly insignificant,
that but few notices have been preserved of them; contemporary writers
concentrating their attention upon the proceedings of the nobles and
clergy. Respecting the people, who found shelter in such miserable cities
as then existed, our best accounts are very imperfect; it is, however,
certain that, during the long English wars, the inhabitants usually fled
at the approach of the invaders, and the wretched hovels in which they
lived were burned to the ground.[34] Hence the population acquired a
fluctuating and vagabond character, which prevented the formation of
settled habits of industry, and thus took away one reason which men have
for congregating together. This applied more especially to the southern
Lowlands; for the north, there were other evils equally threatening. The
ferocious Highlanders, who lived entirely by plunder, were constantly at
hand; and to them were not unfrequently added the freebooters of the
Western Isles. Any thing which bore even the semblance of wealth, was an
irresistible excitement to their cupidity. They could not know that a man
had property, without longing to steal it; and, next to stealing, their
greatest pleasure was to destroy.[35] Aberdeen and Inverness were
particularly exposed to their assaults; and twice during the fifteenth
century, Inverness was totally consumed by fire, besides having to pay at
other times a heavy ransom, to save itself from a similar fate.[36]
[34] On this burning of Scotch towns, which appears to have been the
invariable practice of our humane forefathers, see _Chalmers'
Caledonia_, vol. ii. pp. 592, 593; _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_,
vol. i. pp. 18, 27, 375, vol. ii. p. 304; _Mercer's History of
Dunfermline_, pp. 55, 66; _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. v. p. 485,
vol. x. p. 584, vol. xix. p. 161; _Ridpath's Border History_,
pp. 147, 221, 265.
[35] A curious description of them is given in a Scotch statute, of the
year 1597. 'They hawe lykwayis throche thair barbarus inhumunitie
maid and presentlie makis the saidis hielandis and Iles qlk are
maist c[=o]modious in thame selwes alsueill be the ferteillitie of
the ground as be riche fischeingis altogidder vnproffitabill baithe
to thame selffis and to all vthuris his hienes liegis within this
realme; Thay nathair intertening onie ciuill or honest societie
amangis thame selffis neyther, zit admittit vtheris his hienesse
lieges to trafficque within thair boundis vithe saiftie of thair
liues and gudes; for remeid quhairof and that the saidis
inhabitantis of the saidis hilandeis and Iles may the better be
reduced to ane godlie, honest, and ciuill maner of living, it is
statute and ordanit,' &c. _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_,
vol. iv. p. 138, edit. folio, 1816.
These little peculiarities of the Highlanders remained in full
force until about the middle of the eighteenth century, as will
appear in the course of this history. But without anticipating what
will be narrated in a subsequent chapter, I will merely refer the
reader to two interesting passages in _Pennant's Scotland_, vol. i.
p. 154, and in _Heron's Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 218, 219; both of
which illustrate the state of things a little before 1745.
[36] Inverness was burned in 1429. _Gregory's History of the Western
Highlands_, p. 36; and again in 1455, _Buchanan's Rerum Scoticarum
Historia_, lib. xi. p. 322. 'The greatest part' of it was also
burned in 1411. See _Anderson on the Highlands_, Edinb. 1827,
p. 82.
Aberdeen, being richer, was more tempting, but was likewise more
able to defend itself. Still, its burgh records supply curious
evidence of the constant fear in which the citizens lived, and of
the precautions which they took to ward off the attacks, sometimes
of the English, and sometimes of the clans. See the _Council
Register of Aberdeen_ (published by the Spalding Club, Aberdeen,
1844-1848, 4to), vol. i. pp. 8, 19, 60, 83, 197, 219, 232, 268,
vol. ii. p. 82. The last entry, which is dated July 31, 1593,
mentions 'the disordourit and lawles helandmen in Birss,
Glentanner, and their about, nocht onlie in the onmerciful
murthering of men and bairnis, bot in the maisterfull and violent
robbing and spulzeing of all the bestiall, guidis, and geir of a
gryt pairt of the inhabitantis of theas boundis, rasing of gryt
hairschip furth of the samen, being committit to ewous and nar this
burgh, within xx mylis theirunto, deuysit and ordanit for
preservation of this burgh and inhabitantis theirof, fra the
tyrannous invasion of the saidis hieland men, quha has na respect
to God nor man; that the haill inhabitantis of this burgh,
fensiball persones als weill onfrie as frie, salbe in reddiness
weill armit for the defence of this burgh, thair awin lyvis, gudis,
and geir, and resisting and repressing of the said heland men, as
occasioun salbe offered, at all tymes and houris as thay salbe
requirt and chargit.'
Even in 1668 we find complaints that Highlanders had forcibly
carried off women from Aberdeen or from its neighbourhood. _Records
of the Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 290. Other evidence of their attacks
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, may be seen in
_Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 133; _Spalding's History
of the Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 25, 217; _Extracts from the
Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, pp. 62, 73.
Such insecurity[37] both on the north and on the south, made peaceful
industry impossible in any part of Scotland. No where could a town be
built, without being in danger of immediate destruction. The consequence
was, that, during many centuries, there were no manufactures; there was
hardly any trade; and nearly all business was conducted by barter.[38]
Some of the commonest arts were unknown. The Scotch were unable to make
even the arms with which they fought. This, among such a warlike people,
would have been a very profitable labour; but they were so ignorant of
it, that, early in the fifteenth century, most of the armour which they
wore was manufactured abroad, as also were their spears, and even their
bows and arrows; and the heads of these weapons were entirely imported
from Flanders.[39] Indeed, the Flemish artizans supplied the Scotch with
ordinary farming implements, such as cart-wheels and wheel-barrows,
which, about the year 1475, used to be regularly shipped from the Low
Countries.[40] As to the arts which indicate a certain degree of
refinement, they were then, and long afterwards, quite out of the
question.[41] Until the seventeenth century, no glass was manufactured in
Scotland,[42] neither was any soap made there.[43] Even the higher class
of citizens would have deemed windows absurd in their wretched
abodes;[44] and as they were alike filthy in their persons as in their
houses, the demand for soap was too small to induce any one to attempt
its manufacture.[45] Other branches of industry were equally backward. In
1620, the art of tanning leather was for the first time introduced into
Scotland;[46] and it is stated, on apparently good authority, that no
paper was made there until about the middle of the eighteenth
century.[47]
[37] Even Perth ceased to be the capital of Scotland, because 'its
vicinity to the Highlands' made it dangerous for the sovereign to
reside there. _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. xxxi.
[38] On the prevalence of barter and lack of specie, in Scotland, see the
_Spalding Club Miscellany_, vol. iv. pp. lvii.-lx., Aberdeen, 1849,
4to. In 1492, the treasury of Aberdeen was obliged to borrow 4_l._
16_s._ Scots. _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 61.
Compare _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. x. p.
542. Fynes Moryson, who was in Scotland late in the sixteenth
century, says, 'the gentlemen reckon their revenues not by rents of
money, but by chauldrons of victuals.' _Moryson's Itinerary_, part
iii. p. 155, London, folio, 1617; a rare and extremely curious
book, which ought to be reprinted. A hundred years after Moryson
wrote, it was observed that, 'in England, the rents are paid in
money; in Scotland, they are, generally speaking, paid in kind, or
victual, as they call it.' _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 130.
[39] In the reign of James I. (1424-1436), 'It appears that armour, nay
spears, and bows and arrows, were chiefly imported.' ... 'In
particular, the heads of arrows and of spears seem to have been
entirely imported from Flanders,' _Pinkerton's History of
Scotland_, vol. i. p. 163. We learn from Rymer's _F[oe]dera_, that,
in 1368, two Scotchmen having occasion to fight a duel, got their
armour from London. _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. i.
p. 575.
[40] From the _Bibel of English Policy_, supposed to have been written in
the reign of Edward IV., we learn that 'the Scotish imports from
Flanders were mercery, but more haberdashery, cart-wheels, and
wheel-barrows,' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 408.
In _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, p. 61, we are told that, in
the fifteenth century, 'Even in the best parts of Scotland, the
inhabitants could not manufacture the most necessary articles.
Flanders was the great mart in those times, and from Bruges
chiefly, the Scots imported even horse-shoes, harness, saddles,
bridles, cart-wheels, and wheel-barrows, besides all their mercery
and haberdashery.'
[41] Aberdeen was, for a long period, one of the most wealthy,
and, in some respects, the most advanced, of all the Scotch cities.
But it appears, from the council-registers of Aberdeen, that, 'in
the beginning of the sixteenth century, there was not a mechanic in
the town capable to execute the ordinary repairs of a clock,'
_Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 99. On the Scotch clocks
in the middle of the sixteenth century, compare Mr. Morley's
interesting _Life of Cardan_, London, 1854, vol. ii. p. 128. Cardan
was in Scotland in 1552.
[42] About 1619, Sir George Hay 'set up at the village of Wemyss, in
Fife, a small glass-work, being the first known to have existed
amongst us.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 506. See also p. 428.
[43] 'Before this time, soap was imported into Scotland from foreign
countries, chiefly from Flanders.' _Ibid._, vol. i. p. 507, under
the year 1619, where mention is made of the manufactory set up at
Leith. 'The sope-workes of Leith' are noticed in 1650, in
_Balfour's Annales_, vol. iv. p. 68.
[44] Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, says, 'In the best Scottish
houses, even the king's palaces, the windows are not glazed
throughout, but the upper part only; the lower have two wooden
shuts or folds to open at pleasure and admit the fresh air.' ...
'The ordinary country-houses are pitiful cots, built of stone, and
covered with turves, having in them but one room, many of them no
chimneys, the windows very small holes and not glazed.' _Ray's
Itineraries_, p. 153, edited by Dr. Lankester, London, 1846. 'About
1752, the glass window was beginning to make its appearance in the
small farm-houses.' _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 265,
Edinburgh, 1797.
[45] In 1650, it was stated of the Scotch, that 'many of their women are
so sluttish, that they do not wash their linen above once a month,
nor their hands and faces above once a year.' _Whitelock's
Memorials_, p. 468, London, 1732, folio. Six or seven years after
this, a traveller in Scotland says, 'the linen they supplied us
with, were it not to boast of, was little or nothing different from
those female complexions that never washed their faces to retain
their christendom.' _Franck's Northern Memoirs_, edit. Edinburgh,
1821, p. 94. A celebrated Scotchman notices, in 1698, the uncleanly
habits of his countrymen, but gives a comical reason for them;
since, according to him, they were in a great measure caused by the
position of the capital. 'As the happy situation of London has been
the principal cause of the glory and riches of England, so the bad
situation of Edinburgh has been one great occasion of the poverty
and uncleanliness in which the greater part of the people of
Scotland live.' _Second Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland_, in
_Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works_, p. 119, Glasgow, 1749.
Another Scotchman, among his reminiscences of the early part of the
eighteenth century, says, that 'table and body linen [were] seldom
shifted.' _Memoires by Sir Archibald Grant of Monymusk_, in
_Spalding Club Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 100, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to.
Finally, we have positive proof that in some parts of Scotland,
even at the end of the eighteenth century, the people used, instead
of soap, a substitute too disgusting to mention. See the account
communicated by the Rev. William Leslie to Sir John Sinclair, in
_Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. ix. p. 177,
Edinburgh, 1793.
[46] _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 512.
[47] A paper-mill was established near Edinburgh in 1675; but 'there is
reason to conclude this paper-mill was not continued, and that
paper-making was not successfully introduced into Scotland till the
middle of the succeeding century.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p.
399. I have met with so many proofs of the great accuracy of this
valuable work, that I should be loath to question any statement
made by Mr. Chambers, when, as in this case, I have only my memory
to trust to. But I think that I have seen evidence of paper being
successfully manufactured in Scotland late in the seventeenth
century, though I cannot recall the passages. However, Arnot, in
his _History of Edinburgh_, p. 599, edit. 4to, says, 'About forty
years ago, printing or writing paper began to be manufactured in
Scotland. Before that, papers were imported from Holland, or
brought from England,' As Arnot's work was printed in 1788, this
coincides with Mr. Chambers' statement. I may add, that, at the end
of the eighteenth century, there were 'two paper-mills near Perth.'
_Heron's Journey through Scotland_, vol. i. p. 117, Perth, 1799;
and that, in 1751 and 1763, the two first paper-mills were erected
north of the Forth. _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_,
vol. ix. p. 593, vol. xvi. p. 373. Compare _Lettice's Letters from
Scotland in 1792_, p. 420.
In the midst of such general stagnation, the most flourishing towns were,
as may be easily supposed, very thinly peopled. Indeed, men had so little
to do, that if they had collected in large numbers, they must have
starved. Glasgow is one of the oldest cities in Scotland, and is said to
have been founded about the sixth century.[48] At all events, in the
twelfth century, it was, according to the measure of that age, a rich and
prosperous place, enjoying the privilege of holding both a market and a
fair.[49] It had also a municipal organization, and was governed by its
own provosts and baillies.[50] Yet, even this famous town had no kind of
trade before the fifteenth century, when the inhabitants began to cure
salmon, and export it.[51] That was the only branch of industry with
which Glasgow was acquainted. We need not, therefore, be surprised at
hearing, that so late as the middle of the fifteenth century, the entire
population did not exceed fifteen hundred persons, whose wealth consisted
of some small cattle, and a few acres of ill-cultivated land.[52]
[48] 'This city was founded about the sixth century.' _M'Ure's History of
Glasgow_, edit. 1830, p. 120. Compare _Denholm's History of
Glasgow_, p. 2, Glasgow, 1804.
[49] In 1172, a market was granted to Glasgow; and in 1190, a fair. See
the charters in the Appendix to _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, pp.
299, 302, Glasgow, 1777.
[50] 'By the sale of land made by Robert de Mythyngby to Mr. Reginald de
Irewyne, A.D. 1268, it is evident that the town was then governed
by provosts, aldermen, or wardens, and baillies, who seem to have
been independent of the bishop, and were possessed of a common
seal, distinct from the one made use of by the bishop and chapter.'
_Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 72.
[51] 'A Mr. William Elphinston is made mention of as the first promoter
of trade in Glasgow, so early as the year 1420; the trade which he
promoted was, in all probability, the curing and exporting of
salmon.' _Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 203. See also _M'Ure's
History of Glasgow_, p. 93.
[52] Gibson (_History of Glasgow_, p. 74), with every desire to take a
sanguine view of the early state of his own city, says, that, in
1450, the inhabitants 'might perhaps amount to fifteen hundred;'
and that 'their wealth consisted in a few burrow-roods very
ill-cultivated, and in some small cattle, which fed on their
commons.'
Other cities, though bearing a celebrated name, were equally backward at
a still more recent period. Dunfermline is associated with many historic
reminiscences; it was a favourite residence of Scotch kings, and many
Scotch parliaments have been held there.[53] Such events are supposed to
confer distinction; but the illusion vanishes, when we inquire more
minutely into the condition of the place where they happened. In spite of
the pomp of princes and legislators, Dunfermline, which at the end of the
fourteenth century was still a poor village, composed of wooden huts,[54]
had, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, advanced so slowly that
its whole population, including that of its wretched suburbs, did not
exceed one thousand persons.[55] For a Scotch town, that was a
considerable number. About the same time, Greenock, we are assured, was a
village consisting of a single row of cottages, tenanted by poor
fishermen.[56] Kilmarnock, which is now a great emporium of industry and
of wealth, contained, in 1668, between five and six hundred
inhabitants.[57] And, to come down still lower, even Paisley itself, in
the year 1700, possessed a population which, according to the highest
estimate, did not amount to three thousand.[58]
[53] 'Dunfermline continued to be a favourite royal residence as long as
the Scottish dynasty existed. Charles I. was born here; as also his
sister Elizabeth, afterwards Queen of Bohemia, from whom her
present Majesty is descended; and Charles II. paid a visit to this
ancient seat of royalty in 1650. The Scottish parliament was often
held in it.' _M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary_, London, 1849,
vol. i. p. 723. Compare _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, 1828,
pp. 56, 58, and _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, 1844, p. 264.
[54] In 1385, it was 'only a sorry wooden village, belonging to the
monastery.' _Mercer's History of Dunfermline_, p. 62.
[55] See 'Ms. Annals,' in _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, p. 327. In
1624, we learn from _Balfour's Annales_, edit. 1825, vol. ii. p.
99, that 'the quholl bodey of the towne, which did consist of 120
tenements, and 287 families was brunt and consumed.'
[56] 'Greenock, which is now one of the largest shipping towns in
Scotland, was, in the end of the sixteenth century, a mean fishing
village, consisting of a single row of thatched cottages, which was
inhabited by poor fishermen.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii.
p. 806, 4to, 1824.
[57] In May 1668, Kilmarnock was burnt; and 'the event is chiefly worthy
of notice as marking the smallness of Kilmarnock in those days,
when as yet, there was no such thing as manufacturing industry in
the country. A hundred and twenty families speaks to a population
of between five and six hundred.' _Chambers' Annals_, Edinburgh,
1858, vol. ii. p. 320. In 1658, their houses are described by an
eye-witness as 'little better than huts.' _Franck's Northern
Memoirs_, reprinted Edinburgh, 1821, p. 101.
[58] 'Betwixt two and three thousand souls,' _Denholm's History of
Glasgow_, p. 542, edit. Glasgow, 1804.
Aberdeen, the metropolis of the north, was looked up to as one of the
most influential of the Scotch towns, and was not a little envied during
the Middle Ages, for its power and importance. These, however, like all
other words, are relative, and mean different things at different
periods. Certainly, we shall not be much struck by the magnitude of that
city, when we learn, from calculations made from its tables of mortality,
that so late as 1572, it could only boast of about two thousand nine
hundred inhabitants.[59] Such a fact will dispel many a dream respecting
the old Scotch towns, particularly if we call to mind that it refers to a
date, when the anarchy of the Middle Ages was passing away, and Aberdeen
had for some time been improving. That city--if so miserable a collection
of persons deserves to be termed a city--was, nevertheless, one of the
most densely peopled places in Scotland. From the thirteenth century to
the close of the sixteenth, no where else were so many Scotchmen
assembled together, except in Perth, Edinburgh, and possibly in Saint
Andrews.[60] Respecting Saint Andrews, I have been unable to meet with
any precise information;[61] but of Perth and Edinburgh, some particulars
are preserved. Perth was long the capital of Scotland, and after losing
that preëminence, it was still reputed to be the second city in the
kingdom.[62] Its wealth was supposed to be astonishing; and every good
Scotchman was proud of it, as one of the chief ornaments of his
country.[63] But, according to an estimate recently made by a
considerable authority in these matters, its entire population, in the
year 1585, was under nine thousand.[64] This will surprise many readers;
though, considering the state of society at that time, the real wonder
is, not that there were so few, but that there were so many. For,
Edinburgh itself, notwithstanding the officials and numerous hangers-on,
which the presence of a court always brings, did not contain, late in the
fourteenth century, more than sixteen thousand persons.[65] Of their
general condition, a contemporary observer has left us some account.
Froissart, who visited Scotland, and records what he saw, as well as what
he heard, gives a lamentable picture of the state of affairs. The houses
in Edinburgh were mere huts, thatched with boughs; and were so slightly
put together, that when one of them was destroyed, it only took three
days to rebuild it. As to the people who inhabited these wretched hovels,
Froissart, who was by no means given to exaggeration, assures us, that
the French, unless they had seen them, could not have believed that such
destitution existed, and that now, for the first time, they understood
what poverty really was.[66]
[59] In 1572, the registers of Aberdeen show that seventy-two deaths
occurred in the year. An annual mortality of 1 in 40 would be a
very favourable estimate; indeed, rather too favourable,
considering the habits of the people at that time. However,
supposing it to be 1 in 40, the population would be 2880; and if,
as I make no doubt, the mortality was more than 1 in 40, the
population must of course have been less. Kennedy, in his valuable,
but very uncritical, work, conjectures that 'one fiftieth part of
the inhabitants had died annually;' though it is certain that there
was no town in Europe any thing like so healthy as that. On this
hypothesis, which is contradicted by every sort of statistical
evidence that has come down to us, the number would be 72 × 50 =
3600. See _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 103, London,
1818, 4to.
[60] 'St. Andrews, Perth, and Aberdeen, appear to have been the three
most populous cities before the Reformation.' _Lawson's Roman
Catholic Church in Scotland_, 1836, p. 26. The same assertion is
made in _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, 1843, vol. i. p. 2. But
neither of these writers appear to have made many researches on the
subject, or else they would not have supposed that Aberdeen was
larger than Edinburgh.
[61] I have carefully read the two histories of St. Andrews, by Dr.
Grierson and by Mr. Lyon, but have found nothing in them of any
value concerning the early history of that city. Mr. Lyon's work,
which is in two thick volumes, is unusually superficial, even for a
local history; and that is saying much.
[62] 'Of the thirteen parliaments held in the reign of King James I.,
eleven were held at Perth, one at Stirling, and one at Edinburgh.
The National Councils of the Scottish clergy were held there
uniformly till 1459. Though losing its pre-eminence by the
selection of Edinburgh as a capital, Perth has uniformly and
constantly maintained the second place in the order of burghs, and
its right to do so has been repeatedly and solemnly acknowledged.'
_Penny's Traditions of Perth_, Perth, 1836, p. 231. See also p.
305. It appears, however, from Froissart, that Edinburgh was deemed
the capital in the latter half of the fourteenth century.
[63] I find one instance of its being praised by a man who was not a
Scotchman. Alexander Necham 'takes notice of Perth in the following
distich, quoted in Camden's Britannia:
Transis ample Tai, per rura, per oppida, per Perth:
Regnum sustentant illius urbis opes.
Thus Englished in Bishop Gibson's Translations of Camden's Book:
'Great Tay, through Perth, through towns, through country flies:
Perth the whole kingdom with her wealth supplies.'
_Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. xviii. p. 511.
[64] 1427 × 6 = 8562, the computed population in 1584 and 1585, exclusive
of the extraordinary mortality caused by the plague. _Chambers'
Annals of Scotland_, 1858, vol. i. p. 158.
[65] 'The inhabitants of the capital, in the reign of Robert II., hardly
exceeded sixteen thousand.' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_,
vol. i. p. 152.
[66] When the French arrived in Edinburgh, the Scotch said, '"Quel diable
les a mandés? Ne savons-nous pas bien faire notre guerre sans eux
aux Anglois? Nous ne ferons jà bonne besogne tant comme ils soient
avec nous. On leur dise que ils s'en revoisent, et que nous sommes
gens assez en Escosse pour parmaintenir notre guerre, et que point
nous ne voulons leur compagnie. Ils ne nous entendent point, ni
nous eux; nous ne savons parler ensemble; ils auront tantôt riflé
et mangé tout ce qui est en ce pays: ils nous feront plus de
contraires, de dépits, et de dommages, si nous les laissons
convenir, que les Anglois ne feroient si ils s'étoient embattus
entre nous sans ardoir. Et si les Anglois ardent nos maisons, que
peut il chaloir? Nous les aurons tantôt refaites à bon marché, nous
n'y mettons au refaire que trois jours, mais que nous ayons quatre
ou six estaches et de la ramée pour lier par dessus."'
'Ainsi disoient les Escots en Escosse à la venue des seigneurs de
France,' ... 'Et quand les Anglois y chevauchent ou que ils y vont,
ainsi que ils y ont été plusieurs fois, il convient que leurs
pourvéances, si ils veulent vivre, les suivent toujours au dos; car
on ne trouve rien sur le pays: à grand'peine y recuevre-l'en du fer
pour serrer les chevaux, ni du cuir pour faire harnois, selles ni
brides. Les choses toutes faites leur viennent par mer de Flandre,
et quand cela leur défaut, ils n'ont nulle chose. Quand ces barons
et ces chevaliers de France qui avoient appris ces beaux hôtels à
trouver, ces salles parées, ces chasteaux et ces bons mols lits
pour reposer, se virent et trouvèrent en celle povreté, si
commencèrent à rire et à dire: "En quel pays nous a ci amenés
l'amiral? Nous ne sçumes oncques que ce fût de povreté ni de dureté
fors maintenant."' _Les Chroniques de Froissart_, edit. Buchon,
Paris, 1835, vol. ii. pp. 314, 315. 'The hovels of the common
people were slight erections of turf, or twigs, which, as they were
often laid waste by war, were built merely for temporary
accommodation. Their towns consisted chiefly of wooden cottages,'
... 'Even as late as 1600, the houses of Edinburgh were chiefly
built of wood.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 802. Another
account, written in 1670, says, 'The houses of the commonalty are
very mean, mudwall and thatch, the best; but the poorer sort live
in such miserable huts as never eye beheld.' ... 'In some parts,
where turf is plentiful, they build up little cabbins thereof, with
arched roofs of turf, without a stick of timber in it; when the
house is dry enough to burn, it serves them for fuel, and they
remove to another.' _Harleian Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 139, 4to,
1810.
After this period, there was, no doubt, considerable improvement; but it
was very slow, and even late in the sixteenth century, skilled labour was
hardly known, and honest industry was universally despised.[67] It is
not, therefore, surprising, that the citizens, poor, miserable, and
ignorant, should frequently purchase the protection of some powerful
noble by yielding to him the little independence that they might have
retained.[68] Few of the Scotch towns ventured to elect their chief
magistrate from among their own people; but the usual course was, to
choose a neighbouring peer as provost or baillie.[69] Indeed, it often
happened that his office became hereditary, and was looked upon as the
vested right of some aristocratic family.[70] To the head of that family,
every thing gave way. His authority was so incontestable, that an injury
done even to one of his retainers was resented, as if it had been done to
himself.[71] The burgesses who were sent to parliament, were completely
dependent on the noble who ruled the town. Down to quite modern times,
there was in Scotland no real popular representation. The so-called
representatives were obliged to vote as they were ordered; they were, in
fact, delegates of the aristocracy; and as they possessed no chamber of
their own, they sat and deliberated in the midst of their powerful
masters, by whom they were openly intimidated.[72]
[67] 'Our manufactures were carried on by the meanest of the people, who
had small stocks, and were of no reputation. These were, for the
most part, workmen for home-consumpt, such as masons,
house-carpenters, armourers, blacksmiths, taylors, shoemakers, and
the like. Our weavers were few in number, and in the greatest
contempt, as their employments were more sedentary, and themselves
reckoned less fit for war, in which all were obliged to serve, when
the exigencies of the country demanded their attendance.' _The
Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 82. Pinkerton
(_History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 392), referring to the Sloane
manuscripts, says, 'The author of an interesting memoir concerning
the state of Scotland about 1590, observes, that the husbandmen
were a kind of slaves, only holding their lands from year to year;
that the nobility being too numerous for the extent of the country,
there arose too great an inequality of rank and revenue; and there
was no middle station between a proud landholder and those who,
having no property to lose, were ready for any tumult. A rich
yeomanry, numerous merchants and tradesmen of property, and all the
denominations of the middle class, so important in a flourishing
society, were long to be confined to England.' Thirteen years
later, we are told that the manufactures of Scotland 'were confined
to a few of the coarsest nature, without which the poorest nations
are unable to subsist.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p.
7, under the year 1603.
[68] Thus, for instance, 'the town of Dunbar naturally grew up under the
shelter of the castle of the same name.' ... 'Dunbar became the
town, in demesn, of the successive Earls of Dunbar and March,
partaking of their influences, whether unfortunate or happy.'
_Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 416. 'But when the regal
government became at any time feeble, these towns, unequal to their
own protection, placed themselves under the shelter of the most
powerful lord in their neighbourhood. Thus, the town of Elgyn found
it necessary, at various periods between the years 1389 and 1452,
to accept of many charters of protection, and discharges of taxes,
from the Earls of Moray, who held it in some species of vassalage.'
_Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. v. p. 3. Compare _Pinkerton's History
of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 396; and two letters, written in 1543 and
1544, by the magistrates of Aberdeen, to the Earl of Huntly, and
printed in the _Council Register of Aberdeen_, vol. i. pp. 190,
201, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to. They say to him, 'Ye haf our band as
protectour to wss.'
[69] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 225. See also p. 131;
and _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 179. Sometimes
the nobles did not leave to the citizens even the appearance of a
free election, but fought it out among themselves. An instance of
this happened at Perth, in 1544, 'where a claim for the office of
provost was decided by arms, between Lord Ruthven on the one side,
supported by a numerous train of his vassals, and Lord Gray, with
Norman Leslie, master of Rothes, and Charteris of Kinfauns, on the
other.' _Tytler_, vol. iv. p. 323.
[70] For illustrations of this custom, see _Hollinshead's Scottish
Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 230. _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. ii.
p. 154. _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 249. _Mercer's History
of Dunfermline_, p. 83.
[71] 'An injury inflicted on the "man" of a nobleman was resented as
much as if he himself had been the injured party.' _Preface to the
Council Register of Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. xii.
[72] See, in _Macaulay's History of England_, vol. i. p. 93, 1st edit., a
spirited description of Scotland in 1639. 'The parliament of the
northern kingdom was a very different body from that which bore the
same name in England.' ... 'The three estates sat in one house. The
commissioners of the burghs were considered merely as retainers of
the great nobles,' &c. To come down much later, Lord Cockburn gives
a terrible account of the state of things in Scotland in 1794, the
year in which Jeffrey was called to the bar. 'There was then, in
this country, no popular representation, no emancipated burghs, no
effective rival of the established church, no independent press, no
free public meetings, and no better trial by jury, even in
political cases (except high treason), than what was consistent
with the circumstances, that the jurors were not sent into court
under any impartial rule, and that, when in court, those who were
to try the case were named by the presiding judge. The Scotch
representatives were only forty-five, of whom thirty were elected
for counties, and fifteen for towns. Both from its price and its
nature (being enveloped in feudal and technical absurdities), the
elective franchise in counties, where alone it existed, was far
above the reach of the whole lower, and of a great majority of the
middle, and of many even of the higher, ranks. There were probably
not above 1500 or 2000 county electors in all Scotland; a body not
too large to be held, hope included, in government's hands. The
return, therefore, of a single opposition member was never to be
expected.' ... 'Of the fifteen town members, Edinburgh returned
one. The other fourteen were produced by clusters of four or five
unconnected burghs electing each one delegate, and these four or
five delegates electing the representative. Whatever this system
may have been originally, it had grown, in reference to the people,
into as complete a mockery as if it had been invented for their
degradation. The people had nothing to do with it. It was all
managed by town-councils, of never more than thirty-three members;
and every town-council was self-elected, and consequently
perpetuated its own interests. The election of either the town or
the county member was a matter of such utter indifference to the
people, that they often only knew of it by the ringing of a bell,
or by seeing it mentioned next day in a newspaper; for the farce
was generally performed in an apartment from which, if convenient,
the public could be excluded, and never in the open air.'
_Cockburn's Life of Jeffrey_, Edinburgh, 1852, vol. i. pp. 74-76.
On the state of Scotch representation between this and the Reform
Bill, compare _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, pp.
275, 276, with _Moore's Memoirs_, edited by Lord John Russell, vol.
iv. p. 268, vol. vi. p. 163, London, 1853-4.
Under these circumstances, it would have been idle for the crown to have
expected aid from a body of men who themselves had no influence, and
whose scanty privileges existed only on sufferance. But there was another
class, which was extremely powerful, and to which the Scotch kings
naturally turned. That class was the clergy; and the interest which both
parties had in weakening the nobles, caused a coalition between the
church and the throne, against the aristocracy. During a long period, and
indeed until the latter half of the sixteenth century, the kings almost
invariably favoured the clergy, and increased their privileges in every
way they could. The Reformation dissolved this alliance, and gave rise to
new combinations, which I shall presently indicate. But while the
alliance lasted, it was of great use to the clergy, by imparting to their
claims a legitimate sanction, and making them appear the supporters of
order and of regular government. The result, however, clearly proved that
the nobles were more than equal to the confederacy which opposed them.
Indeed, looking at their enormous power, the only wonder is, that the
clergy could have prolonged the contest as they did; since they were not
actually overthrown until the year 1560. That the struggle should have
been so arduous, and should have extended over so considerable a period,
is what, on a superficial view, no one could have expected. The reason of
this, I shall now endeavour to explain; and I shall, I trust, succeed in
proving, that in Scotland there was a long train of general causes, which
secured to the spiritual classes immense influence, and which enabled
them, not only to do battle with the most powerful aristocracy in Europe,
but to rise up, after what seemed their final defeat, fresh and vigorous
as ever, and eventually to exercise, as Protestant preachers, an
authority nowise inferior to that which they had wielded as Catholic
priests.
Of all Protestant countries, Scotland is certainly the one where the
course of affairs has for the longest period been most favourable to the
interests of superstition. How these interests were encouraged during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, I shall hereafter relate. At
present, I purpose to examine the causes of their early growth, and to
show the way in which they were not only connected with the Reformation,
but gave to that great event some peculiarities which are extremely
remarkable, and are diametrically opposed to what happened in England.
If the reader will bear in mind what I have elsewhere stated,[73] he will
remember that the two principal sources of superstition are ignorance and
danger; ignorance keeping men unacquainted with natural causes, and
danger making them recur to supernatural ones. Or, to express the same
proposition in other words, the feeling of veneration, which, under one
of its aspects, takes the form of superstition, is a product of wonder
and of fear;[74] and it is obvious that wonder is connected with
ignorance, and that fear is connected with danger.[75] Hence it is, that
whatever in any country increases the total amount of amazement, or
whatever in any country increases the total amount of peril, has a direct
tendency to increase the total amount of superstition, and therefore to
strengthen the hands of the priesthood.
[73] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 125-129, 373-380.
[74] _History of Civilization_, vol. ii. p. 171.
[75] We must discriminate between wonder and admiration. Wonder is the
product of ignorance; admiration is the product of knowledge.
Ignorance wonders at the supposed irregularities of nature; science
admires its uniformities. The earlier writers rarely attended to
this distinction, because they were misled by the etymology of the
word 'admiration.' The Romans were very superficial thinkers upon
all matters except jurisprudence; and their blundering use of
'admirari' gave rise to the error, so common among our old writers,
of 'I admire,' instead of 'I wonder.'
By applying these principles to Scotland, we shall be able to explain
several facts in the history of that country. In the first place the
features of its scenery offer a mark contrast to those of England, and
are much more likely, among an ignorant people, to suggest effective and
permanent superstitions. The storms and the mists, the darkened sky
flashed by frequent lightning, the peals of thunder reverberating from
mountain to mountain, and echoing on every side, the dangerous
hurricanes, the gusts sweeping the innumerable lakes with which the
country is studded, the rolling and impetuous torrent flooding the path
of the traveller and stopping his progress, are strangely different to
those safer and milder phenomena, among which the English people have
developed their prosperity, and built up their mighty cities. Even the
belief in witchcraft, one of the blackest superstitions which has ever
defaced the human mind, has been affected by these peculiarities; and it
has been well observed, that while, according to the old English creed,
the witch was a miserable and decrepit hag, the slave rather than the
mistress of the demons which haunted her, she, in Scotland, rose to the
dignity of a potent sorcerer, who mastered the evil spirit, and, forcing
it to do her will, spread among the people a far deeper and more lasting
terror.[76]
[76] 'Our Scottish witch is a far more frightful being than her
supernatural coadjutor on the south side of the Tweed. She
sometimes seems to rise from the proper sphere of the witch, who is
only the slave, into that of the sorcerer, who is master of the
demon.' ... 'In a people so far behind their neighbours in domestic
organization, poor and hardy, inhabiting a country of mountains,
torrents, and rocks, where cultivation was scanty, accustomed to
gloomy mists and wild storms, every impression must necessarily
assume a corresponding character. Superstitions, like funguses and
vermin, are existences peculiar to the spot where they appear, and
are governed by its physical accidents.' ... 'And thus it is that
the indications of witchcraft in Scotland are as different from
those of the superstition which in England receives the same name,
as the Grampian Mountains from Shooter's Hill or Kennington
Common.' _Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
240-243. This is admirably expressed, and exhausts the general view
of the subject. The relation between the superstition of the Scotch
and the physical aspects of their country is also touched upon,
though with much inferior ability, in _Brown's History of the
Highlands_, vol. i. p. 106, and in _Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. iv.
p. 560. Hume, in his _Commentaries on the Laws of Scotland_, vol.
ii. p. 556, has an interesting passage on the high pretensions of
Scotch witchcraft, which never degenerated, as in other countries,
into a mere attempt at deception, but always remained a sturdy and
deep-rooted belief. He says, 'For among the many trials for
witchcraft which fill the record, I have not observed that there is
even one which proceeds upon the notion of a vain or cheating art,
falsely used by an impostor to deceive the weak and credulous.'
Further information respecting Scotch witchcraft will be found in
_Mackenzie's Criminal Laws of Scotland_, Edinburgh, folio, 1699,
pp. 42-56; _Correspondence of Mrs. Grant of Laggan_, London, 1844,
vol. iii. pp. 186, 187; _Southey's Life of Bell_, London, 1844,
vol. i. p. 52; _Vernon Correspondence_, edited by James, London,
1841, vol. ii. p. 301; _Weld's History of the Royal Society_,
London, 1848, vol. i. p. 89; _Letters from a Gentleman in the North
of Scotland_, edit. 1815, vol. i. pp. 220, 221; _The Spottiswoode
Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh, 1845; _Lyon's History of
St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. ii. pp. 56, 57. The work of
James I., and that of Sir Walter Scott, need hardly be referred to,
as they are well known to every one who is interested in the
history of witchcraft; but Pitcairn's _Criminal Trials_, though
less read, are, in every respect, more valuable, on account of the
materials they contain for a study of this department of Scotch
superstition.
Similar results were produced by the incessant and sanguinary wars to
which Scotland was exposed, and especially by the cruel ravages of the
English in the fourteenth century. Whatever religion may be in the
ascendant, the influence of its ministers is invariably strengthened by a
long and dangerous war, the uncertainties of which perplex the minds of
men, and induce them, when natural resources are failing, to call on the
supernatural for help. On such occasions, the clergy rise in importance;
the churches are more than usually filled; and the priest, putting
himself forward as the exponent of the wishes of God, assumes the
language of authority, and either comforts the people under their losses
in a righteous cause, or else explains to them that those losses are sent
as a visitation for their sins, and as a warning that they have not been
sufficiently attentive to their religious duties; in other words, that
they have neglected rites and ceremonies, in the performance of which the
priest himself has a personal interest.
No wonder, therefore, that in the fourteenth century, when the sufferings
of Scotland were at their height, the clergy flourished more than ever;
so that as the country became poorer, the spiritual classes became richer
in proportion to the rest of the nation. Even in the fifteenth, and first
half of the sixteenth century, when industry began somewhat to advance,
we are assured that notwithstanding the improvement in the position of
laymen, the whole of their wealth put together, and including the
possessions of all ranks, was barely equal to the wealth of the
Church.[77] If the hierarchy were so rapacious and so successful during
a period of comparative security, it would be difficult to overrate the
enormous harvest they must have reaped in those earlier days, when danger
being much more imminent, hardly any one died without leaving something
to them; all being anxious to testify their respect towards those who
knew more than their fellows, and whose prayers could either avert
present evil, or secure future happiness.[78]
[77] Pinkerton (_History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 414) says that, in the
reigns of James II. and James III., 'the wealth of the Church was
at least equivalent to that of all the lay interest.' See also
_Life of Spottiswoode_, p. liii., in vol. i. of his _History of the
Church of Scotland_. 'The numerous devices employed by
ecclesiastics, both secular and regular, for enriching the several
Foundations to which they were attached, had transferred into their
hands more than half of the territorial property of Scotland, or of
its annual produce.'
In regard to the first half of the sixteenth century, it is stated
by a high authority, that, just before the Reformation, 'the full
half of the wealth of the nation belonged to the clergy.' _M'Crie's
Life of Knox_, p. 10. And another writer says, 'If we take into
account the annual value of all these abbeys and monasteries, in
conjunction with the bishoprics, it will appear at once that the
Scottish Catholic hierarchy was more munificently endowed,
considering the extent and resources of the kingdom, than it was in
any other country in Europe.' _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
Scotland_, p. 22. See also, respecting the incomes of the Scotch
bishops, which, considering the poverty of the country, were truly
enormous, _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i.
pp. 97, 125.
[78] 'They could employ all the motives of fear and of hope, of terror
and of consolation, which operate most powerfully on the human
mind. They haunted the weak and the credulous; they besieged the
beds of the sick and of the dying; they suffered few to go out of
the world without leaving marks of their liberality to the Church,
and taught them to compound with the Almighty for their sins, by
bestowing riches upon those who called themselves his servants.'
_History of Scotland_, book ii. p. 89, in _Robertson's Works_,
London, 1831. It is interesting to observe the eagerness with which
the clergy of one persuasion expose the artifices of those of
another. By comparing their different statements, laymen gain an
insight into the entire scheme.
Another consequence of these protracted wars was, that a more than
ordinary proportion of the population embraced the ecclesiastical
profession, because in it alone there was some chance of safety: and the
monasteries in particular were crowded with persons who hoped, though
frequently in vain, to escape from the burnings and slaughterings to
which Scotland was exposed. When the country, in the fifteenth century,
began to recover from the effects of these ravages, the absence of
manufactures and of commerce, made the Church the best avenue to
wealth;[79] so that it was entered by peaceful men for the purpose of
security, and by ambitious men as the surest means of achieving
distinction.
[79] Pinkerton observes, under the year 1514, that 'ecclesiastical
dignities presented almost the only path to opulence.' _History of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 123.
Thus it was, that the want of great cities, and of that form of industry
which belongs to them, made the spiritual classes more numerous than they
would otherwise have been; and what is very observable is, that it not
only increased their number, but also increased the disposition of the
people to obey them. Agriculturists are naturally, and by the very
circumstances of their daily life, more superstitious than manufacturers,
because the events with which they deal are more mysterious, that is to
say, more difficult to generalize and predict.[80] Hence it is, that, as
a body, the inhabitants of agricultural districts pay greater respect to
the teachings of their clergy than the inhabitants of manufacturing
districts. The growth of cities has, therefore, been a main cause of the
decline of ecclesiastical power; and the fact that, until the eighteenth
century, Scotland had nothing worthy of being called a city, is one of
many circumstances which explain the prevalence of Scotch superstition,
and the inordinate influence of the Scotch clergy.
[80] _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 376-380.
To this, we must add another consideration of great moment. Partly from
the structure of the country, partly from the weakness of the Crown, and
partly from the necessity of being constantly in arms to repel foreign
invaders, the predatory habits incidental to an early state of society
were encouraged, and consequently the reign of ignorance was prolonged.
Little was studied, and nothing was known. Until the fifteenth century,
there was not even an university in Scotland, the first having been
founded at St. Andrews in 1412.[81] The nobles, when they were not making
war upon the enemy, occupied themselves in cutting each other's throats,
and stealing each other's cattle.[82] Such was their ignorance, that,
even late in the fourteenth century, there is said to be no instance of a
Scotch baron being able to sign his own name.[83] And as nothing
approaching to a middle class had been yet formed, we may from this gain
some idea of the amount of knowledge possessed by the people at
large.[84] Their minds must have been immersed in a darkness which we can
now barely conceive. No trades, or arts, being practised which required
skill, or dexterity, there was nothing to exercise their intellects. They
consequently remained so stupid and brutal, that an intelligent observer,
who visited Scotland in the year 1360, likens them to savages, so much
was he struck by their barbarism and their unsocial manners.[85] Another
writer, early in the fifteenth century, uses the same expression; and
classing them with the animals which they tended, he declares that
Scotland is fuller of savages than of cattle.[86]
[81] Arnot (_History of Edinburgh_, p. 386) says, that the University of
St. Andrews was founded in 1412; and the same thing is stated in
_Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. ii. p. 83. Grierson, in his
_History of St. Andrews_, Cupar, 1838, p. 14, says, 'In 1410, the
city of St. Andrews first saw the establishment of its famous
university, the most ancient institution of the kind that exists in
Scotland;' but, at p. 144 of the same work, we are told, that the
charter, 'constituting and declaring it to be a university,' is
'dated at St. Andrews, the 27th of February, 1411.' See also
_Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. i. pp. 203-206, vol. ii. p.
223. At all events, 'at the commencement of the fifteenth century,
no university existed in Scotland; and the youth who were desirous
of a liberal education were under the necessity of seeking it
abroad.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 211. The charter
granted by the Pope, confirming the university, reached Scotland in
1413. _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_, Edinburgh,
1836, p. 12.
[82] Those were times, when, as a Scotch lawyer delicately expresses
himself, 'thieving was not the peculiar habit of the low and
indigent, but often common to them with persons of rank and landed
estate.' _Hume's Commentaries on the Law of Scotland_, 4to, 1797,
vol. i. p. 126. The usual form of robbery being cattle-stealing, a
particular name was invented for it; see p. 148, where we learn
that it 'was distinguished by the name of Hership or Herdship,
being the driving away of numbers of cattle, or other bestial, by
the masterful force of armed people.'
[83] Tytler, who was a great patriot, and disposed to exaggerate the
merit of everything which was Scotch, does nevertheless allow that,
"from the accession of Alexander III. to the death of David II.
(_i.e._ in 1370), it would be impossible, I believe, to produce a
single instance of a Scottish baron who could sign his own name."
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 239, 240. Early in the
sixteenth century, I find it casually mentioned, that 'David
Straiton, a cadet of the house of Laureston,' ... 'could not read.'
_Wodrow's Collections_, vol. i. pp. 5, 6. The famous chief, Walter
Scott of Harden, was married in 1567; and 'his marriage contract is
signed by a notary, because none of the parties could write their
names.' _Chambers' Annals_, vol. i. p. 46. Crawfurd (_History of
Renfrew_, part iii. p. 313) says: 'The modern practice of
subscribing names to writes of moment was not used in Scotland till
about the year 1540;' but he forgets to tell us why it was not
used. In 1564, Robert Scot of Thirlstane, 'ancestor of Lord
Napier,' could not sign his name. See _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials
in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 394.
[84] A Scotchman, of considerable learning, says: 'Scotland was no less
ignorant and superstitious at the beginning of the fifteenth
century, than it was towards the close of the twelfth.'
_Dalrymple's Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 428.
[85] 'Et sont ainsi comme gens sauvages qui ne se savent avoir ni de
nulli accointer.' _Les Chroniques de Froissart_, edit. Buchon,
Paris, 1835, vol. ii. p. 315.
[86] 'Plus pleine de sauvagine que de bestail.' _Hist. de Charles VI, par
Le Laboureur_, quoted in _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i.
p. 149.
By this combination of events, and by this union of ignorance with
danger, the clergy had, in the fifteenth century, obtained more influence
in Scotland than in any other European country, Spain alone excepted. And
as the power of the nobles had increased quite as rapidly, it was natural
that the Crown, completely overshadowed by the great barons, should turn
for aid to the Church. During the fifteenth century, and part of the
sixteenth, this alliance was strictly preserved;[87] and the political
history of Scotland is the history of a struggle by the kings and the
clergy against the enormous authority of the nobles. The contest, after
lasting about a hundred and sixty years, was brought to a close in 1560,
by the triumph of the aristocracy, and the overthrow of the Church. With
such force, however, had the circumstance just narrated, engrained
superstition into the Scotch character, that the spiritual classes
quickly rallied, and, under their new name of Protestants, they became as
formidable as under their old name of Catholics. Forty-three years after
the establishment of the Reformation in Scotland, James VI. ascended the
throne of England, and was able to array the force of the southern
country against the refractory barons of the northern. From that moment
the Scotch aristocracy began to decline; and the equipoise to the clergy
being removed, the Church became so powerful, that, during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it was the most effectual obstacle
to the progress of Scotland; and even now it exercises a sway which is
incomprehensible to those who have not carefully studied the whole chain
of its antecedents. To trace with minuteness the long course of affairs
which has led to this unfortunate result, would be incompatible with the
object of an Introduction, whose only aim it is to establish broad and
general principles. But, to bring the question clearly before the mind of
the reader, it will be necessary that I should give a slight sketch of
the relation which the nobles bore to the clergy in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, and of the way in which their relative positions,
and their implacable hatred of each other, brought about the Reformation.
By this means, we shall perceive, that the great Protestant movement,
which, in other countries, was democratic, was in Scotland aristocratic.
We shall also see, that, in Scotland, the Reformation, not being the work
of the people, has never produced the effects which might have been
expected from it, and which it did produce in England. It is, indeed, but
too evident, that, while in England Protestantism has diminished
superstition, has weakened the clergy, has increased toleration, and, in
a word, has secured the triumph of secular interests over ecclesiastical
ones, its result in Scotland has been entirely different; and that, in
that country, the Church, changing its form, without altering its
spirit, not only cherished its ancient pretensions, but unhappily
retained its ancient power; and that, although that power is now
dwindling away, the Scotch preachers still exhibit, whenever they dare,
an insolent and domineering spirit, which shows how much real weakness
there yet lurks in the nation, where such extravagant claims are not
immediately silenced by the voice of loud and general ridicule.
[87] Occasionally, we find evidence of it earlier, but it was hardly
systematic. Compare _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 66,
with _Dalrymple's Annals_, vol. i. pp. 72, 110, 111, 194, vol. iii.
p. 296; _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_, p. 88; _Chalmers'
History of Dunfermline_, pp. 133, 134.
CHAPTER II.
CONDITION OF SCOTLAND IN THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
Early in the fifteenth century, the alliance between the Crown and the
Church, and the determination of that alliance to overthrow the nobles,
became manifest. Indications of this may be traced in the policy of
Albany, who was Regent from 1406 to 1419, and who made it his principal
object to encourage and strengthen the clergy.[88] He also dealt the
first great blow upon which any government had ventured against the
aristocracy. Donald, who was one of the most powerful of the Scottish
chieftains, and who, indeed, by the possession of the Western Isles, was
almost an independent prince, had seized the earldom of Ross, which, if
he could have retained, would have enabled him to set the Crown at
defiance. Albany, backed by the Church, marched into his territories, in
1411, forced him to renounce the earldom, to make personal submission,
and to give hostages for his future conduct.[89] So vigorous a proceeding
on the part of the executive, was extremely unusual in Scotland;[90] and
it was the first of a series of aggressions, which ended in the Crown
obtaining for itself, not only Ross, but also the Western Isles.[91] The
policy inaugurated by Albany, was followed up with still greater energy
by James I. In 1424, this bold and active prince procured an enactment,
obliging many of the nobles to show their charters, in order that it
might be ascertained what lands they held, which had formerly belonged to
the Crown.[92] And, to conciliate the affections of the clergy, he, in
1425, issued a commission, authorizing the Bishop of Saint Andrews to
restore to the Church whatever had been alienated from it; while he at
the same time directed that the justiciaries should assist in enforcing
execution of the decree.[93] This occurred in June; and what shows that
it was part of a general scheme is, that in the preceding spring, the
king suddenly arrested, in the parliament assembled at Perth, upwards of
twenty of the principal nobles, put four of them to death, and
confiscated several of their estates.[94] Two years afterwards, he, with
equal perfidy, summoned the Highland chiefs to meet him at Inverness,
laid hands on them also, executed three, and imprisoned more than forty,
in different parts of the kingdom.[95]
[88] 'The Church was eminently favoured by Albany.' _Pinkerton's History
of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 86. But Pinkerton misunderstands his
policy in regard to the nobles.
[89] _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. pp. 72-74; _Browne's History of the
Highlands_, vol. i. p. 162, vol. iv. pp. 435, 436.
[90] Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. i. pp. 826, 827), referring to the state
of things before Albany, says, 'There is not a trace of any attempt
by Robert II. to limit the power of the nobles, whatever he may
have added, by his improvident grants, to their independence. He
appears not to have attempted to raise the royal prerogative from
the debasement in which the imprudence and misfortunes of David II.
had left it.' And, of his successor, Robert III., 'So mild a
prince, and so weak a man, was not very likely to make any attempt
upon the power of others, when he could scarcely support his own.'
[91] In 1476, 'the Earldom of Ross was inalienably annexed to the Crown;
and a great blow was thus struck at the power and grandeur of a
family which had so repeatedly disturbed the tranquillity of
Scotland.' _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, Edinburgh,
1836, p. 50. In 1493, 'John, fourth and last Lord of the Isles, was
forfeited, and deprived of his title and estates.' _Ibid._ p. 58.
[92] As those who held crown lands were legally, though not in reality,
the king's tenants, the act declared, that 'gif it like the king,
he may ger s[=u]monde all and sindry his tenand at lauchfull day
and place to schawe thar chartis.' _The Acts of the Parliament of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 4, § 9, edit. folio, 1814.
[93] 'On the 8th June, 1425, James issued a commission to Henry, bishop
of St. Andrews, authorising him to resume all alienations from the
Church, with power of anathema, and orders to all justiciaries to
assist.' This curious paper is preserved in Harl. Ms. 4637, vol.
iii. f. 189. _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 116.
Archbishop Spottiswoode, delighted with his policy, calls him a
'good king,' and says that he built for the Carthusians 'a
beautiful monastery at Perth, bestowing large revenues upon the
same.' _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i.
p. 113. And Keith assures us that, on one occasion, James I. went
so far as to give to one of the bishops 'a silver cross, in which
was contained a bit of the wooden cross on which the apostle St.
Andrew had been crucified.' _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_,
Edinburgh, 1755, 4to, p. 67.
[94] Compare _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. pp. 153-156, with _Pinkerton's
History_, vol. i. pp. 113-115. Between these two authorities there
is a slight, but unimportant, discrepancy.
[95] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 95-98; _Skene's
Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 75; and an imperfect narrative in
_Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, p. 35.
By these measures, and by supporting the Church with the same zeal that
he attacked the nobles, the king thought to reverse the order of affairs
hitherto established, and to secure the supremacy of the throne over the
aristocracy.[96] But herein, he overrated his own power. Like nearly all
politicians, he exaggerated the value of political remedies. The
legislator and the magistrate may, for a moment, palliate an evil; they
can never work a cure. General mischiefs depend upon general causes, and
these are beyond their art. The symptoms of the disease they can touch,
while the disease itself baffles their efforts, and is too often
exasperated by their treatment. In Scotland, the power of the nobles was
a cruel malady, which preyed on the vitals of the nation; but it had long
been preparing; it was a chronic disorder; and, having worked into the
general habit, it might be removed by time, it could never be diminished
by violence. On the contrary, in this, as in all matters, whenever
politicians attempt great good, they invariably inflict great harm.
Over-action on one side produces reaction on the other, and the balance
of the fabric is disturbed. By the shock of conflicting interests, the
scheme of life is made insecure. New animosities are kindled, old ones
are embittered, and the natural jar and discordance are aggravated,
simply because the rulers of mankind cannot be brought to understand,
that, in dealing with a great country, they have to do with an
organization so subtle, so extremely complex, and withal so obscure, as
to make it highly probable, that whatever they alter in it, they will
alter wrongly, and that while their efforts to protect or to strengthen
its particular parts are extremely hazardous, it does undoubtedly possess
within itself a capacity of repairing its injuries, and that to bring
such capacity into play, there is merely required that time and freedom
which the interference of powerful men too often prevents it from
enjoying.
[96] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 126), under the year
1433, says: 'In the midst of his labours for the pacification of
his northern dominions, and his anxiety for the suppression of
heresy, the king never forgot his great plan for the diminution of
the exorbitant power of the nobles.' See also p. 84. 'It was a
principle of this enterprising monarch, in his schemes for the
recovery and consolidation of his own power, to cultivate the
friendship of the clergy, whom he regarded as a counterpoise to the
nobles.' Lord Somerville (_Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. i. p.
173) says, that the superior nobility were 'never or seldome called
to counsell dureing this king's reign.'
Thus it was in Scotland, in the fifteenth century. The attempts of James
I. failed, because they were particular measures directed against general
evils. Ideas and associations, generated by a long course of events, and
deeply seated in the public mind, had given to the aristocracy immense
power; and if every noble in Scotland had been put to death, if all their
castles had been razed to the ground, and all their estates confiscated,
the time would unquestionably have come, when their successors would have
been more influential than ever, because the affection of their retainers
and dependents would be increased by the injustice that had been
perpetrated. For, every passion excites its opposite. Cruelty to-day,
produces sympathy to-morrow. A hatred of injustice contributes more than
any other principle to correct the inequalities of life, and to maintain
the balance of affairs. It is this loathing at tyranny, which, by
stirring to their inmost depth the warmest feelings of the heart, makes
it impossible that tyranny should ever finally succeed. This, in sooth,
is the noble side of our nature. This is that part of us, which, stamped
with a godlike beauty, reveals its divine origin, and, providing for the
most distant contingencies, is our surest guarantee that violence shall
never ultimately triumph; that, sooner or later, despotism shall always
be overthrown; and that the great and permanent interests of the human
race shall never be injured by the wicked counsels of unjust men.
In the case of James I., the reaction came sooner than might have been
expected; and, as it happened in his lifetime, it was a retribution, as
well as a reaction. For some years, he continued to oppress the nobles
with impunity;[97] but, in 1436, they turned upon him, and put him to
death, in revenge for the treatment to which he had subjected many of
them.[98] Their power now rose as suddenly as it had fallen. In the south
of Scotland, the Douglases were supreme,[99] and the earl of that family
possessed revenues about equal to those of the Crown.[100] And, to show
that his authority was equal to his wealth, he, on the marriage of James
II., in 1449, appeared at the nuptials with a train composed of five
thousand followers.[101] These were his own retainers, armed and resolute
men, bound to obey any command he might issue to them. Not, indeed, that
compulsion was needed on the part of a Scotch noble to secure the
obedience of his own people. The servitude was a willing one, and was
essential to the national manners. Then, and long afterwards, it was
discreditable, as well as unsafe, not to belong to a great clan; and
those who were so unfortunate as to be unconnected with any leading
family, were accustomed to take the name of some chief, and to secure his
protection by devoting themselves to his service.[102]
[97] Compare _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 263, with _Buchanan's
Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. x. p. 286.
[98] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 157, 158.
[99] Lindsay of Pitscottie (_Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 2) says, that
directly after the death of James I., 'Alexander, Earle of Douglas,
being uerie potent in kine and friendis, contemned all the kingis
officeris, in respect of his great puissance.' The best account I
have seen of the rise of the Douglases is in Chalmers' learned, but
ill-digested, work, _Caledonia_, vol. i. pp. 579-583.
[100] In 1440, 'the chief of that family had revenues perhaps equivalent
to those of the Scottish monarch.' _Pinkerton's History of
Scotland_, vol. i. p. 192.
[101] 'It may give us some idea of the immense power possessed at this
period by the Earl of Douglas, when we mention, that on this
chivalrous occasion, the military suite by which he was
surrounded, and at the head of which he conducted the Scottish
champions to the lists, consisted of a force amounting to five
thousand men.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 215.
The old historian of his family says: 'He is not easy to be dealt
with; they must have mufles that would catch such a cat. Indeed,
he behaved himself as one that thought he would not be in danger
of them; he entertained a great family; he rode ever well
accompanied when he came in publick; 1000 or 2000 horse were his
ordinary train.' _Hume's History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i.
pp. 273, 274, reprinted Edinburgh, 1743.
[102] In the seventeenth century, 'To be without a chief, involved a kind
of disrepute; and those who had no distinct personal position of
their own, would find it necessary to become a Gordon or a
Crichton, as prudence or inclination might point out.' _Burton's
Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 207. Compare _Pitcairn's
Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 250, on 'the protective
surname of Douglas;' and _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 252,
on the extreme importance attached to the name of Macgregor.
What the Earl of Douglas was in the south of Scotland, that were the
Earls of Crawford and of Ross in the north.[103] Singly they were
formidable; united they seemed irresistible. When, therefore, in the
middle of the fifteenth century, they actually leagued together, and
formed a strict compact against all their common enemies, it was hard to
say what limit could be set to their power, or what resource remained to
the government, except that of sowing disunion among them.[104]
[103] 'Men of the greatest puissance and force next the Douglases that
were in Scotland in their times.' _Hume's History of the House of
Douglas_, vol. i. p. 344. The great power of the Earls of Ross in
the north, dates from the thirteenth century. See _Skene's
Highlanders_, vol. i. pp. 133, 134, vol. ii. p. 52.
[104] In 1445, the Earl of Douglas concluded 'ane offensiue and defensiue
league and combinatione aganist all, none excepted, (not the king
himselue), with the Earle of Crawfurd, and Donald, Lord of the
Isles; wich was mutually sealled and subscriued by them three, the
7 day of Marche.' _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. p. 173. This
comprised the alliance of other noble families. 'He maid bandis
with the Erle of Craufurd, and with Donald lorde of the Ylis, and
Erle of Ross, to take part every ane with other, and with dyvers
uther noble men also.' _Lesley's History of Scotland_, from 1436
to 1561, p. 18.
But, in the mean time, the disposition of the nobles to use force against
the Crown, had been increased by fresh violence. Government, instead of
being warned by the fate of James I., imitated his unscrupulous acts, and
pursued the very policy which had caused his destruction. Because the
Douglases were the most powerful of all the great families, it was
determined that their chiefs should be put to death; and because they
could not be slain by force, they were to be murdered by treachery. In
1440, the Earl of Douglas, a boy of fifteen, and his brother, who was
still younger than he, were invited to Edinburgh on a friendly visit to
the king. Scarcely had they arrived, when they were seized by order of
the chancellor, subjected to a mock trial, declared guilty, dragged to
the castle-yard, and the heads of the poor children cut off.[105]
[105] An interesting account of this dastardly crime is given in _Hume's
History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 274-288, where
great, but natural, indignation is expressed. On the other hand,
Lesley, bishop of Ross, narrates it with a cold-blooded
indifference, characteristic of the ill-will which existed between
the nobles and the clergy, and which prevented him from regarding
the murder of two children as an offence. 'And eftir he was set
doun to the burd with the governour, chancellour, and otheris
noble men present, the meit was sudantlie removed, and ane bullis
heid presented, quhilk in thay daies was ane signe of executione;
and incontinent the said erle, David his broder, and Malcolme
Fleming of Cummernald, wer heidit before the castell yett of
Edenburgh.' _Lesley's History_, p. 16.
Considering the warm feelings of attachment which the Scotch entertained
for their chiefs, it is difficult to overrate the consequences of this
barbarous murder, in strengthening a class it was hoped to intimidate.
But this horrible crime was committed by the government only, and it
occurred during the king's minority: the next assassination was the work
of the king himself. In 1452, the Earl of Douglas[106] was, with great
show of civility, requested by James II. to repair to the court then
assembled at Stirling. The Earl hesitated, but James overcame his
reluctance by sending to him a safeconduct with the royal signature, and
issued under the great seal.[107] The honour of the king being pledged,
the fears of Douglas were removed. He hastened to Stirling, where he was
received with every distinction. The evening of his arrival, the king,
after supper was over, broke out into reproaches against him, and,
suddenly drawing his dagger, stabbed him. Gray then struck him with a
battle-axe, and he fell dead on the floor, in presence of his sovereign,
who had lured him to court, that he might murder him with impunity.[108]
[106] The cousin of the boys who were murdered in 1440. See _Hume's
History of the House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 297, 816.
[107] 'With assurance under the broad seal.' _Hume's House of Douglas_,
vol. i. p. 351. See also _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_,
Edinb. 1777, pp. 246, 322, 323.
[108] _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. i. pp. 351-353. The king 'stabbed
him in the breast with a dagger. At the same instant Patrick Gray
struck him on the head with a pole-ax. The rest that were
attending at the door, hearing the noise, entred, and fell also
upon him; and, to show their affection to the king, gave him every
man his blow after he was dead.' _Compare Lindsay of Pitscottie's
Chronicles of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 103. 'He strak him throw the
bodie thairwith; and thairefter the guard, hearing the tumult
within the chamber, rusched in and slew the earle out of hand.'
The ferocity of the Scotch character, which was the natural result of the
ignorance and poverty of the nation, was, no doubt, one cause, and a very
important one, of the commission of such crimes as these, not secretly,
but in the open light of day, and by the highest men in the State. It
cannot, however, be denied, that another cause was, the influence of the
clergy, whose interest it was to humble the nobles, and who were by no
means scrupulous as to the means that they employed.[109] As the Crown
became more alienated from the aristocracy, it united itself still closer
with the Church. In 1443, a statute was enacted, the object of which was,
to secure ecclesiastical property from the attacks made upon it by the
nobles.[110] And although, in that state of society, it was easier to
pass laws than to execute them, such a measure indicated the general
policy of the government, and the union between it and the Church.
Indeed, as to this, no one could be mistaken.[111] For nearly twenty
years, the avowed and confidential adviser of the Crown was Kennedy,
bishop of Saint Andrews, who retained power until his death, in 1466,
during the minority of James III.[112] He was the bitter enemy of the
nobles, against whom he displayed an unrelenting spirit, which was
sharpened by personal injuries; for the Earl of Crawford had plundered
his lands, and the Earl of Douglas had attempted to seize him, and had
threatened to put him into irons.[113] The mildest spirit might well have
been roused by this; and as James II., when he assassinated Douglas, was
more influenced by Kennedy than by any one else, it is probable that the
bishop was privy to that foul transaction. At all events, he expressed no
disapprobation of it; and when, in consequence of the murder, the
Douglases and their friends rose in open rebellion, Kennedy gave to the
king a crafty and insidious counsel, highly characteristic of the cunning
of his profession. Taking up a bundle of arrows, he showed James, that
when they were together, they were not to be broken; but that, if
separated, they were easily destroyed. Hence he inferred, that the
aristocracy should be overthrown by disuniting the nobles, and ruining
them one by one.[114]
[109] In _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_, pp. 99, 100, the alienation
of the nobles from the Church is dated 'from the middle of the
fifteenth century;' and this is perhaps correct in regard to
general dislike, though the movement may be clearly traced fifty
years earlier.
[110] See _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 33, edit.
folio, 1814; respecting the 'statute of haly kirk quhilk is
oppressit and hurt.'
[111] In 1449, James II., 'with that affectionate respect for the clergy,
which could not fail to be experienced by a prince who had
successfully employed their support and advice to escape from the
tyranny of his nobles, granted to them some important privileges.'
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 226. See also p. 309.
Among many similar measures, he conceded to the monks of Paisley
some important powers of jurisdiction that belonged to the Crown.
Charter, 13th January, 1451-2, in _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii.
p. 823.
[112] _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 188, 209, 247, 254.
_Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, p. 19. _Ridpath's Border
History_, p. 298. _Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. ii. p.
101. In _Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 213,
it is stated, under the year 1452, that fear of the great nobles
'had once possest his majestie with some thoughts of going out of
the countrey; but that he was perswaded to the contrary by Bishop
Kennedie, then Archbishop of Saint Andrewes, whose counsell at
that tyme and eftirward, in most things he followed, which at
length proved to his majesties great advantage.' See also
_Lesley's History_, p. 23. 'The king wes put to sic a sharp point,
that he wes determinit to haif left the realme, and to haif passit
in Fraunce by sey, were not that bischop James Kennedy of St.
Androis causit him to tarrye.'
[113] 'His lands were plundered by the Earl of Crawford and Alexander
Ogilvie of Inveraritie, at the instigation of the Earl of Douglas,
who had farther instructed them to seize, if possible, the person
of the bishop, and to put him in irons.' Memoir of Kennedy, in
_Chambers' Lives of Scotchmen_, vol. iii. p. 307, Glasgow, 1834.
'Sed Kennedus et ætate, et consilio, ac proinde auctoritate
cæteros anteibat. In eum potissimum ira est versa. Crafordiæ comes
et Alexander Ogilvius conflato satis magno exercitu, agros ejus in
Fifa latè populati, dum prædam magis, quam causam sequuntur, omni
genere cladis in vicina etiam prædia grassati, nemine congredi
auso pleni prædarum in Angusiam revertuntar. Kennedus ad sua arma
conversus comitem Crafordiæ disceptationem juris fugientem diris
ecclesiasticis est prosecutus.' _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum
Historia_, lib. xi. p. 306.
[114] 'This holie bischop schew ane similitud to the king, quhilk might
bring him to experience how he might invaid againes the Douglass,
and the rest of the conspiratouris. This bischop tuik furth ane
great scheife of arrowes knitt togidder werrie fast, and desired
him to put thame to his knie, and break thame. The king said it
was not possible, becaus they war so many, and so weill fastened
togidder. The bischop answeired, it was werrie true, bot yitt he
wold latt the king sea how to break thame: and pulled out on be
on, and tua be tua, quhill he had brokin thame all; then said to
the king, "Yea most doe with the conspiratouris in this manner,
and thair complices that are risen againes yow, quho are so many
in number, and so hard knit togidder in conspiracie againes yow,
that yea cannot gett thame brokin togidder. Butt be sick pratick
as I have schowin yow be the similitud of thir arrowes, that is to
say, yea must conqueis and break lord by lord be thamselffis, for
yea may not deall with thame all at once."' _Lindsay of
Pitscottie's Chronicles of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 172, 173.
In this he was right, so far as the interests of his own order were
concerned; but, looking at the interest of the nation, it is evident that
the power of the nobles, notwithstanding their gross abuse of it, was, on
the whole, beneficial, since it was the only barrier against despotism.
The evil they actually engendered, was indeed immense. But they kept off
other evils, which would have been worse. By causing present anarchy,
they secured future liberty. For, as there was no middle class, there
were only three orders in the commonwealth; namely, government, clergy,
and nobles. The two first being united against the last, it is certain
that if they had won the day, Scotland would have been oppressed by the
worst of all yokes, to which a country can be subjected. It would have
been ruled by an absolute king and an absolute Church, who, playing into
each other's hands, would have tyrannized over a people, who, though
coarse and ignorant, still loved a certain rude and barbarous liberty,
which it was good for them to possess, but which, in the face of such a
combination, they would most assuredly have forfeited.
Happily, however, the power of the nobles was too deeply rooted in the
popular mind to allow of this catastrophe. In vain did James III. exert
himself to discourage them,[115] and to elevate their rivals, the
clergy.[116] Nothing could shake their authority; and, in 1482, they,
seeing the determination of the king, assembled together, and such was
their influence over their followers, that they had no difficulty in
seizing his person, and imprisoning him in the Castle of Edinburgh.[117]
After his liberation, fresh quarrels arose;[118] and in 1488, the
principal nobles collected troops, met him in the field, defeated him,
and put him to death.[119] He was succeeded by James IV., under whom the
course of affairs was exactly the same; that is to say, on one side the
nobles, and on the other side the Crown and the Church. Every thing that
the king could do to uphold the clergy, he did cheerfully. In 1493, he
obtained an act to secure the immunities of the sees of Saint Andrews and
of Glasgow, the two most important in Scotland.[120] In 1503, he procured
a general revocation of all grants and gifts prejudicial to the Church,
whether they had been made by the Parliament or by the Council.[121] And,
in 1508, he, by the advice of Elphinston, bishop of Aberdeen, ventured on
a measure of still greater boldness. That able and ambitious prelate
induced James to revive against the nobility several obsolete claims, by
virtue of which the king could, under certain circumstances, take
possession of their estates, and could, in every instance in which the
owner held of the Crown, receive nearly the whole of the proceeds during
the minority of the proprietor.[122]
[115] 'He wald nocht suffer the noblemen to come to his presence, and to
governe the realme be thair counsell.' _Lesley's History of
Scotland_, p. 48. 'Wald nocht use the counsall of his nobilis.' p.
55. 'Excluding the nobility.' _Hume's History of the House of
Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 33. 'The nobility seeing his resolution to
ruin them.' p. 46. 'Hes conteming his nobility.' _Balfour's
Annales_, vol. i. p. 206.
[116] Also to aggrandize them. See, for instance, what 'has obtained the
name of the golden charter, from the ample privileges it contains,
confirmed to Archbishop Shevez by James III. on 9th July 1480.'
_Grierson's History of Saint Andrews_, p. 58, Cupar, 1838.
[117] 'Such was the influence of the aristocracy over their warlike
followers, that the king was conveyed to the castle of Edinburgh,
without commotion or murmur.' _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_,
vol. i. p. 308.
[118] 'The king and his ministers multiplied the insults which they
offered to the nobility.' ... 'A proclamation was issued,
forbidding any person to appear in arms within the precincts of
the court; which, at a time when no man of rank left his own house
without a numerous retinue of armed followers, was, in effect,
debarring the nobles from all access to the king.' ... 'His
neglect of the nobles irritated, but did not weaken them.'
_History of Scotland_, book i. p. 68, in _Robertson's Works_,
edit. London, 1831.
[119] _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. pp. 213, 214; Buchanan, _Rerum
Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xii. p. 358. Lindsay of Pitscottie
(_Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 222) says: 'This may be ane example to
all kingis that cumes heirefter, not to fall from God.' ... 'For,
if he had vsed the counsall of his wyse lordis and barrones, he
had not cum to sick disparatioun.'
[120] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, folio, 1814, vol. ii.
p. 232. 'That the said abbaceis confirmit be thame sall neid na
prouisioun of the court of Rome.'
[121] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 240; and the
summary of the statute (p. 21), 'Revocation of donations,
statutis, and all uthir thingis hurtand the croune or hali kirk.'
In the next year (1504), the king 'greatly augmented' the revenues
of the bishoprick of Galloway. _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p.
417.
[122] _Pinkerton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 63; _Calderwood's
History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. viii. p. 135, edit. Wodrow
Society, Edinburgh, 1849. The latter authority states, that 'The
bishop devysed wayes to King James the Fourth, how he might
attaine to great gaine and profit. He advised him to call his
barons and all those that held any lands within the realme, to
show their evidents by way of recognition; and, if they had not
sufficient writings for their warrant, to dispone upon their lands
at his pleasure; for the which advice he was greatlie hated. But
the king, perceaving the countrie to grudge, agreed easilie with
the possessors.'
To make such claims was easy; to enforce them was impossible. Indeed, the
nobles were at this time rather gaining ground than losing it; and,
after the death of James IV., in 1513, they, during the minority of James
V., became so powerful, that the regent, Albany, twice threw up the
government in despair, and at length abandoned it altogether.[123] He
finally quitted Scotland in 1524, and with him the authority of the
executive seemed to have vanished. The Douglases soon obtained possession
of the person of the king, and compelled Beaton, archbishop of Saint
Andrews, the most influential man in the Church, to resign the office of
chancellor.[124] The whole command now fell into their hands; they or
their adherents filled every office; secular interests predominated, and
the clergy were thrown completely into the shade.[125] In 1528, however,
an event occurred by which the spiritual classes not only recovered
their former position, but gained a preëminence, which, as it turned out,
was eventually fatal to themselves. Archbishop Beaton, impatient at
proceedings so unfavourable to the Church, organized a conspiracy, by
means of which James effected his escape from the Douglases, and took
refuge in the castle of Stirling.[126] This sudden reaction was not the
real and controlling cause, but it was undoubtedly the proximate cause,
of the establishment of Protestantism in Scotland. For, the reins of
government now passed into the hands of the Church; and the most
influential of the nobles were consequently persecuted, and some of them
driven from the country. But, though their political power was gone,
their social power remained. They were stripped of their honours and
their wealth. They became outcasts, traitors, and beggars. Still, the
real foundation of their authority was unshaken, because that authority
was the result of a long train of circumstances, and was based on the
affections of the people. Therefore it was, that the nobles, even those
who were exiled and attainted, were able to conduct an arduous, but
eventually a successful, struggle against their enemies. The desire of
revenge whetted their exertions, and gave rise to a deadly contest
between the Scotch aristocracy and the Scotch Church. This most
remarkable conflict was, in some degree, a continuation of that which
began early in the fifteenth century. But it was far more bitter; it
lasted, without interruption, for thirty-two years; and it was only
concluded by the triumph of the nobles, who, in 1560, completely
overthrew the Church, and destroyed, almost at a blow, the whole of the
Scotch hierarchy.
[123] The Regency of Albany, little understood by the earlier
historians, has been carefully examined by Mr. Tytler, in whose
valuable, though too prolix, work, the best account of it will be
found. _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 98-160,
Edinburgh, 1845. On the hostility between Albany and the nobles,
see _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, p. 99; and, on the
revival of their power in the north, after the death of James IV.,
see _Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, pp. 114, 115.
[124] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 180-182: 'Within a
few months, there was not an office of trust or emolument in the
kingdom, which was not filled by a Douglas, or by a creature of
that house.' See also pp. 187, 194; and _Keith's Catalogue of
Scotch Bishops_, pp. 22, 23. Beaton, who was so rudely
dispossessed of the chancellorship, that, according to Keith, he
was, in 1525, obliged 'to lurk among his friends for fear of his
life,' is mentioned, in the preceding year, as having been the
main supporter of Albany's government; 'that most hath favoured
the Duke of Albany.' _State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII._,
vol. iv. p. 97, 4to, 1836.
[125] The complete power of the Douglases lasted from the cessation of
Albany's regency to the escape of the king, in 1528. _Keith's
History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, edit.
Edinburgh, 1835, vol. i. pp. 33-35. Compare _Balfour's Annales_,
vol. i. p. 257. 'The Earle of Angus violentley takes one him the
gouerniment, and retanes the king in effecte a prisoner with him;
during wich tyme he, the Earle of Lennox, and George Douglas, his
auen brother, frely disposses vpone all affaires both of churche
and staite.'
[126] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 195, 196. The curious
work, entitled _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 10, says, 'In the
zeir of God 1500, tuantie aucht zeiris, the kingis grace by slicht
wan away fra the Douglassis.' From Stirling, he repaired to
Edinburgh, on 6th July 1528, and went to 'the busshop of Sainct
Andros loegeing.' See a letter written on the 18th of July 1528,
by Lord Dacre to Wolsey, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol.
iv. p. 501, 4to, 1836. Compare a proclamation on 10th September
1528, in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. i. part i.
pp. 138*, 139*, Edinburgh, 4to, 1833. I particularly indicate
these documents, because Lindsay of Pitscottie (in his _Chronicles
of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 335) erroneously places the flight of
James in 1527; and he is generally one of the most accurate of the
old writers, if indeed he be the author of the work which bears
his name.
The events of this struggle, and the vicissitudes to which, during its
continuance, both parties were exposed, are related, though somewhat
confusedly, in our common histories: it will be sufficient if I indicate
the salient points, and, avoiding needless detail, endeavour to throw
light on the general movement. The unity of the entire scheme will thus
be brought before our minds, and we shall see, that the destruction of
the Catholic Church was its natural consummation, and that the last act
of that gorgeous drama, so far from being a strained and irregular
sequence, was in fit keeping with the whole train of the preceding plot.
When James effected his escape in 1528, he was a boy of sixteen, and his
policy, so far as he can be said to have had any mind of his own, was of
course determined by the clergy, to whom he owed his liberty, and who
were his natural protectors. His principal adviser was the Archbishop of
Saint Andrews; and the important post of chancellor, which, under the
Douglases, had been held by a layman, was now conferred on the Archbishop
of Glasgow.[127] These two prelates were supreme; while, at the same
time, the Abbot of Holyrood was made treasurer, and the Bishop of Dunkeld
was made privy seal.[128] All nobles, and even all followers, of the
house of Douglas, were forbidden to approach within twelve miles of the
court, under pain of treason.[129] An expedition was fitted out, and sent
against the Earl of Caithness, who was defeated and slain.[130] Just
before this occurred, the Earl of Angus was driven out of Scotland, and
his estates confiscated.[131] An act of attainder was passed against the
Douglases.[132] The government, moreover, seized, and threw into prison,
the Earl of Bothwell, Home, Maxwell, and two Kerrs, and the barons of
Buccleuch, Johnston, and Polwarth.[133]
[127] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. iv. p. 501.
[128] 'Archibald was depryvit of the thesaurarie, and placit thairin
Robert Cairncorse, abbot of Halyrudhous. And als was tane fra the
said Archibald the privie seill, and was givin to the bischope of
Dunkell.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 11.
[129] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 196) says: 'His first
act was to summon a council, and issue a proclamation, that no
lord or follower of the house of Douglas should dare to approach
within _six_ miles of the court, under pain of treason.' For this,
no authority is cited; and the historian of the Douglas family
distinctly states, 'within _twelve_ miles of the king, under pain
of death.' _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 99. See also
_Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 10: 'that nane of thame nor thair
familiaris cum neir the king be tuelf myllis.' The reason was,
that 'the said kingis grace haid greit suspicioun of the temporall
lordis, becaus thaj favourit sum pairt the Douglassis.' _Diurnal_,
p. 12.
[130] 'The Erle of Caithnes and fyve hundreth of his men wes slayne and
drownit in the see.' _Lesley's History of Scotland_, p. 141.
[131] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204.
[132] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 324, edit.
folio, 1814.
[133] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 207.
All this was vigorous enough, and was the consequence of the Church
recovering her power. Other measures, equally decisive, were preparing.
In 1531, the king deprived the Earl of Crawford of most of his estates,
and threw the Earl of Argyle into prison.[134] Even those nobles who had
been inclined to follow him, he now discouraged. He took every
opportunity of treating them with coldness, while he filled the highest
offices with their rivals, the clergy.[135] Finally, he, in 1532, aimed
a deadly blow at their order, by depriving them of a large part of the
jurisdiction which they were wont to exercise in their own country, and
to the possession of which they owed much of their power. At the
instigation of the Archbishop of Glasgow, he established what was called
the College of Justice, in which suits were to be decided, instead of
being tried, as heretofore, by the barons, at home, in their castles. It
was ordered that this new tribunal should consist of fifteen judges,
eight of whom must be ecclesiastics; and to make the intention still more
clear, it was provided that the president should invariably be a
clergyman.[136]
[134] _Tytler_, vol. iv. p. 212.
[135] 'His preference of the clergy to the temporal lords disgusted these
proud chiefs.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 230.
See also p. 236. His reasons are stated by himself, in a curious
letter, which he wrote so late as 1541, to Henry VIII. 'We
persaif,' writes James, 'be zoure saidis writingis yat Ze ar
informyt yat yair suld be sum thingis laitlie attemptat be oure
kirkmen to oure hurte and skaith, and contrar oure mynde and
plesure. We can nocht understand, quhat suld move Zou to beleif
the samyn, assuring Zou _We have nevir fund bot faithfull and trew
obedience of yame at all tymes_, nor yai seik nor attemptis
nouthir jurisdictioun nor previlegijs, forthir nor yai have usit
sen the first institutioun of the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk We may
nocht apoun oure conscience alter nor change in the respect We
have to the honour and faith of God and Halikirk, and douttis na
inconvenient be yame to come to Ws and oure realme yerthrou; for
sen the Kirk wes first institute in our realme, the stait yairof
hes nevir failzeit, bot _hes remanyt evir obedient to oure
progenitouris, and in our tyme mair thankefull to Ws, nor evir yai
wer of before_.' This letter, which, in several points of view, is
worth reading, will be found in _State Papers of Henry VIII._,
vol. v. pp. 188-190, 4to, 1836.
[136] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 212, 213, and _Arnot's
History of Edinburgh_, 4to, 1788, p. 468: 'fifteen ordinary
judges, seven churchmen, seven laymen, and a president, whom it
behoved to be a churchman.' The statute, as printed in the folio
edition of 1814 (_Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii.
p. 335) says 'xiiij psouñs half sp[=u]ale half temporall wt ane
president.' Mr. Lawson (_Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_,
Edinburgh, 1836, p. 81) supposes that it was the Archbishop of St.
Andrews who advised the erection of this tribunal.
This gave the finishing touch to the whole, and it, taken in connexion
with previous measures, exasperated the nobles almost to madness. Their
hatred of the clergy became uncontrollable; and, in their eagerness for
revenge, they not only threw themselves into the arms of England, and
maintained a secret understanding with Henry VIII., but many of them went
even further, and showed a decided leaning towards the principles of the
Reformation. As the enmity between the aristocracy and the Church grew
more bitter, just in the same proportion did the desire to reform the
Church become more marked. The love of innovation was encouraged by
interested motives, until, in the course of a few years, an immense
majority of the nobles adopted extreme Protestant opinions; hardly caring
what heresy they embraced, so long as they were able, by its aid, to
damage a Church from which they had recently received the greatest
injuries, and with which they and their progenitors had been engaged in a
contest of nearly a hundred and fifty years.[137]
[137] Keith, who evidently does not admire this part of the history of
his country, says, under the year 1546, 'Several of our nobility
found it their temporal interest, as much as their spiritual, to
sway with the new opinions as to religious matters.' _Keith's
Affairs of Church and State_, vol. i. pp. 112, 113. Later, and
with still more bluntness: 'The noblemen wanted to finger the
patrimony of the kirkmen.' vol. iii. p. 11.
In the mean time, James V. united himself closer than ever with the
hierarchy. In 1534, he gratified the Church, by personally assisting at
the trial of some heretics, who were brought before the bishops and
burned.[138] The next year, he was offered, and he willingly accepted,
the title of Defender of the Faith, which was transferred to him from
Henry VIII.; that king being supposed to have forfeited it by his
impiety.[139] At all events, James well deserved it. He was a stanch
supporter of the Church, and his privy-council was chiefly composed of
ecclesiastics, as he deemed it dangerous to admit laymen to too large a
share in the government.[140] And, in 1538, he still further signalized
his policy, by taking for his second wife Mary of Guise; thus
establishing an intimate relation with the most powerful Catholic family
in Europe, whose ambition, too, was equal to their power, and who made it
their avowed object to uphold the Catholic faith, and to protect it from
those rude and unmannerly invasions which were now directed against it in
most parts of Europe.[141]
[138] 'In the month of August (1534), the bishops having gotten fitt
opportunitie, renewed their battell aganest Jesus Christ. David
Stratilon, a gentelman of the House of Lawrestoune, and Mr. Norman
Gowrlay, was brought to judgement in the Abby of Halyrudhouse. The
king himself, all cloathed with reid, being present, grait pains
war taken upon David Stratoun to move him to recant and burn his
bill; bot he, ever standing to his defence, was in end adjudged to
the fire. He asked grace at the king. The bishops answred
proudlie, that "the king's hands war bound, and that he had no
grace to give to such as were by law condemned." So was he, with
Mr. Norman, after dinner, upon the 27th day of Agust, led to a
place beside the Rude of Greenside, between Leth and Edinbrug, to
the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire, might be
striken with terrour and feare.' _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
Scotland_, vol. i. part i. p. 210*. Also _Calderwood's History of
the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 106, 107.
[139] 'It appears, by a letter in the State-paper Office, that Henry
remonstrated against this title being given to James.' _Tytler's
History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 223. See also p. 258.
[140] In 1535, 'his privy council were mostly ecclesiastics.' _Ibid._
vol. iv. p. 222. And Sir Ralph Sadler, during his embassy to
Scotland in 1539-40, writes: 'So that the king, as far as I can
perceive, is of force driven to use the bishops and his clergy as
his only ministers for the direction of his realm. They be the men
of wit and policy that I see here; they be never out of the king's
ear. And if they smell any thing that in the least point may touch
them, or that the king seem to be content with any such thing,
straight they inculk to him, how catholic a prince his father was,
and feed him both with fair words and many, in such wise as by
those policies they lead him (having also the whole governance of
his affairs) as they will.' _State Papers and Letters of Sir Ralph
Sadler_, Edinb., 1809, 4to, vol. i. p. 47.
[141] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 128. _A Diurnal of
Occurrents_, p. 22. The Reverend Mr. Kirkton pronounces that the
new queen was 'ane egge of the bloody nest of Guise.' _Kirkton's
History of the Church of Scotland_, edited by Sharpe, Edinburgh,
1817, 4to, p. 7.
This was hailed by the Church as a guarantee for the intentions of the
king. And so indeed it proved to be. David Beaton, who negotiated the
marriage, became the chief adviser of James during the rest of his reign.
He was made Archbishop of Saint Andrews in 1539,[142] and, by his
influence, a persecution hotter than any yet known, was directed against
the Protestants. Many of them escaped into England,[143] where they
swelled the number of the exiles, who were waiting till the time was ripe
to take a deadly revenge. They, and their adherents at home, coalesced
with the disaffected nobles, particularly with the Douglases,[144] who
were by far the most powerful of the Scotch aristocracy, and who were
connected with most of the great families, either by old associations, or
by the still closer bond of the interest which they all had in reducing
the power of the Church.[145]
[142] 'At his return home, he was made coadjutor, and declared future
successor to his uncle in the primacy of St. Andrews, in which see
he came to be fully invested upon the death of his uncle the next
year, 1539.' _Keith's Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, pp. 23, 24.
[143] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 20. _Spottiswoode's History of the
Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 139. _Lawson's Roman Catholic
Church in Scotland_, p. 178. _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives
of the Reformers_, vol. i. p. 100.
[144] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 241) says, that the
cruelties of 1539 forced 'many of the persecuted families to
embrace the interests of the Douglases.'
[145] It is asserted of the Douglases, that, early in the sixteenth
century, their 'alliances and power were equal to one-half of the
nobility of Scotland.' _Brown's History of Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 8.
See also, on their connexions, _Hume's House of Douglas_, vol. i.
pp. xix. 252, 298, vol. ii. p. 293.
At this juncture, the eyes of men were turned towards the Douglases, whom
Henry VIII. harboured at his court, and who were now maturing their
plans.[146] Though they did not yet dare to return to Scotland, their
spies and agents reported to them all that was done, and preserved their
connexions at home. Feudal covenants, bonds of manrent, and other
arrangements, which, even if illegal, it would have been held disgraceful
to renounce, were in full force; and enabled the Douglases to rely with
confidence on many of the most powerful nobles, who were, moreover,
disgusted at the predominance of the clergy, and who welcomed the
prospect of any change which was likely to lessen the authority of the
Church.[147]
[146] Henry VIII., 'in the year 1532, sought it directly, among the
conditions of peace, that the Douglas, according to his promise,
should be restored. For King Henry's own part, he entertained them
with all kind of beneficence and honour, and made both the Earl
and Sir George of his Privy Council.' _Hume's History of the House
of Douglas_, vol. ii. pp. 105, 106. James was very jealous of any
communication taking place between the Douglases and his other
subjects; but it was impossible for him to prevent it. See a
letter which he wrote to Sir Thomas Erskine (in _Miscellany of the
Spalding Club_, vol. ii. p. 193, Aberdeen, 1842, 4to), beginning,
'I commend me rycht hartly to yow, and weit ye that it is murmuryt
hyr that ye sould a spolkyn with Gorge and Archebald Dougles in
Ingland, quhylk wase again my command and your promys quhan we
departyt.' See also the cases of Lady Trakware, John Mathesone,
John Hume, and others, in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
Scotland_, vol. i. part i. pp. 161*, 177*, 202*, 243*, 247*.
[147] 'The Douglases were still maintained with high favour and generous
allowances in England; their power, although nominally extinct,
was still far from being destroyed; their spies penetrated into
every quarter, followed the king to France, and gave information
of his most private motions; their feudal covenants and bands of
manrent still existed, and bound many of the most potent nobility
to their interest; whilst the vigour of the king's government, and
his preference of the clergy to the temporal lords, disgusted
these proud chiefs, and disposed them to hope for a recovery of
their influence from any change which might take place.' _Tytler's
History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 229, 230. These bonds of
manrent, noticed by Tytler, were among the most effective means by
which the Scotch nobles secured their power. Without them, it
would have been difficult for the aristocracy to have resisted the
united force of the Crown and the Church. On this account, they
deserve special attention. Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 824)
could find no bond of manrent earlier than 1354; but in Lord
Somerville's _Memorie of the Somervilles_, edit. Edinburgh, 1815,
vol. i. p. 74, one is mentioned in 1281. This is the earliest
instance I have met with; and they did not become very common till
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Compare _Hume's History of
the House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 19. _Somerville's Memorie of
the Somervilles_, vol. i. p. 234. _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 83. _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_,
pp. 142, 143. _Skene's Highlanders_, vol. ii. p. 186. _Gregory's
History of the Western Highlands_, p. 126. _Kennedy's Annals of
Aberdeen_, vol. i. p. 55. _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol.
ii. pp. cvi. 93, 251, vol. iv. pp. xlviii. 179. As these covenants
were extremely useful in maintaining the balance of power, and
preventing the Scotch monarchy from becoming despotic, acts of
parliament were of course passed against them. See one in 1457,
and another in 1555, respecting 'lige' and 'bandis of manrent and
mantenance,' in _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, folio,
1814, vol. ii. pp. 50, 495. Such enactments being opposed to the
spirit of the age, and adverse to the exigencies of society,
produced no effect upon the general practice, though they caused
the punishment of several individuals. Manrent was still frequent
until about 1620 or 1630, when the great social revolution was
completed, by which the power of the aristocracy was subordinated
to that of the Church. Then, the change of affairs effected,
without difficulty, and indeed spontaneously, what the legislature
had vainly attempted to achieve. The nobles, gradually sinking
into insignificance, lost their spirit, and ceased to resort to
those contrivances by which they had long upheld their order.
Bonds of manrent became every year less common, and it is doubtful
if there is any instance of them after 1661. See _Chalmers'
Caledonia_, vol. iii. pp. 32, 33. It is, however, so dangerous to
assert a negative, that I do not wish to rely on this date, and
some few cases may exist later; but if so, they are very few, and
it is certain that, speaking generally, the middle of the
seventeenth century is the epoch of their extinction.
With such a combination of parties, in a country where, there being no
middle class, the people counted for nothing, but followed wherever they
were led, it is evident that the success or failure of the Reformation in
Scotland was simply a question of the success or failure of the nobles.
They were bent on revenge. The only doubt was, as to their being strong
enough to gratify it. Against them, they had the Crown and the Church. On
their side they had the feudal traditions, the spirit of clanship, the
devoted obedience of their innumerable retainers, and, what was equally
important, that love of names, and of family associations, for which
Scotland is still remarkable, but which, in the sixteenth century,
possessed an influence difficult to exaggerate.
The moment for action was now at hand. In 1540, the government,
completely under the control of the clergy, caused fresh laws to be
enacted against the Protestants, whose interests were by this time
identical with those of the nobles. By these statutes, no one, even
suspected of heresy, could for the future hold any office; and all
Catholics were forbidden to harbour, or to show favour to, persons who
professed the new opinions.[148] The clergy, now flushed with conquest,
and greedy for the destruction of their ancient rivals, proceeded to
still farther extremities. So unrelenting was their malice, that, in that
same year, they presented to James a list containing the names of upwards
of three hundred members of the Scotch aristocracy, whom they formally
accused as heretics, who ought to be put to death, and whose estates they
recommended the king to confiscate.[149]
[148] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 370, 371. 'That
na mañ quhats[=u]euir stait or conditiouñ he be luge
ressauve cherish nor favor ony heretike.' ... 'And alswa that na
persouñ that hes bene suspectit of heresie howbeit thai be
ressauit to p[=e]nance and grace sall in this realme exers haif
nor brouk ony honest estait degre office nor judicato^r sp[=u]all
nor t[=e]porale in burgh nor w^tout nor na salbe admittit to be
of ou[/r] counsale.'
[149] Lindsay of Pitscottie (_Chronicles_, vol. ii. p. 383) says, that
they 'devysed to put ane discord and variance betwixt the lordis
and gentlmen with thair prince; for they delaited, and gave vp to
the king in writt, to the number of thrittie scoir of earles,
lordis, and barrones, gentlmen and craftismen, that is, as thei
alledgit, wer all heretickis, and leived not after the Pope's
lawis, and ordinance of the hollie kirk; quhilk his grace sould
esteme as ane capitall cryme, to ony man that did the same' ...
'all thair landis, rentes, guidis, and geir apperteanis propperlie
to your grace, for thair contempt of our hollie father the Pope,
and his lawis, and high contempt of your grace's authoritie.' This
document was found among the king's papers after his death, when
it appeared that, of the six hundred names on the list, more than
three hundred belonged to the principal nobility: 'Eum timorem
auxerunt codicilli post regis interitum reperti, e quibus supra
trecentorum è prima nobilitate nomina continebantur.' _Buchanan_,
_Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xv. p. 424. Compare _Sadler's
State Papers_, 1809, vol. i. p. 94; and _Watson's Historicall
Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, 1657, p. 22.
According to Watson, it 'was called the bloudy scroll.'
These hot and vindictive men little knew of the storm which they were
evoking, and which was about to burst on their heads, and cover them and
their Church with confusion. Not that we have reason to believe that a
wiser conduct would have ultimately saved the Scotch hierarchy. On the
contrary, the probability is, that their fate was sealed; for the general
causes which governed the entire movement had been so long at work, that,
at this period, it would have been hardly possible to have baffled them.
But, even if we admit as certain, that the Scotch clergy were doomed, it
is also certain that their violence made their fall more grievous, by
exasperating the passions of their adversaries. The train, indeed, was
laid; their enemies had supplied the materials, and all was ready to
explode; but it was themselves who at last applied the match, and sprung
the mine to their own destruction.
In 1542, the nobles, seeing that the Church and the Crown were bent on
their ruin, took the most decisive step on which they had yet ventured,
and peremptorily refused to obey James in making war upon the English.
They knew that the war in which they were desired to participate had been
fomented by the clergy, with the twofold object of stopping all
communication with the exiles, and of checking the introduction of
heretical opinions.[150] Both these intentions they resolved to
frustrate, and, being assembled on the field, they declared with one
voice that they would not invade England. Threats and persuasions were
equally useless. James, stung with vexation, returned home, and ordered
the army to be disbanded. Scarcely had he retired, when the clergy
attempted to rally the troops, and to induce them to act against the
enemy. A few of the peers, ashamed at what seemed a cowardly desertion of
the king, appeared willing to march. The rest, however, refused; and,
while they were in this state of doubt and confusion, the English, taking
them unawares, suddenly fell upon their disorderly ranks, utterly routed
them, and made a large number prisoners. In this disgraceful action, ten
thousand Scotch troops fled before three hundred English cavalry.[151]
The news being brought to James, while he was still smarting from the
disobedience of the nobles, was too much for his proud and sensitive
mind. He reeled under the double shock; a slow fever wasted his strength;
he sunk into a long stupor; and, refusing all comfort, he died in
December 1542, leaving the Crown to his infant daughter, Mary, during
whose reign the great contest between the aristocracy and the Church was
to be finally decided.[152]
[150] In the autumn of 1542, James 'was encouraged by the clergy to
engage in a war against King Henry, who both assured him of
victory, since he fought against an heretical prince, and advanced
an annuity of 50,000 crowns for prosecuting the war.' _Crawfurd's
History of the Shire of Renfrew_, 1782, 4to, part i. p. 48.
Compare, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 154, a
letter written, in 1539, by Norfolk to Cromwell: 'By diverse other
waies I am advertised that the clergie of Scotlande be in such
feare that their king shold do theire, as the kinges highnes hath
done in this realme, that they do their best to bring their master
to the warr; and by many waies I am advertised that a great parte
of the temporaltie there wold their king shold followe our
insample, wich I pray God yeve hym grace to come unto.' Even after
the battle of Solway, the policy of the clergy was notoriously the
same. 'And undoubtedlie, the kyrkemen labor, by all the meanes
they can, to empeche the unitie and establishment of thiese two
realmes; uppon what groundes ye can easelie conjecture.' Letter
from Sadler to Parr, dated Edinburgh, 27th March 1543, in _State
Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 271, 4to, 1836.
[151] 'Ten thousand Scottish troops fled at the sight of three hundred
English cavalry, with scarce a momentary resistance.' _Tytler's
History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 264.
[152] The best account of these events will be found in _Tytler's
History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 260-267. I have also consulted
_Ridpath's Border History_, pp. 372, 373. _Hollinshead's Scottish
Chronicle_, vol. ii. pp. 207-209. _Lesley's History_, pp. 163-166.
_Lindsay of Pitscottie's Chronicles_, vol. ii. pp. 399-406.
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
145-152. _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xiv. pp.
420, 421.
The influence of the nobles was increased by the death of James V., and
yet more by the bad repute into which the clergy fell for having
instigated a war, of which the result was so disgraceful.[153] Their
party was still further strengthened by the exiles, who, as soon as they
heard the glad tidings, prepared to leave England.[154] Early in 1543,
Angus and Douglas returned to Scotland,[155] and were soon followed by
other nobles, most of whom professed to be Protestants, though, as the
result clearly proved, their Protestantism was inspired by a love of
plunder and of revenge. The late king had, in his will, appointed
Cardinal Beaton to be guardian of the queen, and governor of the
realm.[156] Beaton, though an unprincipled man, was very able, and was
respected as the head of the national church; he being Archbishop of St.
Andrews, and primate of Scotland. The nobles, however, at once arrested
him,[157] deprived him of his regency, and put in his place the Earl of
Arran, who, at this time, affected to be a zealous Protestant, though, on
a fitting occasion, he afterwards changed his opinions.[158] Among the
supporters of the new creed, the most powerful were the Earl of Angus
and the Douglases. They were now freed from a prescription of fifteen
years; their attainder was reversed, and their estates and honours were
restored to them.[159] It was evident that not only the executive
authority, but also the legislative, had passed from the Church to the
aristocracy. And they, who had the power, were not sparing in the use of
it. Lord Maxwell, one of the most active of their party, had, like most
of them, in their zeal against the hierarchy, embraced the principles of
the Reformation.[160] In the spring of 1543, he obtained the sanction of
the Earl of Arran, the governor of Scotland, for a proposal which he made
to the Lords of the Articles, whose business it was to digest the
measures to be brought before Parliament. The proposal was, that the
people should be allowed to read the Bible in a Scotch or English
translation. The clergy arrayed all their force against what they
rightly deemed a step full of danger to themselves, as conceding a
fundamental principle of Protestantism. But all was in vain. The tide had
set in, and was not to be turned. The proposition was adopted by the
Lords of the Articles. On their authority, it was introduced into
Parliament. It was passed. It received the assent of the government; and,
amid the lamentations of the Church, it was proclaimed, with every
formality, at the market-cross of Edinburgh.[161]
[153] 'This defeat being so very dishonourable, especially to the
clergy, who stirred up the king to that attempt, and promised him
great success from it; and there being such a visible evidence of
the anger of God, fighting by his providence against them, all men
were struck with fear and astonishment; the bishops were ashamed
to show their faces for a time.' _Stevenson's History of the
Church of Scotland_, reprinted, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 30.
[154] We may readily believe the assertion of an old chronicler, that
'the nobilitie did not greatlie take his death grievouslie,
because he had fined manie, imprisoned more, and caused no small
few (for avoiding his displeasure) to flie into England, and
rather to commit themselves to the enemie than to his anger.'
_Hollinshead's Scottish Chronicle_, vol. ii. p. 210.
[155] _Hume's History of the House of Douglas_, vol. ii. p. 111.
[156] It has been often said, that this will was forged; but for such an
assertion I cannot find the slightest evidence, except the
declaration of Arran (_Sadler's State Papers_, Edinburgh, 1809,
vol. i. p. 138), and the testimony, if testimony it can be called,
of Scotch historians, who do not profess to have examined the
handwriting, and who, being themselves Protestants, seem to
suppose that the fact of a man being a cardinal, qualifies him for
every crime. There is no doubt that Beaton was thoroughly
unprincipled, and therefore was capable of the forgery. Still, we
have no proof; and the will is such as we might have expected from
the king. In regard to Arran, his affirmation is not worth the
paper it is written on: for he hated Beaton; he was himself very
unscrupulous; and he succeeded to the post which Beaton had to
vacate on the ground that the will was forged. If such
circumstances do not disqualify a witness, some of the
best-established principles of evidence are false. The reader who
cares to look further into this subject, may compare, in favour of
the will being forged, _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_,
lib. xv. p. 422, Abredoniæ, 1762; _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i. pp. 91, 92;
_Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, second edition, 4to, 1860,
p. 102; and, in favour of its being genuine, _Lyon's History of
St. Andrews_, Edinburgh, 1843, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. Some other
writers on the subject leave it doubtful: _Tytler's History of
Scotland_, 1845, vol. iv. p. 274; _Lawson's Roman Church in
Scotland_, 1836, p. 99; and a note in _Keith's Church and State in
Scotland_, 1844, vol. i. p. 63.
[157] On the 26th of January 1542-3, 'the said cardinall was put in
pressoune in Dalkeith.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 26. See
also, respecting his imprisonment, a letter written, on the 16th
of March, by Angus and Douglas, in _State Papers of Henry VIII._,
vol. v. p. 263. He was then in 'firmance.'
[158] His appointment was confirmed by Parliament on the 12th of March.
_Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 411: 'tuto^r
lau^tfull to the quenis grace and gounour of this realme.' He
excluded the clergy from power. On 20th March, in the same year,
Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII., that Sir George Douglas
'brought me into the council-chamber, where I found a great number
of noblemen and others at a long board, and divers standing, but
_not one bishop nor priest among them_. At the upper end of the
board sat the governour.' _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 78.
[159] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 415, 419, 424,
423*; and _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 285.
[160] 'Had become a convert to its doctrines.' _Tytler's Hist. of
Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 286. But he, as well as the other nobles,
neither knew nor cared much about doctrines; and he was, moreover,
very venal. In April 1543, Sir Ralph Sadler writes to Henry VIII.:
'And the lord Maxwell told me apart, "That, indeed, he lacked
silver, and had no way of relief but to your majesty;" which he
prayed me to signify unto the same. I asked him what would relieve
him? and he said, 300_l._; "for the which," he said, "as your
majesty seemed, when he was with your grace, to have him in more
trust and credit than the rest of your majesty's prisoners, so he
trusted to do you as good service as any of them; and amongst them
they will do you such service, as, if the war succeed, ye shall
make an easy conquest of this realm; as _for his part he shall
deliver into your hands, at the entry of your army, the keys of
the same on the west marches, being all the strongholds there in
his custody_." I offered him presently to write to my lord of
Suffolk for 100_l._ for him if he would; but he said, "he would
stay till he heard again from your majesty in that behalf."'
_Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 165.
[161] _Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 415, 425.
_Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p. 83. Knox, in his _History of
the Reformation_ (edit. Laing, vol. i p. 100), archly says, 'The
cleargy hearto long repugned; butt in the end, convicted by
reassonis, _and by multitud of votes in thare contrare_, thei also
condiscended; and so, by Act of Parliament, it was maid free to
all man and woman to reid the Scriptures in thair awin toung, or
in the Engliss toung; and so war all Actes maid in the contrair
abolished.'
Scarcely had the nobles thus attained the upper hand, when they began to
quarrel among themselves. They were resolved to plunder the Church; but
they could not agree as to how the spoil should be shared. Neither could
they determine as to the best mode of proceeding; some being in favour of
an open and immediate schism, while others wished to advance cautiously,
and to temporize with their opponents, that they might weaken the
hierarchy by degrees. The more active and zealous section of the nobles
were known as the English party,[162] owing to their intimate connexion
with Henry VIII., from whom many of them received supplies of money. But,
in 1544, war broke out between the two countries, and the clergy, headed
by Archbishop Beaton, roused, with such success, the old feelings of
national hatred against the English, that the nobles were compelled for a
moment to bend before the storm, and to advocate an alliance with France.
Indeed, it seemed for a few months as if the Church and aristocracy had
forgotten their old and inveterate hostility, and were about to unite
their strength in one common cause.[163]
[162] Or, as Keith calls them, 'English Lords.' _History of the Affairs
of Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 80.
[163] In May 1544 the English attacked Scotland, _Tytler's History_,
vol. iv. p. 316; and in that same month, the 'Anglo-Scottish
party' consisted only of the Earls of Lennox and of Glencairn,
since even 'Angus, George Douglas, and their numerous and powerful
adherents, joined the cardinal.' p. 319. As to the part taken by
the Scotch clergy, see, in _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p.
173, a letter to Henry VIII., written on the 1st of May 1543: 'And
as to the kirk-men, I assure your majesty they seek the war by all
the means they can, and do daily entertain the noblemen with money
and rewards to sustain the wars, rather than there should be any
agreement with your majesty; thinking, verily, that if peace and
unity succeed, that they shall be reformed, and lose their glory,
which they had rather die, and put all this realm in hazard, than
they would forego.' See also p. 184, note.
This, however, was but a passing delusion. The antagonism between the two
classes was irreconcilable.[164] In the spring of 1545, the leading
Protestant nobles formed a conspiracy to assassinate Archbishop
Beaton,[165] whom they hated more than any one else, partly because he
was the head of the Church, and partly because he was the ablest and most
unscrupulous of their opponents. A year, however, elapsed before their
purpose could be effected; and it was not till May 1546, that Lesley, a
young baron, accompanied by the Laird of Grange, and a few others, burst
into Saint Andrews, and murdered the primate in his own castle.[166]
[164] Buchanan records a very curious conversation between the regent and
Douglas, which, as I do not remember to have met with elsewhere, I
shall transcribe. The exact date of it is not mentioned, but, from
the context, it evidently took place in 1544 or 1545. 'Ibi cum
Prorex suam deploraret solitudinem, et se a nobilitate derelictum
quereretur, Duglassius ostendit "id ipsius culpa fieri, non
nobilium, qui et fortunas omnes et vitam ad publicam salutem
tuendam conferrent, quorum consilio contempto ad sacrificulorum
nutum circumageretur, qui foris imbelles, domi seditiosi,
omniumque periculorum expertes alieni laboris fructu ad suas
voluptates abuterentur. Ex hoc fonte inter te et proceres facta
est suspitio, quæ (quòd neutri alteris fidatis) rebus gerendis
maxime est impedimento."' _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xv. p.
435. Buchanan was, at this time, about thirty-eight years old; and
that some such conversation as that which he narrates actually
took place, is, I think, highly probable, though the historian may
have thrown in some touches of his own. At all events, he was too
great a rhetorician to invent what his contemporaries would deem
unlikely to happen; so that, from either point of view, the
passage is valuable as an evidence of the deep-rooted hostility
which the nobles bore towards the Church.
[165] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 337. 'The plot is
entirely unknown either to our Scottish or English historians; and
now, after the lapse of nearly three centuries, has been
discovered in the secret correspondence of the State-paper
Office.' The first suggestion of the murder was in April 1544. See
_State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 377, and the end of the
Preface to vol. iv. But Mr. Tytler and the editor of the _State
Papers_ appear to have overlooked a still earlier indication of
the coming crime, in _Sadler's Papers_. See, in that collection,
vol. i. p. 77, a conversation, held in March 1543, between Sir
Ralph Sadler and the Earl of Arran; Sadler being conducted by the
Earl of Glencairn. On that occasion, the Earl of Arran used an
expression concerning Beaton, the meaning of which Sir Ralph
evidently understood. '"By God," quoth he, "he shall never come
out of prison whilst I may have mine own will, _except it be to
his farther mischief_." I allowed the same well' (replied Sadler),
'and said, "It were pity, but he should receive such reward as his
merits did require."'
[166] _State Papers of Henry VIII._, vol. v. p. 560. _A Diurnal of
Occurrents_, p. 42. _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of
Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 221-223. Lindsay of Pitscottie
(_Chronicles_, vol. ii. p. 484) relates a circumstance respecting
the murder, which is too horrible to mention, and of which it is
enough to say, that it consisted of an obscene outrage committed
on the corpse of the victim. Though such facts cannot now be
published, they are so characteristic of the age, that they ought
not to be passed over in complete silence.
The horror with which the Church heard of this foul and barbarous
deed,[167] maybe easily imagined. But the conspirators, nothing daunted,
and relying on the support of a powerful party, justified their act,
seized the castle of Saint Andrews, and prepared to defend it to the
last. And in this resolution they were upheld by a most remarkable man,
who now first appeared to public view, and who, being admirably suited to
the age in which he lived, was destined to become the most conspicuous
character of those troublous times.
[167] Respecting which, two Scotch Protestant historians have expressed
themselves in the following terms: 'God admonished men, by this
judgement, that he will in end be avenged upon tyranns for their
crueltie, howsoever they strenthen themselves.' _Calderwood's
History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 224. And, whoever
considers all the circumstances, 'must acknowledge it was a
stupendous act of the judgment of the Lord, and that the whole was
overruled and guided by Divine Providence.' _Stevenson's History
of the Church and State of Scotland_, p. 38.
That man was John Knox. To say that he was fearless and incorruptible,
that he advocated with unflinching zeal what he believed to be the truth,
and that he devoted himself with untiring energy to what he deemed the
highest of all objects, is only to render common justice to the many
noble attributes which he undoubtedly possessed. But, on the other hand,
he was stern, unrelenting, and frequently brutal; he was not only callous
to human suffering, but he could turn it into a jest, and employ on it
the resources of his coarse, though exuberant, humour;[168] and he loved
power so inordinately, that, unable to brook the slightest opposition, he
trampled on all who crossed his path, or stood even for a moment in the
way of his ulterior designs.
[168] Even the editor of _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, Edinburgh, 1841,
p. xxxv., notices 'the ill-timed merriment he displays in relating
the foul deed' of Beaton's murder.
The influence of Knox in promoting the Reformation, has indeed been
grossly exaggerated by historians, who are too apt to ascribe vast
results to individual exertions; overlooking those large and general
causes, in the absence of which the individual exertion would be
fruitless. Still, he effected more than any single man;[169] although the
really important period of his life, in regard to Scotland, was in and
after 1559, when the triumph of Protestantism was already secure, and
when he reaped the benefit of what had been effected during his long
absence from his own country. His first effort was a complete failure,
and, more than any one of his actions, has injured his reputation. This
was the sanction which he gave to the cruel murder of Archbishop Beaton,
in 1546. He repaired to the Castle of Saint Andrews; he shut himself up
with the assassins; he prepared to share their fate; and, in a work which
he afterwards wrote, openly justified what they had done.[170] For this,
nothing can excuse him; and it is with a certain sense of satisfied
justice that we learn, that, in 1547, the castle being taken by the
French, Knox was treated with great severity, and was made to work at the
galleys, from which he was not liberated till 1549.[171]
[169] Shortly before his death, he said, with honest and justifiable
pride, 'What I have bene to my countrie, albeit, this vnthankfull
aige will not knowe, yet the aiges to come wilbe compelled to bear
witnes to the treuth.' _Bannatyne's Journal_, Edinburgh, 1806. p.
119. Bannatyne was Knox's secretary. It is to be regretted that no
good life of Knox should have yet been published. That by M'Crie
is an undistinguishing and injudicious panegyric, which, by
provoking a reaction of opinion, has damaged the reputation of the
great reformer. On the other hand, the sect of Episcopalians in
Scotland are utterly blind to the real grandeur of the man, and
unable to discern his intense love of truth, and the noble
fearlessness of his nature.
[170] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 374, 375. _M'Crie's
Life of Knox_, pp. 27, 28. _Lawson's Roman Catholic Church in
Scotland_, p. 154. _Presbytery Displayed_, 1663, 4to, p. 28.
_Shields' Hind let loose_, 1687, pp. 14, 39, 638. In his _History
of the Reformation_, edit. Laing, vol. i. pp. 177, 180, he calls
it a 'godly fact,' and says, 'These ar the workis of our God;'
which, in plain language, is terming the Deity an assassin. But,
bad as this is, I agree with M'Crie, that there is no trustworthy
evidence for deeming him privy to the murder. Compare, however, _A
Diurnal of Occurrents_ p. 42, with _Lyon's History of St.
Andrews_, vol. ii. p. 364.
[171] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, pp. 38, 43, 350. _Argyll's Presbytery
Examined_, 1848, p. 19.
During the next five years, Knox remained in England, which he quitted in
1554, and arrived at Dieppe.[172] He then travelled abroad; and did not
revisit Scotland till the autumn of 1555, when he was eagerly welcomed by
the principal nobles and their adherents.[173] From some cause, however,
which has not been sufficiently explained, but probably from an
unwillingness to play a subordinate part among those proud chiefs, he, in
July 1556, again left Scotland, and repaired to Geneva, where he had been
invited to take charge of a congregation.[174] He stayed abroad till
1559, by which time the real struggle was almost over; so completely had
the nobles succeeded in sapping the foundations of the Church.
[172] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, pp. 44, 71.
[173] _Ibid._ p. 99. As to the nobles, who received him, and heard him
preach, see p. 102.
[174] 'Influenced by motives which have never been fully comprehended, he
departed to Geneva, where, for a time, he became pastor of a
Protestant congregation.' _Russell's History of the Church in
Scotland_, 1834, vol. i. p. 193. M'Crie, who sees no difficulty,
simply says, 'In the month of July 1556, he left Scotland, and,
having arrived at Dieppe, he proceeded with his family to Geneva.'
_Life of Knox_, p. 107.
For, the course of events having been long prepared, was now rapid
indeed. In 1554, the queen dowager had succeeded Arran as regent.[175]
She was that Mary of Guise whose marriage with James V. we have noticed
as one of the indications of the policy then prevailing. If left alone,
she would probably have done little harm;[176] but her powerful and
intolerant family exhorted her to suppress the heretics, and, as a
natural part of the same scheme, to put down the nobles. By the advice of
her brothers, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, she, in
1555, proposed to establish a standing army, to supply the place of the
troops, which consisted of the feudal barons and their retainers. Such a
force, being paid by the Crown, would have been entirely under its
control; but the nobles saw the ulterior design, and compelled Mary to
abandon it, on the ground that they and their vassals were able to defend
Scotland, without further aid.[177] Her next attempt was to consolidate
the interests of the Catholic party, which she effected, in 1558, by
marrying her daughter to the dauphin. This increased the influence of the
Guises,[178] whose niece, already queen of Scotland, would now, in the
ordinary course of affairs, become queen of France. They urged their
sister to extreme measures, and promised to assist her with French
troops. On the other hand, the nobles remained firm, and prepared for the
struggle. In December 1557, several of them had drawn up a covenant,
agreeing to stand by each other, and to resist the tyranny with which
they were threatened.[179] They now took the name of Lords of the
Congregation, and sent forth their agents to secure the subscriptions of
those who wished for a reformation of the Church.[180] They, moreover,
wrote to Knox, whose style of preaching, being very popular, would, they
thought, be useful in stirring up the people to rebellion.[181] He was
then in Geneva, and did not arrive in Scotland till May 1559,[182] by
which time the result of the impending contest was hardly doubtful, so
successful had the nobles been in strengthening their party, and so much
reason had they to expect the support of Elizabeth.
[175] Knox, in his savoury diction, likens her appointment to putting a
saddle on the back of a cow. 'She maid Regent in the year of God
1554; and a croune putt upone hir head, als seimlye a sight (yf
men had eis), as to putt a sadill upone the back of ane unrewly
kow.' I copy this passage from Mr. Laing's excellent edition of
_Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. p. 242; but in
_Watson's Historicall Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in
Scotland_, 1657, p. 73, there is a slightly different version.
'"As seemly a sight," saith John Knox, in the new gospel language,
"as to put the saddle upon the back of an unruly _sow_."'
[176] The Duke of Argyll, in his _Presbytery Examined_, p. 9, calls her
'ambitious and intriguing.' Not only, however, is she praised by
Lesley (_History_, pp. 289, 290), which might have been expected,
but even Buchanan does justice to her, in a passage unusually
gracious for so Protestant and democratic a writer. 'Mors ejus
varie mentes hominum affecit. Nam et apud quosdam eorum, quibuscum
armis contendit, non mediocre sui desiderium reliquit. Erat enim
singulari ingenio prædita, et animo ad æquitatem admodum
propenso.' _Buchanan_, _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvi. p.
487.
[177] _History of Scotland_, book ii. p. 91, in Robertson's Works, 1831.
_Tytler's History_, vol. v. pp. 22, 23. It appears, from Lesley
(_History_, pp. 254, 255), that some of the nobles were in favour
of this scheme, hoping thereby to gain favour. 'Albeit sum of the
lordis of the nobilitie for pleasour of the quene seamed to aggre
thairto for the tyme, yit the barronis and gentill men was nathing
content thairwith' ... 'affirming that thair foirfatheris and
predicessouris had defendit the samyn' (_i.e._ the realm) 'mony
hundreth yeris, vailyeantlie with thair awin handis.'
[178] 'It completed the almost despotic power of the house of Guise.'
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 27.
[179] This covenant, which marks an important epoch in the history of
Scotland, is dated 3rd of December 1557. It is printed in
_Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 47; in
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. i. pp. 326, 327; and in
_Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 273, 274.
[180] In 1558, 'the lords of the congregation had sent agents through
the kingdom to solicit the subscriptions of those who were
friendly to a reformation.' _Stephen's History of the Church of
Scotland_, London, 1848, vol. i. p. 58.
[181] Keith (_Affairs of Church and State in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 82)
calls him 'a trumpeter of rebellion,' which he undoubtedly was,
and very much to his credit too, though the courtly bishop imputes
it to him as a fault. The Scotch, if it had not been for their
rebellious spirit, would long since have lost their liberties.
[182] 'He sailed from Dieppe on the 22nd of April 1559, and landed
safely at Leith in the beginning of May.' _M'Crie's Life of Knox_,
p. 139. Knox himself says, 'the secound of Maij.' _History of the
Reformation_, edit. Laing, vol. i. p. 318. 'He was called home by
the noblemen that enterprised the Reformation.' _Spottiswoode's
History of the Church of Scotland_, edit. Russell, vol. ii.
p. 180.
Nine days after Knox entered Scotland, the first blow was struck. On the
11th of May 1559, he preached in Perth. After the sermon, a tumult arose,
and the people plundered the churches and pulled down the
monasteries.[183] The queen-regent, hastily assembling troops, marched
towards the town. But the nobles were on the alert. The Earl of Glencairn
joined the congregation with two thousand five hundred men; and a treaty
was concluded, by which both sides agreed to disarm, on condition that no
one should be punished for what had already happened.[184] Such, however,
was the state of the public mind, that peace was impossible. In a few
days, war again broke out; and this time the result was more decisive.
The Lords of the Congregation mustered in great force. Perth, Stirling,
and Linlithgow, fell into their hands. The queen-regent retreated before
them. She evacuated Edinburgh; and, on the 29th of June, the Protestants
entered the capital in triumph.[185]
[183] _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 310. _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 321-323. _Lyon's History of St.
Andrews_, vol. i. p. 329; and a spirited narrative in _Buchanan's
Rerum Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvi. pp. 471, 472. Some
interesting circumstances are also preserved in _Lesley's
History_, pp. 271, 272; but, though Lesley was a contemporary, he
erroneously places the riot in 1558. He, moreover, ascribes to
Knox language more inflammatory than that which he really used.
[184] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 59, 62, 63. Of the
Earl of Glencairn, Chalmers (_Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 485) says,
that he was a 'religious ruffian, who enjoyed pensions from Henry
VIII., for injuring the country of his birth, and benefits.' This,
besides being ungrammatical, is foolish. Glencairn, like the other
aristocratic leaders of the Reformation, was, no doubt, influenced
by sordid motives; but, so far from injuring his country, he
rendered it great service.
[185] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 64-73.
All this was done in seven weeks from the breaking out of the first riot.
Both parties were now willing to negotiate, with the view of gaining
time; the queen-regent expecting aid from France, the Lords expecting it
from England.[186] But the proceedings of Elizabeth being tardy, the
Protestants, after waiting for some months, determined to strike a
decisive blow before the reinforcements arrived. In October, the
principal peers, headed by the Duke of Chastelherault, the Earl of Arran,
the Earl of Argyle, and the Earl of Glencairn, assembled at Edinburgh. A
great meeting was held, of which Lord Ruthven was appointed president,
and in which the queen-regent was solemnly suspended from the government,
on the ground that she was opposed to 'the glory of God, to the liberty
of the realm, and to the welfare of the nobles.'[187]
[186] It is stated of the queen-regent, that, in July 1559, 'shee had
sent alreadie to France for more men of warr.' See the curious
pamphlet entitled 'A Historie of the Estate of Scotland, from July
1558 to April 1560,' in _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 63,
Edinburgh, 1844. All sorts of rumours were circulated; and a
letter, dated 12th October 1559, says, 'Summe thinke the regent
will departe secretlie. Summe that she will to Ynchkeith, for that
three shippes are a preparing. Summe saye that she is verie sicke.
Summe saye the devill cannot kill her.' _Sadler's State Papers_,
vol. i. p. 499.
[187] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 104. This was on the
22nd of October 1559. Compare _Sadler's State Papers_, vol. i. p.
512. 'This Mondaye, the 22 of October, was the douagier deprived
from her authoritie by commen consent of all lords and barons here
present.' On this occasion, 'Johne Willocke,' the preacher,
delivered himself of a discourse in favour of her deposition.
Among other arguments, he said, 'that in deposing of princes, and
these that have beene in authoritie, God did not alwayes use his
immediat power, but sometimes he used other meanes, which his
wisdome thought good, and justice approved. As by Asa, He removed
Maacha, his owne mother, from honour and authoritie, which before
she had used; by Jehu He destroyed Joram, and the whole posteritie
of Achab.' _Therefore_ 'he (the orator) could see no reasoun why
they, the borne counsellers, the nobilitie and barons of the
realme, might not justlie deprive her from all regiment.'
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. i. pp. 540, 541; and
_Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. i. pp. 442, 443.
In the winter, an English fleet sailed into the Frith, and anchored near
Edinburgh.[188] In January 1560, the Duke of Norfolk arrived at Berwick,
and concluded, on the part of Elizabeth, a treaty with the Lords of the
Congregation, by virtue of which the English army entered Scotland on the
2nd of April.[189] Against this combination, the government could effect
nothing, and in July, was glad to sign a peace, by which the French
troops were to evacuate Scotland, and the whole power of administration
was virtually consigned to the Protestant Lords.[190]
[188] The _Diurnal of Occurrents_, pp. 55, 272, says, that the fleet
arrived on 24th of January, 1559-60; 'aucht greit schippis of
Ingland in the raid of Leith.' And a letter (in _Sadler's State
Papers_, vol. i. p. 697) dated the 23rd of January, says, 'the
shippes arrived yesterdaye in the Frythe to the nomber of ix. or
x., as yet, and the remanent followith.' The date, therefore, of
the 10th of January, given in a note to _Keith's Church and State
in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 255, is evidently erroneous. Important as
the event was, its exact date is not mentioned either by Tytler
(_History of Scotland_, vol. v. pp. 114, 115), or by Chalmers
(_Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 631).
[189] _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. ii. p. 632. _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 57. The Berwick treaty, in February, is
printed in _Keith's Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. pp.
258-262. So great was the influence of the nobles, that the
English troops were well received by the people, in spite of the
old and bitter animosity between the two nations. 'Especially in
Fyfe they were thankfully receaved, and well entreated, with such
quietnes and gentle entertainement betwixt our nation and them, as
no man would have thought that ever there had beine any variance.'
_A Historie of the Estate of Scotland_, from 1558 to 1560, in
_Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 78.
[190] 'Vpoun the vi. day of Julij, it wes concludit and finallie endit
betuix the saids ambassatouris, tuitching all debaittis,
contraversies and materis concernyng the asseiging of Leith,
depairting of the Frenchemen thairfra, and randering of the same;
and the said peax daitit this said day.' _A Diurnal of
Occurrents_, pp. 277, 278. See also p. 60; and _Keith's Affairs of
Church and State in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 295.
The complete success of this great revolution, and the speed with which
it was effected, are of themselves a decisive proof of the energy of
those general causes by which the whole movement was controlled. For more
than a hundred and fifty years, there had been a deadly struggle between
the nobles and the Church: and the issue of that struggle, was the
establishment of the Reformation, and the triumph of the aristocracy.
They had, at last, carried their point. The hierarchy was overthrown, and
replaced by new and untried men. All the old notions of apostolic
succession, of the imposition of hands, and of the divine right of
ordination, were suddenly discarded. The offices of the Church were
performed by heretics, the majority of whom had not even been
ordained.[191] Finally, and to crown the whole, in the summer of the same
year, 1560, the Scotch parliament passed two laws, which utterly
subverted the ancient scheme. By one of these laws, every statute which
had ever been enacted in favour of the Church, was at once repealed.[192]
By the other law, it was declared that whoever either said mass, or was
present while it was said, should, for the first offence, lose his goods;
for the second offence be exiled; and, for the third offence, be put to
death.[193]
[191] 'That Knox himself was in priest's orders, is a fact which his
biographer, the late Dr. M'Crie, has placed beyond dispute; and
some of the other leaders were also priests; but the greater
number of the preachers, and all those who subsequently became
ministers, were totally without any orders whatever, not even such
as the superintendents could have given them; for their own
supposed call, the election of the people, and the _civil_
ceremony of induction to the living, was all that was then "judged
necessary."' _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, 1848,
vol. i. pp. 145, 146. 'A new-fashioned sort of ministry, unknown
in the Christian Church for all preceding generations.' _Keith's
Church and State in Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 204. Compare _Argyll's
Presbytery Examined_, pp. 34-36.
[192] 'The thre estaitis of parliament hes [=a]nullit and declarit all
sik actes maid in tymes bipast not aggreing w^t goddis word and
now contrair to the confessiouñ of oure fay^t according to the
said word publist in this parliament. Tobe of nane avale force nor
effect. And decornis the said actis and every ane of thame tu haue
na effect nor strenth in tyme to cum.' _Acts of the Parliament of
Scotland_, 1814, folio, vol. ii. p. 535. This was on 24th August
1560.
[193] 'That na maner of person nor personis say mess nor zit heir mess
nor be pñt thairat vnder the pane of confiscatiouñ of all
thair gud movable and vnmovable and pvneissing of thair bodeis at
the discretiouñ of the magistrat within quhais jurisdictiouñ
sik personis happ[=y]nis to be apprehendit ffor the first falt:
Banissing of the Realme for the secund falt, and justifying to the
deid for the thrid falt.' _Ibid._, 24th August 1560, vol. ii. p.
525.
Thus it was, that an institution, which had borne the brunt of more than
a thousand years, was shivered, and fell to pieces. And, from its fall,
great things were augured. It was believed, that the people would be
enlightened, that their eyes were opening to their former follies, and
that the reign of superstition was about to end. But what was forgotten
then, and what is too often forgotten now, is, that in these affairs
there is an order and a natural sequence, which can never be reversed.
This is, that every institution, as it actually exists, no matter what
its name or pretences may be, is the effect of public opinion far more
than the cause; and that it will avail nothing to attack the institution,
unless you can first change the opinion. In Scotland, the Church was
grossly superstitious; but it did not, therefore, follow, that to
overthrow the establishment, would lessen the evil. They who think that
superstition can be weakened in this way, do not know the vitality of
that dark and ill-omened principle. Against it, there is only one weapon,
and that weapon is knowledge. When men are ignorant, they must be
superstitious; and wherever superstition exists, it is sure to organize
itself into some kind of system, which it makes its home. If you drive it
from that home, it will find another. The spirit transmigrates; it
assumes a new form; but still it lives. How idle, then, is that warfare
which reformers are too apt to wage, in which they slay the carcass, and
spare the life! The husk, forsooth, they seek out and destroy; but within
that husk is a seed of deadly poison, whose vitality they are unable to
impair, and which, shifted from its place, bears fruit in another
direction, and shoots up with a fresh, and often a more fatal,
exuberance.
The truth is, that every institution, whether political or religious,
represents, in its actual working, the form and pressure of the age. It
may be very old; it may bear a venerated name; it may aim at the highest
objects: but whoever carefully studies its history, will find that, in
practice, it is successively modified by successive generations, and
that, instead of controlling society, it is controlled by it. When the
Protestant Reformation was effected, the Scotch were excessively
ignorant, and, therefore, in spite of the Reformation, they remained
excessively superstitious. How long that ignorance continued, and what
its results were, we shall presently see; but before entering into that
inquiry, it will be advisable to trace the immediate consequences of the
Reformation itself, in connexion with the powerful class by whose
authority it was established.
The nobles, having overthrown the Church, and stripped it of a large part
of its wealth, thought that they were to reap the benefit of their own
labour. They had slain the enemy, and they wished to divide the
spoil.[194] But this did not suit the views of the Protestant preachers.
In their opinion, it was impious to secularize ecclesiastical property,
and turn it aside to profane purposes. They held, that it was right,
indeed, for the lords to plunder the Church; but they took for granted
that the proceeds of the robbery were to enrich themselves. They were the
godly men; and it was the business of the ruling classes to endow them
with benefices, from which the old and idolatrous clergy were to be
expelled.[195]
[194] As Robertson says, in his measured, and somewhat feeble, style,
'Among the Scottish nobility, some hated the persons, and others
coveted the wealth, of the dignified clergy; and by abolishing
that order of men, the former indulged their resentment, and the
latter hoped to gratify their avarice.' _History of Scotland_,
book iii. p. 116, in _Robertson's Works_, edit. 1831. The
contemporary narrative, in _A Diurnal of Occurrents_, p. 269,
sounds much more vigorous to my ear. 'In all this tyme' (1559),
'all kirkmennis goodis and geir wer spoulzeit and reft fra thame,
in euerie place quhair the samyne culd be apprehendit; for euerie
man for the maist pairt that culd get any thing pertenyng to any
kirkmen, thocht the same as wele won geir.'
[195] 'Knox never dreamed that the revenues of the Church were to be
secularized; but that he and his colleagues were simply to remove
the old incumbents, and then take possession of their benefices.'
_Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 106.
'The ecclesiastical revenues, which they never contemplated for a
moment were to be seized by the Protestant nobility.' _Lawson's
Roman Catholic Church in Scotland_, p. 233.
In accordance with these opinions, Knox and his colleagues, in August
1560, presented a petition to Parliament, calling on the nobles to
restore the Church property which they had seized, and to have it
properly applied to the support of the new ministers.[196] To this
request, those powerful chiefs did not even vouchsafe a reply.[197] They
were content with matters as they actually stood, and were, therefore,
unwilling to disturb the existing arrangement. They had fought the fight;
they had gained the victory, and shared the spoil. It was not to be
supposed that they would peaceably relinquish what they had won with
infinite difficulty. Nor was it likely that, after being engaged in an
arduous struggle with the Church for a hundred and fifty years, and
having at length conquered their inveterate enemy, they should forego the
fruits of their triumph for the sake of a few preachers, whom they had
but recently called to their aid; low-born and obscure men, who should
rather deem it an honour that they were permitted to associate with their
superiors in a common enterprise, but were not to presume on that
circumstance, nor to suppose that they, who only entered the field at the
eleventh hour, were to share the booty on anything approaching to terms
of equality.[198]
[196] Compare _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 89-92,
with _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 179. Of this document, M'Crie
says, 'There can be no doubt that it received the sanction, if it
was not the composition, of the Reformer.' ... 'It called upon
them' (the nobles) 'to restore the patrimony of the Church, of
which they had unjustly possessed themselves.'
[197] 'Making no answer to the last point.' _Spottiswoode's History of
the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 327. 'Without taking any
notice.' _Keith's Affairs of Church and State_, vol. i. p. 321.
[198] 'They viewed the Protestant preachers as low-born individuals, not
far raised above the condition of mechanics or tradesmen, without
influence, authority, or importance.' _Lawson's Roman Catholic
Church in Scotland_, p. 251. 'None were more unmercifull to the
poore ministers than they that had the greatest share of the kirk
rents.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. ii.
p. 42.
But the aristocracy of Scotland little knew the men with whom they had to
deal. Still less, did they understand the character of their own age.
They did not see that, in the state of society in which they lived,
superstition was inevitable, and that, therefore, the spiritual classes,
though depressed for a moment, were sure speedily to rise again. The
nobles had overturned the Church; but the principles on which Church
authority is based, remained intact. All that was done, was to change the
name and the form. A new hierarchy was quickly organized, which succeeded
the old one in the affections of the people. Indeed, it did more. For,
the Protestant clergy, neglected by the nobles, and unendowed by the
state, had only a miserable pittance whereupon to live, and they
necessarily threw themselves into the arms of the people, where alone
they could find support and sympathy.[199] Hence, a closer and more
intimate union than would otherwise have been possible. Hence, too, as we
shall presently see, the Presbyterian clergy, smarting under the
injustice with which they were treated, displayed that hatred of the
upper classes, and that peculiar detestation of monarchical government,
which they showed whenever they dared. In their pulpits, in their
presbyteries, and in their General Assemblies, they encouraged a
democratic and insubordinate tone, which eventually produced the happiest
results, by keeping alive, at a critical moment, the spirit of liberty;
but which, for that very reason, made the higher ranks rue the day, when,
by their ill-timed and selfish parsimony, they roused the wrath of so
powerful and implacable a class.
[199] In 1561, 'Notwithstanding the full establishment of the
Reformation, the Protestant ministers were in a state of extreme
poverty, and dependent upon the precarious assistance of their
flocks.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 207. Compare a
letter, written by Knox, in 1566, 'on the extreame povertie
wherein our ministers are brought.' _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 542.
The withdrawal of the French troops, in 1560, had left the nobles in
possession of the government;[200] and it was for them to decide to what
extent the Reformed clergy should be endowed. The first petition,
presented by Knox and his brethren, was passed over in contemptuous
silence. But the ministers were not so easily put aside. Their next step
was, to present to the Privy Council what is known as the First Book of
Discipline, in which they again urged their request.[201] To the tenets
contained in this book, the council had no objection; but they refused to
ratify it, because, by doing so, they would have sanctioned the principle
that the new church had a right to the revenues of the old one.[202] A
certain share, indeed, they were willing to concede. What the share
should be, was a matter of serious dispute, and caused the greatest
ill-will between the two parties. At length, the nobles broke silence,
and, in December 1561, they declared that the Reformed clergy should only
receive one-sixth of the property of the Church; the remaining
five-sixths being divided between the government and the Catholic
priesthood.[203] The meaning of this was easily understood, since the
Catholics were now entirely dependent on the government, and the
government was, in fact, the nobles themselves, who were, at that period,
the monopolizers of political power.
[200] 'The limited authority which the Crown had hitherto possessed, was
almost entirely annihilated, and the aristocratical power, which
always predominated in the Scottish Government (?), became supreme
and incontrollable.' _Russell's History of the Church in
Scotland_, 1834, vol. i. p. 223.
[201] See the _First Book of Discipline_, reprinted in _A Compendium of
the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, part i., second edition,
Edinburgh, 1837. They summed up their requests in one
comprehensive passage (p. 119), that 'the haill rentis of the Kirk
abusit in Papistrie sal be referrit againe to the Kirk.' In
another part (p. 106), they frankly admit that, 'we doubt not but
some of our petitions shall appeare strange unto you at the first
sight.'
[202] 'The form of polity recommended in the First Book of Discipline
never obtained the proper sanction of the State, chiefly in
consequence of the avarice of the nobility and gentry, who were
desirous of securing to themselves the revenues of the Church.'
_Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 324. See also _Argyll's
Presbytery Examined_, p. 26. Many of the nobles, however, did sign
it (_Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 129); but,
says Spottiswoode (_History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
373), 'Most of those that subscribed, getting into their hands the
possessions of the Church, could never be induced to part
therewith, and turned greater enemies in that point of church
patrimony than were the papists, or any other whatsoever.'
[203] _M'Crie's Life of Knox_, p. 204. _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 298-301, 307-309. _Buchanan's Rerum
Scoticarum Historia_, lib. xvii. p. 500. The nominal arrangement,
which was contrived with considerable art, was, that one-third of
the church revenues should be divided into two parts; one part for
the government, and another part for the preachers. The remaining
two-thirds were gravely assigned to the Catholic priesthood, who,
at that very moment, were liable, by Act of Parliament, to the
penalty of death, if they performed the rites of their religion.
Men, whose lives were in the hands of the government, were not
likely to quarrel with the government about money matters; and the
result was, that nearly every thing fell into the possession of
the nobles.
Such being the case, it naturally happened, that, when the arrangement
was made known, the preachers were greatly moved. They saw how
unfavourable it was to their own interests, and, therefore, they held
that it was unfavourable to the interests of religion. Hence, in their
opinion, it was contrived by the devil, whose purposes it was calculated
to serve.[204] For, now, they who travailed in the vineyard of the Lord,
were to be discouraged, and were to suffer, in order that what rightly
belonged to them might be devoured by idle bellies.[205] The nobles might
benefit for a time, but the vengeance of God was swift, and would most
assuredly overtake them.[206] From the beginning to the end, it was
nothing but spoliation. In a really Christian land, the patrimony of the
Church would be left untouched.[207] But, in Scotland, alas! Satan had
prevailed,[208] and Christian charity had waxen cold.[209] In Scotland,
property, which should be regarded as sacred, had been broken up and
divided; and the division was of the worst kind, since, by it, said Knox,
two-thirds are given to the devil, and the other third is shared between
God and the devil. It was as if Joseph, when governor of Egypt, had
refused food to his brethren, and sent them back to their families with
empty sacks.[210] Or, as another preacher suggested, the Church was now,
like the Maccabees of old, being oppressed, sometimes by the Assyrians,
and sometimes by the Egyptians.[211]
[204] 'The Ministeris, evin in the begynnyng, in publict Sermonis
opponed thame selves to suche corruptioun, for thei foir saw the
purpose of the Devill.' _Knox's History of the Reformation_,
vol. ii. p. 310.
[205] 'For it seemeth altogether unreasonable that idle belleis sail
devoure and consume the patrimonie of the Kirk, whill the
faithfull travellers in the Lord's vineyarde suffer extreme
povertie, and the needie members of Christ's bodie are altogether
neglected.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. ii. pp. 484,
485. This was in 1569; and, in 1571, the celebrated Ferguson, in
one of his sermons, declared that the holders of church property,
most of whom were the nobility, were 'ruffians.' See an extract
from his sermon, in _Chalmers' History of Dunfermline_, p. 309,
Edinburgh, 1844. 'For this day Christ is spuilzeit amang us, quhil
y^t quhilk aucht to mantene the Ministerie of the Kirk and the
pure, is geuin to prophane men, flattereris in court, ruffianes,
and hyrelingis.'
[206] In September 1571, John Row 'preiched, wha in plane pulpet
pronounced to the lordis, for thair covetusnes, and becaus they
wold not grant the just petitiones of the Kirk, Godis heastie
vengeance to fall upon them; and said, moreover, "I cair not, my
lordis, your displeasour; for I speik my conscience befoir God,
wha will not suffer sic wickitnes and contempt vnpunished."'
_Bannatyne's Journal_, edit. Edinburgh, 1806, p. 257.
[207] In 1576, the General Assembly declared, that their right to 'the
patrimonie of the Kirk' was 'ex jure divino.' _Acts of the General
Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 360, Edinburgh,
1839, 4to. More than a hundred years later, a Scotch divine
evinces how deeply the members of his profession felt this
spoliation of the Church, by going out of his way to mention it.
See _Jacob's Vow, by Dr. John Cockburn_, Edinburgh, 1696, pp. 422,
423, 425. But this is nothing in comparison to a recent writer,
the Reverend Mr. Lyon, who deliberately asserts that, because
these and similar acts occurred in the reign of Mary, therefore
the queen came to a violent end; such being the just punishment of
sacrilege. 'The practice' (of saying masses for the dead) 'ceased,
of course, at the Reformation; and the money was transferred by
Queen Mary to the civil authorities of the town. This was,
undoubtedly, an act of sacrilege; for, though sacrificial masses
for the dead was an error, yet the guardians of the money so
bequeathed, were under an obligation to apply it to a sacred
purpose. This, and other sacrilegious acts on the part of Mary, of
a still more decided and extensive character, have been justly
considered as the cause of all the calamities which subsequently
befell her.' _History of St. Andrews, by the Rev. C. J. Lyon,
M.A., Presbyter of the Episcopal Church, St. Andrews_, Edinburgh,
1843, vol. i. p. 54. Elsewhere (vol. ii. p. 400) the same divine
mentions, that the usual punishment for sacrilege is a failure of
male issue. 'The following examples, selected from the diocese of
St. Andrews, according to its boundaries before the Reformation,
will corroborate the general doctrine contended for throughout
this work, that sacrilege has ever been punished in the present
life, and _chiefly_ by the failure of male issue.' The italics are
in the text. See also vol. i. p. 118. For the sake of the future
historian of public opinion, it may be well to observe, that the
work containing these sentiments is not a reprint of an older
book, but was published for the first time in 1843, having
apparently been just written.
[208] 'The General Assemblie of the Kirk of Scotland, convenit at
Edinburgh the 25 of December 1566, to the Nobilitie of this Realme
that professes the Lord Jesus with them, and hes renouncit that
Roman Antichryst, desyre constancie in faith, and the spirit of
righteous judgement. Seeing that Sathan, be all our negligence,
Right Honourable, hes so farre prevailit within this Realme within
these late dayes, that we doe stand in extream danger, not only
_to lose our temporall possessions_, but also to be depryvit of
the glorious Evangell,' &c. _Keith's Church and State_, vol. iii.
pp. 154, 155.
[209] In 1566, in their piteous communication to the English bishops and
clergy, they said 'The days are ill; iniquitie abounds; Christian
charity, alas, is waxen cold.' _Acts and Proceedings of the
General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 87,
Edinburgh, 1839, 4to.
[210] 'I see twa partis freely gevin to the Devill, and the thrid maun be
devided betwix God and the Devill: Weill, bear witnes to me, that
this day I say it, or it be long the Devill shall have three
partis of the thrid; and judge you then what Goddis portioun
shallbe.' ... 'Who wold have thought, that when Joseph reulled
Egypt, that his brethren should have travailled for vittallis, and
have returned with empty seckis unto thair families? Men wold
rather have thought that Pharao's pose, treasure, and garnallis
should have bene diminished, or that the houshold of Jacob should
stand in danger to sterve for hungar.' _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, vol. ii. pp. 310, 311.
[211] In May 1571, 'This Sonday, Mr. Craig teiched the 130 Psalme; and,
in his sermond, he compared the steat of the Kirk of God in this
tovne vnto the steat of the Maccabeis; wha were oppressed sumtymes
by the Assyrianis and sumtymes by the Egiptianis.' _Bannatyne's
Journal_, p. 150.
But neither persuasions nor threats[212] produced any effect on the
obdurate minds of the Scotch nobles. Indeed, their hearts, instead of
being softened, became harder. Even the small stipends, which were
allotted to the Protestant clergy, were not regularly paid, but were
mostly employed for other purposes.[213] When the ministers complained,
they were laughed at, and insulted, by the nobles, who, having gained
their own ends, thought that they could dispense with their former
allies.[214] The Earl of Morton, whose ability, as well as connexions,
made him the most powerful man in Scotland, was especially virulent
against them; and two of the preachers, who offended him, he put to
death, under circumstances of great cruelty.[215] The nobles, regarding
him as their chief, elected him Regent in 1572;[216] and, being now
possessed of supreme power, he employed it against the Church. He seized
upon all the benefices which became vacant, and retained their profits in
his own hands.[217] His hatred of the preachers passed all bounds. He
publicly declared, that there would be neither peace nor order in the
country, until some of them were hung.[218] He refused to sanction the
General Assemblies by his presence; he wished to do away with their
privileges, and even with their name; and with such determination did he
pursue his measures, that, in the opinion of the historian of the Scotch
Kirk, nothing but the special interference of the Deity could have
maintained its existing polity.[219]
[212] The first instance I have observed of any thing like menace, is in
1567, when 'the Assembly of the Church being convened at
Edinburgh,' admonished all persons 'as well noblemen as barons,
and those of the other Estates, to meet and give their personal
appearance at Edinburgh on the 20th of July, for giving their
advice, counsel, and concurrence in matters then to be proponed;
especially for purging the realm of popery, the establishing of
the policy of the Church, and _restoring the patrimony thereof to
the just possessors_. Assuring those that should happen to absent
themselves at the time, due and lawful advertisement being made,
that they should be reputed hinderers of the good work intended,
and as _dissimulate professors be esteemed unworthy of the
fellowship of Christ's flock.' Spottiswoode's History of the
Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 64. This evidently alludes to the
possibility of excommunicating those who would not surrender to
the Protestant preachers, the property stolen from the Catholic
Church; and, in 1570, we find another step taken in the same
direction. Under that year, the following passage occurs in _Acts
and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of
Scotland_, vol. i. p. 181. 'Q. If those that withold the duty of
the Kirk, _wherethrough Ministers want their stipends_, may be
excommunicate? A. All things beand done that the civill ordour
requyres of them that withhaldis the duetie of the Kirk, quherby
Ministers wants their stipends; _the Kirk may proceed to
excommunication, for their contempt_.'
[213] In 1526, 'the poore ministers, exhorters, and readers, compleaned
at church assembleis, that neither were they able to live upon the
stipends allowed, nor gett payment of that small portioun which
was allowed.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 172.
Compare _Acts of the General Assemblies_, 1839, 4to, vol. i. p.
53; 'To requyre payment to ministers of there stipends for the
tyme by past, according to the promise made.' This was in December
1564. In December 1565, the General Assembly said (p. 71), 'that
wher oft and divers tymes promise hes bein made to us, that our
saids brethren, travelers and preachers in the Kirk of God, sould
not be defraudit of their appointit stipends, neither zet in any
wayes sould be molestit in their functioun; zet nottheless
universallie they want ther stipends appointit for diverse tymes
by past.' On the state of things in 1566, see 'The Supplication of
the Ministers to the Queen,' in _Knox's History of the
Reformation_, vol. ii. p. 529. See also, in the _Miscellany of the
Spalding Club_, vol. iv. pp. 92-101, Aberdeen, 1849, 4to, a letter
written by John Erskine in December 1571, especially p. 97; 'the
gretest of the nobilitie haifing gretest rentis in possessione,
and plaicet of God in maist hie honouris, ceasis nocht, maist
wiolentlie blindit with awarice, to spoilye and draw to thame
selfis the possessiones of the Kirk.'
[214] 'The ministers were called proud knaves, and receaved manie
injurious words from the lords, speciallie from Morton, who ruled
all. He said, he sould lay their pride, and putt order to them.'
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 137, 138. This
was in 1571.
[215] _Chambers' Annals of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 79, 80.
[216] 'The nobilitie wnderwrittin convenit in Edinburgh, and chesit and
electit James erle of Mortoun regent.' _A Diurnal of Occurrents_,
p. 320.
[217] In 1573, 'when any benefeces of Kirk vaikit, he keapit the proffet
of thair rents sa lang in his awin hand, till he was urgit be the
Kirk to mak donatioun tharof, and that was not gevin but proffeit
for all that.' _The Historie and Life of King James the Sext_,
edit. Edinburgh, 1825, 4to, p. 147. Even in 1570, when Lennox was
regent, 'the Earle of Mortoun was the chiefe manager of every
thing under him;' and was 'master of the church rents,' and made
'gifts of them to the nobility.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the
Lives of the Reformers of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. part i.
pp. 27, 126, Glasgow, 1834, 4to.
[218] 'During all these Assembleis and earnest endeavoures of the
brethrein, the regent was often required to give his presence to
the Assemblie, and further the caus of God. He not onlie refused,
but threatned some of the most zealous with hanging, alledging,
that otherwise there could be no peace nor order in the countrie.'
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 393, 394. 'Uses
grait thretning against the maist zelus breithring, schoring to
hang of thame, utherwayes ther could be na peace nor ordour in the
countrey.' _The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_, edited
by R. Pitcairn, Edinburgh, 1842, pp. 59, 60.
[219] 'He mislyked the Generall Assembleis, and would have had the name
changed, that he might take away the force and priviledge thereof;
and no questioun he had stayed the work of policie that was
presentlie in hands, if God had not stirred up a factioun against
him.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. iii. p.
396. See also _The Autobiography of James Melvill_, p. 61.
The rupture between Church and State was now complete. It remained to be
seen, which was the stronger side. Every year, the clergy became more
democratic; and, after the death of Knox, in 1572, they ventured upon a
course which even he would hardly have recommended, and which, during the
earlier period of the Reformation, would have been impracticable.[220]
But, by this time, they had secured the support of the people; and the
treatment they were receiving from the government, and from the nobles,
embittered their minds, and drove them into desperate counsels. While
their plans were yet immature, and while the future was looming darkly
before them, a new man arose, who was well qualified to be their chief,
and who at once stepped into the place which the death of Knox left
vacant. This was Andrew Melville, who, by his great ability, his boldness
of character, and his fertility of resource, was admirably suited to be
the leader of the Scottish Church in that arduous struggle in which it
was about to embark.[221]
[220] 'During the two years following the death of Knox, each day was
ripening the more determined opposition of the Church. The breach
between the clergy with the great body of the people, and the
government or higher nobility, was widening rapidly.' _Argyll's
Presbytery Examined_, p. 70.
[221] 'Next to her Reformer, who, under God, emancipated her from the
degrading shackles of papal superstition and tyranny, I know no
individual from whom Scotland has received such important
services, or to whom she continues to owe so deep a debt of
national respect and gratitude, as Andrew Melville.' _M'Crie's
Life of Andrew Melville_, vol. ii. p. 473, Edinburgh, 1819. His
nephew, himself a considerable person, says, 'Scotland receavit
never a graitter benefit at the hands of God nor this man.' _The
Autobiography of James Melvill_, p. 38.
In 1574, Melville, having completed his education abroad, arrived in
Scotland.[222] He quickly rallied round him the choicest spirits in the
Church; and, under his auspices, a struggle began with the civil power,
which continued, with many fluctuations, until it culminated, sixty years
later, in open rebellion against Charles I. To narrate all the details of
the contest, would be inconsistent with the plan of this Introduction;
and, notwithstanding the extreme interest of the events which now ensued,
the greater part of them must be omitted; but I will endeavour to
indicate the general march, and to put the reader in possession of such
facts as are most characteristic of the age in which they occurred.
[222] He left Scotland in 1564, at the age of nineteen, and returned 'in
the beginning of July 1574, after an absence of ten years from his
native country.' _M'Crie's Life of Andrew Melville_, vol. i. pp.
17, 57. See also _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of
the Kirk of Scotland_, edit. Wodrow Society, p. 34; and _Howie's
Biographia Scoticana_, p. 111, Glasgow, 1781.
Melville had not been in Scotland many months, before he began his
opposition, at first by secret intrigues, afterwards with open and avowed
hostility.[223] In the time of Knox, episcopacy had been recognized as
part of the Protestant Church, and had received the sanction of the
leading Reformers.[224] But that institution did not harmonize with the
democratic spirit which was now growing up. The difference of ranks
between the bishops and the inferior clergy was unpleasant, and the
ministers determined to put an end to it.[225] In 1575, one of them,
named John Dury, was instigated, by Melville, to bring the subject before
the General Assembly at Edinburgh.[226] After he had spoken, Melville
also expressed himself against episcopacy; but, not being yet sure of the
temper of the audience, his first proceedings were somewhat cautious.
Such hesitation was, however, hardly necessary; for, owing to the schism
between the Church and the upper classes, the ministers were becoming the
eager enemies of those maxims of obedience, and of subordination, which
they would have upheld, had the higher ranks been on their side. As it
was, the clergy were only favoured by the people; they, therefore, sought
to organize a system of equality, and were ripe for the bold measures
proposed by Melville and his followers. This was clearly shown, by the
rapidity of the subsequent movement. In 1575, the first attack was made
in the General Assembly at Edinburgh. In April 1578, another General
Assembly resolved, that, for the future, bishops should be called by
their own names, and not by their titles.[227] The same body also
declared, that no see should be filled up, until the next Assembly.[228]
Two months afterwards, it was announced that this arrangement was to be
perpetual, and that no new bishop should ever be made.[229] And, in 1580,
the Assembly of the Church at Dundee, pulling the whole fabric to the
ground, unanimously resolved that the office of bishop was a mere human
invention; that it was unlawful; that it must be immediately done away
with; and that every bishop should at once resign his office, or be
excommunicated if he refuse to do so.[230]
[223] He appears to have first set to work in November 1574. See
_Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 261,
London, 1848.
[224] 'The compilers of the Book of Discipline' (_i.e._ the First Book,
in 1560) 'were distinguished by prelatical principles to the end
of their days.' ... 'That Knox himself was no enemy to prelacy,
considered as an ancient and apostolical institution, is rendered
clear by his "Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of
Christ's Gospel."' _Russell's History of the Church in Scotland_,
1834, vol. i. p. 240. 'The associates of Knox, it is obvious, were
not Presbyterians, and had no intention of setting up a system of
parity among the ministers of their new establishment.' p. 243.
See also p. 332. Even in 1572, the year of Knox's death, I find it
stated that 'the whole Diocie of Sanct Andrews is decerned be the
Assembly to pertain to the Bishop of the same.' _Acts and
Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_,
vol. i. p. 264, 4to. 1839. The Scotch Presbyterians have dealt
very unfairly with this part of the history of their Church.
[225] Some little time after this, David Fergusson, who died in 1598,
and was minister at Dunfermline, said very frankly to James VI.,
'Yes, Sir, ye may have Bishops here, but _ye must remember to make
us all equall_; make us all Bishops, els will ye never content
us.' _Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland from 1558 to 1637_,
edit. Wodrow Society, p. 418. Compare _Calderwood's History of the
Kirk_, vol. iv. p. 214: in 1584 'these monstruous titles of
superioritie.' In 1586, 'that tyrannicall supremacie of bishops
and archbishops over ministers.' p. 604.
[226] 'He stirred up John Dury, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, in an
Assembly which was then convened, to propound a question touching
the lawfulness of the episcopal function, and the authority of
chapters in their election. He himself, as though he had not been
acquainted with the motion, after he had commended the speaker's
zeal, and seconded the purpose with a long discourse of the
flourishing estate of the church of Geneva, and the opinions of
Calvin and Theodore Beza concerning church government, came to
affirm, "That none ought to be esteemed office-bearers in the
Church whose titles were not found in the book of God. And, for
the title of bishops, albeit the same was found in Scripture, yet
was it not to be taken in the sense that the common sort did
conceive, there being no superiority allowed by Christ amongst
ministers,"' &c. _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 200. See also _Acts of the General
Assemblies_, vol. i. p. 331, where it appears that six bishops
were present on this memorable occasion. The question raised was,
'Whither if the Bischops, as they are now in the Kirk of Scotland,
hes thair function of the word of God or not, or if the Chapiter
appointit for creating of them aucht to be tollerated in this
reformed Kirk.' p. 340.
[227] 'It was ordained, That Bischops and all vthers bearand
Ecclesiasticall functioun, be callit bethair awin names, or
Brethren, in tyme comeing.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of the
Kirk of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 404.
[228] 'Therfor the Kirk hes concludit, That no Bischops salbe electit or
made heirafter, befor the nixt Generall Assemblie.' _Ibid._
vol. ii. p. 408.
[229] 'Anent the Act made in the last Assemblie, the 28 of Aprile 1578,
concerning the electioun of Bischops, suspendit quhill this
present Assemblie, and the farther ordour reservit thereto: The
General Assemblie, all in ane voyce, hes concludit, That the said
act salbe extendit for all tymes to come, ay and quhill the
corruptioun of the Estate of Bischops be alluterlie tane away.'
_Ibid._ vol. ii. p. 413.
[230] 'Forsameikle as the office of a Bischop, as it is now vsit, and
commounly takin within this realme, hes no sure warrand,
auctoritie, nor good ground out of the (Book and) Scriptures of
God; but is brocht in by the folie and corruptions of (men's)
invention, to the great overthrow of the Kirk of God: The haill
Assemblie of the Kirk, in ane voyce, after libertie givin to all
men to reason in the matter, _none opponing themselves in
defending the said pretendit office_, Finds and declares the
samein pretendit office, vseit and termeit, as is above said,
vnlaufull in the selfe, as haveand neither fundament, ground nor
warrant within the word of God: and ordaines, that all sick
persons as bruiks, or sall bruik heirafter the said office, salbe
chargeit simpliciter to demitt, quyt and leave of the samein, as
ane office quhervnto they are not callit be God; and siclyke to
desist and cease from all preaching, ministration of the
sacraments, or vsing any way the office of pastors, quhill they
receive _de novo_ admission from the Generall Assemblie, vnder the
paine of excommunicatioun to be denuncit agains them; quherin if
they be found dissobedient, or contraveine this act in any point,
the sentence of excommunicatioun, after dew admonitions, to be
execute agains them.' _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol. ii.
p. 453.
The minister and the people had now done their work, and, so far as they
were concerned, had done it well.[231] But the same circumstances which
made them desire equality, made the upper classes desire inequality.[232]
A collision, therefore, was inevitable, and was hastened by this bold
proceeding of the Church. Indeed, the preachers, supported by the people,
rather courted a contest, than avoided it. They used the most
inflammatory language against episcopacy; and, shortly before abolishing
it, they completed, and presented to Parliament, the Second Book of
Discipline, in which they flatly contradicted what they had asserted in
their First Book of Discipline.[233] For this, they are often taunted
with inconsistency.[234] But the charge is unjust. They were perfectly
consistent; and they merely changed their maxims, that they might
preserve their principles. Like every corporation, which has ever
existed, whether spiritual or temporal, their supreme and paramount
principle was to maintain their own power. Whether or not this is a good
principle, is another matter; but all history proves that it is an
universal one. And when the leaders of the Scotch Church found that it
was at stake, and that the question at issue was, who should possess
authority, they, with perfect consistency, abandoned opinions that they
had formerly held, because they now perceived that those opinions were
unfavourable to their existence as an independent body.
[231] As Calderwood triumphantly says, 'the office of bishops was
damned.' _History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 469. 'Their whole
estat, both the spirituall and civill part, was damned.' p. 526.
James Melville (_Autobiography_, p. 52) says that, in consequence
of this achievement, his uncle Andrew 'gatt the nam of [Greek:
episkopomastix], _Episcoporum exactor_, the flinger out of
Bischopes.'
[232] Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 302) observes that,
while 'the great body of the burghers, and middle and lower
classes of the people,' were Presbyterians, 'a large proportion of
the nobility supported episcopacy.' Instead of 'a large
proportion,' he would not have been far wrong, if he had said
'all.' Indeed, 'Melville himself says the whole peerage was
against him.' _Stephen's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol.
i. p. 269. Forbes ascribes the aristocratic movement against
presbytery to 'godles atheists,' who insisted 'that there could be
nothing so contrair to the nature of a monarchie,' &c., 'than that
paritie of authoritie in pastours.' _Forbes_, _Certaine Records
touching the Estate of the Kirk_, p. 349, edit. Wodrow Society.
See also p. 355. 'That Democratie (as they called it) whilk
allwayes behoved to be full of sedition and troubble to ane
Aristocratie, and so in end to a Monarchie.' The reader will
observe this important change in the attitude of classes in
Scotland. Formerly, the clergy had been the allies of the crown
against the nobles. Now, the nobles allied themselves with the
crown against the clergy. The clergy, in self-defence, had to ally
themselves with the people.
[233] On the difference between the two productions, there are some
remarks worth looking at, in _Argyll's Presbytery Examined_, 1848,
pp. 38-43. But this writer, though much freer from prejudice than
most Presbyterian authors, is unwilling to admit how completely
the Second Book of Discipline contradicts the First.
[234] By the Scotch episcopalians.
When the First Book of Discipline appeared, in 1560, the government was
in the hands of the nobles, who had just fought on the side of the
Protestant preachers, and were ready to fight again on their side. When
the Second Book of Discipline appeared, in 1578, the government was still
held by the nobles; but those ambitious men had now thrown off the mask,
and, having effected their purpose in destroying the old hierarchy, had
actually turned round, and attacked the new one. The circumstances having
changed, the Church changed with them; but in the change there was
nothing inconsistent. On the contrary, it would have been the height of
inconsistency for the ministers to have retained their former notions of
obedience and of subordination; and it was perfectly natural that, at
this crisis, they should advocate the democratic idea of equality, just
as before they had advanced the aristocratic idea of inequality.
Hence it was, that, in their First Book of Discipline, they established a
regularly ascending hierarchy, according to which the general clergy owed
obedience to their ecclesiastical superiors, to whom the name of
superintendents was given.[235] But, in the Second Book of Discipline,
every vestige of this was swept away; and it was laid down in the
broadest terms, that all the preachers being fellow-labourers, all were
equal in power; that none had authority over others; and that, to claim
such authority, or to assert preëminence, was a contrivance of man, not
to be permitted in a divinely constituted Church.[236]
[235] See the _First Book of Discipline_, reprinted in the first volume
of _A Compendium of the Laws of the Church of Scotland_, 2d edit.,
Edinburgh, 1837. The superintendents were 'to set, order, and
appoint ministers,' p. 61; and it would seem (p. 88) that no
minister could be deposed without the consent of his
superintendent; but this could hardly be intended to interfere
with the supreme authority of the General Assembly. See also the
summary, p. 114, where it is said of the superintendents, that 'in
thair visitatioun thei sal not onlie preiche, but als examine the
doctrine, life, diligence, and behavior of the ministeris,
reideris, elderis, and deaconis.' According to Spottiswoode
(_History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 167), 'the
superintendents held their office during life, and their power was
episcopal; for they did elect and ordain ministers, they presided
in synods, and directed all church censures, neither was any
excommunication pronounced without their warrant.' See further, on
their authority, _Knox's History of the Reformation_, vol. ii. p.
161. 'That punyschment suld be appointed for suche as dissobeyid
or contemned the superintendentes in thair functioun.' This was in
1561; and, in 1562, 'It was ordained, that if ministers be
disobedient to superintendents in anything belonging to
edification, they must be subject to correction.' _Acts of the
General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. i. p. 14. Compare p. 131:
'sick things as superintendents may and aught decyde in their
synodall conventiouns.'
[236] 'For albeit the Kirk of God be rewlit and governit be Jesus Christ,
who is the onlie King, hie Priest, and Heid thereof, yit he useis
the ministry of men, as the most necessar middis for this
purpose.' ... 'And to take away all occasion of tyrannie, he
willis that they sould rewl with mutuall consent of brether and
_equality of power_, every one according to thair functiones.'
_Second Book of Discipline_, in _A Compendium of the Laws of the
Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. 'As to Bischops, if the
name [Greek: episkopos] be properly taken, _they ar all ane with
the ministers_, as befoir was declairit. For it is _not a name of
superioritie and lordschip_, bot of office and watching.' p. 142.
To understand the full meaning of this, it should be mentioned,
that the superintendents, established by the Kirk in 1560, not
unfrequently assumed the title of 'Lordship,' as an ornament to
the extensive powers conferred upon them. See, for instance, the
notes to _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers of
the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. part ii. p. 461. But, in the
Second Book of Discipline, in 1578, the superintendents are, if I
rightly remember, not even once named.
The government, as may be supposed, took a very different view. Such
doctrines were deemed, by the upper classes, to be anti-social, and to be
subversive of all order.[237] So far from sanctioning them, they
resolved, if possible, to overthrow them; and, the year after the General
Assembly had abolished episcopacy, it was determined that, upon that very
point, a trial of strength should be made between the two parties.
[237] Just as in England, we find that the upper classes are mostly
Episcopalians; their minds being influenced, often unconsciously,
by the, to them, pleasing spectacle of an inequality of rank,
which is conventional, and does not depend upon ability. On the
other hand, the strength of the Dissenters lies among the middle
and lower classes, where energy and intellect are held in higher
respect, and where a contempt naturally arises for a system,
which, at the mere will of the sovereign or minister of the day,
concedes titles and wealth to persons whom nature did not intend
for greatness, but who, to the surprise of their contemporaries,
have greatness thrust upon them. On this difference of opinion in
Scotland, corresponding to the difference of social position, see
the remarks on the seventeenth century, in _Hume's Commentaries on
the Law of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 544, Edinburgh, 1797, 4to.
In 1581, Robert Montgomery was appointed archbishop of Glasgow. The
ministers who composed the chapter of Glasgow refused to elect him;
whereupon the Privy Council declared that the King, by virtue of his
prerogative, had the right of nomination.[238] All was now confusion and
uproar. The General Assembly forbad the archbishop to enter
Glasgow.[239] He refused to obey their order, and threw himself upon the
support of the Duke of Lennox, who had obtained the appointment for him,
and to whom he, in return, had surrendered nearly all the revenues of the
see, reserving for himself only a small stipend.[240] This was a custom
which had grown up within the last few years, and was one of many
contrivances by which the nobles plundered the Church of her
property.[241]
[238] Record of Privy Council, in _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
p. 267. 'The brethrein of Glasgow were charged, under paine of
horning, to admitt Mr. Robert Montgomrie.' _Calderwood's History
of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 596.
[239] 'Charges the said Mr. Robert to continue in the ministrie of the
Kirk of Striveling,' &c. _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol.
ii. p. 547. This was in October 1581; the Record of the Privy
Council was in April 1582. Moysie, who was a contemporary, says
that, in March 1581, 2, not only the dean and chapter, but all the
clergy (the 'haill ministrie') declared from the pulpit that
Montgomery's appointment 'had the warrand of the deuill and not of
the word of God, bot wes damnit thairby.' _Moysie's Memoirs_,
Edinburgh, 1830, 4to, p. 36.
[240] 'The title whereof the said duke had procured to him, that he,
having the name of bishop, and eight hundred merks money for his
living and sustentatioun, the whole rents, and other duteis of the
said benefice, might come to the duke's utilitie and behove.'
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iv. p. 111. See also p.
401.
[241] _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 24,
25. _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 302.
_Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of the Reformers_, vol. i.
part i. p. 206. _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. i. p. 379.
_Gibson's History of Glasgow_, p. 59. _Hume's History of the House
of Douglas_, vol. ii. pp. 216, 217. _Chalmers' Caledonia_,
vol. iii. p. 624.
This, however, was not the question now at issue.[242] The point to be
decided was one, not of revenue, but of power. For the clergy knew full
well, that if they established their power, the revenue would quickly
follow. They, therefore, adopted the most energetic proceedings. In April
1582, the General Assembly met at St. Andrews, and appointed Melville as
Moderator.[243] The government, fearing the worst, ordered the members,
on pain of rebellion, to take no steps respecting the archbishopric.[244]
But the representatives of the Church were undaunted. They summoned
Montgomery before them; they ratified the sentence by which he had been
suspended from the ministry; and they declared that he had incurred the
penalties of despotism and of excommunication.[245]
[242] 'But the Church passing this point' (_i.e._ the simony) 'made
quarrel to him for accepting the bishopric.' _Spottiswoode's
History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 282.
[243] _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 548.
[244] 'A messenger-at-arms entered the house, and charged the moderator
and members of the assembly, on the pain of rebellion, to desist
from the process.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 268.
[245] 'The Assemblie and brether present, after voteing in the said
matter, depryvit the said Mr. Robert from all functioun of the
Ministrie in the Kirk of God, dureing the will of the Kirk of God;
and farther, descernit the fearefull sentence of excommunicatioun
to be pronuncit against him in the face of the haill Assemblie, be
the voyce and mouth of the Moderatour present; to the effect,
that, _his proud flesh being cast into the hands of Satan_, he may
be win againe, if it be possible, to God; and the said sentence
(to) be intimat be every particular minister, at his awin
particular kirk, solemnelie in the first sermoun to be made be
them, after thair returning.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of
the Kirk_, vol. ii. p. 562.
A sentence of excommunication was, in those days, so ruinous, that
Montgomery was struck with terror at the prospect before him. To avoid
the consequences, he appeared before the Assembly, and solemnly promised
that he would make no further attempt to possess himself of the
archbishopric.[246] By doing this, he probably saved his life; for the
people, siding with their clergy, were ripe for mischief, and were
determined, at all hazards, to maintain what they considered to be the
rights of the Church, in opposition to the encroachments of the State.
[246] _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 565. Calderwood (_History of the Kirk_,
vol. iii. p. 604) says, 'After long reluctatioun, at lenth he
condescended.'
The government, on the other hand, was equally resolute.[247] The Privy
Council called several of the ministers before them; and Dury, one of the
most active, they banished from Edinburgh.[248] Measures still more
violent were about to be taken, when they were interrupted by one of
those singular events which not unfrequently occurred in Scotland, and
which strikingly evince the inherent weakness of the Crown,
notwithstanding the inordinate pretensions it commonly assumed.
[247] M'Crie (_Life of Melville_, vol. i. p. 274) says, 'In all these
contendings, the ministers had no countenance or support from any
of the nobility.' It would have been strange if they had, seeing
that the whole movement was essentially democratic.
[248] Melville's _Autobiography_, p. 129. _Calderwood's History of the
Kirk_, vol. iii. p. 620. _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
p. 270.
This was the Raid of Ruthven, which happened in 1582, and in consequence
of which the person of James VI. was held in durance for ten months.[249]
The clergy, true to the policy which now governed them, loudly approved
of the captivity of the king, and pronounced it to be a godly act.[250]
Dury, who had been driven from his pulpit, was brought back to the
capital in triumph;[251] and the General Assembly, meeting at Edinburgh,
ordered that the imprisonment of James should be justified by every
minister to his own congregation.[252]
[249] He was seized in August 1582, and was let loose again in June 1583.
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. pp. 321, 360. It is a
pity that this valuable, and really able, work should be so
superficial in regard to the ecclesiastical affairs of Scotland.
Mr. Tytler appears not to have studied at all the proceedings of
the presbyteries, or even of the General Assemblies; neither does
he display any acquaintance with the theological literature of his
country. And yet, from the year 1560 to about 1700, these sources
disclose more of the genuine history of the Scotch people than all
other sources put together.
[250] 'The pulpit resounded with applauses of the godly deed.' _Arnot's
History of Edinburgh_, p. 37.
[251] 'As he is comming from Leith to Edinburgh, upon Tuisday the 4th of
September, there mett him at the Gallow Greene two hundreth men of
the inhabitants of Edinburgh. Their number still increased, till
he came within the Neather Bow. There they beganne to sing the 124
Psalme, "Now may Israel say," &c, and sang in foure parts, knowne
to the most part of the people. They came up the street till they
came to the Great Kirk, singing thus all the way, to the number of
two thowsand. They were muche moved themselves, and so were all
the beholders. The duke was astonished, and more affrayed at that
sight than at anie thing that ever he had seene before in
Scotland, and rave his beard for anger.' _Calderwood's History of
the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 646, 647.
[252] _Acts of the General Assemblies_, vol. ii. pp. 595, 596. This was
ordered by the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh on the 9th
of October 1582, p. 585. See also _Watson's Historicall
Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, p. 192,
'requiring the ministers in all their churches to commend it unto
the people.'
In 1583, the king recovered his liberty, and the struggle became more
deadly than ever; the passions of both parties being exasperated by the
injuries each had inflicted on the other. The Ruthven conspiracy, having
been declared treason, as it undoubtedly was, Dury preached in its
favour, and openly defended it; and although, under the influence of
momentary fear, he afterwards withdrew what he had said,[253] it was
evident, from other circumstances, that his feelings were shared by his
brethren.[254] A number of them being summoned before the king for their
seditious language, bad him take heed what he was about, and reminded him
that no occupant of the throne had ever prospered after the ministers had
begun to threaten him.[255] Melville, who exercised immense influence
over both clergy and people, bearded the king to his face, refused to
account for what he had delivered in the pulpit, and told James that he
perverted the laws both of God and of man.[256] Simpson likened him to
Cain, and warned him to beware of the wrath of God.[257] Indeed, the
spirit now displayed by the Church was so implacable, that it seemed to
delight in venting itself in the most repulsive manner. In 1585, a
clergyman, named Gibson, in a sermon which he preached in Edinburgh,
denounced against the king the curse of Jeroboam, that he should die
childless, and that his race should end with him.[258] The year after
this happened, James, finding that Elizabeth was evidently determined to
take his mother's life, bethought him of what was valued in that age as
an unfailing resource, and desired the clergy to offer up prayers on
behalf of Mary. This, they almost unanimously refused.[259] And not only
did they abstain from supplication themselves, but they resolved that no
one else should do what they had declined. The archbishop of Saint
Andrews being about to officiate before the king, they induced a certain
John Cowper to station himself in the pulpit beforehand, so as to exclude
the prelate. Nor was it until the captain of the guard threatened to pull
Cowper from the place he had usurped, that the service could go on, and
the king be allowed to hear his own mother prayed for, in this sad crisis
of her fate, when it was still uncertain whether she would be publicly
executed, or whether, as was more generally believed, she would be
secretly poisoned.[260]
[253] _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
p. 308.
[254] James, after his escape, 'convocat all his peaceabill Prelatis and
Nobles, and thair he notefeit unto thayme the greif that he
consavit of his unlaughfull detentioun the yeir bygayne, and
tharefore desyrit thame to acknawlege the same; and thay be thair
generall voittis decernit the rayd of Ruthven to be manifest
treasoun. The Ministers on the uther part, perswadit the people
that it was a godly fact, and that whasoever wald not allow
thareof in his hart, was not worthie to be estemit a Christien.'
_The Historie of King James the Sext_, p. 202, published by the
Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1825, 4to.
[255] 'Disregard not our threatening; for there was never one yet in this
realm, in the place where your grace is, who prospered after the
ministers began to threaten him.' _Tytler's History of Scotland_,
vol. vi. p. 364. See also, in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
vol. v. pp. 540, 541, a letter from one of the clergy in Fife,
addressed to the king, in 1597. 'And now, Sir, lett me be free
with you in writting other men's reports, and that of the wisest
politicians. They say, our bygane historeis report, and experience
teacheth, that _raro et fere nunquam_ has a king and a prince
continued long together in this realme; for _Filius ante diem
patrios inquirit in annos_. And they say, Sir, farther, that
whatsoever they were of your Majestie's predecessors in
governement that oppouned themselves directlie or indirectlie to
God's ordinance in his Kirk, it has beene their wracke and
subversioun in the end. I might herein be more particular; but I
leave it to your Majestie's owne grave and modest consideratioun,
for it concerneth you most neere.'
[256] 'Saying, "He perverted the laws both of God and man."'
_Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
p. 309. Also _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 371.
[257] 'Mr. Patrick Simson, preaching before the king upon Gen. iv. 9,
"The Lord said to Cain, Where is Abel, thy brother?" said to the
king, before the congregation, "Sir, I assure you, in God's name,
the Lord will ask at you where is the Earl of Moray, your
brother?" The king replyed, before all the congregation, "Mr.
Patrik, my chalmer doore wes never steeked upon you: ye might have
told me anything ye thought in secret." He replyed, "Sir, the
scandall is publict."' _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 144.
'Having occasion, _anno_ 1593, to preach before the king, he
publicly exhorted him to beware that he drew not the wrath of God
upon himself in patronizing a manifest breach of divine laws.'
_Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 120.
[258] 'Saying, "That Captain James, with his lady Jesabel, and William
Stewart (meaning the colonel), were taken to be the persecutors of
the Church; but that now it was seen to be the king himself,
against whom he denounced the curse that fell on Jeroboam--that he
would die childless, and be the last of his race."'
_Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii.
p. 335.
[259] 'The king, perceiving by all these letters, that the death of his
mother was determined, called back his ambassadors, and at home
gave order to the ministers to remember her in their public
prayers, which they denied to do.' ... 'Upon their denial, charges
were directed to command all bishops, ministers, and other
office-bearers in the Church to make mention of her distress in
their public prayers, and commend her to God in the form
appointed. But of all the number only Mr. David Lindsay at Leith
and the king's own ministers gave obedience.' _Spottiswoode's
History of the Church_, vol. ii. pp. 355, 356. 'They, with only
one exception, refused to comply.' _Russell's History of the
Church in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 23. Compare _Watson's Historicall
Collections of Ecclesiastick Affairs in Scotland_, p. 208; and
_Historie of James the Sext_, p. 225.
[260] 'They stirred up Mr. John Cowper, a young man not entered as yet in
the function, to take the pulpit before the time, and exclude the
bishop. The king coming at the hour appointed, and seeing him in
the place, called to him from his seat, and said, "Mr. John, that
place is destined for another; yet since you are there, if you
will obey the charge that is given, and remember my mother in your
prayers, you shall go on." He replying, "that he would do as the
Spirit of God should direct him," was commanded to leave the
place: and making as though he would stay, the captain of the
guard went to pull him out; whereupon he burst forth in these
speeches: "This day shall be a witness against the king in the
great day of the Lord:" and then denouncing a wo to the
inhabitants of Edinburgh, he went down, and the bishop of St.
Andrews entering the pulpit did perform the duty required.'
_Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p.
356. 'The Kingis Majestie, to testifie his earnest and naturall
affection to his mother, causit pray for hir oppinly efter him
selff; quhairvpone arrose a great dissensioun betuix sum of the
ministrie and his Majestie, namely the ministrie of Edinburgh.
Quhairvpone the king appoynted Patrik, archbischop of St. Androis
to teache, bot he wes preuented be Mr. John Covpar minister, quho
come befoir and filled the pulpit. And as the said Mr. John wes
beginnand the prayer, the Kingis Majestie commandit him to stay:
so as Mr. John raschit michtely vpone the pulpit, saying, "This
day sail bear witnes aganis yow in the day of the lord: woe be to
ye Edinburgh, for the last of xi plaiges salbe the worst."'
_Moysie's Memoirs_, p. 59.
In 1594, John Ross stated in the pulpit, that the advisers of the king
were all traitors, and that the king himself was likewise a traitor. He
was also a rebel and a reprobate. That such should be the case, was not
surprising, considering the parentage of James. For, his mother was a
Guise, and a persecutor of the saints. He avoided open persecution, and
spoke them fair; but his deeds did not correspond to his words; and, so
great was his dissimulation, that he was the most arrant hypocrite then
living in Scotland.[261]
[261] See _The Historie of King James the Sext_, pp. 316-318, from 'a
just copie of his sermon' supplied by Ross himself. 'His text was
upon the 6 chapter of the Prophet Jeremias, verse 28. "Brethren,
we have manie, and almaist innumerable enormiteis in this cuntrie
to be lamentit, as the misgovernement of our king be sinistrous
counsall of sum particular men. They ar all rebellious traitors,
evin the king the maist singular person, and particularlie everie
estait of the land." ... "Our king in sindrie poyntis hes bene
rebellious aganis the Majestie of God." ... "To this howre, we gat
never gude of the Guysien blude, for Queyne Marie his mother was
an oppin persecutor of the sanctis of God, and althoght the king
be not an oppin persecutor, we have had many of his fayre wordis,
wharein he is myghtie aneugh, bot for his gude deiddis, I commend
me to thayme." ... "Admit, that our king be a Christien king, yit
but amen dement, he is a reprobat king. Of all the men in this
nation, the king himself is the maist fynest, and maist
dissembling hypocreit."' A very short notice of this sermon is
given by Calderwood (_History of the Kirk_, vol. v. p. 299), who
probably had not seen the original notes.
In 1596, David Black, one of the most influential of the Protestant
ministers, delivered a sermon, which made much noise. He said, in his
discourse, that all kings were children of the devil; but that in
Scotland the head of the court was Satan himself. The members of the
council, he added, were cormorants, and the lords of the session
miscreants. The nobility had degenerated: they were godless; they were
dissemblers; they were the enemies of the Church. As to the queen of
England, she was nothing but an atheist. And as to the queen of Scotland,
all he would say was, that they might pray for her if they list, and
because it was the fashion to do so; but that there was no reason for
it, inasmuch as no good would ever come from her to them.[262]
[262] The accusation, which was fully proved, was, that 'he had
publictlie sayd in pulpit, that the papist erles wes come home be
the kingis knavledge and consent, quhairin his Hienes treacherie
wes detectit; that all kingis war deuilis and come of deuilis;
that the deuill wes the head of the court and in the court; that
he pray it for the Queine of Scotland for the faschione, because
he saw na appearance of guid in hir tyme,' _Moysie's Memoirs_, p.
128. 'Having been heard to affirm, that the popish lords had
returned into the country by the king's permission, and that
thereby the king had discovered the "treacherous hypocrisy of his
heart" that "all kings were the devil's bairns, and that the devil
was in the court, and the guiders of it." He was proved to have
used in his prayer these indecent words, when speaking of the
queen, "We must pray for her for fashion's sake; but we might as
well not, for she will never do us any good," He called the queen
of England an atheist, and the Lords of Session _bribers_; and
said that the nobility at large "were degenerate, godless,
dissemblers, and enemies to the church."' _Grierson's History of
Saint Andrews_, p. 30, Cupar, 1838. Among the charges against him
were, 'Fourthly, that he had called the queen of England an
atheist. Fifthly, that he had discussed a suspension granted by
the lords of session in pulpit, and called them miscreants and
bribers. Sixthly, that, speaking of the nobility, he said they
were "degenerated, godless, dissemblers, and enemies to the
church." Likewise, speaking of the council, that he had called
them "holiglasses, cormorants, and men of no religion."'
_Spottiswoode's History of the Church_, vol. iii. p. 21.
For preaching this sermon, Black was summoned by the privy-council. He
refused to attend, because it was for a spiritual tribunal, and not for a
temporal one, to take notice of what was uttered in the pulpit. The
Church, to be sure, he would obey; but, having received his message from
God, he was bound to deliver it, and it would be a dereliction of duty,
if he were to allow the civil power to judge such matters.[263] The
king, greatly enraged, ordered Black to be cast into prison; and it is
difficult to see what other course was open to him; though it was certain
that neither this, nor any measure he could adopt, would tame the
indomitable spirit of the Scotch Church.[264]
[263] See the original papers on 'The Declinatour of the King and
Counsel's Judicatour in Maters Spirituall, namelie in Preaching of
the Word,' in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v. pp.
457-459, 475-480. Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp.
326-332) has given extracts from them, and made some remarks on
their obvious tendency. See also on the Declinature of
Jurisdiction claimed by the Scotch Church, _Hallam's
Constitutional History_, 4th edit. 1842, vol. ii. p. 461; and
_Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal_,
Edinburgh, 1699, folio, pp. 181, 182.
[264] M'Crie, in his _Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 70 seq., has given
an account of the punishment of Black, but, as usual, conceals the
provocation; or, at least, softens it down until it hardly becomes
a provocation. According to him, 'David Black had been served with
a summons to answer before the privy council for certain
expressions used by him in his sermons.' Certain expressions,
indeed! But why name the penalty, and suppress the offence? This
learned writer knew perfectly well what Black had done, and yet
all the information bestowed on the reader is a note at p. 72,
containing a mutilated extract from Spottiswoode.
In December the same year, the Church proclaimed a fast; and Welsh
preached in Edinburgh a sermon, with the view of rousing the people
against their rulers. The king, he told his audience, had formerly been
possessed by a devil, and that devil being put out, seven worse ones had
come in its place. It was, therefore, evident that James was demented,
and it became lawful to take the sword of justice from his hands; just as
it would be lawful for servants or children to seize the head of their
family, if it had pleased heaven to afflict him with madness. In such
case, the preacher observed, it would be right to lay hold of the madman,
and to tie him hand and foot, that he might do no further harm.[265]
[265] 'Saying, "He was possessed with a devil; that one devil being put
out, seven worse were entered in place; and that the subjects
might lawfully rise, and take the sword out of his hand:" which he
confirmed by the example of a father that falling into a frenzy,
might be taken by the children and servants of the family, and
tied hand and foot from doing violence.' _Spottiswoode's History
of the Church of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 34. See also _Arnot's
History of Edinburgh_, pp. 46, 47.
The hatred felt by the clergy was at this period so bitter, and the
democratic spirit in them so strong,[266] that they seemed unable to
restrain themselves; and Andrew Melville, in an audience with the king,
in 1596, proceeded to personal insults, and, seizing him by the sleeve,
called him God's silly vassal.[267] The large amount of truth contained
in this bitter taunt, increased its pungency. But the ministers did not
always confine themselves to words.[268] Their participation in the
Ruthven conspiracy is unquestionable; and it is probable that they were
privy to the last great peril to which James was exposed, before he
escaped from that turbulent land, which he was believed to govern.
Certain it is, that the Earl of Gowrie, who, in 1600, entrapped the king
into his castle in order to murder him, was the hope and the mainstay of
the Presbyterian clergy, and was intimately associated with their
ambitious schemes.[269] Such, indeed, was their infatuation on behalf of
the assassin, that, when his conspiracy was defeated, and he himself
slain, several of the ministers propagated a report that Gowrie had
fallen a victim to the royal perfidy, and that, in point of fact, the
only plot which ever existed was one concocted by the king, with fatal
art, against his mild and innocent host.[270]
[266] This did not escape the attention of the English government; and
Elizabeth, who was remarkably well informed respecting Scotch
affairs, wrote to James, in 1590, a warning, which was hardly
necessary, but which must have added to his fears. 'And lest fayre
semblance, that easely may begile, do not brede your ignorance of
suche persons as ether pretend religion or dissemble deuotion, let
me warne you that ther is risen, bothe in your realme and myne, a
secte of perilous consequence, suche as wold have no kings but a
presbitrye, and take our place while the inioy our privilege, with
a shade of Godes word, wiche none is juged to folow right without
by ther censure the be so demed. Yea, looke we wel unto them.'
_Letters of Elizabeth and James VI._, edited by John Bruce, Camden
Society, 1849, 4to, p. 63.
[267] The Reverend James Melville, who was present at the scene,
describes it with exuberant delight. 'To the quhilk, I beginning
to reply, in my maner, Mr. Andro doucht nocht abyd it, bot brak af
upon the king in sa zealus, powerfull, and unresistable a maner,
that whowbeit the king used his authoritie in maist crabbit and
colerik maner, yit Mr. Andro bure him down, and outtered the
Commission as from the mightie God, calling the king bot "God's
sillie vassall:" and taking him be the sleive,' &c. _Autobiography
and Diary of James Melvill_, p. 370. See also _Shields' Hind let
loose_, 1687, p. 52; and _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii.
p. 66.
[268] In 1593, 4, some of them formed a plot to seize him. See the
evidence from the State-paper Office, in _Tytler's History of
Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 249, edit. Edinburgh, 1845.
[269] 'He was the darling hope of the Presbyterian party.' _Ibid._,
vol. vii. p. 410.
[270] 'Gowry's conspiracy was by them charged on the king, as a
contrivance of his to get rid of that earl.' _Burnet's History of
his own Time_, edit. Oxford, 1823, vol. i. p. 31. See also
_Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 439, 440; and on the
diffusion of 'this absurd hallucination,' see The _Spottiswoode
Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 320, Edinburgh, 1845.
An absurdity of this sort[271] was easily believed in an ignorant, and,
therefore, a credulous, age. That the clergy should have propagated it,
and that in this, as in many other cases, they should have laboured with
malignant industry to defame the character of their prince,[272] will
astonish no one who knows how quickly the wrath of the Church can be
roused, and how ready the spiritual classes always are to cover, even
with the foulest calumny, those who stand in their way. The evidence
which has been collected, proves that the Presbyterian ministers carried
their violence against the constituted authorities of the state, to an
indecent, if not to a criminal, length; and we cannot absolve them from
the charge of being a restless and unscrupulous body, greedy after power,
and grossly intolerant of whatever opposed their own views. Still, the
real cause of their conduct was, the spirit of their age, and the
peculiarities of their position. None of us can be sure that, if we were
placed exactly as they were placed, we should have acted differently.
Now, indeed, we cannot read of their proceedings, as they are recorded in
their own Assemblies, and by the historians of their own Church, without
an uneasy feeling of dislike, I had almost said of disgust, at finding
ourselves in presence of so much of superstition, of chicanery, of low,
sordid arts, and yet, withal, of arrogant and unbridled insolence. The
truth, however, is, that in Scotland, the age was evil, and the evil
rose to the surface. The times were out of joint, and it was hard to set
them right. The long prevalence of anarchy, of ignorance, of poverty, of
force, of fraud, of domestic tumult, and of foreign invasion, had reduced
Scotland to a state which is scarcely possible for us to realize.
Hereafter, I shall give some evidence of the effect which this produced
on the national character, and of the serious mischief which it wrought.
In the mean time, we should, in fairness to the Scotch clergy, admit that
the condition of their country affords the best explanation of their
conduct. Everything around them was low and coarse; the habits of men, in
their daily life, were violent, brutal, and utterly regardless of common
decency; and, as a natural consequence, the standard of human actions was
so depressed, that upright and well-meaning persons did not shrink from
doing what to us, in our advanced state of society, seems incredible. Let
us, then, not be too rash in this matter. Let us not be too forward in
censuring the leading actors in that great crisis through which Scotland
passed, during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Much they did,
which excites our strongest aversion. But one thing they achieved, which
should make us honour their memory, and repute them benefactors of their
species. At a most hazardous moment, they kept alive the spirit of
national liberty.[273] What the nobles and the crown had put in peril,
that did the clergy save. By their care, the dying spark was kindled into
a blaze. When the light grew dim, and flickered on the altar, their hands
trimmed the lamp, and fed the sacred flame. This is their real glory, and
on this they may well repose. They were the guardians of Scotch freedom,
and they stood to their post. Where danger was, they were foremost. By
their sermons, by their conduct, both public and private, by the
proceedings of their Assemblies, by their bold and frequent attacks upon
persons, without regard to their rank, nay, even by the very insolence
with which they treated their superiors, they stirred up the minds of
men, woke them from their lethargy, formed them to habits of discussion,
and excited that inquisitive and democratic spirit, which is the only
effectual guarantee the people can ever possess against the tyranny of
those who are set over them. This was the work of the Scotch clergy; and
all hail to them who did it. It was they who taught their countrymen to
scrutinize, with a fearless eye, the policy of their rulers. It was they
who pointed the finger of scorn at kings and nobles, and laid bare the
hollowness of their pretensions. They ridiculed their claims, and jeered
at their mysteries. They tore the veil, and exposed the tricks of the
scene which lay behind. The great ones of the earth, they covered with
contempt; and those who were above them, they cast down. Herein, they did
a deed which should compensate for all their offences, even were their
offences ten times as great. By discountenancing that pernicious and
degrading respect which men are too apt to pay to those whom accident,
and not merit, has raised above them, they facilitated the growth of a
proud and sturdy independence, which was sure to do good service at a
time of need. And that time came quicker than any one had expected.
Within a very few years, James became master of the resources of England,
and attempted, by their aid, to subvert the liberties of Scotland. The
shameful enterprise, which he began, was continued by his cruel and
superstitious son. How their attempts failed; how Charles I., in the
effort, shipwrecked his fortune, and provoked a rebellion, which brought
to the scaffold that great criminal, who dared to conspire against the
people, and who, as the common enemy and oppressor of all, was at length
visited with the just punishment of his sins, is known to every reader of
our history. It is also well known, that, in conducting the struggle, the
English were greatly indebted to the Scotch, who had, moreover, the merit
of being the first to lift their hand against the tyrant. What, however,
is less known, but is undoubtedly true, is, that both nations owe a debt
they can never repay to those bold men who, during the latter part of the
sixteenth century, disseminated, from their pulpits and Assemblies,
sentiments which the people cherished in their hearts, and which, at a
fitting moment, they reproduced, to the dismay, and eventually to the
destruction, of those who threatened their liberties.
[271] See a good note in _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_,
vol. ii. p. 179, Edinburgh, 1833, 4to. Compare _Lawson's Book of
Perth_, Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.
[272] Their language, and their general bearing, so enraged James, as to
extort from him a passionate declaration, in 1592, that 'it would
not be weill till noblemen and gentlemen gott licence to breake
ministers' heads.' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v.
p. 148.
[273] 'At the period of which we speak' (about the year 1584) 'the
pulpit was, in fact, the only organ by which public opinion was,
or could be, expressed; and the ecclesiastical courts were the
only assemblies in the nation which possessed anything that was
entitled to the name of liberty or independence. Parliament had
its business prepared to its hand, and laid before it in the shape
of acts which required only its assent. Discussion and freedom of
speech were unknown in its meetings. The courts of justice were
dependent on the will of the sovereign, and frequently had their
proceedings regulated, and their decisions dictated, by letters or
messages from the throne. It was the preachers who first taught
the people to express an opinion on the conduct of their rulers;
and the assemblies of the Church set the earliest example of a
regular and firm opposition to the arbitrary and unconstitutional
measures of the court.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. i.
p. 302.
CHAPTER III.
CONDITION OF SCOTLAND DURING THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES.
Scarcely had James mounted the throne of England, when he began
seriously, and on a large scale, to attempt to subjugate the Scotch
Church, which, as he clearly saw, was the principal obstacle that stood
between him and despotic power. While he was merely King of Scotland, he
made several efforts, which were constantly baffled; but now that he
wielded the vast resources of England, the victory seemed easy.[274] As
early as 1584, he had gained a temporary triumph, by forcing many of the
clergy to recognize episcopacy.[275] But that institution was so
repugnant to their levelling and democratic principles, that nothing
could overcome their abhorrence of it;[276] and, completely overawing the
king, they compelled him to give way, and to retrace his steps. The
result was, that, in 1592, an Act of Parliament was passed, which
subverted the authority of the bishops, and established Presbyterianism;
a scheme based on the idea of equality, and, therefore, suited to the
wants of the Scotch Church.[277]
[274] Lord Dartmouth says (Note in _Burnet's History of his own Time_,
vol. i. p. 15): 'The Earl of Seafield told me that King James
frequently declared that he never looked upon himself to be more
than King of Scotland in name, till he came to be King of England;
but now, he said, one kingdom would help him to govern the other,
or he had studied kingcraft to very little purpose from his cradle
to that time.' Compare _Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of
Hamilton_, Oxford, 1852, p. 36. 'No sooner was he happily settled
on the throne of England, but he went more roundly to work.'
[275] Compare _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 430, with
_Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 303, § 20;
also the Act (p. 293, § 4), likewise in 1584, limiting the power
of the General Assemblies. James, who flattered himself that he
had now settled everything, signalized his triumph by personally
abusing the clergy; 'calling them lownes, smaicks, seditious
knaves, and so furth.' See a letter, dated 2nd of January 1585-6,
in _Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, p. 438, Edinburgh, 1844.
[276] 'Bishops were alwayes looked at with a frown.' _Kirkton's History
of the Church of Scotland_, p. 129.
[277] See this remarkable statute, in _Acts of the Parliaments of
Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 541, 2. As some of the historians of the
Scotch Church have greatly misrepresented it, I will quote that
part which expressly repeals the Act of 1584, in favour of the
bishops. 'Item oure said souerane lord and estaittis of Parliament
foirsaid, abrogatis cass and anullis the xx act of the same
pliam[=e]t haldin at Edinburgh the said zeir 1584 zeiris granting
c[=o]missioun to bishoppis and vtheris iuges constitute in
ecclesiastical causs To ressaue his hienes presentatioun to
benefices, To gif collatioun thairvpoun and to put ordo^r in all
causs ecclesiasticall qlk his Maiestie and estaittis foirsaid
declairis to be expyrit in the self and to be null in tyme cuming
and of nane availl force nor effect.'
To this statute, James had assented with the greatest reluctance.[278]
Indeed, his feeling respecting it was so strong, that he determined, on
the first opportunity, to procure its repeal, even if he used force to
effect his purpose. The course he adopted, was characteristic both of the
man and of the age. In December 1596, one of those popular tumults arose
in Edinburgh, which are natural in barbarous times, and which, under
ordinary circumstances, would have been quelled, and nothing more thought
of it.[279] But James availed himself of this, to strike what he deemed a
decisive blow. His plan was nothing less than to turn into the capital of
his own monarchy, large bodies of armed and licensed banditti, who, by
threatening to plunder the city, should oblige the clergy and their
flocks to agree to whatever terms he chose to dictate. This magnanimous
scheme was well worthy of the mind of James, and it was strictly
executed. From the north, he summoned the Highland nobles, and from the
south, the border barons, who were to be accompanied by their fierce
retainers,--men who lived by pillage, and whose delight it was to imbrue
their hands in blood. At the express command of James, these ferocious
brigands, on the 1st of January 1597, appeared in the streets of
Edinburgh, gloating over the prospect before them, and ready, when their
sovereign gave the word, to sack the capital, and raze it to the
ground.[280] Resistance was hopeless. Whatever the king demanded, was
conceded; and James supposed that the time was now come, in which he
could firmly establish the authority of the bishops, and, by their aid,
control the clergy, and break their refractory spirit.[281]
[278] 'The King repented after that he had agreed unto it.' _Calderwood's
History of the Kirk_, vol. v. p. 162. But this gives a faint idea
of his real feelings. It is perhaps hardly necessary to adduce
evidence of the opinions entertained on this point, by a prince,
one of whose favourite sayings was, 'No Bishop, no King.' The
reader will, however, find, in the _Clarendon State Papers_ (vol.
ii. p. 260 Oxford, 1773, folio), a letter from Charles I., which
is worth looking at, because it frankly avows that James, in
loving episcopacy and hating presbyterianism, was actuated rather
by political motives than by religious ones. Charles writes: 'The
prudentiall part of any consideration will never be found opposit
to the conscientious, nay heere, they go hand in hand; for
(according to lawyers lodgique) show me any president where ever
Presbiteriall government and Regall was together, without
perpetuall rebellions. _Which was the cause that necessitated the
King, my Father, to change that governement in Scotland._' Compare
what is said by a Scotch Presbyterian of the seventeenth century,
in _Biographies edited for the Wodrow Society_ by the Rev. W. K.
Tweedie, Edinburgh, 1845, vol. i. p. 13. 'The reason why King
James was so violent for bishops was neither their divine
institution (which he denied they had), nor yet the profit the
Church should reap by them (for he knew well both the men and
their communications), but merely because he believed they were
useful instruments to turn a limited monarchy into absolute
dominion, and subjects into slaves, the design in the world he
minded most.'
[279] 'Had it not been laid hold of by designing politicians as a handle
for accomplishing their measures, it would not now have been known
that such an event had ever occurred.' _M'Crie's Life of
Melville_, vol. ii. p. 85. 'Harmless as this uproar was, it
afforded the court a pretext for carrying into execution its
designs against the liberties and government of the Church.'
p. 89.
[280] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 342-345.
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v. pp. 514, 515, 530,
531.
[281] 'Intimidated by these menaces, and distressed at the loss of the
courts of justice, they came to the resolution of making surrender
of their political and religious liberties to the king.' _M'Crie's
Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 92. This is said of the magistrates
of Edinburgh. Among other threats, one was, the 'razing and
ploughing of Edinburgh, and sowing it with salt.' _Wodrow's Life
of Bruce_, p. 48, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_, edited by the
Rev. William Cunningham, Edinburgh, 1843. On this occasion,
Elizabeth wrote a letter to James, which is printed in _Letters of
Queen Elizabeth and James VI._, 1849, 4to, pp. 120, 121.
In this undertaking, three years were consumed. To insure its success,
the king, supported by the nobles, relied, not only on force, but also on
an artifice, which now seems to have been employed for the first time.
This was, to pack the General Assemblies, by inundating them with
clergymen drawn from the north of Scotland, where, the old clannish and
aristocratic spirit being supreme, the democratic spirit, found in the
south, was unknown. Hitherto, these northern ministers had rarely
attended at the great meetings of the Church; but James, in 1597, sent
Sir Patrick Murray on a special mission to them, urging them to be
present, in order that they might vote on his side.[282] They, being a
very ignorant body, knowing little or nothing of the questions really at
issue, and being, moreover, accustomed to a state of society in which
men, notwithstanding their lawlessness, paid the most servile obedience
to their immediate superiors, were easily worked upon, and induced to do
what they were bid. By their help, the crown and the nobles so
strengthened their party in the General Assembly, as to obtain in many
instances a majority; and innovations were gradually introduced,
calculated to destroy the democratic character of the Scotch Church.[283]
[282] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 100. Scot (_Apologetical
Narration of the State of the Kirk_, p. 88) says, 'Sir Patrick
Murray, the diligent apostle of the North, made their acquaintance
with the King.' Also, _The Autobiography and Diary of James
Melville_, p. 403.
[283] _Tytler's History of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 350, 359. But by far
the best account of the influence of these northern clergy will be
found in _M'Crie's Life of Melville_ (vol. ii. pp. 100-105, 109,
131, 152), drawn, in several instances, from manuscript
authorities. Compare _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. v.
p. 625.
In 1597, the movement began. From then, until 1600, successive Assemblies
sanctioned different changes, all of which were marked by that
aristocratic tendency which seemed about to carry everything before it.
In 1600, the General Assembly met at Montrose; and government determined
on making a final effort to compel the Church to establish an episcopal
polity. Andrew Melville, by far the most influential man in the Church,
and the leader of the democratic party, had been elected, as usual, a
member of the Assembly; but the king, arbitrarily interposing, refused to
allow him to take his seat.[284] Still, neither by threats, nor by force,
nor by promises, could the court carry their point. All that they
obtained was, that certain ecclesiastics should be allowed to sit in
parliament; but it was ordered that such persons should every year lay
their commissions at the feet of the General Assembly, and render an
account of their conduct. The Assembly was to have the power of deposing
them; and, to keep them in greater subjection, they were forbidden to
call themselves bishops, but were to be content with the inferior title
of Commissioners of the Church.[285]
[284] This is related by his nephew, James Melville. 'Mr. Andro Melvill
come to the Assembly, by Commissoune of his Presbytrie, but wes
commandit to keip his ludgeing; quho, being callit to the King in
private, and demandit, Quhy he wes so trublesume as to come to the
Assembly being dischairgit? He answerit, He had a calling in the
Kirk of God, and of Jesus Chryst, the King of kings, quhilk he
behovit to dischairge at all occasiounes, being orderlie callit
thairto, as he wes at this tyme; and that for feir of a grytter
punischment then could any earthly King inflict.' _The
Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_, p. 542.
[285] As, owing to the passions of the rival classes, every step of this
part of Scotch history is the subject of angry controversy, and as
even Mr. Tytler (_History of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 360) asserts
that 'the final establishment of Episcopacy' took place at the
Assembly of Montrose, in 1600. I subjoin a few extracts from the
enactments of that Assembly, in order that the reader may judge
for himself, and may test the accuracy of what I have stated in
the text. 'Concerning the maner of choosing of him that sall have
vote in Parliament in name of the Kirk: It is condiscendit vpon,
that _he sall first be recommendit be the Kirk to his Majestie_;
and that the Kirk sall nominat sixe for every place that sall have
neid to be filled, of quhom his Majestie sall choose ane, of quhom
he best lykes; and his Majestie promises, obleises, and binds
himselfe to choose no vther but ane of that number: And in cace
his Majestie refuses the haill vpon ane just reason of ane
insufficiency, and of greater sufficiencie of vthers that are not
recommendit, the Kirk sall make ane new recommendatioun of men
according to the first number, of the quhilk, ane salbe chosin be
his Majestie without any farther refuisall or new nominatioun; and
he that salbe chosin be his Majestie, salbe admittit be the
Synods.' _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland_,
vol. iii. p. 954. 'As to the cautions to keip him, that sall have
vote in Parliament, from corruptiouns: They be these following:
1. _That he presume not, at any tyme, to propone at Parliament,
Counsell or Conventioun, in name of the Kirk, any thing without
expresse warrand and directioun from the Kirk_, and sick things as
he sall answer (for) to be for the weill of the Kirk, vnder the
paine of depositioun from his office.' ... 2. 'He sall be bound at
every Generall Assemblie, to give ane accompt anent the discharge
of his commissioun sen the Assemblie gangand befor; _and sall
submitt himselfe to thair censure, and stand at thair
determinatioun quhatsumever, without appellatioun; and sall seik
and obtain ratificatioun of his doings at the said Assemblie,
vnder the paine of infamie and excommunicatioun_.' ... 6. 'In the
administration of discipline, collatioun of benefices,
visitatioun, and all vther points of ecclesiasticall government,
he sall neither vsurpe nor acclaime to himselfe _any power or
jurisdictioun farther than any vther of the rest of his breither_,
unlesse he be imployit be his breither, vnder the paine of
deprivatioun.' p. 955. 'Anent his name that for the Kirk sall
(have) vote in Parliament: It is advyseit, be vniforme consent of
the haill brether, that he salbe callit Commissioner of such a
place.' p. 956. 'Therfor the Generall Assemblie having reasonit at
length the said questioun, tuiching the continuance of him that
sall have vote in Parliament, after votting of the same, finds and
decernes, that _he sall annuatim give count of his commission
obtainit from the Assemblie, and lay downe the samein at thair
feitt_, to be continuit or alterit therfra be his Maiestie and the
Assemblie, as the Assemblie, with consent of his Maiestie, sall
think most expedient for the weill of the Kirk.' p. 959.
After sustaining this repulse, James seems to have been disheartened; as
he made no further effort, though he still laboured underhand at the
restoration of episcopacy.[286] If he had persevered, it might have cost
him his crown. For, his resources were few; he was extremely poor;[287]
and recent events had shown that the clergy were stronger than he had
supposed. When he thought himself most sure of success, they had
subjected him to a mortifying defeat; and this was the more remarkable,
as it was entirely their own work; they being by this time so completely
separated from the nobles, that they could not rely upon even a single
member of that powerful body.
[286] 'While James remained in Scotland, the scheme of introducing
episcopacy, though never lost sight of, was cautiously
prosecuted.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. p. 178.
[287] James, during the whole of his reign, was chiefly dependent on the
money which Elizabeth gave him, and which she dealt out rather
niggardly. Such were his necessities, that he was forced to pawn
his plate, and, even then, he was often unable to defray his
ordinary household expenses. See _Tytler's History of Scotland_,
vol. vi. pp. 265, 266, 272, vol. vii. pp. 158, 378-380.
_Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. ii. pp. xlv. 114.
_Gregory's History of the Western Highlands_, pp. 241, 277. See
also a clamorous begging-letter from James to Elizabeth, written
in 1591, in _Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James VI._, 1849, 4to,
pp. 68, 69. In 1593, she apologizes for sending him only a small
sum: 'The small token you shall receave from me I desire yt may
serve to make you remember the tyme and my many weighty affaires,
wich makes it les than else I would, and I dowt nothing but when
you heare all, yow will beare with this.' p. 84. A letter from
James Hudson, written about the year 1591, states that 'both the
king's table and queen's had like to have been unserved by want;
and that the king had nothing he accounted certain to come into
his purse, but what he had from the Queen of England.' _Ridpath's
Border History_, p. 465, Berwick, 1848, 4to.
While affairs were in this state, and while the liberties of Scotland, of
which the Church was the guardian, were trembling in the balance,
Elizabeth died, and the King of Scotland became also King of England.
James at once determined to employ the resources of his new kingdom to
curb his old one. In 1604, that is, only the year after his accession to
the English throne, he aimed a deadly blow at the Scotch Church, by
attacking the independence of their Assemblies; and, by his own
authority, he prorogued the General Assembly of Aberdeen.[288] In 1605,
he again prorogued it; and, to make his intentions clear, he, this time,
refused to fix a day for its future meeting.[289] Hereupon, some of the
ministers, deputed by presbyteries, took upon themselves to convene it,
which they had an undoubted right to do, as the act of the king was
manifestly illegal. On the day appointed, they met in the session-house
of Aberdeen. They were ordered to disperse. Having, as they conceived, by
the mere fact of assembling, sufficiently asserted their privileges, they
obeyed. But James, now backed by the power of England, resolved that they
should feel the change of his position, and, therefore, of theirs. In
consequence of orders which he sent from London, fourteen of the clergy
were committed to prison.[290] Six of them, who denied the authority of
the privy-council, were indicted for high treason. They were at once put
upon their trial. They were convicted. And sentence of death was only
deferred, that the pleasure of the king might first be taken, as to
whether he would not be satisfied with some punishment that fell short of
sacrificing the lives of these unhappy men.[291]
[288] _Laing's History of Scotland_, edit. 1819, vol. iii. p. 28.
_Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vi. pp. 264, 323.
_Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 175,
Edinburgh, 1817. _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_,
p. 88.
[289] 'Adde thereunto, that the letter of the commissioner and last
moderator, conteaned no certane tyme nor day whereto the said
Assemblie sould be prorogued; so that it imported a casting loose
and deserting, yea, and tyning of the possessioun of our
Assemblie; than the which what could be more dangerous to the
libertie and freedom of the Kirk of Jesus Christ, at suche a tyme,
namelie of the treatie of the Unioun, when all the estates of the
realme, and everie particular are zealous and carefull of their
rights and possessiouns?' _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
vol. vi. pp. 309, 310.
[290] See a list of them in _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vi.
p. 347, where the fourteen names are preserved with pious care.
[291] _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 494-502.
_Forbes' Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk_, edit.
Wodrow Society, Edinburgh, 1846, pp. 463-496. 'Delayed the giving
forth of the sentence of condemnation till the King's mind were
further knowne.' See also _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol.
vi. pp. 434, 449. When they were found guilty, 'the peiple said,
"Certainely this wes a worke of darknes, to mak Chrystis faithfull
Ministeres tratouris to the King! God grant he be niver in greater
dangeris nor off sic traitouris."' _Melvill's Autobiography and
Diary_, p. 626.
Their lives, indeed, were spared; but they were subjected to a close
imprisonment, and then condemned to perpetual exile.[292] In other parts
of the country, similar measures were adopted. Nearly all over Scotland,
numbers of the clergy were either imprisoned or forced to fly.[293]
Terror and proscription were universal. Such was the panic, that it was
generally believed that nothing could prevent the permanent establishment
of despotism, unless there were some immediate and providential
interference on behalf of the Church and the people.[294]
[292] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 207, 208. _Pitcairn's
Criminal Trials_, vol. ii. p. 504. In connexion with these
transactions, a letter is preserved in the Winwood Papers, which
is much too curious to be passed over in silence. It is addressed
by the Earl of Salisbury to Sir Charles Cornwallis, and is dated
12th September 1605. Salisbury, who was then at the head of
affairs, writes, 'True it is that his Majestie seeking to _adorne
that kingdome of Scotland with Prelates as they are in England_,
some of the Ministers have spurned against it; and althouge his
Majestie had ever warranted their calling of General Assemblies
upon no other condition, then that they should make him
acquainted, receive his warrant, and a commissioner for his
Majestie resident in their councells, yet have they (followed with
some poor plebecall numbers) presumed to hold their General
Assemblies in some parte of the Realme contrarie to his
commandement. Whereupon his Majestie hath shewed himself
displeased, and cyted divers of them before his councell,' &c.
_Memorials of Affairs of State, from the Papers of Sir Ralph
Winwood_, London, 1725, folio, vol. ii. p. 132. And yet the man
who could write such nonsense as this, and who could only see, in
the great democratic movement of the Scotch mind, a disinclination
to the _adornment_ of episcopacy, was deemed one of the most
eminent statesmen of his time, and his reputation has survived
him. If great statesmen discern so little of what is before them
and around them, we are tempted to inquire, how much confidence
ought to be placed in the opinions of those average statesmen by
whom countries are ruled. For my own part, I can only say, that I
have had occasion to read many thousand letters written by
diplomatists and politicians, and I have hardly ever found an
instance of one of them who understood the spirit and tendency of
the age in which he lived.
[293] 'Ministers in all parts of the country were thrown into prison, or
declared rebels, and forced to abscond.' _M'Crie's Life of
Melville_, vol. ii. p. 250. Liberty of speech was so completely
suppressed, that, in 1605, when the most zealous and intelligent
clergy were banished, 'a strait command' (was) 'gevin to
magistrats, and uther officiers of burrowis, that in cace any
preacher sould speik opinlie aganis that baneisment, or for
defence or mentenence of that assemblie, or pray publiklie for
ther saiftie, that they sould be noted and manifested to the
secret counsell, and corrected for their fault.' _The Historie of
King James the Sext_, p. 380.
[294] See an eloquent and touching passage, in _Calderwood's History of
the Kirk_, vol. vi. pp. 696, 697.
Nor can it be denied that there were plausible grounds for these
apprehensions. The people had no friends except among the clergy, and the
ablest of the clergy were either in prison or in exile.[295] To deprive
the Church entirely of her leaders, James, in 1606, summoned to London,
Melville and seven of his colleagues, under pretence of needing their
advice.[296] Having got possession of their persons, he detained them in
England.[297] They were forbidden to return to Scotland; and Melville,
who was most feared, was committed to custody. He was then imprisoned in
the Tower, where he remained four years, and from which he was only
liberated on condition of living abroad, and abandoning altogether his
native country.[298] The seven ministers who had accompanied him to
London were also imprisoned; but, being considered less dangerous than
their leader, they, after a time, were allowed to return home. The nephew
of Melville was, however, ordered not to travel more than two miles from
Newcastle; and his six companions were confined in different parts of
Scotland.[299]
[295] 'The godliest, wisest, learnedest, and most zealous men of the
ministrie in Scotland, were either banished, warded, or detained
in Ingland, of purpose that they might not be a lett to the grand
designe in hand.' _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 238.
[296] _Scot's Apologetical Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 164,
165. Compare _The Autobiography and Diary of James Melvill_,
pp. 642-645.
[297] 'Quhen we wer gone out of the Palice a lytle way towards
Kingstoune, Mr. Alexander Hay sendis back for us, and withall, in
the Uttir Court, reidis to us a chairge from the King not to
returne to Scotland, nor to com neire the King, Quein, nor Prince
their Courtis, without a speciall calling for and licence.'
_Melvill's Autobiography_, p. 661.
[298] _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 246, 252, 260, 337-339,
403, 407-411, 414. This truly great and fearless man died in
exile, in 1622. p. 458.
[299] _Melvill's Autobiography and Diary_, p. 709. _Scot's Apologetical
Narration_, p. 194. _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 252,
253, 267, 268.
Everything now seemed ripe for the destruction of those ideas of equality
of which, in Scotland, the Church was the sole representative. In 1610, a
General Assembly was held at Glasgow; and, as the members of it were
nominated by the crown,[300] whatever the government wished was conceded.
By their vote, episcopacy was established, and the authority of the
bishops over the ministers was fully recognized.[301] A little earlier,
but in the same year, two courts of High Commission were erected, one at
Saint Andrews, and one at Glasgow. To them, all ecclesiastical courts
were subordinate. They were armed with such immense power, that they
could cite any one they pleased before them, could examine him respecting
his religious opinions, could have him excommunicated, and could fine or
imprison him, just as they thought proper.[302] Finally, and to complete
the humiliation of Scotland, the establishment of episcopacy was not
considered complete, until an act was performed, which nothing but its
being very ignominious, could have saved from being ridiculed as an idle
and childish farce. The archbishop of Glasgow, the bishop of Brechin, and
the bishop of Galloway, had to travel all the way to London, in order
that they might be touched by some English bishops. Incredible as it may
appear, it was actually supposed that there was no power in Scotland
sufficiently spiritual to turn a Scotchman into a prelate. Therefore it
was, that the archbishop of Glasgow and his companions performed what was
then an arduous journey to a strange and distant capital, for the sake of
receiving some hidden virtue, which, on their return home, they might
communicate to their brethren. To the grief and astonishment of their
country, these unworthy priests, abandoning the traditions of their
native land, and forgetting the proud spirit which animated their
fathers, consented to abjure their own independence, to humble themselves
before the English Church, and to submit to mummeries, which, in their
hearts, they must have despised, but which were now inflicted upon them
by their ancient and inveterate foes.[303]
[300] 'Royal missives were sent to the presbyteries, nominating the
individuals whom they should chuse as their representatives to
it.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_, vol. ii. pp. 387, 388. On the
character of its members, compare _Wodrow's History of the
Sufferings of the Church of Scotland_, edit. Glasgow, 1838, vol.
i. p. 256. _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, pp.
320, 321. _Crookshank's Church of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1812, vol.
i. p. 28; and _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vii.
pp. 97, 98.
[301] _Acts of the General Assemblies of the Kirk_, vol. iii. pp. 1096,
1097. The Assembly even forbad the democratic notion of equality
to be advocated. See p. 1101. 'Because it is vncivill that laws
and constitutiouns, either Civill or Ecclesiasticall, being anes
establischit and in force, by publick and opin consent, sould be
controllit and callit in questioun by any person: therfor, it is
statute by vniforme consent of this haill Assemblie, that none of
the Ministrie either in pulpitt in his preaching, or in the
publick exercise, speake and reason against the acts of this
present Assemblie, nor dissobey the same, vnder the paine of
deprivatioun, being tryit and convict thereof; and _speciallie,
that the questioun of equalitie and inequalitie in the Kirk, be
not treattit in pulpitt vnder the said paine_.'
[302] Mr. Russell (_History of the Church in Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 88),
misled, probably, by a passage in _Spottiswoode's History of the
Church_, vol. iii. p. 210, says, 'A Court of High Commission was
instituted.' But it is certain that there were two such courts;
one for the diocese of Saint Andrews, and one for that of Glasgow.
See the 'commissioun givin under the great seale to the two
archbishops,' dated 15th of February 1610, in _Calderwood's
History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. pp. 57-62. See also p. 210. They
were not united till December 1615. See _Scot's Apologetical
Narration of the State of the Kirk_, pp. 218, 239; and
_Crookshank's History of the Sufferings of the Church of
Scotland_, vol. i. p. 28. By the royal commission, these despotic
tribunals were authorized (_Calderwood_, vol. vii. p. 59) 'to call
before them at suche tymes and places as they salle thinke meete,
anie person or persons dwelling and remaining within their
provinces respective above writtin of St. Andrews or Glasgow, or
within anie dioceis of the same, being offenders ather in life or
religioun, whom they hold anie way to be scandalous, and that they
take tryell of the same; and if they find them guiltie and
impenitent, refusing to acknowledge their offence, they sall give
command to the preacher of that parish where they dwell, to
proceed with sentence of excommunication against them; which, if
it be protracted, and their command by that minister be not
presentlie obeyed, they sall conveene anie suche minister before
them, and proceed in censuring of him for his disobedience, ather
by suspensioun, deprivatioun, or wairding, according as in their
discretioun they sall hold his obstinacie and refuse of their
directioun to have deserved. And further, to fyne at their
discretiouns, imprisoun, or warde anie suche persoun, who being
convicted before them, they sall find upon tryell to have deserved
anie suche punishment.' Hereupon, Calderwood justly remarks, p.
62: 'This commissioun and executioun thereof, as it exalted the
aspyring bishops farre above any prelat that ever was in Scotland,
so it putt the king in possessioun of that which he had long tyme
hunted for; to witt, of the royall prerogative, and absolute power
to use the bodeis and goods of the subjects at pleasure, without
forme or processe of the commoun law, even then when the Lower
Hous in England was compleaning in their parliament upon the
injurie therof. So our bishops were fitt instruments to overthrow
the liberteis both of the Kirk and countrie.'
[303] See _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 93, and
_Kirkton's History_, p. 15. Kirkton indignantly says, that James
'perswaded a few unworthy men to perjure themselves, and after
their episcopall consecration by the English bishops in England,
to exercise that odious office in Scotland against their own oath
and the consciences of their brethren.' Compare the contemptuous
notice, in _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 283, on the 'anoynting
of oyle and other ceremonies,' and on 'the foolish guyses in it.'
Indeed, on this subject, every Scotch writer who cared for the
liberty of his country, expressed himself either with contempt or
indignation.
We may easily imagine what would be the future conduct of men, who,
merely for their own aggrandizement, and to please their prince, could
thus renounce the cherished independence of the Scotch Church. They who
crouch to those who are above them always trample on those who are below
them. Directly they returned to Scotland, they communicated the
consecration they had received in England to their fellow-bishops,[304]
who were of the like mould to themselves, in so far as all of them aided
James in his attempt to subjugate the liberties of their native country.
Being now properly ordained, their spiritual life was complete; it
remained for them to secure the happiness of their temporal life. This
they did, by gradually monopolizing all authority, and treating with
unsparing severity those who opposed them. The fall triumph of the
bishops was reserved for the reign of Charles I., when a number of them
obtained seats in the privy-council, where they behaved with such
overbearing insolence, that even Clarendon, notwithstanding his
notorious partiality for their order, censures their conduct.[305] In the
time, however, of James I., they carried nearly everything before
them.[306] They deprived the towns of their privileges, and forced them
to receive magistrates of their own choosing.[307] They accumulated
wealth, and made an ostentatious display of it; which was the more
disgraceful, as the country was miserably poor, and their fellow-subjects
were starving around them.[308] The Lords of the Articles, without whose
sanction no measure could be presented to parliament, had been hitherto
elected by laymen; but the bishops now effected a change, by virtue of
which the right of nomination devolved on themselves.[309] Having thus
gained possession of the legislature, they obtained the enactment of
fresh penalties against their countrymen. Great numbers of the clergy
they suspended; others they deprived of their benefices; others they
imprisoned. The city of Edinburgh, being opposed to the rites and
ceremonies lately introduced, and being, like the rest of the country,
hostile to episcopacy, the bishops fell on it also, displaced several of
its magistrates, seized some of the principal citizens, and threatened to
deprive it of the courts of justice, and of the honour of being the seat
of government.[310]
[304] Calderwood, with ill-suppressed bitterness, says, 'efter the same
maner that they were consecrated themselfs, _als neere as they
could imitate_.' _History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 152. Compare
_Wodrow's Collections_, vol. i. part i. p. 293. 'The Bishops
ordeaned in England keeped as near the manner taken with
themselves there as they could.'
[305] 'Some of them, by want of temper, or want of breeding, did not
behave themselves with that decency in their debates, towards the
greatest men of the kingdom, as in discretion they ought to have
done, and as the others reasonably expected from them.'
_Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 35.
In 1633, 'nine of them were privy councillors;' and 'their pride
was cried out upon as unsupportable.' _Burnet's Memoirs of the
Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 38. Sir John Scot imputes to them
'insolence, pride, and avarice.' _Scot's Staggering State of the
Scots Statesmen_, Edinburgh, 1754, p. 41. See also _Spalding's
History of the Troubles_, vol. i. pp. 46, 47, Edinburgh,
1828, 4to.
[306] So early as 1613, a letter from James Inglish (preserved in
_Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part i. p. 110, Glasgow, 1845,
4to) complains that 'the libertys of the Lord's Kirk are greatly
abridged by the pride of Bishops, and their power daily increases
over her.' Civil rights were equally set at nought by the bishops;
and, among other enactments which they obtained, one was, 'that no
man should be permitted to practise or profess any physic, unless
he had first satisfied the bishop of the diocese touching his
religion.' _Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland_,
vol. iii. p. 236. This at once gave them the control of the whole
medical profession.
[307] 'Not satisfied with ruling the church-courts, they claimed an
extensive civil authority within their dioceses. The burghs were
deprived of their privileges, and forced to receive such
magistrates as their episcopal superiors, in concert with the
court, were pleased to nominate.' ... 'Archbishop Gladstanes, in a
letter to the King, June the 9th 1611, says: "It was your pleasure
and direction, that I sould be possessed with the like privileges
in the electione of the magistrats there (in St. Andrews), as my
lord of Glasgow is endued with in that his city. Sir, whereas they
are troublesome, I will be answerable to your Majesty and Counsell
for them, after that I be possessed of my right." Ms. in Bibl.
Jurid. Edin. M. 6, 9. n^o. 72.' _M'Crie's Life of Melville_,
vol. ii. p. 422.
[308] And their prodigality was equal to their rapacity. When Archbishop
Gladstanes died, in 1615, it was ascertained that,
'notwithstanding of the great rent of his bishoprick, he died in
the debt of twentie thowsand pounds.' _Calderwood's History of the
Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 197. See also p. 303. Also the case of the
Bishop of Galloway, who died in 1619, and of whom Calderwood says
(_History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. p. 350), 'It is thought, that if
just calculation were made of the commoditie extorted by him
through his diocie, by advice of his two covetous counsellours,
Andro Couper, his brother, and Johne Grilmour, wrytter in
Edinburgh, for his use and theirs, by racting of rents, getting of
grassoumes, setting of tacks, of teithes, and other like meanes,
wold surmount the soume of an hundreth thousand merks, or, in the
opinion of others, almost the double; so that manie within that
diocie, and the annexed prelacies, sall hardlie recover their
estates in their time.' Compare _Stevenson's History of the
Church_, pp. 212, 392.
[309] On this change, which was completed in 1621, see _Laing's History
of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 88; _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_,
vol. vii. p. 490; and _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i.
p. 486, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841.
[310] _Calderwood's History of the Kirk_, vol. vii. pp. 472-474, 507,
509, 511, 517-520, 530-543, 549-553, 566, 567, 614, 621. _Laing's
History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 90, 91. Laing, very unjustly,
accuses the bishops of being so merciful as to disapprove of some
of these transactions. But whoever has read much of the Scotch
literature of the seventeenth century, will cheerfully exonerate
the bishops from a charge, which they would themselves have
repelled, and to which they are nowise amenable.
In the midst of all this, and while things seemed to be at their worst, a
great reaction was preparing. And the explanation of the reaction is to
be found in that vast and pregnant principle, on which I have often
insisted, but which our common historians are unable to understand;
namely, that a bad government, bad laws, or laws badly administered, are,
indeed, extremely injurious at the time, but can produce no permanent
mischief; in other words, they may harm a country, but can never ruin it.
As long as the people are sound, there is life, and while there is life,
there will be reaction. In such case, tyranny provokes rebellion, and
despotism causes freedom. But if the people are unsound, all hope is
gone, and the nation perishes. In both instances, government is, in the
long run, inoperative, and is nowise responsible for the ultimate result.
The ruling classes have, for the moment, immense power, which they
invariably abuse, except when they are restrained, either by fear, or by
shame. The people may inspire them with fear; public opinion may inspire
them with shame. But whether or not that shall happen, depends on the
spirit of the people, and on the state of opinion. These two
circumstances are themselves governed by a long chain of antecedents,
stretching back to a period, always very distant, and sometimes so remote
as to baffle observation. When the evidence is sufficiently abundant,
those antecedents may be generalized; and their generalization conducts
us to certain large and powerful causes, on which the whole movement
depends. In short periods, the operation of these causes is
imperceptible, but in long periods, it is conspicuous and supreme; it
colours the national character; it controls the great sweep and average
of affairs. In Scotland, as I have already shown, general causes made the
people love their clergy, and made the clergy love liberty. As long as
these two facts coëxisted, the destiny of the nation was safe. It might
be injured, insulted, and trampled upon. It might be harmed in various
ways; but the greater the harm, the surer the remedy, because the higher
the spirit of the country would be roused. All that was needed was, a
little more time, and a little more provocation. We, who, standing at a
distance, can contemplate these matters from an elevation, and see how
events pressed on and thickened, cannot mistake the regularity of their
sequence. Notwithstanding the apparent confusion, all was orderly and
methodical. To us, the scheme is revealed. There is the fabric, and it is
of one hue, and one make. The pattern is plainly marked, and fortunately
it was worked into a texture, whose mighty web was not to be broken,
either by the arts, or the violence, of designing men.
It was, therefore, of no avail that tyranny did her utmost. It was of no
avail that the throne was occupied by a despotic and unscrupulous king,
who was succeeded by another, more despotic and more unscrupulous than
himself. It was of no avail that a handful of meddling and intrusive
bishops, deriving their consecration from London, and supported by the
authority of the English church, took counsel together, and conspired
against the liberties of their native land. They played the part of spies
and of traitors, but they played it in vain. Yet, everything that
government could give them, it gave. They had the law on their side, and
they had the right of administering the law. They were legislators,
councillors, and judges. They had wealth; they had high-sounding titles;
they had all the pomp and attributes for which they bartered their
independence, and with which they hoped to dazzle the eyes of the vulgar.
Still, they could not turn back the stream; they could not even stop it;
they could not prevent it from coming on, and swallowing them up in its
course. Before that generation passed away, these little men, big though
they were in their own conceit, succumbed, and fell. The hand of the age
was upon them, and they were unable to resist. They were struck down, and
humbled; they were stripped of their offices, their honours, and their
splendour: they lost all which minds like theirs hold most dear. Their
fate is an instructive lesson. It is a lesson, both to the rulers of
nations, and to those who write the history of nations. To rulers, in so
far as it is one of many proofs how little they can do, and how
insignificant is the part which they play in the great drama of the
world. To historians, the result should be especially instructive, as
convincing them that the events on which they concentrate their
attention, and which they believe to be of supreme importance, are in
reality of trifling value, and, so far from holding the first rank, ought
to be made subservient to those large and comprehensive studies, by whose
aid alone, we can ascertain the conditions which determine the tread and
destiny of nations.
The events that now happened in Scotland, may be quickly told. The
patience of the country was well-nigh exhausted, and the day of reckoning
was at hand.[311] In 1637, the people began to rise. In the summer of
that year, the first great riot broke out in Edinburgh.[312] The flame
quickly spread, and nothing could stop it. By October, the whole nation
was up, and an accusation was preferred against the bishops, which was
signed by nearly every corporation, and by men of all ranks.[313] In
November, the Scotch, in defiance of the Crown, organized a system of
representation of their own, in which every class had a share.[314] Early
in 1638, the National Covenant was framed; and the eagerness with which
it was sworn to, showed that the people were determined, at all hazards,
to vindicate their rights.[315] It was now evident that all was over.
During the summer of 1638, preparations were made, and, in the autumn,
the storm broke. In November, the first General Assembly seen in Scotland
for twenty years, met at Glasgow.[316] The Marquis of Hamilton, the
king's commissioner, ordered the members to separate.[317] They
refused.[318] Nor would they disband, until they had done the work
expected from them.[319] By their vote, the democratic institution of
presbyteries was restored to its old power; the forms of consecration
were done away with; the bishops were degraded from their functions, and
episcopacy was abolished.[320]
[311] In October 1637, Baillie, who was carefully watching the course of
affairs, writes, 'No man may speak any thing in publick for the
king's part, except he would have himself marked for a sacrifice
to be killed one day. I think our people possessed with a bloody
devill, farr above any thing that ever I could have imagined,
though the masse in Latine had been presented.' And, in a
postscript, dated 3rd October, he adds: 'My fears in my former
went no farther then to ane ecclesiastik separation, but now I am
more affrayit for a bloudie civill warr.' _Baillie's Letters and
Journals_, edit. Laing, Edinburgh, 1841, vol. i. pp. 23, 25.
[312] _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 131. _Chambers'
Annals_, vol. ii. pp. 101-104. _Spalding's History of the Troubles
in Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 47, 48.
[313] 'The accusation, among themselves a bond of union, and to their
enemies a signal of hostility, was subscribed by the nobility, the
gentry, the clergy, and afterwards by all ranks, and almost by
every corporation in the kingdom.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
vol. iii. p. 137.
[314] _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 138.
[315] 'It was signed by a large majority of the people, in a paroxysm of
enthusiasm beyond all example in our history.' _Chambers' Annals_,
vol. ii. p. 105. Kirkton, who was a contemporary, says, 'And
though only eleven private men (and some of them very
inconsiderable) had the boldness first to begin this work, without
ever asking leave of king or council, yet was it very quickly
taken by all the people of Scotland, with hands lifted up in most
solemn manner.' _Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland_, p.
33. Lord Somerville, taking a somewhat different view of affairs,
remarks, that 'the generalitie of the natione entered into a
hellish covenant, wherein they mutually obleidged themselves to
extirpate episcopacy, and to defend each other against all
persones whatsoever, noe not excepting the persone of his sacred
majestie; but upon conditiones of ther oune frameing.'
_Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 187.
[316] There had been no General Assembly since 1618. _Argyll's
Presbytery Examined_, p. 102; and the _Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
vol. i. p. 88. But 'the provincial synods, presbyteries, and
sessions still remained, and in these, good men mutually comforted
one another.' _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_,
p. 162.
[317] 'The assembly went on at such a rate, that the marquis judged it
no longer fit to bear with their courses.' _Burnet's Memoirs of
the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 128. 'In end, seeing nothing said in
reason did prevail, he, in his majesty's name, dissolved the
assembly, and discharged their further proceeding under pain of
treason.' p. 135.
[318] _Stevenson's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 310.
[319] 'Notwithstanding the Proclamation, the Assembly presently
thereafter met, and sat daily for divers weeks, until they had
done their affairs, and were themselves pleas'd to dissolve.'
_Guthry's Memoirs_, p. 41, edit. London, 1702.
[320] _Acts of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland_, from
1638 to 1842, Edinburgh, 1843, pp. 9-18. _Stevenson's History of
the Church of Scotland_, pp. 332, 338.
Thus, the bishops fell, even more rapidly than they had risen.[321] As,
however, their fall was merely a part of the democratic movement,
matters could not stop there.[322] Scarcely had the Scotch expelled their
bishops, when they made war upon their king. In 1639, they took up arms
against Charles. In 1640, they invaded England. In 1641, the king, with
the hope of appeasing them, visited Scotland, and agreed to most of their
demands. It was too late. The people were hot, and a cry for blood had
gone forth. War again broke out. The Scotch united with the English, and
Charles was every where defeated. As a last chance, he threw himself upon
the mercy of his northern subjects,[323] But his offences were of that
rank and luxuriant growth, that it was impossible to forgive them.
Indeed, the Scotch, instead of pardoning him, turned him to profit. He
had not only trampled on their liberties, he had also put them to an
enormous expense. For the injury, he could offer no adequate atonement;
but the expense they had incurred, might be defrayed. And as it is an old
and recognized maxim, that he who cannot pay with his purse, shall pay
with his body, the Scotch saw no reason why they should not derive some
advantage from the person of their sovereign, particularly as, hitherto,
he had caused them nothing but loss and annoyance. They, therefore, gave
him up to the English, and, in return, received a large sum of money,
which they claimed as arrears due to them for the cost of making war on
him.[324] By this arrangement, both of the contracting parties benefited.
The Scotch, being very poor, obtained what they most lacked. The
English, a wealthy people, had indeed to pay the money, but they were
recompensed by getting hold of their oppressor, against whom they
thirsted for revenge; and they took good care never to let him loose,
until they had exacted the last penalty of his great and manifold
crimes.[325]
[321] See, on their fall, some highly characteristic remarks in
_Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i. p. 168. In 1639, Howell
writes from Edinburgh, 'The Bishops are all gone to wrack, and
they have had but a sorry funeral; the very name is grown so
contemptible, that a black dog, if he hath any white marks about
him, is called _Bishop_. Our Lord of Canterbury is grown here so
odious, that they call him commonly in the pulpit, the Priest of
Baal, and the Son of Belial.' _Howell's Letters_, edit. London,
1754, p. 276.
[322] 'That people, after they had once begun, pursued the business
vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt of the government.'
_Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, p. 45. Now, for the first
time, the English government began to tremble. On 13th December
1639, Secretary Windebank writes, 'His Majesty near these six
weeks last past hath been in continual consultations with a select
Committee of some of his Council (of which I have had the honour
to be one), how to redress his affairs in Scotland, the fire
continuing there, and growing to that danger, that _it threatens
not only the Monarchical Government there, but even that of this
kingdom_.' _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 81, Oxford, 1773,
folio. This is the earliest intimation I have met with of Charles
and his advisers being aware of their real peril. But though the
king was capable of fear, he was incapable of compunction. There
is no evidence on record, to show that he even felt remorse for
having planned and executed those arbitrary and unprincipled
measures, by which he inflicted immense misery upon Scotland and
England, but more especially upon Scotland.
[323] 'The kinge was now so waik, haueing nether toune, fort, nor armie,
and Oxford being a waik and onfortified toune, from whence he
looked daylie to be taken perforce, he therefor resolues to cast
himself into the arms of the Scots; who, being his natine people,
and of late so ongratfullie dealt with by the Inglish, he hoped
their particular credit, and the credit of the wholl natione
depending thereupon, they would not baslie rander him to the
Inglish.' _Gordon's Britane's Distemper_, p. 193, published by the
Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1844, 4to.
[324] That it may not be supposed, that, as an Englishman, I
misrepresent this transaction by looking at it from an English
point of view, I will merely quote what Scotch writers have said
respecting it. 'Giveing up the king to the will and pleasure of
the English parliament, that soe they might come by ther money.'
_Somerville's Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 366. 'The
Scots sold their unfortunate king, who had fled to them for
protection, to the commissioners of the English Parliament, for
200,000_l._ sterling.' _Lyon's History of St. Andrews_, vol. ii.
p. 38. 'The incident itself was evidence of a bargain with a _quid
pro quo_.' _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 493. 'The
sale of the king to the parliament.' _Napier's Life of Montrose_,
Edinburgh, 1840, p. 448. 'The king was delivered up, or rather
sold, to the parliament's commissioners.' _Brown's History of
Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 91. 'Their arrears were undoubtedly due; the
amount was ascertained before the dispute concerning the disposal
of his person, and the payment was undertaken by the English
parliament, five months previous to the delivery, or surrender of
the king. But the coincidence, however unavoidable, between that
event and the actual discharge and departure of their army, still
affords a presumptive proof of the disgraceful imputation of
having sold their king; "as the English, unless previously assured
of receiving his person, would never have relinquished a sum so
considerable as to weaken themselves, while it strengthened a
people with whom such a material question remained to be
discussed."' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 369,
370.
[325] A letter from Sir Edw. Hyde to Lord Hatton, dated April 12, 1649
(in the _Clarendon State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 479, Oxf. 1773,
fol.), says of Charles II., that the Scotch 'sold his father to
those who murdered him.' But this is not true. Charles I., though
certainly bought by the English, was not murdered by them. He was
tried in the face of day; he was found guilty; he was executed.
And most assuredly never did a year pass, without men far less
criminal than he, suffering the same fate. Possibly, they are
right who deem all capital punishment needless. That, however, has
never been proved; and if this last and most terrible penalty is
ever to be exacted, I cannot tell where we should find a more
fitting subject to undergo it, than a despot who seeks to
subjugate the liberties of the people over whom he is called to
rule, inflicts cruel and illegal punishment on those who oppose
him, and, sooner than renounce his designs, engages in a civil
war, setting fathers against their children, disorganizing
society, and causing the land to run with blood. Such men are
outlaws; they are the enemies of the human race; who shall wonder
if they fall, or, having fallen, who shall pity them?
After the execution of Charles I., the Scotch recognized his son as his
successor. But before they would crown the new king, they subjected him
to a treatment which hereditary sovereigns are not much accustomed to
receive. They made him sign a public declaration, expressing his regret
for what had happened, and acknowledging that his father, moved by evil
counsels, had unjustly shed the blood of his subjects. He was also
obliged to declare, that by these things he felt humbled in spirit. He
had, moreover, to apologize for his own errors, which he ascribed partly
to his inexperience, and partly to the badness of his education.[326] To
evince the sincerity of this confession, and in order that the confession
might be generally known, he was commanded to keep a day of fasting and
humiliation, in which the whole nation would weep and pray for him, in
the hope that he might escape the consequences of the sins committed by
his family.[327]
[326] The declaration was signed by Charles on the 16th August 1650. An
abridgment of it is given in _Balfour's Annales of Scotland_, vol.
iv. pp. 92-94; but the entire document is preserved by Sir Edward
Walker. See _Journal of Affairs in Scotland_, in _Walker's
Historical Discourses_, London, folio, 1705, pp. 170-176. In it
Charles is made to state that, 'though his Majesty as a dutiful
son be obliged to honour the memory of his Royal Father, and have
in estimation the person of his Mother; yet doth he desire to be
deeply humbled and afflicted in spirit before God, because of his
Father's hearkening unto and following evil councils, and his
opposition to the work of reformation, and to the solemn league
and covenant by which so much of the blood of the Lord's people
hath been shed in these kingdoms.' He went on to say, that though
he might palliate his own misconduct by pleading 'his education
and age,' he thinks it better to 'ingeniously acknowledge all his
own sins and the sins of his father's house.' Burnet (_History of
his own Time_, vol. i. p. 97) says of this declaration: 'In it
there were many hard things. The king owned the sin of his father
in marrying into an idolatrous family: he acknowledged the
bloodshed in the late wars lay at his father's door: he expressed
a deep sense of his own ill education,' &c.
[327] In reference to this event the following entry occurs in Lamont's
Journal: '1650, Dec. 22.--The fast appointed by the commission of
the kirke to be keiped througe the kingdome before the
coronatione, was keiped att Largo the forsaide day by Mr. Ja.
Magill; his lecture, Reu. 3. from v. 14 to the end of the chapt.;
his text Reu. 2. 4, 5. Vpon the Thursday following, the 26 of this
instant, the fast was keiped in likemaner; his lecture 2. Chro. 29
to v. 12; his text 2. Chron. 12, 12. The causes of the first day
(not read) was, the great contempt of the gospell, holden forth in
its branches; of the second day (which were read), the sinns of
the king, and of his father's house, where sundry offences of K.
James the 6 were aknowledged, and of K. Charles the 1, and of K.
Ch. the 2, nowe king.' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton_,
p. 25, Edinburgh, 1830, 4to. See also _Baillie's Letters and
Journals_, vol. iii. p. 107; _Nicoll's Diary_, Edinburgh, 4to,
1836, p. 38; _Row's Continuation of Blair's Autobiography_, edit.
Wodrow Society, p. 255; _Bower's History of the University of
Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 253; _Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_,
edit. Spalding Club, p. 169; and, above all, the _Registers of the
Presbytery of Lanark_, published by the Abbotsford Club,
Edinburgh, 1839, 4to, pp. 88, 89.
The spirit, of which acts like these are but symptoms, continued to
animate the Scotch during the rest of the seventeenth century. And
fortunately for them it did so. For, the reigns of Charles II. and James
II. were but repetitions of the reigns of James I. and Charles I. From
1660 to 1688, Scotland was again subjected to a tyranny, so cruel, and
so exhausting, that it would have broken the energy of almost any other
nation.[328] The nobles, whose power had been slowly but constantly
declining,[329] were unable to resist the English, with whom, indeed,
they rather seemed willing to combine, in order that they might have a
share in plundering and oppressing their own country.[330] In this, the
most unhappy period through which Scotland had passed since the
fourteenth century, the government was extremely powerful; the upper
classes, crouching before it, thought only of securing their own safety;
the judges were so corrupt, that justice, instead of being badly
administered, was not administered at all;[331] and the parliament,
completely overawed, consented to what was termed the recissory act, by
which, at a single stroke, all laws were repealed which had been enacted
since 1633; it being considered that those twenty-eight years formed an
epoch of which the memory should, if possible, be effaced.[332]
[328] Wodrow, who had before him the records of the Privy Council,
besides other evidence now lost, says, that the period from 1660
to 1688 was 'a very horrid scene of oppression, hardships, and
cruelty, which, were it not incontestably true, and well vouched
and supported, could not be credited in after ages.' _Wodrow's
History of the Church of Scotland from the Restoration to the
Revolution_, vol. i. p. 57. And the Reverend Alexander Shields,
quaintly, but truly, observes, 'that the said Government was the
most untender, unpeaceable, tyrannical, arbitrary and wicked, that
ever was in Scotland in any age or period.' _Shields' Scots
Inquisition_, Edinburgh, 1745, p. 24.
[329] When James I. ascended the throne of England, 'the principal
native nobility' accompanied him; and 'the very peace which ensued
upon the union of the crowns, may be considered as the
commencement of an era in which many of our national strongholds
were either transformed into simple residences or utterly
deserted.' _Irving's History of Dumbartonshire_, 4to, 1860, pp.
137, 166. The nobles 'had no further occasion to make a figure in
war, their power in vassalage was of little use, and their
influence of course decayed. They knew little of the arts of
peace, and had no disposition to cultivate them.' _The Interest of
Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 85. Under Charles I.,
the movement continued; 'which fell out, partly through the
giddiness of the times, but more by the way his Majesty had taken
at the beginning of his reign; at which time he did recover from
divers of them their hereditary offices, and also pressed them to
quit their tithes (which formerly had kept the gentry in a
dependance upon them), whereby they were so weaken'd that now when
he stood most in need of them (except the chief of the clans) they
could command none but their vassals.' _Guthry's Memoirs_, edit.
1702, pp. 127, 128. Then came the civil wars, and the rule of
Cromwell, during which they suffered both in person and in
property. Compare _Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p. 225, with
_Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp. 515, 516. In 1654,
Baillie writes (_Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 249): 'Our
nobilitie, weell near all, are wracked.' In 1656, 'Our nobles
lying up in prisons, and under forfaultries, or debts, private or
publict, are for the most part either broken or breaking.'
_Ibid._, p. 317. And, in 1658, the same observer writes (vol. iii.
p. 387): 'Our noble families are almost gone: Lennox hes little in
Scotland unsold; Hamilton's estate, except Arran and the Baronrie
of Hamilton, is sold; Argyle can pay little annuelrent for seven
or eight hundred thousand merks; and he is no more drowned in debt
than publict hatred, almost of all, both Scottish and English; the
Gordons are gone; the Douglasses little better; Eglintoun and
Glencairn on the brink of breaking; many of our chief families
estates are cracking; nor is there any appearance of any human
relief for the tyme.'
The result of all this is thus described by Wodrow, under the year
1661: 'Our nobility and gentry were remarkably changed to the
worst: it was but few of such, who had been active in the former
years, were now alive, and those few were marked out for ruin. A
young generation had sprung up under the English government,
educated under penury and oppression; their estates were under
burden, and many of them had little other prospect of mending
their fortunes, but by the king's favour, and so were ready to act
that part he was best pleased with.' _Wodrow's History of the
Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 89.
[330] 'At the Restoration, Charles II. regained full possession of the
royal prerogative in Scotland; and the nobles, whose estates were
wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to which they
have been exposed, were less able and less willing than ever to
resist the power of the crown. During his reign, and that of James
VII., the dictates of the monarch were received in Scotland with
most abject submission. The poverty to which many of the nobles
were reduced, rendered them meaner slaves and more intolerable
tyrants than ever. The people, always neglected, were now odious,
and loaded with every injury, on account of their attachment to
religious and political principles, extremely repugnant to those
adopted by their princes.' _Robertson's History of Scotland_, book
viii. pp. 257, 258.
[331] A writer of great authority, speaking of the time of William III.,
says: 'It is scarcely possible to conceive how utterly polluted
the fountain of justice had become during the two preceding
reigns. The Scottish bench had been profligate and subservient to
the utmost conceivable extent of profligacy and subserviency.'
_Burton's History of Scotland_, from 1689 to 1748, London, 1853,
vol. i p. 72. See also vol. ii. p. 37; and _Brown's History of
Glasgow_, vol. i. p. 194, Glasgow, 1795.
[332] _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 10. _Baillie's Letters
and Journals_, vol. iii. p. 458. As few persons take the trouble
to read Scotch Acts of Parliament, I will extract from this one,
its most argumentative passage. 'And forasmuch as now it hath
pleased Almighty God, by the power of his oune right hand, so
miracoulously to restore the Kings Maiestie to the Government of
his Kingdomes, and to the exercise of his Royall power and
Soveranity over the same: The estates of Parlia^t doe conceave
themselffs obleidged in dischairge of ther duetie and conscience
to God and the Kings Maiestie, to imploy all their power and
interest for vindicateing his Maiesties Authority from all these
violent invasions that have been made upon it; And so far as is
possible to _remove out of the way every thing that may retaine
any remembrance of these things_ which have been so enjurious to
his Màtie and his Authority, so prejudiciall and dishonourable to
the kingdome, and distructive to all just and true interests
within the same.' ... 'Not to retaine any remembrance thairof, but
that the same shall be held in _everlasting oblivion_.' _Acts of
the Parliaments of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 87, edit. folio, 1820.
The date of this Act is 28th March 1661.
But, though the higher ranks ignominiously deserted their post, and
destroyed the laws which upheld the liberties of Scotland, the result
proved that the liberties themselves were indestructible. This was
because the spirit remained, by which the liberties had been won. The
nation was sound at the core; and while that was the case, legislators
could, indeed, abolish the external manifestations of freedom, but could
by no means touch the causes on which the freedom depended. Liberty was
prostrate, but yet it lived. And the time would surely come, when a
people, who loved it so dearly, would vindicate their rights. The time
would come, when, in the words of the great poet of English liberty, the
nation would rouse herself like a strong man after sleep, and, shaking
her invincible locks, would be as an eagle muing her mighty youth,
kindling her undazzled eyes at the midday beam, and purging and unscaling
her sight at the heavenly fountain; while the timorous birds of her evil
destiny, loving the twilight, should flutter about, amazed at what she
meant.
Still, the crisis was sad and dangerous. The people, deserted by every
one except their clergy, were ruthlessly plundered, murdered, and hunted,
like wild-beasts, from place to place. From the tyranny of the bishops,
they had so recently smarted, that they abhorred episcopacy more than
ever; and yet that institution was not only forced upon them, but
government put at its head Sharp, a cruel and rapacious man, who, in
1661, was raised to the archbishopric of St. Andrews.[333] He set up a
court of ecclesiastical commission, which filled the prisons to
overflowing; and when they would hold no more, the victims were
transported to Barbadoes, and other unhealthy settlements.[334] The
people, being determined not to submit to the dictation of government
respecting their religious worship, met together in private houses; and,
when that was declared illegal, they fled from their houses to the
fields. But there, too, the bishops were upon them.[335] Lauderdale, who,
for many years, was at the head of affairs, was greatly influenced by the
new prelates, and aided them with the authority of the executive.[336]
Under their united auspices, a new contrivance was hit upon; and a body
of soldiers, commanded by Turner, a drunken and ferocious soldier, was
let loose upon the people.[337] The sufferers, galled to madness, rose
in arms. This was made the pretence, in 1667, for fresh military
executions, by which some of the fairest parts of western Scotland were
devastated, houses burned, men tortured, women ravished.[338] In 1670, an
act of parliament was passed, declaring that whoever preached in the
fields without permission should be put to death.[339] Some lawyers were
found bold enough to defend innocent men, when they were tried for their
lives; it was therefore determined to silence them also, and, in 1674, a
great part of the Faculty of Advocates was expelled from Edinburgh.[340]
In 1678, by the express command of government, the Highlanders were
brought down from their mountains, and, during three months, were
encouraged to slay, plunder, and burn at their pleasure, the inhabitants
of the most populous and industrious parts of Scotland. For centuries,
the bitterest animosity had existed between the Highlanders and
Lowlanders; and now these savage mountaineers were called from their
homes, that they might take full revenge. And well they glutted their
ire. During three months, they enjoyed every license. Eight thousand[341]
armed Highlanders, invited by the English government, and receiving
beforehand an indemnity for every excess,[342] were left to work their
will upon the towns and villages of Western Scotland. They spared neither
age nor sex. They deprived the people of their property; they even
stripped them of their clothes, and sent them out naked to die in the
fields. Upon many, they inflicted the most horrible tortures. Children,
torn from their mothers, were foully abused; while both mothers and
daughters were subjected to a fate, compared to which death would have
been a joyful alternative.[343]
[333] He was made 'primate' in 1661, but did not arrive in Scotland till
April 1662. _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i.
pp. 236, 247; and _Nicoll's Diary_, pp. 363, 364. 'That he was
decent, if not regular, in his deportment, endued with the most
industrious diligence, and not illiterate, was never disputed;
that he was vain, vindictive, perfidious, at once haughty and
servile, rapacious and cruel, his friends have never attempted to
disown.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 98, 99. The
formal establishment of episcopacy was in the autumn of 1661, as
we learn from an entry in Lamont's Diary. '1661. Sept. 5 being
Thursday, (the chancelour, Glencairne, and the E. of Rothes,
haueing come downe from court some dayes before,) the cownsell of
state satt att Edb., and the nixt day, being Fryday, they caused
emitte and be proclaimed ouer the Crosse, a proclamation in his
Maj. name, for establishing Episcopacie againe in the church of
Scotlande; which was done with great solemnitie, and was
afterwarde printed. _All persons, wither men or weomen, were
discharged to speake against that office, under the paine of
treason._' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont_, p. 140. This, as we
learn from another contemporary, was on account of 'the Kinges
Majestie having stedfastlie resolvit to promove the estait, power,
and dignitie of Bischops, and to _remove all impedimentes contrary
thairto_.' _Nicoll's Diary_, 4to, p. 353; on 21st November 1661.
This curious diary, written by John Nicoll, and extending from
1650 to 1667, was printed at Edinburgh, in 1836, by the Bannatyne
Club, and is now not often met with.
[334] _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 383,
390-395. _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 38: 'A court
of ecclesiastical commission was procured by Sharp.' See also p.
41: 'Under the influence of Sharp and the prelates, which
Lauderdale's friends were unable to resist, the government seemed
to be actuated by a blind resentment against its own subjects.'
Compare _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 365. 'The
truth is, the whole face of the government looked liker the
proceedings of an inquisition than of legal courts; and yet Sharp
was never satisfied.' Another contemporary, Kirkton, says of these
Commissioners: 'For ought I could hear, never one appeared before
them that escapt without punishment. Their custom was without
premonition or lybell, to ask a man a question, and judge him
presently, either upon his silence or his answer.' ... 'They many
times doubled the legal punishment; and not being satisfied with
the fyne appointed by law, they used to add religation to some
remote places, or deportation to Barbadoes, or selling into
slavery.' _Kirkton's History of the Church of Scotland_, p. 206.
See also _Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_,
1667, pp. 126-130. But as particular cases bring such matters more
clearly before the mind, I will transcribe, from _Crookshank's
History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 154, the sentences
pronounced on a single occasion by this episcopal court. 'The
treatment of some of the parishioners of Ancrum is not to be
omitted. When their excellent minister, Mr. Livingstone, was taken
from them, one Mr. James Scot, who was under the sentence of
excommunication, was presented to that charge. On the day fixed
for his settlement, several people did meet together to oppose it;
and particularly a country woman, desiring to speak with him in
order to dissuade him from intruding himself upon a reclaiming
people, pulled him by the cloak, intreating him to hear her a
little; whereupon he turned and beat her with his staff. This
provoked two or three boys to throw a few stones, which neither
touched him nor any of his company. However, it was presently
looked upon as a treasonable tumult, and therefore the sheriff and
justices of the peace in that bounds fined and imprisoned some of
these people, which, one would think, might atone for a crime of
this nature. But the high-commission, not thinking that
sufficient, ordered those criminals to be brought before them.
Accordingly, the four boys and this woman, with two brothers of
hers of the name of Turnbull, were brought prisoners to Edinburgh.
The four boys confessed, that, upon Scot's beating the woman, they
had thrown each his stone. The commissioner told them that hanging
was too good for them. However, the sentence of this merciless
court only was, that they should be scourged through the city of
Edinburgh, burnt in the face with a hot iron, and then sold as
slaves to Barbadoes. The boys endured their punishment like men
and Christians, to the admiration of multitudes. The two brothers
were banished to Virginia; and the woman was ordered to be whipped
through the town of Jedburgh. Burnet, bishop of Glasgow, when
applied to that she might be spared lest she should be with child,
mildly answered, That he would make them claw the itch out of her
shoulders.'
[335] They were invested with such immense power, that 'the old set of
bishops made by the parliament, 1612, were but pigmies to the
present high and mighty lords.' _Wodrow's History of the Church of
Scotland_, vol. i. p. 262. See also, at p. 286, the remarks of
Douglas: 'It is no wonder then the complaint against their bishops
be, that their little finger is thicker than the loins of the
former.'
[336] In 1663, Middleton was dismissed; and was succeeded by Lauderdale,
who 'was dependent upon the prelates, and was compelled to yield
to their most furious demands.' _Laing's History of Scotland_,
vol. iv. p. 33. 'The influence, or rather the tyranny, which was
thus at the discretion of the prelates, was unlimited; and they
exercised it with an unsparing hand.' _Bower's History of the
University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 284.
[337] 'Sir James Turner, that commanded them, was naturally fierce, but
was mad when he was drunk; and that was very often.' _Burnet's
History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 364. Kirkton (_History of the
Church_, p. 221) says: 'Sir James Turner hade made ane expedition
to the west countrey _to subdue it to the bishops_, in the year
1664; another in the year 1665; and a third in the year 1666; and
this was the worst.' Full particulars will be found in _Wodrow's
History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 373-375, 411, vol.
ii. pp. 8, 17, vol. iii. pp. 264, 265. 'This method of dragooning
people to the church, as it is contrary to the spirit of
Christianity, so it was a stranger in Scotland, till Bishop Sharpe
and the prelates brought it in.' vol. i. p. 401.
Sir James Turner, whose Memoirs, written by himself, were not
published till thirty years ago, relates an anecdote of his own
drunkenness in a strain of maudlin piety well worthy of his
career. _Turner's Memoirs of his own Life_, Edinburgh, 1829, 4to,
pp. 42, 43. At p. 206, this impudent man writes: 'And yet I
confesse, my humour never was, nor is not yet, one of the calmest;
when it will be, God onlie knoues; yet by many sad passages of my
life, I know that _it hath beene good for me to be afflicted_.'
Perhaps, however, he may take the benefit of his assertion (p.
144), 'that I was so farre from exceeding or transgressing my
commission and instructions, that I never came the full length of
them.' Considering the cruelties he committed, what sort of
instructions could his superiors have given to him?
[338] 'Sir James Turner lately had forced Galloway to rise in arms, by
his cruelty the last and former years; but he was an easy master,
compared with General Dalziel, his ruffians, and Sir William
Bannatyne, this year.' _Wodrow's Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p.
62. Dalziel 'cruelly tortured whom he would.' p. 63. One woman 'is
brought prisoner to Kilmarnock, where she was sentenced to be let
down to a deep pit, under the house of the dean, full of toads and
other vile creatures. Her shrieks thence were heard at a great
distance.' p. 64. Two countrymen were 'bound together with cords,
and hanged up by their thumbs to a tree, there to hang all night.'
_Ibid._ Sir William Bannatyne's soldiers seized a woman, 'and
bound her, and put lighted matches betwixt her fingers for several
hours; the torture and pain made her almost distracted; she lost
one of her hands, and in a few days she died.' _Ibid._
'Oppressions, murders, robberies, rapes.' p. 65. 'He made great
fires, and laid down men to roast before them, when they would
not, or could not, give him the money he required, or the
information he was seeking.' p. 104. See also _Crookshank's
History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 204-207. The
History is based upon Wodrow's great work, but contains many facts
with which Wodrow was unacquainted. See _Crookshank_, vol. i. p.
11. Respecting the outrages in 1667, there are some horrible
details in a book published in that very year, under the title of
_Naphtali, or the Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_. See,
especially, the summary at p. 174: 'wounding, beating, stripping
and imprisoning mens persons, violent breaking of their houses
both by day and night, and beating and wounding of wives and
children, ravishing and deflowring of women, forcing wives and
other persons by fired matches and other tortures to discover
their husbands and nearest relations, although it be not within
the compass of their knowledge, and driving and spoiling all their
goods that can be carried away, without respect to guilt or
innocency.'
[339] 'That whosoever without licence or authoritie forsaid shall preach,
expound Scripture, or pray at any of these meetings in the ffeild,
or in any house wher ther be moe persons nor the house contains,
so as some of them be without doors (which is hereby declared to
be a feild conventicle), or who shall convocat any number of
people to these meetings, shall be punished with death and
confiscation of ther goods.' _Acts of the Parliaments of
Scotland_, vol. viii. p. 9, edit. 1820, folio. This was on the
13th August 1670.
[340] The immediate pretence being, to do away with appeals. See
_Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 72-74.
[341] 'Savage hosts of Highlanders were sent down to depopulate the
western shires, to the number of ten or eleven thousand, who acted
most outrageous barbarities, even almost to the laying some
counties desolate.' _A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal
Prerogatives of Jesus Christ_, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 18. But
most authorities state the number to have been eight thousand. See
_Kirkton's History_, p. 386; _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p.
154; _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii. p. 134;
_Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 67; and _Life and Sufferings of
John Nisbet_, in _Select Biographies_, published by the Wodrow
Society, vol. ii. p. 381. Chalmers, however, in his _Caledonia_,
vol. iii. p. 592, says 10,000.
[342] 'They were indemnified against all pursuits, civil and criminal,
on account of killing, wounding, apprehending, or imprisoning,
such as should oppose them.' _Crookshank's History of the Church
of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 337, 338.
[343] Short and imperfect notices of this 'Highland Host,' as it was
called at the time, may be found in _Kirkton's History_, pp.
385-390, and in _Crookshank's History_, vol. i. pp. 354, 355. But
the fullest account of the enormities committed by these
barbarians, is in Wodrow's great work, collected from authentic
and official documents. See his _History of the Church of
Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 375-413, 421-432, vol. iii. pp. 76, 79,
486. They were provided beforehand with implements of torture.
'They had good store of iron shackles, as if they were to lead
back vast numbers of slaves, and thumb-locks, as they call them'
(_i.e._ thumb-screws), 'to make their examinations and trials
with.' vol. ii. p. 389. 'In some places they tortured people, by
scorching their bodies at vast fires, and other wise,' vol. ii. p.
422. Compare _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 88.
'Neither age nor sex was exempt from outrage, and torture was
freely employed to extort a confession of hidden wealth.' And, at
p. 91, 'The Highlanders, after exacting free quarters, and wasting
the country for three months, were dismissed to their hills with
impunity and wealth.'
It was in this way, that the English government sought to break the
spirit, and to change the opinions, of the Scotch people. The nobles
looked on in silence, and, so far from resisting, had not even the
courage to remonstrate. The parliament was equally servile, and
sanctioned whatever the government demanded. Still, the people were firm.
Their clergy, drawn from the middle classes, clung to them; they clung to
their clergy, and both were unchanged. The bishops were hated as allies
of the government, and were with reason regarded as public enemies. They
were known to have favoured, and often to have suggested, the atrocities
which had been committed;[344] and they were so pleased with the
punishment inflicted upon their opponents, that no one was surprised,
when, a few years later, they, in an address to James II., the most cruel
of all the Stuarts, declared that he was the darling of heaven, and hoped
that God might give him the hearts of his subjects, and the necks of his
enemies.[345]
[344] 'Indeed, the whole of the severity, hardships, and bloodshed from
this year' (1661), 'until the revolution, was either actually
brought on by the bishops, procured by them, or done for their
support.' _Wodrow's History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p.
223. 'It was our prelates who pushed the council to most of their
severities.' p. 247. 'The bishops, indeed, violently pushed
prosecutions.' _Crookshank's History of the Church_, vol. i.
p. 298. In 1666, 'As to the prelates, they resolved to use all
severities, and to take all imaginable cruel and rigorous ways and
courses, first against the rest of the prisoners, and then against
the whole west of Scotland.' _Row's Continuation of Blair's
Autobiography_, pp. 505, 506, edit. Edinburgh, 1848. This
interesting work is edited by Dr. M'Crie, and published by the
Wodrow Society.
[345] In 1688, 'the bishops concurred in a pious and convivial address to
James, as the darling of heaven, that God might give him the
hearts of his subjects and the necks of his enemies.' _Laing's
History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 193.
The character of the prince, whom the bishops thus delighted to honour,
is now well understood. Horrible as were the crimes which had been
perpetrated, they were surpassed by what occurred, when he, in 1680,
assumed the direction of affairs.[346] He had worked himself to that
pitch of iniquity, as to derive actual enjoyment from witnessing the
agonies of his fellow-creatures. This is an abyss of wickedness, into
which even the most corrupt natures rarely fall. There have been, and
always will be, many men who care nothing for human suffering, and who
will inflict any amount of pain, in order to gain certain ends. But to
take delight in the spectacle, is a peculiar and hideous abomination.
James, however, was so dead to shame, that he did not care even to
conceal his horrible tastes. Whenever torture was inflicted, he was sure
to be present, feasting his eyes, and revelling with a fiendish joy.[347]
It makes our flesh creep to think that such a man should have been the
ruler of millions. But what shall we say to the Scotch bishops, who
applauded him, of whose conduct they were daily witnesses? Where can we
find language strong enough to stigmatize those recreant priests, who,
having passed years in attempting to subjugate the liberties of their
country, did, towards the close of their career, and just before their
final fall, band together, and employ their united authority, as
ministers of a holy and peaceful religion, to stamp with public approval,
a prince, whose malignant cruelty made him loathed by his contemporaries,
and whose revolting predilections, unless we ascribe them to a diseased
brain, are not only a slur upon the age which tolerated them, but a
disgrace to the higher instincts of our common nature?
[346] 'After the Duke of York came down in October'(1680), 'the
persecution turned yet more severe.' _Wodrow's History of the
Church of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 225. 'Persecution and tyranny,
mainly promoted by the Duke of York's instigation.' _Shields' Hind
let loose_, p. 147. 'Immediately upon his mounting the throne, the
executions and acts prosecuting the persecution of the poor
wanderers, were more cruel than ever.' p. 200.
[347] This was well known in Scotland; and is evidently alluded to by a
writer of that time, the Rev. Alexander Shields, who calls James,
not a man, but a monster. See _Shields' Hind let loose_, 1687, p.
365. 'This man, or monster rather, that is now mounted the
throne.' And a monster surely he was. Compare _Crookshank's
History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 66, where it is
mentioned that, when Spreul was tortured, 'the Duke of York was
pleased to gratify his eyes with this delightful scene.' Also,
_Wodrow's History_, vol. iii. p. 253, and _Laing's History of
Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 116. According to Burnet, 'the duke's
pleasure at witnessing human agony was a cold, and, as it were, a
speculative pleasure, as if he were present for the purpose of
contemplating some curious experiment. But James was so excitable
a man, that this is hardly likely. At all events, the remarks of
Burnet have a painful interest for those who study these dark,
and, as we may rejoice to think, these very rare, forms of human
malignity.' 'When any are to be struck in the boots, it is done in
the presence of the council; and upon that occasion, almost all
offer to run away. The sight is so dreadful, that without an order
restraining such a number to stay, the board would be forsaken.
But the duke, while he had been in Scotland, was so far from
withdrawing, that he looked on all the while with an unmoved
indifference, and _with an attention, as if he had been to look on
some curious experiment_. This gave a terrible idea of him to all
that observed it, as of a man that had no bowels nor humanity in
him.' _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii. pp. 416, 417.
So utterly corrupt, however, were the ruling classes in Scotland, that
such crimes seem hardly to have excited indignation. The sufferers were
refractory subjects, and against them every thing was lawful. The usual
torture, which was called the torture of the boots, was to place the leg
in a frame, into which wedges were driven, until the bones were
broken.[348] But when James visited Scotland, an opinion began to grow
up, that this was too lenient, and that other means must be devised. The
spirit which he communicated to his subordinates, animated his immediate
successors, and, in 1684, during his absence, a new instrument was
introduced, termed the thumbikins. This was composed of small steel
screws, arranged with such diabolical art, that not only the thumb, but
also the whole hand, could be compressed by them, producing pain more
exquisite than any hitherto known, and having, moreover, the advantage of
not endangering life; so that the torture could be frequently repeated on
the same person.[349]
[348] Shields (_A Hind let loose_, p. 186) describes the boots, as 'a
cruel engine of iron, whereby, with wedges, the leg is tortured,
until the marrow come out of the bone.' Compare _Naphtali, or the
Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, 1667, p. 268: 'the
extraordinary compression both of flesh, sinews, and bones, by the
force of timber wedges and hammer.'
[349] In 1684, Carstairs was subjected to this torture. See his own
account, in a letter printed in _Wodrow's History of the Church of
Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 96-100. He writes (p. 99): 'After this
communing, the king's smith was called in, to bring in a new
instrument to torture by the thumbkins, that had never been used
before. For whereas the former was only to screw on two pieces of
iron above and below with finger and thumb, these were made to
turn about the screw with the whole hand. And under this torture,
I continued near an hour and a half.' See also the case of Spence,
in the same year, in _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. ii.
p. 418. 'Little screws of steel were made use of, that screwed the
thumbs with so exquisite a torment, that he sunk under this; for
Lord Perth told him, they would screw every joint of his whole
body, one after another, till he took the oath.' Laing (_History
of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 143) says, 'the thumbikins; small screws
of steel that compressed the thumb and the whole hand with an
exquisite torture;' an invention brought by Drummond and Dalziel
from Russia. For other notices, see _Fountainhall's Notes of
Scottish Affairs_ from 1680 till 1701, Edinburgh, 4to, 1822, pp.
41, 97, 101; _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_,
vol. ii. p. 30; _Crookshank's History of the Church of Scotland_,
vol. ii. p. 192; _A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives
of Jesus Christ_, edit. Glasgow, 1779, p. 371; and _Life of Walter
Smith_, p. 85, in the second volume of _Walker's Biographia
Presbyteriana_, Edinburgh, 1827.
After this, little more need be said.[350] From the mere mention of such
things, the mind recoils with disgust. The reader of the history of that
time sickens and faints at the contrivances by which these abject
creatures sought to stifle public opinion, and to ruin, for ever, a
gallant and high-spirited people. But now, as before, they laboured in
vain. More yet was, however, to be borne. The short reign of James II.
was ushered in by an act of singular barbarity. A few weeks after this
bad man came to the throne, all the children in Annandale and Nithsdale,
between the ages of six and ten, were seized by the soldiers, separated
from their parents, and threatened with immediate death.[351] The next
step was, to banish, by wholesale, large numbers of adults, who were
shipped off to unhealthy settlements; many of the men first losing their
ears, and the women being branded, some on the hand, some on the
cheek.[352] Those, however, who remained behind, were equal to the
emergency, and were ready to do what remained to be done. In 1688, as in
1642, the Scotch people and the English people united against their
common oppressor, who saved himself by sudden and ignominious flight. He
was a coward as well as a despot, and from him there was no further
danger. The bishops, indeed, loved him; but they were an insignificant
body, and had enough to do to look to themselves. His only powerful
friends were the Highlanders. That barbarous race thought, with regret,
of those bygone days when the government had not only allowed them, but
had ordered them, to plunder and oppress their southern neighbours. For
this purpose, Charles II. had availed himself of their services; and it
could hardly be doubted, that if the Stuart dynasty were restored, they
would be again employed, and would again enrich themselves by pillaging
the Lowlanders.[353] War was their chief amusement; it was also their
livelihood; and it was the only thing that they understood.[354] Besides
this, the mere fact that James no longer possessed authority,
wonderfully increased their loyalty towards him. The Highlanders
flourished by rapine, and traded in anarchy.[355] They, therefore, hated
any government which was strong enough to punish crime; and the Stuarts
being now far away, this nation of thieves loved them with an ardour
which nothing but their absence could have caused. From William III.,
they feared restraint; but the exiled prince could do them no hurt, and
would look on their excesses as the natural result of their zeal. Not
that they cared about the principle of monarchical succession, or
speculated on the doctrine of divine right.[356] The only succession that
interested them, was that of their chiefs. Their only notion of right,
was to do what those chiefs commanded. Being miserably poor,[357] they,
in raising a rebellion, risked nothing except their lives, of which, in
that state of society, men are always reckless. If they failed, they
encountered a speedy, and, as they deemed it, an honourable death. If
they succeeded, they gained fame and wealth. In either case, they were
sure of many enjoyments. They were sure of being able, for a time at
least, to indulge in pillage and murder, and to practise, without
restraint, those excesses which they regarded as the choicest guerdon of
a soldier's career.
[350] 'In 1684, the Scottish nation was in the most distressing and
pitiable situation that can be imagined.' ... 'The state of
society had now become such, that, in Edinburgh, attention to
ordinary business was neglected, and every one was jealous of his
neighbour.' _Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh_,
vol. i. p. 307.
[351] 'Upon the 10th of March, all freeholders, heritors, and gentlemen
in Nithsdale and Annandale, and, I suppose, in most other shires
of the kingdom, but I name those as being the scene of the
severities now used, were summoned to attend the king's standard;
and the militia in the several shires were raised. Wherever
Claverhouse came, he resolved upon narrow and universal work. He
used to set his horse upon the hills and eminences, and that in
different parties, that none might escape; and there his foot went
through the lower, marshy, and mossy places, where the horse could
not do so well. The shire he parcelled out in so many divisions,
and six or eight miles square would be taken in at once. In every
division, the whole inhabitants, men and women, young and old,
without distinction, were all driven into one convenient place.'
... 'All the children in the division were gathered together by
themselves, under ten years, and above six years of age, and a
party of soldiers were drawn out before them. Then they were bid
pray, for they were going to be shot. Some of them would answer,
Sir, we cannot pray.' ... 'At other times, they treated them most
inhumanly, threatening them with death, and at some little
distance would fire pistols without ball in their face. Some of
the poor children were frighted almost out of their wits, and
others of them stood all out with a courage perfectly above their
age. These accounts are so far out of the ordinary way of mankind,
that I would not have insert them, had I not before me several
informations agreeing in all these circumstances, written at this
time by people who knew the truth of them.' _Wodrow's History of
the Church of Scotland_, vol. iv. pp. 255, 256.
[352] 'Numbers were transported to Jamaica, Barbadoes, and the North
American settlements; but the women were not unfrequently burnt in
the cheek, and the ears of the men were lopt off, to prevent, or
to detect, their return,' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iv.
p. 162. 'Great multitudes banished,' _Wodrow's History of the
Church_, vol. iv. p. 211. In July 1685, 'the men are ordered to
have their ears cropt, and the women to be marked in their hand.'
p. 217. 'To have the following stigma and mark, that they may be
known as banished persons if they shall return to this kingdom,
_viz._ that the men have one of their ears cut off by the hand of
the hangman, and that the women be burnt by the same hand on the
cheek with a burned iron.' p. 218. These are extracts from the
proceedings of the privy-council.
[353] 'James II. favoured the Highland clans,' Note in _Fountainhall's
Scottish Affairs_ from 1680 till 1701, p. 100. He could hardly do
otherwise. The alliance was natural, and ready-made for him.
[354] Except robbing, which, however, in one form or other, is always a
part of war. In this, they were very apt. Burnet (_History of his
own Time_, vol. i. p. 67) pithily describes them as 'good at
robbing;' and Burton (_Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 47) says,
'To steal even vestments was considerably more creditable than to
make them.' Otherwise, they were completely absorbed by their
passion for war. See _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_,
vol. ii. pp. 175, 176, London, 1845.
[355] 'Revenge was accounted a duty, the destruction of a neighbour a
meritorious exploit, and rapine an honourable employment.'
_Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. iv. p. 395. 'The spirit
of rivalry between the clans kept up a taste for hostility, and
converted rapine into a service of honour.' _Thomson's Memoirs of
the Jacobites_, vol. ii. p. 229.
[356] Hence, looking, as they did, merely at the physical qualities of
individuals, the appearance of the Pretender in 1715 disgusted
them, notwithstanding his splendid lineage. See some excellent
remarks in _Burton's History of Scotland_, from 1689 to 1748,
London, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 198, 199. At p. 383, Mr. Burton justly
observes, that 'those who really knew the Highlanders were aware
that the followers were no more innate supporters of King James's
claim to the throne of Britain, than of Maria Theresa's to the
throne of Hungary. They went with the policy of the head of the
clan, whatever that might be; and though upwards of half a
century's advocacy of the exiled house' (this refers to the last
rebellion in 1745) 'had made Jacobitism appear a political creed
in some clans, it was among the followers, high and low, little
better than a nomenclature, which might be changed with
circumstances.' Since Robertson, Mr. Burton and Mr. Chambers are,
I will venture to say, the two writers who have taken the most
accurate and comprehensive views of the history of Scotland.
Robertson's History stops short where the most important period
begins; and his materials were scanty. But what he effected with
those materials was wonderful. To my mind, his History of Scotland
is much the greatest of his works.
[357] A curious description of their appearance, given by the _Derby
Mercury_ in 1746 (in _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, vol.
iii. p. 115), may be compared with the more general statement in
_Anderson's Prize Essay on the Highlands_, Edinburgh, 1827, p.
128. 'Cattle were the main resources of the tribe--the acquisition
of these the great object of their hostile forrays. The precarious
crops gave them wherewithal to bake their oaten cakes, or distil
their ale or whisky. When these failed, the crowded population
suffered every extreme of misery and want. At one time in
particular, in Sutherland, they were compelled to subsist on broth
made of nettles, thickened with a little oatmeal. At another,
those who had cattle, to have recourse to the expedient of
bleeding them, and mixing the blood with oatmeal, which they
afterwards cut into slices and fried.'
So far, therefore, from wondering at the rebellions of 1715 and
1745,[358] the only wonder is, that they did not break out sooner, and
that they were not better supported. In 1745, when the sudden appearance
of the rebels struck England with terror, and when they penetrated even
to the heart of the kingdom, their numbers, even at their height,
including Lowland and English recruits, never reached six thousand men.
The ordinary amount was five thousand;[359] and they cared so little
about the cause for which they professed to fight, that, in 1715, when
they numbered much stronger than in 1745, they refused to enter England,
and make head against the government, until they were bribed by the
promise of additional pay.[360] So, too, in 1745, after they had won the
battle of Preston-pans, the only result of that great victory was, that
the Highlanders, instead of striking a fresh blow, deserted in large
bodies, that they might secure the booty they had obtained, and which
alone they valued. They heeded not whether Stuart or Hanoverian gained
the day; and at this critical moment, they were unable, says the
historian, to resist their desire to return to their glens, and decorate
their huts with the spoil.[361]
[358] Several writers erroneously term them 'unnatural.' See, for
instance, _Rae's History of the Rebellion_, London, 1746, pp. 158,
169: and _Home's History of the Rebellion_, London, 1802, 4to,
p. 347.
[359] 'When the rebels began their march to the southward, they were not
6000 men complete,' _Home's History of the Rebellion in the Year
1745_, 4to, p. 137. At Stirling, the army, 'after the junction was
made, amounted to somewhat more than 9000 men, the greatest number
that Charles ever had under his command,' p. 164. But the actual
invaders of England were much fewer. 'The number of the rebels
when they began their march into England was a few above 5000
foot, with about 500 on horseback.' _Home_, p. 331. Browne
(_History of the Highlands_, vol. iii. p. 140) says: 'When
mustered at Carlisle, the prince's army amounted only to about
4500 men;' and Lord George Murray states that, at Derby, 'we were
not above five thousand fighting men, if so many.' _Jacobite
Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_, edited by Robert Chambers,
Edinburgh, 1834, p. 54. Another writer, relying mainly on
traditional evidence, says, 'Charles, at the head of 4000
Highlanders, marched as far as Derby.' _Brown's History of
Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 41, Edinburgh, 1797. Compare _Johnstone's
Memoirs of the Rebellion_, 3rd edit., London, 1822, pp. xxxvii.
xxxviii. 30-32, 52. Johnstone says, p. 60, 'M. Patullo, our
muster-master, reviewed our army at Carlisle, when it did not
exceed four thousand five hundred men.' Afterwards, returning to
Scotland, 'our army was suddenly increased to eight thousand men,
the double of what it was when we were in England.' p. 111.
[360] 'Orders were given to proceed in the direction of Carlisle, and
recall the detachment sent forward to Dumfries. The Highlanders,
still true to their stagnant principles, refused obedience.' ...
'Pecuniary negotiations were now commenced, and they were offered
sixpence a day of regular pay--reasonable remuneration at that
period to ordinary troops, but to the wild children of the
mountain a glittering bribe, which the most steady obstinacy would
alone resist. It was partly effective.' _Burton's History of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 168. 'And from this day, the Highlanders
had sixpence a head per day payed them to keep them in good order
and under command.' _Patten's History of the late Rebellion_,
London, 1717, p. 73. See also, on the unwillingness of the
Highlanders to enter England, _Rae's History of the Rebellion_,
London, 1746, 2d edit. pp. 270, 271. Browne says (_History of the
Highlands_, vol. ii. pp. 300, 304): 'The aversion of the
Highlanders, from different considerations, to a campaign in
England, was almost insuperable;' but 'by the aid of great
promises and money, the greater part of the Highlanders were
prevailed upon to follow the fortunes of their commander.'
[361] 'Few victories have been more entire. It is said that scarcely two
hundred of the infantry escaped.' ... 'The Highlanders obtained a
glorious booty in arms and clothes, besides self-moving watches,
and other products of civilisation, which surprised and puzzled
them. Excited by such acquisitions, a considerable number could
not resist the old practice of their people to return to their
glens, and decorate their huts with their spoil.' _Burton's
History of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 465. Compare _Home's History of
the Rebellion_, p. 123. This was an old practice of theirs, as
Montrose found out, a century earlier, 'when many of the
Highlanders, being loaded with spoil, deserted privately, and soon
after returned to their own country.' _Wishart's Memoirs of the
Marquis of Montrose_, Edinburgh, 1819, p. 189. So, too, Burnet
(_Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton_, p. 272): 'Besides, any
companies could be brought down from the Highlands might do well
enough for a while, but no order could be expected from them, for
as soon as they were loaded with plunder and spoil, they would run
away home to their lurking holes, and desert those who had trusted
them.' See also p. 354. A more recent writer, drawing a veil over
this little infirmity, remarks, with much delicacy, that 'the
Highlanders, brave as they were, had a custom of returning home
after a battle.' _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, London,
1845, vol. i. p. 122. Not unfrequently they first robbed their
fellow-soldiers. In 1746, Bisset writes: 'The Highlanders, who
went off after the battel, carried off horses and baggage from
their own men, the Lowlanders.' _Diary of the Reverend John
Bisset_, in _Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. i. p. 377,
Aberdeen, 1841, 4to.
There are, indeed, few things more absurd than that lying spirit of
romance, which represents the rising of the Highlanders as the outburst
of a devoted loyalty. Nothing was further from their minds than this. The
Highlanders have crimes enough to account for, without being burdened by
needless reproach. They were thieves and murderers; but that was in their
way of life, and they felt not the stigma. Though they were ignorant and
ferocious, they were not so foolish as to be personally attached to that
degraded family, which, before the accession of William III., occupied
the throne of Scotland. To love such men as Charles II. and James II.,
may, perhaps, be excused as one of those peculiarities of taste of which
one sometimes hears. But to love all their descendants; to feel an
affection so comprehensive as to take in the whole dynasty, and, for the
sake of gratifying that eccentric passion, not only to undergo great
hardships, but to inflict enormous evil upon two kingdoms, would have
been a folly as well as a wickedness, and would convict the Highlanders
of a species of insanity alien to their nature. They burst into
insurrection, because insurrection suited their habits, and because they
hated all government and all order.[362] But, so far from caring for a
monarch, the very institution of monarchy was repulsive to them. It was
contrary to that spirit of clanship to which they were devoted; and, from
their earliest childhood, they were accustomed to respect none but their
chiefs, to whom they paid a willing obedience, and whom they considered
far superior to all the potentates of the earth.[363] No one, indeed, who
is really acquainted with their history, will think them capable of
having spilt their blood on behalf of any sovereign, be he whom he might;
still less can we believe that they would quit their native land, and
undertake long and hazardous marches, with the object of restoring that
corrupt and tyrannical dynasty, whose offences smelt to heaven, and whose
cruelties had, at length, kindled the anger even of humble and
meek-minded men.
[362] 'Whoever desired, with the sword, to disturb or overturn a fixed
government, was sure of the aid of the chiefs, because a settled
government was ruinous to their power, and almost inimical to
their existence. The more it cultivated the arts of peace, and
throve on industrially created well-being, the more did it drive
into an antagonist position a people who did not change their
nature, who made no industrial progress, and who lived by the
swords which acquired for them the fruits of other men's industry.
With their interests, a peaceful, strong government was as
inconsistent as a well-guarded sheepfold with the interest of
wolves.' _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. pp. 105, 106.
'The Highlanders, in all reigns, have been remarkable for
disturbing the established government of Scotland by taking up
arms on every invasion for the invaders.' _Marchant's History of
the present Rebellion_, London, 1746, p. 18. See also _Macky's
Journey through Scotland_, London, 1732, p. 129; and a short, but
very curious, account of the Highlanders, in 1744, in _The
Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. ii. pp. 87-89.
[363] An observer, who had excellent opportunities of studying their
character between the rebellion of 1715 and that of 1745, writes,
'The ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most sublime degree of
virtue to love their chief, and pay him a blind obedience,
although it be in opposition to the government, the laws of the
kingdom, or even to the law of God. He is their idol; and as _they
profess to know no king but him_ (I was going farther), so will
they say, they ought to do whatever he commands, without inquiry.'
_Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland_, edit. London,
1815, vol. ii. pp. 83, 84. 'The Highlanders in Scotland are, of
all men in the world, the soonest wrought upon to follow their
leaders or chiefs into the field, having a wonderful veneration
for their Lords and Chieftains, as they are called there: _Nor do
these people ever consider the validity of the engaging cause_,
but blindly follow their chiefs into what mischief they please,
and that with the greatest precipitation imaginable.' _Patten's
History of the Rebellion_, London, 1717, p. 151. 'The power of the
chiefs over their clans was the true source of the two rebellions.
The clansmen cared no more about the legitimate race of the
Stuarts, than they did about the war of the Spanish succession.'
... 'The Jacobite Highland chiefs ranged their followers on the
Jacobite side--the Hanoverians ranged theirs on the side of
government. Lovat's conduct was a sort of _experimentum crucis_;
he made his clan Hanoverian in one rebellion, and Jacobite in
another.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 150. Compare
the change of side of the Mackintoshes, in _Browne's History of
the Highlands_, vol. ii. p. 285. Even so late as the American war,
the sovereign was deemed subordinate to the chief. 'One Captain
Frazer from the northern district, brought down a hundred of his
clan, all of the name of Frazer. Few of them could understand a
word of English; and the only distinct idea they had of all the
mustering of forces which they saw around them, was that they were
going to fight for King Frazer and George ta Three.' _Penny's
Traditions of Perth_, pp. 49, 50, Perth, 1836.
The simple fact is, that the outbreaks of 1715 and 1745 were, in our
country, the last struggle of barbarism against civilization. On the one
side, war and confusion. On the other side, peace and prosperity. These
were the interests for which men really fought; and neither party cared
for Stuarts or for Hanoverians. The result of such a contest in the
eighteenth century, could hardly be doubtful. At the time, the
rebellions caused great alarm, both from their suddenness, and from the
strange and ferocious appearance of the Highland invaders.[364] But the
knowledge we now possess, enables us to see, that, from the beginning,
success was impossible. Though the government was extremely remiss, and,
notwithstanding the information it received, allowed itself on both
occasions to be taken by surprise, there was no real danger.[365] The
English, not being particularly enamoured either with the Highlanders or
with the Stuarts, refused to rise;[366] and it cannot be seriously
supposed, that a few thousand half-naked banditti had it in their power
to prescribe to the people of England what sovereign they should obey,
and under what sort of government they should live.
[364] Which gave rise to a report that they were cannibals. 'The late
Mr. Halkston of Rathillet, who had been in this expedition' (the
Rebellion of 1745), 'told Mr. Young that the belief was general
among the people of England, that the Highlanders ate children.'
_Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion_, 3rd edit. London, 1822,
p. 101. Such a rumour, notwithstanding its absurdity, was made
somewhat plausible by the revolting conduct of the Highlanders in
the first rebellion of 1715, when they committed, in the Lowlands,
horrible outrages on corpses which they dug up. See the
contemporary evidence, in _Correspondence of the Rev. Robert
Wodrow_, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. ii. pp. 86, 87, 93.
'They have even raised up some of my Lord Rothes's children and
mangled their dead bodies' ... 'till the stench put them away.' In
1745, they signalized their entrance into England in the following
manner. 'The rebels, during their stay in Carlisle, committed the
most shocking detestable villanies; for, not contented with
robbing families of their most valuable effects, they scrupled not
to act their brutal insolence on the persons of some young ladies,
even in the presence of their parents. A gentleman, in a letter to
his friend in London, writes thus: "That, after being in a manner
stripped of every thing, he had the misery to see three of his
daughters treated in such a manner that he could not relate it."'
_Marchant's History of the present Rebellion_, London, 1746,
pp. 181, 182.
[365] Even when they had penetrated to Derby, the best informed of their
own party despaired of success. See the Jacobitical account in
_The Lockhart Papers_, London, 4to, 1817, vol. ii. p. 458: 'The
next thing to be considered of, was what was now to be done; they
were now at Derby, with an army not half the number of what they
were reported to be, surrounded in a manner with regular troops
on all sides, and more than double their number. To go forward,
there was no encouragement, for their friends (if they had any)
had kept little or no correspondence with them from the time they
entered England.' The Chevalier de Johnstone, who took an active
part in the Rebellion, frankly says, 'If we had continued to
advance to London, and had encountered all the troops of England,
with the Hessians and Swiss in its pay, there was every
appearance of our being immediately exterminated, without the
chance of a single man escaping.' _Johnstone's Memoirs of the
Rebellion in 1745 and 1746_, p. 79.
[366] Lord George Murray, the commander-in-chief in 1745, was unwilling
to advance far south of Carlisle, 'without more encouragement from
the country than we had hitherto got.' See his own account, in
_The Jacobite Memoirs of the Rebellion of 1745_, edited by R.
Chambers, Edinburgh, 1834, p. 48. But his prudent advice was
overruled. The Highlanders pressed on; and that happened, which
any one, tolerably acquainted with England, might have foreseen.
Johnstone (_Memoirs of the Rebellion_, p. 70) says, 'In case of a
defeat in England, no one in our army could by any possibility
escape destruction, as the _English peasants were hostile towards
us in the highest degree_; and, besides, the army of Marshal Wade
was in our rear, to cut us off from all communication with
Scotland.' And at p. 81, 'In every place we passed through, we
found the English very ill disposed towards us, except at
Manchester, where there appeared some remains of attachment to the
house of Stuart.' The champion of arbitrary power would find a
different reception now, in that magnificent specimen of English
prosperity, and of true, open-mouthed, English fearlessness. But a
century ago, the men of Manchester were poor and ignorant; and the
statement of Johnstone respecting them is confirmed by Home, who
says, 'At Manchester, several gentlemen, and about 200 or 300 of
the common people, joined the rebel army; _these were the only
Englishmen (a few individuals excepted) who joined Charles in his
march through the country of England_.' _Home's History of the
Rebellion in 1745_, London, 1802, 4to, p. 145. In 1715, the
English equally held back, except at Manchester. See _Patten's
History of the late Rebellion_, London, 1717, pp. 89, 108.
After 1745, there was no further interruption. The interests of
civilization, that is, the interests of knowledge, of liberty, and of
wealth, gradually assumed the upper hand, and reduced men like the
Highlanders to utter insignificance. Roads were cut through their
country; and, for the first time, travellers from the south began to
mingle with them in their hitherto inaccessible wilds.[367] In those
parts, the movement was, indeed, very slow; but, in the Lowlands, it was
much more rapid. For, the traders and inhabitants of towns were now
becoming prominent, and their authority helped to neutralize the old
warlike and anarchical habits. Towards the end of the seventeenth
century, a taste for commercial speculation sprung up, and a large amount
of the energy of Scotland was turned into this new channel.[368] Early in
the eighteenth century, the same tendency was displayed in literature;
and works on mercantile and economical subjects became common.[369] A
change in manners was also perceptible. About this period, the Scotch
began to lose something of that rugged ferocity which had distinguished
them of old. This improvement was evinced in several ways; one of the
most remarkable being an alteration, which was first observed in 1710,
when it was noticed that men were leaving off armour, which had hitherto
been worn by every one who could afford it, as a useful precaution in a
barbarous, and therefore a warlike society.[370]
[367] The establishment of roads caused great displeasure. Pennant, who
visited Scotland in 1769, says, 'These publick works were at first
very disagreeable to the old chieftains, and lessened their
influence greatly: for by admitting strangers among them, their
clans were taught that the Lairds were not the first of men.'
_Pennant's Tour in Scotland_, 4th edit. Dublin, 1775, vol. i.
p. 204. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, this feeling
began to die away. 'Till of late, the people of Kintail, as well
as other Highlands, had a strong aversion to roads. The more
inaccessible, the more secure, was their maxim.' _Sinclair's
Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vi. p. 244, Edinburgh,
1793.
[368] 'Soon after the establishment of the revolution settlement, the
ardent feelings of the Scottish people were turned out of their
old channels of religious controversy and war in the direction of
commercial enterprise.' _Burton's Criminal Trials in Scotland_,
vol. i. p. 104. Compare _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol.
iv. pp. 286, 287, 418; and the note (at p. 419): 'The lords and
commons of Scotland were then desirous of getting into trade.'
This is under the year 1699. In 1698, Fletcher of Saltoun writes:
'by no contrivance of any man, but by an unforeseen and unexpected
change of the genius of this nation, all their thoughts and
inclinations, as if united and directed by a higher power, seemed
to be turned upon trade, and to conspire together for its
advancement.' _First Discourse on the Affairs of Scotland_, in
_Fletcher of Saltoun's Political Works_, Glasgow, 1749, p. 57. At
this, the clergy were uneasy. In 1709, the Reverend Robert Wodrow
expresses an opinion, in one of his letters, that 'the sin of our
too great fondness for trade, to the neglecting of our more
valuable interests, I humbly think will be written upon our
judgment.' _Wodrow's Correspondence_, Edinburgh, 1842, 8vo, vol.
i. p. 67. In the same year, some ships being taken by the French,
part of the loss fell upon Glasgow. Thereupon, Wodrow writes:
'It's said that in all there is about eighty thousand pound
sterling lost there, whereof Glasgow has lost ten thousand pound.
I wish trading persons may see the language of such a Providence.
I am sure the Lord is remarkably frouning upon our trade, in more
respects than one, since it was put in the room of religion, in
the late alteration of our constitution.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
vol. i. p. 218, 4to, published by the Maitland Club.
[369] Laing (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 296), under the year
1703, says: 'Ever since the projected settlement at Darien, the
genius of the nation had acquired a new direction; and as the
press is the true criterion of the spirit of the times, the
numerous productions on political and commercial subjects, with
which it daily teemed, had supplanted the religious disputes of
the former age.' Unfortunately for Scotland, they were by no means
supplanted. Still, the movement was great, and not to be mistaken.
[370] 'It was only in 1710, that they began to throw off their armour,
and allow the soldier to merge into the quiet and industrious
craftsman.' _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 335, Perth, 1836.
This particularly applies to the citizens of Perth.
To trace the general progress in its various parts, or even to indicate
the immediate consequences, would require a separate volume. One of the
results is, however, too conspicuous to be passed over in silence, though
it does not deserve all the importance that has been attached to it. This
is, the abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, which, after all, was but
a symptom of the great movement, and not a cause of it; being itself due,
partly to the growth of the industrial spirit, and partly to that
diminution of the power of the aristocracy, which had been visible as
early as the beginning of the seventeenth century. During many ages,
certain persons of noble birth had enjoyed the privilege of trying
offences, and even of inflicting capital punishment, simply because their
ancestors had done so before them; the judicial power being, in fact,
part of their patrimony, and descending to them like the rest of their
property.[371] An institution of this sort, which made a man a judge,
not because he was apt for the office, but because he was born under
particular circumstances, was a folly which the revolutionary temper of
the eighteenth century was not likely to spare. The innovating spirit for
which that age was remarkable, could hardly fail to attack so
preposterous a custom; and its extinction was facilitated, both by the
decline of the nobles who possessed the privilege, and by the rise of
their natural opponents, the trading and commercial classes. The decay of
the Scotch nobility, in the eighteenth century, may be traced to two
special causes, in addition to those general causes, which were weakening
the aristocracy nearly all over Europe. With the general causes, which
were common to England and to most parts of the Continent, we are not now
concerned. It is enough to say, that they were entirely dependent on that
advance of knowledge, which, by increasing the authority of the
intellectual class, undermines, and must eventually overthrow, mere
hereditary and accidental distinctions. But those causes which were
confined to Scotland, had a more political character, and though they
were purely local, they harmonized with the whole train of events, and
ought to be noticed, as links of a vast chain, which connects the present
state of that singular country with its past history.
[371] On these 'hereditary or proprietary jurisdictions,' which conferred
the right, or, I would rather say, the power, of putting people to
death, see _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 425, vol.
ii. p. 402. The technical term for so monstrous a privilege, was
the right 'of pit and gallows.' _Pitcairn's Criminal Trials in
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 94; and _Mackenzie's Laws and Customs of
Scotland in Matters Criminal_, pp. 70, 100, 187, 210. This meant,
that men were to be hung, and women to be drowned. See also
_Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p. 224; _Fountainhall's Notes of
Scottish Affairs_, p. 139; _Hume's History of the House of
Douglas_, vol. i. p. 346; _Lettice's Scotland_, p. 271;
_Sinclair's Scotland_, vol. i. p. 417, vol. iv. p. 478, vol. vi.
pp. 195, 258, vol. viii. pp. 129, 348, vol. xiii. p. 563,
vol. xiv. p. 34, vol. xvii. pp. 442, 600, vol. xviii. p. 473.
The first cause was the union of Scotland with England, in 1707, which
struck a heavy blow at the Scotch aristocracy. By it, the legislature of
the smaller country was absorbed in that of the larger, and the
hereditary legislators suddenly sunk into insignificance. In the Scotch
parliament, there were a hundred and forty-five peers, all of whom,
except sixteen, were, by the Act of Union, deprived of the power of
making laws.[372] These sixteen were sent off to London, and took their
seats in the House of Lords, of which they formed a small and miserable
fraction. On every subject, however important to their own country, they
were easily outvoted; their manners, their gesticulations, and
particularly their comical mode of pronouncing English, were openly
ridiculed;[373] and the chiefs of this old and powerful aristocracy found
themselves, to their utter amazement, looked on as men of no account, and
they were often obliged to fawn and cringe at the levee of the minister,
in order to procure a place for some needy dependent. Their friends and
relations applied to them for offices, and generally applied in vain.
Indeed, the Scotch nobles, being very poor, wanted for themselves more
than the English government was inclined to give, and, in the eagerness
of their clamour, they lost both dignity and reputation.[374] They were
exposed to mortifying rebuffs, and their true position being soon known,
weakened their influence at home, among a people already prepared to
throw off their authority. To this, however, they were comparatively
indifferent, as they looked for future fortune, not to Scotland, but to
England. London became the centre of their intrigues and their
hopes.[375] Those who had no seat in the House of Lords, longed to have
one, and it was notorious, that the darling object of nearly every Scotch
noble was to be made an English peer.[376] The scene of their ambition
being shifted, they were gradually weaned from their old associations.
Directly this was apparent, the foundation of their power was gone. From
that moment, their real nationality vanished. It became evident that
their patriotism was but a selfish passion. They ceased to love a country
which could give them nothing, and, as a natural consequence, their
country ceased to love them.
[372] Laing (_History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 345) says, that in 1706,
'the commons in the Scottish parliament were 160; the peers 145.'
Of these peers, the Treaty of Union declared that 'sixteen shall
be the number to sit and vote in the House of Lords.' _De Foe's
History of the Union between England and Scotland_, London, 1786,
4to, pp. 205, 538. The English House of Lords consisted of 179
members. See _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 1817, 4to, vol. i. pp.
343, 547. It was impossible to mistake the result of this sweeping
measure, by which, as was said at the time, 'Scotland was to
retrench her nobility.' _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 495.
Compare p. 471: 'The nobility being thereby, as it were, degraded
of their characters.' In 1710, a Scotchman writes in his journal:
'It was one of the melancholyest sights to any that have any sense
of our antient Nobility, to see them going throu for votes, and
making partys, and giving their votes to others who once had their
oun vote; and I suspect many of them reu the bargain they made, in
giving their oun pouer away.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 308.
[373] The Scotch, consequently, became so eager to do away with this
source of mirth, that even as late as the year 1761, when the
notorious lecturer, Sheridan, visited Edinburgh, 'such was the
rage for speaking with an English accent, that more than three
hundred gentlemen, among whom were the most eminent in the country
for rank and learning, attended him.' _Ritchie's Life of Hume_,
London, 1807, p. 94. It was, however, during about twenty years
immediately after the Union, that the Scotch members of
Parliament, both Lords and Commons, were most jeered at in London,
and were treated with marked disrespect, socially and politically.
Not only were they mocked and lampooned, but they were also made
tools of. In September 1711, Wodrow writes (_Analecta_, vol. i. p.
348, 4to, 1842): 'In the beginning of this (month), I hear a
generall dissatisfaction our Nobility, that wer at last
Parliament, have at their treatment at London. They complean they
are only made use of as tools among the English, and cast by when
their party designes are over.' The next year (1712), the Scotch
members of the House of Commons met together, and expressed their
'high resentment of the uncivil, haughty treatment they mett with
from the English.' _The Lockhart Papers_, London, 1817, 4to, vol.
i. p. 417. See, further, _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii.
p. 27. 'Without descending to rudeness, the polished
contemporaries of Wharton and St. John could madden the sensitive
and haughty Scots by light shafts of raillery, about their
pronunciation or knowledge of parliamentary etiquette.' Some
curious observations upon the way in which the Scotch pronounced
English, late in the seventeenth century, will be found in
_Morer's Short Account of Scotland_, London, 1702, pp. 13, 14. The
author of this book was chaplain to a Scotch regiment.
[374] Among many illustrations with which contemporary memoirs abound,
the following is by no means the worst. Burnet, as a Scotchman,
thinks proper to say that those of his countrymen who were sent to
parliament, 'were persons of such distinction, that they very well
deserved' the respect and esteem with which they were treated. To
which, Lord Dartmouth adds: 'and were very importunate to have
their deserts rewarded. A Scotch earl pressed Lord Godolphin
extremely for a place. He said there was none vacant. The other
said, his lordship could soon make one so, if he pleased. Lord
Godolphin asked him, if he expected to have any body killed to
make room? He said, No; but Lord Dartmouth commonly voted against
the court, and every body wondered that he had not been turned out
before now. Lord Godolphin told him, he hoped his lordship did not
expect that he should be the person to propose it; and advised him
never to mention it any more, for fear the queen should come to
hear of it; for if she did, his lordship would run great risk
never to have a place as long as she lived. But he could not
forbear telling every where, how ill the lord treasurer had used
him.' _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. v. p. 349, Oxford,
1823. Compare the account, in 1710, in _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol.
i. p. 293. 'Argyle is both picked (_i.e._ piqued) at Marlburrou,
and his brother Yla, for refusing him a regiment; and Godolphin
should have said to the queen that my Lord Yla was not to be
trusted with a regiment! The Earl of Marr was one of the greatest
cronnies Godolphine had, till the matter of his pension, after the
Secretary office was taken from him, came about. Godolphine caused
draw it during pleasure; Marr expected it during life, which the
Treasurer would not yield to, and therefore they brake.' The
history of the time is full of these wretched squabbles, which
show what the Scotch nobles were made of. Indeed, their rapacity
was so shameless, that, in 1711, several of them refused to
perform their legislative duties in London, unless they received
some offices which they expected. 'About the midle of this moneth,
I hear ther was a meeting of severall of our Scots Peers, at the
Viscount of Kilsyth's, where they concerted not to goe up to this
parliament till peremptorly writ for; and (also) some assurance be
given of the places they were made to hope for last session and
have missed.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 365. In 1712, the
same Scotchman writes (_Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 8): 'Our Scots
Peers' secession from the House of Peers makes much noise; but
they doe not hold by it. They sometimes come and sometimes goe,
and _they render themselves base in the eyes of the English_.' See
also a letter 'concerning the Scots Peerage,' in _Somers' Tracts_,
vol. xii. p. 607, edit. Scott, London, 1814, 4to.
[375] A Scotch writer, twenty years after the Union, says: 'Most of our
gentlemen and people of quality, who have the best estates in our
country, live for the most part at London.' _Reasons for improving
the Fisheries and Linen Manufacture of Scotland_, London, 1727, p.
22. I do not know who wrote this curious little treatise; but the
author was evidently a native of Scotland. See p. 25. I have,
however, still earlier evidence to adduce. A letter from Wodrow,
dated 9th of August 1725, complains of 'the general sending our
youth of quality to England:' and a letter to him, in 1716,
describes the Anglicizing process going on among the Scotch
aristocracy, only nine years after the Union. 'Most of our Lords
and others here do so much depend on the English for their posts,
and _seeking somewhat or other_, that their mouths are almost
quite stopped; and really _most of them go into the English way in
all things_.' _Wodrow's Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 196, vol.
iii. p. 224. The Earl of Mar lost popularity in Scotland, on
account of the court he paid to Lord Godolphin; for, he 'appears
to have passed much more time in intrigues in London than among
the gardens of Alloa.' _Thomson's Memoirs of the Jacobites_, vol.
i. p. 36. Even Earl Ilay, in his anxiety to advance himself at the
English court, 'used to regret his being a Scots peer, and to wish
earnestly he was a commoner.' _Letters of Lord Grange_, in _The
Miscellany of the Spalding Club_, vol. iii. p. 39, Aberdeen, 4to,
1846.
[376] Indeed, their expectation ran so high, as to induce a hope, not
only that those Commissioners of the Union who were Scotch peers
should be made English ones, but that 'the whole nobility of
Scotland might in time be admitted.' _Laing's History of
Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 346. Compare _The Lockhart Papers_, vol. i.
pp. 298, 343: 'the Scots Peerage, many of whom had been bubled
with the hopes of being themselves created British Peers.' Also
_The Gordon Letters_, in _The Miscellany of the Spalding Club_,
vol. iii. pp. 227, 228.
Thus it was that this great tie was severed. In this, as in all similar
movements, there were, of course, exceptions. Some of the nobles were
disinterested, and some of their dependents were faithful. But, looking
at the Lowlands as a whole, there can be no doubt that, before the middle
of the eighteenth century, that bond of affection was gone, which, in
former times, made tens of thousands of Scotchmen ready to follow their
superiors in any cause, and to sacrifice their lives at a nod. That
spirit, which was once deemed ardent and generous, but which a deeper
analysis shows to be mean and servile, was now almost extinct, except
among the barbarous Highlanders, whose ignorance of affairs long
prevented them from being influenced by the stream of events. That the
proximate cause of this change was the Union, will probably be denied by
no one who has minutely studied the history of the period. And that the
change was beneficial, can only be questioned by those sentimental
dreamers, with whom life is a matter rather of feeling than of judgment,
and who, despising real and tangible interests, reproach their own age
with its material prosperity, and with its love of luxury, as if they
were the result of low and sordid desires unknown to the loftier temper
of bygone days. To visionaries of this sort, it may well appear that the
barbarous and ignorant noble, surrounded by a host of devoted retainers,
and living with rude simplicity in his own dull and wretched castle,
forms a beautiful picture of those unmercenary and uncalculating times,
when men, instead of seeking for knowledge, or for wealth, or for
comfort, were content with the frugal innocence of their fathers, and
when, protection being accorded by one class, and gratitude felt by the
other, the subordination of society was maintained, and its different
parts were knit together by sympathy, and by the force of common
emotions, instead of, as now, by the coarse maxims of a vulgar and
selfish utility.
Those, however, whose knowledge gives them some acquaintance with the
real course of human affairs, will see that in Scotland, as in all
civilized countries, the decline of aristocratic power forms an essential
part of the general progress. It must, therefore, be esteemed a fortunate
circumstance, that, among the Scotch, where that power had long been
enormous, it was weakened in the eighteenth century, not only by general
causes, which were operating elsewhere, but also by two smaller and more
special causes. The first of these minor causes was, as we have just
seen, the Union with England. The other cause was, comparatively
speaking, insignificant, but still it produced decided effect,
particularly in the northern districts. It consisted in the fact, that
some of the oldest Highland nobles were concerned in the rebellion of
1745, and that, when that rebellion was put down, those who escaped from
the sword were glad to save their lives by flying abroad, leaving their
dependents to shift for themselves.[377] They became attached to the
court of the Pretender, or, at all events, intrigued for him. That,
indeed, was their only chance, their estates at home being forfeited. For
nearly forty years, several great families were in exile, and although,
about 1784, they began to return,[378] other associations had been formed
during their absence, and new ideas had arisen, both in their own minds,
and in the minds of their retainers. A fresh generation had grown up, and
fresh influences had been brought to bear. Strangers, with whom the
people had no sympathy, had intruded upon the estates of the nobles, and
though they might receive obedience, it was an obedience unaccompanied by
deference. The real reverence was gone; the homage of the heart was no
more. And as this state of things lasted for about forty years, it
interrupted the whole train of thought; and the former habits were so
completely broken, that, even when the chiefs were restored to their
forfeited honours, they found that there was another part of their
inheritance which they were unable to recover, and that they had lost for
ever that unreserved submission, which, in times of yore, had been
willingly paid to their fathers.[379]
[377] The Chevalier de Johnstone, in his plaintive remarks on the battle
of Culloden, says: 'The ruin of many of the most illustrious
families in Scotland immediately followed our defeat.'
_Johnstone's Memoirs of the Rebellion in 1745_, p. 211. He, of
course, could not perceive that, sad as such ruin was to the
individual sufferers, it was an immense benefit to the nation. Mr.
Skene, referring to the year 1748, says of the Highlanders: 'their
long-cherished ideas of clanship gradually gave way under the
absence and ruin of so many of their chiefs.' _Skene's
Highlanders_, vol. i. p. 147.
[378] 'About 1784, the exiled families began to return.' _Penny's
Traditions of Perth_, p. 41. See also _Macpherson's Annals of
Commerce_, vol. iv. p. 53. In 1784, 'a bill passed the Commons
without opposition,' to restore the 'Forfeited Estates' in the
north of Scotland. See _Parliamentary History_, vol. xxiv. pp.
1316-1322. On that occasion, Fox said (p. 1321) the proprietors
'had been sufficiently punished by forty years' deprivation of
their fortunes for the faults of their ancestors.'
[379] Dean Ramsay, in his _Reminiscences_ (5th edit. Edinburgh, 1859,
p. 57), notices that, owing to 'transfers of property and
extinction of old families in the Highlands, as well as from more
general causes,' the old clannish affection 'is passing away.' But
this intelligent observer has not indicated the connexion between
so important a fact and the Rebellion of 1745. In 1792, Heron
writes: 'The prejudices of clanship have almost died away.' ...
'The dependents of the family of Kenmure are still attached to its
representative with much of that affection and respect with which
the tribes of the Highlands have _till lately_ been accustomed to
adhere to their lord.' _Heron's Journey through the Western
Counties of Scotland_, 2nd edit. Perth, 1799, vol. i. p. 248,
vol. ii. p. 154. See also the remarks made, in the same year, in
_Lettice's Letters on a Tour through various parts of Scotland_,
London, 1794, p. 340. To trace the movement back still further,
Pennant writes, in 1769: 'But in many parts of the Highlands,
their character begins to be more faintly marked; they mix more
with the world; and _become daily less attached to their chiefs_.'
... 'During the feudal reign, their love for their chieftain
induced them to bear many things, at _present intolerable_.' These
two important passages are in the 4th edition of _Pennant's Tour
in Scotland_, vol. i. p. 194, vol. ii. p. 307, Dublin, 1775. They
prove that, twenty-four years after the Rebellion of 1745, the
decay of affection was so manifest, as to strike a candid and
careful, but by no means philosophic, observer. For Pennant to
have discerned these changes, they must already have risen to the
surface. Other and corroborative evidence will be found in
_Sinclair's Account of Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 545, Edinburgh,
1792; and vol. iii. pp. 377, 437, vol. xiii. p. 310, vol. xv.
p. 592, vol. xx. p. 33.
Owing to these circumstances, the course of affairs in Scotland, during
the eighteenth century, and especially during the first half of it, was
marked by a more rapid decline of the influence of the higher ranks than
was seen in any other country. It was, therefore, an easy task for the
English government to procure a law, which, by abolishing hereditary
jurisdictions, deprived the Scotch aristocracy, in 1748, of the last
great ensign of their power.[380] The law, being suited to the spirit of
the times, worked well; and in the Highlands, in particular, it was one
immediate cause of the establishment of something like the order of a
settled state.[381] But in this instance, as in every other, the real
and overruling cause is to be found in the condition of the surrounding
society. A few generations earlier, hardly any one would have thought of
abolishing these mischievous jurisdictions, which were then deemed
beneficial, and were respected, as belonging to the great families by
natural and inalienable right. Such an opinion was the inevitable result
of the state of things then existing. This being the case, it is certain
that, if the legislature had, at that time, been so rash as to lay its
hand on what the nation respected, popular sympathy would have been
aroused, and the nobles would have been strengthened by what was intended
to weaken them.[382] In 1748, however, matters were very different.
Public opinion had changed; and this change of opinion was not only the
cause of the new law, but was the reason of the new law being effective.
And so it always is. They, indeed, whose knowledge is almost confined to
what they see passing around them, and who, on account of their
ignorance, are termed practical men, may talk as they will about the
reforms which government has introduced, and the improvement to be
expected from legislation. But whoever will take a wider and more
commanding view of affairs, will soon discover that such hopes are
chimerical. They will learn that lawgivers are nearly always the
obstructors of society, instead of its helpers; and that, in the
extremely few cases in which their measures have turned out well, their
success has been owing to the fact, that, contrary to their usual custom,
they have implicitly obeyed the spirit of their time, and have been, as
they always should be, the mere servants of the people, to whose wishes
they are bound to give a public and legal sanction.
[380] _Burton's History of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 535-537. _Struthers'
History of Scotland_, Glasgow, 1828, vol. ii. pp. 519-525.
[381] Macpherson (_Annals of Commerce_, vol. iii. p. 259) says, 'This
excellent statute may not unfitly be termed a new magna charta to
the free people of Scotland.'
[382] I cannot, therefore, agree with Macpherson, who asserts, in his
valuable work, that the abolition of these jurisdictions 'should
undoubtedly have been made an essential preliminary of the
consolidating union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland,
concluded forty years before.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_,
vol. iii. p. 257. Compare _De Foe's History of the Union between
England and Scotland_, pp. 458, 459, London, 1786, 4to.
Another striking peculiarity of Scotland, during the remarkable period
we are now considering, was the sudden rise of trading and manufacturing
interests. This preceded, by a whole generation, the celebrated statute
of 1748, and was one of the causes of it, in so far as it weakened the
great families, against whom that statute was directed. The movement may
be traced back, as I have already noticed, to the end of the seventeenth
century, and it was in active operation before the first twenty years of
the eighteenth century had passed away. A mercantile and money-making
spirit was diffused to an extent formerly unknown, and men becoming
valued for their wealth as well as for their birth, a new standard of
excellence was introduced, and new actors appeared on the scene.
Heretofore, persons were respected solely for their parentage; now they
were also respected for their riches. The old aristocracy, made uneasy by
the change, did every thing they could to thwart and discourage these
young and dangerous rivals.[383] Nor can we wonder at their feeling
somewhat sore. The tendency which was exhibited, was, indeed, fatal to
their pretensions. Instead of asking who was a man's father, the question
became, how much he had got. And certainly, if either question is to be
put, the latter is the more rational. Wealth is a real and substantial
thing, which ministers to our pleasures, increases our comfort,
multiplies our resources, and not unfrequently alleviates our pains. But
birth is a dream and a shadow, which, so far from benefiting either body
or mind, only puffs up its possessor with an imaginary excellence, and
teaches him to despise those whom nature has made his superiors, and who,
whether engaged in adding to our knowledge or to our wealth, are, in
either case, ameliorating the condition of society, and rendering to it
true and valuable service.
[383] In 1740, 'the rising manufacturing and trading interests of the
country' were 'looked down upon and discouraged by the feudal
aristocracy.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_, p. 361.
This antagonism between the aristocratic and trading spirit, lies in the
nature of things, and is essential, however it may be disguised at
particular periods. Therefore it is, that the history of trade has a
philosophic importance in reference to the progress of society, quite
independent of practical considerations. On this account I have called
the attention of the reader to what otherwise would be foreign to the
objects of the present Introduction; and I will now trace, as briefly as
possible, the beginning of that great industrial movement, to the
extension of which the overthrow of the Scotch aristocracy is to be
partly ascribed.
The Union with England, which was completed in 1707, produced immediate
and striking effects on trade. Its first effect was, to throw open to the
Scotch a new and extensive commerce with the English colonies in America.
Before the Union, no goods of any kind could be landed in Scotland from
the American plantations, unless they had first been landed in England,
and paid duty there; nor even, in that case, might they be conveyed by
any Scotch vessel.[384] This was one of many foolish regulations by which
our legislators interfered with the natural course of affairs, and
injured the interests of their own country, as well as those of their
neighbours. Formerly, however, such laws were considered to be extremely
sagacious, and politicians were constantly contriving protective schemes
of this sort, which, with the best intentions, inflicted incalculable
harm. But if, as seems probable, one of their objects, in this instance,
was to retard the improvement of Scotland, they were more than usually
successful in effecting the purpose at which they aimed. For, the whole
of the western coast, being cut off from direct intercourse with the
American colonies, was debarred from the only foreign trade it could
advantageously follow; since the European ports lay to the east, and
could not be reached by the inhabitants of Western Scotland without a
long circumnavigation, which prevented them from competing, on equal
terms, with their countrymen, who, sailing from the other side, were
already near the chief seats of commerce. The consequence was, that
Glasgow and the other western ports remained almost stationary; having
comparatively few means of gratifying that enterprising spirit, which
rose among them late in the seventeenth century, and not daring to trade
with those prosperous colonies which were just before them across the
Atlantic, but from which they were entirely excluded by the jealous
precautions of the English parliament.[385]
[384] 'Whereas Scotland had, before this, prohibited all the English
woollen manufactures, under severe penalties, and England, on the
other hand, had excluded the Scots from trading with Scots ships
to their colonies in America, directly from Scotland, and had
confiscated even their own English ships trading to the said
colonies from England, if navigated or manned with above one-third
Scots seamen,' &c. _De Foe's History of the Union_, p. 603. In
1696, the wise men in our English Parliament passed a law, 'that
on no pretence whatever any kind of goods from the English
American plantations should hereafter be put on shore, either in
the kingdoms of Ireland or Scotland, without being first landed in
England, and having also paid the duties there, under forfeiture
of ship and cargo.' _Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii.
p. 684. Certainly, the more a man knows of the history of
legislation, the more he will wonder that nations should have been
able to advance in the face of the formidable impediments which
legislators have thrown in their way.
[385] 'A spirit for commerce appears to have been raised among the
inhabitants of Glasgow between the periods of 1660 and 1707, when
the union with England took place.' ... But, 'whatever their trade
was, at this time, it could not be considerable; the ports to
which they were obliged to trade, lay all to the eastward; the
circumnavigation of the island would, therefore, prove an almost
insurmountable bar to the commerce of Glasgow; the people upon the
east coast, from their situation, would be in possession of almost
the whole commerce of Scotland.' _Gibson's History of Glasgow_,
p. 205, Glasgow, 1777.
When, however, by the Act of Union, the two countries became one, these
precautions were discontinued, and Scotland was allowed to hold direct
intercourse with America and the West India Islands. The result which
this produced on the national industry, was almost instantaneous, because
it gave vent to a spirit which had begun to appear among the people late
in the seventeenth century, and because it was aided by those still more
general causes, which, in most parts of Europe, predisposed that age to
increased industry. The west of Scotland, being nearest to America, was
the first to feel the movement. In 1707, the inhabitants of Greenock,
without the interference of government, imposed on themselves a voluntary
assessment, with the object of constructing a harbour. In this
undertaking, they displayed so much zeal, that, by the year 1710, the
whole of the works were completed; a pier and capacious harbour were
erected, and Greenock was suddenly raised from insignificance to take an
important part in the trade of the Atlantic.[386] For a while, the
merchants were content to carry on their traffic with ships hired from
the English. Soon, however, they became bolder; they began to build on
their own account; and, in 1719, the first vessel belonging to Greenock
sailed for America.[387] From that moment, their commerce increased so
rapidly, that, by the year 1740, the tax which the citizens had laid on
themselves sufficed, not only to wipe off the debt which had been
incurred, but also to leave a considerable surplus available for
municipal purposes.[388] At the same time, and by the action of the same
causes, Glasgow emerged from obscurity. In 1718, its enterprising
inhabitants launched in the Clyde the first Scotch vessel which ever
crossed the Atlantic; thus anticipating the people of Greenock by one
year.[389] Glasgow and Greenock became the two great commercial outlets
of Scotland, and the chief centres of activity.[390] Comforts, and,
indeed, luxuries, hitherto only attainable at enormous cost, began to be
diffused through the country. The productions of the tropics could now be
procured direct from the New World, which, in return, offered a rich and
abundant market for manufactured goods. This was a further stimulus to
Scotch industry, and its effects were immediately apparent. The
inhabitants of Glasgow, finding a great demand among the Americans for
linen, introduced its manufacture into their city in 1725, whence it
extended to other places, and, in a short time, gave employment to
thousands of workmen.[391] It is also from the year 1725, that Paisley
dates its rise. So late as the beginning of the eighteenth century, this
rich and prosperous city was still a straggling village, containing only
a single street.[392] But, after the Union, its poor, and hitherto idle,
inhabitants began to be moved by the activity which they saw on every
side. Gradually, their views expanded; and the introduction among them,
in 1725, of the manufacture of thread, was the first step in that great
career in which they never stopped, until they had raised Paisley to be a
vast emporium of industry, and a successful promoter of every art by
which industry is nurtured.[393]
[386] 'The importance of the measure induced the inhabitants of Greenock
to make a contract with the superior, by which they agreed to an
assessment of 1_s._ 4_d._ sterling on every sack of malt, brewed
into ale, within the limits of the town; the money so levied to be
applied in liquidating the expence of forming a proper harbour at
Greenock. The work was begun at the epoch of the Union, in 1707;
and a capacious harbour, containing upwards of ten Scottish acres,
was formed by building an extensive circular pier, with a straight
pier, or tongue, in the middle, by which the harbour was divided
into two parts. This formidable work, the greatest of the kind, at
that time, in Scotland, incurred an expence of more than 100,000
marks Scots.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 807, London,
1824, 4to. _In M'Culloch's Geographical and Statistical
Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 930, it is stated, that 'the
inhabitants took the matter (1707) into their own hands, and
agreed with their superior to assess themselves at a certain rate,
to build a proper pier and harbour. The work was finished in 1710,
at an expence of 5,555_l._'
[387] 'The trade of Greenock has kept pace with the improvements made on
its harbour. The union of the kingdoms (1707) opened the colonies
to the enterprising inhabitants of this town, and generally of the
west of Scotland; but it was not till 1719 that the first vessel
belonging to Greenock crossed the Atlantic.' _M'Culloch's
Geographical and Statistical Dictionary_, vol. i. p. 930.
[388] 'Such was the effect of the new harbour in increasing the trade,
and the population, of the town, that the assessment, and port
dues, cleared off the whole debt before 1740, and left, in that
year, a clear surplus of 27,000 marks Scots, or 1,500_l._
sterling.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 807. 'After the
Union, however, the trade of the port increased so rapidly, that,
in the year 1740, the whole debt was extinguished, and there
remained a surplus, the foundation of the present town's funds, of
27,000 marks.' _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol.
v. p. 576, Edinburgh, 1793.
[389] 'By the Union, however, new views were opened up to the merchants
of the city; they thereby obtained the liberty of a free commerce
to America and the West Indies, from which they had been before
shut out; they chartered English vessels for these voyages, having
none at first fit for the purpose; sent out cargoes of goods for
the use of the colonies, and returned home laden with tobacco. The
business doing well, vessels were built belonging to the city, and
in the year 1718, the first ship, the property of Glasgow, crossed
the Atlantic.' _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, p. 405, 3rd edit.
Glasgow, 1804. Brown (_History of Glasgow_, vol. ii. p. 330,
Edinburgh, 1797) says, that the Glasgow merchants 'chartered
Whitehaven ships for many years:' but that, 'in 1716, a vessel of
sixty tons burden was launched at Crawford's dike, being the first
Clyde ship that went to the British Settlements in America with
goods and a supercargo.' But this date is probably two years too
early. Mr. M'Culloch, in his excellent _Geographical and
Statistical Dictionary_, London, 1849, vol. ii. p. 659, says: 'But
for a while, the merchants of Glasgow, who first embarked in the
trade to America, carried it on by means of vessels belonging to
English ports; and it was not till 1718 that a ship built in
Scotland (in the Clyde), the property of Scotch owners, sailed for
the American colonies.' Gibson, also (_History of Glasgow_, 1777,
p. 206), says: 'In 1718, the first vessel of the property of
Glasgow crossed the Atlantic.' And, to the same effect,
_Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. v. p. 498,
Edinburgh, 1793.
[390] The progress was so rapid, that, in a work printed in 1732, it is
stated, that 'this city of Glasgow is a place of the greatest
trade in the kingdom, especially to the Plantations; from whence
they have twenty or thirty sail of ships every year, laden with
tobacco and sugar; an advantage this kingdom never enjoyed till
the Union. They are purchasing a harbour on the Frith, near
Alloway, to which they have but twelve miles by land; and then
they can re-ship their sugars and tobacco, for Holland, Germany,
and the Baltick Sea, without being at the trouble of sailing round
England or Scotland.' _Macky's Journey through Scotland_, pp. 294,
295, 2nd edit. London, 1732. The first edition of this book was
also printed in 1732. See _Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica_, vol. i.
p. 631 m., Edinburgh, 1824, 4to.
[391] Gibson, who was a Glasgow merchant, says, in his _History of
Glasgow_, p. 236, 'that the commerce to America first suggested
the idea of introducing manufactures into Glasgow, is to me very
evident; and that they were only attempted to be introduced about
the year 1725 is apparent.' Denholm (_History of Glasgow_, p. 412)
says: 'The linen manufacture, which began here in the year 1725,
was, for a long time, the staple, not only of this city, but of
the west of Scotland.' Compare _Heron's Journey through the
Western Counties of Scotland_, Perth, 1799, vol. ii. p. 412.
[392] 'Consisting only of one principal street about half a mile in
length.' _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii.
p. 62. But the local historian mentions, with evident pride, that
this one street contained 'handsome houses.' _Crawfurd's History
of the Shire of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 305, edit. Paisley, 1782,
4to.
[393] _Denholm's History of Glasgow_, pp. 546, 547; and _Sinclair's
Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 62-64. See also,
on the rise of Paisley, _Heron's Journey through the Western
Counties of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 399, 400; _Pennant's Tour in
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 144; and _Crawfurd's History of the Shire
of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 321. At an earlier period, Paisley was
famous in a different way. In the middle ages it swarmed with
monks. Keith (_Catalogue of Scotch Bishops_, p. 252, Edinburgh,
1755, 4to) tells us that, 'it formerly was a Priory, and
afterwards changed into an Abbey of Black Monks.'
Nor was it merely in the west, that this movement was displayed. In
Scotland generally, the spirit of trade became so rife, that it began to
encroach on the old theological spirit, which had long been supreme.
Hitherto, the Scotch had cared for little except religious polemics. In
every society, these had been the chief subjects of conversation; and on
them, men had wasted their energies, without the least benefit either to
themselves or to others. But, about this time it was observed, that the
improvement of manufactures became a common topic of discourse.[394] Such
a statement, made by a well-informed writer, who witnessed what he
relates, is a curious proof of the change which was beginning, though
very faintly, to steal over the Scotch mind. It shows that there was, at
all events, a tendency to turn aside from subjects which are inaccessible
to our understanding, and the discussion of which has no effect except to
exasperate those who dispute, and to make them more intolerant than ever
of theological opinions different from their own. Unhappily, there were,
as I shall presently point out, other causes at work, which prevented
this tendency from producing all the good that might have been expected.
Still, so far as it went, it was a clear gain. It was a blow to
superstition, inasmuch as it was an attempt to occupy the human mind with
mere secular considerations. In a country like Scotland, this alone was
extremely important. We must also add, that, though it was the effect of
increased industry, it, as often happens, reacted upon, and
strengthened, its cause. For, by diminishing, however little, the
inordinate respect formerly paid to theological pursuits, it was, in the
same proportion, an inducement to ambitious and enterprising men to
abstain from those pursuits, and to engage in temporal matters, where
ability, being less fettered by prejudice, has more scope, and enjoys
more freedom of action. Of those men, some rose to the first rank in
literature; while others, taking a different but equally useful turn,
became as eminent in trade. Hence, Scotland, during the eighteenth
century, possessed, for the first time, two powerful and active classes,
whose aim was essentially secular--the intellectual class, and the
industrial class. Before the eighteenth century, neither of these classes
exercised an independent sway, or could, indeed, be said to have a
separate existence. The intellect of the country was absorbed by the
church; the industry of the country was controlled by the nobles. The
effect which this change produced on the literature of Scotland will be
traced in the last chapter of the present volume. Its effect on industry
was equally remarkable, and, for the well-being of the nation, was
equally valuable. But it does not possess that general scientific
interest which belongs to the intellectual movement; and I shall,
therefore, in addition to the evidence already given, confine myself to a
few more facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry down to the
middle of the eighteenth century, by which time there was no longer any
doubt that the flood of material prosperity had fairly set in.
[394] The author of _The Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh,
1733, says (p. xvi.) that since 1727, 'we have happily turned our
eyes upon the improvement of our manufactures, which is now a
common subject in discourse, and this contributes not a little to
its success.'
During the seventeenth century, the only Scotch manufacture of any
importance was that of linen, which, however, like every other branch of
industry, was very backward, and was exposed to all sorts of
discouragement.[395] But, after the Union, it received a sudden impetus,
from two causes. One of these causes, as I have already noticed, was the
demand from America, consequent upon the trade of the Atlantic being
thrown open. The other cause was, the removal of the duty which England
had imposed upon the importation of Scotch linen. These two
circumstances, occurring nearly at the same time, produced such effect on
the national industry, that De Foe, who had a wider knowledge of the
details of trade than any man of that age, said that it seemed as if, for
the future, the Scotch poor could never lack employment.[396]
Unfortunately, this was not the case, and never will be, until society is
radically changed. But the movement which provoked so bold a remark from
so cautious an observer as De Foe, must have been very striking; and we
know, from other sources, that, between 1728 and 1738, the manufacture of
linen for exportation alone was more than doubled.[397] After that
period, this and other departments of Scotch industry advanced with a
constantly accelerating speed. It is mentioned, by a contemporary who was
likely to be well informed, that, between 1715 and 1745, the trade and
manufactures of Scotland increased more than they had done for ages
before.[398] Such a statement, though valuable as corroborating other
evidence, is too vague to be entirely relied on; and historians, who
usually occupy themselves with insignificant details about courts and
princes and statesmen, desert us in matters which are really important,
so that it is now hardly possible to reconstruct the history of the
Scotch people during this, the first epoch of their material prosperity.
I have, however, gathered a few facts, which appear to rest on good
authority, and which supply us with something like precise information as
to dates. In 1739, the manufacture of linen was introduced into
Kilbarchan,[399] and, in 1740, into Arbroath.[400] From the year 1742,
the manufactures of Kilmarnock date their rise.[401] In 1748, the first
linen was manufactured in Cullen;[402] and in the same year in
Inverary.[403] In 1749, this great branch of industry and source of
wealth was established, on a large scale, in Aberdeen;[404] while, about
1750, it began to diffuse itself in Wemyss, in the county of Fife.[405]
These things happening, within eleven years, in parts of the country so
distant from each other, and so totally unconnected, indicate the
existence of general causes, which governed the whole movement; though in
this, as in all instances, every thing is popularly ascribed to the
influence of a few powerful individuals. We have, however, other proofs
that the progress was essentially national. Even in Edinburgh, where
hitherto no claims had been respected except those of the nobles or
clergy, the voice of this new trading interest began to be heard. In that
poor and warlike capital, a society was now first established for the
encouragement of manufactures; and we are assured that this was but a
single manifestation of the enthusiasm which was generally felt on the
subject.[406] Coinciding with this movement, and indeed forming part of
it, we can discern the earliest symptoms of a monied class, properly so
called. In 1749, there was established, at Aberdeen, the first county
bank ever seen in Scotland; and, in the very same year, a similar
establishment was formed at Glasgow.[407] These represented the east and
the west, and, by the advances which they were able to make, each
assisted the trade of its own district. Between eastern and western
Scotland, the intercourse, as yet, was difficult and costly. But this
likewise was about to be remedied by an enterprise, the mere conception
of which would formerly have excited ridicule. After the Union, the idea
arose of uniting the east with the west by a canal, which should join the
Forth to the Clyde. The plan was deemed chimerical, and was abandoned. As
soon, however, as the manufacturing and commercial classes had gained
sufficient influence they adopted it, with that energy which is
characteristic of their order, and which is more common among them than
among any other rank of society. The result was, that, in 1768, the great
work was fairly begun;[408] and the first step was taken towards what, in
a material point of view, was an enterprise of vast importance, but, in a
social and intellectual point of view, was of still superior value,
inasmuch as, by supplying a cheap and easy transit through the heart of
the most populous part of Scotland, it had a direct tendency to make
different districts and different places feel that each had need of
others, and thus encouraging the notion that all belonged to one common
scheme, it assisted in diminishing local prejudice and assuaging local
jealousy; while, in the same proportion, by enticing men to move out of
the narrow circle in which they had habitually lived, it prepared them
for a certain enlargement of mind, which is the natural consequence of
seeing affairs under various aspects, and which is never found in any
country in which the means of travelling are either very hazardous or
very expensive.
[395] Morer, who was in Scotland in 1688 and 1689, says: 'But that which
employs great part of their land is hemp, of which they have
mighty burdens, and on which they bestow much care and pains to
dress and prepare it for making their linen, the most noted and
beneficial manufacture of the kingdom.' _Morer's Short Account of
Scotland_, London, 1702, pp. 3, 4.
[396] 'The duties upon linen from Scotland being taken off in England,
made so great a demand for Scots linen more than usual, that it
seemed the poor could want no employment.' _De Foe's History of
the Union between England and Scotland_, p. 604. Compare
_Macpherson's Annals of Commerce_, vol. ii. p. 736: 'a prodigious
vent, not only in England, but for the American plantations.' This
concerns a later period.
[397] 'The surplus of linen made above the consumption, was, in 1728,
2,183,978 yards; in 1738, 4,666,011.' _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol.
i. p. 873. On the increase between 1728 and 1732, see the Table in
_The Interest of Scotland Considered_, Edinburgh, 1733, p. 97. In
a work published in 1732, it is stated that 'they make a great
deal of linnen all over the kingdom, not only for their own use,
but export it to England, and to the Plantations. In short, the
women are all kept employ'd, from the highest to the lowest of
them.' _Macky's Journey through Scotland_, London, 1732, p. 271.
This refers merely to the women of Scotland, whom Macky represents
as much more industrious than the men.
[398] In 1745, Craik writes to Lord Nithisdale, 'The present family have
now reigned over us these thirty years, and though during so long
a time they may have fallen into errors, or may have committed
faults, (as what Government is without?) yett I will defy the most
sanguine zealot to find in history a period equal to this in which
Scotland possessed so uninterrupted a felicity, in which liberty,
civil and religious, was so universally enjoyed by all people of
whatever denomination--nay, by the open and avowed ennemys of the
family and constitution, or a period in which all ranks of men
have been so effectually secured in their property. Have not
trade, manufactures, agriculture, and the spirit of industry in
our country extended themselves further during this period and
under this family than for ages before?' _Thomson's Memoirs of the
Jacobites_, London, 1845, vol. ii. pp. 60, 61.
[399] _Crawfurd's History of the Shire of Renfrew_, part ii. p. 114.
[400] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. vii. p. 341,
compared with vol. xii. pp. 176, 177.
[401] _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 483.
[402] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xii. p. 145.
[403] _Ibid._ vol. v. p. 297.
[404] _Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen_, vol. ii. pp. 199, 200.
[405] _Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xvi. p. 520:
'About the year 1750.' I need hardly say, that some of these
dates, depending upon tradition, are given by the authors
approximatively.
[406] 'Betwixt the year 1750 and 1760, a great degree of patriotic
enthusiasm arose in Scotland to encourage arts and manufactures;
and the _Edinburgh Society_ was established in 1755 for the
express purpose of improving these.' _Bower's History of the
University of Edinburgh_, vol. iii. pp. 126, 7.
[407] 'The first county-bank that anywhere appeared, was the Aberdeen
Bank, which was settled in 1749: it was immediately followed by a
similar establishment in Glasgow during the same year.' _Chalmers'
Caledonia_, vol. iii. p. 9, 4to, 1824. Kennedy (_Annals of
Aberdeen_, 4to, 1818, vol. ii. p. 195) says: 'Banking was
originally projected in Aberdeen about the year 1752, by a few of
the principal citizens who were engaged in commerce and
manufactures. They commenced business, upon a limited scale, in an
office on the north side of the Castle Street, issued notes of
hand, of five pounds and of twenty shillings sterling, and
discounted bills and promissory notes, for the accommodation of
the public.' It is uncertain if Chalmers knew of this passage; but
he was a more accurate writer than Kennedy, and I, therefore,
prefer his authority. Besides, Kennedy vaguely says, 'about the
year 1752.'
[408] 'After having been frequently proposed, since the Union, this
canal was at length begun in 1768, and finished in 1790. The trade
upon it is already great, and is rapidly increasing.' _Sinclair's
Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 279, 280,
Edinburgh, 1792. See also vol. xii. p. 125; _Irving's History of
Dumbartonshire_, 1860, 4to, p. 247; and an interesting
contemporary notice in _Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire_,
Edinburgh, 1777, pp. 468-481. In 1767, Watt was employed as a
surveyor. See _Muirhead's Life of Watt_, 2nd edit. London, 1859,
p. 167.
Such was the state of Scotland towards the middle of the eighteenth
century; and surely a fairer prospect was never opened to any country.
The land was at peace. It had nothing to fear, either from foreign
invasion, or from domestic tyranny. The arts, which increase the comfort
of man, and minister to his happiness, were sedulously cultivated; wealth
was being created with unexampled speed, and the blessings which follow
in the train of wealth were being widely diffused; while the insolence of
the nobility was so effectually curbed, that industrious citizens could,
for the first time, feel their own independence, could know that what
they earned, that likewise they should enjoy, and could hold themselves
erect, and with a manly brow, in the presence of a class before whom they
had long crouched in abject submission.
Besides this, a great literature now arose, a literature of rare and
surpassing beauty. To narrate the intellectual achievements of the Scotch
during the eighteenth century, in a manner at all commensurate with their
importance, would require a separate treatise, and I cannot now stop even
to mention what all educated persons are at least partly acquainted with;
each student recognizing the value of what was done in his own pursuit.
In the last chapter of this volume, I shall, however, attempt to give
some idea of the general results considered as a whole; at present, it is
enough to say, that in every branch of knowledge this once poor and
ignorant people produced original and successful thinkers. What makes
this the more remarkable, is its complete contrast to their former state.
Down even to the beginning of the eighteenth century, Scotland could only
boast of two authors whose works have benefited mankind. They were
Buchanan and Napier. Buchanan was the first political writer who held
accurate views respecting government, and who clearly defined the true
relation between the people and their rulers. He placed popular rights on
a solid basis, and vindicated, by anticipation, all subsequent
revolutions. Napier, equally bold in another department, succeeded, by a
mighty effort of genius, in detecting, and pushing to its extreme
consequence, a law of the progression of numbers, which is so simple and
yet so potent, that it unravels the most tedious and intricate
calculations, and, thus economizing the labours of the brain, has saved
an enormous and incalculable waste. These two men were, indeed, great
benefactors of their species; but they stand alone, and if all the other
authors Scotland produced down to the close of the seventeenth century
had never been born, or if, being born, they had never written, society
would have lost nothing, but would be in exactly the same position as it
now is.
Early, however, in the eighteenth century, a movement was felt all over
Europe, and in that movement Scotland participated. A spirit of inquiry
was abroad, so general and so searching, that no country could entirely
escape from its action. Sanguine men were excited, and even grave men
were stirred. It seemed as if a long night were about to close. Light
broke forth where before there was nothing but darkness. Opinions which
had stood the test of ages were suddenly questioned; and in every
direction doubts sprung up, and proofs were demanded. The human mind,
waxing bold, would not be satisfied with the old evidence. Things were
examined at their foundation, and the basis of every belief was jealously
scrutinized. For a time, this was confined to the higher intellects; but
soon the movement spread, and, in the most advanced countries, worked
upon nearly all classes. In England and in France, the result was
extremely beneficial. It might have been hoped, that in Scotland
likewise, the popular mind would gradually have become enlightened. But
not so. Time rolled on; one generation succeeded another; the eighteenth
century passed away; the nineteenth century came; and still the people
made no sign. The gloom of the middle ages was yet upon them. While all
around was light, the Scotch, enveloped in mist, crept on, groping their
way, dismally and with fear. While other nations were shaking off their
old superstitions, this singular people clung to theirs with undiminished
tenacity. Now, indeed, their grasp is gradually slackening, but with
extreme slowness, and threatening reactions frequently appear. This, as
it always has been, and still is, the curse of Scotland, so also is it
the chief difficulty with which the historian of Scotland has to contend.
Everywhere else, when the rise of the intellectual classes, and that of
the trading and manufacturing classes, have accompanied each other, the
invariable result has been, a diminution of the power of the clergy, and,
consequently, a diminution of the influence of superstition. The
peculiarity of Scotland is, that, during the eighteenth century, and even
down to the middle of the nineteenth century, the industrial and
intellectual progress has continued without materially shaking the
authority of the priesthood.[409] Strange and unequal combination! The
country of bold and enterprising merchants, of shrewd manufacturers, of
far-seeing men of business, and of cunning artificers; the country, too,
of such fearless thinkers as George Buchanan, David Hume, and Adam Smith,
is awed by a few noisy and ignorant preachers, to whom it allows a
license, and yields a submission, disgraceful to the age, and
incompatible with the commonest notions of liberty. A people, in many
respects very advanced, and holding upon political subjects enlightened
views, do, upon all religious subjects, display a littleness of mind, an
illiberality of sentiment, a heat of temper, and a love of persecuting
others, which shows that the Protestantism of which they boast has done
them no good; that, in the most important matters, it has left them as
narrow as it found them; and that it has been unable to free them from
prejudices which make them the laughing-stock of Europe, and which have
turned the very name of the Scotch Kirk into a by-word and a reproach
among educated men.
[409] I will quote, in a single passage, the opinions of an eminent
German and of an eminent Scotchman. 'Dr. Spurzheim, when he last
visited Scotland, remarked that the Scotch appeared to him to be
the most priest-ridden nation in Europe; Spain and Portugal not
excepted. _After having seen other countries, I can understand the
force of this observation._' _Notes on the United States of North
America by George Combe_, vol. iii. p. 32, Edinburgh, 1841.
I shall now endeavour to explain how all this arose, and how such
apparent inconsistencies are to be reconciled. That they may be
reconciled, and that the inconsistencies are merely apparent and not
real, will be at once admitted by whoever is capable of a scientific
conception of history. For, in the moral world, as in the physical world,
nothing is anomalous; nothing is unnatural; nothing is strange. All is
order, symmetry, and law. There are opposites, but there are no
contradictions. In the character of a nation, inconsistency is
impossible. Such, however, is still the backward condition of the human
mind, and with so evil and jaundiced an eye do we approach the greatest
problems, that not only common writers, but even men from whom better
things might be hoped, are on this point involved in constant confusion,
perplexing themselves and their readers by speaking of inconsistency, as
if it were a quality belonging to the subject which they investigate,
instead of being, as it really is, a measure of their own ignorance. It
is the business of the historian to remove this ignorance, by showing
that the movements of nations are perfectly regular, and that, like all
other movements, they are solely determined by their antecedents. If he
cannot do this, he is no historian. He may be an annalist, or a
biographer, or a chronicler, but higher than that he cannot rise, unless
he is imbued with that spirit of science which teaches, as an article of
faith, the doctrine of uniform sequence; in other words, the doctrine
that certain events having already happened, certain other events
corresponding to them will also happen. To seize this idea with firmness,
and to apply it on all occasions, without listening to any exceptions, is
extremely difficult, but it must be done by whoever wishes to elevate the
study of history from its present crude and informal state, and do what
he may towards placing it in its proper rank, as the head and chief of
all the sciences. Even then, he cannot perform his task unless his
materials are ample, and derived from sources of unquestioned
credibility. But if his facts are sufficiently numerous; if they are very
diversified; if they have been collected from such various quarters that
they can check and confront each other, so as to do away with all
suspicion of their testimony being garbled; and if he who uses them
possesses that faculty of generalization, without which nothing great can
be achieved, he will hardly fail in bringing some part of his labours to
a prosperous issue, provided he devotes all his strength to that one
enterprise, postponing to it every other object of ambition, and
sacrificing to it many interests which men hold dear. Some of the most
pleasurable incentives to action, he must disregard. Not for him, are
those rewards which, in other pursuits, the same energy would have
earned; not for him, the sweets of popular applause; not for him, the
luxury of power; not for him, a share in the councils of his country; not
for him, a conspicuous and honoured place before the public eye. Albeit
conscious of what he could do, he may not compete in the great contest;
he cannot hope to win the prize; he cannot even enjoy the excitement of
the struggle. To him, the arena is closed. His recompense lies within
himself, and he must learn to care little for the sympathy of his
fellow-creatures, or for such honours as they are able to bestow. So far
from looking for these things, he should rather be prepared for that
obloquy which always awaits those, who, by opening up new veins of
thought, disturb the prejudices of their contemporaries. While ignorance,
and worse than ignorance, is imputed to him, while his motives are
misrepresented, and his integrity impeached, while he is accused of
denying the value of moral principles, and of attacking the foundation of
all religion, as if he were some public enemy, who made it his business
to corrupt society, and whose delight it was to see what evil he could
do; while these charges are brought forward, and repeated from mouth to
mouth, he must be capable of pursuing in silence the even tenor of his
way, without swerving, without pausing, and without stepping from his
path to notice the angry outcries which he cannot but hear, and which he
is more than human if he does not long to rebuke. These are the
qualities, and these the high resolves, indispensable to him, who, on the
most important of all subjects, believing that the old road is worn out
and useless, seeks to strike out a new one for himself, and, in the
effort, not only perhaps exhausts his strength, but is sure to incur the
enmity of those who are bent on maintaining the ancient scheme
unimpaired. To solve the great problem of affairs; to detect those
hidden circumstances which determine the march and destiny of nations;
and to find, in the events of the past, a key to the proceedings of the
future, is nothing less than to unite into a single science all the laws
of the moral and physical world. Whoever does this, will build up afresh
the fabric of our knowledge, re-arrange its various parts, and harmonize
its apparent discrepancies. Perchance, the human mind is hardly ready for
so vast an enterprise. At all events, he who undertakes it will meet with
little sympathy, and will find few to help him. And let him toil as he
may, the sun and noontide of his life shall pass by, the evening of his
days shall overtake him, and he himself have to quit the scene, leaving
that unfinished which he had vainly hoped to complete. He may lay the
foundation; it will be for his successors to raise the edifice. Their
hands will give the last touch; they will reap the glory; their names
will be remembered when he is forgotten. It is, indeed, too true, that
such a work requires, not only several minds, but also the successive
experience of several generations. Once, I own, I thought otherwise.
Once, when I first caught sight of the whole field of knowledge, and
seemed, however dimly, to discern its various parts and the relation they
bore to each other, I was so entranced with its surpassing beauty, that
the judgment was beguiled, and I deemed myself able, not only to cover
the surface, but also to master the details. Little did I know how the
horizon enlarges as well as recedes, and how vainly we grasp at the
fleeting forms, which melt away and elude us in the distance. Of all that
I had hoped to do, I now find but too surely how small a part I shall
accomplish. In those early aspirations, there was much that was fanciful;
perhaps there was much that was foolish. Perhaps, too, they contained a
moral defect, and savoured of an arrogance which belongs to a strength
that refuses to recognize its own weakness. Still, even now that they are
defeated and brought to nought, I cannot repent having indulged in them,
but, on the contrary, I would willingly recall them, if I could. For,
such hopes belong to that joyous and sanguine period of life, when alone
we are really happy; when the emotions are more active than the judgment;
when experience has not yet hardened our nature; when the affections are
not yet blighted and nipped to the core; and when the bitterness of
disappointment not having yet been felt, difficulties are unheeded,
obstacles are unseen, ambition is a pleasure instead of a pang, and the
blood coursing swiftly through the veins, the pulse beats high, while the
heart throbs at the prospect of the future. Those are glorious days; but
they go from us, and nothing can compensate their absence. To me, they
now seem more like the visions of a disordered fancy, than the sober
realities of things that were, and are not. It is painful to make this
confession; but I owe it to the reader, because I would not have him to
suppose that either in this, or in the future volumes of my History, I
shall be able to redeem my pledge, and to perform all that I promised.
Something, I hope to achieve, which will interest the thinkers of this
age; and something, perhaps, on which posterity may build. It will,
however, only be a fragment of my original design. In the two last
chapters I have attempted, and in the two next chapters I shall still
further attempt, to solve a curious problem in the history of Scotland,
which is intimately connected with other problems of a yet graver import:
but though the solution will, I believe, be complete, the evidence of the
solution will, most assuredly, be imperfect. I regret to add, that such
imperfection is henceforth an essential part of my plan. It is essential,
because I despair of supplying those deficiencies in my knowledge, of
which I grow more sensible in proportion as my views become more
extensive. It is also essential, because, after a fair estimate of my own
strength, of the probable duration of my life, and of the limits to which
industry can safely be pushed, I have been driven to the conclusion, that
this Introduction, which I had projected as a solid foundation on which
the history of England might subsequently be raised, must either be
greatly curtailed, and consequently shorn of its force, or that, if not
curtailed, there will hardly be a chance of my being able to narrate,
with the amplitude and fulness of detail which they richly deserve, the
deeds of that great and splendid nation with which I am best acquainted,
and of which it is my pride to count myself a member. It is with the
free, the noble, and the high-minded English people, that my sympathies
are most closely connected; on them my affections naturally centre; from
their literature, and from their example, my best lessons have been
learnt; and it is now the most cherished and the most sacred desire of my
heart, that I may succeed in writing their history, and in unfolding the
successive phases of their mighty career, while I am yet somewhat equal
to the task, and before my faculties have begun to dwindle, or the power
of continuous attention has begun to decay.
CHAPTER IV.
AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
The remaining part of this volume, I purpose to devote to an attempt to
unravel still further that two-fold paradox, which forms the prominent
peculiarity of the history of Scotland. The paradox consists, as we have
seen, in the fact, first, that the same people have long been liberal in
politics, and illiberal in religion; and, secondly, that the brilliant,
inquisitive, and sceptical literature which they produced in the
eighteenth century, was unable to weaken their superstition, or to instil
into them wiser and larger maxims on religious matters. From an early
period, there were, as I have endeavoured to show, many circumstances
which predisposed the Scotch to superstition, and, so far, had a general
connexion with the subject before us. But the remarkable phenomenon with
which we are immediately concerned, may, I think, be traced to two
distinct causes. The first cause was, that, for a hundred and twenty
years after the establishment of Protestantism, the rulers of Scotland
either neglected the Church or persecuted it, thereby driving the clergy
into the arms of the people, from whom alone they could obtain sympathy
and support. Hence an alliance between the two parties, more intimate
than would otherwise have been possible; and hence, too, the rise of that
democratic spirit which was the necessary consequence of such an union,
and which the clergy encouraged, because they were opposed and thwarted
by the upper classes. So far, the result was extremely beneficial, as it
produced a love of independence and a hatred of tyranny, which, twice
during the seventeenth century, saved the country from the yoke of a
cruel despotism. But these very circumstances, which guarded the people
against political despotism, exposed them all the more to ecclesiastical
despotism. For, having no one to trust except their preachers, they
trusted them entirely and upon all subjects. The clergy gradually became
supreme, not only in spiritual matters, but also in temporal ones. Late
in the sixteenth century, they had been glad to take refuge among the
people; before the middle of the seventeenth century, they ruled the
people. How shamefully they abused their power, and how, by encouraging
the worst kind of superstition, they prolonged the reign of ignorance,
and stopped the march of society, will be related in the course of this
chapter; but, in fairness to them, we ought to acknowledge, that the
religious servitude into which the Scotch fell during the seventeenth
century, was, on the whole, a willing one, and that, mischievous as it
was, it had at least a noble origin, inasmuch as the influence of the
Protestant clergy is mainly to be ascribed to the fearlessness with which
they came forward as leaders of the people, at a period when that post
was full of danger, and when the upper classes were ready to unite with
the crown in destroying the last vestiges of national liberty.
To trace the operation of this cause of Scotch superstition, will be the
business of the present chapter; while, in the next and concluding
chapter, I shall examine the other cause, which I have as yet hardly
mentioned. This latter inquiry will involve some considerations
respecting the philosophy of method, still imperfectly appreciated among
us, and on which the history of the Scotch mind will throw considerable
light. For, it will appear, that, during the eighteenth century, the
ablest Scotchmen, with hardly an exception, adopted a method of
investigating truth, which cut them off from the sympathies of their
countrymen, and prevented their works from producing the effect which
they might otherwise have done. The result was, that though a very
sceptical literature was produced, scepticism made no progress, and
therefore superstition was undiminished. The highly-educated minds,
indeed, were affected; but they formed a class apart, and there were no
means of communication between them and the people. That this was owing
to the method which literary men employed, I hope to prove in the next
chapter; and if I succeed in doing so, it will be evident, that I have
been guilty of no exaggeration in terming this the second great cause of
the prolongation of Scotch superstition, since it was sufficiently
powerful to prevent the intellectual classes from exercising their
natural functions as the disturbers of old opinions.
We have already seen, that almost immediately after the Reformation,
ill-feeling arose between the upper classes and the spiritual leaders of
the Protestant church, and that this ill-feeling increased until, in
1580, it vented itself by the abolition of episcopacy. This bold and
decisive measure made the breach irreparable. The preachers had now
committed themselves too far to recede, even if they had desired to do
so; and from that moment, uniting themselves heartily with the people,
they took up a position which they have never since abandoned. During the
remaining twenty-three years that James was in Scotland, they were
occupied in exciting the people against their rulers; and as they became
more democratic, so did the crown and nobles grow more hostile, and
display, for the first time, a disposition to combine together in defence
of their common interests. In 1603, James ascended the throne of England,
and the struggle began in earnest. It lasted, with few interruptions,
eighty-five years, and, during its continuance, the Presbyterian clergy
never wavered; they were always steady to the good cause; always on the
side of the people. This greatly increased their influence; and what
favoured it still more was, that, besides being the champions of popular
liberty, they were also the champions of national independence. When
James I. and the two Charles's attempted to force episcopacy upon
Scotland, the Scotch rejected it, not only because they hated the
institution, but also because they looked on it as the mark of a foreign
domination, which they were determined to resist. Their nearest and most
dangerous enemy was England; and they spurned the idea of receiving
bishops who must, in the first instance, be consecrated in London, and
who, it was certain, would never have been admitted into Scotland unless
England had been the stronger country. It was, therefore, on patriotic,
as well as religious, grounds, that the Scotch clergy, during the
seventeenth century, struggled against episcopacy;[410] and when they
overthrew it, in 1638, their bold and determined conduct associated, in
the popular mind, the love of country with the love of the church.
Subsequent events strengthened this association.[411] In 1650, Cromwell
invaded Scotland, overthrew the Scotch in the battle of Dunbar, and
intrusted to Monk the task of curbing their spirit, by building
fortresses, and establishing a long chain of military posts.[412] The
nation, cowed and broken, gave way, and, for the first time for three
centuries, felt the pressure of a foreign yoke. The clergy alone remained
firm.[413] Cromwell, who knew that they were the chief obstacle to
completing his conquest, hated them, and did every thing he could to ruin
them.[414] But their power was too deeply seated to be shaken. From their
pulpits, they continued to influence and animate the people. In face of
the invaders, and in spite of them, the Scotch church continued to hold
its General Assemblies, until the summer of 1653. Then, indeed, they had
to yield to brute force; and the people, to their unutterable grief,
beheld the venerated representatives of the Scotch kirk driven from their
place of meeting by English soldiers, and led like criminals through the
streets of Edinburgh.[415]
[410] In 1638, one of the most eminent of the Scotch clergy writes: 'Our
maine feare' is 'to have our religion lost, our throats cutted,
our poore countrey made ane English province, to be disposed upon
for ever hereafter at the will of a Bishope of Canterburie.'
_Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. i. p. 66. Compare p. 450.
'This kirk is a free and independant kirk, no less then the
kingdom is a free and independant kingdom; and as our own Patriots
can best judge what is for the good of the kingdom, so our own
Pastors should be most able to judge what form of worship
beseemeth our Reformation, and what serveth most for the good of
the People.' Two generations later, one of the most popular
arguments against the Union was, that it might enable the English
to force episcopacy upon Scotland. See _De Foe's History of the
Union between England and Scotland_, pp. 222, 284, 359. 'The
danger of the Church of Scotland, from the suffrages of English
bishops,' &c.
[411] The hatred which the Scotch naturally felt against the English for
having inflicted so much suffering upon them, was intense about
the middle of the seventeenth century, notwithstanding the
temporary union of the two nations against Charles. In 1652, 'the
criminal record is full of cases of murder of English soldiers.
They were cut off by the people whenever a fitting opportunity
occurred, and were as much detested in Scotland as the French
soldiers were in Spain during the Peninsular war.' _The
Spottiswoode Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 98, Edinburgh, 1845. See
also p. 167: 'a nationall quarrell, and not for the Stuarts.'
[412] _Browne's History of the Highlands_, vol. ii. pp. 75-77: 'the
English army was augmented to twenty thousand men, and citadels
erected in several towns, and a long train of military stations
drawn across the country to curb the inhabitants.'
[413] Clarendon, under the year 1655, says, 'Though Scotland was
vanquished, and subdued, to that degree, that there was no place
nor person who made the least show of opposing Cromwell; who, by
the administration of Monk, made the yoke very grievous to the
whole nation; yet the preachers kept their pulpit license; and,
more for the affront that was offered to presbytery, than the
conscience of what was due to majesty, many of them presumed to
pray for the king; and generally, though secretly, exasperated the
minds of the people against the present government.' _Clarendon's
History of the Rebellion_, p. 803.
[414] And, what they must have felt very acutely, he would not go to hear
them preach. A writer of that time informs us that, even in 1648,
when Cromwell was in Edinburgh, 'he went not to their churches;
but it is constantle reported that ewerie day he had sermons in
his oune ludginge, himself being the preacher, whensoewer the
spirit came upon him; which took him lyk the fitts of an ague,
somtyms twise, sometyms thryse in a day.' _Gordon's Britane's
Distemper_, p. 212. In 1650, according to another contemporary,
'he made stables of all the churches for hes horsses quhersoeuer
he came, and burned all the seatts and pewes in them; riffled the
ministers housses, and distrayed ther cornes.' _Balfour's Annales
of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 88. The clergy, on the other hand,
employing a resource with which their profession has always been
familiar, represented Cromwell as opposing Providence, because he
was opposing them. Rutherford (_Religious Letters_, reprinted
Glasgow, 1824, p. 346) says, that he fought 'against the Lord's
secret ones;' and Row (_Continuation of Blair's Autobiography_, p.
335), under the year 1658, triumphantly observes: 'In the
beginning of September this year, the Protector, that old fox,
died. It was observed, as a remarkable cast of divine providence,
that he died upon the 3d of September, which he, glorying of
routing of our armies at Dunbar and Worcester on that day, used to
call _his day_. On that same very day the Just Judge called him to
an account,' &c.
[415] See contemporary notices of this, in _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 110; and
in _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of Newton_, pp. 56, 57. But the
best account is that given by Baillie, in a letter to Calamy,
dated Glasgow, 27th July 1653. He writes: 'That on the 20th of
July last, when our Generall Assemblie was sett in the ordinarie
tyme and place, Lieutenant-Colonell Cotterall besett the church
with some rattes of musqueteirs and a troup of horse; himself
(after our fast, wherein Mr. Dickson and Mr. Dowglas had two
gracious sermons) entered the Assemblie-house, and immediately
after Mr. Dickson the Moderator his prayer, required audience;
wherein he inquired, If we did sitt there by the authority of the
Parliament of the Commonwealth of England? or of the
Commanders-in-chiefe of the English forces? or of the English
Judges in Scotland? The Moderator replyed, That we were ane
Ecclesiasticall synod, ane Spirituall court of Jesus Christ, which
medled not with anything Civile; that our authoritie wes from God,
and established by the lawes of the land yet standing unrepealed;
that, by the Solemn League and Covenant, the most of the English
army stood obliedged to defend our Generall Assemblie. When some
speeches of this kind had passed, the Lieutenant-Colonell told us,
his order was to dissolve us; whereupon he commanded all of us to
follow him, else he would drag us out of the rowme. When we had
entered a Protestation of this unheard-of and unexampled violence,
we did ryse and follow him; he ledd us all through the whole
streets a myle out of the towne, encompassing us with
foot-companies of musqueteirs, and horsemen without; all the
people gazing and mourning as at the saddest spectacle they had
ever seen. When he had ledd us a myle without the towne, he then
declared what further he had in commission, That we should not
dare to meet any more above three in number; and that against
eight o'clock to-morrow, we should depart the towne, under paine
of being guiltie of breaking the publick peace: And the day
following, by sound of trumpet, we were commanded off towne under
the paine of present imprisonment. Thus our Generall Assemblie,
the glory and strength of our Church upon earth, is, by your
souldiarie, crushed and trod under foot, without the least
provocatione from us, at this time, either in word or deed.'
_Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. iii. pp. 225, 226.
Thus it was that in Scotland, after the latter part of the sixteenth
century, every thing tended to increase the reputation of the clergy, by
raising them to the foremost rank among the defenders of their country.
And it was but natural that the spiritual classes, finding themselves in
the ascendant, should conduct the contest according to views habitual to
their profession, and should be anxious for religious advantages, rather
than for temporal benefits. The war which the Scotch waged against
Charles I. partook more of the character of a crusade than any war ever
carried on by a Protestant nation.[416] The main object was, to raise up
presbyters, and to destroy bishops. Prelacy was the accursed thing, and
that must be rooted out at every hazard. To this, all other
considerations were subordinate.[417] The Scotch loved liberty, and hated
England. Yet, even these two passions, notwithstanding their strength,
were as nothing, in comparison with their intense desire to extend and to
propagate, if need be at the point of the sword, their own Presbyterian
polity. This was their first and paramount duty. They fought, indeed, for
freedom, but, above all, they fought for religion. In their eyes, Charles
was the idolatrous head of an idolatrous church, and that church they
were resolved to destroy. They felt that their cause was holy, and they
went forth full of confidence, convinced that the sword of Gideon was
drawn on their side, and that their enemies would be delivered up to
them.
[416] In August 1640, the army marched into England; and 'it was very
refreshfull to remark, that after we came to ane quarter at night,
there was nothing almost to be heard throughout the whole army but
singing of Psalms, prayer, and reading of Scripture by the
souldiers in their severall hutts.' _Select Biographies_, edited
by Mr. Tweedie for the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 163. 'The most
zealous among them boasted, they should carry the triumphant
banners of the covenant to Rome itself.' _Arnot's History of
Edinburgh_, p. 124. In 1644, the celebrated divine, Andrew Cant,
was appointed by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, 'to
preach at the opening of the Parliament, wherein he satisfied
their expectation fully. For, the main point he drove at in his
sermon, was to state an opposition betwixt King Charles and King
Jesus (as he was pleased to speak) and upon that account to press
resistance to King Charles for the interest of King Jesus. It may
be wondered that such doctrine should have relish'd with men
brought up in the knowledge of the Scriptures; and yet, such was
the madness of the times, that none who preach'd in public since
the beginning of the Troubles, had been so cried up as he was for
that sermon.' _Guthry's Memoirs_, pp. 136, 137.
[417] 'The rooting out of prelacy and the wicked hierarchy therein so
obviously described, is the main duty.' _Naphtali, or the
Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, pp. 53, 54. This refers to
the Covenant of 1643. So, too, the continuator of _Row's History
of the Kirk_, p. 521, says, under the year 1639, that the object
of the war was, 'to withstand the prelaticall faction and
malignant, countenanced by the kinge in his owne persone.' Compare
the outbreak of the Reverend Samuel Rutherford, against 'the
accursed and wretched prelates, the Antichrist's first-born, and
the first fruit of his foul womb.' _Rutherford's Religious
Letters_, p. 179.
The rebellion, therefore, against Charles, which, on the part of the
English, was essentially secular,[418] was, on the part of the Scotch,
essentially religious. This was because with us, the laymen were stronger
than the clergy; while with them, the clergy were stronger than the
laymen. In 1643, both nations having united against the king, it was
thought advisable that an intimate alliance should be concluded; but, in
the negotiations which followed, it is noticed, by a contemporary
observer, that though the English merely wished for a civil league, the
Scotch demanded a religious covenant.[419] And as they would only
continue the war on condition that this was granted, the English were
obliged to give way. The result was the Solemn League and Covenant, by
which what seemed a cordial union was effected between the two
countries.[420] Such a compact was, however, sure to be short-lived, as
each party had different objects; the aim of the English being
political, while that of the Scotch was religious. The consequences of
this difference were soon apparent. In January 1645, negotiations having
been opened with the king, commissioners met at Uxbridge, with the view
of concluding a peace. The attempt failed, as might have been expected,
seeing that, not only were the pretensions of the king irreconcilable
with those of his opponents, but that the pretensions of his opponents
were irreconcilable with each other. At Uxbridge, during the conferences,
the Scotch expressed their readiness to concede to him what he required,
if he would gratify them in regard to the Church; while the English,
occupying themselves with civil and political questions, cared less, says
Clarendon, for what concerned the Church than for anything else.[421] A
better illustration could hardly be found of the secular character of the
English rebellion, as compared with the spiritual character of the Scotch
rebellion. Indeed, the Scotch, so far from concealing this, boasted of
it, and evidently thought that it proved how superior they were to their
worldly-minded neighbours. In February 1645, the General Assembly issued
an address to the nation, including not only those who were at home, but
also those who served in armies out of Scotland. In this document, which,
proceeding from such a quarter, necessarily exercised great influence,
political considerations, as having to do merely with the temporal
happiness of men, are treated as insignificant, and almost despicable.
That Rupert was defeated, and that York and Newcastle were taken, were
but trifling matters. They were only the means of accomplishing an end,
and that end was the reformation of religion in England, and the
establishment there of the pure Presbyterian polity.[422]
[418] Our civil war was not religious; but was a struggle between the
Crown and the Parliament. See a note in _Buckle's History of
Civilization_, vol. i. p. 359.
[419] In September 1643, Baillie, writing an account of the proceedings
of the Westminster Assembly in the preceding month, says, 'In our
committees also we had hard enough debates. The English were for a
civill League, we for a religious Covenant.' Letter to Mr. William
Spang, dated 22nd September 1643, in _Baillie's Letters and
Journals_, vol. ii. p. 90.
[420] 'The Solemn League and Covenant,' which 'is memorable as the first
approach towards an intimate union between the kingdoms, but,
according to the intolerant principles of the age, a federal
alliance was constructed on the frail and narrow basis of
religious communion.' _Laing's History of Scotland_, vol. iii. pp.
258, 259. The passage, however, which I have quoted, in the last
note, from Baillie, shows that England was not responsible for the
intolerant principles, or, consequently, for the narrow basis.
[421] The Chancellor of Scotland 'did as good as conclude "that if the
king would satisfy them in the business of the Church, they would
not concern themselves in any of the other demands."' ... 'And it
was manifest enough, by the private conferences with other of the
commissioners, that the parliament took none of the points in
controversy less to heart, or were less united in, than in what
concerned the Church.' _Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_,
edit. Oxford, 1843, p. 522. See also p. 527: 'that the Scots would
insist upon the whole government of the Church, and in all other
matters would defer to the king.'
[422] See this extraordinary document in _Acts of the General Assembly of
the Church of Scotland from 1638 to 1842_, pp. 122-128, Edinburgh,
1843. It is entitled 'A solemne and seasonable warning to the
noblemen, barons, gentlemen, burrows, ministers, and commons of
Scotland; as also to armies without and within this kingdom.' In
it (p. 123) occurs the following passage: 'And for our part, our
forces sent into that kingdom, in pursuance of that Covenant, have
been so mercifully and manifestly assisted and blessed from heaven
(though in the mids of many dangers and distresses, and much want
and hardship), and have been so farre instrumentall to the foyling
and scattering of two principall armies; first, the Marquesse of
Newcastle his army; and afterwards Prince Rupert's and his
together; and to the reducing of two strong cities, York and
Newcastle, that we have what to answer the enemy that reproacheth
us concerning that businesse, and that which may make iniquitie it
self to stop her mouth. But which _is more unto us than all
victories or whatsomever temporall blessing_, the reformation of
religion in England, and uniformity therein between both kingdoms
(a principal end of that Covenant), is so far advanced, that the
English Service-Book with the Holy-Dayes and many other ceremonies
contained in it, together with the Prelacy, the fountain of all
these, are abolished and taken away by ordinance of parliament,
and a directory for the worship of God in all the three kingdoms
agreed upon in the Assemblies, and in the Parliaments of both
kingdoms, without a contrary voice in either; the government of
the kirk by congregational elderships, classical presbyteries,
provincial and national assemblies, is agreed upon by the Assembly
of Divines at Westminster, which is also voted and concluded in
both Houses of the Parliament of England.'
A war, undertaken with such holy objects, and conceived in so elevated a
spirit, was supposed to be placed under the immediate protection of the
Deity, on whose behalf it was carried on. In the language of the time, it
was a war for God, and for God's church. Every victory that was obtained,
was the result, not of the skill of the general, nor of the valour of
the troops, but was an answer to prayer.[423] When a battle was lost, it
was either because God was vexed at the sins of the people,[424] or else
to show them that they must not trust to the arms of the flesh.[425]
Nothing was natural; all was supernatural. The entire course of affairs
was governed, not by their own antecedents, but by a series of miracles.
To assist the Scotch, winds were changed, and storms were lulled. Such
intelligence as was important for them to receive, was often brought by
sea; and, on those occasions, it was expected that, if the wind were
unfavourable, Providence would interfere, would shift it from one quarter
to another, and, when the news had safely arrived, would allow it to
return to its former direction.[426]
[423] In 1644, 'God ansuered our Wednesday's prayers: Balfour and Waller
had gotten a glorious victorie over Forth and Hopton, and routed
them totallie, horse and foot.' _Baillie's Letters and Journals_,
vol. ii. p. 155. In the same year, thanksgivings being offered at
Aberdeen for the victory of Leslie over Rupert, 'oure minister Mr.
William Strathauchin declairit out of pulpit that this victory wes
miraculous, wrocht by the fynger of God.' _Spalding's History of
the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 254. In 1648, the Commissioners of the
General Assembly, in an address to the Prince of Wales, stated
that the Deity had been 'fighting for his people;' meaning by his
people, the Scotch people. They added, that the fact of their
enemies having been repulsed, was a proof of 'how sore the Lord
hath been displeased with their way.' _Clarendon State Papers_,
vol. ii. p. 424, Oxford, 1773, folio.
[424] Two Scotch notices are now before me of the fatal battle of Dunbar.
According to one, the defeat was intended to testify against 'the
great sin and wickedness' of the people. _Naphtali, or the
Wrestlings of the Church of Scotland_, p. 75. According to the
other, it was owing to the anger of the Deity at the Scotch
showing any favour to the partizans of Charles. For, says the
Reverend Alexander Shields, 'both at that time, and since that
time, the Lord never countenanced an expedition where that
malignant interest was taken in unto the state of the quarrel.
Upon this, our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwell, who defeat our
army at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evidently seen to
smoke against us, for espousing that interest.' _Shields' Hind let
loose_, p. 75. These opinions were formed after the battle. Before
the battle, a different hypothesis was broached. Sir Edward
Walker, who was in Scotland at the time, tells us, that the clergy
assured the people that 'they had an army of saints, and that they
could not be beaten.' _Journal of Affairs in Scotland in 1650_, in
_Walker's Historical Discourses_, London, 1705, folio, p. 165.
[425] 'Each new victory of Montrose was expressly attributed to the
admonitory "indignation of the Lord" against his chosen people for
their sin, in "trusting too much to the arm of flesh."' _Napier's
Life of Montrose_, Edinburgh, 1840, p. 283. Compare _Guthrie's
Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the Dangers that
threaten Religion_, pp. 274, 275, reprinted Edinburgh, 1846.
Guthrie was at the height of his reputation in the middle of the
seventeenth century. Lord Somerville says of the Scotch, when they
were making war against Charles I., that it was 'ordinary for
them, dureing the wholl tyme of this warre, to attribute ther
great successe to the goodnesse and justice of their cause, untill
Divyne Justice trysted them with some crosse dispensatione, and
then you might have heard this language from them, that it pleased
the Lord to give his oune the heavyest end of the tree to bear,
that the saints and people of God must still be sufferers while
they are here away; that that malignant party was God's rod to
punish them for their unthankfullnesse,' &c. _Somerville's Memorie
of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. pp. 351, 352.
[426] Baillie mentions, in 1644, an instance of these expectations being
fulfilled. He says (_Letters and Journals_, vol. ii. p. 138),
'These things were brought in at a very important nick of time, by
God's gracious providence: Never a more quick passage from Holy
Island to Yarmouth in thirtie houres; they had not cast anchor
halfe an houre till the wind turned contrare.' Compare p. 142: 'If
this were past, we look for a new lyfe and vigoure in all
affaires, especiallie if it please God to send a sweet northwind,
carrying the certain news of the taking of Newcastle, which we
dailie expect.'
It was in this way that, in Scotland, every thing conspired to strengthen
that religious element which the force of circumstances had, at an early
period, made prominent, and which now threatened to absorb all the other
elements of the national character. The clergy were supreme; and habits
of mind natural and becoming to themselves, were diffused among all
classes. The theories of a single profession outweighed those of all
other professions; and not only war, but also trade, literature, science,
and art, were held of no account unless they ministered to the general
feeling. A state of society so narrow and so one-sided, has never been
seen in any other country equally civilized. Nor did there appear much
chance of abating this strange monopoly. As the seventeenth century
advanced, the same train of events was continued; the clergy and the
people always making common cause against the crown, and being, by the
necessity of self-preservation, forced into the most intimate union with
each other. Of this, the preachers availed themselves to strengthen their
own influence; and for upwards of a century their exertions stopped all
intellectual culture, discouraged all independent inquiry, made men in
religious matters fearful and austere, and coloured the whole national
character with that dark hue, which, though now gradually softening, it
still retains.
The Scotch, during the seventeenth century, instead of cultivating the
arts of life, improving their minds, or adding to their wealth, passed
the greater part of their time in what were called religious exercises.
The sermons were so long and so frequent, that they absorbed all leisure,
and yet the people were never weary of hearing them. When a preacher was
once in the pulpit, the only limit to his loquacity was his strength.
Being sure of a patient and reverential audience, he went on as long as
he could. If he discoursed for two hours without intermission, he was
valued as a zealous pastor, who had the good of his flock at heart; and
this was about as much as an ordinary clergyman could perform, because,
in uttering his sentiments, he was expected to display great vehemence,
and to evince his earnestness by toiling and sweating abundantly.[427]
This boundary was, however, often passed by those who were equal to the
labour; and Forbes, who was vigorous as well as voluble, thought nothing
of preaching for five or six hours.[428] But, in the ordinary course of
nature, such feats were rare; and, as the people were in these matters
extremely eager, an ingenious contrivance was hit upon whereby their
desires might be satisfied. On great occasions, several clergymen were
present in the same church, in order that, when one was fatigued, he
might leave the pulpit, and be succeeded by another, who, in his turn,
was followed by a third; the patience of the hearers being apparently
inexhaustible.[429] Indeed, the Scotch, by the middle of the seventeenth
century, had grown accustomed to look up to their minister as if he were
a god, and to dwell with rapture upon every word that dropt from his
lips. To hear a favourite preacher, they would incur any fatigue, and
would undertake long journeys without sleep or food.[430] Their power of
attention was marvellous. The same congregation would sometimes remain
together for ten hours, listening to sermons and prayers, interspersed
with singings and readings.[431] In an account of Scotland in 1670, it is
stated that, in a single church in Edinburgh, thirty sermons were
delivered every week.[432] Nor is this at all unlikely, considering the
religious enthusiasm of the age. For, in those times, the people
delighted in the most harassing and ascetic devotions. Thus, for
instance, in 1653, when the sacrament was administered, they pursued the
following course. On Wednesday, they fasted, and listened to prayers and
sermons for more than eight hours. On Saturday they heard two or three
sermons; and on Sunday, the number of sermons was so great that they
stayed in church more than twelve hours; while, to conclude the whole,
three or four additional ones were preached on Monday by way of
thanksgiving.[433]
[427] No one, perhaps, carried this further than John Menzies, the
celebrated professor of divinity at Aberdeen. 'Such was his
uncommon fervour in the pulpit, that, we are informed, he "used to
change his shirt always after preaching, and to wet two or three
napkins with tears every sermon."' Note in _Wodrow's
Correspondence_, vol. ii. p. 222. James Forbes, also, was 'an able
and zealous preacher, who after every sermon behooved to change
his shirt, he spoke with such vehemency and sweating.' _Select
Biographies_, published by the Wodrow Society, vol. i. p. 333.
Lord Somerville, who wrote in 1679, mentions 'their thundering
preachings.' _Memorie of the Somervilles_, vol. ii. p. 388. A
traditionary anecdote, related by the Dean of Edinburgh, refers to
a later period, but is characteristic of the class. 'Another
description I have heard of an energetic preacher more forcible
than delicate--"Eh, our minister had a great power o' watter, for
he grat, and spat, and swat like mischeef."' _Reminiscences of
Scottish Life and Character_, by E. B. Ramsay, Dean of Edinburgh,
p. 201.
[428] He 'was a very learned and pious man; he had a strange faculty of
preaching five or six hours at a time.' _Burnet's History of his
own Time_, vol. i. p. 38. Even early in the eighteenth century,
when theological fervour was beginning to decline, and sermons
were consequently shorter, Hugh Thomson came near to Forbes. 'He
was the longest preacher ever I heard, and would have preached
four (or) five hours, and was not generally under two hours; that
almost every body expected.' ... 'He was a piouse good man, and a
fervent affectionat preacher, and, when I heard him, he had a vast
deal of heads, and a great deal of matter, and generally very good
and practicall, but very long.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iv.
p. 203.
[429] In 1653, Lamont casually mentions, in his journal, that 'the one
came doune from the pulpit and the other went vp, in the tyme that
the psalme after the first sermon was singing, so that ther was no
intermission of the exercise, nether were the peopell dismissed
till both sermons were ended.' _The Diary of Mr. John Lamont of
Newton_, p. 58. Burnet (_History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 92)
says, 'I remember in one fast day there were six sermons preached
without intermission. I was there myself, and not a little weary
of so tedious a service.'
[430] When Guthrie preached at Fenwick, 'his church, although a large
country one, was overlaid and crowded every Sabbath-day, and very
many, without doors, from distant parishes, such as Glasgow,
Paisley, Hamilton, Lanerk, Kilbryde, Glasford, Strathaven,
Newmills, Egelsham and many other places, who hungered for the
pure gospel preached, and got a meal by the word of his ministry.
It was their usual practice to come to Fenwick on Saturday, and to
spend the greatest part of the night in prayer to God, and
conversation about the great concerns of their souls, to attend
the public worship on the Sabbath, to dedicate the remainder of
that holy day in religious exercises, and then to go home on
Monday the length of ten, twelve or twenty miles without grudging
in the least at the long way, want of sleep or other refreshments;
neither did they find themselves the less prepared for any other
business through the week.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, 2nd
edit., Glasgow, 1781, p. 311. One woman went forty miles to hear
Livingstone preach. See her own statement, in _Wodrow's Analecta_,
vol. ii. p. 249.
[431] Spalding gives the following account of what happened at Aberdeen
in 1644. 'So heir in Old Abirdene, upone the sevint of July, we
had ane fast, entering the churche be nyne houris, and continewit
praying and preiching whill tua houris. Efter sermon, the people
sat still heiring reiding whill efternone's sermon began and
endit, whiche continewit till half hour to sex. Then the prayer
bell rang to the evening prayeris, and continewit whill seven.'
_Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 244, edit.
Edinburgh, 1829, 4to. See also p. 42: 'the people keipit churche
all day.' This was also at Aberdeen, in 1642.
[432] 'Out of one pulpit now they have thirty sermons per week, all
under one roof.' _A Modern Account of Scotland_, in _The Harleian
Miscellany_, vol. vi. p. 138, edit. Park, London, 1810, 4to.
[433] 'But where the greatest part was more sound, they gave the
sacrament with a new and unusual solemnity. On the Wednesday
before, they held a fast day, with prayers and sermons for about
eight or ten hours together: on the Saturday they had two or three
preparation sermons: and on the Lord's day they had so very many,
that the action continued above twelve hours in some places: and
all ended with three or four sermons on Monday for thanksgiving.'
_Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol. i. p. 108.
Such eagerness, and yet such patience, indicate a state of society
altogether peculiar, and for which we find no parallel in the history of
any civilized country. This intense desire to hear whatever the preachers
had to say, was, in itself, a homage of the most flattering kind, and was
naturally accompanied by a belief that they were endowed with a light
which was withheld from their less gifted countrymen. It is not
surprising that the clergy, who, at no period, and in no nation, have
been remarkable for their meekness, or for a want of confidence in
themselves, should, under circumstances so eminently favourable to their
pretensions, have been somewhat elated, and should have claimed an
authority even greater than that which was conceded to them. And as this
is intimately connected with the subsequent history of Scotland, it will
be necessary to collect some evidence respecting their conduct, which
will have the further advantage of exhibiting the true character of
spiritual domination, and of showing how it works, not only on the
intellectual, but also on the practical, life of a people.
According to the Presbyterian polity, which reached its height in the
seventeenth century, the clergyman of the parish selected a certain
number of laymen on whom he could depend, and who, under the name of
elders, were his councillors, or rather the ministers of his authority.
They, when assembled together, formed what was called the Kirk-Session,
and this little court, which enforced the decisions uttered in the
pulpit, was so supported by the superstitious reverence of the people,
that it was far more powerful than any civil tribunal. By its aid, the
minister became supreme. For, whoever presumed to disobey him was
excommunicated, was deprived of his property, and was believed to have
incurred the penalty of eternal perdition.[434] Against such weapons, in
such a state of society, resistance was impossible. The clergy interfered
with every man's private concerns, ordered how he should govern his
family, and often took upon themselves the personal control of his
household.[435] Their minions, the elders, were everywhere; for each
parish was divided into several quarters, and to each quarter one of
these officials was allotted, in order that he might take special notice
of what was done in his own district.[436] Besides this, spies were
appointed, so that nothing could escape their supervision.[437] Not only
the streets, but even private houses, were searched, and ransacked, to
see if any one was absent from church while the minister was
preaching.[438] To him, all must listen, and him all must obey. Without
the consent of his tribunal, no person might engage himself, either as a
domestic servant, or as a field labourer.[439] If any one incurred the
displeasure of the clergy, they did not scruple to summon his servants
and force them to state whatever they knew respecting him, and whatever
they had seen done in his house.[440] To speak disrespectfully of a
preacher was a grievous offence;[441] to differ from him was a
heresy;[442] even to pass him in the streets without saluting him, was
punished as a crime.[443] His very name was regarded as sacred, and not
to be taken in vain. And that it might be properly protected, and held in
due honour, an Assembly of the Church, in 1642, forbad it to be used in
any public paper unless the consent of the holy man had been previously
obtained.[444]
[434] 'The power of those kirk-sessions, which are now private
assemblages, in whose meetings and proceedings the public take no
interest whatever, is defined to be the cognizance of parochial
matters and cases of scandal; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, especially during the Covenanting reign of terror after
the outbreak of the Civil War against Charles I., the
kirk-sessions of Scotland were the sources of excessive tyranny
and oppression--were arbitrary, inquisitorial, and revengeful, to
an extent which exceeds all belief. It is truly stated by the
author of the "Memoirs of Locheill"--"Every parish had a tyrant,
who made the greatest Lord in his district stoop to his authority.
The kirk was the place where he kept his court; the pulpit his
throne or tribunal from whence he issued out his terrible decrees;
and twelve or fourteen sour ignorant enthusiasts, under the title
of Elders, composed his council. If any, of what quality soever,
had the assurance to disobey his orders, the dreadful sentence of
excommunication was immediately thundered out against him, his
goods and chattels confiscated and seized, and he himself being
looked upon as actually in the possession of the devil, and
irretrievably doomed to eternal perdition."' Introduction to _The
Kirk-Session Register of Perth_, in _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
vol. ii. pp. 229-230, Edinburgh, 1845. In regard to the perdition
which the sentence of excommunication was supposed to involve, one
of the most influential Scotch divines of that time merely
expresses the prevailing notion, when he asserts, that whoever was
excommunicated was thereby given up to Satan. 'That he who is
excommunicated may be truly said to be delivered to Sathan is
undeniable.' _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming, or the Divine
Ordinance of Church Government Vindicated_, 1646, 4to, p. 239.
'Excommunication, which is a shutting out of a Church-member from
the Church, whereby Sathan commeth to get dominion and power over
him.' _Ibid._ p. 297. 'Sure I am an excommunicate person may truly
be said to be delivered to Sathan.' p. 424.
[435] Clarendon, under the year 1640, emphatically says (_History of the
Rebellion_, p. 67), 'The preacher reprehended the husband,
governed the wife, chastised the children, and insulted over the
servants, in the houses of the greatest men.' The theory was, that
'ministers and elders must be submitted unto us as fathers.'
_Shields' Enquiry into Church Communion_, 2nd edit., Edinburgh,
1747, p. 66. In the middle of the seventeenth century, one of the
most famous of the Scotch preachers openly asserted the right of
his profession to interfere in family matters, on the ground that
such was the custom in the time of Joshua. 'The Ministers of God's
house have not only the ministry of holy things, as Word and
Sacraments, committed to their charge, but also the power of
ecclesiastical government to take order with scandalous offences
within the familie; both these are here promised to Joshua and the
Priests.' _Hutchison's Exposition of the Minor Prophets_, vol.
iii. p. 72, London, 1654. In 1603, the Presbytery of Aberdeen took
upon themselves to order that every master of a house should keep
a rod, that his family, including his servants, might be beaten if
they used improper language. 'It is concludit that thair salbe in
ewerie houss a palmar.' _Selections from the Records of the Kirk
Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, printed for the
Spalding Club, 4to, Aberdeen, 1846, p. 194. It also appears
(p. 303) that, in 1674, the clergyman was expected to exercise
supervision over all visitors to private houses; since he ought to
be informed, 'iff ther be anie persone receaved in the familie
without testimoniall presented to the minister.'
[436] In 1650, it was ordered, 'That everie paroche be divydit in
severall quarteris, and each elder his owne quarter, over which he
is to have speciall inspectioun, and that everie elder visit his
quarter once everie month at least, according to the act of the
Generall Assemblie, 1649, and in thair visitatioun tak notice of
all disorderlie walkeris, especiallie neglectouris of God's
worship in thair families, sueareris, haunteris of aill houses,
especiallie at vnseasonable tymes, and long sitteris thair, and
drinkeris of healthis; and that he dilate these to the Sessioun.'
_Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, printed for
the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1837, 4to, p. 168. 'The elders
each one in his own quarter, for trying the manners of the
people.' _The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland_,
Edinburgh, 1690, p. 14. This scarce little volume is reprinted
from the edition of 1641. See the advertisement at the beginning.
[437] In 1652, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow 'brot boyes and servants
before them, for breaking the Sabbath, and other faults. They had
clandestine censors, and gave money to some for this end.'
_Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 74, Glasgow, 1848,
4to.
[438] 'It is thocht expedient that ane baillie with tua of the sessioun
pas throw the towne everie Sabboth day, and nott sic as thay find
absent fra the sermones ather afoir or efter none; and for that
effect that thay pas and _sersche sic houss as they think maist
meit_, and pas athort the streittis.' _Selections from the Records
of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 26.
'To pas throw the towne to caus the people resort to the hering of
the sermones.' p. 59. 'Ganging throw the towne on the ordinar
preiching dayes in the weik, als weill as on the Saboth day, to
caus the people resort to the sermones.' p. 77. See also p. 94;
and _Wodrow's Collections_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 37: 'the Session
allous the searchers to go into houses and apprehend absents from
the kirk.'
[439] 'Another peculiarity was the supervision wielded over the movements
of people to such a degree that they could neither _obtain lodging
nor employment_ except by a licence from the Kirk-Session, or, by
defying this police court, expose themselves to fine and
imprisonment.' _Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. xxxvii. Edinburgh,
1847.
[440] In 1652, Sir Alexander Irvine indignantly writes, that the
presbytery of Aberdeen, 'when they had tried many wayes, bot in
vaine, to mak probable this their vaine imaginatione, they, at
lenthe, when all other meanes failed thame, by ane unparalelled
barbaritie, enforced my serwandis to reweall upon oathe what they
sawe, herd, or knewe done within my house, beyond which no
Turkische inquisitione could pase.' _The Miscellany of the
Spalding Club_, vol. iii. p. 206, Aberdeen, 1846, 4to.
[441] In 1656, a servant was ordered to be brought before the
Kirk-Session of Aberdeen 'for her rayleing againest Mr. Andrew
Cant, minister, in saying that becaus the said Mr. Andrew spak
againest Yuill, he spak lyke ane old fool.' _Selections from the
Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_,
p. 138. In 1642, the Presbytery of Lanark had up a certain James
Baillie, because he stated the extremely probable circumstance,
'that two fooles mett togither, when the Minister and his sone
mett togither.' _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery
of Lanark_, printed for the Abbotsford Club, Edinburgh, 1839, 4to,
p. 30.
[442] In 1644, 'If you dissent from them in a theological tenet, it is
heresy.' _Presbytery Displayed_, 1644, p. 39, reprinted London,
1663, 4to. In 1637, 'If ye depart from _what I taught you in a
hair-breadth_ for fear or favour of men, or desire of ease in this
world, I take heaven and earth to witness, that ill shall come
upon you in end.' _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 116. In
1607, 'Mr. William Cowper, Minister, complained upon Robert Keir
that he had disdainfully spoken of his doctrine. The (Kirk)
Session ordained him to be warned to the morrow.' _Lawson's Book
of Perth_, p. 247.
[443] In 1619, a man was summoned before the Kirk-Session of Perth,
because, among other things, he would not perform 'that civil duty
of salutation, as becomes him to his pastor;' but 'passed by him
without using any kind of reverence.' _The Chronicle of Perth_,
Edinburgh, 1831, 4to, p. 80. The complaint was preferred by the
minister himself. Indeed, the Scotch clergy took these things so
much to heart, that they set up a theory to the effect that
whoever showed them any disrespect, was prompted thereto by Satan.
'It is Satan's great engine to draw men to contemne God and his
word, under pretext of disrespect and prejudice against the
Messengers only.' ... 'It may let us see their guilt who despise
most eminent ordinary Messengers.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
Minor Prophets_, vol. i. pp. 205, 233.
[444] The General Assembly of Saint Andrews, in 1642, passed 'an act
against using ministers' names in any of the public papers,
without their own consent.' _Stevenson's History of the Church of
Scotland_, p. 503.
These and similar proceedings, being upheld by public opinion, were
completely successful. Indeed, they could hardly have been otherwise,
seeing that it was generally believed that whoever gainsaid the clergy,
would be visited, not only with temporal penalties, but also with
spiritual ones. For such a crime, there was punishment here, and there
was punishment hereafter. The preachers willingly fostered a delusion by
which they benefited. They told their hearers, that what was spoken in
the pulpit was binding upon all believers, and was to be regarded as
immediately proceeding from the Deity.[445] This proposition being
established, other propositions naturally followed. The clergy believed
that they alone were privy to the counsels of the Almighty, and that, by
virtue of this knowledge, they could determine what any man's future
state would be.[446] Going still further, they claimed the power, not
only of foretelling his future state, but also of controlling it; and
they did not scruple to affirm that, by their censures, they could open
and shut the kingdom of heaven.[447] As if this were not enough, they
also gave out that a word of theirs could hasten the moment of death, and
by cutting off the sinner in his prime, could bring him at once before
the judgment-seat of God.[448]
[445] 'Directions for a believer's walk, given by Christ's ministers from
his word, are his own, and are accounted by him as if he did
immediately speak them himself.' _Durham's Exposition of the Song
of Solomon_, p. 102. I quote from the Glasgow reprint of 1788.
That my references may be easily verified, and any error, if error
there be, detected, I mention that the exact edition used will, in
every case, be found specified in the List of Authors at the
beginning of this work. But, if it will give the reader any
additional confidence, I will venture to observe, that I am always
scrupulously careful in reference to quotations, having looked out
each passage afresh, as the sheets came from the printers hands.
Some of the circumstances narrated in this chapter are so
monstrous, that I hope to be excused in saying that I have taken
all possible pains to secure their literal accuracy.
[446] 'Yea, such was their arrogance, that, as if they had been privy to
the councils of God, or the dispensers of his vengeance to the
world, they presumed to pronounce upon their future state, and
doomed them, both body and soul, to eternal torments.' _Wishart's
Memoirs of the Marquis of Montrose_, p. 237. 'Ye heard of me the
whole counsel of God. _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 16. 'I
am free from the blood of all men; for I have communicated to you
the whole counsel of God.' _Ibid._ p. 191. 'This is the great
business of Gospel Ministers, to declare the whole counsel of
God.' _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 4. 'Asserting
that he had declared the whole counsel of God, and had keeped
nothing back.' _Life of the Rev. A. Peden_, p. 41, in vol. i. of
_Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
[447] 'The power of the keys is given to the Ministers of the church,
wherewith not only by the preaching of the word, but also to
church censures (sic) they open and shut the kingdom of heaven.'
_Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 282. 'To preach the
Word, impugne, rebuik, admonishe, exhort and correct, and that
under no less paine then casting both bodie and soull into
eternall hell's fire.' _Forbes' Certaine Records touching the
Estate of the Kirk_, p. 519. 'The next words, "Whatsoever ye shall
bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven," being spoken to the
Apostles, and in them to other Ministers of Jesus Christ.'
_Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, p. 366. 'The keys of the
kingdom of Heaven' ... 'are committed and intrusted to the pastors
and other ruling officers of the Church.' _Ibid._ p. 260.
[448] 'Gird up the loins of your mind, and make you ready for meeting
the Lord; I have often summoned you, and now I summon you again,
to compear before your Judge, to make a reckoning of your life.'
_Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 235. 'Mr. Cameron, musing a
little, said, "You, and all who do not know my God in mercy, shall
know him in his judgments, which shall be sudden and surprising in
a few days upon you; and I, as a sent servant of Jesus Christ,
whose commission I bear, and whose badge I wear upon my breast,
give you warning, and leave you to the justice of God."
Accordingly, in a few days after, the said Andrew, being in
perfect health, took his breakfast plentifully, and before he rose
fell a-vomiting, and vomited his heart's blood in the very vessel
out of which he had taken his breakfast; and died in a most
frightful manner.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 406.
Utterly horrible as such a pretension now appears, it was made, not only
with impunity, but with advantage; and numerous instances are recorded,
in which the people believed that it was strictly enforced. The
celebrated John Welsh, sitting one night at table, round which a party
were assembled at supper, began to discourse to the company respecting
the state of their souls. Those who were present listened with humility;
but to this general feeling there was one exception. For, it so happened
that a Roman Catholic was in the room, and he, of course, disagreed with
the opinions expressed by the Presbyterian divine. If he had been a
cautious man, he would have kept his disagreement to himself; but being a
hot-headed youth, and being impatient at seeing a single person engross
the conversation, he lost his temper, and not only ridiculed Welsh, but
actually made faces at him. Thereupon, Welsh charged the company to take
heed, and see what the Lord was about to do to him who mocked. Scarcely
had this threat been uttered, when it was carried into execution. He who
had dared to jest at the minister, suddenly fell, sank under the table,
and died there in presence of the whole party.[449]
[449] 'Sitting at supper with the Lord Ochiltree (who was uncle to
Mr. Welsh's wife), as his manner was, he entertained the company
with godly and edifying discourse, which was well received by all
the company save only one debauched Popish young gentleman, who
sometimes laughed, and sometimes mocked and made faces; whereupon
Mr. Welsh brake out into a sad abrupt charge upon all the company
to be silent, and observe the work of the Lord upon that profane
mocker, which they should presently behold; upon which immediately
the profane wretch sunk down and died beneath the table, but never
returned to life again, to the great astonishment of all the
company.' _History of Mr. John Welsh, Minister of the Gospel at
Ayr_, in _Select Biographies_, vol. i. p. 29. 'Mr. Welsh being by
the Captaine, set at the upper end, intertained the company with
grave and edifying discourse which all delighted to hear, save
this young Papist, who, with laughter and derision, laboured to
silence him, which was little regarded by Mr. Welsh. But after
supper, while the guests sate a little, this youth stood up at the
lower end of the table, and while Mr. Welsh proceeded from grave
to gracious entertainment of his company, the youth came to that
height of insolence as with the finger to point at him and with
the face to make flouting grimaces, whereby he grieved the holy
man, so as on a suddain he was forced to a silence. The whole
company, who had heard him with delight, were silent with him.
Within a little, Mr. Welsh, as moved by the spirit of God, broke
forth into these words: "Gentlemen, the spirit of God is provoked
against us, and I shall intreat you not to be afraid to see what
God shall do among you before you rise from the table, for he will
smite some of you with death before you go hence." All were
silently astonished, waiting to see the issue with fear. And while
every man feared himselfe, except the insolent youth, he fel down
dead suddenly at the foot of the table to shew the power of God's
jealousie against the mockers of his Spirit and the offers of his
grace.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, pp. 374, 375.
This happened early in the seventeenth century, and being bruited abroad,
it became a great terror to all evil-doers. But, after a time, its effect
appears to have been weakened; since another man was equally rash some
forty or fifty years afterwards. It seems that a Scotch clergyman of
considerable repute, Mr. Thomas Hog, was, like Welsh, sitting at supper,
when it so chanced that the servants forgot to lay the knives. Mr. Hog,
thinking the opportunity a favourable one, observed that such
forgetfulness was of little moment, and that, while we thought so much of
our comforts here, it was far more necessary to consider our condition
hereafter. A gentleman present, amused, either by the manner of Mr. Hog,
or by the skill with which he introduced the topics of his own
profession, was unable to restrain himself, and burst out into a violent
fit of laughter. The minister, however, was not to be checked, and he
continued after such a fashion, that the laughter was repeated louder
than ever. At length Mr. Hog turned round, and told his merry comrade
that very shortly he should seek for mercy, but find it not. That same
night, the scoffer was taken ill, and in great alarm sent for Mr. Hog. It
was, however, useless. Before the clergyman could reach his room, the
sinner was lying dead, a lost and ruined man.[450]
[450] 'When they sat doun to supper, it seems, knives were forgote; and
when the servant was rebuked, Mr. Hogg said, there was noe matter,
for he had one in his pocket, and it was a necessary companion for
a travailer; and, as his use was upon evry thing, he took occasion
to raise a spirituall discourse from it: "If we wer soe carefull
about accommodations in our way here, what care should we take in
our spirituall journey!" and the like; at which the factour takes
a kink of laughing. Mr. Hogg looked at him with a frown, and went
on in his discourse. Within a little, at somewhat or other, he
laughed out yet louder, and Mr. Hogg stoped a litle, and looked
him very stern in the face, and went on in his discourse, upon the
free grace of God; and, at some expression or other, the man fell
a laughing and flouting very loud: Upon which Mr. Hogg stoped, and
directed his discourse to him, to this purpose: "Alace!" sayes he,
"my soul is afflicted to say what I must say to you, sir, and I am
constrained and pressed in spirit to say it, and cannot help it.
Sir, you nou dispise the grace of God, and mock at it; but I tell
you, in the name of the Lord, that the time is coming, and that
very shortly, when you (will) seek ane offer of grace, but shall
not find it!" Upon which the man arose, laughing and flouting, and
went to his room. After he was away, the lady asked Mr. Hogg, What
he thought would come upon him? He answered, he kneu noe more then
he had said, and that he was constrained and oblidged to say it
against his inclination; and he could not accompt for some of
these impressions he sometimes felt, and after Providences would
clear, and that shortly; but what it was, when, or where, he kneu
not. The man told some of the servants that a phanatick Minister
had been pronouncing a curse on him, but he did not value him nor
it either. After Mr. Hogg had been somtime with the lady, he went
to his room; and after he had, as he used to doe, spent some time
in prayer, he putt off his cloaths, and just as he was stepping
into his bedd, a servant comes and knocks at the dore and cryes,
"For the Lord's sake, Mr. Hogg, come doun staires, presently, to
the factour's room!" He put on his cloaths, as quickly as
possible, and came doun, but the wretch was dead before he reached
him!' _Analecta, or Materials for a History of Remarkable
Providences, mostly relating to Scotch Ministers and Christians_,
by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. i. pp. 265, 266. Compare _The Life
of Mr. Thomas Hog_, in _Howie's Biographia_, p. 543, where a
version is given, slightly different, but essentially the same.
Nor was it merely in private houses that such examples were made.
Sometimes the clergyman denounced the offender from the pulpit, and the
punishment was as public as the offence. It is said that Gabriel Semple,
when preaching, had a strange habit of putting out his tongue, and that
this excited the mirth of a drunken man, who went into the church, and,
by way of derision, put out his tongue also. But, to his horror, he
found that, though he could put it out, he could not draw it in again.
The result was, that the tongue stiffened; it lost all sensibility;
and, paralysis coming on, the man died a few days after his
transgression.[451]
[451] 'He tells me, that when in the South country, he heard this story,
which was not doubted about Geddart' (i.e. Jedburgh): 'Mr. Gabriel
Semple had gote a habite, when speaking and preaching, of putting
out his tongue, and licking his lipps very frequently. Ther was a
fellou that used to ape him, in a way of mock; and one day, in a
druken caball, he was aping him and putting out his tongue; and it
turned stiffe and sensless, and he could not drau it in again, but
in a feu dayes dyed. This accompt is soe odd, that I wish I may
have it confirmed from other hands.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii.
p. 187.
Occasionally, the penalty was less severe, though the miracle was equally
conspicuous. In 1682, a certain woman took upon herself to scold the
famous divine, Peden, who was justly regarded as one of the great lights
of the Scotch Church. 'I wonder,' said that eminent man, 'I wonder your
tongue is not sore with so much idle clatter.' She indignantly replied,
that she had never suffered, either from a sore tongue, or from a sore
mouth. He told her that she soon would. And the consequence of his saying
so was, that her tongue and gums swelled to that degree, that for some
days she was unable to take her usual food.[452]
[452] 'About the same time, wading Douglas-water very deep,' (he) 'came
to a house there; the good wife of the house insisted (as most
part of women do not keep a bridle-hand) in chiding of him; which
made him to fret, and said, I wonder that your tongue is not sore
with so much idle clatter. She said, I never had a sore tongue nor
mouth all my days. He said, It will not be long so. Accordingly,
her tongue and gooms swelled so, that she could get no meat taken
for some days.' _Account of the Life and Death of Mr. Walter
Smith_, p. 93, in vol. ii. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
She escaped with her life; others were more sharply handled. A clergyman
was interrupted in the midst of his sermon by three gentlemen leaving the
church. It is not stated that there was any thing offensive in their
manner; but their object in going was to amuse themselves at some fair or
race, and the minister, no doubt, thought that they should have been
content with the gratification of hearing him. At all events, he was
dissatisfied, and, after the sermon was over, he censured their conduct,
and threatened them with the divine displeasure. His words were
remembered, and, to the awe of his parishioners, every tittle was
fulfilled. Of the three gentlemen, all died violent deaths; one of them
broke his neck by falling from his horse, and another was found in his
room with his throat cut.[453]
[453] 'I hear from Lady Henriett Campbell, who was present at a
Communion at Jeddart (Jedburgh), some years before Mr. Gabriel
Semple's death, that, either on the fast day, or Saturnday, ther
wer three gentlmen either in the parish or noturely knouen
thereabout, who rose in the time of the last sermon, and with
their servants went out of (the church), either to some fair or
some race, not farr off. After sermon, when Mr. Semple rose to
give the ordinary advertisments, he began with taking nottice of
this, and said, he had remarked three gentlmen rise in time of
sermon, and contemptuously and boldly leave God's service to goe
to a fair, or race, as he supposed; but sayes, "It's born in upon
me, and I am perswaded of it, the Lord will not suffer them to goe
off time, without some remarkable judgment, and I am much mistaken
if the most part that have seen them committ the sin, will not
hear of the punishment of such open despite to the ordinances of
Christ." This peremptoryness did very much surprize Lady
H(enriett), and coming home from sermon with my Lord Lothian and
his Lady, in coach, she expressed her surprize at it. My Lord
Lothian said, "The Minister is a man of God, and I am perswaded
not one word of his will fall to the ground!" Within some feu
moneths, my Lord or my Lady, writing to Lady H(enriett), signifyed
to her, that one of these gentlmen was found in his room, (if I
forgett not), with his throat cutt; and a second, being drunk,
fell off his horse, and broke his neck; and some while after, shee
heard the third had dyed some violent death.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
vol. i. pp. 344, 345.
Cases of this sort were frequent during the seventeenth century; and as
in that credulous age they were firmly believed and widely circulated,
the power of the clergy was consolidated by them. The Laird of Hilton
once ventured to pull a minister out of a pulpit which was not his own,
and into which he had unlawfully intruded. 'For the injury you have done
to the servant of God,' cried the enraged preacher, 'you shall be brought
into this church like a sticked sow.' And so indeed he was. Yet a little
while, and Hilton became entangled in a quarrel, was run through the
body, and his corpse, still bleeding, was carried into the very church
where the outrage had been committed.[454]
[454] 'In the time of sermon, the Laird of Hiltoun comes in, and charges
him in the midst of his work, to come out of (the) pulpite, in the
king's name. Mr. Douglasse refused; whereupon the Laird comes to
the pulpit, and pulls him out by force! When he sau he behoved to
yeild, he said, "Hiltoun, for this injury you have done to the
servant of God, knou what you are to meet with! In a litle time
you shall be brought into this very church, like a sticked sou!"
And in some litle time after, Hilton was run throu the body, and
dyed by, if I mistake not, Annandale's brother, either in a douell
or a drunken toilzie, and his corpes wer brought in, all bleeding,
into that church. "Touch not mine annoynted, and doe my prophets
noe harm!"' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 154. In the same work
(vol. iv. p. 268) the Reverend Mr. Wodrow writes, that he had been
subsequently informed, 'that the story is very true about the
denuntiation upon the Laird of Hiltoun, as I have (I think)
published it; and ther is a man yet alive who was witness to it,
and in the church at the time.'
Even when a clergyman was in prison, he retained the same power. His
authority was delegated to him from on high, and no temporal misfortune
could curtail it. In 1673, the Reverend Alexander Peden, when in
confinement, heard a young girl laughing at him outside the door of his
room, while he was engaged in those vociferous devotions for which he was
celebrated. The mirth of the poor child cost her dear. Peden denounced
against her the judgment of God. In consequence of that denunciation, the
wind blew her from a rock on which she was walking, and swept her into
the sea, where she was quickly drowned.[455]
[455] 'While prisoner in the Bass, one Sabbath morning, being about the
publick worship of God, a young lass, about the age of thirteen or
fourteen years, came to the chamber-door, mocking with loud
laughter: He said, Poor thing, thou mocks and laughs at the
worship of God; but ere long, God shall write such a sudden,
surprising judgment on thee, that shall stay thy laughing, and
thou shalt not escape it. Very shortly thereafter, she was walking
upon the rock, and there came a blast of wind, and sweeped her off
the rock into the sea, where she was lost.' _Life and Death of Mr.
Alexander Peden_, p. 43, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia
Presbyteriana_. See also _Howie's Biographia Presbyteriana_,
p. 487.
Sometimes the vengeance of the clergy extended to the innocent offspring
of the man who had offended them. A certain minister, whose name has not
been preserved, met with opposition in his parish, and fell into
pecuniary and other difficulties. He applied for aid to a trader, who,
being wealthy, ought, he thought, to afford him assistance. The trader,
however, thought otherwise, and refused. Upon this, the clergyman
declared that God would visit him. The result was, that his business not
only declined, but his mind became impaired, and he died an idiot. He had
two sons and two daughters. Both his sons went mad. One of his daughters,
likewise, lost her reason. The other daughter being married, even her
husband became destitute, and the children of that marriage became
beggars, that the heinous crime might be visited to the third
generation.[456]
[456] 'He (Mr. Fordyce, in Aberdeen) tells me this following accompt,
which he had from personall observation: When he lived near
Frazerburge, in the North, there was a minister settled there,
_jure devoluto_, the toun being biggotted against Presbytery to a
pitch, and only two or three that had any seeming liking that way.
After the Minister is setled, he expected much encouragement from
one Ougstoun, I think his name was, who had professed much respect
for him in that way. A while after, in some difficulty, the
Minister came to him, and desired his countenance and assistance
in the difficulty. He at first put the Minister off with delay:
and within a litle plainly mocked him, and would doe nothing. The
Minister came from him to my informer, who lived a litle from the
place, and gave him ane account (of) what had befallen him, and
said, "I expected much from that man, and reaconed upon his help
and assistance, in soe comfortless a setlement as I have ventured
on; and he has not only disappointed me, but mocked me!" And the
Minister was like to sink under the thoughts of this carriage; and
after some silence, he said, very peremptorly, "I am much
mistaken, yea, I'le say it, God hath sent me, and spoken by me.
God will visite that man, and something more than ordinary will
befall him and his!" My informer was very much stunned and greived
at such a peremptory declaration. However, it was accomplished, to
my informer's personall knowledge. The man was a trader, who was
very rich, worth near four or five thousand pounds sterling in
stock. He had two sons and two daughters. Within some litle time,
one of his sons turned distracted, and I think continues soe
still. The other son, in some distemper, turned silly, and litle
better, and dyed. His daughters, one was maryed, and her husband
lost all his stock at sea, twice or thrice; his goodfather stocked
him once or twice, and all was still lost, and they and their
children are miserable. The other daughter fell into a distemper,
wherein she lost her reason. The man himself, after that time,
never throve; his means wasted away insensibly; and throu all
things, he fell under melancholy, and turned silly, and dyed
stupide. All this fell out in some feu years after what passed
above; and my relator kneu all this particularly, and had occasion
to be upon the man's bussiness and affairs.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
vol. ii. pp. 175, 176. See also, in another work by this eminent
Scotch divine, an account of what happened, when 'a rash young
man' having destroyed the property of a clergyman, named Boyd, 'it
was observed that that family did never thrive afterwards, but
were in a decaying condition till they are reduced almost to
nothing.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers of the
Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. part. i. p. 215.
To prosecute a minister, or even to assert one's rights against him
before a civil tribunal, was not only a hazard, but a certain ruin. About
the year 1665, James Fraser was sued in a court of law for a large sum of
money, said to be due from his father's estate. As usually happens in
these cases, the party sued, considered that he was unjustly treated, and
that his opponent had no right to make the claim. So far, all was
natural. But the peculiarity was, that Fraser, against whom the action
was brought, was a young man preparing for the ministry, and, therefore,
under the immediate protection of Providence. Such an one was not to be
vexed with impunity; and we are assured by Fraser himself that God
specially interposed to prevent his ruin; that one of his opponents was
made unable to appear in court, and that the Lord, laying his hand upon
the others, put them to death, in order that every obstacle might be at
once removed.[457]
[457] See Fraser's Life of Himself, in vol. ii. of _Select Biographies_,
edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie. 'Nothing now remained of all my
father's great fortune but a small wadset of sixteen chalders,
liferented likewise by my mother. And about the same time a new
(though an unjust) adversary charges both her and me for 36,000
merks, and a reduction of our rights; so that our whole livelihood
was either gone or at the stake. For four years did this adversary
vex us, and was like to have undone us as to our temporal
condition, had not the Lord prevented.' p. 196. 'I, ignorant what
defences to make, had in my company a registrate horning, which I
accidentally and without premeditation (God putting it in my mind
at the same time) did cast in, by which he, being the king's
rebel, was incapacitate from pursuing me. And the Lord so ordered
it that he never after compeared to trouble me, by which means I
was delivered from a loss and a fashery, and had but one court to
wait upon.' p. 202. 'My condition during this time was a wrestling
condition with the sons of Zeruiah that were too strong for me;
little or no overcoming, yet violent wrestling.' ... 'For I
humbled myself under the sense of the calamities of our family,
and my own particular wants; I besought him to keep us from utter
destruction. And the Lord was pleased to hear; _he destroyed by
death my chief adversaries_, I found shifts to pay my many petty
debts, gained our law-action, and was restored to some of my
ancient possessions again.' pp. 227, 228.
While stories of this sort were generally believed, it was but natural
that an opinion should grow up that it was dangerous to meddle with a
minister, or in any way to interfere with his conduct.[458] The clergy,
intoxicated by the possession of power, reached to such a pitch of
arrogance, that they did not scruple to declare, that whoever respected
Christ, was bound, on that very account, to respect them.[459] They
denounced the judgments of God upon all who refused to hear the opinions
they propounded in their pulpits.[460] Nor did this apply merely to
persons who usually formed their audience. Such was their conceit, and so
greedy were they after applause, that they would not allow even a
stranger to remain in their parish, unless he, too, came to listen to
what they chose to say.[461] Because they had adopted the Presbyterian
polity, they asserted that the Almighty had never failed to punish every
one who tried to supersede it;[462] and as this was the perfection of the
church, those who were blind to its merits, were given over to wrath, and
were, indeed, the slaves of Satan.[463] The clergy, who held this
language respecting their opponents, exhausted the choicest epithets of
praise on themselves, and on their own pursuits. When one of them got
into the pulpit, or took a pen in his hand, he seemed as if he could not
find words strong enough to express his sense of the surpassing
importance of that class of which he was himself a member.[464] They
alone knew the truth; they alone were able to inform and enlighten
mankind. They had their instruction direct from heaven; they were, in
fact, the ambassadors of Christ; from him they received their
appointment; and since no one else could reward them, so no one else had
a right to rule them.[465] As they were messengers sent by the Almighty,
they were rightly termed angels, and it was the duty of the people to
listen to their minister, as if he really were an angel who had descended
upon earth.[466] His parishioners, therefore, were bound, not only to
acknowledge him and provide for him, but also to submit to him.[467]
Indeed, no one could refuse obedience, who considered who the clergy
were, and what functions they performed. Besides being ambassadors and
angels, they were watchmen, who spied out every danger, and whose
sleepless vigilance protected the faithful.[468] They were the joy and
delight of the earth. They were musicians, singing the songs of
sweetness; nay, they were sirens, who sought to allure men from the evil
path, and save them from perishing.[469] They were chosen arrows, stored
up in the quiver of God.[470] They were burning lights and shining
torches. Without them, darkness would prevail; but their presence
illumined the world, and made things clear.[471] Hence they were called
stars, which title also expressed the eminence of their office, and its
superiority over all others.[472] To make this still more apparent,
prodigies were vouchsafed, and strange lights might occasionally be seen,
which, hovering round the form of the minister, confirmed his
supernatural mission.[473] The profane wished to jest at these things,
but they were too notorious to be denied; and there was a well-known
case, in which, at the death of a clergyman, a star was miraculously
exhibited in the firmament, and was seen by many persons, although it was
then midday.[474]
[458] 'So hazardous a thing it is to meddle with Christ's sent
servants.' _Life of Mr. William Guthrie, Minister at Fenwick_, by
the Rev. William Dunlop, reprinted in _Select Biographies_, vol.
ii. p. 62. To arrest a clergyman on a civil or criminal process,
was an act full of danger, inasmuch as the Deity would hardly fail
to avenge it. This applied even to the officers who executed the
arrest, as well as to him by whom it was ordered. See, for
instance, _Some Remarkable Passages of the Life and Death of Mr.
John Semple, Minister of the Gospel_, p. 171 (in _Walker's
Biographia Presbyteriana_, vol. i.). 'Some time thereafter, he gat
orders to apprehend Mr. Semple; he intreated to excuse him, for
Mr. Semple was the minister and man he would not meddle with; for
he was sure, if he did that, some terrible mischief would suddenly
befal him. Mr. Arthur Coupar, who was Mr. Semple's precentor, told
these passages to a Reverend Minister in the church, yet alive,
worthy of all credit, who told me.' Durham boasts that, 'when
Ministers have most to do, and _meet with most opposition_, God
often furnisheth them accordingly with more boldnesse, gifts, and
assistance than ordinary. Christ's witnesses are a terrible party;
for as few as these witnesses are, none of their opposits do gain
at their hand; _whoever hurteth them shall in this manner be
killed_. Though they be despicable in sackcloth, yet _better
oppose a king in his strength, and giving orders from his throne
covered in cloath of state, than them_: though they may burn some
and imprison others, yet their opposers will pay sickerly for it.
This is not because of any worth that is in them, or for their own
sake; But 1. for His sake and for His authority that sendeth them.
2. for the event of their word, which will certainly come to
passe, and that more terribly, and as certainly, as ever any
temporall judgement was brought on by Moses or Elias.' _Durham's
Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 416.
[459] 'These who are trusted by Christ to be keepers of the vineyard,
and his ministers, ought also to be respected by the people over
whom they are set; and Christ allows this on them. Where Christ is
respected and gets his due, there the keepers will be respected
and get their due.' _Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon_,
pp. 450, 451. Fergusson complacently says, that to affront a
clergyman by not believing his statement, or 'message,' as he
terms it, is a 'dishonour done to God.' _Fergusson's Exposition of
the Epistles of Paul_, p. 422.
[460] 'As it is true concerning vs, that necessitie lyeth vpon vs to
preach, and woe will bee to vs if wee preach not; so it is true
concerning you, that a necessitie lyeth vpon you to heare, and
_woe will be to you if you heare not_.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_,
p. 156.
[461] The following order was promulgated by the Kirk-Session of Aberdeen
on the 12th July 1607. 'The said day, in respect it wes delatit to
the sessioun that thair is sindrie landvart gentillmen and vtheris
cum to this towne, quha mackis thair residence thairin, and
resortis not to the preching nather on Saboth nor vlk dayes;
thairfor, it is ordanit that thrie elderis of everie quarter
convene with the ministrie in the sessioun hous, immediatlie efter
the ending of the sermone on Tuysday nixt, and thair tak vp the
names of the gentillmen and vtheris skipperis duelling in this
burgh, quha kepis nocht the Kirk, nor resortis not to the hering
of Godis word; and thair names being taken vp, ordains ane off the
ministeris, with a baillie, to pas vnto thame and admoneis thame
to cum to the preichingis, and keip the Kirk, vthervayes to remowe
thame aff the towne.' _Selections from the Records of the Kirk
Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 58. It was not
enough to go occasionally to church; the attendance must be
regular; otherwise the clergy were dissatisfied, and punished the
delinquents. In the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie it is recorded
that, on the 29th September 1649, 'Mr. Johne Reidfurd being posed
quhat diligence he had vsed to the Lady Frendraught, reported,
shoe had hard three sermons, and so, as he thought, shoe intended
to continow ane hearer. The bretheren, considering her long
continowed contumacie and delay of her process, by _heiring a
sermon now and then_, thought not _that kind of heiring
satufactorie_, quherfor Mr. Robert Watson, and Mr. Robert Irving,
ver ordained to goe with Mr. Johne Reidfurd, and requyre the said
Lady to subscryv the Covenant, quherby shoe might testifie her
conformitie vith the Kirk of Scotland, quhilk, if shoe refused,
the said Mr. Johne vas ordained to pronounce the sentence of
excommunicatioun against hir before the Provinciall Assemblie, as
he vold be answerable therto.' _Extracts from the Presbytery Book
of Strathbogie_, p. 115. Neither distance, nor illness, might be
pleaded as a valid excuse. Under no circumstances, would the
preachers tolerate the affront of any one displaying an
unwillingness to hear their sermons. In 1650, 'compeired the Lord
Oliphant, being summondit for not keeping his parish kirk of
Abercherdour, vho declared his inabilitie of bodie many tymes, and
the want of houses for accommodating him and his familie so farr
distant from the same, vas the onlie caus, quhilk he promised to
amend in tym comming. Mr. John Reidfurd ordained to report the
same to the presbytrie, and vpon his continowed absence, to
processe him.' _Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, p. 149. See more
on this subject in _Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_, pp. 5,
33, 67; _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_,
pp. 67, 68, 90, 153; _Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, pp. 18, 55,
132; and _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. ii. p. 57.
Spalding also mentions (p. 114) that at Aberdeen, in 1643, the
clergy discoursed every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, in the
afternoon; on which occasions, 'the people is compellit to attend
their Lectureis, or ther cryit out against.'
[462] 'And it may be truly said, as the Church of Scotland hath had no
detractors, but such as were ignorant of her, or misinformed about
her, or whom faction, partiality, prejudice, wickedness, or love
of unlawful liberty did inspire; so no person or party hath
endeavoured hithertil to root out Presbytery, but the Lord hath
made it a burdensome stone unto them.' _Naphtali_, sig. B 2 rev.
'The Lord's wrath shall so meet his enemies in the teeth,
wheresoever they turn, that they shall be forced to forsake their
pursuing of the Church.' _Dickson's Explication of the First Fifty
Psalms_, p. 115.
[463] 'The true children of the Kirk are indeed the excellent ones of
the earth, and princes indeed, wherever they live, in comparison
of all other men who are but the beastly slaves of Satan.'
_Dickson's Explication of the First Fifty Psalms_, p. 312. Another
high authority carefully identifies 'the true religion' with 'the
true presbyterial profession.' See _An Enquiry into Church
Communion by Mr. Alexander Shields, Minister of the Gospel at
Saint Andrews_, p. 126. His remark applies to the 'Burgess-oaths.'
[464] Fergusson gives an ingenious turn to this, and says that it was
their duty to praise their own profession, not for their own sake,
but for the sake of others. 'It is the duty of Christ's ministers
to commend and magnify their office, not for gaining praise and
esteem to themselves, 2 Cor. iii. 1, but that the malice of Satan
and his instruments may be hereby frustrated, 2 Cor. xi. 12, who
labours to bring that sacred calling into contempt; that so it may
have the less of success upon people's hearts.' _Fergusson's
Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 180.
[465] 'Neither is there any mediate authoritie betweene the Lord and his
ambassadours, in the affaires of their message; he only sendeth
them; he alone gives them to be pastors and doctors, etc.; he
alone shall judge them; he alone shall reward them; to him alone
they must give an accompt of their dispensation; and he himselfe
alone doth immediatlie rule them by his spirit and word.' _Forbes'
Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk_, p. 435. In
reference to these amazing pretensions, the Scotch clergy were
constantly terming themselves the ambassadors of the Deity;
thereby placing themselves infinitely above all other men. See,
for instance, _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
Revelation_, pp. 86, 100, 160. _Durham's Law Unsealed_, pp. 85,
96. _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 402.
_Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, pp. 17, 273.
_Shields' Enquiry into Church Communion_, p. 72. _Binning's
Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 118, vol. iii. p. 178. _Abernethy's Physicke
for the Soule_, p. 122. _Monro's Sermons_, p. 207. _Gillespie's
Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, pp. 240, 413. _Cowper's Heaven Opened_,
p. 166. _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty
of Conscience_, p. 41. _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p.
274. _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, pp. 50, 74. _Fleming's
Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 429. _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or
Man's Felicity and Duty_, p. 401. _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
Book of Job_, pp. 461, 479.
[466] 'Ministers are called Angels, because they are God's Messengers,
intrusted by Him with a high and heavenly imployment; and it is a
title that should put Ministers in mind of their duty, to do God's
will on earth as the Angels do it in heaven, in a spiritual and
heavenly way, cheerfully, willingly and readily: and it _should
put people in mind of their duty, to take this word off Ministers
hands, as from Angels_.' _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the
Revelation_, p. 496. 'Therefore are Ministers called Angels, and
Angels, Ministers,' p. 596. Cockburn says that this is the reason
why 'we should behave ourselves decently and reverently' in
church; 'for if the presence of Kings overawe us, how much more
should the presence of God and Angels.' _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow,
or Man's Felicity and Duty_, p. 356. Another Scotch divine asserts
that he and his brethren are able to instruct the angels, and free
them from their ignorance. See the audacious passage in
_Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 180: '_This
may commend the ministers of the gospel not a little unto men_,
and beget reverence in them towards the same, that even the
blessed angels are in some sort bettered by it, and that it is
therefore respected by them: for Paul commendeth his office from
this, that by occasion thereof "unto the principalities and
powers, was made known the manifold wisdom of God." Though angels
be most knowing creatures, as enjoying the immediate sight and
presence of God, Matt. xviii. 10, yet _they are ignorant of some
things, which, by God's way of dispensing the Gospel to his
church, they come to a more full knowledge off_.' After this, it
is a slight matter to find Monro insisting that 'the people should
consider our character as the most difficult and most sacred.'
_Monro's Sermons_, p. 202.
[467] 'He is obliged to minister unto them in the gospel; and they are
obliged to submit to him, strengthen him, acknowledge him,
communicate to him in all good things, and to provide for him,'
&c. _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 90.
That the clergy are 'rulers and governors,' and that their
business is 'ruling and watching over the flock,' is likewise
affirmed in _Gillespie's Aaron's Rod Blossoming_, pp. 172, 313.
Compare _The Correspondence of the Rev. Robert Wodrow_, vol. i. p.
181: 'rule over the people and speak the word;' and _Rutherford's
Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience_, p. 41:
'the commanding power in the Ambassadour of Christ.' See also the
'reverential estimation' inculcated in _Boston's Sermons_, p. 186.
[468] 'Called watchmen by a name borrowed from the practice of centinels
in armies or cities.' They are 'Satan's greatest eyesores.'
_Hutcheson's Exposition of the Minor Prophets_, vol. ii. p. 158,
vol. iii. p. 208. 'They being made watchmen, do thereby become the
butt of Satan's malice.' ... 'The Enemy's principal design is sure
to be against the watchman, because he prevents the surprising of
his people by Satan,' at least 'tis his business to do so.'
_Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 24. Compare
_Guthrie's Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the
Dangers that threaten Religion_, p. 259; _Fergusson's Exposition
of the Epistles of Paul_, pp. 97, 106; _Durham's Exposition of the
Song of Solomon_, pp. 278, 443, and _Wodrow's Correspondence_,
vol. i. pp. 84, 244.
[469] One of the most popular of the Scotch preachers in the seventeenth
century, actually ranks himself, in this respect, as doing the
same work as the Son of God. 'Christ and his ministers are the
musicians that do apply their songs to catch men's ears and
hearts, if so be they may stop their course and not perish. These
are blessed syrens that do so.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p.
265.
[470] Rutherford terms himself, 'a chosen arrow hid in his quiver.'
_Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p. 230. To read the coarse
materialism contained in this and other extracts, will, I know,
shock, and so far offend, many pure and refined minds, whose
feelings I would not needlessly wound. But no one can understand
the history of the Scotch intellect, who refuses to enter into
these matters; and it is for the reader to choose whether or not
he will remain ignorant of what I, as an historian, am bound to
disclose. His remedy is easy. He has only either to shut the book,
or else to pass on at once to the next chapter.
[471] 'The Lord calleth men to be preachers, and hath them in his hand
as starres, holding them out sometime to one part of the world,
and sometime to another, that we may communicate light to them
that are sitting in darkness.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 360.
[472] 'Ministers are called Stars, for these reasons: I. To signifie and
point out the eminence and dignity of the office, that it is a
glorious and shineing office. II. To point out what is the
especiall end of this office; It is to give light: as the use of
Stars is to give light to the world; so it's Ministers main
imployment to shine and give light to others; to make the world,
which is a dark night, to be lightsome.' _Durham's Commentarie
upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 43. See also pp. 151, 368;
and _Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 176.
[473] The Rev. James Kirton says of the Rev. John Welsh, that some one
who observed him walking, 'saw clearly a strange light surround
him, and heard him speak strange words about his spiritual joy.'
_Select Biographies_, edited by the Rev. W. K. Tweedie, vol. i.
p. 12. But more than this remains to be told. The hearts of the
Scotch clergy were so lifted up with pride, that they
believed--horrible to relate--that they had audible and verbal
communications from the Almighty God, which bystanders could hear.
One of these stories, relating also to Welsh, will be found, as
tradition handed it down, in _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_,
p. 148. I cannot quote such blasphemy; and those who doubt my
statement had better refer to the second edition of Howie's work,
published at Glasgow in 1781. It may probably be met with in the
British Museum.
[474] 'Mr. Johne M'Birnie at Aberdeen, (but first at the South Ferrie,
over aganis the Castell of Broughtie,) a most zealous and painfull
pastor, a great opposer of hierarchie. He was a shyning torch and
a burning starre; wherefore the Lord miraculouslie made, at his
death, a starre to appeare in heaven at the noonetyde of the day;
whilk many yit alive testifies that they did evidentlie see it (at
Whitsunday 1609).' _Row's History of the Kirk of Scotland_,
p. 421.
Nor was this to be regarded as a solitary occurrence. On the contrary, it
usually happened, that when a Scotch minister departed from this life,
the event was accompanied by portents, in order that the people might
understand that something terrible was going on, and that they were
incurring a serious, perhaps an irretrievable, loss. Sometimes the
candles would be mysteriously extinguished, without any wind, and without
any one touching them.[475] Sometimes, even when the clergyman was
preaching, the supernatural appearance of an animal would announce his
approaching end in face of the congregation, who might vainly mourn what
they were unable to avert.[476] Sometimes the body of the holy man would
remain for years unchanged and undecayed; death not having the power over
it which it would have had over the corpse of a common person.[477] On
other occasions, notice was given to him of his death, years before it
occurred;[478] and, to strike greater awe into the public mind, it was
remarked, that when one minister died, others were taken away at the same
time, so that, the bereavement being more widely felt, men might, by the
magnitude of the shock, be rendered sensible of the inestimable value of
those preachers whose lives were happily spared.[479]
[475] Mr. James Stirling, minister of Barony, Glasgow, writes respecting
his father, Mr. John Stirling, minister at Kilbarchan, that the
'day he was burryed ther wer two great candles burning in the
chamber, and they did go out most surprisingly without any wind
causing them to go out.' _Analecta, or Materials for a History of
Remarkable Providences_, by the Rev. Robert Wodrow, vol. iii.
p. 37.
[476] 'This night, Glanderston told me, that it was reported for a truth
at Burroustoness, that about six weeks since Mr. David Williamson
was preaching in his own church in Edinburgh, and in the midle of
the sermon, a ratton came and sat doun on his Bible. This made him
stope; and after a little pause, he told the congregation that
this was a message of God to him, and broke off his sermon, and
took a formall fareweel of his people, and went home, and
continoues sick.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 12.
[477] 'The same person' (_i.e._ the Rev. Mr. White) 'adds, that some
years ago, when Mr. Bruce's grave was opened, to lay in his
grandchild, his body was almost fresh and uncorrupted, to the
great wonder of many; and if I right remember, the grave was again
filled up, and another made. The fresh body had no noisome smell.
It was then nearly eighty years after he was buried. My informer
was minister of Larbert when this happened.' _Wodrow's Life of
Bruce_, p. 150, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_.
[478] 'He' (John Lockhart) 'tells me Mr. Robert Paton, minister at
Barnweel, his father-in-lau, had a particular for-notice, seven or
eight years before, of his death: That he signifyed so much to my
informer.' ... 'When my informer came, he did not apprehend any
hazard, and signifyed so much to his father-in-lau, Mr. Paton. He
answered, 'John, John, I am to dye at this time; and this is the
time God warned me of, as I told you.' In eight or ten dayes he
dyed. Mr. Paton was a man very much (beloved) and mighty in
prayer.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 451. Compare the case
of Henderson (in _Wodrow's Correspondence_, vol. iii. p. 33),
where the notice was much shorter, but 'all fell out as he had
foretold.'
[479] 'Generally, I observe that Ministers' deaths are not single, but
severall of them together.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 275.
It was, moreover, generally understood, that a minister, during his abode
in this world, was miraculously watched over and protected. He was
peculiarly favoured by angels, who, though they did good offices to all
members of the true church, were especially kind to the clergy;[480] and
it was well known, that the celebrated Rutherford, when only four years
old, having fallen into a well, was pulled out by an angel, who came
there for the purpose of saving his life.[481] Another clergyman, who was
in the habit of oversleeping himself, used to be roused to his duty in
the morning, by three mysterious knocks at his door, which, if they did
not produce a proper effect, were repeated close to his bed. These knocks
never failed on Sunday, and on days when he had to administer the
communion; and they lasted during the whole of his ministry, until he
became old and infirm, when they entirely ceased.[482]
[480] The Rev. William Row (in his _Continuation of Blair's
Autobiography_, p. 153) says, 'Without all doubt, though it cannot
be proven from Scripture, that every one has a tutelar angel, yet
it is certain that the good angels do many good offices to the
people of God, _especially to his ministers and ambassadors_,
which we do not see, and do not remark or know.'
[481] 'Mr. James Stirling, and Mr. Robert Muir, and severall others in
the company, agreed on this accompt of Mr. Rutherford. When about
four years old, he was playing about his father's house, and a
sister of his, somewhat older than he, with him. Mr. Rutherford
fell into a well severall fathoms deep, and not full, but faced
about with heuen stone, soe that it was not possible for any body
to get up almost, far less a child. When he fell in, his sister
ran into the house near by, and told that Samuell was fallen into
the well; upon which his father and mother ran out, and found him
sitting on the grasse beside the well; and when they asked him,
Hou he gote out? he said, after he was once at the bottome, he
came up to the tope, and ther was a bonny young man pulled him out
by the hand. Ther was noe body near by at the time; and soe they
concluded it was noe doubt ane angell. The Lord had much to doe
with him.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 57. See also vol. iii.
pp. 88, 89, where this circumstance is again mentioned as 'a
tradition anent him' in the place of his birth.
[482] 'Mr. William Trail, minister at ****, tells me that his father,
Mr. William Trail, minister at Borthwick, used every morning, when
he had publick work on his hand, to hear three knocks at his
chamber dore; and if, throu wearynes, or heaviness, he did sitt
these, ther wer ordinarily three knocks at his bed-head, which he
never durst sitt, but gott up to his work. This was ordinarily
about three in the morning. This, at first, in his youth, frighted
him; but at lenth it turned easy to him, and he believed these
knocks and awaknings proceed from a good art. That these never
failed him on Sabbaths and at Communions, when he was obliged to
rise early: That when he turned old and infirm, towards the close
of his dayes, they intirely ceased and left him.' _Wodrow's
Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 307. This work, in four quarto volumes, is
invaluable for the history of the Scotch mind; being a vast
repertory of the opinions and traditions of the clergy, during the
seventeenth, and early part of the eighteenth, century. Wodrow was
a man of ability, certainly above the average; his honesty is
unimpeachable, as the jealous scrutiny which the episcopalians
have made of his great work on the History of the Church of
Scotland, decisively proves; and he was in the constant habit of
personal and epistolary communication with the leading characters
of his age. I have, therefore, freely used his _Analecta_; also
his _Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, which is likewise
in four quarto volumes; and his _Correspondence_, in three thick
octavo volumes. It would be difficult to find a more competent
witness respecting the sentiments of his ecclesiastical brethren.
It would be impossible to find a more candid one.
By the propagation of these and similar stories, in a country already
prepared for their reception, the Scotch mind became imbued with a belief
in miraculous interposition, to an extent which would be utterly
incredible if it were not attested by a host of contemporary and
unimpeachable witnesses. The clergy, partly because they shared in the
general delusion, and partly because they derived benefit from it, did
every thing they could to increase the superstition of their countrymen,
and to familiarize them with notions of the supernatural world, such as
can only be paralleled in the monastic legends of the middle ages.[483]
How they laboured to corrupt the national intellect, and how successful
they were in that base vocation, has been hitherto known to no modern
reader; because no one has had the patience to peruse their interminable
discourses, commentaries, and the other religious literature in which
their sentiments are preserved. As, however, the preachers were, in
Scotland, more influential than all other classes put together, it is
only by comparing their statements with what is to be found in the
general memoirs and correspondence of the time, that we can at all
succeed in reconstructing the history of a period, which, to the
philosophic student of the human mind, is full of great, though
melancholy, interest. I shall, therefore, make no apology for entering
into still further details respecting these matters; and I hope to put
the reader in possession of such facts as will connect the past history
of Scotland with its present state, and will enable him to understand why
it is, that so great a people are, in many respects, still struggling in
darkness, simply because they still live under the shadow of that long
and terrible night, which for more than a century, covered the land. It
will also appear, that their hardness and moroseness of character, their
want of gaiety, and their indifference to many of the enjoyments of life,
are traceable to the same cause, and are the natural product of the
gloomy and ascetic opinions inculcated by their religious teachers. For,
in that age, as in every other, the clergy, once possessed of power,
showed themselves harsh and unfeeling masters. They kept the people in a
worse than Egyptian bondage, inasmuch as they enslaved mind as well as
body, and not only deprived men of innocent amusements, but taught them
that those amusements were sinful. And so thoroughly did they do their
work, that, though a hundred and fifty years have elapsed since their
supremacy began to wane, the imprint of their hands is everywhere
discernible. The people still bear the marks of the lash; the memory of
their former servitude lives among them; and they crouch before their
clergy as they did of old, abandoning their rights, sacrificing their
independence, and yielding up their consciences, to the dictates of an
intolerant and ambitious priesthood.
[483] In illustration of this, a volume might be filled with extracts
from the writings of the Scotch divines of the seventeenth
century. The following passage is, perhaps, as good as any. 'Yea,
it can hardly be instanced any great change, or revolution in the
earth, which hath not had some such extraordinary herald going
before. Can the world deny how sometimes these prodigious signes
have been shaped out to point at the very nature of the stroke
then imminent, by a strange resemblance to the same, such as a
flaming sword in the air, the appearance of armies fighting even
sometimes upon the earth, to the view of many most sober and
judicious onlookers, also showers of blood, the noise of drummes,
and such like, which are known usually to go before warr and
commotions.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, 1681,
p. 216.
Of all the means of intimidation employed by the Scotch clergy, none was
more efficacious than the doctrines they propounded respecting evil
spirits and future punishment. On these subjects they constantly uttered
the most appalling threats. The language, which they used, was calculated
to madden men with fear, and to drive them to the depths of despair. That
it often had this consequence, and produced most fatal results, we shall
presently see. And, what made it more effectual was, that it completely
harmonized with those other gloomy and ascetic notions which the clergy
inculcated, and according to which, pleasures being regarded as sinful,
sufferings were regarded as religious. Hence that love of inflicting
pain, and that delight in horrible and revolting ideas, which
characterized the Scotch mind during the seventeenth century. A few
specimens of the prevailing opinions will enable the reader to understand
the temper of the time, and to appreciate the resources which the Scotch
clergy could wield, and the materials with which they built up the fabric
of their power.
It was generally believed, that the world was overrun by evil spirits,
who not only went up and down the earth, but also lived in the air, and
whose business it was to tempt and hurt mankind.[484] Their number was
infinite, and they were to be found at all places and in all seasons. At
their head was Satan himself, whose delight it was to appear in person,
ensnaring or terrifying every one he met.[485] With this object, he
assumed various forms. One day, he would visit the earth as a black
dog;[486] on another day, as a raven;[487] on another, he would be heard
in the distance, roaring like a bull.[488] He appeared sometimes as a
white man in black clothes;[489] and sometimes he came as a black man in
black clothes, when it was remarked that his voice was ghastly, that he
wore no shoes, and that one of his feet was cloven.[490] His stratagems
were endless. For, in the opinion of divines, his cunning increased with
his age; and having been studying for more than five thousand years, he
had now attained to unexampled dexterity.[491] He could, and he did,
seize both men and women, and carry them away through the air.[492]
Usually, he wore the garb of laymen, but it was said, that, on more than
one occasion, he had impudently attired himself as a minister of the
gospel.[493] At all events, in one dress or other, he frequently appeared
to the clergy, and tried to coax them over to his side.[494] In that, of
course, he failed; but, out of the ministry, few, indeed, could withstand
him. He could raise storms and tempests; he could work, not only on the
mind, but also on the organs of the body, making men hear and see
whatever he chose.[495] Of his victims, some he prompted to commit
suicide,[496] others to commit murder.[497] Still, formidable as he was,
no Christian was considered to have attained to a full religious
experience, unless he had literally seen him, talked to him, and fought
with him.[498] The clergy were constantly preaching about him, and
preparing their audience for an interview with their great enemy. The
consequence was, that the people became almost crazed with fear. Whenever
the preacher mentioned Satan, the consternation was so great, that the
church resounded with sighs and groans.[499] The aspect of a Scotch
congregation in those days, is, indeed, hard for us to conceive. Not
unfrequently the people, benumbed and stupefied with awe, were rooted to
their seats by the horrible fascination exercised over them, which
compelled them to listen, though they are described as gasping for
breath, and with their hair standing on end.[500] Such impressions were
not easily effaced. Images of terror were left on the mind, and followed
the people to their homes, and in their daily pursuits. They believed
that the devil was always, and literally, at hand; that he was haunting
them, speaking to them, and tempting them. There was no escape. Go where
they would, he was there. A sudden noise, nay, even the sight of an
inanimate object, such as a stone, was capable of reviving the
association of ideas, and of bringing back to the memory the language
uttered from the pulpit.[501]
[484] Durham, after mentioning 'old abbacies or monasteries, or castles
when walls stand and none dwelleth in them,' adds, 'If it be
asked, If there be such a thing, as the haunting of evill spirits
in these desolate places? We answer 1. That there are evill
spirits rangeing up and down through the earth is certain, even
though hell be their prison properly, yet have they a sort of
dominion and abode both in the earth and air; partly, as a piece
of their curse, this is laid on them to wander; partly as their
exercise to tempt men, or bring spirituall or temporall hurt to
them,' &c. _Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_,
p. 582. So, too, Hutcheson (_Exposition of the Book of Job_, p.
9): 'We should remember that we sojourn in a world where Devils
are, and do haunt among us;' and Fleming (_Fulfilling of the
Scripture_, p. 217): 'But the truth itself is sure, that such a
party is at this day, encompassing the earth, and trafficking up
and down there, to prove which by arguments were to light a candle
to let men see that it is day, while it is known what _ordinary
familiar converse many have therewith_.' One of their favourite
abodes was the Shetland Islands, where, in the middle of the
seventeenth century, 'almost every family had a Brouny or evil
spirit so called.' See the account given by the Rev. John Brand,
in his work entitled _A Brief Description of Orkney, Zetland,
Pightland-Firth, and Caithness_, pp. 111, 112, Edinburgh, 1701.
[485] 'There is not one whom he assaulteth not.' _Abernethy's Physicke
for the Soule_, p. 101. 'On the right hand and on the left.'
_Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 273. Even early in the eighteenth
century, the 'most popular divines' in Scotland, affirmed that
Satan 'frequently appears clothed in a corporeal substance.'
_Memoirs of Charles Lee Lewes, written by Himself_, vol. iii.
pp. 29, 30, London, 1805.
[486] 'This night James Lochheid told me, that last year, if I mistake
not, at the Communion of Bafrou, he was much helped all day. At
night, when dark somewhat, he went out to the feilds to pray; and
a terrible slavish fear came on him, that he almost lost his
senses. Houever, he resolved to goe on to his duty. By (the time)
he was at the place, his fear was off him; and lying on a
knou-side, a black dogg came to his head and stood. He said he
kneu it to be Satan, and shooke his hand, but found nothing, it
evanishing.' ... 'Lord help against his devices, and strenthen
against them!' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. p. 24. The _Registers
of the Presbytery of Lanark_, p. 77, contain a declaration, in
1650, that 'the devill appeared like a little whelpe,' and
afterwards, 'like a brown whelpe.'
[487] The celebrated Peden was present when 'there came down the
appearance of a raven, and sat upon one man's head.' ...
Thereupon, 'going home, Mr. Peden said to his land-lord, I always
thought there was Devilry among you, but I never thought that he
did appear visibly among you, till now I have seen it. O, for the
Lord's sake quit this way,' _The Life and Death of Mr. Alexander
Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce in Galloway_,
pp. 111, 112, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
[488] 'I heard a voice just before me on the other side of the hedge,
and it seemed to be like the groaning of an aged man. It continued
so some time. I knew no man could be there; for, on the other side
of the hedge, where I heard the groaning, there was a great stank
or pool. I nothing doubted but it was Satan, and I guessed his
design; but still I went on to beg the child's life. At length he
roared and made a noise like a bull, and that very loud. From all
this I concluded, that I had been provoking God some way or other
in the duty, and that he was angry with me, and had let the enemy
loose on me, and might give him leave to tear me in pieces. This
made me intreat of God, to shew me wherefore he contended, and
begged he would rebuke Satan. The enemy continued to make a noise
like a bull, and seemed to be coming about the hedge towards the
door of the summer-seat, bellowing as he came along.' _Stevenson's
Rare, Soul-Strengthening, and Comforting Cordial for Old and Young
Christians_, p. 29. This book was published, and prepared for the
press, by the Rev. William Cupples. See Mr. Cupples' letter at the
beginning.
[489] In 1684, with 'black cloaths, and a blue band, and white
handcuffs.' _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 8.
[490] 'He observed one of the black man's feet to be cloven, and that the
black man's apparel was black, and that he had a blue band about
his neck, and white hand-cuffs, and that he had hoggers upon his
legs without shoes; and that the black man's voice was hollow and
ghastly.' _Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 9. 'The devil
appeared in the shape of a black man,' p. 31. See also _Brand's
Description of Orkney_, p. 126: 'all in black.'
[491] 'The acquired knowledge of the Devill is great, hee being an
advancing student, and still learning now above five thousand
yeares.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying and Drawing Sinners to
Himselfe_, p. 204. 'He knowes very well, partly by the quicknesse
of his nature, and partly by long experience, being now very neere
six thousand yeeres old.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 219. 'Hee,
being compared with vs, hath many vantages; as that he is more
subtill in nature, being of greater experience, and more ancient,
being now almost sixe thousand yeeres old.' _Ibid._ p. 403. 'The
diuell here is both diligent and cunning, and (now almost of sixe
thousand yeeres) of great experience.' _Abernethy's Physicke for
the Soule_, p. 142. 'Satan, such an ingenious and experimented
spirit.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 67. 'His great sleight
and cunning.' _Ibid._ p. 110. Other eulogies of his skill may be
seen in _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 475;
and in _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 45. A
'minister,' whose name is not mentioned, states that he is 'of an
excellent substance, of great natural parts, long experience, and
deep understanding.' _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World
Discovered_, p. 78.
[492] In Professor Sinclair's work (_Satan's Invisible World
Discovered_, p. 141), we find, in 1684, 'an evident instance, that
the devil can transport the bodies of men and women through the
air. It is true, he did not carry her far off, but not for want of
skill and power.' Late in the seventeenth century, it was
generally believed that one of Satan's accomplices was literally
'strangled in his chair by the devil, least he should make a
confession to the detriment of the service.' _Crawfurd's History
of the Shire of Renfrew_, part iii. p. 319.
[493] See the account of a young preacher being deceived in this way, in
_Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. i. pp. 103, 104. The Rev. Robert Blair
detected the cheat, and 'with ane awful seriousness appearing in
his countenance, began to tell the youth his hazard, and that the
man whom he took for a Minister was the Divel, who had trepanned
him, and brought him into his net; advised him to be earnest with
God in prayer, and likewise not to give way to dispair, for ther
was yet hope.' The preacher had, on this occasion, been so far
duped as to give the devil 'a written promise' to do whatever he
was requested. As soon as the Rev. Mr. Blair ascertained this
fact, he took the young man before the Presbytery, and narrated
the circumstance to the members. 'They were all strangely affected
with it, and resolved unanimously to dispatch the Presbitry
business presently, and to stay all night in town, and on the
morrow to meet for prayer in one of the most retired churches of
the Presbitry, acquainting none with their business, (but) taking
the youth alongst with them, whom they keeped alwise close by
them. Which was done, and after the Ministers had prayed all of
them round, except Mr. Blair, who prayed last, in time of his
prayer there came a violent rushing of wind upon the church, so
great that they thought the church should have fallen down about
their ears, and with that the youth's paper and covenant' (_i.e._
the covenant which he had signed at the request of Satan) 'droops
down from the roof of the church among the Ministers.'
[494] 'The devil strikes at them, that in them he may strike at the
whole congregation.' _Boston's Sermons_, p. 186. Fleming
(_Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 379) gives an account of his
appearing to one of the Scotch clergy. Compare _Wodrow's
Analecta_, vol. iv. p. 110. In 1624, Bruce writes, 'I heard his
voice as vively as ever I heard any thing, not being sleeping, but
waking.' _Life of Bruce_, p. 8, prefixed to _Bruce's Sermons_. The
only remedy was immediate resistance. 'It is the duty of called
ministers to go on with courage in the work of the Lord,
notwithstanding of any discouragement of that kind, receiving
manfully the first onset chiefly of Satan's fury, as knowing their
ceding to him will make him more cruel.' _Fergusson's Exposition
of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 74. In the seventeenth century, the
Scotch clergy often complimented each other on having baffled him,
and thereby put him in a passion. Thus, in 1626, Dickson writes to
Boyd: 'The devil is mad against you, he fears his kingdom.' _Life
of Robert Boyd, in Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of
Ministers_, vol. ii. part i. p. 238. See also pp. 165, 236.
[495] 'He can delude ears, eyes, &c., either by misrepresenting external
objects, or by inward disturbing of the faculties and organes,
whereby men and women may, and do often, apprehend that they hear,
see, &c. such and such things, which, indeed, they do not.'
_Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 128.
'Raise tempests.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 122. 'His power
and might, whereby through God's permission, he doth raise up
storms, commove the elements, destroy cattle,' &c. _Fergusson's
Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 264. 'Hee can work
curiously and strongly on the walls of bodily organs, on the shop
that the understanding soule lodgeth in, and on the necessary
tooles, organs, and powers of fancie, imagination, memory,
humours, senses, spirits, bloud,' &c. _Rutherford's Christ Dying_,
p. 212. Semple, giving notice of his intention to administer the
sacrament, told the congregation 'that the Devil would be so
envious about the good work they were to go about, that he was
afraid he would be permitted to raise a storm in the air with a
speat of rain, to raise the waters, designing to drown some of
them; but it will not be within the compass of his power to drown
any of you, no not so much as a dog.' _Remarkable Passages of the
Life and Death of Mr. John Semple_, _Minister of the Gospel_, pp.
168, 169, in vol. i. of _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_.
[496] _Sinclair's Satan's Invisible World Discovered_, p. 137. _Memoirs
of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock, with a
Preface by the Rev. Mr. Cock_, pp. 43, 44, 45, 84, 85, 172, 222,
223.
[497] 'I shall next show how the murderer Satan visibly appeared to a
wicked man, stirred him up to stab me, and how mercifully I was
delivered therefrom.' _The Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair,
Minister of St. Andrews_, p. 65. See also _Fleming's Fulfilling of
the Scripture_, pp. 379, 380.
[498] 'One Mr. Thomas Hogg, a very popular presbyterian preacher in the
North, asked a person of great learning, in a religious
conference, whether or not he had seen the Devil? It was answered
him, "That he had never seen him in any visible appearance."
"Then, I assure you," saith Mr. Hogg, "that you can never be happy
till you see him in that manner; that is, until you have both a
personal converse and combat with him."' _Scotch Presbyterian
Eloquence_, pp. 28, 29.
[499] 'Ye go to the kirk, and when ye hear the devil or hell named in
the preaching, ye sigh and make a noise.' _The Last and Heavenly
Speeches of John, Viscount Kenmure_, in _Select Biographies_,
vol. i. p. 405.
[500] Andrew Gray, who died in 1656, used such language, 'that his
contemporary, the foresaid Mr. Durham, observed, That many times
he caused the very hairs of their head to stand up.' _Howie's
Biographia Scoticana_, p. 217. James Hutcheson boasted of this
sort of success. 'As he expressed it, "I was not a quarter of ane
hour in upon it, till I sau a dozen of them all gasping before
me." He preached with great freedome _all day_, and fourteen or
twenty dated their conversion from that sermon.' _Wodrow's
Analecta_, vol. i. p. 131. When Dickson preached, 'many were so
choaked and taken by the heart, that through terrour, the spirit
in such a measure convincing them of sin, in hearing of the word
they have been made to fall over, and thus carried out of the
church.' _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_, p. 347. There
was hardly any kind of resource which these men disdained.
Alexander Dunlop 'entered into the ministry at Paislay, about the
year 1643 or 1644.' ... 'He used in the pulpit, to have a kind of
a groan at the end of some sentences. Mr. Peebles called it a holy
groan.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. iii. pp. 16, 21.
[501] A schoolmaster, recording his religious experiences (_Wodrow's
Analecta_, vol. i. p. 246), says: 'If any thing had given a knock,
I would start and shiver, the seeing of a dogg made me affrayed,
the seeing of a stone in the feild made me affrayed, and as I
thought a voice in my head saying, "It's Satan."'
Nor is it strange that this should be the case. All over Scotland, the
sermons were, with hardly an exception, formed after the same plan, and
directed to the same end. To excite fear, was the paramount object.[502]
The clergy boasted, that it was their special mission to thunder out the
wrath and curses of the Lord.[503] In their eyes, the Deity was not a
beneficent being, but a cruel and remorseless tyrant. They declared that
all mankind, a very small portion only excepted, were doomed to eternal
misery. And when they came to describe what that misery was, their dark
imaginations revelled and gloated at the prospect. In the pictures which
they drew, they reproduced and heightened the barbarous imagery of a
barbarous age. They delighted in telling their hearers, that they would
be roasted in great fires, and hung up by their tongues.[504] They were
to be lashed with scorpions, and see their companions writhing and
howling around them.[505] They were to be thrown into boiling oil and
scalding lead.[506] A river of fire and brimstone, broader than the
earth, was prepared for them;[507] in that, they were to be immersed;
their bones, their lungs, and their liver, were to boil, but never be
consumed.[508] At the same time, worms were to prey upon them; and while
these were gnawing at their bodies, they were to be surrounded by devils,
mocking and making pastime of their pains.[509] Such were the first
stages of suffering, and they were only the first. For the torture,
besides being unceasing, was to become gradually worse. So refined was
the cruelty, that one hell was succeeded by another; and, lest the
sufferer should grow callous, he was, after a time, moved on, that he
might undergo fresh agonies in fresh places, provision being made that
the torment should not pall on the sense, but should be varied in its
character, as well as eternal in its duration.[510]
[502] Only those who are extensively read in the theological literature
of that time, can form an idea of this, its almost universal
tendency. During about a hundred and twenty years, the Scotch
pulpits resounded with the most frightful denunciations. The sins
of the people, the vengeance of God, the activity of Satan, and
the pains of hell, were the leading topics. In this world,
calamities of every kind were announced as inevitable; they were
immediately at hand; that generation, perhaps that year, should
not pass away without the worst evils which could be conceived,
falling on the whole country. I will merely quote the opening of a
sermon which is now lying before me, and which was preached, in
1682, by no less a man than Alexander Peden. 'There is three or
four things that I have to tell you this day; and the first is
this, A bloody sword, a bloody sword, a bloody sword, for thee, O
Scotland, that shall reach the most part of you to the very heart.
And the second is this, Many a mile shall ye travel in thee, O
Scotland! and shall see nothing but waste places. The third is
this, The most fertile places in thee, O Scotland! shall be waste
as the mountain tops. And fourthly, The women with child in thee,
O Scotland! shall be dashed in pieces. And fifthly, There hath
been many conventicles in thee, O Scotland! but ere it be long,
God shall have a conventicle in thee, that shall make thee
Scotland tremble. Many a preaching hath God wared on thee, O
Scotland! but ere it be long God's judgments shall be as frequent
in Scotland as these precious meetings, wherein he sent forth his
faithful servants to give faithful warning in his name of their
hazard in apostatizing from God, and in breaking all his noble
vows. God sent out a Welsh, a Cameron, a Cargill, and a Semple to
preach to thee; but ere long God shall preach to thee by a bloody
sword.' _Sermons by Eminent Divines_, pp. 47, 48.
[503] To 'thunder out the Lord's wrath and curse.' _Durham's Commentarie
upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 191. 'It is the duty of
Ministers to preach judgments.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the
Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 93. 'If ministers when they threaten
be not the more serious and fervent, the most terrible threatening
will but little affect the most part of hearers.' _Fergusson's
Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_, p. 421.
[504] The clergy were not ashamed to propagate a story of a boy who, in
a trance, had been mysteriously conveyed to hell, and thence
permitted to revisit the earth. His account, which is carefully
preserved by the Rev. Robert Wodrow (_Analecta_, vol. i. p. 51)
was, that 'ther wer great fires and men roasted in them, and then
cast into rivers of cold water, and then into boyling water;
others hung up by the tongue.'
[505] 'Scortched in hell-fire and hear the howling of their
fellow-prisoners, and see the ugly devils, the bloody scorpions
with which Satan lasheth miserable soules.' _Rutherford's Christ
Dying_, pp. 491, 492.
[506] 'Boiling oil, burning brimstone, scalding lead.' _Sermons by
Eminent Divines_, p. 362.
[507] 'A river of fire and brimstone broader than the earth.'
_Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 35. 'See the poor wretches
lying in bundles, boiling eternally in that stream of brimstone.'
_Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 53.
[508] 'Tongue, lungs, and liver, bones and all, shall boil and fry in a
torturing fire.' _Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 17. 'They
will be universal torments, every part of the creature being
tormented in that flame. When one is cast into a fiery furnace,
the fire makes its way into the very bowels, and leaves no member
untouched: what part then can have ease, when the damned swim in a
lake of fire burning with brimstone?' _Boston's Human Nature in
its Four-fold State_, p. 458.
[509] 'While wormes are sporting with thy bones, the devils shall make
pastime of thy paines.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p.
97. 'They will have the society of devils in their torments, being
shut up with them in hell.' _Boston's Human Nature in its
Four-fold State_, p. 442. 'Their ears filled with frightful
yellings of the infernal crew.' _Ibid._ p. 460.
[510] This fundamental doctrine of the Scotch divines is tersely summed
up in _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 130: 'You shall go out of
one hell into a worse; eternity is the measure of its continuance,
and the degrees of itself are answerable to its duration.' The
author of these sermons died in 1653.
All this was the work of the God of the Scotch clergy.[511] It was not
only his work, it was his joy and his pride. For, according to them, hell
was created before man came into the world; the Almighty, they did not
scruple to say, having spent his previous leisure in preparing and
completing this place of torture, so that, when the human race appeared,
it might be ready for their reception.[512] Ample, however, as the
arrangements were, they were insufficient; and hell, not being big enough
to contain the countless victims incessantly poured into it, had, in
these latter days, been enlarged.[513] There was now sufficient room. But
in that vast expanse there was no void, for the whole of it reverberated
with the shrieks and yells of undying agony.[514] They rent the air with
horrid sound, and, amid their pauses, other scenes occurred, if possible,
still more excruciating. Loud reproaches filled the ear: children
reproaching their parents, and servants reproaching their masters. Then,
indeed, terror was rife, and abounded on every side. For, while the child
cursed his father, the father, consumed by remorse, felt his own guilt;
and both children and fathers made hell echo with their piercing screams,
writhing in convulsive agony at the torments which they suffered, and
knowing that other torments more grievous still were reserved for
them.[515]
[511] And, according to them, the barbarous cruelty was the natural
result of His Omniscience. It is with pain, that I transcribe the
following impious passage. 'Consider, Who is the contriver of
these torments. There have been some very exquisite torments
contrived by the wit of men, the naming of which, if ye understood
their nature, were enough to fill your hearts with horror; but
_all these fall as far short of the torments ye are to endure, as
the wisdom of man falls short of that of God_.' ... '_Infinite
wisdom has contrived that evil_.' _The Great Concern of Salvation,
by the late Reverend Mr. Thomas Halyburton_, edit. Edinburgh,
1722, p. 154.
[512] 'Men wonder what he could be doing all that time, if we may call
it time which hath no beginning, and how he was employed.' ...
'Remember that which a godly man answered some wanton curious wit,
who, in scorn, demanded the same of him--"He was preparing hell
for curious and proud fools," said he.' _Binning's Sermons_,
vol. i. p. 194.
[513] 'Hell hath inlarged itselfe.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the
Soule_, p. 146.
[514] 'Eternal shriekings.' _Sermons by Eminent Divines_, p. 394.
'Screakings and howlings.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_,
p. 20. 'O! the screechs and yels that will be in hell.' _Durham's
Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 654. 'The
horrible scrieches of them who are burnt in it.' _Cowper's Heaven
Opened_, p. 175.
[515] 'When children and servants shall go, as it were, in sholes to the
Pit, cursing their parents and their masters who brought them
there. And parents and masters of families shall be in multitudes
plunged headlong in endless destruction, because they have not
only murdered their own souls, but also imbrued their hands in the
blood of their children and servants. O how doleful will the
reckoning be amongst them at that day! When the children and
servants shall upbraid their parents and masters. "Now, now, we
must to the Pit, and we have you to blame for it; your cursed
example and lamentable negligence has brought us to the Pit."' ...
'And on the other hand, how will the shrieks of parents fill every
ear? "I have damn'd myself, I have damn'd my children, I have
damn'd my servants. While I fed their bodies, and clothed their
backs, I have ruined their souls, and brought double damnation on
myself."' _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, pp. 527, 528.
See this further worked out in _Boston's Human Nature in its
Four-fold State_, pp. 378, 379: 'curses instead of salutations,
and tearing of themselves, and raging against one another, instead
of the wonted embraces.'
Even now such language freezes the blood, when we consider what must have
passed through the minds of those who could bring themselves to utter it.
The enunciation of such ideas unfolds the character of the men, and lays
bare their inmost spirit. We shudder, when we think of the dark and
corrupted fancy, the vindictive musings, the wild, lawless, and uncertain
thoughts which must have been harboured by those who could combine and
arrange the different parts of this hideous scheme. No hesitation, no
compunction, no feelings of mercy, ever seem to have entered their
breasts. It is evident, that their notions were well matured; it is
equally evident, that they delighted in them. They were marked by a unity
of conception, and were enforced with a freshness and vigour of language,
which shows that their heart was in their work. But before this could
have happened, they must have been dead to every emotion of pity and
tenderness. Yet, they were the teachers of a great nation, and were, in
every respect, the most influential persons in that nation. The people,
credulous and grossly ignorant, listened and believed. We, at this
distance of time, and living in another realm of thought, can form but a
faint conception of the effect which these horrible conceits produced
upon them. They were convinced that, in this world, they were incessantly
pursued by the devil, and that he, and other evil spirits, were
constantly hovering around them, in bodily and visible shape, tempting
them, and luring them on to destruction. In the next world, the most
frightful and unheard-of punishments awaited them; while both this world
and the next were governed by an avenging Deity, whose wrath it was
impossible to propitiate. No wonder that, with these ideas before them,
their reason should often give way, and that a religious mania should set
in, under whose influence they, in black despair, put an end to their
lives.[516]
[516] William Vetch, 'preaching in the town of Jedburg to a great
congregation, said, "There are two thousand of you here to day,
but I am sure fourscore of you will not be saved;" upon which,
three of his ignorant hearers being in despair, despatch'd
themselves soon after.' _Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence_, p. 23.
See also the life, or rather panegyric, of Vetch in _Howie's
Biographia Scoticana_, where this circumstance is not denied, but,
on the contrary, stated to be no 'disparagement to him,' p. 606.
The frame of mind which the teachings of the clergy encouraged,
and which provoked self-murder, is vividly depicted by Samuel
Rutherford, the most popular of all the Scotch divines of the
seventeenth century. 'Oh! hee lieth down, and hell beddeth with
him; hee sleepeth, and hell and hee dreame together; hee riseth,
and hell goeth to the fields with him; hee goes to his garden,
there is hell.' ... 'The man goes to his table, O! hee dare not
eat, hee hath no right to the creature; to eat is sin and hell; so
hell is in every dish. To live is sinne, _hee would faine chuse
strangling_; every act of breathing is sin and hell. Hee goes to
church, there is a dog as great as a mountaine before his eye:
Here be terrors.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, 1647, 4to, pp. 41,
42. Now, listen to the confessions of two of the tortured victims
of the doctrines enunciated by the clergy; victims who, after
undergoing ineffable agony, were more than once, according to
their own account, tempted to put an end to their lives. 'The
cloud lasted for two years and some months.' ... 'The arrows of
the Almighty did drink up my spirits; night and day his hand lay
heavy upon me, so that even my bodily moisture was turned into the
drought of summer. When I said sometimes that my couch would ease
my complaint, I was filled with tossings to the dawning of the
day.' ... 'Amidst all my downcastings, I had the roaring lion to
grapple with, who likes well to fish in muddy waters. He strongly
suggested to me that I should not eat, because I had no right to
food; or if I ventured to do it, the enemy assured me, that the
wrath of God would go down with my morsel; and that I had
forfeited a right to the divine favour, and, therefore, had
nothing to do with any of God's creatures.' ... 'However, so
violent were the temptations of the strong enemy, that I
frequently forgot to eat my bread, and durst not attempt it; and
when, through the persuasion of my wife, I at any time did it, the
enemy through the day did buffet me in a violent way, assuring me
that the wrath of God had gone over with what I had taken.' ...
'The enemy after all did so pursue me, that he violently suggested
to my soul, that, some time or other, God would suddenly destroy
me as with a thunderclap: which so filled my soul with fear and
pain, that, every now and then, I looked about me, to receive the
divine blow, still expecting it was a coming; yea, many a night I
durst not sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting flames.'
_Stevenson's Rare Cordial_, pp. 11-13. Another poor creature,
after hearing one of Smiton's sermons, in 1740, says, 'Now, I saw
myself to be a condemned criminal; but I knew not the day of my
execution. I thought that there was nothing between me and hell,
but the brittle thread of natural life.' ... 'And in this dreadful
confusion, I durst not sleep, lest I had awakened in everlasting
flames.' ... 'And Satan violently assaulted me to take away my own
life, seeing there was no mercy for me.' ... 'Soon after this, I
was again violently assaulted by the tempter to take away my own
life; he presented to me a knife therewith to do it; no person
being in the house but myself. The enemy pursued me so close, that
I could not endure so much as to see the knife in my sight, but
laid it away.' ... 'One evening, as I was upon the street, Satan
violently assaulted me to go into the sea and drown myself; it
would be the easiest death. Such a fear of Satan then fell upon
me, as made my joints to shake, so that it was much for me to walk
home; and when I came to the door, I found nobody within; I was
afraid to go into the house, lest Satan should get power over me.'
_Memoirs of the Life and Experiences of Marion Laird of Greenock_,
pp. 13, 14, 19, 45, 223, 224.
Little comfort, indeed, could men then gain from their religion. Not only
the devil, as the author of all evil, but even He whom we recognise as
the author of all good, was, in the eyes of the Scotch clergy, a cruel
and vindictive being, moved with anger like themselves. They looked into
their own hearts, and there they found the picture of their God.
According to them, He was a God of terror, instead of a God of love.[517]
To Him they imputed the worst passions of their own peevish and irritable
nature. They ascribed to Him, revenge, cunning, and a constant
disposition to inflict pain. While they declared that nearly all mankind
were sinners beyond the chance of redemption, and were, indeed,
predestined to eternal ruin, they did not scruple to accuse the Deity of
resorting to artifice against these unhappy victims; lying in wait for
them, that He might catch them unawares.[518] The Scotch clergy taught
their hearers, that the Almighty was so sanguinary, and so prone to
anger, that He raged even against walls and houses and senseless
creatures, wreaking His fury more than ever, and scattering desolation on
every side.[519] Sooner than miss His fell and malignant purpose, He
would, they said, let loose avenging angels, to fall upon men and upon
their families.[520] Independently of this resource, He had various ways
whereby He could at once content Himself and plague His creatures, as was
particularly shown in the devices which He employed to bring famine on a
people.[521] When a country was starving, it was because God, in His
anger, had smitten the soil, had stopped the clouds from yielding their
moisture, and thus made the fruits of the earth to wither.[522] All the
intolerable sufferings caused by a want of food, the slow deaths, the
agony, the general misery, the crimes which that misery produced, the
anguish of the mother as she saw her children wasting away and could give
them no bread, all this was His act, and the work of His hands.[523] In
His anger, He would sometimes injure the crops by making the spring so
backward, and the weather so cold and rainy, as to insure a deficiency in
the coming harvest.[524] Or else, he would deceive men, by sending them a
favourable season, and, after letting them toil and sweat in the hope of
an abundant supply, He would, at the last moment, suddenly step in, and
destroy the corn just as it was fit to be reaped.[525] For, the God of
the Scotch Kirk was a God who tantalized His creatures as well as
punished them; and when He was provoked, He would first allure men by
encouraging their expectations, in order that their subsequent misery
might be more poignant.[526]
[517] Binning says, that 'since the first rebellion' (that is, the fall
of Adam), 'there is nothing to be seen but the terrible
countenance of an angry God.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii.
p. 254.
[518] 'He will, as it were, lie in wait to take all advantages of
sinners to undo them.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
Prophets_, vol. i. p. 247.
[519] 'His wrath rages against walls, and houses, and senselesse
creatures more now then at that time' (_i.e._ at the time when the
Old Testament was written). 'See what desolation he hath wrought
in Ireland, what eating of horses, of infants, and of killed
souldiers, hath beene in that land, and in Germany.' _Rutherford's
Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience_,
pp. 244, 245.
[520] 'Albeit there were no earthly man to pursue Christ's enemies; yet
avenging angels, or evil spirits shall be let forth upon them and
their families to trouble them.' _Dickson's Explication of the
First Fifty Psalms_, p. 229.
[521] 'God hath many wayes and meanes whereby to plague man, and _reach
his contentments_.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
Prophets_, vol. i. p. 286. 'God hath variety of means whereby to
plague men, and to bring upon them any affliction he intendeth
against them; and particularly he hath several wayes whereby to
bring on famine. He can arme all his creatures to cut off men's
provision, one of them after another; he can make the change of
aire, and small insects do that worke when he pleaseth.' _Ibid._,
vol. i. p. 422. The same divine, in another elaborate treatise,
distinctly imputes to the Deity a sensation of pleasure in
injuring even the innocent. 'When God sends out a scourge, of
sword, famine, or pestilence, suddenly to overthrow and cut people
off, not only are the wicked reached thereby (which is here
supposed), but even the innocent, that is such as are righteous
and free of gross provocations; for, in any other sense, none are
innocent, or free of sin, in this life. Yea, further, in trying of
the innocent by these scourges, _the Lord seems to act as one
delighted with it_, and little resenting the great extremities
wherewith they are pressed.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book
of Job_, 1669, folio, p. 123. Compare p. 359. 'It pleaseth the
Lord to exercise great variety in afflicting the children of men,'
&c. But, after all, mere extracts can give but a faint idea of the
dark and malignant spirit which pervades these writings.
[522] 'The present dearth and famine quhilk seases vpon many, quhairby
God his heavie wrath is evidentlie perceaved to be kindlit against
vs.' _Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, p. 98.
'Smiting of the fruits of the ground.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on
the Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 277. 'Makes fruits to wither.'
_Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 183. 'Hee restraines the clouds, and bindeth
up the wombe of heaven, in extreme drought.' _Rutherford's Christ
Dying_, p. 52. 'Sometime hee maketh tho heauen aboue as brasse,
and the earth beneath as iron; so that albeit men labour and sow,
yet they receiue no increase: sometime againe hee giues in due
season the first and latter raine, so that the earth renders
abundance, but the Lord by blasting windes, or by the caterpillar,
canker-worme and grasse-hopper doth consume them, who come out as
exacters and officers sent from God to poind men in their goods.'
_Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 433.
[523] 'Under the late dearth this people suffered greatly, the poor were
numerous, and many, especially about the town of Kilsyth, were at
the point of starving; yet, as I frequently observed to them, I
could not see any one turning to _the Lord who smote them_, or
crying to him because of their sins, while _they howled upon their
beds for bread_.' _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of
the Spirit of God_, p. 68.
[524] _Nicoll's Diary_, pp. 152, 153. Much rain in the autumn, was 'the
Lord's displeasure upon the land.' _Minutes of the Presbyteries of
Saint Andrews and Cupar_, p. 179.
[525] 'Men sweat, till, sow much, and the sun and summer, and clouds,
warme dewes and raines smile upon cornes and meddowes, yet God
steppeth in betweene the mouth of the husbandman and the sickle,
and blasteth all.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 87. Compare
_Baillie's Letters_, vol. iii. p. 52, on the 'continuance of very
intemperate rain upon the corns,' as one of the 'great signs of
the wrath of God.'
[526] 'When the Lord is provoked, he can not only send an affliction,
but so order it, by faire appearances of a better lot, and
heightening of the sinners expectation and desire, as may make it
most sad.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets_,
vol. iii. pp. 9, 10.
Under the influence of this horrible creed, and from the unbounded sway
exercised by the clergy who advocated it, the Scotch mind was thrown into
such a state, that, during the seventeenth, and part of the eighteenth,
century, some of the noblest feelings of which our nature is capable, the
feelings of hope, of love, and of gratitude, were set aside, and were
replaced by the dictates of a servile and ignominous fear. The physical
sufferings to which the human frame is liable, nay, even the very
accidents to which we are casually exposed, were believed to proceed, not
from our ignorance, nor from our carelessness, but from the rage of the
Deity. If a fire chanced to break out in Edinburgh, the greatest alarm
was excited, because it was the voice of God crying out against a
luxurious and dissolute city.[527] If a boil or a sore appeared on your
body, that, too, was a divine punishment, and it was more than doubtful
whether it might lawfully be cured.[528] The small-pox, being one of the
most fatal as well as one of the most loathsome of all diseases, was
especially sent by God; and, on that account, the remedy of inoculation
was scouted as a profane attempt to frustrate His intentions.[529] Other
disorders, which, though less terrible, were very painful, proceeded from
the same source, and all owed their origin to the anger of the
Almighty.[530] In every thing, His power was displayed, not by increasing
the happiness of men, nor by adding to their comforts, but by hurting and
vexing them in all possible ways. His hand, always raised against the
people, would sometimes deprive them of wine by causing the vintage to
fail;[531] sometimes, would destroy their cattle in a storm;[532] and
sometimes, would even make dogs bite their legs when they least expected
it.[533] Sometimes, He would display His wrath by making the weather
excessively dry;[534] sometimes, by making it equally wet.[535] He was
always punishing; always busy in increasing the general suffering, or, to
use the language of the time, making the creature smart under the
rod.[536] Every fresh war was the result of His special interference; it
was not caused by the meddling folly or insensate ambition of statesmen,
but it was the immediate work of the Deity, who was thus made responsible
for all the devastations, the murders, and other crimes more horrible
still, which war produces.[537] In the intervals of peace, which, at that
period, were very rare, He had other means of vexing mankind. The shock
of an earthquake was a mark of His displeasure;[538] a comet was a sign
of coming tribulation;[539] and when an eclipse appeared, the panic was
so universal, that persons of all ranks hastened to church to deprecate
His wrath.[540] What they heard there, would increase their fear, instead
of allaying it. For the clergy taught their hearers, that even so
ordinary an event as thunder, was meant to excite awe, and was sent for
the purpose of showing to men with how terrible a master they had to
deal.[541] Not to tremble at thunder, was, therefore, a mark of impiety;
and, in this respect, man was unfavourably contrasted with the lower
animals, since they were invariably moved by this symptom of divine
power.[542]
[527] In 1696, there was a fire in Edinburgh; whereupon Moncrief, in his
sermon next day, 'told us, "That God's voice was crying to this
city, and that he was come to the very ports, and was crying over
the walls to us; that we should amend our ways, lest he should
come to our city, and consume us in a terrible manner." I cannot
tell what this Dispensation of Providence wrought on me,' &c.
_Memoirs or Spiritual Exercises of Elizabeth West, written by her
own Hand_, pp. 41, 42. See also, at pp. 122, 123, the account of
another conflagration, where it is said, 'there was much of God to
be seen in this fire.' Compare a curious passage in _Calderwood's
History of the Kirk of Scotland_, vol. vii. pp. 455, 456.
[528] The Rev. James Fraser had a boil, and afterwards a fever. 'During
this sickness he miraculously allayed the pain of my boil, and
speedily, and that without means, cured it; for however I bought
some things to prevent it, yet, looking on it as a punishment from
God, I knew not if I could be free to take the rod out of his
hand, and to counterwork him.' _Memoirs of the Rev. James Fraser
of Brea, Minister of the Gospel at Culross, written by Himself_,
in _Select Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 223. Durham declaims against
'Sinful shunning and shifting off suffering;' and Rutherford says,
'No man should rejoice at weakness and diseases; but I think we
may have a sort of gladness at boils and sores, because, without
them, Christ's fingers, as a slain Lord, should never have touched
our skin.' _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 160; _Rutherford's
Religious Letters_, p. 265. I do not know what effect these
passages may produce upon the reader; but it makes my flesh creep
to quote them. Compare _Stevenson's Rare, Soul-strengthening, and
Comforting Cordial_, p. 35.
[529] It was not until late in the eighteenth century, that the Scotch
clergy gave up this notion. At last, even they became influenced
by the ridicule to which their superstition exposed them, and
which produced more effect than any argument could have done. The
doctrines, however, which they and their predecessors had long
inculcated, had so corrupted the popular mind, that instances
will, I believe, be found even in the nineteenth century, of the
Scotch deeming precautions against small-pox to be criminal, or,
as they called it, flying in the face of Providence. The latest
evidence I can at this moment put my hand on, is in a volume
published in 1797. It is stated by the Rev. John Paterson, that,
in the parish of Auldearn, in the county of Nairn, 'Very few have
fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox, though the people are in
general averse to inoculation, from the general gloominess of
their faith, which teaches them, that all diseases which afflict
the human frame are instances of the Divine interposition, for the
punishment of sin; any interference, therefore, on their part,
they deem an usurpation of the prerogative of the Almighty.'
_Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xix. p. 618,
Edinburgh, 1797. See also vol. xiv. p. 52, Edinburgh, 1795. This
is well said. No doubt, so abject, and so pernicious, a
superstition among the people, was the result of 'the general
gloominess of their faith.' But the Rev. John Paterson has
forgotten to add, that the gloominess of which he complains, was
in strict conformity with the teachings of the most able, the most
energetic, and the most venerated of the Scotch clergy. Mr.
Paterson renders scant justice to his countrymen, and should
rather have praised the tenacity with which they adhered to the
instructions they had long been accustomed to receive.
[530] The Rev. John Welsh, when suffering from a painful disorder, and
also from other troubles, writes: 'My douleurs ar impossible to
expresse.' ... 'It is the Lord's indignation.' See his letter, in
_Miscellany of the Wodrow Society_, vol. i. p. 558. See also
_Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 128. A pain in one's side was the
work of 'the Lord' (_Memoirs of Marion Laird_, p. 95); so was a
sore throat (_Wast's Memoirs_, p. 203); and so was the fever in
pleurisy. _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of the
Spirit of God_, p. 66.
[531] In January 1653, 'This tyme, and mony monethis befoir, thair wes
great skairshtie of wynes. In this also appered Godis justice
toward this natioun for abusing of that blissing many yeiris
befoir.' _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 105.
[532] This idea was so deeply rooted, that we actually find a public
fast and humiliation ordered, on account of 'this present uncouth
storme of frost and snaw, quhilk hes continewit sa lang that the
bestiall ar dieing thik fauld.' _Records of the Kirk Session,
Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 82.
[533] 'There was a dog bit my leg most desperately. I no sooner received
this, but I saw the hand of God in it.' _Wast's Memoirs_, p. 114.
[534] 'The evident documentis of Goddis wrath aganes the land, be the
extraordinarie drouth.' _Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 78.
[535] 'The hynous synnes of the land produced much takines of Godis
wraith; namelie, in this spring tyme, for all Februar and a great
pairt of Marche wer full of havie weittis.' _Nicoll's Diary_,
p. 152.
[536] _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_, p. 85. _Fleming's
Fulfilling of the Scripture_, pp. 101, 149, 176. _Balfour's _,
vol. i. p. 169. _Boston's Sermons_, p. 52. _Boston's Human Nature
in its Four-fold State_, pp. 67, 136. _Memoirs of Marion Laird_,
pp. 63, 90, 113, 163. _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_,
pp. 62, 91, 140, 187, 242, 310, 449, 471, 476, 527, 528.
[537] 'War is one of the sharp scourges whereby God punisheth wicked
nations; and it cometh upon a people, not accidentally, but _by
the especial providence of God_, who hath peace and war in his own
hand.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor Prophets_, vol. ii.
p. 3. In 1644, 'Civill war wracks Spaine, and lately wracked
Italie: it is coming by appearance shortlie upon France. The just
Lord, who beholds with patience the wickednesse of nations, at
last _arises in furie_.' ... 'The Swedish and Danish fleets, after
a hott fight, are making for a new onsett: great blood is feared
shall be shortly shed there, both by sea and land. The _anger of
the Lord_ against all christendome is great.' _Baillie's Letters
and Journals_, vol. ii. pp. 190, 223.
[538] 'Earthquakes, whereby God, when he is angry, overthrows and
overturns very mountains.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of
Job_, p. 114. 'The ministris and sessioun convening in the
sessioun hous, considdering the fearfull erthquak that wes
yisternicht, the aucht of this instant, throughout this haill
citie about nine houris at evin, to be a document that God is
angrie aganes the land and aganes this citie in particular, for
the manifauld sinnis of the people,' &c. _Records of the Kirk
Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen_, p. 64.
[539] 'Whatever natural causes may be adduced for those alarming
appearances, the system of comets is yet so uncertain, and they
have so frequently preceded desolating strokes and turns in public
affairs, that they seem designed in providence to stir up sinners
to seriousness. Those preachers from heaven, when God's messengers
were silenced, neither prince nor prelate could stop.' _Wodrow's
History of the Church of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 421.
[540] 'People of all sortes rane to the churches to deprecat God's
wrath.' _Balfour's Annales_, vol. i. p. 403. This was in 1598.
[541] 'By it, he manifests his power and shows himself terrible.'
_Durham's Commentarie upon the Book of the Revelation_, p. 33.
Compare _Row's History of the Kirk_, p. 333; and a passage in
_Laird's Memoirs_, p. 69, which shows how greedily their credulous
hearers imbibed such notions: 'There were several signal evidences
that the Lord's righteous judgments were abroad in the earth;
great claps of thunder,' &c.
[542] 'The stupidity and senselessnesse of man is greater than that of
the brute creatures, which are all more moved with the thunder,
then the hearts of men for the most part.' _Dickson's Explication
of the First Fifty Psalms_, p. 193. Hutcheson makes a similar
remark concerning earthquakes. 'The shaking and trembling of
insensible creatures, when God is angry, serves to condemn men,
who are not sensible of it, nor will stoop under his hand.'
_Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_, p. 115.
These visitations, eclipses, comets, earthquakes, thunder, famine,
pestilence, war, disease, blights in the air, failures in the crops, cold
winters, dry summers, these, and the like, were, in the opinion of the
Scotch divines, outbreaks of the anger of the Almighty against the sins
of men; and that such outbreaks were incessant is not surprising, when we
consider that, in the same age, and according to the same creed, the most
innocent, and even praiseworthy, actions were deemed sinful, and worthy
of chastisement. The opinions held on this subject are not only curious,
but extremely instructive. Besides forming an important part of the
history of the human mind, they supply decisive proof of the danger of
allowing a single profession to exalt itself above all other professions.
For, in Scotland, as elsewhere, directly the clergy succeeded in
occupying a more than ordinary amount of public attention, they availed
themselves of that circumstance to propagate those ascetic doctrines,
which, while they strike at the root of human happiness, benefit no one
except the class which advocates them. That class, indeed, can hardly
fail to reap advantage from a policy, which, by increasing the
apprehensions to which the ignorance and timidity of men make them too
liable, does also increase their eagerness to fly for support to their
spiritual advisers. And the greater the apprehension, the greater the
eagerness. Of this, the Scotch clergy, who were perfect masters of their
own art, were well aware. Under their influence, a system of morals was
established, which, representing nearly every act as sinful, kept the
people in perpetual dread, lest unwittingly they were committing some
enormous offence, which would bring upon their heads a signal and
overwhelming punishment.
According to this code, all the natural affections, all social pleasures,
all amusements, and all the joyous instincts of the human heart were
sinful, and were to be rooted out. It was sinful for a mother to wish to
have sons;[543] and, if she had any, it was sinful to be anxious about
their welfare.[544] It was a sin to please yourself, or to please others;
for, by adopting either course, you were sure to displease God.[545] All
pleasures, therefore, however slight in themselves, or however lawful
they might appear, must be carefully avoided.[546] When mixing in
society, we should edify the company, if the gift of edification had been
bestowed upon us; but we should by no means attempt to amuse them.[547]
Cheerfulness, especially when it rose to laughter, was to be guarded
against; and we should choose for our associates grave and sorrowful men,
who were not likely to indulge in so foolish a practice.[548] Smiling,
provided it stopped short of laughter, might occasionally be allowed;
still, being a carnal pastime, it was a sin to smile on Sunday.[549] Even
on week-days, those who were most imbued with religious principles hardly
ever smiled, but sighed, groaned, and wept.[550] A true Christian would
be careful, in his movements, to preserve invariable gravity, never
running, but walking soberly, and not treading out in a brisk and lively
manner, as unbelievers are wont to do.[551] So, too, if he wrote to a
friend, he must beware lest his letter should contain any thing like
jocoseness; since jesting is incompatible with a holy and serious
life.[552]
[543] Lady Colsfeild 'had born two or three daughters, and was sinfully
anxious after a son, to heir the estate of Colsfeild.' _Wodrow's
Analecta_, vol. iii. p. 293.
[544] Under the influence of this terrible creed, the amiable mother of
Duncan Forbes, writing to him respecting his own health and that
of his brother, speaks 'of my sinful God-provoking anxiety, both
for your souls and bodies.' _Burton's Lives of Lovat and Forbes_,
p. 724. The theological theory, underlying and suggesting this,
was, that 'grace bridles these affections.' _Boston's Human Nature
in its Four-fold State_, p. 184. Hence its rigid application on
days set apart for religious purposes. The Rev. Mr. Lyon (_History
of Saint Andrews_, vol. i. p. 458) mentions that some of the
Scotch clergy, in drawing up regulations for the government of a
colony, inserted the following clause: 'No husband shall kiss his
wife, and no mother shall kiss her child on the Sabbath day.'
[545] 'The more you please yourselves and the world, the further you are
from pleasing God.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 55. Elsewhere
(vol. ii. p. 45): 'Amity to ourselves is enmity to God.'
[546] 'Pleasures are most carefully to be auoided: because they both
harme and deceiue.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 251.
At p. 268, the same authority says, 'Beate downe thy body, and
bring it to subiection by abstaining, not only from vnlawfull
pleasures, but also from lawfull and indifferent delights.'
[547] According to _Hutcheson's Exposition of Job_, p. 6, 'there is no
time wherein men are more ready to miscarry, and discover any
bitter root in them, then when they are about the liberal use of
the creatures, and amidst occasions of mirth and cheerfulness.'
How this doctrine ripened, cannot be better illustrated than from
the sentiments entertained, so late as the early part of the
eighteenth century, by Colonel Blackader, a Scotch officer, who
was also an educated man, who had seen much of the world, and
might, to some degree, be called a man of the world. In December
1714, he went to a wedding, and, on his return home, he writes: 'I
was cheerful, and perhaps gave too great a swing to raillery, but
I hope not light or vain in conversation. I desire always to have
my speech seasoned with salt, and ministering profit to the
hearers. Sitting up late, and merry enough, though I hope
innocent; but I will not justify myself.' _The Life and Diary of
Lieut.-Col. J. Blackader, by Andrew Crichton_, p. 453. On another
occasion (p. 511), in 1720, he was at an evening party. 'The young
people were merry. I laid a restraint upon myself for fear of
going too far, and joined but little, only so as not to show
moroseness or ill-breeding. We sat late, but the conversation was
innocent, and no drinking but as we pleased. However, much time is
spent; which I dare not justify. _In all things we offend._' At p.
159, he writes, 'I should always be mixing something that may
edify in my discourse;' and, says his biographer (p. 437),
'Conversation, when it ceased to accomplish this object, he
regarded as _degenerating into idle entertainment_, which ought to
be checked rather than encouraged.'
[548] 'Frequent the gravest company, and the fellowship of those that are
sorrowfull.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 416. Compare
the attacks on 'too much carnal mirth and laughter,' in _Durham's
Law Unsealed_, p. 323; in _Fleming's Fulfilling of the Scripture_,
p. 226; and in _Fergusson's Exposition of the Epistles of Paul_,
p. 227. See also _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 42. Cowper says,
'Woe be unto them that now laugh, for assuredly they shall weepe,
the end of their joy shall be endleese mourning and gnashing of
teeth, they shall shed tears abundantly with Esau, but shall find
no place for mercy.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 271. Hutcheson,
in a train of unusual liberality, permits occasional laughter. He
says, 'There is a faculty of laughing given to men, which
certainly is given for use, at least at sometimes; and diversions
are sometime needfull for men who are serious and employed in
weighty affairs.' ... 'And particularly, laughter is sometimes
lawful for magistrates and others in publick charge, not only that
they may recreate themselves, but that, thereby, and by the like
insinuating carriage, they may gain the affection of the people.'
_Hutcheson's Exposition of the Book of Job_, edit. folio, 1669,
pp. 389, 390.
[549] In 1650, when Charles II. was in Scotland, 'the clergy reprehended
him very sharply, if he smiled on those days' (Sundays).
_Clarendon's History of the Rebellion_, book xiii. p. 747, edit.
Oxford, 1843.
[550] It is said of Donald Cargill, that, 'his very countenance was
edifying to beholders; often sighing with deep groans.' _A Cloud
of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ_, p. 423.
The celebrated James Durham was 'a person of the utmost gravity,
and scarce smiled at anything.' _Howie's Biographia Scoticana_, p.
226. Of Livingston, we are told 'that he was a very affectionate
person, and weeped much; that it was his ordinary way, and might
be observed almost every Sabbath, that when he came into the
pulpite he sate doun a litle, and looked first to the one end of
the kirk, and then to the other; and then, ordinarly, the tear
shott in his eye, and he weeped, and oftimes he began his preface
and his work weeping.' _Wodrow's Analecta_, vol. ii. p. 249. James
Alexander 'used to weep much in prayer and preaching; he was every
way most savoury.' _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 39. As to the Rev. John
Carstairs, 'his band in the Sabbath would have been all wett, as
if it had been douked, with tears, before he was done with his
first prayer.' p. 48. Aird, minister of Dalserf, 'weeping much'
(_Ibid._, vol. iii. p. 56), 'Mr. James Stirling tells me he was a
most fervent, affectionat, weeping preacher.' p. 172; and the Rev.
Alexander Dunlop was noted for what was termed 'a holy groan,'
vol. iii. p. 21. See also, on weeping as a mark of religion,
_Wast's Memoirs_, pp. 83, 84; and _Robe's Narrative of the
Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God_, pp. 21, 31, 75, 150. One
passage from the most popular of the Scotch preachers, I hesitate
as to the propriety of quoting; but it is essential that their
ideas should be known, if the history of Scotland is to be
understood. Rutherford, after stating whom it is that we should
seek to imitate, adds: 'Christ did never laugh on earth that we
read of, but he wept.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, 1647, 4to, p.
525. I publish this with no irreverent spirit; God forbid that I
should. But I will not be deterred from letting this age see the
real character of a system which aimed at destroying all human
happiness, exciting slavish and abject fear, and turning this
glorious world into one vast theatre of woe.
[551] 'Walk with a sober pace, not "tinkling with your feet."' _Memoirs
of the Rev. James Fraser, written by Himself_, in _Select
Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 280. 'It is somewhat like this, or less
than this, which the Lord condemneth, _Isa._ iii. 16, 'Walking
and mincing, or tripping and making a tinkling with their feet.'
What is that but disdaining the grave way of walking, to affect
an art in it? as many do now in our days; and shall this be
displeasing to the Lord, and not the other? seeing he loveth, and
is best pleased with, the native way of carrying the body.'
_Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 324. 'The believer hath, or at least
ought to have, and, if he be like himself, will have, a well
ordered walk, and will be in his carriage stately and princely.'
_Durham's Exposition of the Song of Solomon_, p. 365.
[552] 'At home, writing letters to a friend. My vein is inclined to jest
and humour. The letter was too comical and jocose; and after I had
sent it away, I had a check that it was too light, and jesting
foolishly. I sent and got it back, and destroyed it. My temper
goes too far that way, and I ought to check it, and be more on my
guard, and study edification in every thing.' _Crichton's Life and
Diary of Blackader_, pp. 536, 537. Even amongst young children,
from eight years old and upwards, toys and games were bad; and it
was a good sign when they were discarded. 'Some very young, of
eight and nine years of age, some twelve and thirteen. They still
inclined more and more to their duty, so that they meet three
times a day, in the morning, at night, and at noon. Also they have
forsaken all their childish fancies and plays; so these that have
been awakened are known by their countenance and conversation,
their walk and behaviour.' _Robe's Narratives of the Extraordinary
Work of the Spirit of God_, pp. 79, 80.
It was, moreover, wrong to take pleasure in beautiful scenery; for a
pious man had no concern with such matters, which were beneath him, and
the admiration of which should be left to the unconverted.[553] The
unregenerate might delight in these vanities, but they who were properly
instructed, saw Nature as she really was, and knew that as she, for about
five thousand years, had been constantly on the move, her vigour was
well-nigh spent, and her pristine energy had departed.[554] To the eye
of ignorance, she still seemed fair and fresh; the fact, however, was,
that she was worn out and decrepit; she was suffering from extreme old
age; her frame, no longer elastic, was leaning on one side, and she soon
would perish.[555] Owing to the sin of man, all things were getting
worse, and nature was degenerating so fast, that already the lilies were
losing their whiteness, and the roses their smell.[556] The heavens were
waxing old;[557] the very sun, which lighted the earth, was becoming
feeble.[558] This universal degeneracy was sad to think of; but the
profane knew it not. Their ungodly eyes were still pleased by what they
saw. Such was the result of their obstinate determination to indulge the
senses, all of which were evil; the eye being, beyond comparison, the
most wicked. Hence, it was especially marked out for divine punishment;
and, being constantly sinning, it was afflicted with fifty-two different
diseases, that is, one disease for each week in the year.[559]
[553] 'To the unmortified man, the world smelleth like the garden of
God' ... 'the world is not to him an ill-smelled stinking corps.'
_Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 498. But those who were properly
mortified, knew that 'the earth is but a potter's house' (_Ibid._,
p. 286); 'an old thred-bare-worn case' (_Ibid._, p. 530); a 'smoky
house' (_Rutherford's Religious Letters_, p. 100); a 'plaistered,
rotten world' (_Ibid._, p. 132); and 'an ashy and dirty earth'
(_Ibid._, p. 169). 'The earth also is spotted (like the face of a
woman once beautifull, but now deformed with scabs of leprosie)
with thistles, thornes, and much barren wilderness.' _Cowper's
Heaven Opened_, p. 255.
[554] 'Wearinesse and motion is laid on Moon and Sunne, and all
creatures on this side of the Moon. Seas ebbe and flow, and that's
trouble; winds blow, rivers move, heavens and stars these five
thousand yeares, except one time, have not had sixe minutes rest.'
... 'The Sunne that never rests, but moves as swiftly in the night
as in the day.' _Rutherford's Christ Dying_, pp. 12, 157. 'This is
the world's old age; it is declining; albeit it seem a fair and
beautiful thing in the eyes of them who know no better, and unto
them who are of yesterday and know nothing, it looks as if it had
been created yesterday; yet the truth is, and a believer knows, it
is near the grave.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 372.
[555] 'This, then, I say, is the state all things ye see are in,--it is
their old age. The creation now is an old rotten house that is all
dropping through and leaning to the one side.' _Binning's
Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 398.
[556] 'The lilies and roses, which, no doubt, had more sweetnesse of
beauty and smell, before the sin of man made them vanity-sick.'
_Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 185.
[557] 'The heavens that are supposed to be incorruptible, yet they wax
old as doth a garment.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 95.
[558] 'The neerer the sun drawes to the end of his daily course, the
lesse is his strength, for we see the Sunne in the evening decayes
in heat; so it is, the longer by reuolution he turnes about in his
sphere, he waxes alway the weaker; and, to vse the similitude of
the holy spirit, as a garment the older it groweth becomes the
lesse beautifull.' _Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 255.
[559] 'It is so delicate by nature, that since it was the first sense
that offended, it is, aboue all the rest, made subject (as a
condigne punishment) to as many maladies, as there are weekes in a
yeere.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 501. The Scotch
divines were extremely displeased with our eyes. Rutherford
contemptuously calls them 'two clay windows.' _Rutherford's Christ
Dying_, p. 570. Gray, going still further, says, 'these cursed
eyes of ours.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 53.
On this account, it was improper to care for beauty of any kind; or, to
speak more accurately, there was no real beauty. The world afforded
nothing worth looking at, save and except the Scotch Kirk, which was
incomparably the most beautiful thing under heaven.[560] To look at that
was a lawful enjoyment, but every other pleasure was sinful. To write
poetry, for instance, was a grievous offence, and worthy of especial
condemnation.[561] To listen to music was equally wrong; for men had no
right to disport themselves in such idle recreation. Hence the clergy
forbade music to be introduced even during the festivities of a
marriage;[562] neither would they permit, on any occasion, the national
entertainment of pipers.[563] Indeed, it was sinful to look at any
exhibition in the streets, even though you only looked at it from your
own window.[564] Dancing was so extremely sinful, that an edict,
expressly prohibiting it, was enacted by the General Assembly, and read
in every church in Edinburgh.[565] New Year's Eve had long been a period
of rejoicing in Scotland, as in other parts of Europe. The Church laid
her hands on this also, and ordered that no one should sing the songs
usual on that day, or should admit such singers into his own private
house.[566]
[560] 'The true visible Kirk where God's ordinances are set up, as he
hath appointed, where his word is purely preached, is the most
beautifull thing under heaven.' _Dickson's Explication of the
First Fifty Psalms_, p. 341.
[561] I have one very late, and, on that account, very curious, instance
of the diffusion of this feeling in Scotland. In 1767, a vacancy
occurred in the mastership of the grammar-school of Greenock. It
was offered to John Wilson, the author of 'Clyde.' But, says his
biographer, 'the magistrates and minister of Greenock thought fit,
before they would admit Mr. Wilson to the superintendance of the
grammar school, to stipulate that he should abandon "the profane
and unprofitable art of poem-making."' _Lives of Eminent Scotsmen
by the Society of Ancient Scots_, 1821, vol. v. p. 169.
[562] 'Sept. 22. 1649.--The quhilk day the Sessioune caused mak this
act, that ther sould be no pypers at brydels, and who ever sould
have a pyper playing at their brydell on their mariage day, sall
loose their consigned money, and be farder punisched as the
Sessioune thinks fitt.' _Extracts from the Registers of the
Presbytery of Glasgow, and of the Kirk Sessions of the Parishes of
Cambusnethan Humbie and Stirling_, p. 34. This curious volume is a
quarto, and without date; unless, indeed, one of the title-pages
is wanting in my copy.
[563] See the Minutes of the Kirk Session of Glasgow, in _Wodrow's
Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 76;
also the case of 'Mure, pyper,' in _Selections from the Minutes of
the Presbyteries of Saint Andrews and Cupar_, p. 72.
[564] This notion lingered on, probably to the beginning of this
century; certainly to late in the last. In a work published in
Scotland in 1836, it is stated, that a clergyman was still alive,
who was 'severely censured,' merely because, when Punch was
performing, 'the servant was sent out to the showman to request
him to come below the windows of her master's house, that the
clergyman and his wife might enjoy the sight.' _Traditions of
Perth by George Penny_, Perth, 1836, p. 124.
[565] '17 Feb. 1650. Ane act of the commissioun of the Generall Assemblie
wes red in all the churches of Edinburgh dischargeing promiscuous
dansing.' _Nicoll's Diary_, p. 3. See also _Acts of the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland_, 1638-1842, p. 201; _Register
of the Kirk Session of Cambusnethan_, p. 35; _Minutes of the
Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, pp. 55, 181; _Minutes of
the Synod of Fife_, pp. 150, 169, 175; and a choice passage in _A
Collection of Sermons by Eminent Divines_, p. 51.
[566] See _Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery,
and Synod of Aberdeen_, pp. 77, 78, forbidding any one to 'giwe
ony meatt or drink to these sangsteris or lat thame within thair
houss.' The singers were to be 'put in prisoun.'
At the christening of a child, the Scotch were accustomed to assemble
their relations, including their distant cousins, in whom, then as now,
they much abounded. But this caused pleasure, and pleasure was sinful. It
was, therefore, forbidden; the number of guests was limited; and the
strictest supervision was exercised by the clergy, to prevent the
possibility of any one being improperly happy on such occasions.[567]
[567] In 1643 the Presbytery of St. Andrews ordered that 'because of the
great abuse that is likewayes among them by conveening multitudes
at baptismes and contracts, the ministers and sessions are
appointed to take strict order for restraineing these abuses, that
in number they exceid not sixe or seven. As also ordaines that the
hostlers quho mak such feists salbe censured by the sessions.'
_Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 11. See
also _Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of
Aberdeen_, pp. 109, 110, complaining of the custom 'that everie
base servile man in the towne, when he has a barne to be baptesed,
invitis tuelff or sextene persones to be his gossopes and
godfatheris to his barne,' &c.; and enacting 'that it shall not be
lesume to any inhabitant within this burt quhasoever, to invite
any ma persones to be godfatheris to thair barne in ony tyme
cumming bot tua or four at the most, lyk as the Kirk officier is
expresslie commandit and prohibitt that from hence furth he tak vp
no ma names to be godfatheris, nor giwe any ma vp to the redar bot
four at the most, vnder all hiest censure he may incur be the
contrairie, and this ordinance to be intimat out of pulpitt, that
the people pretend no ignorance thairof.'
Not only at baptisms, but also at marriages, the same spirit was
displayed. In every country, it has been usual to make merry at
marriages; partly from a natural feeling, and partly, perhaps, from a
notion that a contract so often productive of misery, might, at all
events, begin with mirth. The Scotch clergy, however, thought otherwise.
At the weddings of the poor, they would allow no rejoicing;[568] and at
the weddings of the rich, it was the custom for one of them to go for the
express purpose of preventing an excess of gaiety. A better precaution
could hardly be devised; but they did not trust exclusively to it. To
check the lusts of the flesh, they, furthermore, took into account the
cookery, the choice of the meats, and the number of the dishes. They
were, in fact, so solicitous on these points, and so anxious that the
nuptial feast should not be too attractive that they fixed its cost, and
would not allow any person to exceed the sum which they thought proper
to name.[569]
[568] They forbade music and dancing; and they ordered that not more
than twenty-four persons should be present. See the enactment, in
1647, respecting 'Pennie bryddells,' in _Minutes of the
Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 117. In 1650, 'The
Presbyterie being sadly weghted with the report of the
continwance, and exhorbitant and unnecessarly numerous confluences
of people at pennie brydles, and of inexpedient and wnlawfull
pypeing and dancing at the same, so scandalous and sinfull in this
tyme of our Churches lamentable conditioun; and being apprehensive
that ministers and Kirk Sessiouns have not bein so vigilant and
active (as neid werre), for repressing of these disorders, doe
therfor most seriously recommend to ministers and Kirk Sessiouns
to represse the same.' _Ibid._ pp. 169, 170. See, further,
_Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_, p. 29; and _Extracts from
the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, pp. 4, 144.
[569] See two curious instances of limitation of price, in _Irving's
History of Dumbartonshire_, p. 567; and in _Wodrow's Collections
upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 34.
Nothing escaped their vigilance. For, in their opinion, even the best man
was, at his best time, so full of turpitude, that his actions could not
fail to be wicked.[570] He never passed a day without sinning, and the
smallest sin deserved eternal wrath.[571] Indeed, every thing he did was
sinful, no matter how pure his motives.[572] Man had been gradually
falling lower and lower, and had now sunk to a point of debasement, which
made him inferior to the beasts that perish.[573] Even before he was
born, and while he was yet in his mother's womb, his guilt began.[574]
And when he grew up, his crimes multiplied thick and fast; one of the
most heinous of them being the practice of teaching children new
words,--a horrible custom, justly visited by divine wrath.[575] This,
however, was but one of a series of innumerable and incessant offences;
so that the only wonder was, that the earth could restrain herself at the
hideous spectacle which man presented, and that she did not open her
mouth, as of old, and swallow him even in the midst of his
wickedness.[576] For, it was certain, that in the whole creation, there
was nothing so deformed and monstrous as he.[577]
[570] 'What a vile, haughty, and base creature he is--how defiled and
desperately wicked his nature--how abominable his actions; in a
word, what a compound of darkness and wickedness he is--a heap of
defiled dust, and a mass of confusion--a sink of impiety and
iniquity, _even the best of mankind_, those of the rarest and most
refined extraction, _take them at their best estate_.' _Binning's
Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 302. Compare _Boston's Human Nature in its
Four-fold State_, pp. 26, 27.
[571] 'The least sin cannot but deserve God's wrath and curse eternally.'
_Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, p. 71. 'All men, even the
regenerate, sin daily.' _Ibid._ p. 153.
[572] 'Our best works have such a mixture of corruption and sin in them,
that they deserve his curse and wrath.' _Ibid._ p. 130.
[573] 'But now, falling away from God, hee hath also so farre degenerated
from his owne kind, that he is become inferiour to the beasts.'
_Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 251. 'O! is not man become so brutish
and ignorant, that he may be sent unto the beasts of the field to
be instructed of that which is his duty?' _Gray's Spiritual
Warfare_, p. 28. 'Men are naturally more bruitish than beasts
themselves.' _Boston's Human Nature in its Four-fold State_,
p. 58. 'Worse than the beast of the field.' _Halyburton's Great
Concern of Salvation_, p. 71.
[574] 'Infants, even in their mother's belly, have in themselves
sufficient guilt to deserve such judgments;' _i.e._ when women
with child are 'ript up.' _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
Prophets_, vol. i. p. 255.
[575] 'And in our speech, our Scripture and old Scots names are gone out
of request; instead of _Father_ and _Mother_, _Mamma_ and _Papa_,
training children to speak nonsense, and what they do not
understand. These few instances, amongst many that might be given,
are additional causes of God's wrath.' _The Life and Death of Mr.
Alexander Peden, late Minister of the Gospel at New Glenluce, in
Galloway_, in _Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana_, vol. i. p. 140.
[576] 'Yea, if the Lord did not restraine her, shee would open her mouth
and swallow the wicked, as she did Corah, Dathan, and Abiram.'
_Cowper's Heaven Opened_, p. 257. Compare _Hutcheson's Exposition
on the Minor Prophets_, vol. i. p. 507.
[577] 'There is nothing so monstrous, so deformed in the world, as man.'
_Binning's Sermons_, vol. i. p. 234. 'There is not in all the
creation such a miserable creature as man.' _Ibid._ vol. iii. p.
321. 'Nothing so miserable.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_,
p. 37.
Such being the case, it behoved the clergy to come forward, and to guard
men against their own vices, by controlling their daily actions, and
forcing them to a right conduct. This they did vigorously. Aided by the
elders, who were their tools and the creatures of their power, they, all
over Scotland, organized themselves into legislative bodies, and, in the
midst of their little senate, they enacted laws which the people were
bound to obey. If they refused, woe be to them. They became unruly sons
of the Church, and were liable to be imprisoned, to be fined, or to be
whipped,[578] or to be branded with a hot iron,[579] or to do penance
before the whole congregation, humbling themselves, bare-footed, and
with their hair cut on one side,[580] while the minister, under pretence
of rebuking them, enjoyed his triumph.[581] All this was natural enough.
For the clergy were the delegates of heaven, and the interpreters of its
will. They, therefore, were the best judges of what men ought to do; and
any one whom they censured was bound to submit with humility and
repentance.[582]
[578] 'December 17th, 1635. Mention made of a correction house, which
the Session ordeans persons to be taken to, both men and women,
and appoints them to be whipt every day during the Session's
will.' _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol.
ii. part ii. p. 67.
[579] On the 22nd October 1648, the Kirk Session of Dunfermline ordered
that a certain Janet Robertson 'shall be cartit and scourged
through the town, and markit with an hot iron.' _Chalmers' History
of Dunfermline_, p. 437.
[580] 'As they punish by pecuniary fines, so corporally too, by
imprisoning the persons of the delinquents, using them
disgracefully, carting them through cities, making them stand in
logges, as they call them, pillaries (which in the country
churches are fixed to the two sides of the main door of the Parish
Church), cutting the halfe of their hair, shaving their beards,
&c., and it is more than ordinary, by their "original" and "proper
power," to banish them out of the bounds and limits of the parish,
or presbytery, as they list to order it.' _Presbytery Displayd_,
p. 4.
[581] The Scotch clergy of the seventeenth century were not much given
to joking; but on one of these occasions a preacher is said to
have hazarded a pun. A woman, named Ann Cantly, being made to do
penance, 'Here' (said the minister), 'Here is one upon the stool
of repentance, they call her _Cantly_; she saith herself, she is
an honest woman, but I trow _scantly_.' _Scotch Presbyterian
Eloquence_, p. 125. From what I have read of Scotch theology, I
can bear testimony to the accuracy of this book, so far as its
general character is concerned. Indeed, the author, through fear
of being entirely discredited, has often rather understated his
case.
[582] As Durham says, in his _Exposition of the Song of Solomon_,
p. 451, 'It is no burden to an honest believer to acknowledge
Christ's ministers, to obey their doctrine, and submit to their
censures.'
The arbitrary and irresponsible tribunals, which now sprung up all over
Scotland, united the executive authority with the legislative, and
exercised both functions at the same time. Declaring that certain acts
ought not to be committed, they took the law into their own hands, and
punished those who had committed them. According to the principles of
this new jurisprudence, of which the clergy were the authors, it became a
sin for any Scotchman to travel in a Catholic country.[583] It was a sin
for any Scotch innkeeper to admit a Catholic into his inn.[584] It was a
sin for any Scotch town to hold a market either on Saturday or on Monday,
because both days were near Sunday.[585] It was a sin for a Scotch woman
to wait at a tavern;[586] it was a sin for her to live alone;[587] it was
also a sin for her to live with unmarried sisters.[588] It was a sin to
go from one town to another on Sunday, however pressing the business
might be.[589] It was a sin to visit your friend on Sunday;[590] it was
likewise sinful either to have your garden watered,[591] or your beard
shaved.[592] Such things were not to be tolerated in a Christian land. No
one, on Sunday, should pay attention to his health, or think of his body
at all. On that day, horse-exercise was sinful;[593] so was walking in
the fields, or in the meadows, or in the streets, or enjoying the fine
weather by sitting at the door of your house.[594] To go to sleep on
Sunday, before the duties of the day were over, was also sinful, and
deserved church censure.[595] Bathing, being pleasant as well as
wholesome, was a particularly grievous offence; and no man could be
allowed to swim on Sunday.[596] It was, in fact, doubtful whether
swimming was lawful for a Christian at any time, even on week-days, and
it was certain that God had, on one occasion, shown His disapproval, by
taking away the life of a boy while he was indulging in that carnal
practice.[597]
[583] A man, named Alexander Laurie, was brought before the Kirk Session
of Perth, 'and being inquired by the minister if, in his last
being out of this country, he had been in Spain, answered that he
was in Portugal, but was never present at mass, neither gave
reverence to any procession, and that he was never demanded by any
concerning his religion. The said Alexander being removed and
censured, it was thought good by the (Kirk) Session that he should
be admonished not to travel in these parts again, except that they
were otherwise reformed in religion.' _Extracts from the
Kirk-Session Register of Perth_, in _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_,
vol. ii. p. 274. Still earlier, that is, in 1592, the clergy
attempted to interfere even with commerce, 'allegeing that the
marchands could not mak vayage in Spayne without danger of their
sawlis, and tharefore willit thayme in the nayme of God to
absteyne.' _The Historie of King James the Sext_, p. 254.
[584] See the case of Patrick Stewart, and Mr. Lawson's note upon it, in
_Lawson's Book of Perth_, p. 238. In this instance, the 'Roman
Catholic gentleman' had been excommunicated, which made matters
still worse.
[585] The Presbytery of Edinburgh, 'by their transcendent sole
authority, discharged any market to be kept on Monday; the reason
was, because it occasioned the travelling of men and horse the
Lord's-day before, which prophaned the Sabbath.' _Presbytery
Displayd_, p. 10. In 1650, Saturday was also taken in by another
ecclesiastical senate. 'The Presbyterie doe appoint the severall
brethren in burghes, to deale with such as have not changed ther
Mondayes and Satterdayes mercats to other dayes of the weeke, that
they may doe the same _primo quoque tempore_.' _Minutes of the
Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar_, p. 53.
[586] In 1650, 'For "the down-bearing of sin," women were not allowed to
act as waiters in taverns, but "allenarly men-servands and boys."'
_Chambers' Annals_, vol. ii. p. 196. This order 'wes red and
publictlie intimat in all the kirkis of Edinburgh.' _Nicoll's
Diary_, p. 5.
[587] 'Forsameikle as dilatation being made, that Janet Watson holds an
house by herself where _she may give occasion of slander_,
therefore Patrick Pitcairn, elder, is ordained to admonish her in
the session's name, either to marry, or then pass to service,
otherwise that she will not be suffered to dwell by herself.'
_Kirk-Session Records of Perth_, in _The Chronicle of Perth_,
p. 86.
[588] 'Ordains the two sisters, Elspith and Janet Stewart, that they be
not found in the house again with their sister, but every one of
them shall go to service, or where they may be best entertained
without slander, under the penalty of warding their persons and
banishment of the town.' _Kirk-Session Register_, in _Lawson's
Book of Perth_, p. 169.
[589] 'Compeirit William Kinneir, and confest his travelling on the
Sabbath day, which he declairit was out of meer necessitie,
haveing two watters to croce, and ane tempestuos day, quhilk
moowit him to fear that he wold not get the watters crost, and so
his credit might faill. He was sharpelie admonished, and promist
newer to doe the lyke again.' _Selections from the Records of the
Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_, p. 136.
[590] 'Compearit Thomas Gray, and confest that one Sunday in the
morning, he went to Culter to visit a friend, and stayed thair all
night. The sessioune warnit him, _apud acta_, to the next day, and
appointed Patrick Gray, his master, to be cited to the next day,
to give furder informatioune in the matter. (Sharply rebuked
before the pulpit.)' _Selections from the Records of the
Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_, p. 146.
[591] 'It was reported that Margaret Brotherstone did water her kaill
wpon the Sabbath day, and thairwpon was ordained to be cited.' ...
'Compeired Margaret Brotherstone, and confessed her breach of
Sabbath in watering of her kaill, and thairwpon ordained to give
evidence in publick of her repentance the next Lord's day.'
_Extracts from the Register of the Kirk-Session of Humbie_, p. 42.
[592] Even so late as the middle of the eighteenth century, 'clergymen
were sometimes libelled' ... 'for shaving' on Sunday. _Sinclair's
Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xvi. p. 34, Edinburgh,
1795. At an earlier period, no one might be shaved on that day.
See _The Spottiswoode Miscellany_, vol. ii. p. 276; and _Lawson's
Book of Perth_, pp. 224, 225.
[593] 'Compeired John Gordon of Avachie, and confessed that he had
transgressed in travailing on the Sabbath day with horse, going
for a milston. Referred to the session of Kinor for censure.'
_Extracts from the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie_, p. 236. See
also the case mentioned in _Letters from a Gentleman in the North
of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 172; 'This riding on horseback of a
Sunday was deemed a great scandal.'
[594] In 1647, the punishment was ordered of whoever was guilty of
'sitting or walking idle upon the streetes and feildes' on Sunday.
_Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife_, p. 152. In
1742, 'sitting idle at their doors' and 'sitting about doors' was
profane. _Robe's Naratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit
of God_, pp. 109, 110. In 1756, at Perth, 'to stroll about the
fields, or even to walk upon the inches, was looked upon as
extremely sinful, and an intolerable violation of the fourth
commandment.' _Penny's Traditions of Perth_, p. 36.
[595] In 1656, 'Cite Issobell Balfort, servand to William Gordone,
tailyeor, beeing found sleeping at the Loche side on the Lord's
day in tyme of Sermon.' _Selections from the Records of the
Kirk-Session of Aberdeen_. p. 137. It was a sin even for children
to feel tired of the interminable sermons which they were forced
to hear. Halyburton, addressing the young people of his
congregation, says, 'Have not you been glad when the Lord's day
was over; or, at least, _when the preaching was done_, that ye
might get your liberty. Has it not been a burden to you, to sit so
long in the church? Well, _this is a great sin_.' See this
noticeable passage, in _Halyburton's Great Concern of Salvation_,
p. 100.
[596] In 1719, the Presbytery of Edinburgh indignantly declares, 'Yea,
some have arrived at that height of impiety, as not to be ashamed
of washing in waters, and swimming in rivers upon the holy
Sabbath.' _Register of Presbytery of Edinburgh, 29th April 1719_,
in _Arnot's History of Edinburgh_, p. 204.
[597] So late as 1691, the Kirk-Session of Glasgow attempted to prevent
all boys from swimming, whatever the day might be. But as the
Church was then on the decline, it was necessary to appeal to the
civil authority for help. What the result was, I have not been
able to ascertain. There is, however, a curious notice, in
_Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives of Ministers_, vol. ii. part
ii. p. 77, stating that, on 'August 6th, 1691, the Session
recommends it to the magistrates to think on some overtures for
discharging boyes from swimming, in regard one was lately lost.' I
have met with other evidence respecting this; but I cannot
remember the passages.
That it was a sin to cleanse one's body, might, indeed, have been taken
for granted; seeing that the Scotch clergy looked on all comforts as
sinful in themselves, merely because they were comforts.[598] The great
object of life was, to be in a state of constant affliction.[599]
Whatever pleased the senses, was to be suspected.[600] A Christian must
beware of enjoying his dinner; for none but the ungodly relished their
food.[601] By a parity of reasoning, it was wrong for a man to wish to
advance himself in life, or in any way to better his condition.[602]
Either to make money, or to save it, was unsuited to Christians; and even
to possess much of it was objectionable, because it not only ministered
to human pleasures, but encouraged those habits of foresight and of
provision for the future, which are incompatible with complete
resignation to the Divine will. To wish for more than was necessary to
keep oneself alive, was a sin as well as a folly, and was a violation of
the subjection we owe to God.[603] That it was contrary to His desire,
was, moreover, evident, from the fact that He bestowed wealth liberally
upon misers and covetous men; a remarkable circumstance, which, in the
opinion of Scotch divines, proved that He was no lover of riches,
otherwise He would not give them to such base and sordid persons.[604]
[598] The Rev. James Fraser says, 'The world is a dangerous thing and a
great evil, and the comforts of it a hell.' _Select Biographies_,
vol. ii. p. 220. Compare _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 22.
[599] 'It is good to be continually afflicted here.' _Select
Biographies_, vol. ii. p. 220. Gray, advocating the same doctrine,
sums up his remarks by a suggestion, that, 'I think David had
never so sweet a time as then, when he was pursued as a partridge
by his son Absalom.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 14.
[600] 'Suspect that which pleaseth the senses.' _Abernethy's Physicke
for the Soule_, p. 63.
[601] Durham, in his long catalogue of sins, mentions as one, 'the
preparing of meat studiously, that is, when it is too riotously
dressed, for pleasing men's carnal appetite and taste, or palate,
by the fineness of it, and other curiosities of that kind.'
_Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 333. See also p. 48, on
'palate-pleasers;' and Dickson's opinion of the 'rarest dishes and
best meats.' _Dickson's Explication of the Psalms_, p. 84.
According to another of the Scotch divines, whoever makes one good
meal and has enough left for a second, is in imminent peril. 'He
that is full, and hath enough to make him fuller, will easily deny
God, and be exalted against him: his table shall be a snare to his
body, and a snare to his soule.' _Abernethy's Physicke for the
Soule_, p. 421.
[602] For, says Abernethy (_Physicke for the Soule_, p. 488), 'men are
loth to lend their eare to the Word, when they abound in
prosperity.' So, too, Hutcheson, in his _Exposition of the Book of
Job_, p. 387: 'Such is the weakness even of godly men, that they
can hardly live in a prosperous condition, and not be overtaken
with some security, carnal confidence, or other miscarriage.'
[603] See this theory worked out in _Cockburn's Jacob's Vow, or Man's
Felicity and Duty_, pp. 71-75. He says, 'And certainly to crave
and be desirous of more than what is competent for the maintenance
and support of our lives, is both inconsistent with that
dependence and subjection we owe to God, and doth also bespeak a
great deal of vanity, folly, and inconsiderateness.' Boston,
striking at the very foundation of that practice of providing for
the future, which is the first and most important maxim in all
civil wisdom, and which peculiarly distinguishes civilized nations
from barbarians, asks his hearers, 'Why should men rack their
heads with cares how to provide for to-morrow, while they know not
if they shall then need anything?' _Boston's Human Nature in its
Four-fold State_, p. 300. Hutcheson thinks that those who are
guilty of such impious prudence, deserve to be starved. 'When men
are not content with food and rayment, but would still heap up
more, it is just with God to leave them not so much as bread; and
to suffer men to have an evil eye upon them, and to pluck at them,
even so long as they have meat.' _Hutcheson's Exposition of the
Book of Job_, p. 296. Binning, going still further, threatens
eternal ruin. 'Ye may have things necessary here,--food and
raiment; and if ye seek more, if ye will be rich, and will have
superfluities, then ye shall fall into many temptations, snares,
and hurtful lusts which shall drown you in perdition.' _Binning's
Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 355.
[604] 'If God loved riches well, do ye think he would give them so
liberally, and heap them up upon some base covetous wretches?
Surely no.' _Binning's Sermons_, vol. iii. p. 366. Gray, in his
zeal against wealth, propounds another doctrine, which I do not
remember to have seen elsewhere. He says, 'All that the owner of
riches hath, is, the seeing of them; which a man, who is a passer
by, may likeways have, though he be not possessor of them.'
_Gray's Spiritual Warfare_, p. 128. I hope that the reader will
not suspect me of having maliciously invented any of these
passages. The books from which they are quoted, are, with only two
or three exceptions, all in my library, and may be examined by
persons who are curious in such matters.
To be poor, dirty, and hungry, to pass through life in misery, and to
leave it with fear, to be plagued with boils, and sores, and diseases of
every kind, to be always sighing and groaning, to have the face streaming
with tears, and the chest heaving with sobs, in a word, to suffer
constant affliction, and to be tormented in all possible ways; to undergo
these things was deemed a proof of goodness, just as the contrary was a
proof of evil. It mattered not what a man liked; the mere fact of his
liking it, made it sinful. Whatever was natural, was wrong. The clergy
deprived the people of their holidays, their amusements, their shows,
their games, and their sports; they repressed every appearance of joy,
they forbade all merriment, they stopped all festivities, they choked up
every avenue by which pleasure could enter, and they spread over the
country an universal gloom.[605] Then, truly, did darkness sit on the
land. Men, in their daily actions and in their very looks, became
troubled, melancholy, and ascetic. Their countenance soured, and was
downcast. Not only their opinions, but their gait, their demeanour, their
voice, their general aspect, were influenced by that deadly blight which
nipped all that was genial and warm. The way of life fell into the sear
and yellow leaf; its tints gradually deepened; its bloom faded, and
passed off; its spring, its freshness, and its beauty, were gone; joy and
love either disappeared or were forced to hide themselves in obscure
corners, until at length the fairest and most endearing parts of our
nature, being constantly repressed, ceased to bear fruit, and seemed to
be withered into perpetual sterility.
[605] 'The absence of external appearances of joy in Scotland, in
contrast with the frequent holidayings and merry-makings of the
continent, has been much remarked upon. We find in the records of
ecclesiastical discipline clear traces of the process by which
this distinction was brought about. To the puritan kirk of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, every outward demonstration
of natural good spirits was a sort of sin, to be as far as
possible repressed.' ... 'The whole sunshine of life was, as it
were, squeezed out of the community.' _Chambers' Annals of
Scotland_, vol. i. p. 336, vol. ii. p. 156.
Thus it was, that the national character of the Scotch was, in the
seventeenth century, dwarfed and mutilated. With nations, as with
individuals, the harmony and free development of life can only be
attained by exercising its principal functions boldly and without fear.
Those functions are of two kinds; one set of them increasing the
happiness of the mind, another set increasing the happiness of the body.
If we could suppose a man completely perfect, we should take for granted
that he would unite these two forms of pleasure in the highest degree,
and would extract, both from body and mind, every enjoyment consistent
with his own happiness, and with the happiness of others. But, as no such
character is to be found, it invariably occurs, that even the wisest of
us are unable to hold the balance; we, therefore, err, some in
over-indulging the body, some in over-indulging the mind. Comparing one
set of indulgences with the other, there can be no doubt that the
intellectual pleasures are, in many respects, superior to the physical;
they are more numerous, more varied, more permanent, and more ennobling;
they are less liable to cause satiety in the individual, and they produce
more good to the species. But for one person who can enjoy intellectual
pleasures, there are at least a hundred who can enjoy physical pleasures.
The happiness derived from gratifying the senses, being thus diffused
over a wider area, and satisfying, at any given moment, a greater number
of persons than the other form of happiness is capable of, does, on that
account, possess an importance which many who call themselves
philosophers are unwilling to recognize. Too often have philosophic and
speculative thinkers, by a foolish denunciation of such pleasures, done
all in their power to curtail the quantity of happiness of which humanity
is susceptible. Forgetting that we have bodies as well as minds, and
forgetting, too, that in an immense majority of instances the body is
more active than the mind, that it is more powerful, that it plays a more
conspicuous part, and is fitted for greater achievements, such writers
commit the enormous error of despising that class of actions to which
ninety-nine men out of every hundred are most prone, and for which they
are best fitted. And for committing this error they pay the penalty of
finding their books unread, their systems disregarded, and their scheme
of life adopted, perhaps, by a small class of solitary students, but shut
out from that great world of reality for which it is unsuited, and in
which it would produce the most serious mischief.
If, then, we review the history of opinion in connexion with the history
of action, we may probably say, that the ascetic notions of philosophers,
such, for instance, as the doctrines of the Stoics, and similar theories
of mortification, have not worked the harm which might have been
expected, and have not succeeded in abridging, to any perceptible extent,
the substantial happiness of mankind. There are, I apprehend, two reasons
why they have failed. In the first place, these philosophers have, with
hardly an exception, had little real acquaintance with human nature, and
have, therefore, been unable to touch those chords, and appeal to those
hidden motives, by influencing which one man gains over another to his
side. And, in the second place, they, fortunately for us, have never
possessed authority, and have, therefore, been unable either to enforce
their doctrine by penalties, or to recommend it by rewards.
But, though philosophers have failed in their effort to lessen the
pleasures of mankind, there is another body of men, who, in making the
same attempt, have met with far greater success. I mean, of course, the
theologians, who, considered as a class, have, in every country and in
every age, deliberately opposed themselves to gratifications which are
essential to the happiness of an overwhelming majority of the human race.
Raising up a God of their own creation, whom they hold out as a lover of
penance, of sacrifice, and of mortification, they, under this pretence,
forbid enjoyments which are not only innocent, but praiseworthy. For,
every enjoyment by which no one is injured, is innocent; and every
innocent enjoyment is praiseworthy, because it assists in diffusing that
spirit of content and of satisfaction which is favourable to the practice
of benevolence towards others. The theologians, however, for reasons
which I have already stated, cultivate an opposite spirit, and, whenever
they have possessed power, they have always prohibited a large number of
pleasurable actions, on the ground that such actions are offensive to the
Deity. That they have no warrant for this, and that they are simply
indulging in peremptory assertions on subjects respecting which we have
no trustworthy information, is well known to those who, impartially, and
without preconceived bias, have studied their arguments, and the evidence
which they adduce. On this, however, I need not dilate; for, inasmuch as
men are, almost every year, and certainly every generation, becoming more
accustomed to close and accurate reasoning, just in the same proportion
is the conviction spreading, that theologians proceed from arbitrary
assumptions, for which they have no proof, except by appealing to other
assumptions, equally arbitrary and equally unproven. Their whole system
reposes upon fear, and upon fear of the worst kind; since, according to
them, the Great Author of our being has used His omnipotence in so cruel
a manner as to endow his creatures with tastes, instincts, and desires,
which He not only forbids them to gratify, but which, if they do gratify,
shall bring on themselves eternal punishment.
What the theologians are to the closet, that are the priests to the
pulpit. The theologians work upon the studious, who read; the clergy act
upon the idle, who listen. Seeing, however, that the same man often
performs both offices, and seeing, too, that the spirit and tendency of
each office are the same, we may, for practical purposes, consider the
two classes as identical; and, putting them together, and treating them
as a whole, it must be admitted by whoever will take a comprehensive view
of what they have actually done, that they have been, not only the most
bitter foes of human happiness, but also the most successful ones. In
their high and palmy days, when they reigned supreme, when credulity was
universal and doubt unknown, they afflicted mankind in every possible
way; enjoining fasts, and penances, and pilgrimages, teaching their
simple and ignorant victims every kind of austerity, teaching them to
flog their own bodies, to tear their own flesh, and to mortify the most
natural of their appetites. This was the state of Europe in the middle
ages. It is still the state of every part of the world where the
priesthood are uncontrolled. Such ascetic and self-tormenting observances
are the inevitable issue of the theological spirit, if that spirit is
unchecked. Now, and owing to the rapid march of our knowledge, it is
constantly losing ground, because the scientific and secular spirit is
encroaching on its domain. Therefore, in our time, and especially in our
country, its most repulsive features are disguised, and it is forced to
mask its native ugliness. Among our clergy, a habit of grave and decent
compromise has taken the place of that bold and fiery war which their
predecessors waged against a sensual and benighted world. Their threats
have perceptibly diminished. They now allow us a little pleasure, a
little luxury, a little happiness. They no longer tell us to mortify
every appetite, and to forego every comfort. The language of power has
departed from them. Here and there, we find vestiges of the ancient
spirit; but this is only among uneducated men, addressing an ignorant
audience. The superior clergy, who have a character to lose, are grown
cautious; and, whatever their private opinion may be, they rarely venture
on those terrific denunciations with which their pulpits once resounded,
and which, in times of yore, made the people shrink with fear, and
humbled every one except him by whom the denunciation was uttered.
Still, though much of this has vanished, enough remains to show what the
theological spirit is, and to justify a belief, that nothing but the
pressure of public opinion prevents it from breaking out into its former
extravagance. Many of the clergy persist in attacking the pleasures of
the world, forgetting that, not only the world, but all which the world
contains, is the work of the Almighty, and that the instincts and
desires, which they stigmatise as unholy, are part of his gifts to man.
They have yet to learn, that our appetites, being as much a portion of
ourselves as any other quality we possess, ought to be indulged,
otherwise the whole individual is not developed. If a man suppresses part
of himself, he becomes maimed and shorn. The proper limit to
self-indulgence is, that he shall neither hurt himself nor hurt others.
Short of this, everything is lawful. It is more than lawful; it is
necessary. He who abstains from safe and moderate gratification of the
senses, lets some of his essential faculties fall into abeyance, and
must, on that account, be deemed imperfect and unfinished. Such an one is
incomplete; he is crippled; he has never reached his full stature. He may
be a monk; he may be a saint; but a man he is not. And now, more than
ever, do we want true and genuine men. No previous age has had so much
work to do, and, to accomplish that work, we need robust and vigorous
natures, whose every function has been freely exercised without let or
hindrance. Never before, was the practice of life so arduous; never were
the problems presented to the human mind so numerous, or so complicated.
Every addition to our knowledge, every fresh idea, opens up new
difficulties, and gives birth to new combinations. Under this accumulated
pressure, we shall assuredly sink, if we imitate the credulity of our
forefathers, who allowed their energies to be cramped and weakened by
those pernicious notions, which the clergy, partly from ignorance, and
partly from interest, have, in every age, palmed on the people, and have,
thereby, diminished the national happiness, and retarded the march of
national prosperity.
In the same way, we constantly hear of the evils of wealth, and of the
sinfulness of loving money; although it is certain that, after the love
of knowledge, there is no one passion which has done so much good to
mankind as the love of money. It is to the love of money that we owe all
trade and commerce; in other words, the possession of every comfort and
luxury which our own country is unable to supply. Trade and commerce have
made us familiar with the productions of many lands, have awakened
curiosity, have widened our ideas by bringing us in contact with nations
of various manners, speech, and thought, have supplied an outlet for
energies which would otherwise have been pent up and wasted, have
accustomed men to habits of enterprise, forethought, and calculation,
have, moreover, communicated to us many arts of great utility, and have
put us in possession of some of the most valuable remedies with which we
are acquainted, either to save life or to lessen pain. These things we
owe to the love of money. If theologians could succeed in their desire to
destroy that love, all these things would cease, and we should relapse
into comparative barbarism. The love of money, like all our appetites, is
liable to abuse; but to declaim against it as evil in itself, and, above
all, to represent it as a feeling, the indulgence of which provokes the
wrath of God, is to betray an ignorance, natural, perhaps, in former
ages, but shameful in our time, particularly when it proceeds from men
who give themselves out as public teachers, and profess that it is their
mission to enlighten the world.
Injurious, however, as all this is to the best interests of society, it
is nothing in comparison with the doctrines formerly advocated by the
Scotch divines. What their ideas were, I have shown from their own
sermons, the reading of which has been the most painful literary task I
ever undertook, since, in addition to the narrowness and the dogmatism
which even the best of such compositions contain, there is, in these
productions, a hardness of heart, an austerity of temper, a want of
sympathy with human happiness, and a hatred of human nature, such as have
rarely been exhibited in any age, and, I rejoice to think, have never
been exhibited in any other Protestant country. These things, I have
resuscitated from the oblivion in which they had long been buried, partly
because it was necessary to do so in order to understand the history of
the Scotch mind, and partly because I desired to show what the tendency
of theologians is, when that tendency is uncontrolled. Protestants,
generally, are too apt to suppose that there is something in their creed
which protects them against those hurtful extravagances which have been,
and, to a certain extent, still are, practised in the Catholic Church.
Never was a greater mistake. There is but one protection against the
tyranny of any class; and that is, to give that class very little power.
Whatever the pretensions of any body of men may be, however smooth their
language, and however plausible their claims, they are sure to abuse
power, if much of it is conferred on them. The entire history of the
world affords no instance to the contrary. In Catholic countries, France
alone excepted, the clergy have more authority than in Protestant
countries. Therefore, in Catholic countries, they do more harm than in
Protestant countries, and their peculiar views are developed with greater
freedom. The difference depends, not on the nature of the creed, but on
the power of the class. This is very apparent in Scotland, where the
clergy, being supreme, did, Protestants though they were, imitate the
ascetic, the unsocial, and the cruel doctrines, which, in the Catholic
Church, gave rise to convents, fastings, scourgings, and all the other
appliances of an uncouth and ungenial superstition.
Indeed, the Scotch divines, in some of their theories, went beyond any
section of the Catholic Church, except the Spanish. They sought to
destroy, not only human pleasures, but also human affections. They held
that our affections are necessarily connected with our lusts, and that we
must, therefore, wean ourselves from them as earthly vanities.[606] A
Christian had no business with love or sympathy. He had his own soul to
attend to, and that was enough for him. Let him look to himself. On
Sunday, in particular, he must never think of benefiting others; and the
Scotch clergy did not hesitate to teach the people, that on that day it
was sinful to save a vessel in distress, and that it was a proof of
religion to leave ship and crew to perish.[607] They might go; none but
their wives and children would suffer, and that was nothing in comparison
with breaking the Sabbath. So, too, did the clergy teach, that on no
occasion must food or shelter be given to a starving man, unless his
opinions were orthodox.[608] What need for him to live? Indeed, they
taught that it was a sin to tolerate his notions at all, and that the
proper course was, to visit him with sharp and immediate punishment.[609]
Going yet further, they broke the domestic ties, and set parents against
their offspring. They taught the father to smite the unbelieving child,
and to slay his own boy sooner than allow him to propagate error.[610] As
if this were not enough, they tried to extirpate another affection, even
more sacred and more devoted still. They laid their rude and merciless
hands on the holiest passion of which our nature is capable, the love of
a mother for her son. Into that sanctuary, they dared to intrude; into
that, they thrust their gaunt and ungentle forms. If a mother held
opinions of which they disapproved, they did not scruple to invade her
household, take away her children, and forbid her to hold communication
with them.[611] Or if, perchance, her son had incurred their displeasure,
they were not satisfied with forcible separation, but they laboured to
corrupt her heart, and harden it against her child, so that she might be
privy to the act. In one of these cases, mentioned in the records of the
church of Glasgow, the Kirk-Session of that town summoned before them a
woman, merely because she had received into her house her own son, after
the clergy had excommunicated him. So effectually did they work upon her
mind, that they induced her to promise, not only that she would shut her
door against her child, but that she would aid in bringing him to
punishment. She had sinned in loving him; she had sinned, even, in giving
him shelter; but, says the record, 'she promised not to do it again, and
to tell the magistrates when he comes next to her.'[612]
[606] 'A Christian should mortifie his affections, which are his
predominant lusts, to which our affections are so much joined, and
our soul doth so much go out after.' _Gray's Spiritual Warfare_,
p. 29. 'That blessed work of weaning of affections from all things
that are here.' _Gray's Great and Precious Promises_, p. 86.
[607] 'One of our more northern ministers, whose parish lies along the
coast between Spey and Findorn, made some fishermen do penance for
sabbath-breaking, in going out to sea, though purely with
endeavour to save a vessel in distress by a storm.' _Letters from
a Gentleman in the North of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 173.
[608] 'The master of a family may, and ought to, deny an act of humanity
or hospitality to strangers that are false teachers.'
_Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of
Conscience_, p. 176. 'The Holy Ghost forbiddeth the master of
every Christian family to owne a hereticke as a guest.' _Ibid._,
p. 219. See also p. 235.
[609] 'We hold that tolleration of all religions is not farre from
blasphemy.' _Rutherford's Free Disputation against Pretended
Liberty of Conscience_, p. 20. 'If wolves be permitted to teach
what is right in their own erroneous conscience, and there be no
"Magistrate to put them to shame," _Judg._ xviii. 7, and no King
to punish them, then godlinesse and all that concernes the first
Table of the Law must be marred.' _Ibid._, p. 230. 'Wilde and
atheisticall liberty of conscience,' p. 337. 'Cursed toleration,'
p. 400. See also, in the same work (pp. 110, 244), Rutherford's
remarks on the murder of Servetus. In 1645, Baillie, who was then
in London, writes, 'The Independents here plead for a tolleration
both for themselfes and other sects. My Dissuasive is come in time
to doe service here. We hope God will assist us to remonstrate the
wickedness of such an tolleration.' And on account of the
Independents wishing to show common charity towards persons who
differed in opinions from themselves, Baillie writes next year
(1646), 'The Independents has the least zeale to the truth of God
of any men we know.' _Baillie's Letters and Journals_, vol. ii.
pp. 328, 361. Blair, who was in London in 1649, was sorely vexed
with 'the most illegal, irreligious, and wicked proceedings and
actings of the sectarian army;' one of their crimes being the
attempt 'to ruin religion by their toleration.' _Continuation of
the Autobiography of Mr. Robert Blair, Minister of St. Andrews_,
p. 213. For other evidence of this persecuting spirit, see
_Dickson's Truth's Victory over Error_, pp. 159, 163, 199-202;
_Abernethy's Physicke for the Soule_, p. 215; _Durham's Exposition
of the Song of Solomon_, p. 147; _Durham's Commentarie upon the
Book of the Revelation_, pp. 141, 143, 330; and _Shields' Hind let
loose_, p. 168.
[610] 'A third benefit (which is a branch of the former), is zeal in the
godly against false teachers, who shall be so tender of the truth
and glory of God, and the safety of the Church (all which are
endangered by error), that it shall overcome natural affection in
them; so that parents shall not _spare their own children_, being
seducers, but shall either by an heroick act (such as was in
Phinehas, _Numb._ XXV. 8), _themselves judge him worthy to die,
and give sentence and execute it_, or cause him to be punished, by
bringing him to the Magistrate,' &c.... 'The toleration of a false
religion in doctrine or worship, and the exemption of the
erroneous from civil punishment, is no more lawful under the New
Testament than it was under the Old.' _An Exposition of the
Prophecie of Zechariah_, in _Hutcheson's Exposition on the Minor
Prophets_, vol. iii. p. 203, 8vo. 1654.
[611] _Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_,
pp. x. 33, 56, 63, 65, 73.
[612] I copy the exact words from _Wodrow's Collections upon the Lives
of Ministers of the Church of Scotland_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 71.
An order had been previously obtained from the government,
'requiring the magistrates to expell furth of the Toun all
excomunicated persons.'
She promised not to do it again. She promised to forget him, whom she had
born of her womb and suckled at her breast. She promised to forget her
boy, who had ofttimes crept to her knees, who had slept in her bosom, and
whose tender frame she had watched over and nursed. All the dearest
associations of the past, all that the most exquisite form of human
affection can give or receive, all that delights the memory, all that
brightens the prospect of life, all vanished, all passed away from the
mind of this poor woman, at the bidding of her spiritual masters. At one
fell swoop, all were gone. So potent were the arts of these men, that
they persuaded the mother to conspire against her son, that she might
deliver him up to them. They defiled her nature, by purging it of its
love. From that day her soul was polluted. She was lost to herself, as
well as lost to her son. To hear of such things is enough to make one's
blood surge again, and raise a tempest in our inmost nature. But to have
seen them, to have lived in the midst of them, and yet not to have
rebelled against them, is to us utterly inconceivable, and proves in how
complete a thraldom the Scotch were held, and how thoroughly their minds,
as well as their bodies, were enslaved.
What more need I say? What further evidence need I bring to elucidate the
real character of one of the most detestable tyrannies ever seen on the
earth? When the Scotch Kirk was at the height of its power, we may search
history in vain for any institution which can compete with it, except the
Spanish Inquisition. Between these two, there is a close and intimate
analogy. Both were intolerant, both were cruel, both made war upon the
finest parts of human nature, and both destroyed every vestige of
religions freedom. One difference, however, there was, of vast
importance. In political matters, the Church, which was servile in Spain,
was rebellious in Scotland. Hence the Scotch always had one direction in
which they could speak and act with unrestrained liberty. In politics,
they found their vent. There, the mind was free. And this was their
salvation. This saved them from the fate of Spain, by securing to them
the exercise of those faculties which otherwise would have lain dormant,
if, indeed, they had not been entirely destroyed by that long and
enfeebling servitude in which their clergy retained them, and from which,
but for this favourable circumstance, no escape would have been open.
CHAPTER V.
AN EXAMINATION OF THE SCOTCH INTELLECT DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
To complete the history and analysis of the Scotch mind, I have now to
examine the peculiar intellectual movement which appeared in the
eighteenth century, and which, for several reasons, deserves careful
attention. It was essentially a reaction against that theological spirit
which predominated during the seventeenth century. Such a reaction would
hardly have been possible, except for the fact which I have already
noticed, namely, that the political activity which produced the rebellion
against the Stuarts, saved the Scotch mind from stagnating, and prevented
that deep slumber into which the progress of superstition would naturally
have thrown it. The long and stubborn conflict with a despotic
government, kept alive a certain alertness and vigour of understanding,
which survived the struggle that gave it birth. When the contest was
ended, and peace was restored, the faculties which, for three
generations, had been exercised in resisting the executive authority,
sought other employment, and found another field in which they could
disport themselves. Hence it was, that the boldness which, in the
seventeenth century, was practical, became, in the eighteenth century,
speculative, and produced a literature, which attempted to unsettle
former opinions, and to disturb the ancient landmarks of the human mind.
The movement was revolutionary, and bore the same relation to
ecclesiastical tyranny, which the previous movement had borne to
political tyranny. But this new rebellion had one striking
characteristic. In nearly every other country, when the intellect has
fairly arrayed itself against the exclusive pretensions of the Church,
it has happened that the secular philosophy, which has been engendered,
has been an inductive philosophy, taking for its basis individual and
specific experience, and seeking, by that means, to overthrow the general
and traditional notions, on which all church power is founded. The plan
has been, to refuse to accept principles which could not be substantiated
by facts; while the opposite and theological plan is, to force the facts
to yield to the principles. In the former case, experience precedes
theory; in the latter case, theory precedes experience, and controls it.
In theology, certain principles are taken for granted; and, it being
deemed impious to question them, all that remains for us is to reason
from them downwards. This is the deductive method. On the other hand, the
inductive method will concede nothing, but insists upon reasoning
upwards, and demands that we shall have the liberty of ascertaining the
principles for ourselves. In a complete scheme of our knowledge, and when
all our resources are fully developed and marshalled into order, as they
must eventually be, the two methods will be, not hostile, but
supplementary, and will be combined into a single system. At present,
however, we are very far from such a result; and not only is every mind
more prone to one method than to another, but we find, historically, that
different ages and different countries have been characterised by the
extent to which one of these two schemes has predominated; and we also
find, that a study of this antagonism is the surest way of understanding
the intellectual condition of any period.
That the inductive philosophy is even more marked by its secular
tendencies than by its scientific ones, will be evident to whoever
observes the epochs in which it has been most active, and has possessed
most adherents. Of this, the history of the French mind, in the
eighteenth century, affords a good instance, where, after the death of
Louis XIV., we may clearly trace the connexion between the growth of the
inductive method, and the subsequent overthrow of the Gallican Church. In
England, too, the rise of the Baconian philosophy, with its determination
to subordinate ancient principles to modern experience, was the heaviest
blow which has ever been inflicted on the theologians, whose method is to
begin, not with experience, but with principles, which are said to be
inscrutable, and which we are bound to believe without further
difficulty. And I need hardly remind the reader, that scarcely was that
philosophy established among us, when it produced those bold inquiries
which quickly ended in the downfall of the English Church under Charles
I. From that terrible defeat, our clergy did, for a time, partly rally;
but as their apparent success, in the reign of Charles II., was owing to
political changes, and not to social ones, they were unable to recover
their hold over society, and, unless the nation should retrograde, there
is no possibility that they ever should recover it. Over the inferior
order of minds, they still wield great influence; but the Baconian
philosophy, by bringing their favourite method into disrepute, has sapped
the very base of their system. From the moment that their mode of
investigation was discredited, the secret of their power was gone. From
the moment that men began to insist on inquiring into the validity of
first principles, instead of accepting them without inquiry, and humbly
submitting to them as matters of faith and of necessary belief; from that
moment, the theologians, driven from one post to another, and constantly
receding before the pressure of advancing knowledge, have been forced to
abandon entrenchment after entrenchment, until what they have retained of
their former territory is hardly worth the struggle. As a last resource,
they, at the close of the eighteenth century, determined to use the
weapons of their opponents; and Paley and his successors, enlarging the
scheme which Ray and Derham had feebly sketched, endeavoured, by a
skilful employment of the inductive method, to compensate their party for
the failure of the deductive one. But their project, though ably
conceived, has come to naught. It is now generally admitted, that nothing
can be made of it, and that it is impossible to establish the old
theological premises by a chain of inductive reasoning. Respecting this,
the most eminent philosophers agree with the most eminent theologians;
and, since the time of Kant in Germany, and of Coleridge in England,
none of our ablest men, even among divines themselves, have recurred to a
plan which Paley, indeed, pursued with vigour, but of which our
Bridgewater Treatises, our Prize-Essays, and such schoolboy productions,
are poor and barren imitations.[613] No great thinkers now follow this
course in matters of religion. On the contrary, they prefer the safer, as
well as the more philosophic, method, of dealing with these subjects on
transcendental grounds, frankly confessing that they elude the grasp of
that inductive philosophy which, in the department of science, has
achieved such signal triumphs.
[613] Of course, I say this merely in reference to their theological
bearings. Some of the Bridgewater Treatises, such as Bell's,
Buckland's, and Prout's, had great scientific merit at the time of
their appearance, and may even now be studied with advantage; but
the religious portion of them is pitiable, and shows either that
their heart was not in their work, or else that the subject was
too wide for them. At all events, it is to be hoped that we shall
never again see men of equal eminence hiring themselves out as
paid advocates, and receiving fees to support particular opinions.
It is truly disgraceful that such great speculative questions,
instead of being subjected to fair and disinterested argument,
with a view of eliciting the truth, should be turned into a
pecuniary transaction, in which any one of much money and little
wit, can bribe as many persons as he likes, to prejudice the
public ear in favour of his own theories.
The opposition of these two methods, and the inapplicability of the
inductive method to theological pursuits being thus apparent, it is not
strange that the Scotch should have adopted one of the methods with great
zeal, and to the almost complete exclusion of the other. Scotland, being
essentially theological, followed the theological plan. The intellectual
history of that country, in the seventeenth century, is almost entirely
the history of theology. With the single exception of Napier, who was
born in the middle of the sixteenth century, all the most vigorous
thinkers were divines. In physical science, scarcely anything was
done.[614] There was no poetry, no drama, no original philosophy, no
fine compositions, no secular literature, now worth reading.[615] The
only men of real influence were the clergy. They governed the nation and
the pulpit was the chief engine of their power. From the pulpit, they
moved all classes and all sorts intellects; the highest as well as the
lowest. There, they instructed them, and threatened them; saying whatever
they liked, and knowing that what they said would be believed.[616] But
all their sermons, and all their controversial writings, are eminently
deductive; not of them attempts an inductive argument. The idea of such a
thing never entered their heads. They assumed the truth of their own
religion and moral notions, most of which they had borrowed from
antiquity; they made those notions the major premises of their
syllogisms, and from them they reasoned downwards till they obtained
their conclusions. They never suspected that premises, taken from ancient
times might be the result of the inductions of those times and that, as
knowledge advanced, the inductions might need revising. They assumed,
that God has given us first principles, and that He, having revealed them
it would ill become us to scrutinize them. That He had revealed them,
they took for granted, and deemed it unnecessary to prove.[617] Their
method being entirely deductive, all they were concerned with was to
beware that no error crept in between the premises and the conclusions.
And this part of their task they accomplished with great ability. They
were acute dialecticians, and rarely blundered in what is termed the
formal part of logic. In dealing with their premises after they obtained
them, they were extremely skilful; how they obtained them, they were very
heedless. That was a point they never examined with anything approaching
to impartiality. According to their method, all that was requisite was,
to draw inferences from what had been supernaturally communicated. On the
other hand, the inductive method would have taught them that the first
question was, whether or not they had been supernaturally communicated?
They, as deductive reasoners, assumed the very preliminaries which
inductive reasoners would have disputed. They proceeded from generals to
particulars, instead of from particulars to generals. And they would not
allow either themselves or others to sift the general propositions, which
were to cover and control the particular facts. It was enough for them
that the wider propositions were already established, and were to be
treated according to the rules of the old and syllogistic logic. Indeed,
they were so convinced of the impropriety of the inductive method, that
they did not hesitate to assert, that it was by means of the syllogism
that the Deity communicated His wishes to man.[618]
[614] 'It is humiliating to have to remark, that the notices of comets
which we derive from Scotch writers down to this time (1682)
contain nothing but accounts of the popular fancies regarding
them. Practical astronomy seems to have then been unknown in our
country; and hence, while in other lands, men were carefully
observing, computing, and approaching to just conclusions
regarding these illustrious strangers of the sky, our diarists
could only tell us how many _yards_ long they seemed to be, what
_effects_ were apprehended from them in the way of war and
pestilence, and how certain pious divines "improved" them for
spiritual edification. Early in this century Scotland had produced
one great philosopher, who had supplied his craft with the
mathematical instruments by which complex problems, such as the
movement of comets, were alone to be solved. It might have been
expected that the country of Napier, seventy years after his time,
would have had many sons capable of applying his key to such
mysteries of nature. But no one had arisen--nor did any rise for
fifty years onward, when at length Colin Maclaurin unfolded in the
Edinburgh University the sublime philosophy of Newton. There could
not be a more expressive signification of the character of the
seventeenth century in Scotland. Our unhappy contentions about
external religious matters had absorbed the whole genius of the
people, rendering to us the age of Cowley, of Waller, and of
Milton, as barren of elegant literature, as that of Horrocks, of
Halley, and of Newton, was of science.' _Chambers' Domestic Annals
of Scotland_, vol. ii. pp. 444, 445.
[615] 'Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the English were
gradually refining their language and their taste; in Scotland,
the former was much debased, and the latter almost entirely lost.'
_History of Scotland_, book viii., in _Robertson's Works_, p. 260.
'But the taste and science, the genius and the learning of the
age, were absorbed in the gulph of religious controversy. At a
time when the learning of Selden, and the genius of Milton,
conspired to adorn England, the Scots were reduced to such writers
as Baillie, Rutherford, Guthrie, and the two Gillespies.' _Laing's
History of Scotland_, vol. iii. p. 510. 'From the Restoration down
to the Union, the only author of eminence whom Scotland produced
was Burnet.' _Ibid._, vol. iv. p. 406.
'The seventeenth century, fatal to the good taste of Italy, threw
a total night over Scotland.' ... 'Not one writer who does the
least credit to the nation flourished during the century from 1615
to 1715, excepting Burnet, whose name would, indeed, honour the
brightest period. In particular, no poet whose works merit
preservation arose. By a singular fatality, the century which
stands highest in English history and genius, is one of the
darkest in those of Scotland.' _Ancient Scotish Poems, edited by
John Pinkerton_, vol. i. pp. iii. iv., London, 1786.
[616] Ray, who visited Scotland in 1661, could not suppress a little
professional envy, when he saw how much higher ecclesiastics were
rated there than in England. He says, 'the people here frequent
their churches much better than in England, and have their
ministers in more esteem and veneration.' _Ray's Memorials, edited
by Dr. Lankester for the Ray Society_, p. 161.
[617] 'Believing ignorance is much better than rash and presumptuous
knowledge. Ask not a reason of these things, but rather adore and
tremble at the mystery and majesty of them.' _Binning's Sermons_,
vol. i. p. 143. Even Biblical criticism was prohibited; and
Dickson says of the different books of the Bible, 'We are not to
trouble ourselves about the name of the writer, or time of writing
of any part thereof, especially because God of set purpose
concealeth the name sundry times of the writer, and the time when
it was written.' _Dickson's Explication of the Psalms_, p. 291.
[618] 'Christ from heaven proposeth a syllogism to Saul's fury.'
_Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 180. 'The conclusion of a
practical syllogism, whereby the believer concluded from the
Gospel that he shall be saved.' _Durham's Law Unsealed_, p. 97.
'All assurance is by practical syllogism, the first whereof must
needs be a Scripture truth.' _Gray's Precious Promises_, p. 139.
It was naturally to be expected, that the clergy, holding these views
respecting the best means of arriving at truth, should do all in their
power to bring over the nation to their side, and should labour to make
their own method of investigation entirely supersede the opposite method.
Nor was this a very difficult task. The prevailing credulity was one
great point in their favour, inasmuch as it made men more willing to
accept propositions than to scrutinise them. When the propositions were
accepted, nothing was left but to reason from them; and the most active
intellects in Scotland, being constantly engaged in this process,
acquired complete mastery over it, and the dexterity they displayed
increased its repute. Besides this, the clergy, who were its zealous
champions, had monopolized all the sources of education, both public and
private. In no other Protestant country, have they exercised such control
over the universities; not only the doctrines taught, but also the mode
of teaching them, being, in Scotland, placed under the supervision of the
Church.[619] This power they, of course, used to propagate their own plan
of obtaining truth; and, as long as their power remained undiminished, it
was hardly possible that the opposite, or inductive, plan should gain a
hearing. Over grammar-schools, the clergy possessed an authority fully
equal to that which they had in the universities.[620] They also
appointed and removed, at their own pleasure, teachers of every grade,
from village schoolmasters to tutors in private families.[621] In this
way, each generation, as it arose, was brought under their influence, and
made subject to their notions. Taking the mind of Scotland while it was
young and flexible, they bent it to their own method. Hence, that method
became supreme; it reigned every where; not a voice was lifted up against
it; and no one had an idea that there was more than one path by which
truth could be reached, or that the human understanding was of any use,
except to deal deductively with premisses, which were not to be
inductively examined.
[619] Bower (_History of the University of Edinburgh_, vol. i. p. 217)
says, 'The history of the universities and of the church is, in
modern Europe, and perhaps in every other civilized portion of the
globe, very nearly connected. They are more nearly connected in
Scotland than in any other civilized country called Protestant;
because the General Assembly have the legal power of inquiring
into the economy of the institutions, both as it respects the mode
of teaching, and the doctrines, whether religious, moral, or
physical, which are taught.' Spalding, under the year 1639, gives
an instance of the power of the General Assembly in 'the College
of Old Aberdeen.' _Spalding's History of the Troubles_, vol. i. p.
178. See also, on the authority exercised by the General Assembly
over the universities, a curious little book, called _The
Government and Order of the Church of Scotland_, Edinburgh, 1690,
p. 25.
[620] In 1632, the 'ministers' of Perth were greatly displeased because
John Row was made master of the grammar-school without their
consent. _The Chronicle of Perth_, p. 33, where it is stated that,
consequently, 'thair wes much outcrying in the pulpett.'
[621] See, for instance, _Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and
Cupar_, pp. 66, 83, 84, 118. One of the entries is, that in
January 1648, 'The Presbyterie ordained that all young students,
who waittes on noblemen or gentlemen within thir bounds, aither to
teach ther children, or catechise and pray in ther families, to
frequent the Presbyterie, that the brether may cognosce what they
ar reading, and what proficiencie they make in ther studies, and
to know also ther behaviour in the said families, and of their
affectione to the Covenant and present religione.' p. 118. Compare
_Selections from the Registers of the Presbytery of Lanark_,
pp. 56, 65.
The inductive or analytic spirit being thus unknown, and the deductive or
synthetic spirit being alone favoured, it happened that, when, early in
the eighteenth century, the circumstances already mentioned gave rise to
a great intellectual movement, that movement, though new in its results,
was not new in the method by which the results were obtained. A secular
philosophy was, indeed, established, and the ablest men, instead of being
theological, became scientific. But so completely had the theological
plan occupied Scotland, that even philosophers were unable to escape from
its method, and, as I am about to show, the inductive method exercised no
influence over them. This most curious fact is the key to the history of
Scotland in the eighteenth century, and explains many events which would
otherwise appear incompatible with each other. It also suggests an
analogy with Germany, where the deductive method has, for a long period,
been equally prevalent, owing to precisely the same causes. In both
countries, the secular movement of the eighteenth century was unable to
become inductive; and this intellectual affinity between two such
otherwise different nations, is, I have no doubt, the principal reason
why the Scotch and German philosophies have so remarkably acted and
reacted upon each other; Kant and Hamilton being the most finished
specimens of their intercourse. To this, England forms a complete
contrast. For more than a hundred and fifty years after the death of
Bacon, the greatest English thinkers, Newton and Harvey excepted, were
eminently inductive; nor was it until the nineteenth century that signs
were clearly exhibited of a counter-movement, and an attempt was made to
return in some degree to the deductive method.[622] This we are, in many
respects, justified in doing, because, in the progress of our knowledge,
we have, by a long course of induction, arrived at several conclusions
which we may safely treat deductively; that is to say, we may make them
the major premisses of new arguments. The same process has been seen in
France, where the exclusively inductive philosophy of the eighteenth
century preceded a partial resuscitation of deductive philosophy in the
nineteenth century. In Scotland, however, there have been no such
vicissitudes. In that country, men have always been deductive; even the
most original thinkers being unable to liberate themselves from the
universal tendency, and being forced to accept a method which time had
consecrated, and which was interwoven with all the associations of the
national mind.
[622] This I have already touched upon in the first volume, pp. 808,
809. Hereafter, and in my special history of the English mind, I
shall examine it carefully and in detail. The revival of the old
logic is a great symptom of it. Works like those of Whately, De
Morgan, and Mansel, could not have been produced in tho eighteenth
century, or, at all events, if by some extraordinary combination
of events they had been produced, they would have found no
readers. As it is, they have exercised a very extensive and very
salutary influence; and, although Archbishop Whately was not well
acquainted with the history of formal logic, his exposition of its
ordinary processes is so admirably clear, that he has probably
contributed more than any other man towards impressing his
contemporaries with a sense of the value of deductive reasoning.
He has, however, not done sufficient justice to the opposite
school, and has, indeed, fallen into the old academical error of
supposing that all reasoning is by syllogism. We might just as
well say that all movement is by descent.
To understand the investigation into which we are about to enter, the
reader must firmly seize, and keep before his eyes, the essential
difference between deduction, which reasons from principles, and
induction, which reasons to principles. He must remember, that induction
proceeds from the smaller to the greater; deduction, from the greater to
the smaller. Induction is from particulars to generals, and from the
senses to the ideas; deduction is from generals to particulars, and from
the ideas to the senses. By induction, we rise from the concrete to the
abstract; by deduction, we descend from the abstract to the concrete.
Accompanying this distinction, there are certain qualities of mind,
which, with extremely few exceptions, characterize the age, nation, or
individual, in which one of these methods is predominant. The inductive
philosopher is naturally cautious, patient, and somewhat creeping; while
the deductive philosopher is more remarkable for boldness, dexterity, and
often rashness. The deductive thinker invariably assumes certain
premisses, which are quite different from the hypotheses essential to the
best induction. These premisses are sometimes borrowed from antiquity;
sometimes they are taken from the notions which happen to prevail in the
surrounding society; sometimes they are the result of a man's own
peculiar organization; and sometimes, as we shall presently see, they are
deliberately invented, with the object of arriving, not at truth, but at
an approximation to truth. Finally, and to sum up the whole, we may say
that a deductive habit, being essentially synthetic, always tends to
multiply original principles or laws; while the tendency of an inductive
habit is to diminish those laws by gradual and successive analysis.
These being the two fundamental divisions of human inquiry, it is surely
a most remarkable fact in the history of Scotland, that, during the
eighteenth century, all the great thinkers belonged to the former
division, and that, in the very few instances of induction which their
works contain, it is evident, from the steps they subsequently took, that
they regarded such inductions as unimportant in themselves, and as only
valuable in so far as they supplied the premisses for another and
deductive investigation. As the various departments of our knowledge have
never yet been co-ordinated and treated as a whole, probably no one is
aware of the universality of this movement in Scotland, and of the extent
to which it pervaded every science, and governed every phase of thought.
To prove, therefore, the force with which it acted, I now purpose to
examine its working in all the principal forms of speculation, whether
physical or moral, and to show that in each the same method was adopted.
In doing this, I must, for the sake of clearness, proceed according to a
natural arrangement of the different topics; but I will, whenever it is
possible, also follow the chronological order in which the Scotch mind
unfolded itself; so that we may understand, not only the character of
that remarkable literature, but likewise the steps of its growth, and the
astonishing vigour with which it emancipated itself from the shackles
which superstition had imposed.
The beginning of the great secular philosophy of Scotland is undoubtedly
due to Francis Hutcheson.[623] This eminent man, though born in Ireland,
was of Scotch family, and was educated in the University of Glasgow,
where he received the appointment of Professor of Philosophy in the year
1729.[624] By his lectures, and by his works, he diffused a taste for
bold inquiries into subjects of the deepest importance, but concerning
which it had previously been supposed nothing fresh was to be learned;
the Scotch having hitherto been taught, that all truths respecting our
own nature, which were essential to be known, had been already revealed.
Hutcheson, however, did not fear to construct a system of morals
according to a plan entirely secular, and no example of which had been
exhibited in Scotland before his time. The principles from which he
started, were not theological, but metaphysical. They were collected from
what he deemed the natural constitution of the mind, instead of being
collected, as heretofore, from what had been supernaturally communicated.
He, therefore, shifted the field of study. Though he was a firm believer
in revelation, he held that the best rules of conduct could be
ascertained without its assistance, and could be arrived at by the
unaided wit of man; and that, when arrived at, they were, in their
aggregate, to be respected as the Law of Nature.[625] This confidence in
the power of the human understanding was altogether new in Scotland, and
its appearance forms an epoch in the national literature. Previously, men
had been taught that the understanding was a rash and foolish thing,
which ought to be repressed, and which was unfit to cope with the
problems presented to it.[626] Hutcheson, however, held that it was quite
able to deal with them, but that, to do so, it must be free and
unfettered. Hence, he strenuously advocated that right of private
judgment which the Scotch Kirk had not only assailed, but had almost
destroyed. He insisted that each person had a right to form his opinion
according to the evidence he possessed, and that, this right being
inalienable, none but weak minds would abstain from exercising it.[627]
Every one was to judge according to his own light, and nothing could be
gained by inducing men to profess sentiments contrary to their
convictions.[628] So far, however, was this from being understood, that
we found all the little sects quarrelling among themselves, and abusing
each other, merely because their views were different. It was strange to
hear how the professors of one creed would stigmatize the professors of
other creeds as idolatrous, and would demand that penalties should be
inflicted on them. In point of fact, all had much that was good; and
their only real evil was, this love of persecution.[629] But the vulgar
deemed every one a heretic who did not believe what they believed; and
this way of thinking had been too much countenanced by the clergy, many
of whom felt their vanity offended at the idea of laymen pretending to be
wiser than their spiritual teachers, and venturing to disagree with what
they said.[630]
[623] See a letter from Sir James Mackintosh to Parr, in _Mackintosh's
Memoirs_, London, 1835, vol. i. p. 334. 'To Hutcheson the taste
for speculation in Scotland, and all the philosophical opinions
(except the Berkleian Humism) may be traced.' M. Cousin (_Histoire
de la Philosophie_, première série, vol. iv. p. 35, Paris, 1846)
observes, that before Hutcheson 'il n'avait paru en Ecosse ni un
écrivain ni un professeur de philosophie un peu remarquable.'
[624] _Tytler's Memoirs of Kames_, Edinburgh, 1814, vol. i. p. 223.
_Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. iii. London, 1755, 4to.
[625] 'The intention of Moral Philosophy is to direct men to that course
of action which tends most effectually to promote their greatest
happiness and perfection; as far as it can be done by observations
and conclusions discoverable from the constitution of nature,
without any aids of supernatural revelation: these maxims or rules
of conduct are therefore reputed as laws of nature, and the system
or collection of them is called the LAW OF NATURE.' _Hutcheson's
Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 1.
[626] 'The natural understanding is the most whorish thing in the
world.' ... 'The understanding, even in the search of truth
amongst the creatures, is a rash, precipitate, and unquiet thing.'
_Rutherford's Christ Dying_, p. 181. 'Innocent Adam,' indeed, says
Boston, 'Innocent Adam had a stock of gracious abilities, whereby
he might have, by the force of moral considerations, brought
himself to perform duty aright. But where is that with us?'
_Boston's Sermons_, p. 65.
[627] 'A like natural right every intelligent being has about his own
opinions, speculative or practical, to judge according to the
evidence that appears to him. This right appears from the very
constitution of the rational mind, which can assent or dissent
solely according to the evidence presented, and naturally desires
knowledge. The same considerations show this right to be
unalienable: it cannot be subjected to the will of another: though
where there is a previous judgment formed concerning the superior
wisdom of another, or his infallibility, the opinion of this
other, to a weak mind, may become sufficient evidence. As to
opinions about the Deity, religion, and virtue, this right is
further confirmed by all the noblest desires of the soul; as there
can be no virtue, but rather impiety in not adhering to the
opinions we think just, and in professing the contrary.'
_Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 295, 296. See also
vol. ii. p. 311. 'Every rational creature has a right to judge for
itself in these matters: and as men must assent according to the
evidence that appears to them, and cannot command their own assent
in opposition to it, this right is plainly unalienable.'
[628] 'Thus no man can really change his sentiments, judgments, and
inward affections, at the pleasure of another, nor can it tend to
any good to make him profess what is contrary to his heart.'
_Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. pp. 261, 262.
[629] 'Arians and Socinians are idolaters and denyers of God, say the
orthodox. They retort upon the orthodox, that they are Tritheists;
and so do other sects; and thus they spirit up magistrates to
persecute. While yet it is plain that in all these sects there are
all the same motives to all social virtues from a belief of a
moral providence, the same acknowledgments that the goodness of
God is the source of all the good we enjoy or hope for, and the
same gratitude and resignation to him recommended. Nor do any of
their schemes excite men to vices, except that horrid tenet, too
common to most of them, the right of persecuting.' _Hutcheson's
Moral Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 316. See also vol. i. p. 160; and
_Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_, London,
1738, p. 283.
[630] 'We all know the notions entertained by the vulgar concerning all
hereticks; we know the pride of schoolmen and many ecclesiasticks;
how it galls their insolent vanity that any man should assume to
himself to be wiser than they in tenets of religion by differing
from them.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 167.
Such large views of liberty were far in advance of the country in which
they were propounded, and could exercise no influence, except over a few
thinking men. These, and similar doctrines, were, however, repeated by
Hutcheson, in his lectures, every year.[631] And strange, indeed, they
must have seemed. To those who received them, they were utterly
subversive of the prevailing theological spirit, which regarded
toleration as impious, and which, seeking to confine the human mind
within the limits of foregone conclusions, deemed it a duty to chastise
those who overstepped them. In opposition to this, Hutcheson let in the
elements of inquiry, of discussion, and of doubt. There is also another
point in which his philosophy is memorable, as the beginning of the great
rebellion of the Scotch intellect. We saw, in the last chapter, how
successfully the teachers of the people had inculcated doctrines of the
darkest asceticism, and how naturally those doctrines had arisen out of
the enormous authority possessed by the Church. Against such notions,
Hutcheson set his face strenuously. He rightly supposed, that an
admiration of every kind of beauty, so far from being sinful, is
essential to a complete and well-balanced mind; and the most original
part of his philosophy consists of the inquiries which he made into the
working and origin of our ideas on that subject. Hitherto, the Scotch
had been taught that the emotions which beauty excites, were owing to the
corruption of our nature, and ought to be repressed. Hutcheson, on the
other hand, insisted that they were good in themselves; that they were
part of the general scheme of human affairs, and that they deserved a
special and scientific study.[632] And with such skill did he investigate
them, that, in the opinion of one of the highest living authorities, he
is the originator of all subsequent inquiries into these matters; his
being the first attempt to deal with the subject of beauty in a broad and
comprehensive spirit.[633]
[631] 'As he had occasion every year in the course of his lectures to
explain the origin of government, and compare the different forms
of it, he took peculiar care, while on that subject, to inculcate
the importance of civil and religious liberty to the happiness of
mankind.' _Leechman's Life of Hutcheson_, p. xxxv., prefixed to
Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy.
[632] 'The ideas of beauty and harmony, like other sensible ideas, are
necessarily pleasant to us, as well as immediately so.'
_Hutcheson's Inquiry into our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_, p. 11.
'Our sense of beauty seems designed to give us positive pleasure.'
p. 71. 'Beauty gives a favourable presumption of good moral
dispositions.' p. 257. 'But it is plain we have not in our power
the modelling of our senses or desires, to form them for a private
interest; they are fixed for us by the Author of our nature,
subservient to the interest of the system; so that each individual
is made, previously to his own choice, a member of a great body,
and affected with the fortunes of the whole; or at least of many
parts of it; nor can he break himself off at pleasure.'
_Hutcheson's Essay on the Passions_, pp. 105, 106.
[633] 'Fille de la scholastique, la philosophie moderne est demeurée
longtemps étrangère aux grâces, et les _Recherches_ d'Hutcheson
présentent, je crois, le premier traité spécial sur le beau, écrit
par un moderne. Elles ont paru en 1725. Cette date est presque
celle de l'avénement de l'esthétique dans la philosophie
européenne. L'ouvrage du père André, en France, est de 1741, celui
de Baumgarten, en Allemagne, est de 1750. Ce n'est pas un petit
honneur à Hutcheson d'avoir le premier soumis l'idée du beau à une
analyse méthodique et régulière.' _Cousin, Histoire de la
Philosophie_, première série, vol. iv. p. 84.
Not only in speculative views, but also in practical recommendations,
Hutcheson displayed the same tendency; every where endeavouring to break
down that gloomy fabric which superstition had built up.[634] His
predecessors, and, indeed, nearly all his contemporaries who exercised
much influence, represented pleasure as immoral, and opposed themselves
to the fine arts, which they considered dangerous, as ministering to our
pleasures, and thereby distracting our minds from serious concerns.
Hutcheson, however, declared that the fine arts were to be cherished;
for, he said, they are not only agreeable, but also reputable, and to
employ our time with them is honourable.[635] That such is the case is
obvious enough to us, but it was long, indeed, since similar language had
been heard in Scotland from a great public teacher, and it was completely
opposed to the prevailing notions. But Hutcheson went even further. Not
content with raising his voice in favour of wealth,[636] which the Scotch
clergy stigmatized as one of the most pernicious and carnal of all
things, he fearlessly asserted that all our natural appetites are lawful,
and that the gratification of them is consistent with the highest
virtue.[637] In his eyes, they were lawful, because they were natural;
while, according to the theological theory, their being natural made them
unlawful. And here lies the fundamental difference between the practical
views of Hutcheson and those previously received. He, like every great
thinker since the seventeenth century, loved human nature, and respected
it; but he neither loved nor respected those who unduly trammelled it,
and thereby weakened its vigour, as well as impaired its beauty. He
placed more confidence in mankind, than in the rulers of mankind. The
Scotch divines, who preceded him, were the libellers of their species;
they calumniated the whole human race. According to them, there was
nothing in us but sin and corruption; and, therefore, all our desires
were to be checked. It is the peculiar glory of Hutcheson, that he was
the first man in Scotland who publicly combated these degrading notions.
With a noble and lofty aim did he undertake his task. Venerating the
human mind, he was bent on vindicating its dignity against those who
disputed its titles. Unhappily, he could not succeed; the prejudices of
his time were too strong. Still, he did all that was in his power. He
opposed the tide which he was unable to stem; he attacked what it was
impossible to destroy; and he cast from his philosophy, with vehement
scorn, those base prejudices, which, by aspersing all that is great and
magnanimous, had long blinded the eyes of their contemporaries, and, by
bringing into fresh prominence the old and mischievous dogma of moral
degeneracy, had represented our nature as a compound of vices, and had
been unable to see how many virtues we really possess, how much of the
spirit of self-sacrifice, and of free disinterested benevolence has
always existed; how much of good even the worst of us retain; and how,
among the ordinary and average characters of whom the world is composed,
the desire of benefiting others is more frequent than the desire of
hurting them, kindness is more common than cruelty, and the number of
good deeds does, on the whole, far outweigh the number of bad ones.[638]
[634] In his _Inquiry into Beauty and Virtue_, p. 107, he so completely
opposed the prevailing notions, as to assert that 'our perception
of pleasure is necessary, and nothing is advantageous or naturally
good to us, but what is apt to raise pleasure, mediately, or
immediately.' Compare what he says at p. 91 respecting
'superstitious prejudices against actions apprehended as offensive
to the Deity.'
[635] 'Hence a taste for the ingenious arts of musick, sculpture,
painting, and even for the manly diversions, is reputable.'
_Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 83. At p. 129 he says,
that in them 'our time is agreeably and honourably employed.' See
also vol. ii. p. 115.
[636] 'Wealth and power are truly useful, not only for the natural
conveniences or pleasures of life, but as a fund for good
offices.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 104. Compare
_Hutcheson on Beauty and Virtue_, pp. 93-95; and his _Essay on the
Passions and Affections_, pp. 8, 9, 99. 'How weak also are the
reasonings of some recluse moralists, who condemn in general all
pursuits of wealth or power, as below a perfectly virtuous
character; since wealth and power are the most effectual means,
and the most powerful instruments, even of the greatest virtues,
and most generous actions.'
[637] 'The chief happiness of any being must consist in the full
enjoyment of all the gratifications its nature desires and is
capable of.' _Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 100. 'The
highest sensual enjoyments may be experienced by those who employ
both mind and body vigorously in social virtuous offices, and
allow all the natural appetites to recur in their due seasons.' p.
121. 'Nay, as in fact it is for the good of the system that every
desire and sense natural to us, even those of the lowest kinds,
should be gratified as far as their gratification is consistent
with the nobler enjoyments, and in a just subordination to them;
there seems a natural notion of _right_ to attend them all.' pp.
254, 255.
[638] ''Tis pleasant to observe how those authors who paint out our
nature as a compound of sensuality, selfishness, and cunning,
forget themselves on this subject in their descriptions of youth,
when the natural temper is less disguised than in the subsequent
parts of life. 'Tis made up of many keen, inconstant passions,
many of them generous; 'tis fond of present pleasure, but 'tis
also profusely kind and liberal to favourites; careless about
distant interests of its own; full of confidence in others;
studious of praise for kindness and generosity; prone to
friendships, and void of suspicion.' _Hutcheson's Moral
Philosophy_, vol. ii. p. 11. 'Men are often subject to anger, and
upon sudden provocations do injuries to each other, and that only
from self love without malice; but the greatest part of their
lives is employed in offices of natural affection, friendship,
innocent self love, or love of a country.' _Hutcheson's Essay on
the Passions_, pp. 97, 98. And at p. 165: 'There are no doubt many
furious starts of passion, in which malice may seem to have place
in our constitution; but how seldom and how short, in comparison
of years spent in fixed kind pursuits of the good of a family, a
party, a country?' ... 'Here men are apt to let their imaginations
run out upon all the robberies, piracies, murders, perjuries,
frauds, massacres, assassinations, they have ever either heard of,
or read in history; thence concluding all mankind to be very
wicked; as if a court of justice were the proper place for making
an estimate of the morals of mankind, or an hospital of the
healthfulness of a climate. Ought they not to consider that the
number of honest citizens and farmers far surpasses that of all
sorts of criminals in any state; and that the innocent or kind
actions of even criminals themselves, surpass their crimes in
numbers? That it is the rarity of crimes, in comparison of
innocent or good actions, which engages our attention to them, and
makes them be recorded in history; while incomparably more honest,
generous, domestic actions are overlooked, only because they are
so common; as one great danger, or one month's sickness, shall
become a frequently repeated story, during a long life of health
and safety.'
Thus much as to the tendency of Hutcheson's philosophy.[639] We have now
to ascertain his method, that is to say, the plan which he adopted in
order to obtain his results. This is a very important part of our present
inquiry; and we shall find that, in the study of moral philosophy, as in
the study of all subjects not yet raised to sciences, there are not only
two methods, but that each method leads to different consequences. If we
proceed by induction, we arrive at one conclusion; if we proceed by
deduction, we arrive at another. This difference in the results, is
always a proof that the subject, in which the difference exists, is not
yet capable of scientific treatment, and that some preliminary
difficulties have to be removed, before it can pass from the empirical
stage into the scientific one. As soon as those difficulties are got rid
of, the results obtained by induction, will correspond with those
obtained by deduction; supposing, of course, that both lines of argument
are fairly managed. In such case, it will be of no importance whether we
reason from particulars to generals, or from generals to particulars.
Either plan will yield the same consequences, and this agreement between
the consequences, proves that our investigation is, properly speaking,
scientific. Thus, for instance, in chemistry, if, by reasoning
deductively from general principles, we could always predict what would
happen when we united two or more elements, even supposing those elements
were new to us; and if, by reasoning inductively from each element, we
could arrive at the same conclusion, one process would corroborate the
other, and, by their mutual verification, the science would be complete.
In chemistry, we cannot do this; therefore, chemistry is not yet a
science, although, since the introduction into it, by Dalton, of the
ideas of weight and number, there is every prospect of its becoming one.
On the other hand, astronomy is a science, because, by employing the
deductive weapon of mathematics, we can compute the motions and
perturbations of bodies; and, by employing the inductive weapon of
observation, the telescope reveals to us the accuracy of our previous,
and, as it were, foregone, inferences. The fact agrees with the idea; the
particular event confirms the general principle; the principle explains
the event; and their unanimity authorizes us to believe that we must be
right, since, proceed as we may, the conclusion is the same; and the
inductive plan, of striking averages, harmonizes with the deductive plan,
of reasoning from ideas.
[639] In 1731, Wodrow, who was the last really great specimen of the old
Presbyterian divines, and who was not a little shocked at the
changes he saw going on around him, writes: 'When Dr. Calamy heard
of Mr. Hutcheson's being called to Glasgow, he smiled, and said, I
think to Thomas Randy, that he was not for Scotland, as he thought
from his book; and that he would be reckoned there as unorthodox
as Mr. Simson. The Doctor has a strange way of fishing out privat
storyes and things that pass in Scotland.' _Wodrow's Analecta_,
vol. iv. p. 227. It is interesting to compare with this, the
remarks which that worldly-minded clergyman, the Rev. Alexander
Carlyle, has made upon Hutcheson. See _Carlyle's Autobiography_,
Edinburgh, 1860, 2d edit. pp. 82-85.
But, in the study of morals there is no such harmony. Partly from the
force of prejudice, and partly from the complexity of the subject, all
attempts at a scientific investigation of morals have failed. It is not,
therefore, surprising that, in this field, the inductive inquirer arrives
at one conclusion, and the deductive inquirer at another. The inductive
inquirer endeavours to attain his object by observing the actions of men,
and subjecting them to analysis, in order to learn the principles which
regulate them. The deductive inquirer, beginning at the other end,
assumes certain principles as original, and reasons from them to the
facts which actually appear in the world. The former proceeds from the
concrete to the abstract; the latter, from the abstract to the concrete.
The inductive moralist looks at the history of past society, or at the
condition of the present, and takes for granted that the first step is,
to assemble the facts, and then to generalize them. The deductive
inquirer, using the facts rather to illustrate his principles, than to
suggest them, appeals, in the first place, not to external facts, but to
internal ideas, and he makes those ideas the major premiss of a
syllogistic argument. Both parties agree, that we have the power of
judging some actions to be right, and others to be wrong. But as to how
we get that power, and as to what that power is, they are at utter
variance. The inductive philosopher says, that its object is happiness,
that we get it by association, and that it is due to the action and
reaction of social causes, which are susceptible of analysis. The
deductive philosopher says, that this power of distinguishing between
right and wrong, aims, not at happiness, but at truth; that it is
inherent, that it cannot be analyzed, that it is a primary conviction,
and that we may assume it and reason from it, but can never hope to
explain it by reasoning to it.
It requires but a slight acquaintance with the works of Hutcheson to see
that he belongs to the latter of these two schools. He assumes, that all
men have what he terms a moral faculty, which, being an original
principle, does not admit of analysis.[640] He further assumes, that the
business of this faculty is to regulate all our powers.[641] From these
two assumptions, he reasons downwards to the visible facts of our
conduct, and deductively constructs the general scheme of life. His plan
being entirely synthetic, he depreciates the analytic method, and
complains of it as an artful attempt to diminish the number of our
perceptive powers.[642] The truth is, that every such diminution would
have taken away some of his original principles, and would thereby have
prevented him from using them as the major premisses of separate
arguments. And if you deprive a deductive reasoner of his major
premisses, you leave him nothing on which to stand. Hutcheson, therefore,
like all the philosophers of his school, was extremely jealous of the
invasions of the inductive spirit, with its constant tendency to attack
convictions supposed to be primary, and seek to resolve them into their
elements. He repulsed such encroachments upon his major premisses,
because the power and beauty of his method were displayed in reasoning
from the premisses, and not in reasoning to them. According to him, the
moral faculty, and the authority which it exercised, were impervious to
analysis; it was impossible to track them higher, or to resolve them into
simpler constituents; and it was in vain that many attempted to refer
them to circumstances external to themselves, such as education, custom,
or the association of ideas.[643]
[640] In his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 52, he calls it 'an original
determination or sense in our nature, not capable of being
referred to other powers of perception.'
[641] 'This moral sense from its very nature appears to be designed for
regulating and controlling all our powers.' _Hutcheson's Moral
Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 61.
[642] See, in his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 79, his complaint
against those who 'would reduce all our perceptive powers to a
very small number, by one artful reference or another.'
[643] ''Tis in vain here to alledge instruction, education, custom, or
association of ideas, as the original of moral approbation.'
_Hutcheson's Moral Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 57. Compare his work on
_Beauty and Virtue_, p. 84.
Hence, the judgments which men pass upon the conduct of others, or of
themselves, are, in their origin, altogether inexplicable; each judgment
being merely a different form of one great moral faculty. Inasmuch,
however, as that faculty escapes observation, and is only known by its
results, it is evident that, for all purposes of reasoning, the judgments
must be deemed primary, and arguments are to be constructed from them, as
if they were the ultimate and highest conditions of our nature. In this
way, Hutcheson was led to that love of multiplying original principles,
which Sir James Mackintosh has justly noticed as a characteristic of his
philosophy, and, after him, of the Scotch philosophy in general;[644]
though the distinguished author of this remark has failed to perceive
that such characteristic was but a single part of a far larger scheme,
and was intimately connected with those habits of deductive thought which
a long train of preceding circumstances had indelibly imprinted on the
Scotch mind.
[644] 'To him may also be ascribed that proneness to multiply ultimate
and original principles in human nature, which characterised the
Scottish School till the second extinction of a passion for
metaphysical speculation in Scotland.' _Mackintosh's Dissertation
on Ethical Philosophy_, edit. Whewell, Edinburgh, 1837, p. 208.
In Hutcheson, the tendency was so strong, as to make him believe, that,
by arguing from a certain number of original principles, he could
construct the theory and explain the march of human affairs, with little
or no aid from the experience of the past, or, indeed, of the present.
His views, for instance, respecting the nature and objects of
legislation, criminal, as well as civil, might have been written by a
recluse who had never quitted his hermitage, and whose purity was still
unsoiled by the realities of the world. Starting from the so-called
nature of things, his first steps were ideal, and from them he sought to
advance to the actual. In his account of the duties of life, as they
existed before the power of government was consolidated, he quotes no
evidence to show what really happened among barbarous tribes who were in
that state; but he contents himself with deductive inferences from the
principles he had previously laid down.[645] Difficult questions relating
to the laws of property, are treated in the same manner; that is to say,
the conclusions respecting them are arrived at on speculative grounds,
and not by comparing how the different enactments have worked in
different countries.[646] Experience is either shut out, or made
subordinate to theory; and facts are adduced to illustrate the inference,
but not to suggest it. So, too, the proper relation between the people
and their rulers, and the amount of liberty which the people should
possess, instead of being inductively generalized from an historical
inquiry into the circumstances which had produced most happiness, might,
in the opinion of Hutcheson, be ascertained by reasoning from the nature
of government, and from the ends for which it was instituted.[647]
[645] See his ingenious chapter, entitled 'A deduction of the more
special laws of nature and duties of life, previous to civil
government, and other adventitious states.' _Moral Philosophy_,
vol. i. p. 227; and compare vol. ii. pp. 294-309, 'How civil power
is acquired.'
[646] See, for example, his remarks on 'the right of possession.' _Moral
Philosophy_, vol. i. p. 344; on 'rights by mortgage,' p. 350; and
on inheritance, p. 356.
[647] In his _Moral Philosophy_, vol. ii. pp. 346, 347, he sums up a
long argument on 'the nature of civil laws,' by saying: 'Thus the
general duties of magistrates and subjects are discoverable from
the nature of the trust committed to them, and the end of all
civil power.'
The next great attempt to study the actions of men scientifically, and to
generalize the principles of their conduct without the intervention of
supernatural ideas, was made by Adam Smith, who, in 1759, published his
_Theory of Moral Sentiments_, and, in 1776, his _Wealth of Nations_. To
understand the philosophy of this, by far the greatest of all the Scotch
thinkers, both works must be taken together, and considered as one;
since they are, in reality, the two divisions of a single subject. In
the _Moral Sentiments_, he investigates the sympathetic part of human
nature; in the _Wealth of Nations_, he investigates its selfish part. And
as all of us are sympathetic as well as selfish; in other words, as all
of us look without as well as within, and as this classification is a
primary and exhaustive division of our motives to action, it is evident,
that if Adam Smith had completely accomplished his vast design, he would
at once have raised the study of human nature to a science, leaving
nothing for subsequent inquirers except to ascertain the minor springs of
affairs, all of which would find their place in this general scheme, and
be deemed subordinate to it. In his attempt to perform this prodigious
task, and to traverse the enormous field which he saw lying before him,
he soon perceived that an inductive investigation was impossible, because
it would require the labour of many lives even to assemble the materials
from which the generalization was to be made. Moved by this reflection,
and, probably, moved still more by the intellectual habits which
prevailed around him, he resolved on adopting the deductive method
instead of the inductive; but, in seeking for the premisses from which he
was to reason, and on which his structure was to be built, he resorted to
a peculiar artifice, which is perfectly valid, and which he had an
undoubted right to employ, though, to make it available, requires such
delicate tact, and involves so many refinements, that extremely few
writers have used it with effect on social questions either before or
since.
The plan to which I allude is, that when any subject becomes unmanageable
by the inductive method, whether from the impossibility of experimenting
upon it, or from its extreme natural complexity, or from the presence of
immense and bewildering details collected around it, we may, in all such
cases, make an imaginary separation of inseparable facts; and reason upon
trains of events which have no real and independent existence, and which
are nowhere to be found except in the mind of the inquirer. A result
obtained in this way, cannot be strictly true; but, if we have reasoned
accurately, it will be as near truth as were the premisses from which we
started. To make it perfectly true, we must confront it with other
results, which we have arrived at in a similar way, and from the same
subject. These separate inferences may eventually be coördinated into a
single system; so that, while each inference contains only an imperfect
truth, the whole of the inferences, when put together, will contain
perfect truth.
Such hypothetical arguments are evidently based upon an intentional
suppression of facts; and the artifice is necessary, because, without the
suppression, the facts would be unmanageable. Each argument leads to a
conclusion which approximates to truth; hence, whenever the premisses are
so comprehensive as almost to exhaust the facts to which they refer, the
conclusion will be so near to complete truth as to be of the greatest
value, even before it is coördinated with other conclusions drawn from
the same department of inquiry.
Geometry exhibits the most perfect example of this logical stratagem. The
object of the geometrician is, to generalize the laws of space; in other
words, to ascertain the necessary and universal relations of its various
parts. Inasmuch, however, as space would have no parts unless it were
divided, the geometrician is forced to assume such a division; and he
takes the simplest possible form of it, a division by lines. Now, a line
considered as a fact, that is, as it is found in the actual world, must
always have two qualities, length and breadth. However slight these
qualities may be, every line has them both. But if the geometrician took
both into consideration, he would find himself in the presence of a
problem too complicated for the resources of the human understanding to
deal with; or, at all events, too complicated for the present resources
of our knowledge. He, therefore, by a scientific artifice, deliberately
strikes off one of these qualities, and asserts that a line is length
without breadth. He knows that the assertion is false, but he also knows
that it is necessary. For, if you deny it, he can prove nothing. If you
insist upon his letting into his premisses the idea of breadth, he is
unable to proceed, and the whole fabric of geometry falls to the ground.
Since, however, the breadth of the faintest line is so slight as to be
incapable of measurement, except by an instrument used under the
microscope, it follows that the assumption, that there can be lines
without breadth, is so nearly true, that our senses, when unassisted by
art, cannot detect the error. Formerly, and until the invention of the
micrometer, in the seventeenth century, it was impossible to detect it at
all. Hence, the conclusions of the geometrician approximate so close to
truth, that we are justified in accepting them as true. The flaw is too
minute to be perceived. But that there is a flaw, appears to me certain.
It appears certain, that whenever something is kept back in the
premisses, something must be wanting in the conclusion. In all such
cases, the field of inquiry has not been entirely covered; and part of
the preliminary facts being suppressed, it must, I think, be admitted,
that complete truth is unattainable, and that no problem in geometry has
yet been exhaustively solved.[648]
[648] That is, so far as the facts are concerned. Geometry, considered
in the most elevated manner, rests on ideas, and from that point
of view is impregnable, unless the axioms can be overthrown. But
if geometricians will insist on having definitions as well as
axioms, they gain, no doubt, increased clearness, but they lose
something in accuracy. I apprehend that, without definitions,
geometry could not be a science of space, but would be a science
of magnitudes, ideally conceived and consequently as pure as
ratiocination could make it. This does not touch the question as
to the empirical origin of the axioms.
Still, the amazing triumphs effected in this branch of mathematics, show
how powerful a weapon that form of deduction is, which proceeds by an
artificial separation of facts, in themselves inseparable. So little,
however, is the philosophy of the method understood, that when, late in
the eighteenth century, political economy assumed a scientific form, many
persons, who were otherwise well instructed, reproached its cultivators
with their hard-heartedness; such objectors being unable to see, that the
science could not be constructed if it were necessary to take in the
whole range of generous and benevolent affections. The political
economist aims at discovering the laws of wealth, which are far too
complicated to be studied under every aspect. He, therefore, selects one
of those aspects, and generalizes the laws as they are exhibited in the
selfish parts of human nature. And he is right in doing so, simply
because men, in the pursuit of wealth, consider their own gratification
oftener than the gratification of others. Hence, he, like the
geometrician, blots out one part of his premisses, in order that he may
manipulate the remaining part with greater ease. But we must always
remember, that political economy, though a profound and beautiful
science, is only a science of one department of life, and is founded upon
a suppression of some of the facts in which all large societies abound.
It suppresses, or, what comes to the same thing, it ignores, many high
and magnanimous feelings which we could ill afford to lose. We are not,
therefore, to allow its conclusions to override all other conclusions. We
may accept them in science, and yet reject them in practice. Thus, the
political economist, when confining himself to his own department, says,
with good reason, that it is both absurd and mischievous for government
to undertake to supply the working-classes with employment. This
assertion, he, as a political economist, can prove; and yet,
notwithstanding its scientific truth, it may be practically right for a
government to do the exact opposite. It may be right for a government to
supply the employment, when the people are so ignorant as to demand it,
and when, at the same time, they are so powerful as to plunge the country
into anarchy if the demand is refused. Here, the view of the politician
takes in all the premisses of which the political economist had only
taken in a portion. In the same way, as a matter of economic science, it
is wrong for any one to relieve the poor; since nothing is better
established, than that to relieve poverty increases it, by encouraging
improvidence. But, in spite of this, the antagonistic principle of
sympathy will come into play, and will, in some minds, operate with such
force, as to make it advisable, that he who feels it should give alms,
because, if he abstains from giving them, the violence which he does to
his own nature may inflict more mischief on himself, than his bestowal of
charity would inflict on the general interests of society.
It will not, I hope, be considered that, in these remarks, I have
digressed from the main argument of the present chapter, since, although,
in making them, I have aimed at clearing up a general question respecting
the nature of scientific proof, I have only done so with the more
particular object of illustrating the philosophy of Adam Smith, and of
explaining the method which that most profound and original thinker
pursued. We shall now be able to see how entirely his plan was deductive,
and what a peculiar form of deduction it was. In his two great works, he
first lays down certain ideas, and from them he marches on to the facts
of the external world. And, in each work, he reasons from only part of
his premisses; supplying the other part in the other work. None of us are
exclusively selfish, and none of us are exclusively sympathetic. But Adam
Smith separates in speculation qualities which are inseparable in
reality. In his _Moral Sentiments_, he ascribes our actions to sympathy;
in his _Wealth of Nations_, he ascribes them to selfishness. A short view
of these two works will prove the existence of this fundamental
difference, and will enable us to perceive that each is supplementary to
the other; so that, in order to understand either, it is necessary to
study both.
In the _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, Adam Smith lays down one great
principle from which he reasons, and to which all the others are
subordinate. This principle is, that the rules which we prescribe to
ourselves, and which govern our conduct, are solely arrived at by
observing the conduct of others.[649] We judge ourselves, because we had
previously judged them. Our notions are obtained from without, and not
from within. If, therefore, we lived entirely alone, we could have no
idea of merit or demerit, and it would be impossible for us to form an
opinion as to whether our sentiments were right or wrong.[650] To acquire
this knowledge, we must look abroad. Inasmuch, however, as we have no
direct experience of what other persons actually feel, we can only gain
the information by conceiving what we should feel if we were in their
place.[651] Hence, all men are, in imagination, constantly changing
situations with others; and though the change is ideal, and lasts but for
a moment, it is the foundation of that great and universal impulse which
is called Sympathy.[652]
[649] 'Our continual observations upon the conduct of others, insensibly
lead us to form to ourselves certain general rules concerning what
is fit and proper either to be done or to be avoided.' ... 'It is
thus that the general rules of morality are formed. They are
ultimately founded upon experience of what, in particular
instances, our moral faculties, our natural sense of merit and
propriety, approve or disapprove of. We do not originally approve
or condemn particular actions; because, upon examination, they
appear to be agreeable or inconsistent with a certain general
rule. The general rule, on the contrary, is formed by finding from
experience that all actions of a certain kind, or circumstanced in
a certain manner, are approved of or disapproved of.' _Smith's
Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 219, 220. At p. 153: 'We
either approve or disapprove of our own conduct according as we
feel that, when we place ourselves in the situation of another
man, and view it, as it were, with his eyes and from his station,
we either can or cannot entirely enter into and sympathize with
the sentiments and motives which influenced it.'
[650] 'Were it possible that a human creature could grow up to manhood
in some solitary place, without any communication with his own
species, he could no more think of his own character, of the
propriety or demerit of his own sentiments and conduct, of the
beauty or deformity of his own mind, than of the beauty and
deformity of his own face.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_,
vol. i. p. 154. 'Our first moral criticisms are exercised upon the
characters and conduct of other people.' p. 156.
[651] 'As we have no immediate experience of what other men feel, we can
form no idea of the manner in which they are affected, but by
conceiving what we ourselves should feel in the like situation.'
_Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 2.
[652] 'That imaginary change of situation, upon which their sympathy is
founded, is but momentary.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_,
vol. i. p. 21. Compare vol. ii. p. 206.
By proceeding from these premisses, a vast number of social phenomena may
be explained. We naturally sympathize with joy more than with
sorrow.[653] Hence, that admiration for prosperous and successful
persons, which is quite independent of any benefit we expect from them;
and hence, too, the existence of different ranks and of social
distinctions, all of which emanate from the same source.[654] Hence,
also, the feeling of loyalty, which is a product, not of reason, nor of
fear, nor of a sense of public convenience, but rather of sympathy with
those above us, begetting an extraordinary compassion for even their
ordinary sufferings.[655] Custom and fashion play a great part in the
world, but they owe their origin entirely to sympathy;[656] and so do the
various systems of philosophy which have flourished at different times,
the disagreement between which depends on the fact, that each philosopher
has sympathized with different ideas, some sympathizing with the notion
of fitness or congruity, some with that of prudence, some with that of
benevolence, and every one developing the conception paramount in his own
mind.[657] To sympathy, again, we must ascribe the establishment of
rewards and punishments, and the whole of our criminal laws, none of
which would have existed but for our disposition to sympathize with those
who either do good or suffer harm; for the circumstance of society being
protected by penal laws, is a subsequent and subordinate discovery,
which confirms our sense of their propriety, but did not suggest it.[658]
The same principle causes the difference of character exhibited by
different classes, such as the irritability of poets, compared with the
coolness of mathematicians;[659] it likewise causes that social
difference between the sexes, which makes men more remarkable for
generosity, and women for humanity.[660] All these results illustrate the
workings of sympathy, and are the remote, but still the direct,
operations of that principle. Indeed, we can trace to it some of the
minutest divisions of character; pride and vanity, for instance, being
dependent on it, although those two passions are often confused together,
and are sometimes strangely blended in the same mind.[661]
[653] 'I will venture to affirm that, when there is no envy in the case,
our propensity to sympathize with joy is much stronger than our
propensity to sympathize with sorrow.' _Smith's Theory of Moral
Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 58. 'It is because mankind are disposed to
sympathize more entirely with our joy than with our sorrow, that
we make parade of our riches, and conceal our poverty.' p. 65.
[654] 'Upon this disposition of mankind to go along with all the
passions of the rich and the powerful, is founded the distinction
of ranks, and the order of society. Our obsequiousness to our
superiors more frequently arises from our admiration for the
advantages of their situation, than from any private expectations
of benefit from their good will.' _Smith's Theory of Moral
Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 69. See also vol. ii. p. 72.
[655] See the striking remarks in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i.
p. 70-72.
[656] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.
[657] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 131-244. This sketch of
the different systems of philosophy is perhaps the ablest part of
the book, notwithstanding two or three errors which it contains.
[658] _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 89, 92, 115,
116. The utmost which he will concede to the notion of social
convenience, is that 'we frequently have occasion to confirm our
natural sense of the propriety and fitness of punishment, by
reflecting how necessary it is for preserving the order of
society.' p. 122.
[659] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. pp. 172-174.
[660] 'Humanity is the virtue of a woman, generosity of a man. The fair
sex, who have commonly much more tenderness than ours, have seldom
so much generosity.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol.
ii. p. 19. Sufficient facts have not yet been collected to enable
us to test the truth of this remark, and the loose experience of
individual observers is worth very little on so wide a subject.
Still, I venture to doubt the truth of Adam Smith's distinction. I
suspect that women are, on the whole, more generous than men, as
well as more tender. But to establish a proposition of this sort,
would require the most extensive research, made by a careful and
analytic mind; and, at present, there is not even any tolerably
good work on the mental characteristics which distinguish the
sexes, and there never will be one until physiology is united with
biography.
[661] _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. pp. 115-122.
Sympathy, then, is the main-spring of human conduct. It arises, not so
much from witnessing the passions of other persons, as from witnessing
the situation which excites those passions.[662] To this single process
we are indebted, not only for the highest principles, but also for the
deepest emotions. For, the greatest affection of which we are capable, is
merely sympathy fixed into habit; and the love which exists between the
nearest relations, is not inherent, but is derived from this mighty and
controlling principle, which governs the whole course of affairs.[663]
[662] 'Sympathy, therefore, does not arise so much from the view of the
passion, as from that of the situation which excites it.' _Smith's
Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 6.
[663] 'What is called affection, is, in reality, nothing but habitual
sympathy.' _Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. p. 63.
'In some tragedies and romances, we meet with many beautiful and
interesting scenes, founded upon what is called the force of
blood, or upon the wonderful affection which near relations are
supposed to conceive for one another, even before they know that
they have any such connection. This force of blood, however, I am
afraid, exists nowhere but in tragedies and romances.' p. 66.
By this bold hypothesis, Adam Smith, at one stroke, so narrowed the field
of inquiry, as to exclude from it all considerations of selfishness as a
primary principle, and only to admit its great antagonist, sympathy. The
existence of the antagonism, he distinctly recognizes. For, he will not
allow that sympathy is in any way to be deemed a selfish principle.[664]
Although he knew that it is pleasurable, and that all pleasure contains
an element of selfishness, it did not suit the method of his philosophy
to subject the principle of sympathy to such an inductive analysis as
would reveal its elements. His business was, to reason from it, and not
to it. Concentrating his energy upon the deductive process, and
displaying that dialectic skill which is natural to his countrymen, and
of which he himself was one of the most consummate masters the world has
ever seen, he constructed a system of philosophy, imperfect indeed,
because the premisses were imperfect, but approaching truth as closely as
it was possible for any one to do who abstained from giving due
consideration to the selfish part of human nature. Into the workings of
its sympathetic part, he looked with a minuteness, and he reasoned from
it with a subtlety, which make his work the most important that has ever
been written on this interesting subject. But, inasmuch as his plan
involved a deliberate suppression of preliminary and essential facts, the
results which he obtained do not strictly correspond to those which are
actually observed in the world.[665] This, however, as I have shown, is
not a valid objection; since such discrepancy between the ideal and the
actual, or between the abstract and the concrete, is the necessary
consequence of that still early condition of our knowledge, which forces
us to study complicated questions piecemeal, and to raise them to
sciences by separate and fragmentary investigations.
[664] 'Sympathy, however, cannot, in any sense, be regarded as a selfish
principle.' _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. ii. p. 206. In
vol. i. p. 9, he complains of 'those who are fond of deducing all
our sentiments from certain refinements of self-love.'
[665] This is noticed by Sir James Mackintosh, whose sketch of Adam Smith
is hasty, and somewhat superficial, but who, nevertheless, truly
observes, that Smith 'has exposed himself to objections founded on
experience, to which it is impossible to attempt any answer.'
_Mackintosh's Dissertation on Ethical Philosophy_, pp. 239, 240.
See also a letter from Hume to Adam Smith, in _Burton's Life and
Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 60.
That Adam Smith saw this necessity, and that his seeing it was the cause
of the method he pursued, is evident from the fact, that in his next
great work he followed the same plan, and, though he argued from new
premisses, he carefully avoided arguing from any of the old ones.
Convinced that, in his theory of morals, he had reasoned as accurately as
possible from the principles supplied by sympathy, his capacious and
insatiable mind, deeming that nothing had been done while aught remained
to do, urged him to pass on to the opposite passion of selfishness, and
treat it in the same manner, so that the whole domain of thought might be
covered. This he did in his _Wealth of Nations_, which, though even a
greater work than his _Moral Sentiments_, is equally one-sided, in
reference to the principles which it assumes. It assumes that selfishness
is the main regulator of human affairs, just as his previous work had
assumed sympathy to be so. Between the two works there elapsed an
interval of seventeen years; the _Wealth of Nations_ not being published
till 1776. But what shows that to their author both were part of a single
scheme, is the notable circumstance, that, so early as 1753, he had laid
down the principles which his later work contains.[666] This was while
his former work was still in meditation, and before it had seen the
light. It is, therefore, clear, that the study which he made, first of
one passion, and then of its opposite, was not a capricious or accidental
arrangement, but was the consequence of that vast idea which presided
over all his labours, and which, when they are rightly understood, gives
to them a magnificent unity. And a glorious object of ambition it was.
His aspiring and comprehensive genius, sweeping the distant horizon, and
taking in the intermediate space at a glance, sought to traverse the
whole ground in two separate and independent directions, indulging the
hope, that, by supplying in one line of argument the premisses which were
wanting in the other, their opposite conclusions would be compensatory
rather than hostile, and would serve as a broad and permanent basis on
which one great science of human nature might be safely built.
[666] 'Mr. Smith's political lectures, comprehending the fundamental
principles of his "Inquiry," were delivered at Glasgow as early as
the year 1752 or 1753.' _Dugald Stewart's Life of Adam Smith_,
p. lxxviii., prefixed to _Smith's Posthumous Essays_, London, 4to,
1795.
The _Wealth of Nations_ is, as I have elsewhere observed,[667] probably
the most important book which has ever been written, whether we consider
the amount of original thought which it contains, or its practical
influence. Its practical recommendations were extremely favourable to
those doctrines of freedom which the eighteenth century ushered in; and
this secured to them an attention which otherwise they would not have
received. While, therefore, the _Wealth of Nations_ was the proximate
cause of a great change in legislation,[668] a deeper analysis will show,
that the success of the book, and, consequently, the alteration of the
laws, depended upon the operation of more remote and general causes. It
must also be confessed, that those same causes predisposed the mind of
Adam Smith to the doctrines of liberty, and gave him a sort of prejudice
in favour of conclusions which limited the interference of the
legislator. Thus much he borrowed from his age; but one thing he did not
borrow. His wide and organizing mind was all his own. This would have
made him great under any circumstances; to make him powerful, required a
peculiar conjunction of events. That conjunction he enjoyed, and he
turned it to good account. The influence of his contemporaries was enough
to make him liberal; his own capacity was enough to make him
comprehensive. He had, in a most remarkable degree, that exuberance of
thought, which is one of the highest forms of genius, but which leads
those who possess it into distant excursions, which, though they have one
common aim, are often stigmatized as digressions, simply because they who
criticize are unable to discern the great principle which pervades the
whole, and unites the various parts into a single scheme. This has been
especially the case with Adam Smith, whose immortal work has often been
exposed to such shallow objections. And certainly, the _Wealth of
Nations_ displays a breadth of treatment which those who cannot
sympathize with, are very likely to ridicule. The phenomena, not only of
wealth, but also of society in general, classified and arranged under
their various forms; the origin of the division of labour, and the
consequences which that division has produced; the circumstances which
gave rise to the invention of money, and to the subsequent changes in its
value; the history of those changes traced in different ages, and the
history of the relations which the precious metals bear to each other; an
examination of the connection between wages and profits, and of the laws
which govern the rise and fall of both; another examination of the way in
which these are concerned, on the one hand, with the rent of land, and,
on the other hand, with the price of commodities; an inquiry into the
reason why profits vary in different trades, and at different times; a
succinct, but comprehensive, view of the progress of towns in Europe
since the fall of the Roman Empire; the fluctuations, during several
centuries, in the prices of the food of the people, and a statement of
how it is, that, in different stages of society, the relative cost of
land and of meat varies; the history of corporation laws and of municipal
enactments, and their bearing on the four great classes of apprentices,
manufacturers, merchants, and landlords; an account of the immense power
and riches formerly enjoyed by the clergy, and of the manner in which, as
society advances, they gradually lose their exclusive privileges; the
nature of religious dissent, and the reason why the clergy of the
established Church can never contend with it on terms of equality, and,
therefore, call on the State to help them, and wish to persecute when
they cannot persuade; why some sects profess more ascetic principles, and
others more luxurious ones; how it was, that, during the feudal times,
the nobles acquired their power, and how that power has, ever since, been
gradually diminishing; how the rights of territorial jurisdiction
originated, and how they died away; how the sovereigns of Europe obtained
their revenue, what the sources of it are, and what classes are most
heavily taxed in order to supply it; the cause of certain virtues, such
as hospitality, flourishing in barbarous ages, and decaying in civilized
ones; the influence of inventions and discoveries in altering the
distribution of power among the various classes of society; a bold and
masterly sketch of the peculiar sort of advantages which Europe derived
from the discovery of America and of the passage round the Cape; the
origin of universities, their degeneracy from their original plan, the
corruption which has gradually crept over them, and the reason why they
are so unwilling to adopt improvements, and to keep pace with the wants
of the age; a comparison between public and private education, and an
estimate of their relative advantages;--these, and a vast number of other
subjects, respecting the structure and development of society, such as
the feudal system, slavery, emancipation of serfs, origin of standing
armies, and of mercenary troops, effects produced by tithes, laws of
primogeniture, sumptuary laws, international treaties concerning trade,
rise of European banks, national debts, influence of dramatic
representations over opinions, influence of foreign travels over
opinions, colonies, poor-laws,--all topics of a miscellaneous character,
and many of them diverging from each other,--all are fused into one great
system, and irradiated by the splendour of one great genius. Into that
dense and disorderly mass, did Adam Smith introduce symmetry, method, and
law. At his touch, anarchy disappeared, and darkness was succeeded by
light. Much, of course, he took from his predecessors, though nothing
like so much as is commonly supposed. On this sort of borrowing, the best
and strongest of us are dependent. But, after making every possible
allowance for what he gathered from others, we must honestly say, that no
single man ever took so great a step upon so important a subject, and
that no single work which is now preserved, contains so many views, which
were novel at the time, but which subsequent experience has ratified.
What, however, for our present purpose, is most important to observe, is,
that he obtained these results by arguing from principles which the
selfish part of human nature exclusively supplied, and that he omitted
those sympathetic feelings of which every human being possesses at least
some share, but which he could not take into consideration, without
producing a problem, the number of whose complications it would have been
hopeless to unravel.
[667] _History of Civilization_, vol. i. p. 214.
[668] 'Perhaps the only book which produced an immediate, general, and
irrevocable change in some of the most important parts of the
legislation of all civilized states.' _Mackintosh's Ethical
Philosophy_, p. 232. But this is too strongly expressed, as the
economical history of France and Germany decisively proves.
To avoid, therefore, being baffled, he simplified the problem, by erasing
from his view of human nature those premisses which he had already
handled in his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_. At the beginning of the
_Wealth of Nations_, he lays down two propositions: 1st, that all wealth
is derived, not from land, but from labour; and 2d, that the amount of
the wealth depends, partly on the skill with which the labour is
conducted, and partly on the proportion between the number of those who
labour and the number of those who do not labour. The rest of the work,
is an application of these principles, to explain the growth and
mechanism of society. In applying them, he everywhere assumes, that the
great moving power of all men, all interests, and all classes, in all
ages, and in all countries, is selfishness. The opposite power of
sympathy he entirely shuts out; and I hardly remember an instance in
which even the word occurs in the whole course of his work. Its
fundamental assumption is, that each man exclusively follows his own
interest, or what he deems to be his own interest. And one of the
peculiar features of his book is, to show that, considering society as a
whole, it nearly always happens that men, in promoting their own
interest, will unintentionally promote the interest of others. Hence, the
great practical lesson is, not to restrain selfishness, but to enlighten
it; because there is a provision in the nature of things, by which the
selfishness of the individual accelerates the progress of the community.
According to this view, the prosperity of a country depends on the amount
of its capital; the amount of its capital depends on the habit of saving,
that is, on parsimony, as opposed to generosity; while the habit of
saving is, in its turn, governed by the desire we all feel of bettering
our condition,--a desire so inherent in our nature, that it comes with us
from the womb, and only leaves us in the grave.[669]
[669] 'Parsimony, and not industry, is the immediate cause of the
increase of capital. Industry, indeed, provides the subject which
parsimony accumulates; but whatever industry might acquire, if
parsimony did not save and store up, the capital would never be
the greater.' ... 'But the principle which prompts to save, is the
desire of bettering our condition; a desire which, though
generally calm and dispassionate, comes with us from the womb, and
never leaves us till we go into the grave.' _Smith's Wealth of
Nations_, book ii. chap. iii. pp. 138, 140, edit. Edinb. 1839.
This constant effort of every man, to better his own condition, is so
salutary, as well as so powerful, that it is often capable of securing
the progress of society, in spite of the folly and extravagance of the
rulers of mankind.[670] If it were not for this propensity, improvement
would be impossible. For human institutions are constantly stopping our
advance, by thwarting our natural inclinations.[671] And no wonder that
this should be the case, seeing that the men who are at the head of
affairs, and by whom the institutions are contrived, have, perhaps, a
certain rough and practical sagacity; but being, from the narrowness of
their understandings, incapable of large views, their councils are
determined by those mere casual fluctuations which alone they are able to
perceive.[672] They do not see that we have prospered, not on account of
their enactments, but in the teeth of them; and that the real cause of
our prosperity is the fact that we enjoy undisturbed the fruit of our own
labour.[673] Whenever this right is tolerably secure, every man will be
bent on procuring for himself either present enjoyment or future profit;
and if he does not aim at one of these objects, he is void of common
understanding.[674] If he possess capital, he will probably aim at both,
but, in doing so, he will never consider the interest of others; his sole
motive will be his own private profit.[675] And it is well that such
should be the case. For, by thus pursuing his personal interest, he aids
society more than if his views were generous and exalted. Some people
affect to carry on trade for the good of others; but this is mere
affectation, though, to say the truth, it is an affectation not very
common among merchants, and many words are not needed to dissuade them
from so foolish a practice.[676]
[670] 'The uniform, constant, and uninterrupted effort of every man to
better his condition, the principle from which public and
national, as well as private, opulence is originally derived, is
frequently powerful enough to maintain the natural progress of
things towards improvement, in spite both of the extravagance of
government and of the greatest errors of administration. Like the
unknown principle of animal life, it frequently restores health
and vigour to the constitution, in spite not only of the disease,
but of the absurd prescriptions of the doctor.' _Wealth of
Nations_, book ii. chap. iii. p. 141. 'The natural effort of every
individual to better his own condition, when suffered to exert
itself with freedom and security, is so powerful a principle, that
it is alone, and without any assistance, not only capable of
carrying on the society to wealth and prosperity, but of
surmounting a hundred impertinent obstructions with which the
folly of human laws too often encumbers its operations.' Book iv.
chap. v. p. 221.
[671] See an admirable passage, p. 156, too long to quote, beginning,
'If human institutions had never thwarted those natural
inclinations,' &c.
[672] 'That insidious and crafty animal, vulgarly called a statesman or
politician, whose councils are directed by the momentary
fluctuations of affairs.' _Wealth of Nations_, book iv. chap. ii.
p. 190.
[673] 'That security which the laws in Great Britain give to every man,
that he shall enjoy the fruits of his own labour, is alone
sufficient to make any country flourish, notwithstanding these and
twenty other absurd regulations of commerce.' _Wealth of Nations_,
book iv. chap. v. p. 221.
[674] 'In all countries where there is a tolerable security, every man
of common understanding will endeavour to employ whatever stock he
can command, in procuring either present enjoyment or future
profit.' _Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. i. p. 115.
[675] 'The consideration of his own private profit is the sole motive
which determines the owner of any capital to employ it either in
agriculture, in manufactures, or in some particular branch of the
wholesale or retail trade.' _Wealth of Nations_, book ii. chap. v.
p. 154.
[676] 'By pursuing his own interest, he frequently promotes that of the
society more effectually than when he really intends to promote
it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to
trade for the public good. It is an affectation, indeed, not very
common among merchants, and very few words need be employed in
dissuading them from it.' _Wealth of Nations_, book iv. chap. ii.
p. 184.
In this way, Adam Smith completely changes the premisses which he had
assumed in his earlier work. Here, he makes men naturally selfish;
formerly, he had made them naturally sympathetic.[677] Here, he
represents them as pursuing wealth for sordid objects, and for the
narrowest personal pleasures; formerly he represented them as pursuing it
out of regard to the sentiments of others, and for the sake of obtaining
their sympathy.[678] In the _Wealth of Nations_, we hear no more of this
conciliatory and sympathetic spirit; such amiable maxims are altogether
forgotten, and the affairs of the world are regulated by different
principles. It now appears that benevolence and affection have no
influence over our actions. Indeed, Adam Smith will hardly admit common
humanity into his theory of motives. If a people emancipate their slaves,
it is a proof, not that the people are acted on by high moral
considerations, nor that their sympathy is excited by the cruelty
inflicted on these unhappy creatures. Nothing of the sort. Such
inducements to conduct are imaginary, and exercise no real sway. All that
the emancipation proves, is, that the slaves were few in number, and,
therefore, small in value. Otherwise, they would not have been
emancipated.[679]
[677] In his _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 21, he says that
mankind are 'naturally sympathetic.'
[678] 'Nay, it is chiefly for this regard to the sentiments of mankind,
that we pursue riches and avoid poverty.' _Theory of Moral
Sentiments_, vol. i. p. 66. 'To become the natural object of the
joyous congratulations and sympathetic attentions of mankind, is,
in this manner, the circumstance which gives to prosperity all its
dazzling splendour.' p. 78.
[679] 'The late resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania, to set at
liberty all their negro slaves, may satisfy us that their number
cannot be very great. Had they made any considerable part of their
property, such a resolution could never have been agreed to.'
_Wealth of Nations_, book iii. chap. ii. p. 159.
So, too, while in his former work, he had ascribed the different systems
of morals to the power of sympathy, he, in this work, ascribes them
entirely to the power of selfishness. He observes, that, among the lower
ranks of society, dissipation is more fatal to individuals, than it is
among the higher ranks. The extravagance which dissipation produces, may
injure the fortune of a wealthy man, but the injury is usually capable of
being repaired, or, at all events, he can indulge his vices for years
without completely destroying his fortune, and without bringing himself
to utter ruin. To the labourer, a similar indulgence would be fatal in a
single week; it would not merely reduce him to beggary, and perhaps send
him to jail, but it would destroy his future prospects, by taking away
that character for sobriety and regularity on which his employment
depends. Hence, the better class of common people, guided by their
interest, look with aversion on excesses which they know to be fatal;
while the upper ranks finding that a moderate amount of vice hurts
neither their purse nor their reputation consider such license to be one
of the advantages which their fortune confers, and they value, as one of
the privileges belonging to their station, the liberty of indulging
themselves without being censured. Therefore it is, that they who dissent
from the established Church have a purer system of morals, or, at all
events, an austerer one, than they who agree with it. For, new religious
sects usually begin among the common people, the thinking part of whom
are, by their interest, driven to strict views of the duties of life.
Consequently, the advocates of the new opinion profess a similar
strictness, seeing that it is the surest means of increasing their
proselytes. Thus it is that sectaries and heretics, governed by interest
rather than by principle, adopt a code of morals which is suited to their
own purpose, and the rigidity of which is strongly contrasted with the
laxer code of more orthodox believers.[680] Owing to the operation of the
same principle, we also find, that, among the orthodox themselves, the
clergy embrace a stricter system of morals in countries where church
benefices are nearly equal than they do in countries where the benefices
are very unequal. This is because, when all the benefices are nearly
equal, none can be very rich, and, consequently, even the most
conspicuous among the clergy will have but small incomes. But a man who
has little to spend can have no influence, unless his morals are
exemplary. Having no wealth to give him weight the vices of levity would
make him ridiculous. To avoid contempt, and also to avoid the expense
which a looseness of conduct occasions, and which his narrow
circumstances cannot afford, he has but one remedy, and that remedy he
adopts. He retains his influence, and saves his pocket, by protesting
against pleasures which he cannot conveniently enjoy; in this, as in all
other cases, pursuing that plan of life which his own interest urges him
to follow.[681]
[680] 'In every civilized society, in every society where the
distinction of ranks has once been completely established, there
have been always two different schemes or systems of morality
current at the same time; of which the one may be called the
strict or austere; the other the liberal, or, if you will, the
loose system. The former is generally revered and admired by the
common people; the latter is commonly more esteemed and adopted by
what are called the people of fashion. The degree of
disapprobation with which we ought to mark the vices of levity,
the vices which are apt to arise from great prosperity, and from
the excess of gaiety and good humour, seems to constitute the
principal distinction between those two opposite schemes or
systems. In the liberal, or loose system, luxury, wanton, and even
disorderly mirth, the pursuit of pleasure to some degree of
intemperance, the breach of chastity, at least in one of the two
sexes, provided they are not accompanied with gross indecency, and
do not lead to falsehood and injustice, are generally treated with
a good deal of indulgence, and are easily either excused or
pardoned altogether. In the austere system, on the contrary, these
excesses are regarded with the utmost abhorrence and detestation.
The vices of levity are always ruinous to the common people, and a
single week's thoughtlessness and dissipation is often sufficient
to undo a poor workman for ever, and to drive him, through
despair, upon committing the most enormous crimes. The wiser and
better sort of the common people, therefore, have always the
utmost abhorrence and detestation of such excesses, which their
experience tells them are so immediately fatal to people of their
condition. The disorder and extravagance of several years, on the
contrary, will not always ruin a man of fashion; and people of
that rank are very apt to consider the power of indulging in some
degree of excess, as one of the advantages of their fortune; and
the liberty of doing so without censure or reproach, as one of the
privileges which belong to their station. In people of their own
station, therefore, they regard such excesses with but a small
degree of disapprobation, and censure them either very slightly or
not at all.
'Almost all religious sects have begun among the common people,
from whom they have generally drawn their earliest as well as
their most numerous proselytes. The austere system of morality
has, accordingly, been adopted by those sects almost constantly,
or with very few exceptions; for there have been some. It was the
system by which they could best recommend themselves to that order
of people, to whom they first proposed their plan of reformation
upon what had been before established. Many of them, perhaps the
greater part of them, have even endeavoured to gain credit by
refining upon this austere system, and by carrying it to some
degree of folly and extravagance; and this excessive rigour has
frequently recommended them, more than any thing else, to the
respect and veneration of the common people.' ... 'In little
religious sects, accordingly, the morals of the common people have
been almost always remarkably regular and orderly; generally much
more so than in the established church. The morals of those little
sects, indeed, have frequently been rather disagreeably rigorous
and unsocial.' _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. pp. 332, 333.
[681] 'Where the church benefices are all nearly equal, none of them can
be very great; and this mediocrity of benefice, though it may, no
doubt, be carried too far, has, however, some very agreeable
effects. Nothing but exemplary morals can give dignity to a man of
small fortune. The vices of levity and vanity necessarily render
him ridiculous, and are, besides, almost as ruinous to him as they
are to the common people. In his own conduct, therefore, he is
obliged to follow that system of morals which the common people
respect the most. He gains their esteem and affection, by that
plan of life which his own interest and situation would lead him
to follow.' _Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p. 340.
In these striking generalizations, which, though they contain a large
amount of truth, are far from containing the whole truth, no room is left
for the magnanimous parts of our nature to act; but the system of morals,
prevailing at any one time or in any one class, is solely ascribed to the
dictates of unalloyed selfishness. Adam Smith, by reasoning from this
principle, with that exquisite subtlety which characterized his mind,
explains many other circumstances which society presents, and which at
first sight appear incongruous. According to the old notions, which,
indeed, are not yet quite extinct, those who received wages were under a
personal obligation to those who paid them; that is to say, they were
under a moral obligation, over and above the obligation of performing
certain services. It was believed that a master could not only select
what servants he chose, but could pay them what he chose; or, at all
events, that it was the will of the masters, considered as a body, which
fixed the usual and average rate of wages.[682] The lower classes were,
therefore, much indebted to the higher ones for giving them so much as
they did; and it was incumbent upon all persons, who received wages, to
take them with humble thankfulness, and with a feeling of gratitude, on
account of the favour bestowed upon them by the generosity of their
superiors.
[682] Besides the evidence supplied by economical treatises, the laws in
our statute-book, respecting wages, show the general conviction,
that their rate could be fixed by the upper classes.
This doctrine, so convenient to the upper classes of society, and so
natural to the universal ignorance which formerly prevailed on these
matters, began to be shaken by the speculative thinkers of the
seventeenth century; but it was reserved for the eighteenth century to
overthrow it, by letting in the great idea of necessity, and proving,
that the rate of wages established in a country, was the inevitable
consequence of the circumstances in which that country was placed, and
had no connexion with the wishes of any individual, or, indeed, with the
wishes of any class. To all instructed persons, this is now a familiar
truth. Its discovery has excluded the notion of gratitude from the
pecuniary relation between employers and employed, and has made known
that servants or workmen who receive wages, have no more reason to be
grateful than those who pay them. For, no choice having been exercised in
fixing the wages, no favour can be conferred in their payment. The whole
process is compulsory, and is the result of what had previously happened.
Scarcely had the eighteenth century passed away, when this most important
discovery was completed. It was decisively proved, that the reward of
labour depends solely on two things; namely, the magnitude of that
national fund out of which all labour is paid, and the number of the
labourers among whom the fund is to be divided.
This vast step in our knowledge is due, mainly, though not entirely, to
Malthus, whose work on Population, besides marking an epoch in the
history of speculative thought, has already produced considerable
practical results, and will probably give rise to others more
considerable still. It was published in 1798; so that Adam Smith, who
died in 1790, missed what to him would have been the intense pleasure of
seeing how, in it, his own views were expanded rather than corrected.
Indeed, it is certain, that without Smith there would have been no
Malthus; that is, unless Smith had laid the foundation, Malthus could not
have raised the superstructure. It was Adam Smith, who, far more than any
other man, introduced the conception of uniform and necessary sequence
into the apparently capricious phenomena of wealth, and who studied those
phenomena by the aid of principles, of which selfishness alone supplied
the data. According to his view, the employers of labour have, as
employers, no benevolence, no sympathy, no virtue of any kind. Their sole
aim is, their own selfish interest. They are constantly engaged in a
tacit, if not in an open, combination, to prevent the lower ranks from
being benefited by a rise of wages; and they sometimes combine for the
purpose even of depressing those wages below their actual rate.[683]
Having no bowels, they think only of themselves. The idea of their
wishing to mitigate the inequalities of fortune, is to be exploded as one
of the chimeras of that protective spirit, which imagined that society
could not go on, unless the richer classes relieved the poorer ones, and
sympathized with their troubles. This antiquated notion is further
rebutted by the fact, that wages are always higher in summer than in
winter, although the expenses which a labourer incurs in winter, being
heavier than in summer, he ought, on principles of common humanity, to
receive more money during the more expensive season.[684] In the same
way, in years of scarcity, the dearness of food causes many persons to go
to service, in order to support their families. The masters, instead of
charitably paying such servants more on account of the unfortunate
position in which they are placed, avail themselves of that position to
pay them less. They make better terms for themselves; they lower wages
just at the moment when sympathy for misfortune would have raised them;
and, as they find that their servants, besides being worse remunerated,
are, by poverty, made more submissive, they consider that scarcity is a
blessing, and that dear years are to be commended as more favourable to
industry than cheap ones.[685]
[683] 'We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combinations of masters,
though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon
this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the
world as of the subject. Masters are always and every where in a
sort of tacit, but constant and uniform, combination, not to raise
the wages of labour above their actual rate. To violate this
combination is every where a most unpopular action, and a sort of
reproach to a master among his neighbours and equals. We seldom,
indeed, hear of this combination, because it is the usual, and,
one may say, the natural state of things which nobody ever hears
of. Masters, too, sometimes enter into particular combinations to
sink the wages of labour even below this rate.' _Wealth of
Nations_, book i. chap. viii. p. 28.
[684] 'First, in almost every part of Great Britain, there is a
distinction, even in the lowest species of labour, between summer
and winter wages. Summer wages are always highest. But, on account
of the extraordinary expense of fuel, the maintenance of a family
is most expensive in winter. Wages, therefore, being highest when
this expense is lowest, it seems evident that they are not
regulated by what is necessary for this expense, but by the
quantity and supposed value of the work.' _Wealth of Nations_,
book i. chap. viii. p. 31.
[685] 'In years of scarcity, the difficulty and uncertainty of
subsistence make all such people eager to return to service. But
the high price of provisions, by diminishing the funds destined
for the maintenance of servants, disposes masters rather to
diminish than to increase the number of those they have.' ...
'Masters of all sorts, therefore, frequently make better bargains
with their servants in dear than in cheap years, and find them
more humble and dependent in the former than in the latter. They
naturally, therefore, commend the former as more favourable to
industry.' _Wealth of Nations_, book i. chap. viii. p. 35.
Adam Smith, therefore, though he failed in grasping the remote cause of
the rate of wages, clearly saw that the approximate cause was, not the
generosity of human nature, but its selfishness, and that the question
was one of supply and demand; each side striving to extract as much as
possible from the other.[686] By the aid of the same principle, he
explained another curious fact, namely, the extravagant rewards bestowed
on some of the most despicable classes of society, such, for instance, as
opera-dancers, who always receive enormous pay for insignificant
services. He observes, that one of the reasons why we pay them so highly,
is, because we despise them. If to be a public dancer were a creditable
occupation, more persons would be brought up to it, and the supply of
public dancers becoming greater, competition would lower their wages. As
it is, we look on them disdainfully. By way of compensating the disdain,
we have to bribe them largely to induce them to follow their
pursuit.[687] Here we see, that the reward which one class bestows on
another, instead of being increased by sympathy, is increased by scorn;
so that the more we contemn the tastes and the way of life of our
fellow-creatures, the more liberal we are in recompensing them.
[686] 'The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little,
as possible. The former are disposed to combine in order to raise,
the latter in order to lower, the wages of labour.' _Wealth of
Nations_, b. i. c. viii. p. 27.
[687] 'It seems absurd at first sight, that we should despise their
persons, and yet reward their talents with the most profuse
liberality. While we do the one, however, we must of necessity do
the other. Should the public opinion, or prejudice, ever alter
with regard to such occupation, their pecuniary recompense would
quickly diminish. More people would apply to them, and the
competition would quickly reduce the price of their labour. Such
talents, though far from being common, are by no means so rare as
imagined. Many people possess them in great perfection, who
disdain to make this use of them; and many more are capable of
acquiring them, if any thing could be made honourably by them.'
_Wealth of Nations_, book i. ch. x. p. 44.
Passing to another, and somewhat different, class, Adam Smith threw new
light on the cause of that hospitality for which the clergy were famous
during the Middle Ages, and for the magnificence of which they have
received great praise. He shows that, although they undoubtedly relieved
a large amount of distress, this is not to be ascribed to them as a
merit, since it resulted from the peculiarity of their position, and
since, moreover, they did it for their own advantage. In the Middle Ages,
the clergy possessed enormous wealth, and their revenues were mostly
paid, not in money, but in kind, such as corn, wine, and cattle. Trade
and manufactures being hardly known, the clergy could find no use for
these commodities except to feed other people. By employing them in that
way, they benefited themselves in the most effectual manner. They gained
a reputation for extensive charity; they increased their influence; they
multiplied the number of their adherents; and they not only advanced
themselves to temporal power, but they secured to their spiritual threats
a respect, which, without this contrivance, it would have been impossible
for them to obtain.[688]
[688] 'Over and above the rents of those estates, the clergy possessed
in the tithes a very large portion of the rents of all the other
estates in every kingdom of Europe. The revenues arising from both
those species of rents were, the greater part of them, paid in
kind, in corn, wine, cattle, poultry, &c. The quantity exceeded
greatly what the clergy could themselves consume; and there were
neither arts nor manufactures, for the produce of which they could
exchange the surplus. The clergy could derive advantage from this
immense surplus in no other way than by employing it, as the great
barons employed the like surplus of their revenues, in the most
profuse hospitality, and in the most extensive charity. Both the
hospitality and the charity of the ancient clergy, accordingly,
are said to have been very great.' ... 'The hospitality and
charity of the clergy, too, not only gave them the command of a
great temporal force, but increased very much the weight of their
spiritual weapons. Those virtues procured them the highest respect
and veneration among all the inferior ranks of people, of whom
many were constantly, and almost all occasionally, fed by them.'
_Wealth of Nations_, book v. chap. i. p. 336.
The reader will now be able to understand the nature of that method of
investigation which is adopted in the _Wealth of Nations_, and of which I
have given more instances than I should otherwise have done, partly
because the question of philosophic method lies at the very root of our
knowledge, and partly because no attempt has hitherto been made to
analyze the intellect of Adam Smith, by considering his two great works
as the opposite, but yet the compensatory, parts of a single scheme. And,
as he is by far the greatest thinker Scotland has produced, I need hardly
apologize, in a history of the Scotch mind, for devoting so much
attention to his system, and endeavouring to examine it at its base. But,
having done so, it would be a needless prolixity to treat with equal
fulness the productions of those other eminent Scotchmen who lived at the
same time, and nearly all of whom pursued a method essentially, though
not entirely, the same; that is to say, they preferred the deductive
process of reasoning from principles, to the inductive process of
reasoning to them. In that peculiar form of deduction which consists in a
deliberate suppression of part of the principles, Adam Smith stands
alone. For, though others attempted to follow that plan, they did so
irregularly, and at intervals, and did not, like him, see the importance
of keeping close to their method, and of invariably abstaining from
letting into the premisses of their arguments, considerations which would
complicate the problem that they wished to solve.
Among the contemporaries of Adam Smith, one of the first, in eminence, as
well as in reputation, is David Hume. His views respecting political
economy were published in 1752,[689] that is, the very year in which Adam
Smith taught the principles subsequently unfolded in the _Wealth of
Nations_. But Hume, though a most accomplished reasoner, as well as a
profound and fearless thinker, had not the comprehensiveness of Adam
Smith, nor had he that invaluable quality of imagination without which no
one can so transport himself into past ages as to realize the long and
progressive movements of society, always fluctuating, yet, on the whole,
steadily advancing. How unimaginative he was, appears, not only from the
sentiments he expressed, but likewise from many traits in his private
life.[690] It appears, also, in the very colour and mechanism of his
language; that beautiful and chiselled style in which he habitually
wrote, polished as marble, but cold as marble too, and wanting that fiery
enthusiasm and those bursts of tempestuous eloquence, which, ever and
anon, great objects naturally inspire, and which rouse men to their
inmost depths. This it was, which, in his _History of England_,--that
exquisite production of art, which, in spite of its errors, will be
admired as long as taste remains among us,--prevented him from
sympathizing with those bold and generous natures, who, in the
seventeenth century, risked their all to preserve the liberty of their
country. His imagination was not strong enough to picture the whole of
that great century, with its vast discoveries, its longings after the
unknown, its splendid literature, and what was better than all these, its
stern determination to vindicate freedom, and to put down tyranny. His
clear and powerful understanding saw these things separately, and in
their various parts, but could not fuse them into a single form, because
he lacked that peculiar faculty which assimilates the past to the
present, and enables the mind to discern both with almost equal ease.
That Great Rebellion, which he ascribed to the spirit of faction, and the
leaders of which he turned into ridicule, was but the continuation of a
movement which can be clearly traced to the twelfth century, and of which
such events as the invention of printing, and the establishment of the
Reformation, were merely successive symptoms. For all this, Hume cared
nothing. In regard to philosophy, and in regard to the purely speculative
parts of religious doctrines, his penetrating genius enabled him to
perceive that nothing could be done, except by a spirit of fearless and
unrestrained liberty. But this was the liberty of his own class; the
liberty of thinkers, and not of actors. His absence of imagination
prevented him from extending the range of his sympathy beyond the
intellectual classes, that is, beyond the classes of whose feelings he
was directly cognizant. It would, therefore, appear, that his political
errors were due, not, as is commonly said, to his want of research, but
rather to the coldness of his temperament.[691] It was this which made
him stop where he did, and which gave to his works the singular
appearance of a profound and original thinker, in the middle of the
eighteenth century, advocating practical doctrines, so illiberal, that,
if enforced, they would lead to despotism, and yet, at the same time,
advocating speculative doctrines, so fearless and enlightened, that they
were not only far in advance of his own age, but have, in some degree,
outstripped even the age in which we live.
[689] _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. i. p. 354.
[690] See Mr. Burton's valuable _Life of Hume_, Edinburgh, 1846, vol. i.
pp. 58, 267, vol. ii. pp. 14, 134.
[691] What confirms me in this view, is the fact, that the older Hume
grew, and the more he read on history, the more he became imbued
with these errors; which would not have been the case if the
errors had, as many of his critics say, been the result of an
insufficient acquaintance with the evidence. Mr. Burton, by
comparing the different editions of his _History of England_, has
shown that he gradually became less favourable to popular liberty;
softening, or erasing, in later editions, those expressions which
seemed favourable to freedom. _Burton's Life of Hume_, vol. ii.
pp. 74-77. See also pp. 144, 434. In his _Own Life_, p. xi (in
vol. i. of _Hume's Works_ Edinb. 1826), he says: 'In a hundred
alterations, which farther study, reading, or reflection engaged
me to make in the reigns of the two first Stuarts, I have made all
of them invariably the Tory side.' In one of his essays, he
observes (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 172) that 'there is
no enthusiasm among philosophers;' a remark perfectly true, so far
as he was concerned, but very unjust towards the class of men to
whom it refers.
Among his speculative views, the most important are his theory of
causation as discarding the idea of power, and his theory of the laws of
association. Neither of these theories are, in their primary conception,
quite original, but his treatment made them as valuable as if they had
been entirely his own. His theory of miracles, in connexion, on the one
hand, with the principles of evidence, and, on the other hand, with the
laws of causation, is worked out with consummate skill, and, after having
received the modifications subsequently imposed by Brown, has now become
the foundation on which the best inquirers into these matters take their
stand.[692] His work on the principles of morals, by generalizing the
laws of expediency, prepared the way for Bentham, who afterwards
incorporated with them an estimate of the more remote consequences of
human actions; Hume, having chiefly confined himself to their more
immediate consequences. The doctrine of utility was common to each; but
while Hume applied it mainly to the individual, Bentham applied it to the
surrounding society. Though Bentham was more comprehensive, yet Hume,
having come first, was more original. The praise of originality must also
be accorded to his economical theories, in which he advocated those
principles of free trade, which politicians began to adopt many years
after his death.[693] In opposition to the notions then prevailing, he
distinctly asserted, that all commodities, though apparently bought by
money, are in reality bought by labour.[694] Money, therefore, is not the
subject of commerce, and is of no use except to facilitate it.[695]
Hence, it is absurd for a nation to trouble itself about the balance of
trade, or to make regulations to discourage the exportation of the
precious metals.[696] Neither does the average rate of interest depend on
their scarcity or abundance, but upon the operation of more general
causes.[697] As a necessary consequence of these positions, Hume inferred
that the established policy was wrong, which made trading states look
upon each other as rivals, while, in point of fact, the question, if
considered from a certain height, was one, not of rivalry, but of
coöperation; every country being benefited by the increasing wealth of
its neighbours.[698] Those who know the character of commercial
legislation, and the opinions of even the most enlightened statesmen a
century ago, will consider these views as extremely remarkable to have
been propounded in the year 1752. But what is more remarkable still, is,
that their author subsequently detected the fundamental error which Adam
Smith committed, and which vitiates many of his conclusions. The error
consists in his having resolved price into three components, namely,
wages, profit, and rent; whereas it is now known that price is a compound
of wages and profit, and that rent is not an element of it, but a result
of it. This discovery is the corner-stone of political economy; but it is
established by an argument so long and so refined, that most minds are
unable to pursue it without stumbling, and the majority of those who
acquiesce in it are influenced by the great writers to whom they pay
deference, and whose judgment they follow. It is, therefore, a striking
proof of the sagacity of Hume, that in an age when the science was but
dawning, and when he could receive little help from his predecessors, he
should have discovered a mistake of this sort, which lies so far beneath
the surface. Directly the _Wealth of Nations_ appeared, he wrote to Adam
Smith, disputing his position that rent is a part of price;[699] and this
letter, written in the year 1776, is the first indication of that
celebrated theory of rent, which, a little later, Anderson, Malthus, and
West, saw, and imperfectly developed, but which it was reserved for the
genius of Ricardo to build up on a broad and solid foundation.
[692] Brown, in his great work,--one of the greatest which this century
has produced,--candidly confesses that his own book is 'chiefly
reflective of the lights, which he' (Hume) 'has given.' _Brown's
Inquiry into the Relation of Cause and Effect_, London, 1835, p.
253. See also p. vii.
[693] While the politicians of his own time despised his views, the
politicians of our time seem inclined to overrate them. Lord
Brougham, for instance, in his Life of Hume, says, of his
political economy, 'Mr. Hume is, beyond all doubt, the author of
the modern doctrines which now rule the world of science.'
_Brougham's Works_, Glasgow, 1856, vol. ii. p. 176. But so far
from this being the case, the science of political economy has,
since the time of Hume, received such additions, that if that
illustrious philosopher were to rise from the dead, he would
hardly be able to recognize it. To him, many of its largest and
most fundamental principles were entirely unknown. Hume knew
nothing of the causes which govern the accumulation of wealth, and
compel that accumulation to proceed with different speed in
different states of society; a fruitful and important study almost
entirely neglected until entered upon by Rae. Neither did Hume
know anything of the law of the ratio between population and
wages; nor of the ratio between wages and profits. He even
supposes (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 299, Edinburgh,
1826) that it is possible for the labouring classes by combination
'to heighten their wages;' and again (p. 319) that the richer a
nation is, and the more trade it has, the easier it will be for a
poor country to undersell its manufactures, because the poor
nation enjoys the advantage of a 'low price of labour.' Elsewhere,
he asserts that coin can be depreciated without raising prices,
and that a country, by taxing a foreign commodity, could increase
its own population. 'Were all our money, for instance, recoined,
and a penny's worth of silver taken from every shilling, the new
shilling would probably purchase every thing that could have been
bought by the old; the prices of every thing would thereby be
insensibly diminished; foreign trade enlivened; and domestic
industry, by the circulation of a great number of pounds and
shillings, would receive some increase and encouragement.'
_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 324. 'A tax on German linen
encourages home manufactures, and thereby multiplies our people
and industry.' p. 365. These are cardinal errors, which go to the
very root of political economy; and when we fairly estimate what
has been done by Malthus and Ricardo, it will be evident that
Hume's doctrines do not 'rule the world of science.' This is no
disparagement of Hume, who, on the contrary, effected wonderful
things, considering the then state of knowledge. The mistake is,
in imagining that such a rapidly advancing science as political
economy can be governed by doctrines propounded more than a
century ago.
[694] 'Every thing in the world is purchased by labour, and our passions
are the only causes of labour.' _Essay I. on Commerce, in Hume's
Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 294. Hence, he saw the fallacy
of the assertion of the French economists, 'that all taxes fall
ultimately upon land.' p. 388.
[695] 'Money is not, properly speaking, one of the subjects of commerce,
but only the instrument which men have agreed upon to facilitate
the exchange of one commodity for another.' _Essay on Money in
Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 317. 'It is, indeed, evident
that money is nothing but the representation of labour and
commodities, and serves only as a method of rating or estimating
them.' p. 321.
[696] See _Essay V. on the Balance of Trade_, in _Hume's Philosophical
Works_, vol. iii. pp. 348-367.
[697] _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. pp. 333-335. Even now, a
knowledge of this truth is so little diffused, that, lately, when
Australia and California began to yield immense quantities of
gold, a notion was widely circulated that the interest of money
would consequently fall; although nothing can be more certain than
that if gold were to become as plentiful as iron, the interest of
money would be unaffected. The whole effect would fall upon price.
The remarks on this subject in _Ritchie's Life of Hume_, London,
1807, pp. 332, 333, are interesting, as illustrating the slow
progress of opinion, and the difficulty which minds, not specially
trained, experience when they attempt to investigate these
subjects.
[698] 'Nothing is more usual, among states which have made some advance
in commerce, than to look on the progress of their neighbours with
a suspicious eye, to consider all trading states as their rivals,
and to suppose that it is impossible for any of them to flourish,
but at their expense. In opposition to this narrow and malignant
opinion, I will venture to assert, that the increase of riches and
commerce in any one nation, instead of hurting, commonly promotes
the riches and commerce of all its neighbours.' ... 'I go farther,
and observe, that where an open communication is preserved among
nations, it is impossible but the domestic industry of every one
must receive an increase from the improvements of the others.'
_Essay on the Jealousy of Trade_, in _Hume's Philosophical Works_,
vol. iii. pp. 368, 369.
[699] This letter, which I have referred to in my first volume, p. 229,
was published, for, I believe, the first time, in 1846, in
_Burton's Life and Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 486. It
is, however, very difficult to determine what Adam Smith's opinion
really was upon this subject, and how far he was aware that rent
did not enter into price. In one passage in the _Wealth of
Nations_ (book i. chap. vi. p. 21) he says of wages, profit, and
rent, 'in every society, the price of every commodity finally
resolves itself into some one or other, or all of those three
parts; and _in every improved society, all the three enter, more
or less, as component parts, into the price of the far greater
part of commodities_.' But in book i. chap. xi. p. 61, he says,
'High or low wages and profit are the causes of high or low price;
high or low rent is the effect of it.' This latter opinion we now
know to be the true one; it is, however, incompatible with that
expressed in the first passage. For, if rent is the effect of
price, it cannot be a component of it.
It is very observable, that Hume and Adam Smith, who made such immense
additions to our knowledge of the principles of trade, had no practical
acquaintance with it.[700] Hume had, at an early period of his life, been
in a mercantile house; but he threw up that employment in disgust, and
buried himself in a provincial town, to think, rather than to
observe.[701] Indeed, one of the capital defects of his mind, was a
disregard of facts. This did not proceed, as is too often the case, from
that worst form of moral obliquity, an indifference to truth; since he,
on the contrary, was an ardent lover of it, and was, moreover, a man of
the purest and most exemplary character, utterly incapable of falsehood,
or of prevarication of any kind.[702] In him, a contempt for facts was
merely the exaggerated result of a devotion to ideas. He not only
believed, with perfect justice, that ideas are more important than facts,
but he supposed that they should hold the first place in the order of
study, and that they should be developed before the facts are
investigated. The Baconian philosophy, which, though it allows a
preliminary and tentative hypothesis, strongly insists upon the necessity
of first collecting the facts, and then proceeding to the ideas, excited
his aversion; and this, I have no doubt, is the reason why he, who was
usually so lenient in his judgments, and was so keen an admirer of
intellectual greatness is, nevertheless, grossly unfair towards Bacon,
with whose method it was impossible for him to sympathize, though he
could not deny its utility, in physical science.[703] If Hume had
followed the Baconian scheme, of always rising from particulars to
generals, and from each generalization to that immediately above it, he
would hardly have written one of his works. Certainly, his economical
views would never have appeared, since political economy is as
essentially a deductive science as geometry itself.[704] Reversing the
inductive process, he was in favour of beginning with what he termed
general arguments, by which he hoped to demonstrate the inaccuracy of
opinions which facts were supposed to have proved.[705] He did not stop
to investigate the facts from which the inference had been drawn, but he
inverted the order by which the inference was to be obtained. The same
dislike to make the facts of trade the basis of the science of trade, was
displayed by Adam Smith, who expresses his want of confidence in
statistics, or, as it was then termed, political arithmetic.[706] It is,
however, evident, that statistical facts are as good as any other facts,
and, owing to their mathematical form, are very precise.[707] But when
they concern human actions, they are the result of all the motives which
govern those actions; in other words, they are the result, not merely of
selfishness, but also of sympathy. And as Adam Smith, in the _Wealth of
Nations_, dealt with only one of these passions, namely, selfishness, he
would have found it impossible to conduct his generalization from
statistics, which are necessarily collected from the products of both
passions. Such statistical facts were, in their origin, too complex to be
generalized; especially as they could not be experimented upon, but could
only be observed and arranged. Adam Smith, perceiving them to be
unmanageable, very properly rejected them as the basis of his science,
and merely used them by way of illustration, when he could select what he
liked. The same remark applies to other facts which he drew from the
history of trade, and, indeed, from the general history of society. All
of these are essentially subsequent to the argument. They make the
argument more clear, but not more certain. For, it is no exaggeration to
say, that, if all the commercial and historical facts in the _Wealth of
Nations_ were false, the book would still remain, and its conclusions
would hold equally good, though they would be less attractive. In it,
every thing depends upon general principles, and they, as we have seen,
were arrived at in 1752, that is, twenty-four years before the work was
published in which those principles were applied. They must, therefore,
have been acquired independently of the facts which Adam Smith,
subsequently incorporated with them, and which he learnt during that long
period of twenty-four years. And the ten years which he employed in
composing his great work, were not spent in one of those busy haunts of
men, where he might have observed all the phenomena of industry, and
studied the way in which the operations of trade affect human character,
and are affected by it. He did not resort to one of those vast marts and
emporiums of commerce, where the events were happening which he was
seeking to explain. That was not his method. On the contrary, the ten
years, during which he was occupied in raising to a science the most
active department of life, were passed in complete seclusion in
Kirkaldy, his quiet little birthplace.[708] He had always been remarkable
for absence of mind, and was so little given to observation, as to be
frequently oblivious of what was passing around him.[709] In that
obliviousness, he, amid the tranquil scenes of his childhood, could now
indulge without danger. There, cheered, indeed, by the society of his
mother, but with no opportunity of observing human nature upon a large
scale, and far removed from the hum of great cities, did this mighty
thinker, by the force of his own mind, unravel the numerous and
complicated phenomena of wealth, detect the motives which regulate the
conduct of the most energetic and industrious portion of mankind, and lay
bare the schemes and the secrets of that active life from which he was
shut out, while he, immured in comparative solitude, was unable to
witness the very facts which he succeeded in explaining.
[700] Hence, when the _Wealth of Nations_ appeared, one of our wise men
gravely said that 'Dr. Smith, who had never been in trade, could
not be expected to write well on that subject, any more than a
lawyer upon physic.' See _Boswell's Life of Johnson_, edit.
Croker, 1848, p. 478, where this remark is ascribed to Sir John
Pringle.
[701] 'He was sent to a mercantile house at Bristol in 1734; but he
found the drudgery of this employment intolerable, and he retired
to Rheims.' _Brougham's Life of Hume_, Glasgow, 1856, p. 169. See
also _Ritchie's Life of Hume_, p. 6. In _Roberts' Memoirs of
Hannah More_, 2d ed. 1834, vol. i. p. 16, it is said that 'two
years of his life were spent in a merchant's counting-house in
Bristol, whence he was dismissed on account of the promptitude of
his pen in the correction of the letters intrusted to him to
copy.' The latter part of this story is improbable; the former
part is certainly incorrect; since Hume himself says, 'In 1734, I
went to Bristol, with some recommendations to eminent merchants,
but _in a few months_ found that scene totally unsuitable to me. I
went over to France, with a view of prosecuting my studies in a
country retreat.' _Own Life_, p. v.
[702] What Sir James Mackintosh says of him is only a faint echo of the
general voice of his contemporaries. 'His temper was calm, not to
say cold; but though none of his feelings were ardent, all were
engaged on the side of virtue. He was free from the slightest
tincture of malignity or meanness; his conduct was uniformly
excellent.' _Mackintosh's Memoirs_, vol. ii. p. 162. A greater
than Mackintosh, and a man who knew Hume intimately, expresses
himself in much warmer terms. 'Upon the whole,' writes Adam
Smith,--'Upon the whole, I have always considered him, both in his
lifetime and since his death, as approaching as nearly to the idea
of a perfectly wise and virtuous man as perhaps the nature of
human frailty will permit.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i.
p. xxv. Some notices of Hume will be found in an interesting work
just published. _Autobiography of Alexander Carlyle_, Edinburgh,
1860, pp. 272-278. But Carlyle, though a man of considerable
practical skill, was incapable of large views, and was, therefore,
unable, I will not say to measure, but even to conceive, the size
of such an understanding as that possessed by David Hume. Of his
want of speculative power, a decisive instance appears in his
remarks on Adam Smith. He gravely says (_Autobiography_, p. 281),
'Smith's fine writing is chiefly displayed in his book on _Moral
Sentiments_, which is the pleasantest and most eloquent book on
the subject. His _Wealth of Nations_, from which he was judged to
be an inventive genius of the first order, is tedious and full of
repetition. His separate essays in the second volume have the air
of being occasional pamphlets, without much force or
determination. On political subjects, his opinions were not very
sound.' It is rather too much when a village-preacher writes in
this strain of the greatest man his country has ever produced.
[703] He speaks of him in the following extraordinary terms. 'If we
consider the variety of talents displayed by this man; as a public
speaker, a man of business, a wit, a courtier, a companion, an
author, a philosopher; he is justly the object of great
admiration. If we consider him merely as an author and
philosopher, the light in which we view him at present, though
very estimable, _he was yet inferior to his contemporary Galileo,
perhaps even to Kepler_.' ... 'The national spirit which prevails
among the English, and which forms their great happiness, is the
cause why they bestow on all their eminent writers, and on Bacon
among the rest, such praises and acclamations as may often appear
partial and excessive.' _Hume's History of England_, vol. vi. pp.
194, 195, London, 1789.
[704] See the note in vol. i. p. 250, of _Buckle's History of
Civilization_.
[705] Thus, for instance, in his remarkable _Essay on the Balance of
Trade_, he says (_Philosophical Works_, vol. iii. p. 349), 'Every
man who has ever reasoned on this subject, has always _proved his
theory, whatever it was, by facts and calculations_, and by an
enumeration of all the commodities sent to all foreign kingdoms;'
therefore (p. 350), 'It may here be proper to form a general
argument to prove the impossibility of this event, so long as we
preserve our people and our industry.'
[706] 'I have no great faith in political arithmetic.' _Wealth of
Nations_, book iv. chap. v. p. 218.
[707] Indeed, the only possible objection to them is that the language
of their collectors is sometimes ambiguous; so that, by the same
return, one statistician may mean one thing, and another
statistician may mean something quite different. This is well
exemplified in medical statistics; whence several writers,
unacquainted with the philosophy of scientific proof, have
supposed that medicine is incapable of mathematical treatment. In
point of fact, however, the only real impediment is the shameful
state of clinical and pathological terminology, which is in such
confusion as to throw doubt upon all extensive numerical
statements respecting disease.
[708] 'Upon his return to England in the autumn of 1766, he went to
reside with his mother at his native town of Kirkaldy, and
remained there for ten years. All the attempts of his friends in
Edinburgh to draw him thither were vain; and from a kind and
lively letter of Mr. Hume upon the subject, complaining that,
though within sight of him on the opposite side of the Frith of
Forth, he could not have speech of him, it appears that no one was
aware of the occupations in which those years were passed.'
_Brougham's Life of Adam Smith_, p. 189. Occasionally, however, he
saw his literary friends. See _Dugald Stewart's Biographical
Memoirs_, p. 73, Edinb. 1811, 4to.
[709] 'He was certainly not fitted for the general commerce of the
world, or for the business of active life. The comprehensive
speculations with which he had been occupied from his youth, and
the variety of materials which his own invention constantly
supplied to his thoughts, rendered him habitually inattentive to
familiar objects and to common occurrences; and he frequently
exhibited instances of absence, which have scarcely been surpassed
by the fancy of La Bruyère.' _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p.
113. See also _Ramsay's Reminiscences_, 5th edit. Edinb. 1859, p.
236. Carlyle, who knew him well, says, 'he was the most absent man
in company that I ever saw, moving his lips, and talking to
himself, and smiling, in the midst of large companies.'
_Autobiography of the Rev. Alexander Carlyle_, 2nd edit. Edinb.
1860, p. 279.
The same determination to make the study of principles precede that of
facts, is exhibited by Hume in one of his most original works, the
_Natural History of Religion_. In reference to the title of this
treatise, we must observe that, according to the Scotch philosophers, the
natural course of any movement is by no means the same as its actual
course. This discrepancy between the ideal and the real, was the
unavoidable result of their method.[710] For, as they argued deductively
from fixed premisses, they could not take into account the perturbations
to which their conclusions were liable, from the play and friction of the
surrounding society. To do that, required a separate inquiry. It would
have been needful to investigate the circumstances which caused the
friction, and thus prevented the conclusions from being, in the world of
fact, the same as they were in the world of speculation. What we call
accidents, are constantly happening, and they prevent the real march of
affairs from being identical with the natural march. And, as long as we
are unable to predict those accidents, there will always be a want of
complete harmony between the inferences of a deductive science and the
realities of life; in other words, our inferences will tend towards
truth, but never completely attain it.[711]
[710] A Scotch philosopher of great repute, but, as it appears to me, of
ability not quite equal to his repute, has stated very clearly and
accurately this favourite method of his countrymen. 'In examining
the history of mankind, as well as in examining the phenomena of
the material world, when we cannot trace the process by which an
event _has been_ produced, it is often of importance to be able to
show how it _may have been_ produced by natural causes.' ... 'To
this species of philosophical investigation, which has no
appropriated name in our language, I shall take the liberty of
giving the title of _Theoretical_ or _Conjectural History_; an
expression which coincides pretty nearly in its meaning with that
of _Natural History_ as employed by Mr. Hume, and with what some
French writers have called Histoire Raisonnée.' _Dugald Stewart's
Biographical Memoirs_, pp. 48, 49. Hence (p. 53), 'in most cases,
it is of more importance to ascertain the progress that is most
simple, than the progress that is most agreeable to fact; for,
paradoxical as the proposition may appear, it is certainly true,
that _the real progress is not always the most natural_. It may
have been determined by particular accidents, which are not likely
again to occur, and which cannot be considered as forming any part
of that general provision which nature has made for the
improvement of the race.'
[711] Part of this view is well expressed in _Hume's Treatise of Human
Nature_, book iii. part ii. 'This, however, hinders not but that
philosophers may, if they please, extend their reasoning to the
supposed _state of nature_; provided they allow it to be a mere
philosophical fiction, which never had, and never could have, any
reality.' ... 'The same liberty may be permitted to moral, which
is allowed to natural philosophers; and 'tis very usual with the
latter to consider any motion as compounded and consisting of two
parts separate from each other, though, at the same time, they
acknowledge it to be in itself uncompounded and inseparable.'
_Philosophical Works_, vol. ii. p. 263.
With peculiar propriety, therefore, did Hume term his work a _Natural
History of Religion_. It is an admirable specimen of the deductive
method. Its only fault is that he speaks too confidently of the accuracy
of the results to which, on such a subject, that method could attain. He
believed, that, by observing the principles of human nature, as he found
them in his own mind, it was possible to explain the whole course of
affairs, both moral and physical.[712] These principles were to be
arrived at by experiments made on himself; and having thus arrived at
them, he was to reason from them deductively, and so construct the entire
scheme. This he contrasts with the inductive plan, which he calls a
tedious and lingering process; and while others might follow that slow
and patient method of gradually working their way towards first
principles, his project was, to seize them at once, or, as he expresses
himself, not to stop at the frontier, but to march directly on the
capital, being possessed of which, he could gain an easy victory over
other difficulties, and could extend his conquests over the
sciences.[713] According to Hume, we are to reason, not in order to
obtain ideas, but we are to have clear ideas before we reason.[714] By
this means, we arrive at philosophy; and her conclusions are not to be
impugned, even if they do happen to clash with science. On the contrary,
her authority is supreme, and her decisions, being essentially true, must
always be preferred to any generalization of the facts which the external
world presents.[715]
[712] And, conversely, that whatever was 'demonstratively false,' could
'never be distinctly conceived by the mind.' _Philosophical
Works_, vol. iv. p. 33. Here, and sometimes in other passages,
Hume, though by no means a Cartesian, reminds us of Descartes.
[713] 'Here, then, is the only expedient from which we can hope for
success in our philosophical researches, _to leave the tedious,
lingering method_, which we have hitherto followed, and instead of
taking now and then a castle or a village on the frontier, to
march up directly to the capital, or centre of these sciences, to
human nature itself; which, being once masters of, we may every
where else hope for an easy victory. From this station we may
extend our conquests over all those sciences which more
immediately concern human life, and may afterwards proceed, at
leisure, to discover more fully those which are the objects of
pure curiosity.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i. p. 8. See
also, in vol. ii. pp. 73, 74, his remarks on the way 'to consider
the matter _à priori_.'
[714] 'No kind of reasoning can give rise to a new idea, such as this of
power is; but wherever we reason, we must antecedently be
possessed of clear ideas, which may be the objects of our
reasoning.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i. p. 217. Compare
vol. ii. p. 276, on our arriving at a knowledge of causes 'by a
kind of taste or fancy.' Hence, the larger view preceding the
smaller, and being essentially independent of it, will constantly
contradict it; and he complains, for instance, that 'difficulties,
which seem unsurmountable in theory, are easily got over in
practice.' vol. ii. p. 357; and again, in vol. iii. p. 326, on the
effort needed to 'reconcile reason to experience.' But, after all,
it is rather by a careful study of his works, than by quoting
particular passages, that his method can be understood. In the two
sentences, however, just cited, the reader will see that theory
and reason represent the larger view; while practice and
experience represent the smaller.
[715] ''Tis certainly a kind of indignity to philosophy, whose sovereign
authority ought every where to be acknowledged, to oblige her on
every occasion to make apologies for her conclusions, and justify
herself to every particular art and science, which may be offended
at her. This puts one in mind of a king arraigned for high treason
against his subjects.' _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. i.
pp. 318, 319.
Hume, therefore, believed that all the secrets of the external world are
wrapped up in the human mind. The mind was not only the key by which the
treasure could be unlocked; it was also the treasure itself. Learning and
science might illustrate and beautify our mental acquisitions, but they
could not communicate real knowledge; they could neither give the prime
original materials, nor could they teach the design according to which
those materials must be worked.
In conformity with these views, the _Natural History of Religion_ was
composed. The object of Hume in writing it, was, to ascertain the origin
and progress of religious ideas; and he arrives at the conclusion, that
the worship of many Gods must, every where, have preceded the worship of
one God. This, he regards as a law of the human mind, a thing not only
that always has happened, but that always must happen. His proof is
entirely speculative. He argues that the earliest state of man is
necessarily a savage state; that savages can feel no interest in the
ordinary operations of nature, and no desire to study the principles
which govern those operations; that such men must be devoid of curiosity
on all subjects which do not personally trouble them; and that,
therefore, while they neglect the usual events of nature, they will turn
their minds to the unusual ones.[716] A violent tempest, a monstrous
birth, excessive cold, excessive rain, sudden and fatal diseases, are the
sort of things to which the attention of the savage is confined, and of
which alone he desires to know the causes. Directly he finds that such
causes are beyond his control, he reckons them superior to himself, and,
being incapable of abstracting them, he personifies them; he turns them
into deities; polytheism is established; and the earliest creed of
mankind assumes a form which can never be altered, as long as men remain
in this condition of pristine ignorance.[717]
[716] 'A barbarous, necessitous animal (such as a man is on the first
origin of society), pressed by such numerous wants and passions,
has no leisure to admire the regular face of nature, or make
inquiries concerning the cause of those objects to which, from his
infancy, he has been gradually accustomed. On the contrary, the
more regular and uniform, that is the more perfect, nature
appears, the more is he familiarized to it, and the less inclined
to scrutinize and examine it. A monstrous birth excites his
curiosity, and is deemed a prodigy. It alarms him from its
novelty, and immediately sets him a trembling, and sacrificing,
and praying. But an animal complete in all its limbs and organs is
to him an ordinary spectacle, and produces no religious opinion or
affection. Ask him whence that animal arose? He will tell you,
from the copulation of its parents. And these, whence? From the
copulation of theirs. A few removes satisfy his curiosity, and set
the objects at such a distance that he entirely loses sight of
them. Imagine not that he will so much as start the question,
whence the first animal, much less whence the whole system, or
united fabric of the universe arose. Or, if you start such a
question to him, expect not that he will employ his mind with any
anxiety about a subject so remote, so uninteresting, and which so
much exceeds the bounds of his capacity.' _Natural History of
Religion_, in _Hume's Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 439. See
also pp. 463-465.
[717] 'By degrees, the active imagination of men, uneasy in this
abstract conception of objects, about which it is incessantly
employed, begins to render them more particular, and to clothe
them in shapes more suitable to its natural comprehension. It
represents them to be sensible, intelligent beings like mankind;
actuated by love and hatred, and flexible by gifts and entreaties,
by prayers and sacrifices. Hence the origin of religion. And hence
the origin of idolatry, or polytheism.' _Hume's Philosophical
Works_, vol. iv. p. 472. 'The primary religion of mankind arises
chiefly from an anxious fear of future events,' p. 498.
These propositions, which are not only plausible, but which are probably
true, ought, according to the inductive philosophy, to have been
generalized from a survey of facts; that is, from a collection of
evidence respecting the state of religion and of the speculative
faculties among savage tribes. But this, Hume abstains from doing. He
refers to none of the numerous travellers who have visited such people;
he does not, in the whole course of his work, mention even a single book
where facts respecting savage life are preserved. It was enough for him,
that the progress from a belief in many Gods to a belief in one God, was
the natural progress; which is saying, in other words, that it appeared
to his mind to be the natural progress.[718] With that, he was satisfied.
In other parts of his essay, where he treats of the religious opinions
of the ancient Greeks and Romans, he displays a tolerable, though by no
means remarkable, learning; but the passages which he cites, do not refer
to that entirely barbarous society in which, as he supposes, polytheism
first arose. The premisses, therefore, of the argument are evolved out of
his own mind. He reasons deductively from the ideas which his powerful
intellect supplied, instead of reasoning inductively from the facts which
were peculiar to the subject he was investigating.
[718] '_It seems certain, that, according to the natural progress of
human thought_, the ignorant multitude must first entertain some
grovelling and familiar notion of superior powers, before they
stretch their conception to that perfect Being who bestowed order
on the whole frame of nature. _We may as reasonably imagine, that
men inhabited palaces before huts and cottages_, or studied
geometry before agriculture, as assert that the Deity appeared to
them a pure spirit, omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent,
before he was apprehended to be a powerful though limited being,
with human passions and appetites, limbs and organs. The mind
rises gradually from inferior to superior. By abstracting from
what is imperfect, it forms an idea of perfection; and slowly
distinguishing the nobler parts of its own frame from the grosser,
it learns to transform only the former, much elevated and refined,
to its divinity. Nothing could disturb this _natural progress of
thought_, but some obvious and invincible argument, which might
immediately lead the mind into the pure principles of theism, and
make it overleap, at one bound, the vast interval which is
interposed between the human and the Divine nature. But though I
allow, that the order and frame of the universe, when accurately
examined, affords such an argument, yet _I can never think_ that
this consideration could have an influence on mankind, when they
formed their first rude notions of religion.' _Natural History of
Religion_, in _Philosophical Works_, vol. iv. p. 438.
Even in the rest of his work, which is full of refined and curious
speculation, he uses facts, not to demonstrate his conclusions, but to
illustrate them. He, therefore, selected those facts which suited his
purpose, leaving the others untouched. And this, which many critics would
call unfair, was not unfair in him; because he believed, that he had
already established his principles without the aid of those facts. The
facts might benefit the reader, by making the argument clearer, but they
could not strengthen the argument. They were more intended to persuade
than to prove; they were rather rhetorical than logical. Hence, a critic
would waste his time if he were to sift them with a minuteness which
would be necessary, supposing that Hume had built an inductive argument
upon them. Otherwise, without going far, it might be curious to contrast
them with the entirely different facts which Cudworth, eighty years
before, had collected from the same source, and on the same subject.
Cudworth, who was much superior to Hume in learning, and much inferior to
him in genius,[719] displayed, in his great work on the _Intellectual
System of the Universe_, a prodigious erudition, to prove that, in the
ancient world, the belief in one God was a prevailing doctrine. Hume, who
never refers to Cudworth, arrives at a precisely opposite conclusion.
Both quoted ancient writers; but while Cudworth drew his inferences from
what he found in those writers, Hume drew his from what he found in his
own mind. Cudworth, being more learned, relied on his reading; Hume,
having more genius, relied on his intellect. Cudworth, trained in the
school of Bacon, first collected the evidence, and then passed the
judgment. Hume, formed in a school entirely different, believed that the
acuteness of the judge was more important than the quantity of the
evidence; that witnesses were likely to prevaricate; and that he
possessed, in his own mind, the surest materials for arriving at an
accurate conclusion. It is not, therefore, strange, that Cudworth and
Hume, pursuing opposite methods, should have obtained opposite results,
since such a discrepancy is, as I have already pointed out, unavoidable,
when men investigate, according to different plans, a subject which, in
the existing state of knowledge, is not amenable to scientific treatment.
[719] Not that he was by any means devoid of genius, though he holds a
rank far below so great and original a thinker as Hume. He had,
however, collected more materials than he was able to wield; and
his work on the _Intellectual System of the Universe_, which is a
treasure of ancient philosophy, is badly arranged, and, in many
parts, feebly argued. There is more real power in his posthumous
treatise on _Eternal and Immutable Morality_.
The length to which this chapter has already extended, and the number of
topics which I have still to handle, will prevent me from examining, in
detail, the philosophy of Reid, who was the most eminent among the
purely speculative thinkers of Scotland, after Hume and Adam Smith,
though, in point of merit, he must be placed far below them. For, he had
neither the comprehensiveness of Smith, nor the fearlessness of Hume. The
range of his knowledge was not wide enough to allow him to be
comprehensive; while a timidity, almost amounting to moral cowardice,
made him recoil from the views advocated by Hume, not so much on account
of their being false, as on account of their being dangerous. It is,
however, certain, that no man can take high rank as a philosopher, who
allows himself to be trammelled by considerations of that kind. A
philosopher should aim solely at truth, and should refuse to estimate the
practical tendency of his speculations. If they are true, let them stand;
if they are false, let them fall. But, whether they are agreeable or
disagreeable, whether they are consolatory or disheartening, whether they
are safe or mischievous, is a question, not for philosophers, but for
practical men. Every new truth which has ever been propounded, has, for a
time, caused mischief; it has produced discomfort, and often unhappiness,
sometimes by disturbing social or religious arrangements, and sometimes
merely by the disruption of old and cherished associations of thought. It
is only after a certain interval, and when the framework of affairs has
adjusted itself to the new truth, that its good effects preponderate; and
the preponderance continues to increase, until, at length, the truth
causes nothing but good. But, at the outset, there is always harm. And,
if the truth is very great, as well as very new, the harm is serious. Men
are made uneasy; they flinch; they cannot bear the sudden light; a
general restlessness supervenes; the face of society is disturbed, or
perhaps convulsed; old interests, and old beliefs, are destroyed, before
new ones have been created. These symptoms are the precursors of
revolution; they have preceded all the great changes through which the
world has passed; and while, if they are not excessive, they forebode
progress, so if they are excessive, they threaten anarchy. It is the
business of practical men to moderate such symptoms, and to take care
that the truths which philosophers discover, are not applied so rashly as
to dislocate the fabric, instead of strengthening it. But the philosopher
has only to discover the truth, and promulgate it; and that is hard work
enough for any man, let his ability be as great as it may. This division
of labour, between thinkers and actors, secures an economy of force, and
prevents either class from wasting its power. It establishes a difference
between science, which ascertains principles, and art, which applies
them. It also recognizes, that the philosopher and the practical man,
having each a separate part to play, each is, in his own field, supreme.
But it is a sad confusion for either to interfere with the other. In
their different spheres, both are independent, and both are worthy of
admiration. Inasmuch, however, as practical men should never allow the
speculative conclusions of philosophers, whatever be their truth, to be
put in actual operation, unless society is, in some degree, ripe for
their reception; so, on the other hand, philosophers are not to hesitate,
and tremble, and stop short in their career, because their intellect is
leading them to conclusions subversive of existing interests. The duty of
a philosopher is clear. His path lies straight before him. He must take
every pains to ascertain the truth; and, having arrived at a conclusion,
he, instead of shrinking from it because it is unpalatable, or because it
seems dangerous, should on that very account, cling the closer to it,
should uphold it in bad repute, more zealously than he would have done in
good repute; should noise it abroad far and wide, utterly regardless what
opinions he shocks, or what interests he imperils; should, on its behalf,
court hostility and despise contempt, being well assured, that, if it is
not true, it will die, but that, if it is true, it must produce ultimate
benefit, albeit unsuited for practical adoption by the age or country in
which it is first propounded.
But Reid, notwithstanding the clearness of his mind and his great powers
of argument, had so little of the real philosophic spirit, that he loved
truth, not for its own sake, but for the sake of its immediate and
practical results. He himself tells us, that he began to study
philosophy, merely because he was shocked at the consequences at which
philosophers had arrived. As long as the speculations of Locke and of
Berkeley were not pushed to their logical conclusions, Reid acquiesced in
them, and they were good in his eyes.[720] While they were safe and
tolerably orthodox, he was not over-nice in inquiring into their
validity. In the hands of Hume, however, philosophy became bolder and
more inquisitive; she disturbed opinions which were ancient, and which it
was pleasant to hold; she searched into the foundation of things, and by
forcing men to doubt and to inquire, she rendered inestimable service to
the cause of truth. But this was precisely the tendency at which Reid was
displeased. He saw that such disturbance was uncomfortable; he saw that
it was hazardous; therefore, he endeavoured to prove that it was
groundless. Confusing the question of practical consequences with the
totally different question of scientific truth, he took for granted that,
because to his age the adoption of those consequences would be
mischievous, they must be false. To the profound views of Hume respecting
causation, he gravely objects, that if they were carried into effect, the
operation of criminal law would be imperilled.[721] To the speculations
of the same philosopher concerning the metaphysical basis of the theory
of contracts, he replies, that such speculations perplex men, and weaken
their sense of duty; they are, therefore, to be disapproved of, on
account of their tendency.[722] With Reid, the main question always is,
not whether an inference is true, but what will happen if it is true. He
says, that a doctrine is to be judged by its fruits;[723] forgetting that
the same doctrine will bear different fruits in different ages, and that
the consequences which a theory produces in one state of society, are
often diametrically opposed to those which it produces in another. He
thus made his own age the standard of all future ones. He also trammelled
philosophy with practical considerations; diverting thinkers from the
pursuit of truth, which is their proper department, into the pursuit of
expediency, which is not their department at all. Reid was constantly
stopping to inquire, not whether theories were accurate, but whether it
was advisable to adopt them; whether they were favourable to patriotism,
or to generosity, or to friendship;[724] in a word, whether they were
comfortable, and such as we should at present like to believe.[725] Or
else, he would take other ground, still lower, and still more unworthy of
a philosopher. In opposing, for instance, the doctrine, that our
faculties sometimes deceive us,--a doctrine which, as he well knew, had
been held by men whose honesty was equal to his own, and whose ability
was superior to his own,--he does not scruple to enlist on his side the
prejudices of a vulgar superstition; seeking to blacken the tenet which
he was unable to refute. He actually asserts, that they who advocate it,
insult the Deity, by imputing to the Almighty that He has lied. Such
being the consequence of the opinion, it of course follows that the
opinion must be rejected without further scrutiny, since, to accept it,
would produce fatal results on our conduct, and would, indeed, be
subversive of all religion, of all morals, and of all knowledge.[726]
[720] 'I once believed this doctrine of ideas so firmly, as to embrace
the whole of Berkeley's system in consequence of it; till, finding
other consequences to follow from it, which gave me more
uneasiness than the want of a material world, it came into my mind
more than 40 years ago, to put the question, What evidence have I
for this doctrine that all the objects of my knowledge are ideas
in my own mind? From that time to the present, I have been
candidly and impartially, as I think, seeking for the evidence of
this principle but can find none, excepting the authority of
philosophers.' _Reid's Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind_,
edit. Edinburgh, 1808, vol. i. p. 172. And, in a letter which he
wrote to Hume in 1763, he, with a simple candour which must have
highly amused that eminent philosopher, confesses that 'your
system appears to me not only coherent in all its parts, but
likewise justly deduced from principles commonly received among
philosophers; principles which I never thought of calling in
question, until the conclusions you draw from them in the
"Treatise on Human Nature" made me suspect them.' _Burton's Life
and Correspondence of Hume_, vol. ii. p. 155.
[721] 'Suppose a man to be found dead on the high-way, his skull
fractured, his body pierced with deadly wounds, his watch and
money carried off. The coroner's jury sits upon the body, and the
question is put, What was the cause of this man's death, was it
accident, or _felo de se_, or murder by persons unknown? Let us
suppose an adept in Mr. Hume's philosophy to make one of the jury,
and that he insists upon the previous question, whether there was
any cause of the event, or whether it happened without a cause.'
_Reid's Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. ii. p. 286.
Compare vol. iii. p. 33: 'This would put an end to all
speculation, as well as to all the business of life.'
[722] 'The obligation of contracts and promises is a matter so sacred,
and of such consequence to human society, that speculations which
have a _tendency to weaken that obligation_, and to perplex men's
notions on a subject so plain and so important, ought to _meet
with the disapprobation of all honest men_. Some such
speculations, I think, we have in the third volume of Mr. Hume's
"Treatise of Human Nature," and in his "Enquiry into the
Principles of Morals;" and my design in this chapter is, to offer
some observations on the nature of a contract or promise, and on
two passages of that author on this subject. I am far from saying
or thinking, that Mr. Hume meant to weaken men's obligations to
honesty and fair dealing, or that he had not a sense of these
obligations himself. It is not the man I impeach, but his
writings. Let us think of the first as charitably as we can, while
we freely examine the import and _tendency_ of the last.' _Reid's
Essays on the Powers of the Mind_, vol. iii. p. 444. In this, as
in most passages, the italics are my own.
[723] 'Without repeating what I have before said of causes in the first
of these Essays, and in the second and third chapters of this, I
shall here mention some of the consequences that may be justly
deduced from this definition of a cause, that we may judge of it
by its fruits.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 339.
[724] 'Bishop Berkeley surely did not duly consider that it is by means
of the material world that we have any correspondence with
thinking beings, or any knowledge of their existence, and that by
depriving us of the material world, he deprived us at the same
time of family, friends, country, and every human creature; of
every object of affection, esteem or concern, except ourselves.
The good bishop surely never intended this. He was too warm a
friend, too zealous a patriot, and too good a Christian to be
capable of such a thought. _He was not aware of the consequences
of his system_' (poor, ignorant Berkeley), 'and therefore they
ought not to be imputed to him; but we must impute them to the
system itself. It stifles every generous and social principle.'
_Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. pp. 251, 252.
[725] In his _Essays_, vol. i. p. 179, he says of Berkeley, one of the
deepest and most unanswerable of all speculators, 'But there is
one _uncomfortable consequence_ of his system which he seems not
to have attended to, and from which it will be found difficult, if
at all possible, to guard it.'
[726] 'This doctrine is dishonourable to our Maker, and lays a foundation
for universal scepticism. It supposes the Author of our being to
have given us one faculty on purpose to deceive us, and another by
which we may detect the fallacy, and find that he imposed upon
us.' ... 'The genuine dictate of our natural faculties is the
voice of God, no less than what he reveals from heaven; and to say
that it is fallacious, is to impute a lie to the God of truth.'
... 'Shall we impute to the Almighty what we cannot impute to a
man without a heinous affront? Passing this opinion, therefore, as
shocking to an ingenuous mind, and, in its consequences,
subversive of all religion, all morals, and all knowledge,' &c.
_Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 310. See also vol. i. p. 313.
In 1764, Reid published his _Inquiry into the Human Mind_; and in that,
and in his subsequent work, entitled _Essays on the Powers of the Mind_,
he sought to destroy the philosophy of Locke, Berkeley, and Hume. And as
Hume was the boldest of the three, it was chiefly his philosophy which
Reid attacked. Of the character of this attack, some specimens have just
been given; but they rather concern his object and motives, while what we
have now to ascertain is, his method, that is, the tactics of his
warfare. He clearly saw, that Hume had assumed certain principles, and
had reasoned deductively from them to the facts, instead of reasoning
inductively from the facts to them. To this method, he strongly, and
perhaps fairly, objects. He admits that Hume had reasoned so accurately,
that if his principles were conceded, his conclusions must likewise be
conceded.[727] But, he says, Hume had no right to proceed in such a
manner. He had no right to assume principles, and then to argue from
them. The laws of nature were to be arrived at, not by conjecturing in
this way, but by a patient induction of facts.[728] Discoveries depended
solely on observation and experiment; and any other plan could only
produce theories, ingenious, perhaps, and plausible, but quite
worthless.[729] For, theory should yield to fact, and not fact to
theory.[730] Speculators, indeed, might talk about first principles, and
raise a system by reasoning from them. But, the fact was, that there was
no agreement as to how a first principle was to be recognized; since a
principle which one man would deem self-evident, another would think it
necessary to prove, and a third would altogether deny.[731]
[727] 'His reasoning appeared to me to be just; there was, therefore, a
necessity to call in question the principles upon which it was
founded, or to admit the conclusion.' _Reid's Inquiry into the
Human Mind_, p. v. 'The received doctrine of ideas is the
principle from which it is deduced, and of which, indeed, it seems
to be a just and natural consequence.' p. 53. See also _Reid's
Essays_, vol. i. pp. 199, 200, vol. ii. p. 211.
[728] 'The laws of nature are the most general facts we can discover in
the operations of nature. Like other facts, they are not to be hit
upon by a happy conjecture, but justly deduced from observation.
Like other general facts, they are not to be drawn from a few
particulars, but from a copious, patient, and cautious induction.'
_Reid's Inquiry into the Human Mind_, pp. 262, 263.
[729] 'Such discoveries have always been made by patient observation, by
accurate experiments, or by conclusions drawn by strict reasoning
from observations and experiments; and such discoveries have
always tended to refute, but not to confirm, the theories and
hypotheses which ingenious men had invented.' _Reid's Essays_,
vol. i. p. 46.
[730] 'This is Mr. Hume's notion of a cause.' ... 'But theory ought to
stoop to fact, and not fact to theory.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii.
p. 276.
[731] 'But yet there seems to be great difference of opinions among
philosophers about first principles. What one takes to be
self-evident, another labours to prove by arguments, and a third
denies altogether.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 218. 'Mr. Locke
seems to think first principles of very small use.' p. 219.
The difficulties of deductive reasoning are here admirably portrayed. It
might have been expected, that Reid would have built up his own
philosophy according to the inductive plan, and would have despised that
assumption of first principles, with which he taunts his opponents. But
it is one of the most curious things in the history of metaphysics, that
Reid after impeaching the method of Hume, follows the very same method
himself. When he is attacking the philosophy of Hume, he holds deduction
to be wrong. When he is raising his own philosophy, he holds it to be
right. He deemed certain conclusions dangerous, and he objects to their
advocates, that they argued from principles, instead of from facts: and
that they assumed themselves to be in possession of the first principles
of truth, although people were not agreed as to what constituted a first
principle. This is well put, and hard to answer. Strange, however, to
say, Reid arrives at his own conclusions, by assuming first principles to
an extent far greater than had been done by any writer on the opposite
side. From them, he argues; his whole scheme is deductive; and his works
scarcely contain a single instance of that inductive logic, which, when
attacking his opponents, he found it convenient to recommend. It is
difficult to conceive a better illustration of the peculiar character of
the Scotch intellect in the eighteenth century, and of the firm hold,
which, what may be called, the anti-Baconian method, had upon that
intellect. Reid was a man of considerable ability, of immaculate honesty,
and was deeply convinced that it was for the good of society that the
prevailing philosophy should be overthrown. To the performance of that
task, he dedicated his long and laborious life; he saw that the
vulnerable point of the adverse system was its method; he indicated the
deficiencies of that method, and declared, perhaps wrongly, but at all
events sincerely, that it could never lead to truth. Yet, and
notwithstanding all this, such was the pressure of the age in which he
lived, and so completely did the force of circumstances shape his
understanding, that, in his own works, he was unable to avoid that very
method of investigation which he rebuked in others. Indeed, so far from
avoiding it, he was a slave to it. The evidence of this I will now give,
because, besides its importance for the history of the Scotch mind, it is
valuable as one of many lessons, which teach us how we are moulded by the
society which surrounds us; how even our most vigorous actions are
influenced by general causes of which we are often ignorant, and which
few of us care to study; and, finally, how lame and impotent we are,
when, as individuals, we try to stem the onward current, resisting the
great progress instead of aiding it, and vainly opposing our little
wishes to that majestic course of events, which admits of no
interruption, but sweeps on, grand and terrible, while generation after
generation passes away, successively absorbed in one mighty vortex.
Directly Reid, ceasing to refute the philosophy of Hume, began to
construct his own philosophy, he succumbed to the prevailing method. He
now assures us, that all reasoning must be from first principles, and
that, so far from reasoning to those principles, we must at once admit
them, and make them the basis of all subsequent arguments.[732] Having
admitted them, they become a thread to guide the inquirer through the
labyrinth of thought.[733] His opponents had no right to assume them, but
he might do so, because to him they were intuitive.[734] Whoever denied
them, was not fit to be reasoned with.[735] Indeed, to investigate them,
or to seek to analyze them, was wrong as well as foolish, because they
were part of the constitution of things; and of the constitution of
things no account could be given, except that such was the will of
God.[736]
[732] 'All reasoning must be from first principles; and for first
principles no other reason can be given but this, that, by the
constitution of our nature, we are under a necessity of assenting
to them.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 140. 'All reasoning is from
principles.' ... 'Most justly, therefore, do such principles
disdain to be tried by reason, and laugh at all the artillery of
the logician when it is directed against them.' p. 372. 'All
knowledge got by reasoning must be built upon first principles.'
_Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 220. 'In every branch of real
knowledge there must be first principles, whose truth is known
intuitively, without reasoning, either probable or demonstrative.
They are not grounded on reasoning, but all reasoning is grounded
on them.' p. 360.
[733] 'For, when any system is grounded upon first principles, and
deduced regularly from them, we have a thread to lead us through
the labyrinth.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 225.
[734] 'I call these "first principles," because they _appear to me_ to
have in themselves an intuitive evidence which _I cannot resist_.'
_Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 375.
[735] 'If any man should think fit to deny that these things are
qualities, or that they require any subject, _I leave him to enjoy
his opinion, as a man who denies first principles, and is not fit
to be reasoned with_.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 38.
[736] 'No other account can be given of the constitution of things, but
the will of Him that made them.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 115.
As Reid obtained his first principles with such ease, and as he carefully
protected them by forbidding any attempt to resolve them into simpler
elements, he was under a strong temptation to multiply them almost
indefinitely, in order that, by reasoning from them, he might raise a
complete and harmonious system of the human mind. To that temptation he
yielded with a readiness, which is truly surprising, when we remember how
he reproached his opponents with doing the same thing. Among the numerous
first principles which he assumes, not only as unexplained, but as
inexplicable, are the belief in Personal Identity;[737] the belief in the
External World;[738] the belief in the Uniformity of Nature;[739] the
belief in the Existence of Life in Others;[740] the belief in
Testimony;[741] also in the power of distinguishing truth from
error,[742] and even in the correspondence of the face and voice to the
thoughts.[743] Of belief generally, he asserts that there are many
principles,[744] and he regrets that any one should have rashly attempted
to explain them.[745] Such things are mysterious, and not to be pried
into. We have also other faculties, which being original and
indecomposable, resist all inductive treatment, and can neither be
resolved into simpler elements, nor referred to more general laws. To
this class, Reid assigns Memory,[746] Perception,[747] Desire of
Self-Approbation,[748] and not only Instinct, but even Habit.[749] Many
of our ideas, such as those concerning Space and Time, are equally
original;[750] and other first principles there are, which have not been
enunciated, but from which we may reason.[751] They, therefore, are the
major premisses of the argument; no reason having yet been given for
them, they must be simple; and not having yet been explained, they are,
of course, inexplicable.[752]
[737] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 36, 37, 340, 343, vol. ii. p. 245.
[738] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 115, 116, 288-299, vol. ii. p. 251.
[739] Or, as he expresses it, 'our belief of the continuance of the laws
of nature.' _Reid's Inquiry_, pp. 426-435; also his _Essays_, vol.
i. p. 305, vol. ii. p. 268.
[740] _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 259.
[741] _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 422; and his _Essays_, vol. ii. p. 266.
[742] 'Another first principle is, "That the natural faculties by which
we distinguish truth from error are not fallacious."' _Reid's
Essays_, vol. ii. p. 256.
[743] 'Another first principle I take to be, "That certain features of
the countenance, sounds of the voice, and gestures of the body,
indicate certain thoughts and dispositions of mind."' _Reid's
Essays_, vol. ii. p. 261. Compare his _Inquiry_, p. 416.
[744] 'We have taken notice of several original principles of belief in
the course of this inquiry; and when other faculties of the mind
are examined, we shall find more, which have not occurred in the
examination of the five senses.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 471.
[745] 'And if no philosopher had attempted to define and explain belief,
some paradoxes in philosophy, more incredible than ever were
brought forth by the most abject superstition, or the most frantic
enthusiasm, had never seen the light.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 45.
[746] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 329, 334, vol. ii. p. 247.
[747] _Reid's Essays_, vol. i. pp. 9, 71, 303, 304.
[748] _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 60.
[749] 'I see no reason to think, that we shall ever be able to assign
the physical cause, either of instinct, or of the power of habit.
Both seem to be parts of our original constitution. Their end and
use is evident; but we can assign no cause of them, but the will
of Him who made us.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. iii. p. 119.
[750] 'I know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim to be
accounted simple and original, than those of space and time.'
_Reid's Essays_, vol. i. p. 354.
[751] 'I do not at all affirm that those I have mentioned are all the
first principles from which we may reason concerning contingent
truths. Such enumerations, even when made after much reflection,
are seldom perfect.' _Reid's Essays_, vol. ii. p. 270.
[752] 'Why sensation should compel our belief of the present existence of
the thing, memory a belief of its past existence, and imagination
no belief at all, _I believe no philosopher can give a shadow of
reason_, but that such is the nature of these operations. They are
all simple and original, and _therefore inexplicable_ acts of the
mind.' _Reid's Inquiry_, p. 40. 'We can _give no reason_ why the
retina is, of all parts of the body, the only one on which
pictures made by the rays of light cause vision; and _therefore we
must resolve this solely into a law of our constitution_' p. 258.
All this is arbitrary enough. Still, in justice to Reid, it must be said,
that, having made these assumptions, he displayed remarkable ability in
arguing from them, and that, in attacking the philosophy of his time, he
subjected it to a criticism, which has been extremely serviceable. His
lucidity, his dialectic skill, and the racy and masculine style in which
he wrote, made him a formidable opponent, and secured to his objections
a respectful hearing. To me, however, it appears, that notwithstanding
the attempts, first of M. Cousin, and afterwards of Sir William Hamilton,
to prop up his declining reputation, his philosophy, as an independent
system, is untenable, and will not live. In this I may be mistaken; but
what is quite certain is, that nothing can be more absurd than to
suppose, as some have done, that he adopted the inductive, or, as it is
popularly called, Baconian method. Bacon, indeed, would have smiled at
such a disciple, assuming all sorts of major premisses, taking general
principles for granted with the greatest recklessness, and reserving his
skill for the task of reasoning from propositions for which he had no
evidence, except that on a cursory, or, as he termed it, a common-sense,
inspection, they appeared to be true.[753] This refusal to analyze
preconceived notions, comes under the head of what Bacon stigmatized as
the _anticipatio naturæ_, and which he deemed the great enemy of
knowledge, on account of the dangerous confidence it places in the
spontaneous and uncorrected conclusions of the human mind. When,
therefore, we find Reid holding up the Baconian philosophy, as a pattern
which it behoves all inquirers to follow;[754] and when we, moreover,
find Dugald Stewart, who, though a somewhat superficial thinker, was, at
all events, a careful writer, supposing that Reid had followed it,[755]
we meet with fresh proof of how difficult it was for Scotchmen of the
last age to imbibe the true spirit of inductive logic, since they
believed, that a system which flagrantly violated its rules, had been
framed in strict accordance with them.
[753] In a recent work of distinguished merit, an instance is given of
the loose manner in which he took for granted that certain
phenomena were ultimate, in order that, instead of analyzing them,
he might reason from them. 'Dr. Reid has no hesitation in classing
the voluntary command of our organs, that is, the sequence of
feeling and action implied in all acts of will, among instincts.
The power of lifting a morsel of food to the mouth, is, according
to him, an instinctive or pre-established conjunction of the wish
and the deed; that is to say, the emotional state of hunger,
coupled with the sight of a piece of bread, is associated, through
a primitive link of the mental constitution, with the several
movements of the hand, arm, and mouth, concerned in the act of
eating. _This assertion of Dr. Reid's may be simply met by
appealing to the facts._ It is not true that human beings possess,
at birth, any voluntary command of their limbs whatsoever. A babe
of two months old cannot use its hands in obedience to its
desires. The infant can grasp nothing, hold nothing, can scarcely
fix its eyes on anything.' ... 'If the more perfect command of our
voluntary movements implied in every art be an acquisition, so is
the less perfect command of these movements that grows upon a
child during the first year of life.' _Bain on the Senses and the
Intellect_, London, 1855, pp. 292, 293.
[754] See _Reid's Inquiry_, pp. 436, 446, as well as other parts of his
works: see also an extract from one of his letters to Dr. Gregory,
in _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p. 432.
[755] 'The idea of prosecuting the study of the human mind on a plan
analogous to that which had been so successfully adopted in
physics by the followers of Lord Bacon, if not first conceived by
Dr. Reid, was, at least, first carried successfully into execution
in his writings.' _Stewart's Biographical Memoirs_, p. 419. 'The
influence of the general views opened in the _Novum Organon_, may
be traced in almost every page of his writings; and, indeed, the
circumstance by which they are so strongly and characteristically
distinguished, is that they exhibit the first systematical attempt
to exemplify, in the study of human nature, the same plan of
investigation which conducted Newton to the properties of light,
and to the law of gravitation.' p. 421. From this passage one
might hazard a supposition that Dugald Stewart did not understand
Bacon much better than he did Aristotle or Kant. Of the two last
most profound thinkers, he certainly knew little or nothing,
except what he gathered secondhand. Consequently, he underrates
them.
Leaving mental philosophy, I now come to physical science, in which, if
anywhere, we might expect that the inductive plan would predominate, and
would triumph over the opposite, or deductive, one. How far this was the
case, I will endeavour to ascertain, by an examination of the most
important discoveries which have been made by Scotchmen concerning the
organic and inorganic world. And, as my object is merely to indicate the
turn and character of the Scotch mind, I shall avoid all details
respecting the practical effects of those discoveries, and shall confine
myself to such a narration as will exhibit their purely scientific
aspect, so as to enable the reader to understand what additions were
made to our knowledge of the laws of nature, and in what way the
additions were made. The character of each discovery, and its process,
will be stated, but nothing more. Neither here, nor in any part of this
Introduction, do I pretend to investigate questions of practical utility,
or to trace the connexion between the discoveries of science and the arts
of life. That I shall do in the body of the work itself, where I hope to
explain a number of minute social events, many of which are regarded as
isolated, if not incongruous. For the present, I solely aim at those
broad principles, which, by marking out the epochs of thought, underlie
the whole fabric of society, and which must be clearly apprehended before
history can cease to be a mere empirical assemblage of facts, of which
the scientific basis being unsettled, the true order and coherence must
be unknown.
Among the sciences which concern the inorganic world, the laws of heat
occupy a conspicuous place. On the one hand, they are connected with
geology, being intimately allied, and, indeed, necessarily bound up, with
every speculation respecting the changes and present condition of the
crust of the earth. On the other hand, they touch the great questions of
life, both animal and vegetable; they have to do with the theory of
species, and of race; they modify soil, food, and organization; and to
them we must look for valuable help towards solving those great problems
in biology, which, of late years, have occupied the attention of the
boldest and most advanced philosophers.
Our present knowledge of the laws of heat, may be briefly stated as
branching into five fundamental divisions. These are: latent heat;
specific heat; the conduction of heat; the radiation of heat; and,
finally, the undulatory theory of heat; by which last, we are gradually
discarding our old material views, and are accustoming ourselves to look
upon heat as simply one of the forms of force, all of which, such as
light, electricity, magnetism, motion, gravitation, and chemical
affinity, are constantly assuming each other's shape, but, in their total
amount, are incapable either of increase or of diminution.[756] This
grand conception, which is now placing the indestructibility of force on
the same ground as the indestructibility of matter, has an importance far
above its scientific value, considerable as that undoubtedly is. For, by
teaching us, that nothing perishes, but that, on the contrary, the
slightest movement of the smallest body, in the remotest region, produces
results which are perpetual, which diffuse themselves through all space,
and which, though they may be metamorphosed, cannot be destroyed, it
impresses us with such an exalted idea of the regular and compulsory
march of physical affairs, as must eventually influence other and higher
departments of inquiry. Our habits of thought are so connected and
interwoven, that notions of law and of the necessary concatenation of
things, can never be introduced into one field of speculation, without
affecting other fields which lie contiguous to it. When, therefore, the
modern doctrine of conservation of force,[757] becomes firmly coupled
with the older doctrine of conservation of matter, we may rest assured
that the human mind will not stop there, but will extend to the study of
Man, inferences analogous to those already admitted in the study of
Nature. Having once recognized that the condition of the material
universe, at any one moment, is simply the result of every thing which
has happened at all preceding moments, and that the most trivial
disturbance would so violate the general scheme, as to render anarchy
inevitable, and that, to sever from the total mass even the minutest
fragment, would, by dislocating the structure, bury the whole in one
common ruin, we, thus admitting the exquisite adjustment of the different
parts, and discerning, too, in the very beauty and completeness of the
design, the best proof that it has never been tampered with by the
Divine Architect, who called it into being, in whose Omniscience both
the plan, and the issue of the plan, resided with such clearness and
unerring certainty, that not a stone in that superb and symmetrical
edifice has been touched since the foundation of the edifice was laid,
are, by ascending to this pitch and elevation of thought, most assuredly
advancing towards that far higher step, which it will remain for our
posterity to take, and which will raise their view to so commanding a
height, as to insure the utter rejection of those old and eminently
irreligious dogmas of supernatural interference with the affairs of life,
which superstition has invented, and ignorance has bequeathed, and the
present acceptance of which betokens the yet early condition of our
knowledge, the penury of our intellectual resources, and the inveteracy
of the prejudices in which we are still immersed.
[756] The theory of the indestructibility of force has been applied to
the law of gravitation by Professor Faraday, in his _Discourse on
the Conservation of Force_, 1857; an essay full of thought and
power, and which should be carefully studied by every one who
wishes to understand the direction which the highest speculations
of physical science are now taking. I will quote only one passage
from the opening, to give the reader an idea of its general scope,
irrespective of the more special question of gravitation. 'The
progress of the strict science of modern times has tended more and
more to produce the conviction that force can neither be created
nor destroyed; and to render daily more manifest the value of the
knowledge of that truth in experimental research.' ... 'Agreeing
with those who admit the conservation of force to be a principle
in physics, as large and sure as that of the indestructibility of
matter, or the invariability of gravity, I think that no
particular idea of force has a right to unlimited or unqualified
acceptance, that does not include assent to it.'
[757] As an illustration of this doctrine, I cannot do better than quote
the following passage from one of the most suggestive and clearly
reasoned books which has been written in this century by an
English physicist: 'Wave your hand; the motion which has
apparently ceased, is taken up by the air, from the air by the
walls of the room, &c., and so by direct and reacting waves,
continually comminuted, but never destroyed. It is true that, at a
certain point, we lose all means of detecting the motion, from its
minute subdivision, which defies our most delicate means of
appreciation, but we can indefinitely extend our power of
detecting it accordingly as we confine its direction, or increase
the delicacy of our examination. Thus, if the hand be moved in
unconfined air, the motion of the air would not be sensible to a
person at a few feet distant; but if a piston of the same extent
of surface as the hand be moved with the same rapidity in a tube,
the blast of air may be distinctly felt at several yards'
distance. There is no greater absolute amount of motion in the air
in the second than in the first case, but its direction is
restrained, so as to make its means of detection more facile. By
carrying on this restraint, as in the air-gun, we get a power of
detecting the motion, and of moving other bodies at far greater
distances. The puff of air which would in the air-gun project a
bullet a quarter of a mile, if allowed to escape without its
direction being restrained, as by the bursting of a bladder, would
not be perceptible at a yard's distance, though the same absolute
amount of motion be impressed on the surrounding air.' _Grove's
Correlation of Physical Forces_, London, 1855, pp. 24, 25. In a
work now issuing from the press, and still unfinished, it is
suggested, with considerable plausibility, that Persistence of
Force would be a more accurate expression than Conservation of
Force. See Mr. Herbert Spencer's _First Principles_, London, 1861,
p. 251. The title of this book gives an inadequate notion of the
importance of the subjects with which it deals, and of the reach
and subtlety of thought which characterize it. Though some of the
generalizations appear to me rather premature, no well-instructed
and disciplined intellect can consider them without admiration of
the remarkable powers displayed by their author.
It is, therefore, natural, that the physical doctrine of
indestructibility applied to force as well as to matter, should be
essentially a creation of the present century, notwithstanding a few
allusions made to it by some earlier thinkers, all of whom, however,
groped vaguely, and without general purpose. No preceding age was bold
enough to embrace so magnificent a view as a whole, nor had any preceding
philosophers sufficient acquaintance with nature to enable them to defend
such a conception, even had they desired to entertain it. Thus, in the
case now before us, it is evident, that while heat was believed to be
material, it could not be conceived as a force, and therefore no one
could grasp the theory of its metamorphosis into other forces; though
there are passages in Bacon which prove that he wished to identify it
with motion. It was first necessary to abstract heat into a mere property
or affection of matter, and there was no chance of doing this until heat
was better understood in its immediate antecedents, that is, until, by
the aid of mathematics, its proximate laws had been generalized. But,
with the single exception of Newton, whose efforts, notwithstanding his
gigantic powers, were, on this subject, very unsatisfactory, and who,
moreover, had a decided leaning towards the material theory, no one
attempted to unravel the mathematical laws of heat till the latter half
of the eighteenth century, when Lambert and Black began the career which
Prevost and Fourier followed up. The mind, having been so slow in
mastering the preliminaries and outworks of the inquiry, was not ripe for
the far more difficult enterprise of idealizing heat itself, and so
abstracting it, as to strip it of its material attributes, and leave it
to nothing but the speculative notion of an immaterial force.
From these considerations, which were necessary to enable the reader to
appreciate the value of what was done in Scotland, it will be seen how
essential it was that the laws of the movement of heat should be studied
before its nature was investigated, and before the emission theory could
be so seriously attacked as to allow of the possibility of that great
doctrine of the indestructibility of force, which, I make no doubt, is
destined to revolutionize our habits of thought, and to give to future
speculations a basis infinitely wider than any previously known. In
regard to the movements of heat, we owe the laws of conduction and of
radiation chiefly to France and Geneva, while the laws of specific heat,
and those of latent heat, were discovered in Scotland. The doctrine of
specific heat, though interesting, has not the scientific importance
which belongs to the other departments of this great subject; but the
doctrine of latent heat is extremely curious, not only in itself, but
also on account of the analogies it suggests with various branches of
physical inquiry.
What is termed latent heat, is exhibited in the following manner. If, in
consequence of the application of heat, a solid passes into a liquid, as
ice, for instance, into water, the conversion occupies a longer time than
could be explained by any theory which had been propounded down to the
middle of the eighteenth century. Neither was it possible to explain how
it is, that ice never rises above the temperature of 32° until it is
actually melted, no matter what the heat of the adjacent bodies may be.
There were no means of accounting for these circumstances. And though
practical men, being familiar with them, did not wonder at them, they
caused great astonishment among thinkers, who were accustomed to analyze
events, and to seek a reason for common and every-day occurrences.
Soon after the middle of the eighteenth century, Black, who was then one
of the professors in the University of Glasgow, turned his attention to
this subject.[758] He struck out a theory which, being eminently
original, was violently attacked, but is now generally admitted. With a
boldness and reach of thought not often equalled, he arrived at the
conclusion, that whenever a body loses some of its consistence, as in the
case of ice becoming water, or water becoming steam, such body receives
an amount of heat which our senses, though aided by the most delicate
thermometer, can never detect. For, this heat is absorbed; we lose all
sight of it, and it produces no palpable effect on the material world,
but becomes, as it were, a hidden property. Black, therefore, called it
latent heat, because, though we conceive it as an idea, we cannot trace
it as a fact. The body is, properly speaking, hotter; and yet its
temperature does not rise. Directly, however, the foregoing process is
inverted, that is to say, directly the steam is condensed into water, or
the water hardened into ice, the heat returns into the world of sense; it
ceases to be latent, and communicates itself to the surrounding objects.
No new heat has been created; it has, indeed, appeared and disappeared,
so far as our senses are concerned; but our senses were deceived, since
there has, in truth, been neither addition nor diminution.[759] That
this remarkable theory paved the way for the doctrine of the
indestructibility of force, will be obvious to whoever has examined the
manner in which, in the history of the human mind, scientific conceptions
are generated. The process is always so slow, that no single discovery
has ever been made, except by the united labours of several successive
generations. In estimating, therefore, what each man has done, we must
judge him, not by the errors he commits, but by the truths he propounds.
Most of his errors are not really his own. He inherits them from his
predecessors; and if he throws some of them off, we should be grateful,
instead of being dissatisfied that he has not rejected all. Black, no
doubt, fell into the error of regarding heat as a material substance,
which obeys the laws of chemical composition.[760] But this was merely an
hypothesis, which was bequeathed to him, and with which the existing
state of thought forced him to encumber his theory. He inherited the
hypothesis, and could not get rid of his troublesome possession. The real
service which he rendered is, that, in spite of that hypothesis, which
clung to him to the last, he, far more than any of his contemporaries,
contributed towards the great conception of idealizing heat, and thus
enabled his successors to admit it into the class of immaterial and
supersensual forces. Once admitted into that class, the list of forces
became complete; and it was comparatively easy to apply to the whole body
of force, the same notion of indestructibility, which had previously been
applied to the whole body of matter. But it was hardly possible to effect
this object, while heat stood, as it were, midway between force and
matter, yielding opposite results to different senses; amenable to the
touch, but invisible to the eye. What was wanting, was to remove it
altogether out of the jurisdiction of the senses, and to admit that,
though we experience its effects, we can only conceive its existence.
Towards accomplishing this, Black took a prodigious stride. Unconscious,
perhaps, of the remote tendency of his own labours, he undermined that
doctrine of material heat, which he seemed to support. For, by his
advocacy of latent heat, he taught that its movements constantly baffle,
not only some of our senses, but all of them; and that, while our
feelings make us believe that heat is lost, our intellect makes us
believe that it is not lost. Here, we have apparent destructibility, and
real indestructibility. To assert that a body received heat without its
temperature rising, was to make the understanding correct the touch, and
defy its dictates. It was a bold and beautiful paradox, which required
courage as well as insight to broach, and the reception of which marks an
epoch in the human mind, because it was an immense step towards
idealizing matter into force. Some, indeed, have spoken of invisible
matter; but that is a contradiction in terms, which will never be
admitted, as long as the forms of speech remain unchanged. Nothing can be
invisible, except force, mind, and the Supreme Cause of all. We must,
therefore, ascribe to Black the signal merit that he first, in the study
of heat, impeached the authority of the senses, and thereby laid the
foundation of every thing which was afterwards done. Besides the relation
which his discovery bears to the indestructibility of force, it is also
connected with one of the most splendid achievements effected by this
generation in inorganic physics; namely, the establishment of the
identity of light and heat. To the senses, light and heat, though in some
respects similar, are in most respects dissimilar. Light, for instance,
affects the eye, and not the touch. Heat affects the touch, but, under
ordinary circumstances, does not affect the eye. The capital difference,
however, between them is, that heat, unlike light, possesses the property
of temperature; and this property is so characteristic, that until our
understandings are invigorated by science, we cannot conceive heat
separated from temperature, but are compelled to confuse one with the
other. Directly, however, men began to adopt the method followed by
Black, and were resolved to consider heat as supersensual, they entered
the road which led to the discovery of light and heat being merely
different developments of the same force. Ignoring the effects of heat on
themselves, or on any part of the creation, which was capable of feeling
its temperature, and would therefore be deceived by it, nothing was left
for them to do, but to study its effects on the inanimate world. Then,
all was revealed. The career of discovery was fairly opened; and
analogies between light and heat, which even the boldest imagination had
hardly suspected, were placed beyond a doubt. To the reflection of heat,
which had been formerly known, were now added the refraction of heat, its
double refraction, its polarization, its depolarization, its circular
polarization, the interference of its rays, and their retardation; while,
what is more remarkable than all, the march of our knowledge on these
points was so swift, that before the year 1836 had come to a close, the
chain of evidence was completed by the empirical investigations of Forbes
and Melloni, they themselves little witting that every thing which they
accomplished was prepared before they were born, that they were but the
servants and followers of him who indicated the path in which they trod,
and that their experiments, ingenious as they were, and full of resource,
were simply the direct practical consequence of one of those magnificent
ideas which Scotland has thrown upon the world, and the memory of which
is almost enough so to bribe the judgment, as to tempt us to forget,
that, while the leading intellects of the nation were engaged in such
lofty pursuits, the nation itself, untouched by them, passed them over
with cold and contemptuous indifference, being steeped in that deadening
superstition, which turns a deaf ear to every sort of reason, and will
not hearken to the voice of the charmer, charm he never so wisely.
[758] He was appointed professor in 1756; and 'it was during his
residence in Glasgow, between the years 1759 and 1763, that he
brought to maturity those speculations concerning the combination
of heat with matter, which had frequently occupied a portion of
his thoughts.' _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 319,
320.
[759] _Black's Lectures on Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 116, 117; and in
various places. Dr. Robison, the editor of these Lectures, says,
p. 513, 'Nothing could be more simple than his doctrines of latent
heat. The experience of more than a century had made us consider
the thermometer as a sure and accurate indicator of heat, and of
all its variations. We had learned to distrust all others. Yet, in
the liquefaction and vaporization of bodies, we had proofs
uncontrovertible of the entrance of heat into the bodies. And we
could, by suitable processes, get it out of them again. Dr. Black
said that it was concealed in them,--_latent_,--it was as much
concealed as carbonic acid is in marble, or water in zeolite,--it
was concealed till Dr. Black detected it. He called it Latent
Heat. He did not mean by this term that it was a different kind of
heat from the heat which expanded bodies, but merely that it was
concealed from our sense of heat, and from the thermometer.' See
also p. xxxvii.: 'Philosophers had long been accustomed to
consider the thermometer as the surest means for detecting the
presence of heat or fire in bodies, and they distrusted all
others.'
[760] 'Fluidity is the consequence of a certain combination of calorific
matter with the substance of solid bodies,' &c. _Black's
Lectures_, vol. i. p. 133. Compare p. 192, and the remarks in
_Turner's Chemistry_, 1847, vol. i. p. 31, on Black's views of the
'chemical combination' of heat. Among the backward chemists, we
still find traces of the idea of heat obeying chemical laws.
By thus considering the descent and relationship of scientific
conceptions, we can alone understand what we really owe to Black's
discovery of latent heat. In regard to the method of the discovery,
little need be said, since every student of the Baconian philosophy must
see, that the discovery was of a kind for which none of the maxims of
that system had provided. As latent heat escapes the senses, it could not
obey the rules of a philosophy, which grounds all truth on observation
and experiment. The subject of the inquiry being supersensual, there was
no scope for what Bacon called crucial experiments and separations of
nature. The truth was in the idea; experiments, therefore, might
illustrate it, might bring it up to the surface, and so enable men to
grasp it, but could not prove it. And this, which appears on the very
face of the discovery, is confirmed by the express testimony of Dr.
Thomson, who knew Black, and was, indeed, one of the most eminent of his
pupils. We are assured by this unimpeachable witness, that Black, about
the year 1759 began to speculate concerning heat; that the result of
those speculations was the theory of latent heat; that he publicly taught
that theory in the year 1761; but that the experiments which were
necessary to convince the world of it were not made till 1764,[761]
though, as I need hardly add, according to the inductive method, it was a
breach of all the rules of philosophy to be satisfied with the theory
three years before the experiments were made, and it was a still greater
breach, not only to be satisfied with it, but to have openly promulgated
it as an original and unquestionable truth, which explained, in a new
manner, the economy of the material world.
[761] 'So much was he convinced of this, that he taught the doctrine in
his lectures in 1761, before he had made a single experiment on
the subject.' ... 'The requisite experiments were first attempted
by Dr. Black in 1764.' _Thomson's History of Chemistry_, vol. i.
p. 324. See also pp. 319, 320; and on the history of the idea in
Black's mind as early as the year 1754, see the interesting
extracts from his note-books in Robison's appendix to _Black's
Lectures_, vol. i pp. 525, 526.
The statement of Dr. Thomson refers to the completion, or last
stage, of the discovery, namely the vaporific combination of heat.
But from a letter which Black wrote to Watt in 1780 (_Muirhead's
Life of Watt_, London, 1859, p. 303), it appears that Thomson has
even understated the question, and that Black, instead of first
teaching his theory in 1761, taught it three years earlier, that
is, _six_ years before the decisive experiments were made. 'I
began,' writes Black, 'to give the doctrine of latent heat in my
lectures at Glasgow in the winter 1757-58, which, I believe, was
the first winter of my lecturing there; or if I did not give it
that winter, I certainly gave it in the 1758-59; and I have
delivered it every year since that time in my winter lectures,
which I continued to give at Glasgow until winter 1766-67, when I
began to lecture in Edinburgh.'
The intellect of Black belonged to a class, which, in the eighteenth
century, was almost universal in Scotland, but was hardly to be found in
England, and which, for want of a better word, we are compelled to call
deductive, though fully admitting that even the most deductive minds have
in them a large amount of induction, since, indeed, without induction,
the common business of life could not be carried on. But for the purposes
of scientific classification, we may say, that a man or an age is
deductive, when the favourite process is reasoning from principles
instead of reasoning to them, and when there is a tendency to underrate
the value of specific experience. That this was the case with the
illustrious discoverer of latent heat, we have seen, both from the nature
of the discovery, and from the decisive testimony of his friend and
pupil. And a further confirmation may be found in the circumstance, that,
having once propounded his great idea, he, instead of instituting a long
series of laborious experiments, by which it might be verified in its
different branches, preferred reasoning from it according to the general
maxims of dialectic; pushing it to its logical consequences, rather than
tracking it into regions where the senses might either confirm or refute
it.[762] By following this process of thought, he was led to some
beautiful speculations, which are so remote from experience, that even
now, with all the additional resources of our knowledge, we cannot tell
whether they are true or false. Of this kind were his views respecting
the causes of the preservation of man, whose existence would, he thought,
be endangered, except for the power which heat possesses of lying latent
and unobserved. Thus, for example, when a long and severe winter was
followed by sudden warmth, it appeared natural that the ice and snow
should melt with corresponding suddenness; and if this were to happen,
the result would be such terrible inundations, that it would be hardly
possible for man to escape from their ravages. Even if he escaped, his
works, that is, the material products of his civilization, would perish.
From this catastrophe, nothing saves him but the latent power of heat.
Owing to this power, directly the ice and snow begin to melt at their
surface, the heat enters their structure, where a large part of it
remains in abeyance, and thus losing much of its power, the process of
liquefaction is arrested. This dreadful agent is lulled, and becomes
dormant. It is weakened at the outset of its career, and is laid up, as
in a storehouse, from which it can afterwards emerge, gradually, and with
safety to the human species.[763]
[762] And he distinctly states that, even in other matters, when he did
make experiments, their object was to confirm theory, and not to
suggest it. Thus, to give one of many instances, in his
_Lectures_, vol. i. p. 354, he says, respecting salts, 'When we
examine the solidity of this reasoning by an experiment, _we have
the pleasure to find facts agree exactly with the theory_.'
[763] See a good summary of this idea in _Black's Lectures on
Chemistry_, vol. i. p. 118. Contrasting his theory of heat with
that previously received, he says, 'But, were the ice and snow to
melt as suddenly as they must necessarily do, were the former
opinion of the action of heat in melting them well founded, the
torrents and inundations would be incomparably more irresistible
and dreadful. They would tear up and sweep away every thing, and
that so suddenly, that mankind should have great difficulty to
escape from their ravages.'
In this way, as summer advances, a vast magazine of heat is accumulated,
and is preserved in the midst of water, where it can do man no injury,
since, indeed, his senses are unable to feel it. There the heat remains
buried, until, in the rotation of the seasons, winter returns, and the
waters are congealed into ice. In the process of congelation, that
treasury of heat, which had been hidden all the summer, reappears; it
ceases to be latent; and now, for the first time, striking the senses of
man, it tempers, on his behalf, the severity of winter. The faster the
water freezes, the faster the heat is disengaged; so that, by virtue of
this great law of nature, cold actually generates warmth, and the
inclemency of every season, though it cannot be hindered, is softened in
proportion as the inclemency is more threatening.[764]
[764] 'Dr. Black quickly perceived the vast importance of this
discovery; and took a pleasure in laying before his students a
view of the extensive and beneficial effects of this habitude of
heat in the economy of nature. He made them remark how, by this
means, there was accumulated, during the summer season, a vast
magazine of heat, which, by gradually emerging, during
congelation, from the water which covers the face of the earth,
serves to temper the deadly cold of winter. Were it not for this
quantity of heat, amounting to 145 degrees, which emerges from
every particle of water as it freezes, and which diffuses itself
through the atmosphere, the sun would no sooner go a few degrees
to the south of the equator, than we should feel all the horrors
of winter.' _Robison's Preface to Black's Lectures_, vol. i.
p. xxxviii.
Thus, again, inasmuch as heat becomes latent, and flies from the senses,
not only when ice is passing into water, but also when water is passing
into steam, we find in this latter circumstance, one of the reasons why
man and other animals can live in the tropics, which, but for this, would
be deserted. They are constantly suffering from the heat which is
collected in their bodies, and which, considered by itself, is enough to
destroy them. But this heat causes thirst, and they consequently swallow
great quantities of fluid, much of which exudes through the pores of the
skin in the form of vapour. And as, according to the theory of latent
heat, vapour cannot be produced without a vast amount of heat being
buried within it, such vapour absorbs and carries off from the body,
that which, if left in the system, would prove fatal. To this we must
add, that, in the tropics, the evaporation of water is necessarily rapid,
and the vapour which is thus produced, becomes another storehouse of
heat, and a vehicle by which it is removed from the earth, and prevented
from unduly interfering with the economy of life.[765]
[765] As I am writing an account of Black's views, and not a criticism
of them, I shall give them, without comment, in his own words, and
in the words of one of his pupils. 'Here we can also trace another
magnificent train of changes, which are nicely accommodated to the
wants of the inhabitants of this globe. In the equatorial regions,
the oppressive heat of the sun is prevented from a destructive
accumulation by copious evaporation. The waters, stored with their
vaporific heat, are thus carried aloft into the atmosphere, till
the rarest of the vapour reaches the very cold regions of the air,
which immediately forms a small portion of it into a fleecy cloud.
This also further tempers the scorching heat by its opacity,
performing the acceptable office of a screen. From thence the
clouds are carried to the inland countries, to form the sources in
the mountains, which are to supply the numberless streams that
water the fields. And, by the steady operation of causes, which
are tolerably uniform, the greater part of the vapours pass on to
the circumpolar regions, there to descend in rains and dews; and
in this beneficent conversion into rain, by the cold of those
regions, each particle of steam gives up the 700 or 800 degrees of
heat which were latent in it. These are immediately diffused, and
soften the rigour of those less comfortable climates.' ... 'I am
persuaded that the heat absorbed in spontaneous evaporation
greatly contributes to enable animals to bear the heat of the
tropical climates, where the thermometer frequently continues to
show the temperature of the human body. Such heats, indeed, are
barely supportable, and enervate the animal, making it lazy and
indolent, indulging in the most relaxed postures, and avoiding
every exertion of body or mind. The inhabitants are induced to
drink large draughts of diluting liquors, which transude through
their pores most copiously, carrying off with them a vast deal of
this troublesome and exhausting heat. There is in the body itself
a continual laboratory, or manufacture of heat, and, were the
surrounding air of such a temperature as not to carry it off, it
would soon accumulate so as to destroy life. The excessive
perspiration, supplied by diluting draughts, performs the same
office as the cold air without the tropics, in guarding us from
this fatal accumulation.' _Black's Lectures_, vol. i. pp. xlvi.
214.
From these and many other arguments, all of which were so essentially
speculative, and dealt with such hidden processes of nature, that even
now we are not justified either in confidently admitting them or in
positively denying them, Black was led to that great doctrine of the
indestructibility of heat,[766] which, as I have pointed out, has, in its
connexion with the indestructibility of force, a moral and social
importance even superior to its scientific value. Though the evidence of
which he was possessed was far more scanty than what we now have, he, by
the reach of his commanding intellect, rather than by the number and
accuracy of his facts, became so penetrated with a conviction of the
stability of physical affairs, that he not only applied that idea to the
subtle phenomena of heat, but, what was much harder to do, he applied it
to cases in which heat so entirely escapes the senses, that man has no
cognizance of it, except through the medium of the imagination. According
to his view, heat passes through an immense variety of changes, during
which it appears to be lost; changes which no eye can ever see, which no
touch can ever experience, and which no instrument can ever measure.
Still, and in the midst of all these changes, it remains intact. From it
nothing can be taken, and to it nothing can be added. In one of those
fine passages of his Lectures, which, badly reported as they are,[767]
bear the impress of his elevated genius, Black, after stating what would
probably happen, if the total amount of heat existing in the world were
to be diminished, proceeds to speculate on the consequences of its being
increased. Were it possible for any power to add to it ever so little,
it would at once overstep its bounds; the equilibrium would be disturbed;
the framework of affairs would be disjointed. The evil rapidly
increasing, and acting with accumulated force, nothing would be able to
stop its ravages. It must continue to gain ground, till all other
principles are absorbed and conquered. Sweeping on, unhindered, and
irresistible, before it, every animal must perish, the whole vegetable
world must disappear, the waters must pass into vapour, and the solid
parts of the globe be merged and melted, until, at length, the glorious
fabric, loosened and dissolved, would fall away, and return to that
original chaos out of which it had been evolved.[768]
[766] See his strong protest against the notion that heat is ever
destroyed, in his _Lectures_, vol. i. pp. 125, 126, 164, 165.
[767] They were published after his death from such scanty materials,
that their editor, Dr. Robison, says (_Preface to Black's
Lectures_, vol. i. p. x.): 'When I then entered seriously on the
task, I found that the notes were (with the exception of perhaps a
score of lectures) in the same imperfect condition that they had
been in from the beginning, consisting entirely of single leaves
of paper, in octavo, full of erasions, interlinings, and
alterations of every kind; so that, in many places, it was not
very certain which of several notes was to be chosen.'
[768] 'On the other hand, were the heat which at present cherishes and
enlivens this globe, allowed to increase beyond the bounds at
present prescribed to it; beside the destruction of all animal and
vegetable life, which would be the immediate and inevitable
consequence, the water would lose its present form, and assume
that of an elastic vapour like air; the solid parts of the globe
would be melted and confounded together, or mixed with the air and
water in smoke and vapour; and nature would return to the original
chaos.' _Black's Lectures_, vol. i. pp. 246, 247.
These, like many other of the speculations of this great thinker, will
find small favour with those purely inductive philosophers, who not only
suppose, perhaps rightly, that all our knowledge is in its beginning
built upon facts, but who countenance, what seems to me, the very
dangerous opinion, that every increase of knowledge must be preceded by
an increase of facts. To such men it will appear, that Black had far
better have occupied himself in making new observations, or devising new
experiments, than in thus indulging his imagination in wild and
unprofitable dreams. They will think, that these flights of fancy are
suitable, indeed, to the poet, but unworthy of that severe accuracy, and
of that close attention to facts, which ought to characterize a
philosopher. In England, especially, there is, among physical inquirers,
an avowed determination to separate philosophy from poetry, and to look
upon them, not only as different, but as hostile. Among that class of
thinkers, whose zeal and ability are beyond all praise, and to whom we
owe almost unbounded obligations, there does undoubtedly exist a very
strong opinion, that, in their own pursuit, the imagination is extremely
dangerous, as leading to speculations, of which the basis is not yet
assured, and generating a desire to catch too eagerly at distant glimpses
before the intermediate ground has been traversed. That the imagination
has this tendency is undeniable. But they who object to it on this
account, and who would, therefore, divorce poetry from philosophy, have,
I apprehend, taken a too limited view of the functions of the human mind,
and of the manner in which truth is obtained. There is, in poetry, a
divine and prophetic power, and an insight into the turn and aspect of
things, which, if properly used, would make it the ally of science
instead of the enemy. By the poet, nature is contemplated on the side of
the emotions; by the man of science, on the side of the understanding.
But the emotions are as much a part of us as the understanding: they are
as truthful; they are as likely to be right. Though their view is
different, it is not capricious. They obey fixed laws; they follow an
orderly and uniform course; they run in sequences; they have their logic
and method of inference. Poetry, therefore, is a part of philosophy,
simply because the emotions are a part of the mind. If the man of science
despises their teaching, so much the worse for him. He has only half his
weapons; his arsenal is unfilled. Conquests, indeed, he may make, because
his native strength may compensate the defects of his equipment. But his
success would be more complete and more rapid, if he were properly
furnished and made ready for the battle. And I cannot but regard as the
worst intellectual symptom of this great country, what I must venture to
call the imperfect education of physical philosophers, as exhibited both
in their writings and in their trains of thought. This is the more
serious, because they, as a body, form the most important class in
England, whether we look at their ability, or at the benefits we have
received from them, or at the influence they are exercising, and are
likely to exercise, over the progress of society. It cannot, however, be
concealed, that they display an inordinate respect for experiments, an
undue love of minute detail, and a disposition to overrate the inventors
of new instruments, and the discoverers of new, but often insignificant,
facts. Their predecessors of the seventeenth century, by using hypotheses
more boldly, and by indulging their imagination more frequently, did
certainly effect greater things, in comparison with the then state of
knowledge, than our contemporaries, with much superior resources, have
been able to achieve. The magnificent generalizations of Newton and
Harvey could never have been completed in an age absorbed in one
unvarying round of experiments and observations. We are in that
predicament, that our facts have outstripped our knowledge, and are now
encumbering its march. The publications of our scientific institutions,
and of our scientific authors, overflow with minute and countless
details, which perplex the judgment, and which no memory can retain. In
vain do we demand that they should be generalized, and reduced into
order. Instead of that, the heap continues to swell. We want ideas, and
we get more facts. We hear constantly of what nature is doing, but we
rarely hear of what man is thinking. Owing to the indefatigable industry
of this and the preceding century, we are in possession of a huge and
incoherent mass of observations, which have been stored up with great
care, but which, until they are connected by some presiding idea, will be
utterly useless. The most effective way of turning them to account, would
be to give more scope to the imagination, and incorporate the spirit of
poetry with the spirit of science. By this means, our philosophers would
double their resources, instead of working, as now, maimed, and with only
half their nature. They fear the imagination, on account of its tendency
to form hasty theories. But, surely, all our faculties are needed in the
pursuit of truth, and we cannot be justified in discrediting any part of
the human mind. And I can hardly doubt, that one of the reasons why we,
in England, made such wonderful discoveries during the seventeenth
century, was because that century was also the great age of English
poetry. The two mightiest intellects our country has produced are
Shakspeare and Newton; and that Shakspeare should have preceded Newton,
was, I believe, no casual or unmeaning event. Shakspeare and the poets
sowed the seed, which Newton and the philosophers reaped. Discarding the
old scholastic and theological pursuits, they drew attention to nature,
and thus became the real founders of all natural science. They did even
more than this. They first impregnated the mind of England with bold and
lofty conceptions. They taught the men of their generation to crave after
the unseen. They taught them to pine for the ideal, and to rise above the
visible world of sense. In this way, by cultivating the emotions, they
opened one of the paths which lead to truth. The impetus which they
communicated, survived their own day, and, like all great movements, was
felt in every department of thought. But now it is gone; and, unless I am
greatly mistaken, physical science is at present suffering from its
absence. Since the seventeenth century, we have had no poet of the
highest order, though Shelley, had he lived, would perhaps have become
one. He had something of that burning passion, that sacred fire, which
kindles the soul, as though it came fresh from the altar of the gods. But
he was cut off in his early prime, when his splendid genius was still in
its dawn. If we except his immature, though marvellous, efforts, we may
assuredly say, that, for nearly two hundred years, England has produced
no poetry which bears those unmistakable marks of inspiration which we
find in Spenser, in Shakspeare, and in Milton. The result is, that we,
separated by so long an interval from those great feeders of the
imagination, who nurtured our ancestors, and being unable to enter fully
into the feelings of poets, who wrote when nearly all opinions, and,
therefore, nearly all forms of emotion, were very different to what they
now are, cannot possibly sympathize with those immortal productions so
closely as their contemporaries did. The noble English poetry of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is read more than ever, but it does
not colour our thoughts; it does not shape our understandings, as it
shaped the understandings of our forefathers. Between us and them is a
chasm, which we cannot entirely bridge. We are so far removed from the
associations amid which those poems were composed, that they do not flash
upon us with that reality and distinctness of aim, which they would have
done, had we lived when they were written. Their garb is strange, and
belongs to another time. Not merely their dialect and their dress, but
their very complexion and their inmost sentiments, tell of bygone days,
of which we have no firm hold. There is, no doubt, a certain ornamental
culture, which the most highly educated persons receive from the
literature of the past, and by which they sometimes refine their taste,
and sometimes enlarge their ideas. But the real culture of a great
people, that which supplies each generation with its principal strength,
consists of what is learnt from the generation immediately preceding.
Though we are often unconscious of the process, we build nearly all our
conceptions on the basis recognized by those who went just before us. Our
closest contact is, not with our forefathers, but with our fathers. To
them we are linked by a genuine affinity, which, being spontaneous, costs
us no effort, and from which, indeed, we cannot escape. We inherit their
notions, and modify them, just as they modified the notions of their
predecessors. At each successive modification, something is lost and
something is gained, until, at length, the original type almost
disappears. Therefore it is, that ideas entertained several generations
ago, bear about the same relation to us, as ideas preserved in a foreign
literature. In both cases, the ideas may adorn our knowledge, but they
are never so thoroughly incorporated with our minds, as to be the
knowledge itself. The assimilation is incomplete, because the sympathy is
incomplete. We have now no great poets; and our poverty in this respect
is not compensated by the fact, that we once had them, and that we may,
and do, read their works. The movement has gone by; the charm is broken;
the bond of union, though not cancelled, is seriously weakened. Hence,
our age, great as it is, and, in nearly all respects, greater than any
the world has yet seen, has, notwithstanding its large and generous
sentiments, its unexampled toleration, its love of liberty, and its
profuse, and almost reckless, charity, a certain material, unimaginative,
and unheroic character, which has made several observers tremble for the
future. So far as I can understand our present condition, I do not
participate in these fears, because I believe that the good we have
already gained, is beyond all comparison greater than what we have lost.
But that something has been lost, is unquestionable. We have lost much of
that imagination, which, though, in practical life, it often misleads,
is, in speculative life, one of the highest of all qualities, being
suggestive as well as creative. Even practically, we should cherish it,
because the commerce of the affections mainly depends on it. It is,
however, declining; while, at the same time, the increasing refinement of
society accustoms us more and more to suppress our emotions, lest they
should be disagreeable to others. And as the play of the emotions is the
chief study of the poet, we see, in this circumstance, another reason
which makes it difficult to rival that great body of poetry which our
ancestors possessed. Therefore, it is doubly incumbent on physical
philosophers to cultivate the imagination. It is a duty they owe to their
own pursuits, which would be enriched and invigorated by such an
enlargement of their resources. It is also a duty which they owe to
society in general; since they, whose intellectual influence is already
greater than that of any other class, and whose authority is perceptibly
on the increase, might have power enough to correct the most serious
deficiency of the present age, and to make us some amends for our
inability to produce such a splendid imaginative literature as that which
our forefathers created, and in which the choicest spirits of the
seventeenth century did, if I may so say, dwell and have their being.
If, therefore, Black had done nothing more than set the example of a
great physical philosopher giving free scope to the imagination, he would
have conferred upon us a boon, the magnitude of which it is not easy to
overrate. And it is very remarkable, that, before he died, that
department of inorganic physics, which he cultivated with such success,
was taken up by another eminent Scotchman, who pursued exactly the same
plan, though with somewhat inferior genius. I allude, of course, to
Leslie, whose researches on heat are well known to those who are occupied
with this subject; while, for our present purpose, they are chiefly
interesting as illustrating that peculiar method which, in the eighteenth
century, seemed essential to the Scotch mind.
About thirty years after Black propounded his famous theory of heat,
Leslie began to investigate the same topic, and, in 1804, published a
special dissertation upon it.[769] In that work, and in some papers in
his _Treatises on Philosophy_, are contained his views, several of which
are now known to be inaccurate,[770] though some are of sufficient value
to mark an epoch in the history of science. Such was his generalization
respecting the connexion between the radiation of heat, and its
reflection; bodies which reflect it most, radiating it least, and those
which radiate it most, reflecting it least. Such, too, was another wide
conclusion, which the best inquirers have since confirmed, namely, that,
while heat is radiating from a body, the intensity of each ray is as the
sine of the angle which it makes with the surface of that body.
[769] Mr. Napier, in his _Memoirs of Leslie_, pp. 16, 17 (prefixed to
_Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, Edinb. 1838), says, that he
'composed the bulk of his celebrated work on Heat in the years
1801 and 1802;' but that, in 1793, he propounded 'some of its
theoretical opinions, as well as the germs of its discoveries.' It
appears, however, from his own statement, that he was making
experiments on heat, at all events, as early as 1791. See
_Leslie's Experimental Inquiry into the Nature and Propagation of
Heat_, London, 1804, p. 409.
[770] For specimens of some of his most indefensible speculations, see
_Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, pp. 38, 43.
These were important steps, and they were the result of experiments,
preceded by large and judicious hypotheses. In relation, however, to the
economy of nature, considered as a whole, they are of small account in
comparison with what Leslie effected towards consolidating the great idea
of light and heat being identical, and thus preparing his contemporaries
for that theory of the interchange of forces, which is the capital
intellectual achievement of the nineteenth century. But it is interesting
to observe, that, with all his ardour, he could not go beyond a certain
length. He was so hampered by the material tendencies of his time, that
he could not bring himself to conceive heat as a purely supersensual
force, of which temperature was the external manifestation.[771] For
this, the age was barely ripe. We accordingly find him asserting, that
heat is an elastic fluid, extremely subtle, but still a fluid.[772] His
real merit was, that, notwithstanding the difficulties which beset his
path, he firmly seized the great truth, that there is no fundamental
difference between light and heat. As he puts it, each is merely a
metamorphosis of the other. Heat is light in complete repose. Light is
heat in rapid motion. Directly light is combined with a body, it becomes
heat; but when it is thrown off from that body, it again becomes
light.[773]
[771] Though he clearly distinguishes between the two. 'It is almost
superfluous to remark, that the term heat is of ambiguous import,
denoting either a certain sensation, or the external cause which
excites it.' _Leslie on Heat_, p. 137.
[772] 'Heat is an elastic fluid extremely subtle and active.' _Leslie on
Heat_, p. 150. At p. 31, 'calorific and frigorific fluid.' See
also pp. 143, 144; and the attempt to measure its elasticity, in
pp. 177, 178.
[773] 'Heat is only light in the state of combination.' _Leslie on
Heat_, p. 162. 'Heat in the state of emission constitutes light.'
p. 174. 'It is, therefore, the same subtle matter, that, according
to its different modes of existence, constitutes either heat or
light. Projected with rapid celerity, it forms light; in the state
of combination with bodies it acts as heat.' p. 188. See also p.
403, 'different states of the same identical substance.'
Whether this is true or false, we cannot tell; and many years, perhaps
many generations, will have to elapse before we shall be able to tell.
But the service rendered by Leslie is quite independent of the accuracy
of his opinion, as to the manner in which light and heat are
interchanged. That they are interchanged, is the essential and paramount
idea. And we must remember, that he made this idea the basis of his
researches, at a period when some very important facts, or, I should
rather say, some very conspicuous facts, were opposed to it; while the
main facts which favoured it were still unknown. When he composed his
work, the analogies between light and heat, with which we are now
acquainted, had not been discovered; no one being aware, that double
refraction, polarization, and other curious properties, are common to
both. To grasp so wide a truth in the face of such obstacles, was a rare
stroke of sagacity. But, on account of the obstacles, the inductive mind
of England refused to receive the truth, as it was not generalized from a
survey of all the facts. And Leslie, unfortunately for himself, died too
soon to enjoy the exquisite pleasure of witnessing the empirical
corroboration of his doctrine by direct experiment, although he clearly
perceived that the march of discovery, in reference to polarization, was
leading the scientific world to a point, of which his keen eye had
discerned the nature, when, to others, it was an almost invisible speck,
dim in the distant offing.[774]
[774] In 1814, that is ten years after his great work was published, and
about twenty years after it was begun, he writes from Paris: 'My
book on heat is better known' here 'than in England. I was even
reminded of some passages in it which in England were considered
as fanciful, but which the recent discoveries on the polarity of
light have confirmed.' _Napier's Memoirs of Leslie_, p. 28,
prefixed to _Leslie's Philosophical Treatises_, edit. Edinb. 1838.
Leslie died in 1832 (p. 40); and the decisive experiments of
Forbes and Melloni were made between 1834 and 1836.
In regard to the method adopted by Leslie, he assures us, that, in
assuming the principles from which he reasoned, he derived great aid from
poetry; for he knew that the poets are, after their own manner,
consummate observers, and that their united observations form a treasury
of truths, which are nowise inferior to the truths of science, and of
which science must either avail herself, or else suffer from neglecting
them.[775] To apply these truths rightly, and to fit them to the
exigencies of physical inquiry, is, no doubt, a most difficult task,
since it involves nothing less than holding the balance between the
conflicting claims of the emotions and the understanding. Like all great
enterprises, it is full of danger, and, if undertaken by an ordinary
mind, would certainly fail. But there are two circumstances which make it
less dangerous in our time, than in any earlier period. The first
circumstance is, that the supremacy of the human understanding, and its
right to judge all theories for itself, is now more generally admitted
than ever; so that there can be little fear of our leaning to the
opposite side, and allowing poetry to encroach on science. The other
circumstance is, that our knowledge of the laws of nature is much greater
than that possessed by any previous age; and there is, consequently, less
risk of the imagination leading us into error, inasmuch as we have a
large number of well-ascertained truths, which we can confront with every
speculation, no matter how plausible or ingenious it may appear.
[775] 'The easiest mode of conceiving the subject, is to consider the
heat that permeates all bodies, and unites with them in various
proportions, as merely the subtle fluid of light in a state of
combination. When forcibly discharged, or suddenly elicited from
any substance, it again resumes its radiant splendour.' ... 'The
same notion was embraced by the poets, and gives sublimity to
their finest odes.' ... 'Those poetical images which have
descended to our own times, were hence founded on a close
observation of nature. Modern philosophy need not disdain to adopt
them, and has only to expand and reduce to precision the original
conceptions.' _Leslie's Treatises on Philosophy_, pp. 308, 309.
Again, at p. 416: 'This is not the first occasion in which we have
to admire, through the veil of poetical imagery, the sagacity and
penetration of those early sages. It would be weakness to expect
nice conclusions in the infancy of science; but it is arrogant
presumption to regard all the efforts of unaided genius with
disdain.'
On both these grounds, Leslie was, I apprehend, justified in taking the
course which he did. At all events, it is certain, that, by following it,
he came nearer than would otherwise have been possible, to the
conceptions of the most advanced scientific thinkers of our day. He
distinctly recognized that, in the material world, there is neither break
nor pause; so that what we call the divisions of nature have no
existence, except in our minds.[776] He was even almost prepared to do
away with that imaginary difference between the organic and inorganic
world, which still troubles many of our physicists, and prevents them
from comprehending the unity and uninterrupted march of affairs. They,
with their old notions of inanimate matter, are unable to see that all
matter is living, and that what we term death is a mere expression by
which we signify a fresh form of life. Towards this conclusion, all our
knowledge is now converging; and it is certainly no small merit in
Leslie, that he, sixty years ago, when really comprehensive views,
embracing the whole creation, were scarcely known among scientific men,
should have strongly insisted that all forces are of the same kind, and
that we have no right to distinguish between them, as if some were
living, and others were dead.[777]
[776] 'We should recollect that, in all her productions, Nature exhibits
a chain of perpetual gradation, and that the systematic divisions
and limitations are entirely artificial, and designed merely to
assist the memory and facilitate our conceptions.' _Leslie on
Heat_, p. 506.
[777] 'All forces are radically of the same kind, and the distinction of
them into _living_ and _dead_ is not grounded on just principles.'
_Leslie on Heat_, p. 133. Compare p. 299: 'We shall perhaps find,
that this prejudice, like many others, has some semblance of
truth; and that even dead or inorganic substances must, in their
recondite arrangements, exert such varying energies, and _so like
sensation itself_, as if fully unveiled to our eyes, could not
fail to strike us with wonder and surprise.'
We owe much to him, by whom such views were advocated. But they were
then, and in a certain, though far smaller degree, they are now, so out
of the domain of physical experience, that Leslie never could have
obtained them by generalizing in the way which the inductive philosophy
enjoins. His great work on heat was executed, as well as conceived, on
the opposite plan;[778] and his prejudices on this point were so strong,
that we are assured by his biographer, that he would allow no merit to
Bacon, who organized the inductive method into a system, and to whose
authority we in England pay a willing, and I had almost said a servile,
homage.[779]
[778] Mr. Napier, in his _Life of Leslie_, p. 17, says of it, very
gravely, 'Its hypotheses are not warranted by the sober maxims of
inductive logic.'
[779] 'Notwithstanding the contrary testimony, explicitly recorded by
the founders of the English experimental school, he denied all
merit and influence to the immortal delineator of the inductive
logic.' _Napier's Life of Leslie_, p. 42.
Another curious illustration of the skill with which the Scotch mind,
when once possessed of a principle, worked from it deductively, appears
in the geological speculations of Hutton, late in the eighteenth century.
It is well known, that the two great powers which have altered the
condition of our planet, and made it what it is, are fire and water. Each
has played so considerable a part, that we can hardly measure their
relative importance. Judging, however, from the present appearance of the
crust of the earth, there is reason to believe, that the older rocks are
chiefly the result of fusion, and that the younger are aqueous deposits.
It is, therefore, not unlikely, that, in the order in which the energies
of nature have unfolded themselves, fire preceded water, and was its
necessary precursor.[780] But, all that we are as yet justified in
asserting is, that these two causes, the igneous and the aqueous, were in
full operation long before man existed, and are still busily working.
Perhaps they are preparing another change in our habitation, suitable to
new forms of life, as superior to man, as man is superior to the beings
who occupied the earth before his time. Be this as it may, fire and water
are the two most important and most general principles with which
geologists are concerned; and though, on a superficial view, each is
extremely destructive, it is certain that they can really destroy
nothing, but can only decompose and recompose; shifting the arrangements
of nature, but leaving nature herself intact. Whether one of these
elements will ever again get the upper hand of its opponent, is a
speculation of extreme interest. For, there is reason to suspect, that,
at one period, fire was more active than water, and that, at another
period, water was more active than fire. That they are engaged in
incessant warfare, is a fact with which geologists are perfectly
familiar, though, in this, as in many other cases, the poets were the
first to discern the truth. To the eye of the geologist, water is
constantly labouring to reduce all the inequalities of the earth to a
single level; while fire, with its volcanic action, is equally busy in
restoring those inequalities, by throwing up matter to the surface, and
in various ways disturbing the crust of the globe.[781] And as the beauty
of the material world mainly depends on that irregularity of aspect,
without which scenery would have presented no variety of form, and but
little variety of colour, we shall, I think, not be guilty of too refined
a subtlety, if we say that fire, by saving us from the monotony to which
water would have condemned us, has been the remote cause of that
development of the imagination which has given us our poetry, our
painting, and our sculpture, and has thereby not only wonderfully
increased the pleasures of life, but has imparted to the human mind a
completeness of function, to which, in the absence of such a stimulus, it
could not have attained.
[780] The supposition, that volcanic agencies were formerly more potent
than they are now, is by no means inconsistent with the scientific
doctrine of uniformity, though it is generally considered to be
so. It is one thing to assert the uniformity of natural laws; it
is quite another thing to assert the uniformity of natural causes.
Heat may once have produced far greater effects than it can do at
present, and yet the laws of nature be unchanged, and the order
and sequence of events unbroken. What I would venture to suggest
to geologists is, that they have not taken sufficiently into
account the theory of the interchange of forces, which seems to
offer a solution of at least part of the problem. For, by that
theory, a large portion of the heat which formerly existed may
have been metamorphosed into other forces, such as light, chemical
affinity, and gravitation. The increase of these forces consequent
on the diminution of heat, would have facilitated the
consolidation of matter; and until such forces possessed a certain
energy, water, which afterwards became so prominent, could not
have been formed. If the power of chemical affinity, for instance,
were much weaker than it is, water would assuredly resolve itself
into its component gases. Without wishing to lay too much stress
on this speculation, I submit it to the consideration of competent
judges, because I am convinced that any hypothesis, not absolutely
inconsistent with the known laws of nature, is preferable to that
dogma of interference, which what may be called the miraculous
school of geologists wish to foist upon us, in utter ignorance of
its incompatibility with the conclusions of the most advanced
minds in other departments of thought.
The remarks in Sir Roderick Murchison's great work (_Siluria_,
London, 1854, pp. 475, 476) on the 'grander intensity of former
causation,' and on the difficulty this opposes to the
'uniformitarians,' apply merely to those who take for granted that
_each_ force has always been equally powerful: they do not affect
those who suppose that it is only the _aggregate_ of force which
remains unimpaired. Though the distribution of forces may be
altered, their gross amount is not susceptible of change, so far
as the highest conceptions of our actual science extend.
Consequently, there is no need for us to believe that, in
different periods, the intensity of causation varies; though we
may believe that some one agent, such as heat, had at one time
more energy than it has ever had since.
[781] 'The great agents of change in the inorganic world may be divided
into two principal classes, the aqueous and the igneous. To the
aqueous belong rain, rivers, torrents, springs, currents, and
tides; to the igneous, volcanos and earthquakes. Both these
classes are instruments of decay as well as of reproduction; but
they may also be regarded as antagonist forces. For the aqueous
agents are incessantly labouring to reduce the inequalities of the
earth's surface to a level; while the igneous are equally active
in restoring the unevenness of the external crust, partly by
heaping up new matter in certain localities, and partly by
depressing one portion, and forcing out another, of the earth's
envelope.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, 9th edit., London,
1853, p. 198.
When geologists began to study the laws according to which fire and water
had altered the structure of the earth, two different courses were open
to them, namely, the inductive and the deductive. The deductive plan was
to compute the probable consequences of fire and water, by reasoning from
the sciences of thermotics and hydrodynamics; tracking each element by an
independent line of argument, and afterwards coördinating into a single
scheme the results which had been separately obtained. It would then only
remain to inquire, how far this imaginary scheme harmonized with the
actual state of things; and if the discrepancy between the ideal and the
actual were not greater than might fairly be expected from the
perturbations produced by other causes, the ratiocination would be
complete, and geology would, in its inorganic department, become a
deductive science. That our knowledge is ripe for such a process, I am
far, indeed, from supposing; but this is the path which a deductive mind
would take, so far as it was able. On the other hand, an inductive mind,
instead of beginning with fire and water, would begin with the effects
which fire and water had produced, and would first study these two
agents, not in their own separate sciences, but in their united action as
exhibited on the crust of the earth. An inquirer of this sort would
assume, that the best way of arriving at truth would be to proceed from
effects to causes, observing what had actually happened, and rising from
the complex results up to a knowledge of the simple agents, by whose
power the results have been brought about.
If the reader has followed the train of thought which I have endeavoured
to establish in this chapter, and in the first volume, he will be
prepared to expect that when, in the latter half of the eighteenth
century, geology was first seriously studied, the inductive plan of
proceeding from effects to causes became the favourite one in England;
while the deductive plan of proceeding from causes to effects, was
adopted in Scotland and in Germany. And such was really the case. It is
generally admitted, that, in England, scientific geology owes its origin
to William Smith, whose mind was singularly averse to system, and who,
believing that the best way of understanding former causes was to study
present effects, occupied himself, between the years 1790 and 1815, in a
laborious examination of different strata.[782] In 1815, he, after
traversing the whole of England on foot, published the first complete
geological map which ever appeared, and thus took the first great step
towards accumulating the materials for an inductive generalization.[783]
In 1807, and, therefore, before he had brought his arduous task to an
end, there was formed in London the Geological Society, the express
object of which, we are assured, was, to observe the condition of the
earth, but by no means to generalize the causes which had produced that
condition.[784] The resolution was, perhaps, a wise one. At all events,
it was highly characteristic of the sober and patient spirit of the
English intellect. With what energy and unsparing toil it has been
executed, and how the most eminent members of the Geological Society
have, in the pursuit of truth, not only explored every part of Europe,
but examined the shell of the earth in America and in Northern Asia, is
well known to all who are interested in these matters; nor can it be
denied, that the great works of Lyell and Murchison prove that the men
who are capable of such laborious enterprises, are also capable of the
still more difficult achievement of generalizing their facts and refining
them into ideas. They did not go as mere observers, but they went with
the noble object of making their observations subservient to a discovery
of the laws of nature. That was their aim; and all honour be to them for
it. Still, it is evident, that their process is essentially inductive; it
is a procedure from the observation of complex phenomena, up to the
elements to which those phenomena are owing; it is, in other words, a
study of natural effects, in order to learn the operation of natural
causes.
[782] Dr. Whewell, comparing him with his great German contemporary,
Werner, says, 'In the German, considering him as a geologist, the
ideal element predominated.' ... 'Of a very different temper and
character was William Smith. No literary cultivation of his youth
awoke in him the _speculative love of symmetry and system_; but a
singular clearness and precision of the classifying power, which
he possessed as a native talent, was exercised and developed by
exactly those geological facts among which his philosophical task
lay.' ... 'We see great vividness of thought and activity of mind,
_unfolding itself exactly in proportion to the facts with which it
had to deal_.' ... 'He dates his attempts to discriminate and
connect strata from the year 1790.' _Whewell's History of the
Inductive Sciences_, London, 1847, vol. iii. pp. 562-564.
[783] 'The execution of his map was completed in 1815, and remains a
lasting monument of original talent and extraordinary
perseverance; for he had explored the whole country on foot
without the guidance of previous observers, or the aid of
fellow-labourers, and had succeeded in throwing into natural
divisions the whole complicated series of British rocks.' _Lyell's
Principles of Geology_, p. 58. Geological maps of parts of England
had, however, been published before 1815. See _Conybeare on
Geology_, in _Second Report of the British Association_, p. 373.
[784] 'A great body of new data were required; and the Geological
Society of London, founded in 1807, conduced greatly to the
attainment of this desirable end. To multiply and record
observations, and patiently to await the result at some future
period, was the object proposed by them; and it was their
favourite maxim, that the time was not yet come for a general
system of geology, but that all must be content for many years to
be exclusively engaged in furnishing materials for future
generalizations.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, p. 59. Compare
_Richardson's Geology_, 1851, p. 40.
Very different was the process in Germany and Scotland. In 1787, that is,
only three years before William Smith began his labours, Werner, by his
work on the classification of mountains, laid the foundation of the
German school of geology.[785] His influence was immense; and among his
pupils we find the names of Mohs, Raumer, and Von Buch, and even that of
Alexander Humboldt.[786] But the geological theory which he propounded,
depended entirely on a chain of argument from cause to effect. He
assumed, that all the great changes through which the earth had passed,
were due to the action of water. Taking this for granted, he reasoned
deductively from premisses with which his knowledge of water supplied
him. Without entering into details respecting his system, it is enough to
say, that, according to it, there was originally one vast and primeval
sea, which, in the course of time, deposited the primitive rocks. The
base of all was granite; then gneiss; and others followed in their
order. In the bosom of the water, which at first was tranquil, agitations
gradually arose, which, destroying part of the earliest deposits, gave
birth to new rocks, formed out of their ruins. The stratified thus
succeeded to the unstratified, and something like variety was
established. Then came another period, in which the face of the waters,
instead of being merely agitated, was convulsed by tempests, and, amid
their play and collision, life was generated, and plants and animals
sprung into existence. The vast solitude was slowly peopled, the sea
gradually retired; and a foundation was laid for that epoch, during which
man entered the scene, bringing with him the rudiments of order and of
social improvement.[787]
[785] Cuvier, in his Life of Werner, says (_Biographie Universelle_,
vol. i. pp. 376, 377), 'La connaissance des positions respectives
des minéraux dans la croûte du globe, et ce que l'on peut en
conclure relativement aux époques de leur origine, forment une
autre branche de la science qu'il appelle Géognosie. Il en
présenta les premières bases en 1787, dans un petit écrit intitulé
"Classification et description des Montagnes."'
[786] _Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences_, vol. iii. p. 567.
[787] 'Une mer universelle et tranquille dépose en grandes masses les
roches primitives, roches nettement cristallisées, où domine
d'abord la silice. Le granit fait la base de tout; au granit
succède le gneiss, qui n'est qu'un granit commençant à se
feuilleter.' ... 'Des agitations intestines du liquide détruisent
une partie de ces premiers dépôts; de nouvelles roches se forment
de leurs débris réunis par des cimens. C'est parmi ces tempêtes
que naît la vie.' ... 'Les eaux, de nouveau tranquillisées, mais
dont le contenu a changé, déposent des couches moins épaisses et
plus variées, où les débris des corps vivans s'accumulent
successivement dans un ordre non moins fixe que celui des roches
qui les contiennent. Enfin, la dernière retraite des eaux répand
sur le continent d'immenses alluvions de matières meubles,
premiers sièges de la végétation, de la culture et de la
sociabilité.' _Eloge de Werner_, in _Cuvier_, _Recueil des Elogés
Historiques_, vol. ii. pp. 321-323.
These were the leading views of a system which, we must remember,
exercised great sway in the scientific world, and won over to its side
minds of considerable power. Erroneous and far-fetched though it was, it
had the merit of calling attention to one of the two chief principles
which have determined the present condition of our planet. It had the
further merit of provoking a controversy, which was eminently serviceable
to the interests of truth. For, the great enemy of knowledge is not
error, but inertness. All that we want is discussion, and then we are
sure to do well, no matter what our blunders may be. One error conflicts
with another; each destroys its opponent, and truth is evolved. This is
the course of the human mind, and it is from this point of view that the
authors of new ideas, the proposers of new contrivances, and the
originators of new heresies, are benefactors of their species. Whether
they are right or wrong, is the least part of the question. They tend to
excite the mind; they open up the faculties; they stimulate us to fresh
inquiry; they place old subjects under new aspects; they disturb the
public sloth; and they interrupt, rudely, but with most salutary effect,
that love of routine, which, by inducing men to go grovelling on in the
ways of their ancestors, stands in the path of every improvement, as a
constant, an outlying, and, too often, a fatal obstacle.
The method adopted by Werner was evidently deductive, since he argued
from a supposed cause, and reasoned from it to the effects. In that
cause, he found his major premiss, and thence he worked downwards to his
conclusion, until he reached the world of sense and of reality. He
trusted in his one great idea, and he handled that idea with consummate
skill. On that very account, did he pay less attention to existing facts.
Had he chosen, he, like other men, could have collected them, and
subjected them to an inductive generalization. But he preferred the
opposite path. To reproach him with this is irrational; for, in his
journey after truth, he chose one of the only two roads which are open to
the human mind. In England, indeed, we are apt to take for granted that
one road is infinitely preferable to the other. It may be so; but on
this, as on many other subjects, assertions are current which have never
been proved. At all events, Werner was so satisfied with his method, that
he would not be at the pains of examining the position of rocks and their
strata, as they are variously exhibited in different countries; he did
not even explore his own country, but, confining himself to a corner of
Germany, he began and completed his celebrated system, without
investigating the facts on which, according to the inductive method, that
system should have been built.[788]
[788] 'If it be true that delivery be the first, second, and third
requisite in a popular orator, it is no less certain that to
travel is of first, second, and third importance to those who
desire to originate just and comprehensive views concerning the
structure of our globe. Now, Werner had not travelled to distant
countries: he had merely explored a small portion of Germany, and
conceived, and persuaded others to believe, that the whole surface
of our planet, and all the mountain chains in the world, were made
after the model of his own province.' ... 'It now appears that he
had misinterpreted many of the most important appearances even in
the immediate neighbourhood of Freyberg. Thus, for example, within
a day's journey of his school, the porphyry, called by him
primitive, has been found not only to send forth veins, or dykes,
through strata of the coal formation, but to overlie them in
mass.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, p. 47.
Exactly the same process, on the same subject, and at the same time, was
going on in Scotland. Hutton, who was the founder of Scotch geology, and
who, in 1788, published his _Theory of the Earth_, conducted the inquiry
just as Werner did; though, when he began his speculations, he had no
knowledge of what Werner was doing.[789] The only difference between them
was, that while Werner reasoned from the agency of water, Hutton reasoned
from the agency of fire. The cause of this may, I think, be explained.
Hutton lived in a country where some of the most important laws of heat
had, for the first time, been generalized, and where consequently, that
department of inorganic physics had acquired great reputation. It was
natural for a Scotchman to take more than ordinary interest in a subject
in which Scotland had been so successful, and had obtained so much fame.
We need not, therefore, wonder that Hutton, who, like all men, felt the
intellectual bent of the time in which he lived, should have yielded to
an influence of which he was, perhaps, unconscious. In obedience to the
general mental habits of his country he adopted the deductive method. In
further obedience to the more special circumstances connected with his
own immediate pursuits, he gathered the principles from which he reasoned
from a study of fire, instead of gathering them, as Werner did, from a
study of water.
[789] Though Hutton's _Theory of the Earth_ was first published in 1788,
the edition of 1795, which is the one I have used, contains a
great number of additional illustrations of his views, and was
evidently re-written. But the main features are the same; and we
learn from his friend, Playfair, that 'the great outline of his
system' was completed 'several years' before 1788. _Life of
Hutton_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. iv. p. 50, Edinburgh, 1822.
Hence it is, that, in the history of geology, the followers of Werner are
known as Neptunists, and those of Hutton as Plutonists.[790] And these
terms represent the only difference between the two great masters. In the
most important points, namely their method, they were entirely agreed.
Both were essentially one-sided; both paid a too exclusive attention to
one of the two principal agents which have altered, and are still
altering, the crust of the earth; both reasoned from those agents,
instead of reasoning to them; and both constructed their system without
sufficiently studying the actual and existing facts; committing, in this
respect, an error which the English geologists were the first to rectify.
[790] Kirwan appears to have been the first who called Hutton's theory
'the Plutonic System.' See _Illustrations of the Huttonian
Theory_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. i. p. 145. On the distinction
between Neptunists and Plutonists, see the same work, pp. 504,
505.
As I am writing a history, not of science, but of scientific method, I
can only briefly glance at the nature of those services which Hutton
rendered to geology, and which are so considerable, that his system has
been called its present basis.[791] This, however, is too strongly
expressed; for, though Hutton was far from denying the influence of
water,[792] he did not concede enough to it, and there is a tendency
among several geologists to admit that the system of Werner considered
as an aqueous theory, contains a larger amount of truth than the
advocates of the igneous theory are willing to allow. Still, what Hutton
did was most remarkable, especially in reference to what are now termed
metamorphic rocks, the theory of whose formation he was the first to
conceive.[793] Into this, and into their connexion, on the one hand, with
the sedimentary rocks, and, on the other hand, with those rocks whose
origin is perhaps purely igneous, I could not enter without treading on
debatable ground. But, putting aside what is yet uncertain, I will
mention two circumstances respecting Hutton which are undisputed, and
which will give some idea of his method, and of the turn of his mind. The
first circumstance is, that, although he ascribed to subterranean heat,
as exhibited in volcanic action, a greater and more constant energy than
any previous inquirers had ventured to do,[794] he preferred speculating
on the probable consequences of that action, rather than drawing
inferences from the facts which the action presented; he being on this
point so indifferent, that he arrived at his conclusions without
inspecting even a single region of active volcanoes, where he might have
watched the workings of nature, and seen what she was really about.[795]
The other circumstance is equally characteristic. Hutton, in his
speculations concerning the geological effects of heat, naturally availed
himself of the laws which Black had unfolded. One of those laws was, that
certain earths owe their fusibility to the presence of fixed air in them
before heat has expelled it; so that if it were possible to force them to
retain their fixed air, or carbonic acid gas, as we now call it, no
amount of heat could deprive them of the capability of being fused. The
fertile mind of Hutton saw, in this discovery, a principle from which he
could construct a geological argument. It occurred to him, that great
pressure would prevent the escape of fixed air from heated rocks, and
would thus enable them to be fused, notwithstanding their elevated
temperature. He then supposed that, at a period anterior to the existence
of man, such a process had taken place under the surface of the sea, and
that the weight of so great a column of water had prevented the rocks
from being decomposed while they were subjected to the action of fire. In
this way, their volatile parts were held together, and they themselves
might be melted, which could not have happened except for this enormous
pressure. By following this line of argument, he accounted for the
consolidation of strata by heat; since, according to the premisses from
which he started, the oily, or bituminous parts, would remain, in spite
of the efforts of heat to disperse them.[796] This striking speculation
led to the inference, that the volatile components of a substance, and
its fixed components, may be made to cohere, in the very teeth of that
apparently irresistible agent whose business it is to effect their
separation. Such an inference was contrary to all experience; or, to say
the least, no man had ever seen an instance of it.[797] Indeed, the
event was only supposed to happen in consequence of circumstances which
were never met with on the surface of the globe, and which, therefore,
were out of the range of all human observation.[798] The utmost that
could be expected was, that, by means of our instruments, we might,
perhaps, on a small scale, imitate the process which Hutton had imagined.
It was possible, that a direct experiment might artificially combine
great pressure with great heat, and that the result might be, that the
senses would realize what the intellect had conceived.[799] But the
experiment had never been tried, and Hutton, who delighted in reasoning
from ideas rather than from facts, was not likely to undertake it.[800]
He cast his speculation on the world, and left it to its fate.[801]
Fortunately, however, for the reception of his system, a very ingenious
and skilful experimenter of that day, Sir James Hall, determined to test
the speculation by an appeal to facts; and as nature did not supply the
facts which he wanted, he created them for himself. He applied heat to
powdered chalk, while, at the same time, with great delicacy of
manipulation, he subjected the chalk to a pressure about equal to the
weight of a column of water half a mile high. The result was, that, under
that pressure, the volatile parts of the chalk were held together; the
carbonic acid gas was unable to escape; the generation of quicklime was
stopped; the ordinary operations of nature were baffled, and the whole
composition, being preserved in its integrity, was fused, and, on
subsequently cooling, actually crystallized into solid marble.[802]
Never was triumph more complete. Never did a fact more fully confirm an
idea.[803] But, in the mind of Hutton, the idea preceded the fact by a
long interval; since, before the fact was known, the theory had been
raised, and the system which was built upon it had, indeed, been
published several years. It, therefore, appears that one of the chief
parts of the Huttonian Theory, and certainly its most successful part,
was conceived in opposition to all preceding experience; that it
pre-supposed a combination of events which no one had ever observed, and
the mere possibility of which nothing but artificial experiment could
prove; and, finally, that Hutton was so confident of the validity of his
own method of inquiry, that he disdained to make the experiment himself,
but left to another mind that empirical branch of the investigation which
he deemed of little moment, but which we, in England, are taught to
believe is the only safe foundation of physical research.[804]
[791] 'Has not only supplanted that of Werner, but has formed the
foundation of the researches and writings of our most enlightened
observers, and is justly regarded as the basis of all sound
geology at the present day.' _Richardson's Geology_, London, 1851,
p. 38.
[792] _Hutton's Theory of the Earth_, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. pp. 34, 41,
192, 290, 291, 593, vol. ii. pp. 236, 369, 378, 555.
[793] 'In his writings, and in those of his illustrator, Playfair, we
find the germ of the metamorphic theory.' _Lyell's Manual of
Geology_, London, 1851, p. 92.
[794] The shortest summary of this view is in his _Theory of the Earth_,
Edin. 1795, vol. ii. pp. 556. 'The doctrine, therefore, of our
Theory is briefly this; that whatever may have been the operation
of dissolving water, and the chemical action of it upon the
materials accumulated at the bottom of the sea, the general
solidity of that mass of earth, and the placing of it in the
atmosphere above the surface of the sea, has been the immediate
operation of fire or heat melting and expanding bodies.'
[795] 'Although Hutton had never explored any region of active volcanos,
he had convinced himself that basalt and many other trap rocks
were of igneous origin.' _Lyell's Principles of Geology_, London,
1853, p. 51. To this I may add, that he wrote his work without
having examined granite. He says (_Theory of the Earth_, vol. i.
p. 214), 'It is true, I met with it on my return by the east
coast, when I just saw it, and no more, at Peterhead and Aberdeen;
but that was all the granite I had ever seen when I wrote my
_Theory of the Earth_. I have, since that time, seen it in
different places; because I went on purpose to examine it, as I
shall have occasion to describe in the course of this work.'
Hutton's theory of granite is noticed in _Bakewell's Geology_,
London, 1838, p. 101: but Mr. Bakewell does not seem to be aware
that the theory was formed before the observations were made.
[796] _Huttonian Theory_, in _Playfair_, vol. i. pp. 38-40, 509, 510.
Compare _Playfair's Life of Hutton_, p. 61.
[797] Hence, the objections of Kirwan were invalid; because his argument
against Hutton was 'grounded on experiments, where that very
separation of the volatile and fixed parts takes place, which it
excluded in that hypothesis of subterraneous heat.' HUTTONIAN
THEORY, in _Playfair_, vol. i. p. 193, Edinb. 1822.
[798] Hutton says (_Theory of the Earth_, Edinb. 1795, vol. i. p. 94),
'The place of mineral operations is not on the surface of the
earth; and we are not to limit nature with our imbecility, or
estimate the powers of nature by the measure of our own.' See also
p. 159, 'mineral operations proper to the lower regions of the
earth.' And p. 527, 'The mineral operations of nature lie in a
part of the globe which is necessarily inaccessible to man, and
where the powers of nature act under very different conditions
from those which we find take place in the only situation where we
can live.' Again, in vol. ii. p. 97, 'The present Theory of the
Earth holds for principle that the strata are consolidated in the
mineral regions far beyond the reach of human observation.'
Similarly, vol. ii. p. 484, 'we judge not of the progress of
things from the actual operations of the surface.'
[799] Hutton, however, did not believe that this could be done. 'In the
Theory of the Earth which was published, I was anxious to warn the
reader against the notion that subterraneous heat and fusion could
be compared with that which we induce by our chemical operations
on mineral substances here upon the surface of the earth.'
_Hutton's Theory of the Earth_, vol. i. p. 251.
[800] See, in the _Life of Hutton_, in _Playfair's Works_, vol. iv.
p. 62 note, a curious remark on his indifference to experimental
verification. Innumerable passages in his work indicate this
tendency, and show his desire to reason immediately from general
principles. Thus, in vol. i. p. 17, 'Let us strictly examine our
principles in order to avoid fallacy in our reasoning.' ... 'We
are now, in reasoning from principles, come to a point decisive of
the question.' vol. i. p. 177. 'Let us now reason from our
principles.' vol. ii. p. 308. Hence, his constantly expressed
contempt for experience; as in vol. ii. p. 367, where he says that
we must 'overcome those prejudices which contracted views of
nature and _magnified opinions of the experience of man_ may have
begotten.'
[801] Playfair (_Life of Hutton_, p. 64) says that it drew 'their
attention' (_i.e._ the attention of 'men of science'), 'very
slowly, so that several years elapsed before any one showed
himself publicly concerned about it, either as an enemy or a
friend.' He adds, as one of the reasons of this, that it contained
'too little detail of facts for a system which involved so much
that was new, and opposite to the opinions generally received.'
[802] The account of these experiments was read before the Royal Society
of Edinburgh in 1805, and is printed in their _Transactions_, vol.
vi. pp. 71-185, Edinb. 1812, 4to. The general result was (pp. 148,
149), 'That a pressure of 52 atmospheres, or 1700 feet of sea, is
capable of forming a limestone in a proper heat; That under 86
atmospheres, answering nearly to 3000 feet, or about half a mile,
a complete marble may be formed; and lastly, That, with a pressure
of 173 atmospheres, or 5700 feet, that is little more than one
mile of sea, the carbonate of lime is made to undergo complete
fusion, and to act powerfully on other earths.' See also p. 160:
'The carbonic acid of limestone cannot be constrained in heat by a
pressure less than that of 1708 feet of sea.' There is a short,
and not very accurate, notice of these instructive experiments in
_Bakewell's Geology_, London, 1838, pp. 249, 250.
[803] As Sir James Hall says, 'The truth of the most doubtful principle
which Dr. Hutton has assumed, has thus been established by direct
experiment.' _Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh_,
vol. vi. p. 175.
[804] See the remarks of Sir James Hall, in _Transactions_, vol. vi.
pp. 74, 75. He observes that Hutton's 'system, however, involves
so many suppositions, apparently in contradiction to common
experience, which meet us on the very threshold, that most men
have hitherto been deterred from an investigation of its
principles, and only a few individuals have justly appreciated its
merits.' ... 'I conceived that the chemical effects ascribed by
him to compression, ought, in the first place, to be
investigated.' ... 'It occurred to me that this principle was
susceptible of being established in a direct manner by experiment,
and _I urged him to make the attempt; but he always rejected this
proposal_, on account of the immensity of the natural agents,
whose operation he supposed to lie far beyond the reach of our
imitation; and he seemed to imagine that any such attempt must
undoubtedly fail, and thus _throw discredit on opinions, already
sufficiently established, as he conceived, on other principles_.'
I have now given an account of all the most important discoveries made by
Scotland, in the eighteenth century, respecting the laws of the inorganic
world. I have said nothing of Watt, because, although the steam-engine,
which we owe to him, is of incalculable importance, it is not a
discovery, but an invention. An invention it may justly be termed, rather
than an improvement.[805] Notwithstanding what had been effected in the
seventeenth century, by De Caus, Worcester, Papin, and Savery, and
notwithstanding the later additions of Newcomen and others, the real
originality of Watt is unimpeachable. His engine was, essentially, a new
invention; but, under its scientific aspect, it was merely a skilful
adaptation of laws previously known; and one of its most important
points, namely, the economy of heat, was a practical application of ideas
promulgated by Black.[806] The only discovery made by Watt, was that of
the composition of water. Though his claims are disputed by the friends
of Cavendish, it would appear that he was the first who ascertained that
water, instead of being an element, is a compound of two gases.[807] This
discovery was a considerable step in the history of chemical analysis,
but it neither involved nor suggested any new law of nature, and has,
therefore, no claim to mark an epoch in the history of the human
mind.[808] There is, however, one circumstance connected with it which is
too characteristic to be passed over in silence. The discovery was made
in 1783, by Watt, the Scotchman, and by Cavendish, the Englishman,
neither of whom seems to have been aware of what the other was
doing.[809] But between the two there was this difference. Watt, for
several years previously, had been speculating on the subject of water in
connexion with air, and having, by Black's law of latent heat, associated
them together, he was prepared to believe that one is convertible into
the other.[810] The idea of an intimate analogy between the two bodies
having once entered his mind, gradually ripened; and when he, at last,
completed the discovery, it was merely by reasoning from data which
others possessed besides himself. Instead of bringing to light new facts,
he drew new conclusions from former ideas.[811] Cavendish, on the other
hand, obtained his result by the method natural to an Englishman. He did
not venture to draw a fresh inference, until he had first ascertained
some fresh facts. Indeed, his discovery was so completely an induction
from his own experiments, that he omitted to take into consideration the
theory of latent heat, from which Watt had reasoned, and where that
eminent Scotchman had found the premisses of his argument.[812] Both of
these great inquirers arrived at truth, but each accomplished his journey
by a different path. And this antithesis is accurately expressed by one
of the most celebrated of living chemists, who, in his remarks on the
composition of water, truly says, that while Cavendish established the
facts, Watt established the idea.[813]
[805] It may be traced back, certainly to the beginning of the
seventeenth century, and probably still higher. Yet the popular
opinion seems to be correct, that Watt was its real inventor;
though, of course, he could not have done what he did, without his
predecessors. This, however, may be said of all the most eminent
and successful men, as well as of the most ordinary men.
[806] On the obligations of Watt to Black, compare _Brougham's Life of
Watt_ (_Brougham's Works_, vol. i. pp. 25, 36-38, edit. Glasgow,
1855), with _Muirhead's Life of Watt_, second edit. London, 1859,
pp. 66, 83. At p. 301, Mr. Muirhead says of Watt, that 'his
principal inventions connected with the steam-engine, with all
their prodigious results, were founded, as we have seen, on the
attentive observation of great philosophical truths; and the
economy of fuel, increase of productive power, and saving of
animal labour, which gradually ensued, all originated in the
sagacious and careful thought with which he investigated the
nature and properties of heat.' But whatever investigations Watt
made into heat, he discovered no new law respecting it, or, at all
events, no new law which is large enough to be noted in the
history of thermotics, considered purely as a science, and apart
from practical application. Mr. Muirhead, in his interesting work
which I have just quoted, has published (pp. 484-486) some remarks
made on the subject by Watt, several years after the death of
Black, which, though perfectly fair and candid, show that Watt had
a rather confused notion of the real difference between an
invention and a discovery.
[807] Mr. Muirhead, in his _Life of Watt_, pp. 301-370, seems to have
put the priority of Watt beyond further doubt; though he is
somewhat hard upon Cavendish, who, there can be little question,
made the discovery for himself.
[808] I would not wish to diminish one jot of the veneration in which
the great name of Watt is justly held. But when I find the opinion
of Dr. Withering, the botanist, quoted, to the effect that his
'abilities and acquirements placed him next, if not superior, to
Newton.' (_Muirhead's Life of Watt_, p. 302), I cannot but protest
against such indiscriminate eulogy, which would rank Watt in the
same class as one of those godlike intellects of which the whole
world has not produced a score, and which are entitled to be
termed inspired, if ever human being was so. Another instance of
this injudicious panegyric will be found in the same otherwise
excellent work (_Muirhead_, pp. 324, 325), where we read that
Watt's discovery that water consists of oxygen and hydrogen, was
'the commencement of a new era, the dawn of a new day in physical
inquiry, the real foundation of the new system of chemistry; nay,
even a discovery "perhaps of greater importance than any single
fact which human ingenuity has ascertained either before or
since."'
[809] That there was no plagiarism on the part of Watt, we know from
positive evidence; that there was none on the part of Cavendish,
may be fairly presumed, both from the character of the man, and
also from the fact that in the then state of chemical knowledge
the discovery was imminent, and could not have been long delayed.
It was antecedently probable that the composition of water would
be ascertained by different persons at the same time, as we have
seen in many other discoveries which have been simultaneously
made, when the human mind, in that particular department of
inquiry, had reached a certain point. We are too apt to suspect
philosophers of stealing from each other, what their own abilities
are sufficient to work out for themselves. It is, however, certain
that Watt thought himself ill-treated by Cavendish. See _Watt's
Correspondence on the Composition of Water_, London, 1846,
pp. 48, 61.
[810] On 26th November 1783, he writes: 'For many years I have
entertained an opinion that air was a modification of water; which
was originally founded on the facts, that in most cases where air
was actually made, which should be distinguished from those
wherein it is only extricated from substances containing it in
their pores, or otherwise united to them in the state of air, the
substances were such as were known to contain water as one of
their constituent parts, yet no water was obtained in the
processes, except what was known to be only loosely connected with
them, such as the water of the crystallization of salts. _This
opinion arose from a discovery that the latent heat contained in
steam diminished, in proportion as the sensible heat of the water
from which it was produced, increased_; or, in other words, that
the latent heat of steam was less when it was produced under a
greater pressure, or in a more dense state, and greater when it
was produced under a less pressure, or in a less dense state;
which led me to conclude, that when a very great degree of heat
was necessary for the production of the steam, the latent heat
would be wholly changed into sensible heat; and that, in such
cases, the steam itself might suffer some remarkable change. I now
abandon this opinion, in so far as relates to the change of water
into air, as I think that may be accounted for on better
principles.' See this remarkable passage, which is quite decisive
as to the real history of Watt's discovery, in _Correspondence of
James Watt on the Composition of Water_, London, 1846, pp. 84, 85.
Compare p. cxxiv. and p. 248 note.
[811] In the paper which he communicated to the Royal Society, announcing
his discovery, he, well knowing the empirical character of the
English mind, apologizes for this; and says, 'I feel much
reluctance to lay my thoughts on these subjects before the public
in their present indigested state, and _without having been able
to bring them to the test of such experiments as would confirm or
refute them_.' _Watt's Correspondence on the Discovery of the
Composition of Water_, pp. 77, 78. Eleven months earlier, that is
in December 1782, he writes (_Ibid._ p. 4): 'Dr. Priestley has
made a most surprising discovery, which _seems to confirm my
theory_ of water's undergoing some very remarkable change at the
point where all its latent heat would be changed into sensible
heat.'
[812] 'He' (_i.e._ Cavendish) 'here omits entirely the consideration of
latent heat; an omission which he even attempts to justify, in one
of the passages interpolated by Blagden. But it is well known to
every one acquainted with the first principles of chemical
science, even as it was taught in the days of Black, and it was
indisputably familiar to Mr. Watt, that no aëriform fluid can be
converted into a liquid, nor any liquid into a solid, without tho
evolution of heat, previously latent. This essential part of the
process, Mr. Cavendish's theory does not embrace; but without it,
no theory on the subject can be complete; and it will presently be
seen, that Mr. Watt took it fully into account.' _Muirhead's Life
of Watt_, p. 315.
[813] 'Cavendish and Watt both discovered the composition of water.
Cavendish established the facts; Watt the idea.' ... '_The
attaching too high a value to the mere facts, is often a sign of a
want of ideas._' _Liebig's Letters on Chemistry_, London, 1851, p.
48. The last sentence of this illustrious philosopher, which I
have put in italics, should be well pondered in England. If I had
my way, it should be engraved in letters of gold over the portals
of the Royal Society and of the Royal Institution.
Thus much, as to what was effected by the Scotch in the department of
inorganic science. If we now turn to organic science, we shall find that,
there also, their labours were very remarkable. To those who are capable
of a certain elevation and compass of thought, it will appear, in the
highest degree, probable, that, between the organic and inorganic world,
there is no real difference. That they are separated, as is commonly
asserted, by a sharp line of demarcation, which indicates where one
abruptly ends, and the other abruptly begins, seems to be a supposition
altogether untenable. Nature does not pause, and break off in this fitful
and irregular manner. In her works there is neither gap nor chasm. To a
really scientific mind, the material world presents one vast and
uninterrupted series, gradually rising from the lowest to the highest
forms, but never stopping. In one part of that series, we find a
particular structure, which, so far as our observations have yet
extended, we, in another part, cannot find. We also observe particular
functions, which correspond to the structure, and, as we believe, result
from it. This is all we know. Yet, from these scanty facts, we, who, at
present, are still in the infancy of knowledge, and have but skimmed the
surface of things, are expected to infer, that there must be a point, in
the chain of existence, where both structure and function suddenly cease,
and, after which, we may vainly search for signs of life. It would be
difficult to conceive a conclusion more repugnant to the whole march and
analogy of modern thought. In every department, the speculations of the
greatest thinkers are constantly tending to coördinate all phenomena, and
to regard them as different, indeed, in degree, but by no means as
different in kind. Formerly, men were content to ground their conviction
of this difference in kind, on the evidence of the eye, which, on a
cursory inspection, saw an organization in some bodies, and not in
others. From the organization, they inferred the life, and supposed that
plants, for instance, had life, but that minerals had none. This sort of
argument was long deemed satisfactory; but, in the course of time, it
broke down; more evidence was required, and, since the middle of the
seventeenth century, it has been universally admitted, that the eye, by
itself, is an untrustworthy witness, and that we must employ the
microscope, instead of relying on the unaided testimony of our own puny
and precarious senses. But the microscope is steadily improving, and we
cannot tell what limits there are to its capacity for improvement.
Consequently, we cannot tell what fresh secrets it may disclose. Neither
can we say, that it may not be altogether superseded by some new
artificial resource, which shall furnish us with evidence, as superior to
any yet supplied, as our present evidence is superior to that of the
naked eye. Even already, and notwithstanding the shortness of time during
which the microscope has been a really effective instrument, it has
revealed to us organizations, the existence of which no one had
previously suspected. It has proved, that what, for thousands of years,
had been deemed mere specks of inert matter, are, in truth, animals
possessing most of the functions which we possess, reproducing their
species in regular and orderly succession, and endowed with a nervous
system, which shows that they must be susceptible of pain and enjoyment.
It has detected life hidden in the glaciers of Switzerland; it has found
it embedded in the polar ice, and, if it can flourish there, it is hard
to say from what quarter it can be shut out. So unwilling, however, are
most men to relinquish old notions, that the resources of chemistry have
been called in, to ascertain the supposed difference between organic and
inorganic matter: it being asserted, that, in the organic world, there is
a greater complexity of molecular combination, than in the
inorganic.[814] Chemists further assert, that, in organic nature, there
is a predominance of carbon, and, in inorganic, a predominance of
silicon.[815] But chemical analysis, like microscopic observation, is
making such rapid strides, that each generation, I had almost said each
year, is unsettling some of the conclusions previously established; so
that, now, and for a long time hence, we must regard those conclusions as
empirical, and, indeed, as merely tentative. Surely a permanent and
universal inference cannot be drawn from shifting and precarious facts,
which are admitted to-day, and may be overthrown to-morrow. It would,
therefore, appear that, in favour of the opinion, that some bodies are
living, and that others are dead, we have nothing, except the
circumstance, that our researches, so far as they have yet gone, have
shown that cellular structure, growth, and reproduction, are not the
invariable properties of matter, but are excluded from a large part of
the visible world, which, on that account, we call inanimate. This is the
whole of the argument on that side of the question. On the other side, we
have the fact, that our sight, and the artificial instruments, by whose
aid we have arrived at this conclusion, are confessedly imperfect; and we
have the further fact, that, imperfect as they are, they have proved,
that the organic kingdom is infinitely more extensive than the boldest
dreamer had ever imagined, while they have not been able to enlarge the
boundaries of the inorganic kingdom to any thing like the same amount.
This shows, that, so far as our opinions are concerned, the balance is
steadily inclining in one given direction; in other words, as our
knowledge advances, a belief in the organic is encroaching upon a belief
in the inorganic.[816] When we, moreover, add, that all science is
manifestly converging towards one simple and general theory, which shall
cover the whole range of material phenomena, and that, at each successive
step, some irregularities are explained away, and some inequalities are
reduced, it can hardly be doubted, that such a movement tends to weaken
those old distinctions, the reality of which has been too hastily
assumed; and that, in their place, we must, sooner or later, substitute
the more comprehensive view, that life is a property of all matter, and
that the classification of bodies into animate and inanimate, or into
organic and inorganic, is merely a provisional arrangement, convenient,
perhaps, for our present purposes, but which, like all similar divisions,
will eventually be merged in a higher and wider scheme.
[814] 'Organic substances, whether directly derived from the vegetable
or animal kingdom, or produced by the subsequent modification of
bodies which thus originate, are remarkable as a class for a
degree of complexity of constitution far exceeding that observed
in any of the compounds yet described.' _Fownes' Chemistry_, 3rd
edit., London, 1850, p. 353. I quote this, as the first authority
at hand, for a doctrine which is universally admitted by chemists,
and which is indubitably true, _so far as our experiments have at
present extended_.
[815] 'As the organic world is characterized by the predominance, in
quantity, of carbon, so the mineral or inorganic world is marked
by a similar predominance of silicon.' _Turner's Chemistry_,
edited by Liebig and Gregory, vol. ii. p. 678, London, 1847.
[816] I mean, of course, to apply this remark only to the globe we
inhabit, and not to extra-terrestrial phenomena. Respecting the
organization or non-organization of what exists out of this earth,
we have no evidence, and can hardly expect to have any for
centuries. Inferences have, indeed, been drawn from telescopic
observations; and attempts are now being made, abroad, to
determine, by a still more refined process, the physical
composition of some of the heavenly bodies. But without venturing,
in this note, to enter into such discussions, or even to state
their purport, I may say, that the difficulty of _verification_
will long prove an insuperable barrier to our knowledge of the
truth or falsehood of any results which may be obtained.
Until, however, that step is taken, we must be content to reason
according to the evidence supplied by our imperfect instruments, or by
our still more imperfect senses. We, therefore, recognize the difference
between organic and inorganic nature, not as a scientific truth, but as a
scientific artifice, by which we separate in idea, what is inseparable in
fact; hoping, in this way, to pursue our course with the greater ease,
and ultimately to obtain results, which will make the artifice needless.
Assuming, then, this division, we may refer all investigations of organic
bodies to one of two objects. The first object is, to ascertain the law
of those bodies, in their usual, healthy, or, as we somewhat erroneously
phrase it, normal course. The other object is, to ascertain their law, in
their unusual, unhealthy, or abnormal course. When we attempt to do the
first of these things, we are physiologists. When we attempt to do the
second, we are pathologists.[817]
[817] Mr. Simon, in his thoughtful and suggestive Lectures, says, 'We
may describe Pathology to consist in the Science of Life under
other conditions than those of ideal perfection.' _Simon's
Lectures on Pathology_, London, 1850, p. 14. This is by far the
best description I have met with; though, as it involves a
negative, it cannot be accepted as a definition. Indeed, the
context shows that Mr. Simon does not suppose it to be one.
Physiology and pathology are thus the two fundamental divisions of all
organic science.[818] Each is intimately connected with the other; and
eventually, no doubt, both will be fused into a single study, by
discovering laws which will prove that here, as elsewhere, nothing is
really abnormal, or irregular. Hitherto, however, the physiologists have
immeasurably outstripped the pathologists in the comprehensiveness of
their views, and, therefore, in the value of their results. For, the
best physiologists distinctly recognize that the basis of their science
must include, not only the animals below man, but also the entire
vegetable kingdom, and that, without this commanding survey of the whole
realm of organic nature, we cannot possibly understand even human
physiology, still less general physiology. The pathologists, on the other
hand, are so much in arrear, that the diseases of the lower animals
rarely form part of their plan; while the diseases of plants are almost
entirely neglected, although it is certain that, until all these have
been studied, and some steps taken to generalize them, every pathological
conclusion will be eminently empirical, on account of the narrowness of
the field from which it is collected.
[818] I formerly adopted the commonly received division of organic
statics, and organic dynamics; the statics being anatomy, and the
dynamics being physiology. But, I now think that our knowledge is
not sufficiently advanced to make this so convenient as the
division into physiological and pathological, or into normal and
abnormal, provided we remember that in reality nothing is
abnormal. The practically useful, but eminently unscientific,
doctrine, that there can be alteration of function without
alteration of structure, has effaced some of the most essential
distinctions between anatomy and physiology, and especially
between morbid anatomy and morbid physiology. Until those
distinctions are recognized, the scientific conceptions of
professional writers must be confused, however valuable their
practical suggestions may be. While men are capable of believing
that it is _possible_ for variations of function to proceed from
any cause except variations of structure, the philosophic
importance of anatomy will be imperfectly appreciated, and its
true relation to physiology will remain undefined. Inasmuch,
however, as, with our actual resources, the most careful
dissection is often unable to detect (in insanity, for instance)
those changes of structure which produce changes of function,
superficial thinkers are placed under a strong temptation to deny
their invariable connexion; and while the microscope is so
imperfect, and chemistry so backward, it is impossible that
experiments should always convince them of their mistake. Hence, I
believe that until our means of empirical research are greatly
improved, all such investigations, notwithstanding their immense
value in other respects, will tend to lead mere inductive minds
into error, by making them rely too much on what they call the
facts of the case, to the prejudice of the reason. This is what I
mean by saying, that our knowledge is not sufficiently advanced to
make it advisable to divide the sciences of organic bodies into
physiological and anatomical. At present, and probably for some
time yet, the humbler division into physiological and
pathological, may be deemed safer, and more likely to produce
solid results.
The science of pathology being still so backward in the conception as
well as in the execution, that even men of real ability believe that it
can be raised from a mere study of the human frame, it will hardly be
expected that the Scotch, notwithstanding the marvellous boldness of
their speculations, should have been able, in the eighteenth century, to
anticipate a method which the nineteenth century has yet to employ. But
they produced two pathologists of great ability, and to whom we owe
considerable obligations. These were, Cullen and John Hunter.[819] Cullen
was eminent only as a pathologist; but Hunter, whose fine and discursive
genius took a much wider range, was great both in physiology and in
pathology. A short account of their generalizations respecting organic
science, will be a fitting sequel to the notices I have already given of
what was done by their countrymen for inorganic science, during the same
period. It will complete our survey of the Scotch intellect, and will
enable the reader to form some idea of the brilliant achievements of that
most remarkable people, who, contrary to the course of affairs in all
other modern nations, have shown that scientific discoveries do not
necessarily weaken superstition, and that it is possible for two hostile
principles to flourish side by side, without ever coming into actual
collision, or without sensibly impairing each other's vigour.
[819] Hunter, as we shall presently see, did take an extraordinarily
comprehensive view of pathology, including the whole of the
organic world and even the aberrations of form in the inorganic.
In 1751, Cullen was appointed professor of medicine in the University of
Glasgow;[820] from which, however, in 1756, he was removed to the
University of Edinburgh,[821] where he delivered those celebrated
lectures, on which his fame now depends. During the early part of his
career, he paid great attention to inorganic physics, and propounded some
remarkable speculations, which are supposed to have suggested the theory
of latent heat to Black, who was his pupil.[822] But, to follow out those
views, would have required a number of minute experiments, which it did
not suit the habit of his mind to make. Having, therefore, put forth his
ideas, he left them to germinate, and passed on to his arduous attempt to
generalize the laws of disease as they are exhibited in the human frame.
In the study of disease, the phenomena being more obscure and less
amenable to experiment, there was greater latitude for speculation;
hence, he could more easily indulge in that love of theory, which was his
ruling passion, and with an extreme devotion to which he has been
reproached.[823] That the reproach is not altogether unjust, must, I
think, be admitted, since we find him laying down the doctrine, that,
inasmuch as, in the treatment of disease, theory could not be separated
from practice, it was unimportant which came first.[824] This was
tantamount to saying, that a medical practitioner might allow his
theories to control his observations; for it is certain that, in an
immense majority of cases, men are so tenacious of the opinions they
imbibe, that whatever, in any pursuit, first occupies their
understanding, is likely to mould all that comes afterwards. In ordinary
minds, associations of ideas, if firmly established, become indissoluble;
and the power of separating them, and of arranging them in new
combinations, is one of the rarest of our endowments. An average
intellect, when once possessed by a theory, can hardly ever escape from
it. Hence, in practical matters, theory should be feared, just as, in
scientific matters, it should be cherished; because practical pursuits
are chiefly engrossed by the lower class of minds, where associations and
the force of prejudice are extremely strong, while scientific pursuits
concern the higher class, where such prepossessions are comparatively
weak, and where close associations are more easily severed. The most
powerful intellects are most accustomed to new arrangements of thought,
and are, therefore, most able to break up old ones. On them, belief sits
lightly, because they well know how little evidence we have for many of
even our oldest beliefs. But the average, or, as we must say, without
meaning offence, the inferior, minds, are not disturbed by these
refinements. Theories, which they have once heartily embraced, they can
hardly ever get rid of, and they often dignify them with the name of
essential truths, and resent every attack upon them as a personal injury.
Having inherited such theories from their fathers, they regard them with
a sort of filial piety, and cling to them as if they were some rich
acquisition, which no one has a right to touch.
[820] _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 70, Edinburgh, 1832.
[821] _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 96. Bower states that
Cullen 'was appointed to the chair in 1755.' _Bower's History of
the University of Edinburgh_, vol. ii. p. 216, Edinburgh, 1817.
[822] 'It seems impossible to peruse the passages I have quoted from
Dr. Cullen's manuscript lectures and papers, and from his Essay on
Evaporation, without perceiving that his investigations with
regard to the heat and cold occasioned by the combination,
liquefaction, and evaporation of bodies, must not only have
assisted to direct the attention of his pupil Dr. Black to similar
inquiries, but must also have furnished him with several of the
data from which his simple and comprehensive theory of Latent Heat
was afterwards so philosophically deduced.' _Thomson's Life of
Cullen_, vol. i. p. 56.
[823] 'It is allowed by the admirers of this great man, that he was
perhaps too fond of theory.' _Bower's History of the University of
Edinburgh_, vol. iii. p. 273
[824] In 1759, he wrote to Dr. Balfour Russell, one of his favourite
pupils: 'You will not find it possible to separate practice from
theory altogether; and therefore, if you have a mind to begin with
the theory, I have no objection.' _Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol.
i. p. 130. Compare his _Introductory Lectures to the Practice of
Physic_, where, asserting truly, 'that reasoning in physic is
unavoidable' (_Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 417), he boldly infers,
'that to render it safe, it is _necessary to cultivate theory in
its full extent_.'
To this latter class, nearly all men belong, who are more engaged in
practical pursuits than in speculative ones. Among them, are the ordinary
practitioners, whether in medicine or in any other department, extremely
few of whom are willing to break up trains of thought to which they are
inured.[825] Though they profess to despise theory, they are, in reality,
enslaved by it. All that they can do, is to conceal their subjection, by
terming their theory a necessary belief. It must, therefore, be deemed a
remarkable proof of Cullen's love of deductive reasoning, that he,
sagacious and clear-sighted as he was, should have supposed that, in so
practical an art as medicine, theory could, with impunity, precede
practice. For, it is most assuredly true, that, taking men in the
average, their minds are so constructed, that it cannot precede it
without controlling it. It is equally true, that such control must be
hurtful. Even now, and notwithstanding the great steps which have been
taken in morbid anatomy, in animal chemistry, and in the microscopic
investigation both of the fluids and solids of the human frame, the
treatment of disease is a question of art, far more than a question of
science. What chiefly characterizes the most eminent physicians, and
gives them their real superiority, is not so much the extent of their
theoretical knowledge,--though that, too, is often considerable,--but it
is that fine and delicate perception which they owe, partly to
experience, and partly to a natural quickness in detecting analogies and
differences which escape ordinary observers. The process which they
follow, is one of rapid, and, in some degree, unconscious, induction. And
this is the reason why the greatest physiologists and chemists, which the
medical profession possesses, are not, as a matter of course, the best
curers of disease. If medicine were a science, they would always be the
best. But medicine, being still essentially an art, depends mainly upon
qualities which each practitioner has to acquire for himself, and which
no scientific theory can teach. The time for a general theory has not yet
come, and probably many generations will have to elapse before it does
come. To suppose, therefore, that a theory of disease should, as a matter
of education, precede the treatment of disease, is not only practically
dangerous, but logically false. With its practical danger I am not now
concerned; but its logical aspect is a curious illustration of that
passion for systematic and dialectic reasoning which characterized
Scotland. It shows that Cullen, in his eagerness to argue from principles
to facts, instead of from facts to principles, could, in the most
important of all arts, recommend a method of procedure, for which even
our knowledge is not ripe, but which, in his time, was so singularly rash
and immature, that nothing can explain its adoption by a man of such
vigorous understanding, except the circumstance of his living in a
country in which that peculiar method reigned supreme.
[825] Even Cullen himself says, rather roughly, 'The great horde of
physicians are always servile imitators, who can neither perceive
nor correct the faults of their system, and are always ready to
growl at, and even to worry, the ingenious person that could
attempt it. Thus was the system of Galen secured in the possession
of the schools of physic, till soon after the irruption of the
Goths and Vandals destroyed every vestige of literature in the
western parts of Europe, and drove all that remained of it to seek
a feeble protection at Constantinople.' _Lectures Introductory to
the Practice of Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 386,
Edinburgh, 1827.
It must, however, be admitted that Cullen wielded the method with great
ability, especially in his application of it to the science of pathology,
to which it was far better suited than to the art of therapeutics. For,
we must always remember, that the science which investigates the laws of
disease, is quite a different thing from the art which cures it. The
science has a speculative interest, which is irrespective of all
practical considerations, and which depends simply on the fact, that,
when it is completed, it will explain the aberrations of the whole
organic world. Pathology aims at ascertaining the causes which determine
every departure from the natural type, whether of form or of function.
Hence it is, that no one can take a comprehensive view of the actual
state of knowledge, without studying the theoretic relations between
pathology and other departments of inquiry. To do this, is the business,
not of practical men, but of philosophers, properly so called. The
philosophic pathologist is as different from the physician, as a jurist
is different from an advocate, or as an agricultural chemist is different
from a farmer, or as a political economist is different from a statesman,
or as an astronomer, who generalizes the laws of the heavenly bodies, is
different from a captain, who navigates his ship by a practical
application of those laws. The two sets of functions may be united, and
occasionally, though very rarely, they are, but there is no necessity for
their being so. While, therefore, it would be absurdly presumptuous for
an unprofessional person to pass judgment on the therapeutical system of
Cullen, it is perfectly legitimate for any one, who has studied the
theory of these matters, to examine his pathological system; because
that, like all scientific systems, must be amenable to general
considerations, which are to be taken, partly from the adjoining
sciences, and partly from the universal logic of philosophic method.
It is from this latter, or logical, point of view, that Cullen's
pathology is interesting for the purposes of the present chapter. The
character of his investigations may be illustrated by saying, that his
method in pathology is analogous to that which Adam Smith adopted at the
same time, though in a very different field. Both were deductive; and
both, before arguing deductively, suppressed some of the premisses from
which they reasoned. That this suppression is the key to Adam Smith's
method, and was an intentional part of his plan, I have already shown; as
also that, in each of his two works, he supplied the premisses in which
the other work was deficient. In this respect, he was far superior to
Cullen. For, though Cullen, like Smith, began by mutilating his problem
in order to solve it more readily, he, unlike Smith, did not see the
necessity of instituting another and parallel inquiry, which should
complete the scheme, by starting from the premisses that had been
previously omitted.
What I have termed the mutilation of the problem, was effected by Cullen
in the following manner. His object was, to generalize the phenomena of
disease, as they are exhibited in the human frame; and it was obvious to
him, as to every one else, that the human frame consists partly of solids
and partly of fluids. The peculiarity of his pathology is, that he
reasons almost entirely from the laws of the solids, and makes so little
account of the fluids, that he will only allow them to be the indirect
causes of disease, which, in a scientific view, are to be deemed strictly
subordinate to the direct causes, as represented by the solid
constituents of our body.[826] This assumption, though false, was
perfectly justifiable, since, by curtailing the problem, he simplified
its study; just as Adam Smith, in his _Wealth of Nations_, simplified the
study of human nature, by curtailing it of all its sympathy. But this
most comprehensive thinker was careful, in his _Theory of Moral
Sentiments_, to restore to human nature the quality of which the _Wealth
of Nations_ had deprived it; and, by thus establishing two different
lines of argument, he embraced the whole subject. In the same way, it was
incumbent on Cullen, after having constructed a theory of disease by
reasoning from the solids, to have constructed another theory by
reasoning from the fluids; so that a coördination of the two theories
might have raised a science of pathology, as complete as the then state
of knowledge allowed.[827] But to this, his mind was unequal. Able though
he was, he lacked the grasp of intellect which characterized Adam Smith,
and which made that great man perceive, that every deductive argument
which is founded on a suppression of premisses, must be compensated by a
parallel argument, which takes those premisses into account.[828] So
little was Cullen aware of this, that, having built up that system of
pathology which is known to medical writers as Solidism, he never took
the pains to accompany it by another system, which gave the first rank to
the fluids. On the contrary, he believed that his plan was complete and
exhaustive, and that what is termed Humoral Pathology was a fiction,
which had too long usurped the place of truth.[829]
[826] This idea runs through the whole of his writings. In the following
passage, it is more succinctly stated than in any other: 'In
pathology, and in the prognosis of particular diseases, it is
absolutely necessary to enter into the distinction of these
causes. I call the one _direct_ causes, those which act upon the
nervous system directly; and the other _indirect_ causes, those
which produce the same effect, but by destroying those organs
which are necessary to the support of the excitement, viz. the
whole system of circulation.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 135.
Even this passage, clear as it seems, can only be rightly
interpreted by taking the context into consideration.
[827] For, as is truly observed by probably the greatest pathologist of
our time, 'Humoral pathology is simply a requirement of common
practical sense; and it has always held a place in medical
science, although the limits of its domain have, no doubt, been
variously circumscribed or interpreted at different times. Of late
years, it has met with a new basis and support in morbid anatomy,
which, in the inadequacy of its discoveries in the solids to
account for disease and death, has been compelled to seek for an
extension of its boundary through a direct examination of the
blood itself.' _Rokitansky's Pathological Anatomy_, vol. i. p.
362, London, 1854.
[828] Unless, as is the case in geometry, the premisses, which are
suppressed, are so slight as to be scarcely perceptible.
[829] He was so indignant at the bare idea of a humoral pathology, that
even Hoffmann, who before himself was the most eminent advocate of
solidism, fell under his displeasure for allowing some little
weight to the humoral doctrines. He says that Hoffmann 'has not
applied his fundamental doctrine so extensively as he might have
done; and he has everywhere intermixed an humoral pathology, as
incorrect and hypothetical as any other.' _Cullen's Works_, vol.
i. p. 410. At p. 470, 'I have, therefore, assumed the general
principles of Hoffmann. And, if I have rendered them more correct,
and more extensive in their application, and, _more particularly,
if I have avoided introducing the many hypothetical doctrines of
the Humoral Pathology which disfigured both his and all the other
systems that have hitherto prevailed_, I hope I shall be excused
for attempting a system, which, upon the whole, may appear new.'
Several of the views advocated by Cullen were taken from Hoffmann, and
several of the facts from Gaubius; but that his pathology, considered as
a whole, is essentially original, is evident from a certain unity of
design which is inconsistent with extensive plagiarism, and which proves
that he had thoroughly thought out his subject for himself. Without,
however, stopping to inquire how much he borrowed from others, I will
briefly indicate a few of the salient points of his system, in order to
enable the reader to understand its general character.
According to Cullen, all the solids in the human body are either simple
or vital. The simple solids retain, after death, the properties which
they possessed during life. But the vital solids, which form the
fundamental part of the nervous system, are marked by properties, which
disappear directly death occurs.[830] Hence, the simple solids, having
fewer functions than the vital, have also fewer diseases; and the
maladies to which they are liable admit of easy classification.[831] The
real difficulty lies in the vital solids, because on their peculiarities
the whole nervous system depends, and nearly all disorders are
immediately due to changes in them. Cullen, therefore, made the nervous
system the basis of his pathology; and, in speculating on its functions,
he assigned the chief place to an occult principle, which he termed the
Animal Power, or Energy, of the brain.[832] This principle acted on the
vital solids. When the principle worked well, the body was healthy; when
it worked ill, the body was unhealthy. Since, then, the state of the
vital solids was the main cause of disorder, and since the Energy of the
brain was the main cause of the state of the vital solids, it became
important to know what the influences were which acted on the Energy,
because in them we should find the beginning of the series. Those
influences were divided by Cullen into physical and mental. The physical
were, heat, cold, and effluvia, the three most potent of the material
disturbers of the human frame.[833] The mental influences, which excited
the brain to act on the solids, were comprised under six different heads,
namely, the will, the emotions, the appetites, the propensities, and,
finally, the two great principles of habit and of imitation, on which he,
with good reason, laid considerable stress.[834] In arguing from these
mental causes, and in generalizing the relations between them and the
sensations of the body, he, faithful to his favourite method, proceeded
deductively from the metaphysical principles then in vogue, without
inquiring inductively into their validity, such an induction being, he
thought, no part of his duty.[835] He was too anxious to get on with his
dialectic, to be interrupted by so trifling a matter as the truth or
falsehood of the premisses on which the reason rested. What he did in the
metaphysical part of his pathology, he also did in its physical part.
Although the blood and the nerves are the two leading features of the
human economy, he did not search into them by a separate induction; he
subjected them neither to chemical experiments in order to learn their
composition, nor to microscopic observations in order to learn their
structure.[836] This is the more observable, because though we must admit
that animal chemistry was then generally neglected, and that its real
meaning was scarcely understood until the wonderful labours of Berzelius
revealed its importance, still the microscope was ready to Cullen's
hands; it having been invented a hundred and fifty years before he
completed his pathology, and having been in common scientific use for
about a hundred years. But his love of synthesis overcame him. His system
is constructed by reasoning from general principles; and of that process,
he certainly was a consummate master. Between the premisses and the
conclusion, he hardly ever lets error creep in. And, in reference to the
results of his speculations, he had one immense merit, which will always
secure to him a conspicuous place in the history of pathology. By
insisting on the importance of the solids, he, one-sided though he was,
corrected the equal one-sidedness of his predecessors; for, with
extremely few exceptions, all the best pathologists, from Galen
downwards, had erred in ascribing too much to the fluids, and had upheld
a purely humoral pathology. Cullen turned the minds of men in the other
direction; and though, in teaching them that the nervous system is the
sole primary seat of disease, he committed a great mistake, it was a
mistake of the most salutary kind. By leaning on that side, he restored
the balance. Hence, I have no doubt, he indirectly encouraged those
minute researches into the nerves, which he would not himself stop to
make, but which, in the next generation, gave rise to the capital
discoveries of Bell, Shaw, Mayo, and Marshall Hall. At the same time, the
old humoral pathology, which had prevailed for many centuries, was
practically pernicious, because, assuming that all diseases are in the
blood, it produced that constant and indiscriminate venesection, which
destroyed innumerable lives, besides the irreparable injury it often
inflicted both on body and mind; weakening those whom it was unable to
slay. Against this merciless onslaught, which made medicine the curse of
mankind, the Solid Pathology was the first effective barrier.[837]
Practically, therefore, as well as speculatively, we must hail Cullen as
a great benefactor of his species; and we must regard his appearance as
an epoch in the history of human comfort, as well as in the history of
human thought.
[830] 'The solid parts of the body seem to be of two kinds: one whose
properties are the same in the dead as in the living, and the same
in the animate as in many inanimate bodies; the other, whose
properties appear only in living bodies. In the last, a peculiar
organization, or addition, is supposed to take place; in
opposition to which the first are called the simple solids. Of
these only, we shall treat here; and of the others, which may be
called vital solids, being the fundamental part of the nervous
system, we shall treat under that title in the following section.'
_Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 10.
[831] These diseases are laxity, flaccidity, &c. See the enumeration of
'the diseases of the simple solids,' in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i.
p. 14.
[832] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 65, 600, vol. ii. p. 364.
Dr. Thomson, who had access to papers and lectures of Cullen's,
which have never been published, says (_Life of Cullen_, vol. i.
p. 265), 'His speculations with regard to the different functions
of the nervous system, but more particularly with regard to that
of the Animal Power or Energy of the brain, were incorporated with
every opinion which he taught concerning the phenomena of the
animal economy, the causes of diseases, and the operation of
medicines; and they may be said to constitute a most important
part, if not the sole basis, of that system of the Practice of
Physic, which he made the subject of prelection, as well as of
study, for a period of nearly forty years, before he ventured to
give it to the public.' I should mention, that Cullen, under the
term 'brain,' included the contents of the vertebral column as
well as of the cranium.
[833] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 40, 546, 558, 648, vol. ii. p. 321.
[834] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 86, 91, 100, 101, 108, 115, 116,
553, 592, vol. ii. pp. 35, 366. Compare the summary of causes in
_Thomson's Life of Cullen_, vol. i. p. 289.
[835] He says (_Works_, vol. i. pp. 31, 32), 'Whoever has the smallest
tincture of metaphysics will know the distinction pointed at here
between the qualities of bodies as primary and secondary.' ...
'_Whether these distinctions be well or ill founded, it is not my
business to inquire._' But though he did not deem it his business
to inquire into the accuracy of these and similar distinctions, he
thought himself justified in assuming them, and reasoning from
them as if they could explain the working of those sensations,
whose perversion formed the point of contact between metaphysics
and pathology. See, for instance, in his _Works_, vol. i. p. 46,
the long series of unproved and improvable assertions respecting
the combination and comparison of sensations giving rise to
memory, imagination, and the like.
[836] Cullen, with that admirable candour which was one of the most
attractive peculiarities of his fine intellect, confesses his want
of acquaintance with the microscope: 'It leaves me, who am not
conversant in such observations, altogether uncertain with respect
to the precise nature of this part of the blood.' _Cullen's
Works_, vol. i. p. 195. A pathologist without a microscope is an
unarmed man, indeed. In regard to his animal chemistry, one
passage may be quoted as a specimen of the manner in which he
arrived at conclusions speculatively, instead of subjecting the
phenomena to experimental investigation. 'We may remark it to be
highly probable, that all animal matter is originally formed of
vegetable; because all animals either feed directly and entirely
on vegetables, or upon other animals that do so. From hence it is
probable, that all animal substances may be traced to a vegetable
origin; and _therefore_, if we would inquire into the production
of animal matter, we _must first inquire_ in what manner vegetable
matter may be converted into animal?' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i.
pp. 177, 178. The _therefore_ and the _must_, resulting merely
from an antecedent probability, are characteristic of that
over-boldness, into which deduction is apt to degenerate, and
which is strongly contrasted with the opposite vice of
over-timidity, by which inductive reasoners are tainted.
[837] Dr. Watson (_Principles and Practice of Physic_, 4th edit. London,
1857, vol. i. p. 41) says of the humoral pathology, that, 'the
absurdity of the hypothesis, and _still more the dangerous
practice which this doctrine generated_, began to be manifest, and
led to its total abandonment.' But, with every respect for this
eminent authority, I venture to observe, that this supposition of
Dr. Watson's is contradicted by the whole history of the human
mind. There is no well-attested case on record of any theory
having been abandoned, because it produced dangerous results. As
long as a theory is believed, men will ascribe its evil
consequences to any cause except the right one. And a theory which
is once established, will always be believed, until there is some
change in knowledge which shakes its foundation. Every practical
change may, by careful analysis, be shown to depend, in the first
instance, on some change of speculative opinions. Even at the
present day, many doctrines are generally held in the most
civilized countries, which are producing dangerous practical
consequences, and have produced those consequences for centuries.
But the mischief which the doctrine engenders does not weaken the
doctrine itself. Nothing can do that, but the general progress of
knowledge, which, by altering former opinions, modifies future
conduct.
It may, perhaps, facilitate the conceptions of unprofessional readers, if
I give, in as few words as possible, a specimen of the way in which
Cullen employed his method, in investigating the theory of some one class
of diseases. For this purpose, I will select his doctrine of fever,
which, though now generally abandoned, once exercised more influence than
any other part of his pathology. Here, as elsewhere, he reasons from the
solids.[838] Disregarding the state of the blood, he says, that the cause
of all fever is a diminished energy of the brain.[839] Such diminution
may be produced by various sedatives, the most common of which are
effluvia, whether marsh or human, intemperance, fear, and cold.[840]
Directly the energy of the brain is impaired, the disease begins. Rapidly
passing through the nervous system, its first palpable effect is a chill,
or cold fit, which is accompanied by a spasm on the extremities of the
arteries, particularly where they touch the surface of the body.[841]
This spasm on the extreme vessels, irritates the heart and arteries, and
the irritation continues till the spasm is relaxed.[842] At the same
time, the increased action of the heart restores the energy of the brain;
the system rallies; the extreme vessels are relieved; while, as a
consequence of the whole movement, sweat is excreted, and the fever
abates.[843] Shutting out, therefore, all consideration of the fluids of
the body, the successive stages of languor, cold fit, and hot fit, might,
in Cullen's opinion, be generalized by reasoning merely from the solids,
which, furthermore, produced his well-known distinction between fevers,
the continuance of which is owing to an excess of spasm, and those, the
continuance of which is owing to an excess of debility.[844]
[838] Some writers, who have taken notice of Cullen, have been deceived
in this respect by his occasional use of the expression 'nervous
fluid,' as if he were willing to let in the idea of humorism. But,
in one place, he distinctly guards himself against such
misconstruction. 'Now, to avoid determining any thing with regard
to these opinions, I have used the term of _nervous power_; but as
this is a little ambiguous, I choose to express it by _nervous
fluid_; not that I suppose, with Dr. Boerhaave, that the brain is
an excretory, and that a fluid is secreted from it: _I mean
nothing more than that there is a condition of the nerves which
fits them for the communication of motion_. But I defer the
consideration of these opinions for the present, and perhaps _ad
Græcas calendas_; but nothing shall be rested upon the nervous
fluid, it shall be considered merely as _a power_ fitted for
communicating motions.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 17. Without
this passage, his remarks on 'the nervous fluid in the brain'
(_Works_, vol. i. p. 129), might easily be misunderstood.
[839] 'Together with this, the languor, inactivity, and debility of the
animal motions, the imperfect sensations, the feeling of cold,
while the body is truly warm, and some other symptoms, all show
that the energy of the brain is, on this occasion, greatly
weakened; and I presume that, as the weakness of the action of the
heart can hardly be imputed to any other cause, this weakness also
is a proof of the diminished energy of the brain. So I conclude,
that a debility of the nervous power forms the beginning of the
cold fit, and lays the foundation of all the other phenomena.'
_Practice of Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 492.
[840] 'To render our doctrine of fever consistent and complete, it is
necessary to add here, that these remote causes of fever, human
and marsh effluvia, seem to be of a debilitating or sedative
quality.' ... 'Though we have endeavoured to show that fevers
generally arise from marsh or human effluvia, we cannot, with any
certainty, exclude some other remote causes, which are commonly
supposed to have at least a share in producing those diseases. And
I proceed, therefore, to inquire concerning these causes; the
first of which that merits attention, is the power of cold applied
to the human body.' ... 'Besides cold, there are other powers that
seem to be remote causes of fever; such as fear, intemperance in
drinking, excess in venery, and other circumstances, which
evidently weaken the system. But whether any of these sedative
powers be alone the remote cause of fever, or if they only operate
either as concurring with the operation of marsh or human
effluvia, or as giving an opportunity to the operation of cold,
are questions not to be positively answered.' _Practice of
Physic_, in _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 546, 552. One part of
this view has been corroborated, since the time of Cullen. 'The
experiments of Chossat and others clearly prove cold to be a
direct sedative.' _Williams' Principles of Medicine_, 2nd edit.
London, 1848, p. 11. Compare _Watson's Principles and Practice of
Physic_, 4th edit. London, 1857, vol. i. pp. 87-92, 249. Hence,
perhaps, the 'irresistible tendency to sleep caused by exposure to
severe or long-continued cold.' _Erichsen's Surgery_, 2nd edit.
London, 1857, p. 336; but as to this, Dr. Watson (_Principles of
Physic_, vol. i. p. 89) is sceptical, and thinks that, in those
cases which are recorded, the drowsiness ascribed to cold, is, in
a great measure, the result of fatigue.
[841] _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 493. Compare, respecting his general
theory of spasm, p. 84, and vol. ii. p. 400.
[842] 'The idea of fever, then, may be, that a spasm of the extreme
vessels, however induced, proves an irritation to the heart and
arteries; and that this continues till the spasm is relaxed or
overcome.' _Cullen's Works_, vol. i. p. 494.
[843] 'Such, however, is, at the same time, the nature of the animal
economy, that this debility proves an indirect stimulus to the
sanguiferous system; whence, by the intervention of the cold stage
and spasm connected with it, the action of the heart and larger
arteries is increased, and continues so till it has had the effect
of restoring the energy of the brain, of extending this energy to
the extreme vessels, of restoring, therefore, their action, and
thereby especially overcoming the spasm affecting them; upon the
removing of which, the excretion of sweat, and other marks of the
relaxation of excretories, take place.' _Practice of Physic_, in
_Cullen's Works_, vol. i. pp. 501, 502. See also p. 636, § cciii.
Or, as he elsewhere expresses himself (vol. i. p. 561): 'With
regard to the event of fevers, this is the fundamental principle:
_in fevers, nature cures the disease_; that is, certain motions
tending to death continue the disease, but, in consequence of the
laws of the animal economy, other motions are excited by these
which have a tendency to remove it.'
[844] 'If we may trust to our conclusions with respect to the proximate
cause, it follows, most naturally, from the view there given, that
the continued fever is always owing to an excess of spasm, or to
an excess of debility: as the one or other of these prevails, it
will give one or other of the two forms, either the Synocha or
inflammatory fever, or the Typhus or nervous fever.' _Cullen's
Works_, vol. i. p. 518.
A similar process of thought gave birth to his _Nosology_, or general
classification of diseases, which some have regarded as the most valuable
part of his labours;[845] though, for reasons already mentioned, we
must, I think, reject all such attempts as premature, and as likely to
work more harm than good, unless they are simply used as a contrivance to
aid the memory. At all events, the _Nosology_ of Cullen, though it
exhibits clear traces of his powerful and organizing mind, is fast
falling into disrepute, and we may be sure, that, for a long time yet, a
similar fate will await its successors. Our pathological knowledge is
still too young for so great an enterprise.[846] We have every reason to
expect, that, with the aid of chemistry, and of the microscope, it will
continue to grow more rapidly than it has hitherto done. Without
venturing to predict the rate of its increase, we may form some idea of
it, by considering what has been effected with resources very inferior to
those we now possess. In a work of great authority, published in the year
1848, it is stated, that since the appearance of Cullen's _Nosology_, our
mere enumeration of diseases has almost doubled, while our knowledge of
the facts relating to disease has more than doubled.[847]
[845] 'Cullen's most esteemed work is his _Nosology_.' _Hamilton's
History of Medicine_, London, 1831, vol. ii. p. 279. 'His
_Nosology_ will probably survive all his other works; it is
indisputably the best system which has yet appeared.' _Lives of
British Physicians_, London, 1830, p. 213. 'Celle de Cullen, qui
parut en 1772, et qui constitue un véritable progrès.' _Renouard_,
_Histoire de la Médecine_, Paris, 1846, vol. ii. p. 231. See also
_Hooper's Medical Dictionary_, edited by Dr. Grant, London, 1848,
p. 937. But, in the most celebrated medical works which have
appeared in England during the last twelve or fifteen years, I
doubt if there is any instance of the adoption of Cullen's
nosological arrangement. Abroad, and particularly in Italy, it is
more valued.
[846] 'I had rather not be cramped and hampered by attempting what abler
heads than mine have failed to achieve, and what, in truth, I
believe, in the present state of our science, to be impossible, a
complete methodical system of nosology.' _Watson's Principles and
Practice of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 9. This is the
wisdom of a powerful understanding.
[847] 'Now, when the diseases of Cullen's nosology have been almost
doubled, and the facts relating to them have been more than
doubled.' _Williams' Principles of Medicine_, London, 1848,
p. 522.
I have now only one more name to add to this splendid catalogue of the
great Scotchmen of the eighteenth century.[848] But it is the name of a
man, who, for comprehensive and original genius, comes immediately after
Adam Smith, and must be placed far above any other philosopher whom
Scotland has produced. I mean, of course, John Hunter, whose only fault
was, an occasional obscurity, not merely of language, but also of
thought. In this respect, and, perhaps, in this alone, Adam Smith had the
advantage; for his mind was so flexible, and moved so freely, that even
the vastest designs were unable to oppress it. With Hunter, on the
contrary, it sometimes seemed as if the understanding was troubled by the
grandeur of his own conceptions, and doubted what path it ought to take.
He hesitated; the utterance of his intellect was indistinct.[849] Still,
his powers were so extraordinary, that, among the great masters of
organic science, he belongs, I apprehend, to the same rank as Aristotle,
Harvey, and Bichat, and is somewhat superior either to Haller or Cuvier.
As to this classification, men will differ, according to their different
ideas of the nature of science, and, above all, according to the extent
to which they appreciate the importance of philosophic method. It is from
this latter point of view that I have, at present, to consider the
character of John Hunter; and, in tracing the movements of his most
remarkable mind, we shall find, that, in it, deduction and induction were
more intimately united than in any other Scotch intellect, either of the
seventeenth or eighteenth century. The causes of this unusual
combination, I will now endeavour to ascertain. When they are understood,
they will not only explain many peculiarities in his works, but will
afford materials for speculation, to those who love to examine the
development of ideas, and who are able to discern the way in which
different schemes of national thought have given different shapes to
national character, and have thereby modified the whole course of human
affairs, to an extent of which the ordinary compilers of history have not
the slightest suspicion.
[848] I had intended giving some account of the once celebrated
Brunonian system, which was founded by Dr. John Brown, who was
first the pupil of Cullen, and afterwards his rival. But a careful
perusal of his works has convinced me that the real basis of his
doctrine, or the point from which he started, was not pathology,
but therapeutics. His hasty division of all diseases into sthenic
and asthenic, has no claim to be deemed a scientific
generalization, but was a mere artificial arrangement, resulting
from a desire to substitute a stimulating treatment in the place
of the old lowering one. He, no doubt, went to the opposite
extreme; but that being a purely practical subject, this
Introduction has no concern with it. For the same reason, I omit
all mention of Currie, who, though an eminent therapeutician, was
a commonplace pathologist. That so poor and thinly-peopled a
country as Scotland, should, in so short a period, have produced
so many remarkable men, is extremely curious.
[849] Mr. Ottley (_Life of Hunter_, p. 186) says, 'In his writings we
occasionally find an obscurity in the expression of his thoughts,
a want of logical accuracy in his reasonings, and an incorrectness
in his language, resulting from a deficient education.' But, a
deficient education will never make a man obscure. Neither will a
good education make him lucid. The only cause of clearness of
expression is clearness of thought; and clearness of thought is a
natural gift, which the most finished and systematic culture can
but slightly improve. Uneducated men, without a thousandth part of
John Hunter's intellect, are often clear enough. On the other
hand, it as frequently happens that men, who have received an
excellent education, cannot speak or write ten consecutive
sentences which do not contain some troublesome ambiguity. In
Hunter's works such ambiguities are abundant; and this is probably
one of the reasons why no one has yet given a connected view of
his philosophy. On his obscurity, compare _Cooper's Life of Sir
Astley Cooper_, London, 1843, vol. i. pp. 151, 152; _Paget's
Lectures on Surgical Pathology_, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 419; and
the remarks of his enemy, Foot, in _Foot's Life of Hunter_,
London, 1794, p. 59.
Hunter remained in Scotland till the age of twenty, when he settled in
London; and, though he was abroad for about three years, he abandoned his
own country, and became, socially and intellectually, a native of
England.[850] Hence, the early associations of his mind were formed in
the midst of a deductive nation; the later associations, in the midst of
an inductive one. For twenty years he lived among a people, who are,
perhaps, the acutest reasoners in Europe, if you concede to them the
principles from which they reason; but who, on the other hand, owing to
their proneness to this method, are so greedy after general principles,
that they will accept them on almost any evidence, and are, therefore, at
once very credulous and very logical. In that school, and surrounded by
those habits, the intellect of John Hunter was nurtured during the most
impressible period of his life. Then the scene suddenly shifted. Coming
to England, he passed forty years in the heart of the most empirical
nation in Europe; a nation utterly abhorring all general principles,
priding itself on its common sense, boasting, and with good reason too,
of its practical sagacity, proclaiming aloud the superiority of facts
over ideas, and despising every theory, unless some direct and immediate
benefit could be expected to accrue from it. The young and ardent
Scotchman found himself transplanted into a country totally different
from that which he had just quitted; and such a difference could not fail
to influence his mind. He saw, on every side, marks of prosperity, and of
long and uninterrupted success, not only in practical, but also in
speculative, life; and he was told that these things were effected by a
system which made facts the first consideration. He was ambitious of
fame, but he perceived that the road to fame was not the same in England
as in Scotland. In Scotland, a great logician would be deemed a great
man; in England, little account would be made of the beauty of his logic,
unless he was careful that the premisses from which he argued, were
trustworthy, and verified by experience. A new machine, a new experiment,
the discovery of a salt, or of a bone, would, in England, receive a wider
homage, than the most profound speculation from which no obvious results
were apprehended. That this way of contemplating affairs has produced
great good, is certain. But it is also certain, that it is a one-sided
way, and satisfies only part of the human mind. Many of the noblest
intellects crave for something which it cannot supply. In England,
however, during the greater part of the eighteenth century, it was even
more supreme than it is now, and was, indeed, so universal, that, from
the year 1727 until nearly the close of the century, our country did not
possess, in any branch of science, a speculator who had sufficient force
to raise himself above those narrow views which were then deemed the
perfection of wisdom.[851] Much was added to our knowledge, but its
distant boundaries were not enlarged. Though there was an increase of
curious and valuable details, and though several of the small and
proximate laws of nature were generalized, it must be admitted, that
those lofty generalizations, which we owe to the seventeenth century,
remained stationary, and that no attempt was made to push beyond them.
When John Hunter arrived in London, in 1748, Newton had been dead more
than twenty years, and the English people, absorbed in practical
pursuits, and now beginning, for the first time, to enter into political
life, had become more averse than ever to inquiries which aimed at truth
without regard to utility, and had accustomed themselves to value science
chiefly for the sake of the direct and tangible benefit which they might
hope to derive from it.
[850] He was born in 1728, and came to London in 1748. _Adams' Life of
John Hunter_, 2nd edit. London, 1818, pp. 20, 203. According to
Adams (pp. 30-35), he was abroad as surgeon in the English army
from 1761 to 1763; though, in _Foot's Life of Hunter_, London,
1794, p. 78, he is said to have returned to England in 1762. Mr.
Ottley says that he returned in 1763. _Ottley's Life of Hunter_,
p. 22, in vol. i. of _Hunter's Works_, edited by Palmer, London,
1835.
[851] See _Buckle's History of Civilization_, vol. ii. pp. 374, 375.
That Hunter must have been influenced by these circumstances, will be
obvious to whoever considers how impossible it is for any single mind to
escape from the pressure of contemporary opinion. But, inasmuch as all
his early associations had inclined him in another direction, we perceive
that, during his long residence in England, he was acted on by two
conflicting forces. The country of his birth made him deductive; the
country of his adoption made him inductive. As a Scotchman, he preferred
reasoning from general principles to particular facts; as an inhabitant
of England, he became inured to the opposite plan of reasoning from
particular facts to general principles. In every country, men naturally
give the first place to what is most valued. The English respect facts
more than principles, and therefore begin with the facts. The Scotch
consider principles as most important, and therefore begin with the
principles. And, I make no doubt that one of the reasons why Hunter, in
investigating a subject, is often obscure, is that, on such occasions,
his mind was divided between these two hostile methods, and that, leaning
sometimes to one and sometimes to the other, he was unable to determine
which he should choose. The conflict darkened his understanding. Adam
Smith, on the other hand, in common with all the great Scotchmen who
remained in Scotland, was remarkably clear. He, like Hume, Black, and
Cullen, never wavered in his method. These eminent men were not acted on
by English influence. Of all the most illustrious Scotchmen of the
eighteenth century, Hunter alone underwent that influence, and he alone
displayed a certain hesitation and perplexity of thought, which seems
unnatural to so great a mind, and which, as it appears to me, is best
explained by the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed.
One of the ablest of his commentators has justly observed, that his
natural inclination was, to conjecture what the laws of nature were, and
then reason from them, instead of reasoning to them by slow and gradual
induction.[852] This process of deduction was, as I have shown, the
favourite method of all Scotchmen, and, therefore, was precisely the
course which we should have expected him to adopt. But, inasmuch as he
was surrounded by the followers of Bacon,[853] this natural bias was
warped, and a large part of his marvellous activity was employed in
observations and experiments, such as no Scotch thinker, living in
Scotland, would ever have engaged in. He himself declared, that thinking
was his delight;[854] and there can be no doubt that, had he been
differently situated, thinking would have been his principal pursuit. As
it was, the industry with which he collected facts, is one of the most
conspicuous features in his career. His researches covered the whole
range of the animal kingdom, and were conducted with such untiring zeal,
that he dissected upwards of five hundred different species, exclusive of
dissections of different individuals, and exclusive, too, of dissections
of a large number of plants.[855] The results were carefully arranged and
stored up in that noble collection which he formed, and of the magnitude
of which we may gain some idea from the statement, that, at his death, it
contained upwards of ten thousand preparations illustrative of the
phenomena of nature.[856] By this means, he became so intimately
acquainted with the animal kingdom, that he made a vast number of
discoveries, which, considered singly, are curious, but which, when put
together, constitute an invaluable body of new truths. Of these, the most
important are, the true nature of the circulation in crustacea and
insects;[857] the organ of hearing in cephalopods;[858] the power
possessed by mollusks of absorbing their shells;[859] the fact that bees
do not collect wax, but secrete it;[860] the semicircular canals of the
cetacea;[861] the lymphatics of birds;[862] and the air-cells in the
bones of birds.[863] We are also assured, that he anticipated the recent
discoveries respecting the embryo of the kangaroo;[864] and his published
works prove, that, in the human subject, he discovered the muscularity of
the arteries,[865] the muscularity of the iris,[866] and the digestion
of the stomach after death by its own juice.[867] Although, in his time,
animal chemistry was not yet raised to a system, and was consequently
little heeded by physiologists, Hunter endeavoured, by its aid, to search
out the qualities of the blood, so as to ascertain the properties of its
constituents.[868] He also examined it in different stages of embryonic
life, and by minutely tracking it through its periods of development, he
made the capital discovery, that the red globules of the blood are formed
later than its other components. His contemporaries, however, were so
little alive to the importance of this great physiological truth, that it
fell dead upon them, and, being forgotten, it was, about fifty years
afterwards, rediscovered, and was announced, in 1832, as a law of nature
which had just been brought to light.[869] This is one of many instances
in the history of our knowledge, which proves how useless it is for a man
to advance too far beyond the age in which he lives.[870] But Hunter,
besides making the discovery, also saw its meaning. From it, he inferred
that the function of the red globules is to minister to the strength of
the system, rather than to its repair.[871] This is now universally
admitted; but it was not admitted till long after his death. Its
recognition is chiefly owing to the rapid advance of animal chemistry,
and to improvements in the microscope. For, by the employment of these
resources, it has become manifest, that the red globules, the respiratory
process, the production of animal heat, and the energy of the locomotive
organs, are but different parts of a single scheme.[872] Their connexion
with each other is established, not only by a comparison of different
species, but also by a comparison of different members of the same
species. In human beings, for example, the locomotive and other animal
functions are more active in persons of a sanguine temperament than in
those of a lymphatic temperament; while, in sanguine temperaments, the
globules are more numerous than in lymphatic ones. The knowledge of this
fact we owe to Lecanu;[873] and to him we are also indebted for an
analogous fact, corroborating the same view. He has shown, that the blood
of women contains more water and fewer red globules than the blood of
men;[874] so that here again we discern the relation between these
globules and the energy of animal life. Inasmuch, however, as these
researches were not made until many years after the death of Hunter, the
coincidence between them and his speculative conclusions is a striking
instance of his power of generalization, and of that unrivalled knowledge
of comparative anatomy, which supplied him with materials from which, in
spite of the backwardness of animal chemistry, he was able to draw an
inference, which later and minuter researches have decisively
verified.[875]
[852] 'He followed his natural inclination. He preferred the more
delusive, apparently the more direct, road, which has seduced so
many philosophers. He sought to arrive at the general laws of
nature at once by conjecture: rather than, by a close and detailed
study of her inferior operations, to ascend, step by step, through
a slow and gradual induction to those laws which govern her
general procedure.' Babington's Preface to Hunter's _Treatise on
the Venereal Disease_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. ii. p. 129.
Compare the narrow and carping criticism in _Foot's Life of
Hunter_, p. 163.
[853] That I may not be suspected of exaggeration, I will quote what by
far the greatest of all the historians of medicine has said upon
this subject. 'La majorité des médecins qui prétendaient s'être
formés d'après Bâcon, n'avaient hérité de lui qu'une répugnance
invincible pour les hypothèses et les systèmes, une grande
vénération pour l'expérience, et un désir extrême de multiplier le
nombre des observations. Ce fut chez les Anglais que la méthode
empirique en médecine trouva le plus de partisans, et c'est
principalement aussi chez eux qu'elle s'est répandue jusqu'aux
temps les plus rapprochés de nous. Sa propagation y fut favorisée,
non-seulement par le profond respect que les Anglais continuent
toujours de porter à l'immortel chancelier, mais encore par la
haute importance que la nation entière attache au sens commun,
_common sense_, et elle y demeura l'ennemie irréconciliable de
tous les systèmes que ne reposent pas sur l'observation.'
_Sprengel, Histoire de la Médecine_, vol. v. p. 411, Paris, 1815.
[854] Clive says, 'Much as Mr. Hunter did, he thought still more. He has
often told me, his delight was, to think.' _Abernethy's Hunterian
Oration_, London, 1819, p. 26.
[855] Mr. Owen, in his interesting Preface to the fourth volume of
_Hunter's Works_, says (p. vii.), 'There is proof that Hunter
anatomized at least five hundred different species of animals,
exclusive of repeated dissections of different individuals of the
same species, besides the dissections of plants to a considerable
amount.'
[856] 'Some idea may be formed of Hunter's extraordinary diligence, by
the fact, that his museum contained, at the time of his death,
upwards of 10,000 preparations, illustrative of human and
comparative anatomy, physiology, and pathology, and natural
history.' _Weld's History of the Royal Society_, London, 1848,
vol. ii. p. 92.
[857] 'I have tested the conflicting evidence of these observers by
dissection of the heart in the lobster; and you will perceive by
this preparation that it is more complicated than even the Danish
naturalist supposed, and fully bears out the opinion of Hunter in
regard to the mixed nature of the circulation in the crustacea.'
_Owen's Lectures on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the
Invertebrate Animals_, 2nd edit. London, 1855, p. 318. 'Cuvier,
misled by the anomalous diffused condition of the venous system,
supposed that there was no circulation of the blood in insects;
yet the dorsal vessel was too conspicuous a structure to be
overlooked. Such, however, was the authority of the great
anatomist, that the nature of the heart began to be doubted, and
the strangest functions to be attributed to it. Hunter, however,
who was prepared to appreciate the true state of the circulating
system in insects, by his discovery of the approximately diffused
and irregular structure of the veins in the crustacea, has
described, in his work on the blood, all the leading characters of
the circulation in insects as it is recognized by comparative
physiologists of the present day.' _Ibid._ p. 383. Compare
_Hunter's Essays and Observations on Natural History_, London,
1861, vol. i. p. 108.
[858] 'The class called Sepia has the organ of hearing, though somewhat
differently constructed from what it is in fishes.' _An Account of
the Organ of Hearing in Fishes_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p.
294. At the bottom of the page Mr. Owen observes, in a note, 'This
is the first announcement of the existence of an organ of hearing
in the Cephalopoda.'
[859] 'Hunter discovered that the molluscous inhabitant of a shell had
the power of absorbing part of its dwelling.' _Owen's Lectures on
the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Invertebrate
Animals_, London, 1855, p. 544. 'Every shell-fish has the power of
removing a part of its shell, so as to adapt the new and the old
together, which is not done by any mechanical power, but by
absorption.' _Anatomical Remarks on a New Marine Animal_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 469, edit. Palmer. In a note to this
passage, it is said, that 'the doctrine of the absorption of shell
has been lately' (_i.e._ in 1833) 'adduced as a new discovery.'
[860] 'His keen observation did not fail to detect several errors which
preceding naturalists had fallen into, especially with regard to
the formation of the wax, which he proved to be secreted, not
collected, by the animal.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 122. 'The
wax is formed by the bees themselves; it may be called an external
secretion of oil, and I have found that it is formed between each
scale of the under side of the belly.' _Observations on Bees_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 433.
[861] 'In the terminating part there are a number of perforations into
the cochlea, and one into the semicircular canals, which afford a
passage to the different divisions of the auditory nerve.'
_Observations on the Structure and [OE]conomy of Whales_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 383, 384. 'The semicircular canals
of the cetacea, described by Hunter in the paper on Whales, a
structure which Cuvier rightly states that Camper overlooked, but
incorrectly claims the discovery as his own.' Preface to vol. iv.
of _Hunter's Works_, p. xxi.
[862] Dr. Adams, in his somewhat hasty _Life of Hunter_, says (pp. 27,
28), 'Mr. Hewson always claimed the discovery of lymphatics in
birds.' But the truth is, that Hewson never claimed it. He says,
'It may be necessary to mention here, that the dispute between Dr.
Monro and me is, who first discovered the lacteals of birds? for
as to the lymphatics in their necks (mentioned in this gentleman's
note), these we both allow were discovered by Mr. John Hunter,
about ten years ago.' And, again, 'These lymphatics in the necks
of fowls were first discovered by Mr. John Hunter.' _Hewson's
Works_, edit. Gulliver (Sydenham Soc.), pp. 102, 145.
[863] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. xxi. 176.
[864] 'See Nos. 3731, 3734, 3735, in the Physiological series of the
Hunterian Museum, in which there are evidences that Mr. Hunter had
anticipated most of the anatomical discoveries which have
subsequently been made upon the embryo of the Kangaroo.' _Rymer
Jones' Organization of the Animal Kingdom_, London, 1855, pp. 829,
830.
[865] 'The muscularity of arteries, of which John Hunter made
physiological proof, is now a matter of eyesight.' _Simon's
Pathology_, London, 1850, p. 69. 'To prove the muscularity of an
artery, it is only necessary to compare its action with that of
elastic substances.' ... 'When the various uses of arteries are
considered, such as their forming different parts of the body out
of the blood, their performing the different secretions, their
allowing at one time the blood to pass readily into the smaller
branches, as in blushing, and at another, preventing it
altogether, as in paleness from fear: and if to these we add the
power of producing a diseased increase of any or every part of the
body, we cannot but conclude that they are possessed of muscular
powers.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 157. See also vol. iv.
p. 254. Mr. Gulliver, in his edition of _Hewson's Works_, London,
1846, says (p. 125), that Hunter's 'experiments on the functions
of the arteries are supported by the latest and best observations
on their structure.'
[866] 'The fact of the muscularity of the iris, which is here presumed
from analogy by Mr. Hunter, has been since directly proved by the
observations of Bauer and Jacob (_Phil. Trans._ 1822), and
indirectly by Berzelius, who found that the iris possesses all the
chemical properties of muscle.' Palmer's note in _Hunter's Works_,
vol. iii. p. 146, London, 1837.
[867] _Adams' Life of Hunter_, pp. 59, 60, 245. _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
p. 43, vol. iv. pp. 116-121. _Watson's Principles of Physic_,
vol. ii. p. 440.
[868] 'Hunter subjects the blood to both mechanical and chemical
analysis, and endeavours to determine the characteristic
properties of its different constituents.' Owen's Preface to vol.
iv. of _Hunter's Works_, p. xii. But this gives, perhaps, rather
too high an idea of his animal chemistry; for such was then the
miserable state of this extremely important branch of knowledge,
that he arrived at the conclusion that 'blood gives no analysis
excepting that of common animal matter.' _Principles of Surgery_,
chap. iii. in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 229.
[869] 'In seeking to determine the respective importance of the different
constituents of the blood, by the philosophical and most difficult
inquiry into their respective periods of formation in the
development of the embryo, Hunter made the interesting discovery
that the vessels of the embryo of a red-blooded animal circulated
in the first instance colourless blood, as in the invertebrate
animals. 'The red globules,' he observes, 'seemed to be formed
later in life than the other two constituents, for we see while
the chick is in the egg the heart beating, and it then contains a
transparent fluid before any red globules are formed, which fluid
we may suppose to be the serum and the lymph.' I well remember the
feelings of surprise with which I listened, while at Paris in
1832, to a memoir read before the Academy of Science, by MM.
Delpech and Coste, the object of which was the announcement of the
same fact as a novel and important discovery. The statement of the
French observers was received with all the consideration which its
importance justly merited, without its being suspected that our
great physiologist had, half a century before, embraced it, with
all its legitimate deductions, in the extended circle of his
investigations.' Owen's Preface to vol. iv. of _Hunter's Works_,
p. xiii.
[870] Indeed, if we may rely on the references recently given by Mr.
Gulliver, which, from his great general accuracy, there seems no
reason to question, the fact that the pale blood precedes the red,
was known even in the time of Glisson. See Gulliver's learned
edition of _Hewson's Works_, London, 1846, p. 222. But, to the
contemporaries of Glisson, such a fact was isolated, and
consequently useless. Nothing is valuable while it appears to
stand alone.
[871] 'From the above account, it appears that whatever may be their
utility in the machine, the red globules certainly are not of such
universal use as the coagulating lymph, since they are not to be
found in all animals, _nor so early in those that have them_; nor
are they pushed into the extreme arteries, where we must suppose
the coagulating lymph reaches; neither do they appear to be so
readily formed. This being the case, _we must conclude them not to
be the important part of the blood in contributing to growth,
repair, &c. Their use would seem to be connected with strength._'
_A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 68. In another remarkable passage,
he touches on the possibility of an increase in the amount of red
globules being connected with an increase in the amount of heat.
'I will not pretend to determine how far this may assist in
keeping up the animal heat.' _Observations on the Structure and
[OE]conomy of Whales_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 364.
[872] The evidence of this is collected in the notes to _Buckle's
History of Civilization_, vol. i. pp. 58-61.
[873] 'According to Lecanu, temperament has an influence upon the
composition of the blood. He infers from his analyses that the
blood of lymphatic persons is poorer in solid constituents, and
especially in blood corpuscules, than that of persons of
sanguineous temperament, while the quantity of albumen is much the
same in both.' _Simon's Animal Chemistry with reference to the
Physiology and Pathology of Man_, London, 1845, vol. i. p. 236.
Compare _Thomson's Chemistry of Animal Bodies_, Edinburgh, 1843,
p. 370.
[874] _Simon's Animal Chemistry_, vol. i. pp. 234, 235. Subsequent
experiments have confirmed this. 'The proportion of red globules
_dried_ to 1000 parts of blood, is in healthy males estimated at
127 parts by Andral and Gavarret; lower and higher figures have
been given by other analysts, but this probably is the result of
somewhat different modes of proceeding. _In females the proportion
of globules is lower._ Becquerel and Rodier make the difference to
be about 15 parts per 1000.' _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological
Anatomy_, London, 1854, p. 23. Hence, the greater specific gravity
of male blood. See the interesting results of Dr. Davy's
experiments in _Davy's Physiological and Anatomical Researches_,
London, 1839, vol. ii. p. 32.
[875] Hunter died in 1793. The researches of Lecanu were published in
1831.
Another, and still more remarkable proof of the extent to which
Hunter outstripped his own age, appears in the following passage,
which has just been published in his posthumous works, and in
which he anticipates the grandest and most suggestive of all the
ideas belonging to the physiology of the nineteenth century. 'If
we were capable of following the progress of increase of the
number of the parts of the most perfect animal, as they first
formed in succession, from the very first to its state of full
perfection, we should probably be able to compare it with some one
of the incomplete animals themselves, of every order of animals in
the Creation, being at no stage different from some of the
inferior orders. Or, in other words, if we were to take a series
of animals, from the more imperfect to the perfect, we should
probably find an imperfect animal, corresponding with some stage
of the most perfect.' _Essays and Observations by John Hunter,
being his Posthumous Papers_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 203.
Having thus, by a comprehensive survey of the animal world, associated
its remarkable faculty of movement with the state of its blood, Hunter
turned his attention to another aspect of the question, and took into
consideration the movements of the vegetable world, in the hope that, by
comparing these two divisions of nature, he might detect some law, which,
being common to both, should unite into one study all the principles of
organic motion. Though he failed in this great undertaking, some of his
generalizations are very suggestive, and well illustrate the power and
grasp of his mind. Looking at the organic kingdom as a whole, he supposed
that its capacity of action, both in animals and in vegetables, was of
three kinds. The first kind, was the action of the individual upon the
materials it already possessed; and this gave rise to growth, secretion,
and other functions, in which the juice of the plant was equivalent to
the blood of the animal.[876] The second kind of action had for its
object to increase these materials; it was always excited by want, and
its result was, to nourish and preserve the individual.[877] The third
kind was entirely due to external causes, including the whole material
world, all the phenomena of which were a stimulus to some kind of
action.[878] By combining, in different ways, these different sources of
motion, and by studying every incitement to action, first, in reference
to one of the three great divisions just indicated, and, secondly, in
reference to the _power_ of action, as distinguished from the _quantity_
of action,[879] Hunter believed that some fundamental truths might be
obtained, if not by himself, at all events by his successors. For, he
thought that, though animals can do many things which plants cannot,
still, the immediate cause of action is in both cases the same.[880] In
animals, there is more variety of motion, but in plants there is more
real power. A horse is certainly far stronger than a man. Yet a small
vine cannot only support, but can raise, a column of fluid five times
higher than a horse can. Indeed, the power which a plant exercises of
holding a leaf erect during an entire day, without pause and without
fatigue, is an effort of astonishing vigour, and is one of many proofs,
that a principle of compensation is at work, so that the same energy
which, in the animal world, is weakened by being directed to many
objects, is, in the vegetable world, strengthened by being concentrated
on a few.[881]
[876] 'The natural salutary actions, arising from stimuli, take place
both in animals and vegetables, and may be divided into three
kinds. The first kind of action, or self-motion, is employed
simply in the economical operations, by which means the immediate
functions are carried on, and the necessary operations performed,
with the materials the animal or vegetable is in possession of,
such as growth, support, secretion, &c. The blood is disposed of
by the actions of the vessels, according to their specific
stimulus, producing all the above effects. The juices of a plant
are disposed of according to the different actions of the
sap-vessels, arising also from their specific stimulus, which is
different from that of blood-vessels, but equally produces growth;
but a vine will grow twenty feet in one summer, while a whale,
probably, does not grow so much in as many years.' _Croonian
Lectures on Muscular Motion_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv.
p. 199.
[877] 'The second kind of action is in pursuit of external influence, and
arises from a compound of internal and external stimulus; it is
excited by the state of the animal or vegetable, which gives the
stimulus of want, and being completed by external stimulus,
produces the proper supplies of nourishment. It produces motions
of whole parts: thus we see the _Hedysarum gyrans_ moving its
lesser foliola. This is an action apparently similar to breathing
in animals, though, perhaps, it does not answer the same purpose;
yet there is an alternate motion in both.' _Croonian Lectures_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 200.
[878] 'The third kind of motion is from external stimulus, and consists
principally of the motion of whole parts, which is not
inconsiderable in vegetables, as in the _Dionæa muscipula_ and
_Mimosa pudica_ is very evident.' ... 'These actions are similar
to what arise in many animals from external stimulus.' _Ibid._
vol. iv. p. 201.
[879] 'I make a material difference between the power and the quantity of
action. Some motions may be very small, yet act with great force;
while others are of considerable extent, although very weak.'
_Ibid._ vol. iv. p. 204.
[880] 'The immediate cause of motion in all vegetables is most probably
the same, and it is probably the same in all animals; but how far
they are the same in both classes, has not yet been determined.
But I think it will appear, in the investigation of this subject,
that vegetables and animals have actions evidently common to both,
and that the causes of these actions are apparently the same in
both; and most probably there is not an action in the vegetable,
which does not correspond or belong to the animal, although the
mode of action in the parts may not be the same, or muscular, in
both.' _Croonian Lectures_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 196.
Compare the section 'Of Motion in Vegetables,' in _Hunter's
Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 24.
[881] 'The variety of motions is greater in animals, and more purposes
are answered by them.' ... 'The first kind of action appears to be
stronger in its power, although less in quantity, in vegetables
than in animals; for a small vine was capable of sustaining, and
even of raising, a column of sap 43 feet high, while a horse's
heart was only capable of supporting a column of blood 8 feet 9
inches high; both of which columns must have been supported by the
action of the internal parts, for we must suppose the heart equal,
or nearly so, to the strength or action of the other parts of the
vascular system; and when we consider that the sap of the tallest
tree must be supported, and even raised from the root to the most
distant branches, it must appear that the power of such vegetables
far exceeds the power of any animal, and, indeed, it is such as
the texture of a vegetable only can support. The power of
supporting a leaf erect for a whole day is as great an effort of
action as that of the elevator palpebrarum muscle of the eye of an
animal.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. pp. 203, 204. See also
_Hunter's Essays_, vol. i. p. 342: 'It is probable that the
vegetable which can the least bear a suspension of its actions,
can do so more than the animal which can bear it longest.'
In pursuing these speculations, which, amid much that is uncertain,
contain, I firmly believe, a large amount of important, though neglected,
truth, Hunter was led to consider how motion is produced by various
forces, such as magnetism, electricity, gravitation, and chemical
attraction.[882] This carried him into inorganic science, where, as he
clearly saw, the foundation of all organic science must be laid. Just as,
on the one hand, the human frame could never be successfully studied,
except by the aid of principles which had been collected from an
investigation of animals below man,[883] so, on the other hand, the laws
of those very animals must, he said, be approached through the laws of
common or inorganic matter.[884] He, therefore, aimed at nothing less
than to unite all the branches of physical science, taking them in the
order of their relative complexity, and proceeding from the simplest to
the most intricate. With this view, he examined the structure of the
mineral kingdom, and, by an extensive comparison of crystals, he sought
to generalize the principles of form, in the same way as, by a comparison
of animals, he sought to generalize the principles of function. And, in
doing this, he took into account, not only regular crystals, but also
irregular ones.[885] For, he knew that, in nature, nothing is really
irregular or disorderly; though our imperfect apprehension, or rather the
backwardness of our knowledge, prevents us from discerning the symmetry
of the universal scheme. The beauty of the plan, and the necessity of the
sequence, are not always perceptible. Hence, we are too apt to fancy that
the chain is broken, because we cannot see every link in it. From this
serious error, Hunter was saved by his genius, even more than by his
knowledge. Being satisfied that every thing which happens in the material
world, is so connected and bound up with its antecedents, as to be the
inevitable result of what had previously occurred, he looked with a true
philosophical eye at the strangest and most capricious shapes, because to
him they had a meaning and a necessary purpose. To him, they were neither
strange nor capricious. They were deviations from the natural course; but
it was a fundamental tenet of his philosophy, that nature, even in the
midst of her deviations, still retains her regularity.[886] Or, as he
elsewhere expresses it, deviation is, under certain circumstances, part
of the law of nature.[887]
[882] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 255.
[883] In his _Principles of Surgery_, he says (_Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
p. 220), 'The human body is what I mean chiefly to treat of; but I
shall often find it necessary to illustrate some of the
propositions which I shall lay down from animals of an inferior
order, in whom the principles may be more distinct and less
blended with others, or where the parts are differently
constructed, in order to show, from many varieties of structure,
and from many different considerations, what are the uses of the
same parts in man; or, at least, to show that they are not for the
uses which have been commonly assigned to them; and, as man is the
most complicated part of the whole animal creation, it will be
proper, in the first place, to point out general principles,
common to all this species of matter, that I may be better
understood when I come to the more complicated machine, namely,
the human.'
[884] 'Before we endeavour to give an idea of an animal, it is necessary
to understand the properties of that matter of which an animal is
composed; but the better to understand animal matter, it is
necessary to understand the properties of common matter; else we
shall be often applying our ideas of common matter, which are
familiar to us, to animal matter, an error hitherto too common,
but which we should carefully avoid.' _Principles of Surgery_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 211. 'In the natural history of
vegetables and animals, therefore, it will be necessary to go back
to the first or common matter of this globe, and give its general
properties; then see how far these properties are introduced into
the vegetable and animal operations; or rather, perhaps, how far
they are of use or subservient to their actions.' _Hunter's
Essays_, vol. i. p. 4. 'Every property in man is similar to some
property, either in another animal, or probably in a vegetable, or
even in inanimate matter. Thereby (man) becomes classible with
those in some of his parts.' _Ibid._ p. 10.
[885] He made 'a valuable collection of crystallizations, both of
regular and irregular forms, which he was accustomed to use in his
lectures to exemplify the difference between the laws which
regulate the growth of organic and the increase of inorganic
bodies.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 138.
[886] 'Nature is always uniform in her operations, and when she deviates
is still regular in her deviations.' _Principles of Surgery_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 485; see also vol. iv. pp. 44, 45.
[887] 'It certainly may be laid down, as one of the principles or laws
of nature, to deviate under certain circumstances.' _Hunter's
Works_, vol. iv. p. 278.
To generalize such irregularities, or, in other words, to show that they
are not irregularities at all, was the main object of Hunter's life, and
was the noblest part of his mission. Hence, notwithstanding his vast
achievements in physiology, his favourite pursuit was pathology,[888]
where, the phenomena being more complex, the intellect has more play. In
this great field, he studied the aberrations of structure and of
function, in the vegetable, as well as in the animal, world;[889] while,
for the aberrations of form, which are the external manifestations of
disturbed structure, he took into consideration the appearances presented
by the mineral kingdom. There, the power of crystallization is the
leading feature, and there, violations of symmetry constitute the
essential disorder, whether the deformity of the crystal is subsequent to
its production, or whether, being the result of what happened before its
production, it is an original, and, if we may so say, congenital, defect.
In either case, it is a deviation from the normal type, and, as such, is
analogous to the monstrosities, both of animals and of vegetables.[890]
The mind of Hunter, by sweeping through this immense range of thought,
attained to such commanding views of the philosophy of disease, that, in
that department, he is certainly without a rival. As a physiologist, he
was equalled, or perhaps excelled, by Aristotle; but as a pathologist, he
stands alone, if we consider what pathology was when he found it, and
what it was when he left it.[891] Since his death, the rapid advance of
morbid anatomy and of chemistry has caused some of his doctrines to be
modified, and some of them to be overturned. This has been the work of
inferior men, wielding superior chemical and microscopical resources. To
say that the successors of John Hunter are inferior to him, is no
disparagement to their abilities, since he was one of those extremely
rare characters who only appear at very long intervals, and who, when
they do appear, remodel the fabric of knowledge. They revolutionize our
modes of thought; they stir up the intellect to insurrection; they are
the rebels and demagogues of science. And though the pathologists of the
nineteenth century have chosen a humbler path, this must not blind us to
their merits, or prevent us from being grateful for what they have done.
We cannot, however, be too often reminded, that the really great men, and
those who are the sole permanent benefactors of their species, are not
the great experimenters, nor the great observers, nor the great readers,
nor the great scholars, but the great thinkers. Thought is the creator
and vivifier of all human affairs. Actions, facts, and external
manifestations of every kind, often triumph for a while; but it is the
progress of ideas which ultimately determines the progress of the world.
Unless these are changed, every other change is superficial, and every
improvement is precarious. It is, however, evident that, in the present
state of our knowledge, all ideas respecting nature must refer either to
the normal or to the abnormal; that is to say, they must be concerned
either with what is regular, uniform, and obedient to recognized
principles, or else with what is irregular, perturbed, and disobedient.
Of these two divisions, the first belongs to science; the second, to
superstition. John Hunter formed the superb conception of merging both
classes of ideas into one, by showing that nothing is irregular, that
nothing is perturbed, that nothing is disobedient. Centuries, perhaps,
may elapse before that conception will be consummated. But what Hunter
effected towards it, places him at the head of all pathologists, ancient
or modern. For, with him, the science of pathology did not mean the laws
of disease in man alone, or even in all animals, or even in the whole
organic kingdom; but it meant the laws of disease and of malformation in
the entire material world, organic and inorganic. His great object was,
to raise a science of the abnormal. He determined to contemplate nature
as a vast and united whole, exhibiting, indeed, at different times
different appearances, but preserving, amidst every change, a principle
of uniform and uninterrupted order, admitting of no deviation, undergoing
no disturbance, and presenting no real irregularity, albeit to the common
eye, irregularities abound on every side.
[888] Dr. Adams, who knew him personally, says that he studied
'physiology, more particularly as connected with pathology.'
_Adams' Life of Hunter_, p. 77.
[889] His _Principles of Surgery_ contain some curious evidence of his
desire to establish a connexion between animal and vegetable
pathology. See, for instance, his remarks on 'local diseases'
(_Works_, vol. i. p. 341); on the influence of the seasons in
producing diseases (vol. i. pp. 345, 346); and on the theory of
inflammation exhibited in an oak-leaf (vol. i. p. 391). But even
now, too little is known of the diseases of the vegetable world to
enable their study to be incorporated with the science of the
diseases of the animal world; and, in the time of Hunter, the
attempt was still less promising. Still, the effort shows the
grandeur and range of the man's mind; and though little was
effected, the method was right. So, too, in one of his essays on
the _Power of Producing Heat_, he says, 'In the course of a
variety of experiments on animals and vegetables, I have
frequently observed that the result of experiments in the one has
explained the economy of the other, and pointed out some principle
common to both.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iv. p. 136.
[890] 'Nature being pretty constant in the kind and number of the
different parts peculiar to each species of animal, as also in the
situation, formation, and construction of such parts, we call
every thing that deviates from that uniformity a "monster,"
whether (it occur in) crystallization, vegetation, or
animalization. There must be some principle for those deviations
from the regular course of nature, in the economy of such species
as they occur in. In the present inquiry it is the animal creation
I mean to consider. Yet, as there may be in some degree an analogy
between all the three (kingdoms of nature), I shall consider the
other two, so far as this analogy seems to take place.' ...
'Monsters are not peculiar to animals: they are less so in them,
perhaps, than in any species of matter. The vegetable (kingdom)
abounds with monsters; and perhaps the uncommon formation of many
crystals may be brought within the same species of production, and
accounted for upon the same principle, viz. some influence
interfering with the established law of regular formation.
Monsters in crystals may arise from the same cause, as mentioned
in the "Introduction;" viz. either a wrong arrangement of the
parts of which the crystal is to be composed, or a defect in the
formation, from the first setting out being wrong, and (the
formation) going on in the same (wrong) line. The principle of
crystallization is in the solution; yet it requires more to set it
agoing, or into action, such, _e.g._, as a solid surface. The
deficiency in the production of a true crystal may be in the
solution itself; or, I can conceive, that a very slight
circumstance might alter the form of a crystal, and even give the
disposition for one (crystal) to form upon another. Quickness in
the progress of crystallization produces irregularity and
diminution in size.' _Hunter's Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i.
pp. 239-241. The reader must remember, that, when these remarks
were written, the phenomena of crystallization had not been
subjected to that exact mathematical treatment which subsequently
revealed so many of their laws. Indeed, the goniometer was then so
coarse an instrument, that it was impossible to measure the angles
of crystals with accuracy.
[891] Abernethy says, 'He appears to me as a new character in our
profession; and, briefly to express his peculiar merit, I may call
him the first and great physionosologist, or expositor of the
nature of disease.' _Abernethy's Hunterian Oration_, p. 29,
London, 1819. 'He may be regarded as the first who applied the
great truths of anatomical and physiological science to these most
important subjects, by tracing the processes which nature employs
in the construction of organic changes, in building up new
formations, and in repairing the effects of injury or disease.'
_Hodgson's Hunterian Oration_, 1855, p. 32.
As pathology was the science to which Hunter was most devoted, so also
was it that in which his natural love of deduction was most apparent.
Here, far more than in his physiological inquiries, do we find a desire
to multiply original principles from which he could reason; in opposition
to the inductive method, which always aims at diminishing these
principles by gradual and successive analysis. Thus, for instance, in
his animal pathology, he attempted to introduce, as an ultimate principle
from which he could argue, the idea that all diseases move more rapidly
towards the skin than towards internal parts, by virtue of some hidden
force, which also obliges vegetables to approach the surface of the
earth.[892] Another favourite proposition, which he often used as a major
premiss, and by its aid constructed deductively a pathological argument,
was, that in no substance, be it what it may, can two processes go on in
the same part at the same time.[893] By applying this universal
proposition to the more limited phenomena of animal life, he inferred
that two general diseases cannot co-exist in the same individual; and he
relied so much on this ratiocination, that he refused to credit any
testimony by which it was impugned.[894] There is reason to believe that
his conclusion is erroneous, and that different diseases can so accompany
each other, as to be united in the same individual, at the same time, and
in the same part.[895] Whether or not this be the case, it is equally
interesting to notice the process of thought which led Hunter to bestow
infinitely more pains in arguing from the general theory, than in arguing
to it. Indeed, he can hardly be said to have argued to it at all, since
he obtained it by a rough and hasty generalization from what seemed to be
the obvious properties of inorganic matter. Having thus obtained it, he
applied it to the pathological phenomena of the organic world, and
especially of the animal world. That he should have adopted this course,
is a curious proof of the energy of his deductive habits, and of the
force of mind which enabled him so to set at naught the traditions of his
English contemporaries, as to follow a method which, in the opinion of
every one who surrounded him, was not only full of danger, but could
never lead to truth.
[892] 'The specific qualities in diseases also tend more rapidly to the
skin than to the deeper-seated parts, except the cancer; although,
even in this disease, the progress towards the superficies is more
quick than its progress towards the centre.' ... 'In short, this
is a law of nature, and it probably is upon the same principle by
which vegetables always approach the surface of the earth.' _A
Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, and Gunshot Wounds_, in
_Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 285. 'Granulations always tend to
the skin, which is exactly similar to vegetation, for plants
always grow from the centre of the earth towards the surface; and
this principle was taken notice of when we were treating of
abscesses coming towards the skin.' _Ibid._ pp. 489, 490.
[893] 'It may be admitted as an axiom, that two processes cannot go on
at the same time in the same part of any substance.' _Hunter's
Works_, vol. iv. p. 96. Compare _Hunter's Essays_, vol. ii. p.
333: 'As it appears, in general, that Nature can hardly make one
part perform two actions with advantage.'
[894] 'Thus, we hear of pocky itch and of scurvy and the venereal
disease combined; but this supposition appears to me to be founded
in error. I have never seen any such cases, _nor do they seem to
be consistent with the principles of morbid action_ in the animal
economy. It appears to me beyond a doubt that no two actions can
take place in the same constitution, or in the same part, at one
and the same time.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. ii. p. 132. 'As I
reckon every operation in the body an action, whether universal or
partial, _it appears to me beyond a doubt_ that no two actions can
take place in the same constitution, nor in the same part, at one
and the same time; the operations of the body are similar in this
respect to actions or motions in common matter. _It naturally
results from this principle_, that no two different fevers can
exist in the same constitution, nor two local diseases in the same
part, at the same time. There are many local diseases which have
dispositions totally different, but having very similar
appearances, have been supposed by some to be one sort of disease,
by others to be a different kind, and by others again a compound
of two diseases.' ... 'These, therefore, are often supposed to be
mixed, and to exist in the same part. Thus we hear of a
pocky-scurvy, a pocky-itch, rheumatic-gout, &c. &c., which names,
_according to my principle_, imply a union that cannot possibly
exist.' _Ibid._ vol. iii. pp. 3, 4.
[895] Dr. Robert Williams (_Encyclopædia of the Medical Sciences_,
London, 1847, 4to, p. 688) says, 'The diagnosis between gout and
rheumatism is often exceedingly difficult, so much so that
nosologists have given a mixed class, or rheumatic gout. Mr.
Hunter warmly opposed this compound appellation, for, in his
opinion, no two distinct diseases, or even distinct diatheses, can
co-exist in the same constitution; a law, it must be admitted, to
have many exceptions.' Compare _Watson's Principles and Practice
of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 312; 'acting upon the
aphorism of John Hunter (an aphorism, however, which requires some
qualification), that two diseases or actions cannot go on in a
part at the same time.' According to another authority, 'There can
be little doubt that two or more zymotic processes do often go on
simultaneously in the blood and body; a fact of profound interest
to the pathologist, and worthy of attentive investigation.'
_Report on the Public Health for 1847_, in _Journal of the
Statistical Society_, vol. xi. p. 168, London, 1848. See also, on
the co-existence of specific poisons, _Erichsen's Surgery_, 2nd
edit., London, 1857, p. 430. Mr. Paget, in his striking and
eminently suggestive _Lectures on Pathology_, London, 1853, vol.
ii. pp. 537, 538, has made some interesting remarks on one part of
the theory of co-existence; and his observations, so far as they
go, tend to corroborate Hunter's view. He has put very forcibly
the antagonism between cancer and other specific diseases; and
especially between the cancerous diathesis and the tuberculous.
Other parts of his pathology abound with similar instances, which show
how anxious he was to assume principles on which he could build
arguments. Of this kind were his ideas respecting sympathy, as connected
with action. He suggested, that the simplest forms of sympathy would
probably be found in the vegetable world, because there, the general
arrangements are less intricate than in the animal world.[896] On this
supposition, he constructed a series of curious and refined speculations,
of which, however, I must confine myself to giving a very short summary.
As animals sympathize more than vegetables, this helps us to understand
why it is that their movements are more numerous. For, sympathy, being a
susceptibility to impression, is also a principle of action.[897] Like
other principles of action, it may be either natural or diseased.[898]
But, whichever it be, it can, in plants, have only one mode of
development, because, in them, it can only be influenced by stimulus;
while in animals, which have sensation, it has necessarily three modes,
one from stimulus, one from sensation, and a third compounded of the
other two.[899] These are the largest divisions of sympathy, if we
consider the organic world as a whole. In single cases, however, sympathy
admits of still further subdivision. We may reason from it, in reference
to the age of the individual;[900] we may also reason from it in
reference to temperament, since, in point of fact, temperament is nothing
but susceptibility to action.[901] And when sympathy is in action, we
may, by analyzing our idea of it, reduce it to five different heads, and
may classify it as continued, or contiguous, or remote, or similar, or
dissimilar.[902] All these supplied Hunter with principles from which, by
reasoning deductively, he attempted to explain the facts of disease; for,
according to him, disease merely consists in a want of combination of
actions.[903] By this process of thought, he was induced to neglect
those predisposing causes, to which inductive pathologists pay great
attention, and with which the works of his English contemporaries were
much occupied. Such causes could only be generalized from observation,
and Hunter made no account of them. Indeed, he even denies their real
existence, and asserts that a predisposing cause is simply an increased
susceptibility to form disposition to action.[904]
[896] 'The most simple sympathy is perhaps to be found in vegetables,
these being much more simple than the most simple animal.'
_Principles of Surgery_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 327.
[897] 'This principle of action, called sympathy,' &c. _Ibid._ vol. i.
p. 318.
[898] 'Sympathy may be divided into two kinds, the natural and the
diseased.' _Principles of Surgery_, in _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
p. 320; see also _A Treatise on the Blood, Inflammation, &c._, in
_Works_, vol. iii. p. 6.
[899] _Croonian Lectures on Muscular Motion_, in _Hunter's Works_,
vol. iv. p. 207; and exactly the same words in his _Phytology_, in
_Hunter's Essays_, London, 1861, vol. i. p. 361.
[900] 'Local or partial sympathy is found more in old than in young;
whereas universal sympathy is more in young than in old. Sympathy
is less determined in young persons, every part being then ready
to sympathize with other parts under disease.' ... 'As the child
advances, the power of sympathy becomes partial, there not being
now, in the constitution, that universal consent of parts, but
some part, which has greater sympathy than the rest, falls into
the whole irritation; therefore the whole disposition to sympathy
is directed to some particular part. The different organs acquire
more and more of their own independent actions as the child grows
older.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. pp. 322, 323.
[901] 'Susceptibilities for dispositions and actions appear to me to be
the same with what are usually understood by temperament.
Temperament is the state of the body fitting it for the
disposition or action it is then in.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i.
p. 307.
[902] _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 393.
[903] 'As every natural action of the body depends, for its perfection,
on a number of circumstances, we are led to conclude, that all the
various combining actions are established while the body is in
health, and well disposed; but this does not take place in
diseased actions, for disease, on the contrary, consists in the
want of this very combination.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. iii. p. 10.
Compare vol. i. p. 310: 'I have explained that a disease is a
disposition for a wrong action, and that the action is the
immediate effect of the disposition, and that either the actions
or the effects of those actions, _produce the symptoms which are
generally called the disease_; such as sensations, which are
commonly pain of all kinds, sickness, alteration visible or
invisible in the structure of the part or parts that act, and
sympathy.'
[904] 'There is no such thing, strictly speaking, as a predisposing
cause. What is commonly understood by a predisposing cause is an
increased susceptibility to form disposition to action. When I say
I am predisposed for such and such actions, it is only that I am
very susceptible of such and such impressions.' _Hunter's Works_,
vol. i. p. 303. See also p. 301: 'The most simple idea I can form
of an animal being capable of disease is, that every animal is
endued with a power of action, and a susceptibility of impression,
which impression forms a disposition, which disposition may
produce action, which action becomes the immediate sign of the
disease; all of which will be according to the nature of the
impression and of the part impressed.'
By reasoning from the twofold ideas of action and of sympathy, Hunter
constructed the deductive or synthetic part of his pathology. This he did
as a Scotchman, and to this, had he always lived in Scotland, he would
probably have confined himself. But being for forty years surrounded by
Englishmen, and having his mind impregnated by English habits, he
contracted something of their mode of thought. We, accordingly, find that
a considerable portion of his pathology is as inductive as the most eager
disciple of Bacon could desire; forming, in this respect, a striking
contrast to the purely synthetic method of Cullen, the other great
pathologist of Scotland. In the attempt, however, which Hunter made to
mix these two methods, he perplexed both himself and his readers. Hence
that obscurity, which even his warmest admirers have noticed, though they
have not perceived its cause. Vast as his powers were, he was unable to
effect a complete union between induction and deduction. That this should
have happened, will not surprise any one, who considers how some of the
greatest thinkers have failed in this, the most difficult of all
enterprises. Among the ancients, Plato failed in induction, and all his
followers failed with him; since none of them have placed sufficient
confidence in facts, and in the process of reasoning from particulars to
generals. Among the moderns, Bacon was deficient in deduction, and every
Baconian has been similarly deficient; it being the essential vice of
that school to despise reasoning from general propositions, and to
underrate the value of the syllogism. It may, indeed, be doubted if the
history of the world supplies more than two instances of physical
philosophers being as great in one form of investigation as in the other.
They are Aristotle and Newton, who wielded each method with equal ease,
combining the skill and boldness of deduction with the caution and
perseverance of induction, masters alike of synthesis and of analysis, as
capable of proceeding from generals to particulars, as from particulars
to generals, sometimes making ideas precede facts, and sometimes making
facts precede ideas, but never faltering, never doubting which course to
take, and never allowing either scheme unduly to encroach on its
opposite. That Hunter should be unable to perform this, merely proves
that he was inferior to these two men, whose almost incredible
achievements entitle them to be termed the prodigies of the human race.
But what he did was wonderful, and, in his own department, has never been
rivalled. Of the character and extent of his inquiries, I have given a
sketch, which, notwithstanding its imperfections, may serve to illustrate
the antagonism of the Scotch and English intellects, by showing how the
methods peculiar to each nation struggled for mastery in that great mind,
which was exposed to the action of both. Which method predominated in
Hunter, it would be hard to say. But it is certain, that his
understanding was troubled by their conflict. It is also certain, that,
owing to his love of deduction, or of reasoning from general ideas, he
exercised much less sway over his English contemporaries, than he would
have done if he had exclusively followed their favourite method of
reasoning from particular facts. Hence, the disproportion between his
influence and his merits. As to his merits, it is now admitted that, in
addition to his physiological discoveries, and the great pathological
views which he propounded, we may trace to him nearly all the surgical
improvements which were introduced within about forty years after his
death.[905] He was the first who explained, and, indeed, the first who
recognized, the disease of inflammation of the veins, which is of
frequent occurrence, and, under the name of phlebitis, has latterly been
much studied, but which, before his time, had been ascribed to the most
erroneous causes.[906] On general inflammation, he threw so much light,
that the doctrines which he advocated, and which were then ridiculed as
whimsical novelties, are now taught in the schools, and have become part
of the common traditions of the medical profession.[907] He, moreover,
introduced what is probably the most capital improvement in surgery ever
effected by a single man; namely, the practice in aneurism of tying the
artery at a distance from the seat of disease. This one suggestion has
saved thousands of lives; and both the suggestion, and the first
successful execution of it, are entirely owing to John Hunter, who, if he
had done nothing else, would, on this account alone, have a right to be
classed among the principal benefactors of mankind.[908]
[905] Hunter died in 1793. In 1835, Mr. Palmer writes: 'Those who have
traced the progress of modern surgery to its true source, will not
fail to have discerned, in the principles which Hunter
established, the germs of almost all the improvements which have
been since introduced.' _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. vii. Eighteen
years later, Mr. Paget says of Hunter's views respecting the
healing of injuries: 'In these sentences, Mr. Hunter has embodied
the principle on which is founded the whole practice of
subcutaneous surgery; a principle of which, indeed, it seems
hardly possible to exaggerate the importance.' _Paget's Lectures
on Surgical Pathology_, London, 1853, vol. i. p. 170. At pp. 197,
198: 'After what I have said respecting the process of immediate
union, it may appear that Mr. Hunter was more nearly right than
his successors.'
[906] 'Inflammation of the veins, originally studied by Hunter, has of
late years attracted the attention of many distinguished
Continental and British pathologists.' _Erichsen's Surgery_,
London, 1857, p. 475. 'No subject more amply illustrates the
essential services which the science and art of medicine have
derived from pathological anatomy than that of phlebitis. By this
study many a dark point in the phenomena of disease has been
either thoroughly elucidated, or, at all events, rendered more
comprehensible. We need only refer to the so-termed malignant
intermittents, consequent upon wounds and surgical operations,--to
certain typhoid conditions, puerperal diseases, and the like, John
Hunter, the elder Meckel, and Peter Frank, were the first to
commence the investigation.' _Hasse's Anatomical Description of
the Diseases of the Organs of Circulation and Respiration_,
London, 1846, p. 10. 'Hunter was the first to open the way, and
since that period the scalpel has shown that many previously
unintelligible malignant conditions are attributable to
phlebitis.' _Jones and Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy_, London,
1854, p. 362. On the application of this discovery to the theory
of inflammation of the spleen, see _Rokitansky's Pathological
Anatomy_, vol. ii. p. 173, London, 1849; compare vol. iv. p. 335.
[907] Sir Benjamin Brodie says: 'It is true that the essential parts of
John Hunter's doctrines as to inflammation and its consequences
are now so incorporated with what is taught in the schools, that
to be acquainted with them you need not seek them in his works;
but I recommend you, nevertheless, to make these your especial
study, for the sake of the other valuable information which they
contain, and the important views in physiology and pathology
which, in almost every page, are offered to your contemplation.'
_Brodie's Lectures on Pathology and Surgery_, London, 1846, p. 25.
'John Hunter, whose treatise on Inflammation is a mine in which
all succeeding writers have dug.' _Watson's Principles and
Practice of Physic_, London, 1857, vol. i. p. 146. 'The appeal to
philosophical principles in Hunter's works was, indeed, the cause
of their being a closed volume to his less enlightened
contemporaries; but, though the principles implied or expressed,
subjected them to the scorn and neglect of those less imbued with
the spirit of philosophy, the results of those principles,
verified as they were by facts, have gradually and insensibly
forced themselves on the conviction of the profession; and though
adopted silently, and without acknowledgment, as if the authors
themselves had forgotten or were ignorant from whence they were
derived, they now form the very groundwork of all books,
treatises, and lectures on professional subjects.' _Green's Vital
Dynamics_, London, 1840, p. 81. Finally, I will quote the very
recent testimony of Mr. Simon, who, in his masterly, and
singularly beautiful, essay on Inflammation, has not only brought
together nearly every thing which is known on that interesting
subject, but has shown himself to be possessed of powers of
generalization rare in the medical profession, or, indeed, in any
other profession. 'Without undue partiality, an Englishman may be
glad to say that the special study of Inflammation dates from the
labours of John Hunter. An indefatigable observer of nature,
untrammelled by educational forms, and thoroughly a sceptic in his
method of study, this large-minded surgeon of ours went to work at
inflammation with a full estimate of the physiological vastness of
his subject. He saw that, in order to understand inflammation, he
must regard it, not as one solitary fact of disease, but in
connexion with kindred phenomena--some of them truly morbid in
their nature, but many of them within the limits of health. He saw
that, for any one who would explain inflammation, all inequalities
of blood supply, all periodicities of growth, all actions of
sympathy, were part of the problem to be solved.' ... 'He cannot
be understood without more reflection than average readers will
give; and only they who are content to struggle through a veil of
obscure language, up to the very reality of his intent, can learn
with how great a master they are communing.' ... 'Doubtless, he
was a great discoverer. But it is for the spirit of his labours,
even more than for the establishment of new doctrine, that English
surgery is for ever indebted to him. Of facts in pathology, he
may, perhaps, be no permanent teacher; but to the student of
medicine he must always be a noble pattern. Emphatically, it may
be said of him, that he was the physiological surgeon. Others,
before him (Galen, for instance, eminently), had been at once
physiologists and practitioners; but science, in their case, had
come little into contact with practice. Never had physiology been
so incorporated with surgery, never been so applied to the
investigation of disease and the suggestion of treatment, as it
was by this master-workman of ours. And to him, so far as such
obligations can be personal, we assuredly owe it that, for the
last half-century, the foundations of English surgery have, at
least professedly, been changing from a basis of empiricism to a
basis of science.' _Simon on Inflammation_, in _A System of
Surgery_, edited by T. Holmes, London, 1860, vol. i. pp. 134-136.
[908] Mr. Bowman, in his _Principles of Surgery_ (_Encyclopædia of the
Medical Sciences_, London, 4to, 1847) says (p. 831): 'Before the
time of Hunter, the operation was performed by cutting into the
sac of the aneurism, and tying the vessel above and below. So
formidable was this proceeding in its consequences, that
amputation of the limb was frequently preferred, as a less
dangerous and fatal measure. The genius of Hunter led him to tie
the femoral artery, in a case of popliteal aneurism, leaving the
tumour untouched. The safety and efficacy of this mode of
operating have now been fully established, and the principle has
been extended to all operations for the cure of this formidable
disease.' See also p. 873; _Paget's Surgical Pathology_, vol. i.
pp. 36, 37; and _Erichsen's Surgery_, pp. 141, 142, 508, 509.
But, so far as his own immediate reputation was concerned, all was in
vain. He was in the midst of a people who had no sympathy with that mode
of thought which was most natural to him. They cared nothing for ideas,
except with a few to direct and tangible results; he valued ideas for
themselves, and for the sake of their truth, independently of all other
considerations. His English contemporaries, prudent, sagacious, but
short-sighted, seeing few things at a time, but seeing those things with
admirable clearness, were unable to appreciate his comprehensive
speculations. Hence, in their opinion, he was little else than an
innovator and an enthusiast.[909] Hence, too, even the practical
improvements which he introduced were coldly received, because they
proceeded from so suspicious a source. The great Scotchman, thrown among
a nation whose habits of mind were uncongenial to his own, stood, says
one of the most celebrated of his disciples, in a position of solitary
and comfortless superiority.[910] Indeed, so little was he regarded by
that very profession of which he was the chiefest ornament, that, during
the many years in which he delivered lectures in London on anatomy and on
surgery, his audience never amounted to twenty persons.[911]
[909] 'The majority of Hunter's contemporaries considered his pursuits to
have little connexion with practice, charged him with attending to
physiology more than surgery, and looked on him as little better
than an innovator and an enthusiast.' _Ottley's Life of Hunter_,
p. 126. In a work, which was written by a surgeon only the year
after Hunter died, the reader is told, in regard to his remarkable
inquiries respecting animal heat, that 'his experiments, if they
be true, carry with them no manner of information:--if they be
true, no effect for the benefit of man can possibly be derived
from them.' _Foot's Life of Hunter_, London, 1794, p. 116. At p.
225, the same practitioner reproaches the great philosopher with
propounding 'purely a piece of theory, without any practical
purpose whatever.' Foot, indeed, wrote under the influence of
personal feelings, but he rightly judged that these were the sort
of charges which would be most likely to prejudice the English
public against Hunter. It never occurred to Foot, any more than it
would occur to his readers, that the quest of truth, as truth, is
a magnificent object, even if its practical benefit is
imperceptible. One other testimony is worth quoting. Sir Astley
Cooper writes of Cline: 'His high opinion of Mr. Hunter shows his
judgment; for almost all others of Mr. Hunter's contemporaries,
although they praise him now, abused him while he lived.' _The
Life of Sir Astley Cooper, by Bransby Blake Cooper_, London, 1843,
vol. ii. p. 337.
[910] 'Those who far precede others, must necessarily remain alone; and
their actions often appear unaccountable, nay, even extravagant,
to their distant followers, who know not the causes that give rise
to them, nor the effects which they are designed to produce. In
such a situation stood Mr. Hunter, with relation to his
contemporaries. It was a comfortless precedence, for it deprived
him of sympathy and social co-operation.' _Abernathy's Hunterian
Oration_, p. 49.
[911] 'These he continued for several years; but so far were his
talents, and his enlightened views, from exciting the attention
they merited, that his hearers never amounted to twenty,'
_Ottley's Life of Hunter_, p. 28.
* * * * *
I have now completed my examination of the Scotch intellect as it
unfolded itself in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
difference between those two periods must strike every reader. In the
seventeenth century, the ablest Scotchmen wasted their energies on
theological subjects, respecting which we have no trustworthy
information, and no means of obtaining any. On these topics, different
persons and different nations, equally honest, equally enlightened, and
equally competent, have entertained, and still entertain, the most
different opinions, which they advocate with the greatest confidence, and
support by arguments, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, but
contemptuously rejected by their opponents. Each side deeming itself in
possession of the truth, the impartial inquirer, that is, he who really
loves truth, and knows how difficult it is to obtain it, seeks for some
means by which he may fairly adjudicate between these conflicting
pretensions, and determine which is right and which is wrong. The further
he searches, the more he becomes convinced that no such means are to be
found, and that these questions, if they do not transcend the limits of
the human understanding, do, certainly, transcend its present resources,
and have no chance of being answered, while other and much simpler
problems are still unsolved. It would be strange, indeed, if we, ignorant
of so many lower and subordinate matters, should be able to reach and
penetrate these remote and complicated mysteries. It would be strange if
we, who, notwithstanding the advances we have made, are still in the
infancy of our career, and who, like infants, can only walk with unsteady
gait, and are scarce able to move without stumbling, even on plain and
level ground, should, nathless, succeed in scaling those dizzy heights,
which, overhanging our path, lure us on where we are sure to fall.
Unfortunately, however, men are, in every age, so little conscious of
their deficiencies, that they not only attempt this impossible task, but
believe they have achieved it. Of those who are a prey to this delusion,
there are always a certain number, who, seated on their imaginary
eminence, are so inflated by the fancied superiority, as to undertake to
instruct, to warn, and to rebuke the rest of mankind. Giving themselves
out as spiritual advisers, and professing to teach what they have not yet
learned, they exhibit in their own persons that most consistent of all
combinations, a combination of great ignorance with great arrogance. From
this, other evils inevitably follow. The ignorance produces superstition;
the arrogance produces tyranny. Hence it is, that, in a country like
Scotland, where the pressure of long-continued and adverse circumstances
has consolidated the power of these pretenders to wisdom, such sad
results become conspicuous in every direction. Not only the national
character, but also the national literature, feel their influence, and
are coloured by them. It was, therefore, natural that, in Scotland, in
the seventeenth century, when the authority of the clergy was most
uncontrolled, the consequences of that authority should be most apparent.
It was natural that a literature should be created such as that of which
I have given some account; a literature which encouraged superstition,
intolerance, and bigotry; a literature full of dark misgivings, and of
still darker threats; a literature which taught men that it was wrong to
enjoy the present, and that it was right to tremble at the future; a
literature, in a word, which, spreading gloom on every side, soured the
temper, corrupted the affections, numbed the intellect, and brought into
complete discredit those bold and original inquiries, without which there
can be no advance in human knowledge, and consequently no increase of
human happiness.
To this, the literature of the eighteenth century offered a striking and
most exhilarating contrast. It seemed as if, in a moment, all was
changed. The Baillies, the Binnings, the Dicksons, the Durhams, the
Flemings, the Frasers, the Gillespies, the Guthries, the Halyburtons, the
Hendersons, the Rutherfords, and the rest of that monkish rabble, were
succeeded by eminent and enterprising thinkers, whose genius lighted up
every department of knowledge, and whose minds, fresh and vigorous as the
morning, opened for themselves a new career, and secured for their
country a high place in the annals of European intellect. Something of
what they effected, I have endeavoured to narrate; much, however, has
been left untold. But I have brought forward sufficient evidence to
convince even the most sceptical reader of the splendour of their
achievements, and of the difference between the noble literature which
they produced, and those wretched compositions which disfigured the
preceding century.
Still, great as the difference was, the two literatures had, as I have
shown, one important point in common. Both were essentially deductive;
and the proof of this I have given at considerable length, because,
though it has, so far as I am aware, escaped the attention of all
previous inquirers, its consequences were of the utmost moment to the
fortunes of Scotland, and are, moreover, full of interest to those who,
in their investigations of human affairs, desire to penetrate below the
mere surface and symptoms of things.
If we take a general view of those countries where science has been
cultivated, we shall find that, wherever the deductive method of inquiry
has predominated, knowledge, though often increased and accumulated, has
never been widely diffused. On the other hand, we shall find that, when
the inductive method has predominated, the diffusion of knowledge has
always been considerable, or, at all events, has been beyond comparison
greater than when deduction was prevalent. This holds good, not only of
different countries, but also of different periods in the same country.
It even holds good of different individuals in the same period, and in
the same country. If, in any civilized nation, two men, equally gifted,
were to propound some new and startling conclusion, and one of these men
were to defend his conclusion by reasoning from ideas or general
principles, while the other man were to defend his by reasoning from
particular and visible facts, there can be no doubt that, supposing all
other things the same, the latter man would gain most adherents. His
conclusion would be more easily diffused, simply because a direct appeal,
in the first instance, to palpable facts, strikes the vulgar with
immediate effect; while an appeal to principles is beyond their ken, and
as they do not sympathize with it, they are apt to ridicule it. Facts
seem to come home to every one, and are undeniable. Principles are not so
obvious, and, being often disputed, they have, to those who do not grasp
them, an unreal and illusory appearance, which weakens their influence.
Hence it is that inductive science, which always gives the first place to
facts, is essentially popular, and has on its side those innumerable
persons, who will not listen to the more refined and subtle teachings of
deductive science. Hence, too, we find historically that the
establishment of the modern inductive philosophy, with its varied and
attractive experiments, its material appliances, and its constant appeal
to the senses, has been intimately connected with the awakening of the
public mind, and coincides with that spirit of inquiry, and with that
love of liberty, which have been constantly advancing since the
sixteenth century. We may assuredly say, that scepticism and democracy
are the two leading features of this great scientific movement. The
seventeenth century, which ushered in the Baconian philosophy, was
remarkable for its insubordinate spirit, especially in the country where
that philosophy originated, and where it most flourished. In the next
age, it was transplanted into France, and there, too, it worked upon the
popular mind, and, was, as I have already pointed out, one of the
principal causes of the French Revolution.
If we look still closer into this interesting question, we shall find
further corroboration of the view, that the inferences of an inductive
philosophy are more likely to be diffused than those of a deductive one.
Inductive science rests immediately upon experience, or, at all events,
upon experiment, which is merely experience artificially modified. Now,
an immense majority of mankind, even in the most advanced countries, are,
by the constitution of their minds, incapable of seizing general
principles and applying them to daily affairs, without doing serious
mischief, either to themselves, or to others. Such an application
requires not only great dexterity, but also a knowledge of those
disturbing causes which affect the operation of all general theorems. The
task, being so difficult to perform, is rarely attempted; and average
men, possessed of a tolerably sound judgment, do, with good reason, rely
mainly on experience, which is to them a safer and more useful guide than
any principle, however accurate and scientific it might be. This begets
in their minds a prejudice on behalf of experimental inquiries, and a
corresponding dislike of the opposite and more speculative method. And it
can, I think, hardly be doubted, that one of the causes of the triumph of
the Baconian philosophy, is the growth of the industrious classes, whose
business-like and methodical habits are eminently favourable to empirical
observations of the uniformities of sequence, since, indeed, on the
accuracy of such observations the success of all practical affairs
depends. Certainly, we find that the overthrow of the purely deductive
scholasticism of the Middle Ages has been everywhere accompanied by the
spread of trade; and whoever will carefully study the history of Europe,
will discern many traces of a connexion between the two movements, both
of which are marked by an increasing respect for material and empirical
interests, and a disregard of ideal and speculative pursuits.
The relation between all this and the popular tendency of induction is
obvious. For one person who can think, there are at least a hundred
persons who can observe. An accurate observer is, no doubt, rare; but an
accurate thinker is far rarer. Of this the proofs are too abundant to be
disputed. Indeed, no one can mix with his fellow-creatures, without
seeing how much more natural it is for them to notice than to reflect;
and how extremely unusual it is to meet with any one whose conversation,
or whose writings, bear marks of patient and original thought. And,
inasmuch as thinkers are more prone to accumulate ideas, while observers
are more prone to accumulate facts, the overwhelming predominance of the
observing class is a decisive reason why induction, which begins with
facts, is always more popular than deduction, which begins with ideas. It
is often said, and probably with truth, that all deduction is preceded by
induction; so that, in every syllogism, the major premiss, however
obvious and necessary it may appear, is merely a generalization of facts,
or record of what the senses had already observed. But this opinion,
whether true or false, does not affect what I have just stated, because
it concerns the origin of our knowledge, and not its subsequent
treatment; that is to say, it is a metaphysical opinion, rather than a
logical one. For, even supposing that all deduction rests ultimately on
induction, it is, nevertheless, certain that there are innumerable cases
in which the induction takes place at so early a period of life that we
are unconscious of it, and can by no effort recall the process. The
axioms of geometry afford a good specimen of this. No one can tell when
or how he first believed that the whole is greater than its part, or that
things which are equal to the same thing are equal to one another. All
these preliminary steps are concealed from us, and the strength and
dexterity of deduction are displayed in the subsequent steps by which the
major premiss is adjusted, and, as it were, fitted to the minor. This
often requires great subtlety of thought, and, in every instance, the
external world is put aside, and lost sight of. The process, being ideal,
has no concern, either with observations or experiments. The suggestions
of the senses are shut out, while the mind passes through a long train of
successive syllogisms, in which each conclusion is turned into the
premiss of a new argument, until, at length, an inference is deductively
obtained, which, to those who merely hear it enunciated, seems to have no
connexion with the first premisses, though, in reality, it is the
necessary consequence of them.
A method, so recondite, and so hidden from the public gaze, can never
command the public sympathy. Unless, therefore, the human mind should
undergo some remarkable change in its nature as well as in its resources,
the sensuous process of working upwards from particular facts to general
principles, will always be more attractive than the ideal process of
working downwards from principles to facts. In both cases, there is, no
doubt, a line of argument essentially ideal; just as, in both cases,
there is an assemblage of facts essentially sensuous. No method is pure,
or stands entirely by itself. But, inasmuch as, in induction, the facts
are more prominent than the ideas, while, in deduction, the ideas are
more prominent than the facts, it is evident that conclusions arrived at
by the former plan will, as a general rule, obtain a wider assent than
conclusions arrived at by the latter plan. Obtaining a wider assent, they
will produce more decisive results, and will be more likely to shape the
national character and influence the course of national affairs.
The only exception to this, is theology. There, the inductive method, as
I have already observed, is inapplicable, and nothing remains but
deduction, which is quite sufficient for the purposes of the theologian.
For, he has a peculiar resource which supplies him with general
principles, from which he can argue; and the possession of this resource
forms the fundamental difference between him and the man of science.
Science is the result of inquiry; theology is the result of faith. In the
one, the spirit of doubt; in the other, the spirit of belief. In science,
originality is the parent of discovery, and is, therefore, a merit; in
theology, it is the parent of heresy, and is, therefore, a crime. Every
system of religion the world has yet seen, recognizes faith as an
indispensable duty; but to every system of science it is a hindrance,
instead of a duty, inasmuch as it discourages those inquisitive and
innovating habits on which all intellectual progress depends. The
theologian, thus turning credulity into an honour, and valuing men in
proportion as they are simple-minded and easy of belief, has little need
to trouble himself with facts, which, indeed, he sets at open defiance,
in his eagerness to narrate portentous, and often miraculous, events. To
the inductive philosopher such a license is forbidden. He is obliged to
ground his inferences on facts which no one disputes, or which, at all
events, any one can either verify for himself, or see verified by others.
And if he does not adopt this course, his inferences, be they ever so
true, will have the greatest difficulty in working themselves into the
popular mind, because they will savour of a subtlety and refinement of
thought, which, more than any thing else, predisposes common
understandings to reject the conclusions at which philosophers arrive.
From the facts and arguments contained in this and the preceding chapter,
the reader will, I trust, be able to see why it was that the Scotch
intellect, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, was
preëminently deductive; and also why it was that, in the eighteenth
century, the Scotch literature, notwithstanding its brilliancy, its
power, and the splendid discoveries of which it was the vehicle, produced
little or no effect on the nation at large. That literature, by its bold
and innovating character, seemed peculiarly fitted to disturb ancient
prejudices, and to rouse up a spirit of inquiry. But its method, both of
investigation and of proof, was too refined to suit ordinary
understandings. Therefore, upon ordinary understandings it was
inoperative. In Scotland, as in ancient Greece, and in modern Germany,
the intellectual classes, being essentially deductive, have been unable
to influence the main body of the people. They have considered things at
too great an altitude, and at too great a remove. In Greece, Aristotle
alone had a true idea of what induction really was. But even he knew
nothing of crucial instances and the theory of averages, the two capital
resources of that inductive philosophy which we now possess. Neither did
he, nor any of the great German philosophers, nor any of the great Scotch
philosophers, attach sufficient importance to the slow and cautious
method of gradually rising from each generalization to the one
immediately above it, without omitting any intermediate generalizations.
On this method, Bacon, indeed, insists too strongly, since many most
important discoveries have been made independently of it, or, I should
rather say, in contradiction to it. But it is a wonderful weapon, and
none except men of real genius can dispense with its use. And when they
do dispense with it, they cut themselves off from the general sympathies
of their age and country. For, these small and proximate generalizations,
which they neglect, are precisely those parts of philosophy which, being
least removed from the region of visible facts, are best understood by
the people, and, therefore, form the only common ground between thinkers
and practitioners. They are a sort of middle term, which, being
comprehended by both classes, is accessible to either. In all deductive
reasoning, this intermediate, and, if I may so say, neutral, territory
disappears, and the two classes have no meeting-place. Hence it is, that
the Scotch philosophy, like the German philosophy, and like the Greek
philosophy, has had no national influence. But in England, since the
seventeenth century, and in France, since the eighteenth century, the
prevailing philosophy has been inductive, and has, therefore, not only
affected the intellectual classes, but also moved the public mind. The
German philosophers are far superior, both in depth and in
comprehensiveness, to the philosophers either of France or of England.
Their profound researches have, however, done so little for their
country, that the German people are every way inferior to the French and
English people. So, too, in the philosophy of ancient Greece, we find a
vast body of massive and original thought, and, what is infinitely
better, we find a boldness of inquiry and a passionate love of truth,
such as no modern nation has surpassed, and few modern nations have
equalled. But the method of that philosophy was an insuperable barrier to
its propagation. The people were untouched, and went grovelling on in
their old folly, a prey to superstitions, most of which the great
thinkers despised, and often attacked, but could by no means root out.
Bad, however, as those superstitions were, we may confidently say that
they were less noxious, that is, less detrimental to the happiness of
man, than the repulsive and horrible notions advocated by the Scotch
clergy, and sanctioned by the Scotch people. And on those notions the
Scotch philosophy could make no impression. In Scotland, during the
eighteenth century, superstition and science, the most irreconcilable of
all enemies, flourished side by side, unable to weaken each other, and
unable, indeed, to come into collision with each other. There was
co-existence without contact. The two forces kept apart, and the result
was, that, while the Scotch thinkers were creating a noble and most
enlightened literature, the Scotch people, refusing to listen to those
great masters of wisdom which their country possessed, remained in
darkness, leaving the blind to follow the blind, and no one there to help
them.
It is, indeed, curious to observe how little effect was produced by the
many great works written by Scotchmen in the eighteenth century. If we
except the _Wealth of Nations_, I can hardly call to mind one which has
perceptibly influenced public opinion. The reason of this exception may
be easily explained. The _Wealth of Nations_ restricted the action of
government within narrower limits than had ever been assigned to it by
any other book of great merit. No previous political writer of admitted
genius, had left so much to the people, and had demanded for them so much
liberty in managing their own affairs, as Adam Smith did. The _Wealth of
Nations_, being thus eminently a democratic book, was sure to find favour
in Scotland, which was eminently a democratic country. Directly men heard
its conclusions, they were prejudiced in favour of its arguments. So,
too, in England, that love of liberty, which for many centuries has been
our leading characteristic, and which does us more real honour than all
our conquests, all our literature, and all our philosophy put together,
invariably causes a popular bias on behalf of any claim to freedom. We,
therefore, notwithstanding the activity of interested parties, were
predisposed to the side of free trade, as one of the means of letting
each man do what he liked with his own. But to imagine that ordinary
minds are capable of mastering such a work as the _Wealth of Nations_,
and of following without confusion its long and intricate arguments, is
simply absurd. It has been read by tens of thousands of persons, who
accept its conclusions because they like them; which is merely saying,
because the movement of the age tends that way. The other great work of
Adam Smith, namely, the _Theory of Moral Sentiments_, has had no
influence except on a very small class of metaphysicians, although its
style is, as some think, superior to the _Wealth of Nations_, and it is
certainly easier to understand. It is, moreover, much shorter, which, to
most readers, is no small recommendation; and it deals with subjects of
great interest, which come home to the feelings of all. But the age, not
caring for its conclusions, neglected its arguments. On the other hand,
the _Wealth of Nations_ harmonized with the general tendency, and its
success was supreme. It quickly moved, not only philosophers, but even
statesmen and politicians, who eventually put into force its leading
recommendations, though, as their laws and their speeches abundantly
prove, they have never succeeded in mastering those great principles
which underlie it, and of which the freedom of trade is but a minor
accessory.
Putting aside the _Wealth of Nations_, we shall find that the Scotch
literature of the eighteenth century did scarcely any thing for Scotland,
considered as a whole. How it has failed in its great aim of weakening
superstition, is but too apparent to whoever has travelled in that
country, and observed the habits and turn of mind still predominant. Many
able and enlightened men who lived there, are so cowed by the general
spirit, that, for their own comfort, and for the peace of their families,
they make no resistance, but tacitly comply with what they heartily
despise. That they err in doing so, I, at least, firmly believe; though I
know that many honest, and in every respect competent, judges are of
opinion, that no man is bound to be a martyr, or to jeopardize his
personal interests, unless he clearly sees his way to some immediate
public good. To me, however, it appears that this is a narrow view, and
that the first duty of every one is to set his face in direct opposition
to what he believes to be false, and, having done that, leave the results
of his conduct to take care of themselves. Still, the temptation to a
contrary course is always very strong, and, in a country like Scotland,
is by many deemed irresistible. In no other Protestant nation, and,
indeed, in no Catholic nation except Spain, will a man who is known to
hold unorthodox opinions, find his life equally uncomfortable. In a few
of the large towns, he may possibly escape animadversion, if his
sentiments are not too bold, and are not too openly expressed. If he is
timid and taciturn, his heresy may, perchance, be overlooked. But even in
large towns, impunity is the exception, and not the rule. Even in the
capital of Scotland, in that centre of intelligence which once boasted of
being the Modern Athens, a whisper will quickly circulate that such an
one is to be avoided, for that he is a free-thinker; as if free-thinking
were a crime, or as if it were not better to be a free-thinker than a
slavish thinker. In other parts, that is, in Scotland generally, the
state of things is far worse. I speak, not on vague rumour, but from what
I know as existing at the present time, and for the accuracy of which I
vouch and hold myself responsible. I challenge any one to contradict my
assertion, when I say that, at this moment, nearly all over Scotland, the
finger of scorn is pointed at every man, who, in the exercise of his
sacred and inalienable right of free judgment, refuses to acquiesce in
those religious notions, and to practise those religious customs, which
time, indeed, has consecrated, but many of which are repulsive to the eye
of reason, though to all of them, however irrational they maybe, the
people adhere with sullen and inflexible obstinacy. Knowing that these
words will be widely read and circulated in Scotland, and averse as I
naturally am to bring on myself the hostility of a nation, for whose many
sterling and valuable qualities I entertain sincere respect, I do,
nevertheless, deliberately affirm, that in no civilized country is
toleration so little understood, and that in none is the spirit of
bigotry and of persecution so extensively diffused. Nor can any one
wonder that such should be the case, who observes what is going on there.
The churches are as crowded as they were in the Middle Ages, and are
filled with devout and ignorant worshippers, who flock together to listen
to opinions of which the Middle Ages alone were worthy. Those opinions
they treasure up, and, when they return to their homes, or enter into the
daily business of life, they put them in force. And the result is, that
there runs through the entire country a sour and fanatical spirit, an
aversion to innocent gaiety, a disposition to limit the enjoyments of
others, and a love of inquiring into the opinions of others, and of
interfering with them, such as is hardly anywhere else to be found;
while, in the midst of all this, there flourishes a national creed,
gloomy and austere to the last degree, a creed which is full of
forebodings and threats and horrors of every sort, and which rejoices in
proclaiming to mankind how wretched and miserable they are, how small a
portion of them can be saved, and what an overwhelming majority is
necessarily reserved for excruciating, unspeakable, and eternal agony.
Before bringing this volume to a close, it may be fitting that I should
narrate an event, which, notwithstanding its recent occurrence, and the
great attention it excited at the time, has, amid the pressure of
weightier matters, fallen into comparative oblivion, although it is full
of interest to those who study the various forms of national character,
while it, moreover, supplies an admirable illustration of the essential
antagonism which still exists between the Scotch and English minds; an
antagonism extremely remarkable, when found among nations, both of whom,
besides being contiguous, and constantly mixing together, speak the same
language, read the same books, belong to the same empire, and possess the
same interests, and yet are, in many important respects, as different as
if there had never been any means of their influencing each other, and as
if they had never had any thing in common.
In the year 1853, the cholera, after having committed serious ravages in
many parts of Europe, visited Scotland. There, it was sure to find
numerous victims among a badly fed, badly housed, and not over-cleanly
people. For, if there is one thing better established than another
respecting this disease, it is that it invariably attacks, with the
greatest effect, those classes who, from poverty or from sloth, are
imperfectly nourished, neglect their persons, and live in dirty,
ill-drained, or ill-ventilated dwellings. In Scotland, such classes are
very numerous. In Scotland, therefore, the cholera must needs be very
fatal. In this, there was nothing mysterious. On the contrary, the
mystery would have been if an epidemic, like the Asiatic cholera, had
spared a country like Scotland, where all the materials were collected on
which pestilence feeds, and where filth, penury, and disorder, abound on
every side.
Under these circumstances, it must have been evident, not merely to men
of science, but to all men of plain, sound understanding, who would apply
their minds to the matter without prejudice, that the Scotch had only one
way of successfully grappling with their terrible enemy. It behoved them
to feed their poor, to cleanse their cesspools, and to ventilate their
houses. If they had done this, and done it quickly, thousands of lives
would have been spared. But they neglected it, and the country was thrown
into mourning. Nay, they not only neglected it, but, moved by the dire
superstition which sits like an incubus upon them, they adopted a course
which, if it had been carried into full operation, would have aggravated
the calamity to a frightful extent. It is well known that, whenever an
epidemic is raging, physical exhaustion and mental depression make the
human frame more liable to it, and are, therefore, especially to be
guarded against. But, though this is a matter of common notoriety, the
Scotch clergy, backed, sad to say, by the general voice of the Scotch
people, wished the public authorities to take a step which was certain to
cause physical exhaustion, and to encourage mental depression. In the
name of religion, whose offices they thus abused and perverted to the
detriment of man, instead of employing them for his benefit, they
insisted on the propriety of ordering a national fast, which, in so
superstitious a country, was sure to be rigidly kept, and, being rigidly
kept, was equally sure to enfeeble thousands of delicate persons, and,
before twenty-four hours were passed, prepare them to receive that deadly
poison which was already lurking around them, and which, hitherto, they
had just strength enough to resist. The public fast was also to be
accompanied by a public humiliation, in order that nothing might be
wanting to appal the mind and fill it with terror. On the same occasion,
the preachers were to thunder from their pulpits and proclaim aloud the
sins of the land; while the poor benighted people, panic-struck, were to
sit in awe, were to remain the whole day without proper nourishment, and
retire to their beds, weeping and starved. Then it was hoped that the
Deity would be propitiated, and the plague be stayed. As soon as the
entire nation had taken the course, which, of all others, was most
certain to increase the mortality, it was believed that man having done
his worst, the Almighty would interpose, would violate the laws of
nature, and, by working a miracle, would preserve his creatures from
what, without a miracle, would be the inevitable consequence of their
own deliberate act.
This was the scheme projected by the Scotch clergy, and they were
determined to put it into execution. To give greater effect to it, they
called upon England to help them, and, in the autumn of 1853, the
Presbytery of Edinburgh, thinking that from their position they were
bound to take the lead, caused their Moderator to address a letter,
ostensibly to the English Minister, but in reality to the English nation.
In this choice production, a copy of which is now lying before me, the
Home Secretary is assured that the members of the Presbytery had delayed
appointing a day for fasting and humiliation on their own ecclesiastical
authority, because they thought it likely that one would be appointed by
the royal authority. But as this had not been done, the Presbytery
respectfully requested to be informed if it was intended to be done. They
apologized for the liberty they were taking; they had no desire unduly to
intrude themselves; neither did they wish the Home Secretary to answer
their question unless he felt himself justified in doing so. Still, if he
were able to answer it, they would be glad. For, there was no doubt that
Asiatic cholera was in the country; and such being the case, the
Presbytery of Edinburgh were interested in knowing if the appointment by
the Queen of a national fast was in contemplation.[912]
[912] 'The members were of opinion,' writes the Moderator, 'that it
was likely, in the circumstances, that a national fast would be
appointed on royal authority. For this reason, they delayed
making an appointment for this locality, and directed me, in the
meantime, respectfully to request that you would be pleased to
say--if you feel yourself at liberty to do so--whether the
appointment of a national fast by the Queen is in contemplation.
The Presbytery hope to be excused for the liberty they use in
preferring this request.'
This letter, which, through the medium of the press, was sure to become
well known and to be widely read, was evidently intended to act on public
opinion in England. It was, in fact, a covert reproach on the English
Government for having neglected its spiritual duties, and for not having
perceived that fasting was the most effectual way of stopping an
epidemic. In Scotland, generally, it received great praise, and was
regarded as a dignified rebuke addressed to the irreligious habits of the
English people, who, seeing the cholera at their doors, merely occupied
themselves with sanatory measures, and carnal devices to improve the
public health, showing thereby that they trusted too much to the arms of
the flesh. In England, on the other hand, this manifesto of the Scotch
Church was met with almost universal ridicule, and, indeed, found no
favourers except among the most ignorant and credulous part of the
nation. The minister to whom it was addressed, was Lord Palmerston, a man
of vast experience, and perhaps better acquainted with public opinion
than any politician of his time. He, being well aware of the difference
between Scotland and England, knew that what was suitable for one country
was not suitable for the other, and that notions which the Scotch deemed
religious, the English deemed fanatical. On a former occasion, the
imperial government, yielding to the clamour which a few active and
interested men succeeded in raising, had been foolish enough to set
themselves in this matter in opposition to the temper of the age, and to
enjoin public observances which, happily, were not strictly obeyed, but
which, in so far as they were obeyed, heightened the general terror by
reinforcing natural fears with supernatural ones, and thus, depressing
the nervous system, increased the chance of mortality from the
pestilence. To have the plague in our country is bad enough, since, do
what we may, many victims will be struck down by it. But a fearful
responsibility is entailed upon those who, at such a period, instead of
exerting themselves to check its ravages, either by precautionary
measures, or by soothing and re-assuring the people, do every thing in
their power to aggravate the calamity, by encouraging that superstitious
dread which weakens the popular energy at the very moment when energy is
most requisite, and troubles the coolness, the self-reliance, and
self-possession, without which no crisis of national danger can ever be
averted.
This time, however, there was no risk of the government committing so
serious a blunder. Lord Palmerston, who knew that the sound sense of the
English people would support him in what he was doing, directed a letter
to be sent to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, which, unless I am greatly
mistaken, will, in future ages, be quoted as an interesting document for
illustrating the history of the progress of public opinion. A century
ago, any statesman who had written such a letter, would have been driven
from office by a storm of general indignation. Two centuries ago, the
consequences to him would have been still more disastrous, and would,
indeed, have ruined him socially, as well as politically. For, in it, he
sets at defiance those superstitious fancies respecting the origin of
disease, which were once universally cherished as an essential part of
every religious creed. Traditions, the memory of which is preserved in
the theological literature of all Pagan countries, of all Catholic
countries, and of all Protestant countries, are quietly put aside, as if
they were matters of no moment, and as if it were not worth while to
discuss them. The Scotch clergy, occupying the old ground on which the
members of their profession had always been accustomed to stand, took for
granted that the cholera was the result of the divine anger, and was
intended to chastise our sins. In the reply which they now received from
the English Government, a doctrine was enunciated, which to Englishmen
seems right enough, but which to Scotchmen sounded very profane. The
Presbytery were informed, that the affairs of this world are regulated by
natural laws, on the observance or neglect of which the weal or woe of
mankind depends.[913] One of those laws connects disease with the
exhalations of bodies; and it is by virtue of this law that contagion
spreads, either in crowded cities, or in places where vegetable
decomposition is going on. Man, by exerting himself, can disperse or
neutralize these noxious influences. The appearance of the cholera proves
that he has not exerted himself. The towns have not been purified; hence
the root of the evil. The Home Secretary, therefore, advised the
Presbytery of Edinburgh, that it was better to cleanse than to fast. He
thought that the plague being upon them, activity was preferable to
humiliation. It was now autumn, and before the hot weather would return,
a considerable period must elapse. That period should be employed in
destroying the causes of disease, by improving the abodes of the poor. If
this were done, all would go well. Otherwise, pestilence would be sure to
revisit them, 'in spite'--I quote the words of the English minister--'in
spite of all the prayers and fastings of a united, but inactive
nation.'[914]
[913] 'The weal or woe of mankind depends upon the observance or neglect
of those laws.'
[914] 'Lord Palmerston would, therefore, suggest that the best course
which the people of this country can pursue to deserve that the
further progress of the cholera should be stayed, will be to
employ the interval that will elapse between the present time and
the beginning of next spring in planning and executing measures by
which those portions of their towns and cities which are inhabited
by the poorest classes, and which, from the nature of things, must
most need purification and improvement, may be freed from those
causes and sources of contagion which, if allowed to remain, will
infallibly breed pestilence, and be fruitful in death, in spite of
all the prayers and fastings of a united, but inactive nation.'
This correspondence between the Scotch clergy and the English statesman,
is not to be regarded as a mere passing episode of light or temporary
interest. On the contrary, it represents that terrible struggle between
theology and science, which, having begun in the persecution of science,
and in the martyrdom of scientific men, has, in these later days, taken a
happier turn, and is now manifestly destroying that old theological
spirit, which has brought so much misery and ruin upon the world. The
ancient superstition, which was once universal, but is now slowly though
surely dying away, represented the Deity as being constantly moved to
anger, delighting in seeing His creatures abase and mortify themselves,
taking pleasure in their sacrifices and their austerities, and,
notwithstanding all they could do, constantly inflicting on them the most
grievous punishments, among which the different forms of pestilence were
conspicuous. It is by science, and by science alone, that these horrible
delusions are being dissipated. Events, which formerly were deemed
supernatural visitations, are now shown to depend upon natural causes,
and to be amenable to natural remedies. Man can predict them, and man can
deal with them. Being the inevitable result of their own antecedents, no
room is left for the notion of their being special inflictions. This
great change in our opinions is fatal to theology, but is serviceable to
religion. For, by it, science, instead of being the enemy of religion,
becomes its ally. Religion is to each individual according to the inward
light with which he is endowed. In different characters, therefore, it
assumes different forms, and can never be reduced to one common and
arbitrary rule. Theology, on the other hand, claiming authority over all
minds, and refusing to recognize their essential divergence, seeks to
compel them to a single creed, and sets up one standard of absolute
truth, by which it tests every one's opinions; presumptuously condemning
those who disagree with that standard. Such arrogant pretensions need
means of support. Those means are threats, which, in ignorant times, are
universally believed, and which, by causing fear, produce submission.
Hence it is, that the books of every theological system narrate acts of
the grossest cruelty, which, without the least hesitation, are ascribed
to the direct interposition of God. Humane and gentle natures revolt at
such cruelties, even while they try to believe them. It is the business
of science to purify theology, by showing that there has been no cruelty,
because there has been no interposition. Science ascribes to natural
causes, what theology ascribes to supernatural ones. According to this
view the calamities with which the world is afflicted, are the result of
the ignorance of man, and not of the interference of God. We must not,
therefore, ascribe to Him what is due to our own folly, or to our own
vice. We must not calumniate an all-wise and all-merciful Being, by
imputing to Him those little passions which move ourselves, as if He were
capable of rage, of jealousy, and of revenge, and as if He, with
outstretched arm, were constantly employed in aggravating the sufferings
of mankind, and making the miseries of the human race more poignant than
they would otherwise be.
That this remarkable improvement in religious ideas is due to the
progress of physical science, is apparent, not only from general
arguments which would lead us to anticipate that such must be the case,
but also from the historical fact, that the gradual destruction of the
old theology is everywhere preceded by the growth and diffusion of
physical truths. The more we know of the laws of nature, the more clearly
do we understand that every thing which happens in the material world,
pestilence, earthquake, famine, or whatever it may be, is the necessary
result of something which had previously happened. Cause produces effect,
and the effect becomes, in its turn, a cause of other effects. In that
operation, we see no gap, and we admit of no pause. To us, the chain is
unbroken; the constancy of nature is unviolated. Our minds become
habituated to contemplate all physical phenomena as presenting an
orderly, uniform, and spontaneous march, and running on in one regular
and uninterrupted sequence. This is the scientific view. It is also the
religious view. Against it, we have the theological view; but that which
has already lost its hold over the intellect of men is now losing its
hold over their affections, and is so manifestly perishing, that at
present no educated person ventures to defend it, without so limiting and
guarding his meaning, as to concede to its opponents nearly every point
which is really at issue.
While, however, in regard to the material world, the narrow notions
formerly entertained, are, in the most enlightened countries, almost
extinct, it must be confessed that, in regard to the moral world, the
progress of opinion is less rapid. The same men who believe that Nature
is undisturbed by miraculous interposition, refuse to believe that man
is equally undisturbed. In the one case, they assert the scientific
doctrine of regularity; in the other, they assert the theological
doctrine of irregularity. The reason of this difference of opinion is,
that the movements of nature are less complex than the movements of man.
Being less complex, they are more easily studied, and more quickly
understood. Hence we find, that while natural science has long been
cultivated, historical science hardly yet exists. Our knowledge of the
circumstances which determine the course of mankind, is still so
imperfect, and has been so badly digested, that it has produced scarcely
any effect on popular ideas. Philosophers, indeed, are aware, that here,
as elsewhere, there must be a necessary connexion between even the most
remote and dissimilar events. They know that every discrepancy is capable
of being reconciled, though we, in the present state of knowledge, may be
unequal to the task. This is their faith, and nothing can wean them from
it. But the great majority of people have a different faith. They believe
that what is unexplained is inexplicable, and that what is inexplicable
is supernatural. Science has explained an immense number of physical
phenomena, and therefore, even to the vulgar, those phenomena no longer
seem supernatural, but are ascribed to natural causes. On the other hand,
science has not yet explained the phenomena of history; consequently, the
theological spirit lays hold of them, and presses them into its own
service. In this way there has arisen that famous and ancient theory,
which has received the name of the moral government of the world. It is a
high-sounding title, and imposes on many, who, if they examined its
pretensions, would never be duped by them. For, like that other notion
which we have just considered, it is not only unscientific, but it is
eminently irreligious. It is, in fact, an impeachment of one of the
noblest attributes of the Deity. It is a slur on the Omniscience of God.
It assumes that the fate of nations, instead of being the result of
preceding and surrounding events, is specially subject to the control and
interference of Providence. It assumes that there are great public
emergencies, in which such interference is needed. It assumes, that,
without the interference, the course of affairs could not run smoothly;
that they would be jangled and out of tune; that the play and harmony of
the whole would be incomplete. And thus it is, that the very men who, at
one moment, proclaim the Divine Omniscience, do, at the next moment,
advocate a theory which reduces that Omniscience to nothing, since it
imputes to an All-wise Being, that the scheme of human affairs, of which
He must, from the beginning, have foreseen every issue and every
consequence, is so weakly contrived as to be liable to be frustrated;
that it has not turned out as He could have wished; that it has been
baffled by His own creatures, and that, to preserve its integrity, its
operations must be tampered with, and its disorders redressed. The great
Architect of the universe, the Creator and Designer of all existing
things, is likened to some clumsy mechanic, who knows his trade so ill,
that he has to be called in to alter the working of his own machine, to
supply its deficiencies, to fill up its flaws, and to rectify its errors.
It is time that such unworthy notions should come to an end. It is time
that what has long been known to philosophers, should also be known to
historians, and that the history of mankind should cease to be troubled
by what, to those who are imbued with the scientific spirit, must seem
little better than arrant trifling. Of two things, choose one. Either
deny the Omniscience of the Creator, or else admit it. If you deny it,
you deny what, to my mind at least, is a fundamental truth, and, on these
matters, there can be no sympathy between us. But if you admit the
Omniscience of God, beware of libelling what you profess to defend. For
when you assert what is termed the moral government of the world, you
slander Omniscience, inasmuch as you declare that the mechanism of the
entire universe, including the actions both of Nature and of Man, planned
as it is by Infinite Wisdom, is unequal to its duties, unless that same
Wisdom does from time to time interfere with it. You assert, in fact,
either that Omniscience has been deceived, or that Omnipotence has been
defeated. Surely, they who believe, and whose pride and happiness it is
to believe, that there is a Power above all and before all, knowing all
and creating all, ought not to fall into such a snare as this. They who,
dissatisfied with this little world of sense, seek to raise their minds
to something which the senses are unable to grasp, can hardly fail, on
deeper reflection, to perceive how coarse and material is that
theological prejudice, which ascribes to such a Power the vulgar
functions of a temporal ruler, arrays him in the garb of an earthly
potentate, and represents him as meddling here and meddling there,
uttering threats, inflicting punishments, bestowing rewards. These are
base and grovelling conceptions, the offspring of ignorance and of
darkness. Such gross and sordid notions are but one remove from actual
idolatry. They are the draff and offal of a bygone age, and we will not
have them obtruded here. Well suited they were to those old and barbarous
times, when men, being unable to refine their ideas, were, therefore,
unable to purify their creed. Now, however, they jar upon us; they do not
assimilate with other parts of our knowledge; they are incongruous; their
concord is gone. Every thing is against them. They stand alone; there is
nothing left with which they harmonize. The whole scope and tendency of
modern thought force upon our minds conceptions of regularity and of law,
to which they are diametrically opposed. Even those who cling to them, do
so from the influence of tradition, rather than from complete and
unswerving belief. That child-like and unhesitating faith, with which the
doctrine of interposition was once received, is succeeded by a cold and
lifeless assent, very different from the enthusiasm of former times.
Soon, too, this will vanish, and men will cease to be terrified by
phantoms which their own ignorance has reared. This age, haply, may not
witness the emancipation; but, so surely as the human mind advances, so
surely will that emancipation come. It may come quicker than any one
expects. For, we are stepping on far and fast. The signs of the time are
all around, and they who list may read. The handwriting is on the wall;
the fiat has gone forth; the ancient empire shall be subverted; the
dominion of superstition, already decaying, shall break away, and crumble
into dust; and new life being breathed into the confused and chaotic
mass, it shall be clearly seen, that, from the beginning, there has been
no discrepancy, no incongruity, no disorder, no interruption, no
interference; but that all the events which surround us, even to the
furthest limits of the material creation, are but different parts of a
single scheme, which is permeated by one glorious principle of universal
and undeviating regularity.
INDEX.
Aberdeen, burnt by the Highlanders, iii. 22. Population of, in the
sixteenth century, 28. Linen manufacturers of, 180. The first county
bank in Scotland established in, 181. Tyranny of the Kirk session
of, 222
Abyssinians, their superstition as to the hyæna, i. 126 _note_. Causes
of the corruptions of the Christianity of the, i. 265 _note_
Academies, why favoured in France, ii. 127 _note_
Achenwall, considered to be the first writer on systematic statistics,
i. 33 _note_
Acoustics, creation of the science of, ii. 190
Adam of Bremen, cause of his error as to Turks in Finland, i. 299. His
authority in Northern geography, 299 _note_
Adanson, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
Addison, Joseph, his establishment of the easy and democratic style of
writing, i. 437 _note_
Advocates, Faculty of, great part of the, expelled from Edinburgh,
iii. 145
Africa, condition of, in the desert of Sahara, i. 47, 48. Causes of its
stationary condition, 49
Agassiz, his classification of fossil ichthyology, ii. 383, 384
Ages, the Dark, ii. 108. Supremacy of the clergy at this period, 108
Agricola, Roman invasion of Scotland under, iii. 7
Agriculture, system of, of the Arabs of Spain, ii. 497
Agriculturists, causes of the superstitions of, i. 376, 379
Air, Boyle's discovery of the law of the elasticity of the, i. 368.
Marriott's confirmation of this law, 368 _note_
Albany, Regent of Scotland, his vigorous measures against the nobles,
iii. 45. Leaves Scotland, 57
Alberoni, his services to Spain, ii. 519, 522, 523
Alexander IV., Pope, his the first formal call to the secular power to
punish heretics, ii. 109 _note_
Alexandrian doctrine of development in religion, ii. 21 _note_
Alfred of Beverley, his abridgment of the history of Geoffrey of
Monmouth, i. 324
Alfred, King, causes of our admiration of, ii. 249 _note_. The
institutions popularly ascribed to him, 249 _note_
Alison, Sir A., his eulogy of William III., i. 403 _note_
Almansa, battle of, ii. 516
Alva, number of persons put to death by, in the Netherlands, ii. 451
Amazon river, extent of the, i. 97 _note_. Area drained by the,
97 _note_. Origin of the name, i. 299 _note_
Amazons, origin in the North of Europe of the fable of the nation of,
i. 298, 299
Amboise, conspiracy of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
the, ii. 10
Ambrose, St., his statement of the doctrine of predestination,
i. 13 _note_
America, policy of the Spaniards in, in the eighteenth century, ii. 557
America, Central, ancient civilization of, i. 93. Ruins and statues
extant in, 93 _note_. Evidences of the unequal distribution of wealth
in, 94. Question as to the races which formerly inhabited it, 94.
Character of the national religion of, 147
America, North, rivers of importance to be found almost wholly on the
eastern side of, i. 97. Causes of this, 97 _note_. Extent of the Amazon
alone, 97 _note_. Area drained by the Mississippi, 97. The Oregon the
boundary of the Californian flora, 97 _note_. One of the main causes of
the fertility of America, heat, 98. Difference between the heat of the
eastern and western coasts, 98. Early state of the North American
tribes, 99 _note_. Intercourse between the north-east of Asia and the
north-west of America, 99 _note_. Another main cause of fertility of,
irrigation, 97. Calvinism the popular creed of the republics of,
ii. 339
America, South, no great river on the western side of, i. 97, 98.
Difference between the heat and moisture of the eastern and western
coasts of, 100. Way in which the trade-wind is connected with the
civilization of, 103. Physical condition of Brazil, 103-107. And of
Peru, 107 _et seq._ Exuberance of the maize plant in Mexico and Peru,
109. And of the banana, 111. The Mexican and Peruvian kingdoms, and
the effect of the physical laws under which they existed, 113-117
America, United States of. See United States
Anabaptists, number of, put to death in Holland, i. 189 _note_
Anatomy, experiments of Descartes in, ii. 80. State of the study of,
in the reign of Louis XIV., 197 _note_. Daubenton's union of
comparative anatomy with geology, 371. Cuvier's system, 376, 377.
Bichat's labours, 378. Results of the study of the tissues, 383. Value
of the examination of the teeth of animals, 384
Andrews, St., burnt by the English, iii. 14. The University of,
founded, 40 _note_
Aneurism, Hunter's improvement in the practice of, iii. 456
Anglo-Saxons, free men of the, all trained to the use of arms, i. 203
_note_. War and religion the absorbing subjects among the, 204 _note_
Animal life, examination of Bichat's work on, ii. 390
Anne, Queen, effects of her love for the clergy, i. 419. Her want of
abilities, as shown in her letters, 419 _note_
Antichrist, Audigier's statement respecting, ii. 281
Antinomianism, principles of Calvin leading to, ii. 338
Antiquities, study of, i. 2
Antiquity, harm worked by veneration of, i. 134. Marvellous feats of the
ancients as recorded in Sanscrit works, 135. The Hindu poets'
statements as to the duration of life in the early age of the world,
135. Undue reverence for antiquity, ii. 139. Voltaire's attack on the
admiration entertained for old writers, 306
Antonio, Spanish bibliographer, ii. 480
Apostates, number of, produced by religious persecution, i. 189
Aquinas, Thomas, on the doctrine of providential interference, i. 19
Arabs, causes of their permanent barbarism in Arabia, i. 45. Their
foundation of empires in Europe and Asia, 46. Their cultivation of
astronomy, 47 _note_. Their conquests in Spain, ii. 439. The struggles
which ensued between the Spaniards and Arabians, 439. Re-establishment
of the Spanish Christian monarchy, and extinction of the Arab power,
440. Their expulsion from Spain, 485 _et seq._ Number expelled, 494.
Their manufactures and system of husbandry, 497
Aranda, his attacks on the Inquisition, ii. 547
Archery, attempts to revive, in the reign of Elizabeth, i. 205 _note_
Architecture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 209
Argensola, Spanish poet, ii. 480
Arian controversy, the, at the beginning of the last century, i. 427
Arianism established in Spain by the Visigoths, ii. 434
Aristocracy, commencement of hereditary, in Europe, ii. 112. Reason
why the aristocracy possessed more power in France than in England,
113. Policy of William the Conqueror and of Henry II. in reducing the
power of the nobles, 114 and _note_. Right of the nobles in France to
wage private war, 115. But in England they were glad to ally
themselves with the people against the Crown, 116. Instances of the
power of the French nobles, 128. Effect of the Wars of the Roses upon
the English nobles, 138. Aversion of the aristocracy to innovation,
and reverence for antiquity, 139. Causes of the alliance between the
nobles and clergy, 140. The noble class weakened in the reign of
Elizabeth, 143, 145. Aristocratic characters of the rebellion of 1569,
144. Abeyance of the ducal order, 146. Attempts made by James I. and
Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles, 147. Conduct of the
nobles in the Great English Rebellion, 152. Determination of the
rebels as to the nobles, 153. The House of Peers abolished, 153.
Vanity and imbecility of the French nobles, 162. Instances of this,
164 _et seq._ Arminianism always connected with aristocracy, 339.
Reasons for this, 341. Causes of the power of the nobles of Scotland,
iii. 19. Coalition of the Crown and clergy in Scotland against the
nobles, 34. Ignorance of the Scotch nobles, 40, 41. Causes of the
decline of the power of the Scotch nobles, 162, 167
Aristotle, authority of, overthrown by Descartes, ii. 91, 92
Ark, the, of Auriol, i. 331
Armada, the Spanish, ii. 453
Armies, origin of standing, i. 206, 207, 397. And of the custom of
employing mercenaries, 207. Computation of the proportion of soldiers
to civilians which a country can bear, 208 _note_
Arminianism, connexion of free will with, i. 14. Its feud with
Calvinism, ii. 338. Arminianism always aristocratic, 339. Arminianism
the popular creed in England at the beginning of the seventeenth
century, 339, 340. This doctrine one for the rich, 340. Causes of
this, 341, 342. Arminianism more favourable to the arts than to the
sciences, 342
Armorial bearings, origin of, in Europe, ii. 112
Arran, Earl of, regent of Scotland, iii. 70
Art, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 206-208
Arthur, King, history of, according to Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 321
Aselli, his discovery of the lacteals, ii. 81
Asia, region of, in which wealth and progress can alone exist, i. 44,
45. The birthplace of almost all the cruel diseases now prevalent in
Europe, 130
Asser, question of the genuineness of his Life of Alfred, ii. 249
Astronomy, the only branch of knowledge raised to a science by the
Arabs, i. 47 _note_. Success with which it was cultivated by the
ancient Mexicans, 112. Encouraged by Louis XIV., ii. 191. His eminent
astronomers not French but foreigners, 191. Newton's discoveries, 191.
Practical astronomy unknown in Scotland in the seventeenth century,
iii. 285 _note_
Atomic theory, importance of the, ii. 364 _note_
Atheism, rise and progress of, in France, ii. 351. Publication of the
'Encyclopædia,' 351. The 'System of Nature,' 351. French atheists in
1623, 95 _note_
Atmosphere, consequences resulting from the weight of the, pointed out
by Descartes, ii. 78
Atomic doctrine, the natural precursor of Platonism, i. 10. The doctrine
of Chance of the atomists, 10
Atterbury, Bishop, his remarks on the condition of the Church in the
time of Anne and George I., i. 442 _note_
Audigier, examination of his 'Origin of the French,' ii. 279
Audra, his 'Abridgment of General History,' suppressed, ii. 238. His
death, 239
Augustin, St., the doctrine of predestination first systematically
methodized by, i. 13
Aurelius, Marcus, the Emperor, causes of his violent persecution of the
Christians, i. 186
Averages, doctrine of, its importance, i. 23 _note_
Avocats-généraux, of the eighteenth century, their functions, ii. 245
_note_
Bacon, Lord, effect of his secular philosophy, i. 329. Translation of
his works into French, ii. 218
Baikal, dangers of the Lake of, and their effect on the Baikal sailors,
i. 376 _note_
Baillou, his advancement of pathology, ii. 195
Bali, Javanese traditions preserved in the island of, i. 306
Ballads the form and groundwork of early history, i. 291. National
bards, 292. Antiquity of rhyme, 293 _note_. General accuracy of the
early ballads, 295 _note_
Balls forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
Banana, extraordinary reproductive powers of the, i. 111. Its nutritive
powers as compared with those of potatoes and wheat, 111
Bangorian controversy, effect of the, i. 427
Bank, the first County, in Scotland, iii. 181
Bannockburn, battle of, iii. 15
Bards known in almost all nations, i. 292, 293. Those of Gaul,
Scotland, and Ireland, 292 _note_. Cause of the extinction of the
class of bards, 296
Bargeton, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 238
Bark, its discredit in France as a 'remède anglais,' ii. 214 _note_
Baron, different meanings attached to the word, ii. 114
Barrow, Isaac, his virtues and abilities, i. 393. Neglect with which
he was treated by Charles II., 393
Barter, misconception of the true nature of barter in early times,
i. 210-212
Bartholomew, St., massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit
shown in the, ii. 11
Basilides, his views of predestination, i. 13 _note_
Baxter, Richard, persecution of, i. 398
Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, compelled to resign his office of
Chancellor, iii. 57. His conspiracy, 58
Beaton, Cardinal, his persecution of the Protestants, iii. 63.
Arrested, 70. Conspiracy to assassinate him, 73, 74
Beaumarchais, his 'Memoirs' burned, ii. 237
Beauvais, Bishop of, his proposal to the Dutch, ii. 38 _note_
Bedford, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, but deserts them,
ii. 151, 152
Being, obscurities of our, solved by the doctrines of free will and
predestination, i. 12
Benares, cases of suicide by drowning at, i. 26 _note_
Bentham, Jeremy, his demolition of the usury laws, i. 214 _note_. His
method of investigating speculative jurisprudence, i. 426
Bentley, Richard, his corrupt English style, ii. 307
Berkeley, Bishop, his erroneous notions of trade, i. 212 _note_
Berthault, his method of writing history, ii. 270
Berwick, Duke of, appointed Generalissimo of the Spanish army, ii. 515.
Gains the battle of Almansa, 516
Berwick destroyed by the English, iii. 13
Berwick, treaty of, iii. 81
Berzelius, his attempts to reduce mineralogical phenomena, ii. 399
Bichat, impetus given to the study of zoology by, ii. 376. Sketch of
his method of investigation of the human frame, 379. His views
respecting the tissues, 379. Publication of his great work, 380.
Connexion between his views and subsequent discoveries, 380-388.
Immense importance of his method of investigation, 388. Examination of
his work on life, 390
Birmingham, establishment of the first circulating library in, i. 431
_note_. Not a bookseller in the town in the reign of Anne, 422 _note_.
First printing office in, 432 _note_
Bishops, precarious tenure with which they hold their seats in the House
of Lords, i. 418
Black, David, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. 107. Thrown
into prison, 108, 109
Black, Joseph, examination of his theory of latent heat, iii. 367. And
of his method of physical philosophy, 368
Blackburne on 'The Confessional' ferment caused by, i. 428
Blackstone, Sir W., his 'Commentaries' translated into French, ii. 219
Blanca, Florida, prime minister of Spain, his reforms, ii. 548.
Concludes a treaty with Turkey, 549
Blood, discovery of the circulation of the, by Harvey, neglected by
his contemporaries, ii. 80. But recognized by Descartes, 81. Hunter's
discovery as to the red globules of the, iii. 436. Corroboration of
his views after his death, 438
Bodin, John, his character as a historian, i. 326
Boileau, pensioned to write a History of France for Louis XIV., ii. 277
Bombs, invention of, i. 206 _note_
Boncerf, his treatise on 'Feudal Law' burned, ii. 237
Book Clubs and Book Societies, establishment of, i. 433
Books, only use of, i. 267
Boots, the torture of the, iii. 148
Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, character of his 'Universal History,' ii.
282. Connexion between his opinions and the despotism of Louis XIV.,
289. Character of his writings, 290. His singular arrogance, 290. His
works compared with those of Voltaire, 291
Botany, importance of the study of, ii. 197, 198. First steps in the
study of, 198. Discoveries of the seventeenth century, 199. Nothing
done in France in botanical discovery during the reign of Louis XIV.,
200. Labours of the French in, 395. Göthe's discoveries, 396. Number
of known species, 396 _note_
Botany. The natural method superseding the artificial one of Linnæus,
ii. 397. Jussieu's generalizations, 397, 398. Phyllotaxis, 399 _note_
Boucquet, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 208
Boyle, Robert, his doubts as to the theological and scientific
theories of diseases, i. 128 _note_. Influence of the spirit of
opposition to unsupported authority on, 367. His great discoveries,
368. His view of the importance of individual experiments, and
disregard of ancient authority, 369. His doubts and caution as shown
in his works, 370
Brahmanism, remote period of its establishment in India, i. 301.
Introduction of a form of, into China, 302
Brain, amount of phosphorus in the, i. 57 _note_. Excretion of the
phosphorus under certain circumstances, 57 _note_. Doctrines of the
improvement of the human brain by transmission, 176 _note_
Brazil, causes of the gorgeousness of the fauna and flora of, i. 103,
104. Description of the rainy season of, 103 _note_. Inveterate
barbarism of the natives of, 105 _note_. Smallness of the population
of, 107
Brissot, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 225.
His admiration for the English Constitution, 229
Bristol, Earl of, his notions of political economy, i. 212 _note_
Brougham, Lord, his life of Robert Simson, i. 248 _note_
Browne, Sir Thomas, influence of the spirit of opposition to
unsupported authority on, i. 365. His 'Vulgar and Common Errors' and
'Religio Medici,' 365. His love of botany, 200
Brunfels, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. 198 _note_
Buchanan, George, character of his works, iii. 183
Buffier, the only Jesuit whose name has a place in abstract philosophy,
ii. 342
Buffon, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 218.
His translations of Newton and Hales, 218. Compelled to publish a
recantation of some of his views on geology, 236. His geological
theory, 368
Burgos, decay of, in the seventeenth century, ii. 503
Burke's, Edmund, his remarks on the decline of the abilities of
official men under George III., i. 449. His great ability and
accomplishments, 455, 456. His practical political principles, 458.
His view of the true end of legislation, 459 _note_. Effect which his
profound views produced in the House of Commons, 460 _note_. His
attack on the delusions of his time, 461. His opposition to the views
of George III., and consequent neglect, 461. His anticipation and
defence of most of the great measures of the present generation, 462,
463. His subsequent hallucinations and violence, 467. His rupture with
Fox, 469. His hostility to Condorcet and La Fayette, 470, 471.
Favoured in his degeneracy by George III., 476, 477
Burnet, Bishop, offer to him of a pension for a history of France,
ii. 277, 278
Caithness seized by the Norwegians, iii. 11
Calderon, his fanaticism for the Inquisition, ii. 481
Californian flora, the Oregon or Columbia river the boundary of the,
i. 97 _note_
Calonne, M., his attack on the church property, ii. 333
Calvin, John, his doctrine of predestination, i. 13
Calvinism, its feud with Arminianism, ii. 338. Calvinism always
democratic, 339. This doctrine one for the poor, 340. Animosity of the
Church of Rome against it, 341. Reasons why it is the doctrine of the
poor, 341, 342. More favourable to the sciences than to the arts, 342.
Reasons why the professors of this religion are likely to acquire
habits of independent thinking, 342, 343. The doctrine of necessity,
343. Alliance of Jansenism with Calvinism, 343
Campbell, Lord, character of his 'Lives of the Chancellors,'
i. 441 _note_
Camus, his Jansenism, ii. 345
Cannibalism in Scotland, iii. 17
Canons, invention of, i. 206 _note_
Capital, Adam Smith's views as to, iii. 327
Carbon, in food, i. 55 _et seq._
Carolan, the last Irish bard, i. 292 _note_
Carra, his familiarity with the English language and literature, ii. 224
Carrillo, Martin, Spanish jurisconsult and historian, ii. 480
Cartaud, suppression of his 'Essay on Taste,' ii. 237
Cartwright, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. 412 _note_
Cashmere, rent paid by the cultivator to the sovereign in, i. 76 _note_
Casualties, diminution of, one cause of the increased duration of life,
i. 153
Catholics, Roman, their doctrines compared with those of Protestants,
i. 261. Importance of the Toleration Act to them, 402 _note_. Causes
which led to the feeling in favour of Catholic Emancipation, 426.
Burke's advocacy of Roman Catholic claims, 462. Importance of the
Emancipation Bill, 502. Obligations Europe is under to the Catholic
clergy, ii. 5 _note_. Intolerance of Roman Catholics compared with
that of Protestants, 51. Pliancy of the Roman Church against morals,
and its inflexibility in regard to dogmas, 52 _note_. Theory of
indulgences, 339. Animosity of the Church of Rome against Calvinism,
ii. 341
Causes, final, the study of, abandoned by Descartes, ii. 91. And by
Bacon and Auguste Comte, 91 _note_. Authorities for the injury it has
wrought, 91 _note_
Caussin, 'le petit père,' exiled by Richelieu, ii. 29, 30
Cavaliers, the name and the English civil war, ii. 149
Cavendish, Henry, method employed by him in the discovery of the
composition of water, iii. 403
Celibacy of the clergy, opposed by the principle of hereditary rank,
ii. 113. Period of the first general and decisive movement in its
favour, 113 _note_
Centralization, in France, the natural successor of feudality, ii.
122. Its baneful effects, 123. How the system actually works, 123
_note_. Its results in France compared with the freedom of England,
126, 127
Certainty contrasted with precision in writing history, ii. 325
Cervantes, becomes a monk, ii. 479. His joy at the expulsion of the
Moors from Spain, 496 _note_
Chance, doctrine of, i. 8. Causes of its displacement by the doctrine
of Necessary Connection, 9. The doctrine of Chance of the atomists, 10
Chancery, Court of, early exertion of its powers against persecution,
i. 345 _note_
Chantilly, the actress, story of, ii. 243
Character, knowledge of, a key to results and action, i. 18, 19
Charlemagne. His droves of pigs, i. 314 _note_. His history as related
by Archbishop Turpin, 318
Charles I., character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in
the reign of, i. 359. This king's attempts to revive the power of the
aristocracy, and adopt the superannuated theories of protection, ii.
147. How treated by his Scottish subjects, iii. 4, 134. Sold by the
Scotch to the English, 135. His execution, 136. Character of the war
against him in England compared with that of the Scotch, 197
Charles II., frivolous form of the opposition to ecclesiastical
authority in the reign of, i. 362. His deism, 362 _note_. His last
refuge in superstition, 362 _note_. Antagonism in his reign between
the physical sciences and the theological spirit, 372. Legislative
improvements of this reign in spite of political degradation, 381.
Character of Charles II., and condition of the kingdom in his reign,
381, 382. Aid given by his vices to the comprehensive reforms of his
reign, 388. And by his dislike of the clergy, 389. Character of this
king's ecclesiastical appointments, 391. His inability to do permanent
harm to English institutions, ii. 466. Compelled by the Scotch to sign
a public declaration, iii. 136. His oppressions of the Scotch,
137-139. His attempted despotism baffled by the Scotch, 140
Charles II. of Spain, his character, ii. 468-470. Misery of Spain during
his reign, 501-510. His death, 513
Charles III. of Spain, vigour and success of his rule, ii. 552 _et seq._
His death, 571
Charles IV. of Spain, his accession, ii. 571. Reaction begun by him, 571
Charles V. the Emperor, his domestic and foreign policy, ii. 446. His
humiliation of the Protestant princes in Germany, 446. His repulse of
the Turks before Vienna, 446. Number of heretics put to death in the
Netherlands during his reign, 447. His codicil to his will as to
dealing with heretics, 448. Causes of his barbarous policy, 449
Charles IX., his massacre of St. Bartholomew, ii. 13
'Charles XII., History of,' Voltaire's, ii. 292. Charles's only
merits, 293. Voltaire's admiration of him, 293. His murder of Patkul,
293
Charles the Bald, initiates a hereditary aristocracy in Europe, ii. 112
Charron, Pierre, reputation of his 'De la Sagesse,' ii. 19. Its purity
and systematic completeness, 19. Analysis of the work, 20, 21
Charta, Magna, peculiar beauty of, ii. 117
Chateaubriand, his method, ii. 389 _note_
Chatillon, Marshal, ii. 43
Chauvelin, his Jansenism, ii. 345
Chemistry, the law of definite proportions in as laid down by Turner,
i. 59 _note_. Boyle's discoveries in, 369. His 'Sceptical Chemist,'
370. Study of, forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 69. State of
the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV., 197. Causes of its great
progress in modern times, 365. The existence of chemistry as a science
due to France, 366. Discoveries of Lavoisier, 367. Formation of a
chemical nomenclature, 368. Inability of chemistry to reduce
mineralogical phenomena, 399. Popularity of Fourcroy's lectures,
407 _note_
Childebert, King of the Franks, attacks the Arian Visigoths,
ii. 435 _note_
Chillingworth, William, his 'Religion of Protestants,' i. 347. His
connexion and correspondence with Laud, 347. His work compared with
those of Hooker and Jewel, 348. The right of private judgment held
sacred by him, 349, 352. Popularity of his work, 352 _note_. His
scepticism compared with that of Hooker, ii. 86
China, gunpowder said to have been used at an early period in, i. 203
_note_. Causes of the trustworthiness of the early annals of, 302.
Antiquity of the history of, 302 _note_. Early knowledge of printing
in, 302 _note_
Chivalry, origin of, ii. 131. Influence of, on the nobles, 132.
Results of the institution of, 132. Origin of the orders of chivalry,
133. Merits ascribed to chivalry, 133 _note_. Small influence of
chivalry in England, 134. The ballad of the 'Turnament of Tottenham,'
136 _note_. Extinct in England in the fifteenth century, 135. Relation
between chivalry and duelling, 136
Choiseul, De, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. 333. Openly protects
the Jansenists, 345
Cholera, attempts made to revive the theological theory of disease on
the first outbreak of the, i. 128 _note_. And again in Scotland,
iii. 473
Christianity, influence of religion on the progress of society
illustrated by the early history of, i. 258. And by the history of
Catholicism and Protestantism, 261. Baneful effects of the
interference of governments with the opinions of the people, 261, 262.
Causes of the corruptions of the Christianity of the Abyssinians and
of the Oguiché Indians, 265 _note_. The crusade against Christianity
one of the antecedents of the French Revolution, ii. 247-257. Causes
of the Roman persecutions, i. 185
Church property, Vattel's opinions respecting, quoted, ii. 31 _note_
Church, the revenues of the, seized and appropriated by the contracting
parties to the peace of Westphalia, ii. 41
Church of England. See Clergy, English
Chyle, discovery of the, ii. 194
Circular progression, doctrine of, ii. 377
Clanship, in Scotland, causes of the abolition of, iii. 167, 168
Clarke, Adam, the last scholar of European repute amongst the
Dissenters, i. 422
Classes, the two, in France, before the Revolution, ii. 128 _et seq._
The Great Rebellion of England a war of, 150. Opposite character of
the Fronde in France, 150
Classical scholars and commentators, Locke and Voltaire's attacks on,
ii. 306-308
Clergy, the influence of the, the cause of the corruption of early
history, i. 307. Their meddling, inquisitive, and vexatious spirit,
ii. 72. Supremacy of the clergy in the Dark Ages, 108. Period when the
spirit of inquiry began to weaken the church, 108, 109. And when the
clergy began to punish men for thinking for themselves, 109. The first
constitution addressed 'inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis,' 109
_note_. Connection between the feudal system and the ecclesiastical
spirit, 110, 111. Causes of the alliance between the clergy and the
nobles, 140. The clergy weakened in the reign of Elizabeth, 143
Clergy, English, attempts of the, in the reign of Charles II. to oppose
the spread of physical science, i. 372. Reasons for their hostility,
373. Destruction of the privileges of the clergy to burn heretics and
tax themselves, 383. The tender of the ex-officio oath prevented by
law, 384. Dislike of Charles II. of the clergy, 389. Causes of this
dislike, 389. Character of his ecclesiastical appointments, 391.
Efforts of the clergy in this reign to revive the doctrines of passive
obedience and divine right, 394. Good churchmen always bad citizens,
395 _note_. Alliance between the Protestant clergy and the Roman
Catholic king James II., 395. Dissolution of this compact, 397. And
union of the clergy with the Dissenters, 399. Which union produces the
Revolution of 1688, 400. Sudden repentance of the clergy of their own
act, 403. Hostility between them and William III., 405. Their growing
unpopularity, 409. King William's deprivation of six of the prelates,
410. The consequent schism in the church, 411. Origin of the term
'high church' and 'low church' parties, 412 _note_. Adoption of the
theory of the sovereign _de facto_ and _de jure_, 413. Encouragement
which the clergy thus give to scepticism, 414. The church avoided by
the ablest men, who prefer secular professions, 415, 416. The most
honourable and lucrative posts formerly occupied by ecclesiastics,
416. Loss of the clergy of all offices out of the church, and
diminution of their number in both Houses of Parliament, 416, 417. The
last ecclesiastic who held any of the high offices of state,
417 _note_. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons,
418. Temporary rally of the church in the reign of Anne, 419.
The clergy weakened by the Dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield,
419-424. Effects of the separation of theology from morals and from
politics, 424-427. Rapid succession of sceptical controversies, 427.
Diffusion of knowledge, and the popular form taken by it, 430.
Opposition of the clergy to the establishment of Sunday schools, 431.
Their factious and disloyal conduct during the reign of the first two
Georges, 442. Joy of the clergy at the attachment of George III. to
the church, 445. Their support of the policy of George III. against,
and bitterness towards, the Americans, 479 _note_
Clergy, the French, greater power possessed by them than by the
English clergy, ii. 3, 4. Their endeavours to suppress the progress of
secular enquiry, 22. Their alarm at the protection given to the
Protestants by Henry IV., Catherine de Medici, and Louis XIII., 26.
Richelieu's treatment of the Clergy, and of the Protestants, 28-31.
Animosity between the clergy and the secular tribunals, 32. Archbishop
Sourdis ignominiously beaten, 32. Reasons why French literary men
attacked the Church and not the Government, 247. And therefore to
assail Christianity, 247. Personal character of the hierarchy during
the reign of Louis XIV., 252. And during the reign of his successor,
252. Attack of the Government on the clergy, 332. Machault's edict
against mortmain, 332. Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's
successors, 333. Machault hated by the clergy, 333 _note_. The power
of the clergy weakened by the two hostile parties among themselves,
335. Decline of the respect entertained for the clergy, 348. Reasons
why their fall was averted for a time, 349, 350
Clergy, Scottish, causes of the union of the Crown and the, iii. 34.
Causes of the flourishing state of the clergy in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, 38. And of their great influence, 43. The Church
favoured by James I., 46. Struggle between the Crown and clergy on
one side and the nobles on the other, 55 _et seq._ Destruction of the
Church, and supremacy of the nobles, 81. Abolition of episcopacy, 94.
Struggle between the upper classes and the clergy as to episcopacy,
100. Violence of the clergy, 105 _et seq._ Boons conferred by them
upon their country, 112. Attempts of the King to subjugate the clergy,
115. His cruel treatment of them, 117-123. Tyrannical conduct of the
bishops, 128. The bishops overthrown, 133. But again forced upon the
people, 141. Alliance between the Crown and the clergy, and its
consequences, 147. The struggle of the clergy with Cromwell, 194. And
with Charles I., 197. Causes which produced the Solemn League and
Covenant, 198. Character of the sermons and zeal of the people in
hearing them in the seventeenth century, 203 _et seq._ The consequent
extension and consolidation of the authority of the clergy, 206. Their
great engine of power, the Kirk-session, and its tyranny, 206-210.
Cases in which it was believed that their pretensions were upheld and
vindicated by miracles, 212, 229. Their consequent arrogance, 220.
Effect of their advocacy of horrible notions concerning evil spirits
and future punishments, 232. And concerning the Deity, 239. Harmless
and praiseworthy actions declared to be sinful, 252. Specimens of the
sins invented by them, 261, 263. Their arbitrary regulations for
punishing disobedience, 262. Their deductive method in philosophy, 286
Clergy, Spanish, rise of the influence of the, ii. 436-444. Proofs of
their power, 437, 438. Consequences of the reverence for them, 461
_et seq._ Causes of their increasing influence, 472. Hold of the
Church over all, high or low, 478-481. Use made by the clergy of
their power in obtaining the expulsion of the whole of the Spanish
Moors, 483. Forced to contribute to the support of the state, 522,
523. Deprived of their wealth by Mendizabal, 590. But re-endowed soon
after, 591. The Concordat of 1851, 591, 592
Climate, its influence on the condition of the human race, i. 40. Its
effect on the regularity and energy with which labour is conducted,
42, 43. Tartary, 45. Arabia, 45. The civilization of Europe governed
by climate, 50. Influence of climate on the kind of food necessary for
man, 56. And on his ease or difficulty in procuring it, 58. Modes in
which the average temperature of a country affects its civilization,
95. Difference between the eastern and western coasts of North
America, 97. Character of the climate of Spain, ii. 427
Clotaire, his attacks of the Visigoth Arians, ii. 435 _note_
Clovis, King of the Franks, his attack of the Visigoths, ii. 435
Clubs, establishment of, in France, at the end of the last century,
ii. 412, 414
Cobbett, William, his racy and idiomatic English, ii. 307 _note_
Codification, causes of the French love of, ii. 127 _note_
Coffee, its discredit in France as an English drink, ii. 214 _note_
Colours, Boyle's experiments in, i. 368 _note_
Comedies of Racine, character of the period in which they appeared,
ii. 208
Comets, feelings of terror inspired by the presence of, i. 376,
377 _note_
Comines, Philip de, credulity shown in his history, i. 327;
ii. 265 _note_
Commerce. See Trade
Commerce; Rise of trading interests in Scotland in the eighteenth
century, iii. 171. See Trade; Trade, Free
Commission, High Court of, established in Scotland, iii. 125. Cruelty
of the, 142 _note_
Commons, House of, origin of the, ii. 117. Causes of the increase of
the authority of the, 121
Comte, M., remarks on his 'Philosophie Positive,' i. 5 _note_
Condillac, his metaphysical work, the 'Traité des Sensations,' ii. 357.
Essential positions upon which the work is based, 358
Condorcet, his character and abilities, i. 470. Burke's remarks on,
471. His proposal of English criminal jurisprudence as a model for
France, ii. 226. His professed atheism, 352
Conjurors, tricks of, forbidden to be seen by the French Protestants,
ii. 70
Conquest, Norman, Sir F. Palgrave on the results produced by the,
ii. 116 _note_
Consciousness, faculty or state of the mind so called, i. 14.
Different opinions respecting, 14 _note_. Its fallibility, 15.
Authorities as to the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
insanity, 17 _note_
Constant, M., his adoption of a remark of Voltaire, ii. 303
Converts, fickleness of, i. 255, 256
Convocation, falls into general contempt, i. 414. Final prorogation
of, by an act of the Crown, 415. Permitted recently to re-assemble,
415
Copyhold rights in England, ii. 119. Not recognised by the French
laws, 120
Coquereau, suppression of his 'Memoirs of Terrai,' ii. 238
Corn, free trade in, proposed by Stafford in 1581, i. 213 _note_. The
real cause of the abolition of the, 273. Merits of the Anti-Corn-Law
League, 274. Importance of the repeal of the Corn-laws, 502
Corneille, period in which his tragedies appeared, ii. 209
Cornwall, hardly a bookseller in, in 1780, i. 432 _note_
Corporation Act, i. 396. Suspended by James II., i. 397
Corvée, the, in France, ii. 129. Authorities respecting the, 129 _note_
Coulumb, his experiments on electrical phenomena, ii. 362
Councils, authority of, despised by Chillingworth, i. 349
Courrayeur, suppression of the 'Dissertations' of, ii. 237
Cousin, M., on free will, quoted, i. 14 _note_
Covenant, Solemn League and, framed, iii. 132. Causes which produced
the, 198
Coyer, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 219
Credulity of Asiatics as compared with that of Europeans, i. 134.
Instances of the credulity of the sixteenth century, 330. This
credulity the natural result of the state of the age, 333
Crime, uniform reproduction of, i. 24, 25, 31 _notes_. Crime the
result of the state of society into which the criminal is thrown, 29.
Rawson on the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard
to crime, quoted, 31 _note_. Mode of preventing crime in France,
ii. 125
Criminals, mode of examining, in France, ii. 124
Cromwell, Oliver, his alliance with Cardinal Mazarin, ii. 98. Irritation
of the orthodox with their union, 98. His hostility to the Church not
theological, but political, 361 _note_. His plebeian origin, ii. 156.
Capacity of his lieutenants, 156, 157. His chain of fortresses in
Scotland, iii. 194. His treatment of the Scotch people, 195 _note_
Crusades, theological feeling of the English as to the, ii. 6 _note_
Crystallography, discoveries of De Lisle and Haüy in, ii. 400, 401.
Power of crystals, in common with animals, of repairing their own
injuries, 403 _note_. Hunter's inquiries into the malformation of
crystals, iii. 443
Cudworth, comparison of the method employed by Hume in his 'Natural
History of Religion' compared with that of Cudworth's 'Intellectual
System,' iii. 348
Cullen, William, account of his generalizations respecting pathology,
iii. 413. His love of theory, 414. His method of studying pathology
compared with that of Adam Smith, 417. His theory of the solids, 418.
Character of his premisses and conclusions, 418-421. His theory of
fever, 424. His nosology, 426
Culloden, results of the battle of, to the Highland Chieftains,
iii. 168 _note_
Cumberland, Dr., Bishop of Peterborough, his system of morals without
the aid of theology, i. 425. Relation between Hume and Cumberland,
426 _note_
Cuvier, Baron, his labours in geology, ii. 369. Impetus given by him
to the study of zoology, 376. His overthrow of the Linnæan system,
376, 377
D'Alembert, his professed atheism, ii. 352
D'Alibard, his experiments on electricity, ii. 362
Damiens, his attempted assassination of Louis XV., ii. 345
Dancing forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 69, 70. And by the
Scotch clergy, iii. 258
Darigrand, suppression of his work on 'Finance,' ii. 238
Dates, effect of the cheapness and abundance of, in Egypt, i. 83
David IV. of Scotland, his imprisonment by the English, iii. 20
Daubenton, his application of the principles of comparative anatomy to
the study of fossil bones, ii. 371
Dead, adoration of the, i. 145 _note_
Death, influence of the fear of, on the imagination, i. 127
Debating clubs, establishment of, i. 433. Authorities as to, 433 _note_
Deccan, bards of the, i. 292 _note_
Dedications, servility of the, in books of the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, i. 438. Abolition of mean and crouching, 438
Defender of the Faith, title of the, conferred on James V. of Scotland,
iii. 6
De Grana, entrusted by the King of Spain with the defence of the
Netherlands, ii. 515
De Lisles, Romé, his studies in crystallography, ii. 400
Deluge, the predicted, of St[oe]ffler, i. 330
De Maistre, his method, ii. 389 _note_
Democracy, Calvinism always connected with, ii. 339. Physical science
essentially democratic, 409. Democratic tendency, observable in France
in the change of dress just before the Revolution, 410. And in the
establishment of clubs, 412
Denmark, Mallet's 'History' of, ii. 299
Desaguliers, Dr., his success in popularizing physical truths,
i. 432 _note_
Descartes, Réné, his military genius and learning, i. 200. Effect of his
secular philosophy, 329. His profundity, ii. 77. His physical
discoveries and speculations, 78, 79. Recognizes Harvey's discovery of
the circulation of the blood and Aselli's discovery of the lacteals,
81. His origination of the modern method of philosophy, 81, 82.
Reasons why he deserves the gratitude of posterity, 82. Account of his
philosophy as showing its analogy with the anti-theological policy of
Richelieu, 83, 92. His words of wisdom addressed to his countrymen,
85. Compared with Montaigne, 86. Eminent characteristic of his
philosophy, 87. Analysis of his principles, 88, 89. Mischief done by
his principles to the old theology, 90. And to the inordinate respect
with which antiquity was regarded, 91. Period in which he flourished,
189
Desfontaines, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
Desforges, imprisoned for his work respecting the Pretender, ii. 238
Desmarest, his geological labours, ii. 368
Desmoulins, Camille, his knowledge of the English language and
literature, ii. 224
De Thou, raised to the presidency of parliament in France, ii. 26. His
great French historical work, 266
Devil, horrible notions of the Scotch clergy concerning, iii. 232
Dhourra of Upper Egypt, its cheapness and abundance, i. 86
Diderot, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
ii. 218. His talents, 240. His imprisonment in Vincennes, 242. His
professed atheism, 352
Diogenes Laertius, on the physical which preceded metaphysical
inquiries, i. 10 _note_. On the preservation of consciousness in
dreams and in insanity, 17 _note_
Diplomacy, commencement of a purely secular era in the history of,
ii. 41
Disease, theological theory of, in the middle ages and in our own
times, i. 127, 128 _note_. Authorities as to the nature and treatment
of a disease and the belief that such disease is caused by
supernatural power, and is to be cured by it, 129 _note_. The origin
of almost all the cruel diseases of Europe to be found in Asia, 130.
Hunter's theories of diseases, iii. 448
Dissenters, persecution of the, in England, in the reign of James II.,
i. 397. Union of the clergy and dissenters and its result, 399, 400.
Authorities for the cruelties inflicted upon them in the reign of
Charles II. and James II., 419. Principles avowed by the clergy in
justification of the persecution, 419 _note_. Persecutions in the
reign of Anne, 419, 420. Repeal of the laws against them, 420. The
Toleration Act regarded by the Dissenters as their Magna Charta, 402
_note_. Favour shown to them by William III., 405, 406. Their struggle
with the clergy, 420. Wesley and Whitefield, 421. Loss of their
intellectual vigour, 422. Causes of their recent mental penury, 422.
Nonconformist statistics, from the reign of William III. to the
present time, 423 _note_. Treatment which the Wesleyans received from
the clergy, 423 _note_, 424 _note_. Combination of the Dissenters with
the Government against the clergy and the Pretender, 443 _note_.
Passing of the Schism Bill, 452. Burke's support of measures for the
relief of the, 463
Divine right of Kings, results of the abandonment of the theological
fiction of, ii. 182
Dolben, John, his character as Archbishop of York, i. 392
Dolomieu, his geological labours, ii. 368
'Domat, Life of,' by Prévost de la Jannes, suppressed, ii. 237
Douglas, Earls of, treacherously murdered by James II., iii. 49-52.
Subsequent power of the family, 57. Driven into exile, 60. Harboured
by Henry VIII. in England, 64. Return home, 69
Dramas, French, of the seventeenth century, ii. 208
Dreams, Plato's conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of,
i. 16 _note_
Dress, interference of the French Protestants with, ii. 60, 71. Dress
of the French during the reign of Louis XIV., Louis XV., and just
before the Revolution, 411
Droughts, frequency of, in Spain, ii. 427
Dryburgh Abbey, burnt by the English, iii. 15
Dryden, John, little effect of the intellect of France on his works,
i. 235. His satires, 235 _note_
Duclos, his 'History of Louis XI.' suppressed, ii. 238. His method of
writing history, 300
Duellings, causes of the greater popularity of, in France than in
England, ii. 136. Relation between chivalry and duelling, 137 _note_
Duhamel de Monceau, his botanical discoveries, ii. 397
Dukes, the order of, in abeyance in England for fifty years, ii. 146
Dumouriez, his familiarity with the English language and literature,
ii. 224
Dunbar, town of, iii. 32 _note_. Scotch presbyterian view of the
battle of, 201 _note_
Dundee burnt by the English, iii. 16
Dunfermline burnt by the English, iii. 16. Scanty population of the
town up to the seventeenth century, 27
Dupleix, Scipio, his new method of writing history, ii. 268. His
system of philosophy, 269
Dury, John, opposes episcopacy in Scotland, iii. 95. Banished from
Edinburgh, 102. Brought back in triumph, 103. Preaches in favour of
the Ruthven conspiracy, 104
Duvernet, his punishment for having written a history of the
Sorbonnes, ii. 237
Earthquakes, tendency of the fear of, to inflame the imagination, i.
122. Effect of the atmospherical changes preceding earthquakes upon
the nervous system of man, 122. Physiological effects of the fear of
earthquakes, 122, 123. Effect of earthquakes in encouraging
superstition, 123. The great earthquake at Sumbawa in 1815, 126
_note_. Frequency of earthquakes in Spain, ii. 428
Eclipses, feelings with which our fathers regarded, i. 376.
Authorities as to the superstition excited by, 377
Edda, compilation of the elder and younger, i. 301
Edinburgh burnt by Richard II., iii. 16. Population of, in the
sixteenth century, 30. Houses of the poorer classes at this time, 31
_note_. Riot of 1637, 132. Foundation of the 'Edinburgh Society' for
the improvement of manufactures, 181 _note_
Edward I. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 12
Edward III. of England, his attacks on Scotland, iii. 16. His cruelty
there, 16
Egypt, causes of its wealth and civilization, i. 48, 49. Area of the
cultivable land of, 49 _note_. Science unknown to the Egyptians, 49.
Causes of their civilization as compared with the condition of the
other races in Africa, 82. Fertility of the soil, and abundance of the
national food, dates, 83-86. Cheapness of the dhourra of Upper Egypt,
86. Lotos bread, 87. The [Greek: kyamos] of Herodotus, 87 _note_.
Encouragement given to the increase of Egyptian population by the
fertility of the Nile, 87 _note_. Evidence of Diodorus Siculus and
Herodotus, 88, 89. Testimony of the condition of the people afforded
by the existing costly and stupendous ruins, 90, 92. The two ranks of
society in Egypt, 91. Tenacity with which old manners and customs were
adhered to by them, 116. Forms of the incarnation of the Deity
presented by their artists, 143 _note_. Fifty-three cities of Egypt
bearing the same name, 298 _note_
Election, doctrine of. See Predestination
Electricity, experiments of [OE]pinus, D'Alibard, and Coulumb,
ii. 362. Popularity of electricity in France at the latter part of the
last century, 407 _note_
Elizabeth, Queen, feelings of the nobility in the reign of, ii. 139.
Her conduct towards the nobility and clergy, 143. Character of her
government, 146
Emilius, Paulus, his 'Actions of the French,' ii. 264
'Encylopædia,' publication of the, in France, ii. 351
Encylopædias, invention of, i. 433. Harris's 'Dictionary' the first,
433 _note_
England, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross
produce in, i. 75. Causes of the extinction of the love of war in,
198. The military classes in the twelfth century, 205 _note_. And in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 205 _note_. Reasons why the
present history is confined to that of England, 231. Characteristics
of the history of England compared with those of France, 232-236. With
those of Germany, 237. And with those of America, 240. Reasons why the
history of England is more valuable than any other to the philosopher,
242, 252. England less interfered with by Government, and therefore
more prosperous than other nations, 286. Popular belief in the Trojan
descent of the English Kings, 309 _note_. Secular philosophy of the
seventeenth century, 329. Legislative improvements in the reign of
Charles II. in spite of the political degradation of the age, 381-386.
These improvements due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit, 388. And
to the vices and prejudices of Charles II., 388, 389. Proximate causes
of the Revolution of 1688, 399, 400. Importance of this Revolution,
402. War between England and the American Colonies, 477-481.
Importance of the success of the Americans to the preservation of the
liberties of England, 482, 483. The unjust war against France in 1793,
486. And its effect in England in producing arbitrary laws, 487.
Obligations England is under to the Roman Catholic clergy, ii. 5
_note_. Feeling of the English people as to theological disputes in
the twelfth as compared with the sixteenth centuries 6, 7. Secular
character of the civil wars in England, 7. Indifference of the people
to the rapid changes in the national faith under Henry VIII., Edward
VI., Mary, and Elizabeth, 7. Contempt into which excommunication fell
in England, 59 _note_. Importance of the press in England in the
middle of the seventeenth century, 99. Analogy between the great Civil
war and the war of the Fronde, 99, 100. Summary of the progress of
toleration in England, 102. Point at which a marked divergence between
England and France begins, 105. Causes of this difference, 106.
Comparison of the protective spirit in France and England, 108 _et
seq._ The first instance in England of the execution of an apostate,
109, 110 _note_. Reasons why the aristocracy in France were more
powerful than in England, 113. Period of the union of Normans and
Saxons, 116. Union of the nobles and people in forcing the Crown to
concede popular privileges, 116, 117. Origin of the House of Commons,
117. Sources whence the people imbibed their tone of independence,
118. Consequences of the social divergence between France and England
in the fourteenth century, 119. The three most important guarantees
for the liberties of England, 119, 120. The state of France under
centralization contrasted with that of England under municipal
government, 126, 127. Extinction of villenage in England, 128.
Illustration of the early and radical difference between France and
England, 131. Feeble influence of chivalry in England, 134. The
Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, 137. Effect of the
Wars of the Roses upon the nobles, 138. The clergy and nobles both
weakened by Elizabeth, 143. Aristocratic character of the rebellion of
1569, 144. Character of the reign of Elizabeth, 146. Attempts of James
I. and Charles I. to revive the power of the nobles and the old
protective spirit, 147. Difference between the great English Rebellion
and the Fronde, 140, 150. Abolition of the house of Peers, 153. The
self-denying ordinance, 153. The leaders of the Rebellion, 155, 159.
Barbarism and ferocity of the English people of the seventeenth
century, according to the French writers, 214, 215. The results of the
suppression of religious scepticism in England and France compared,
257. Prejudice existing in England against Voltaire, 313. Arminianism
the popular creed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, 340.
But it gives way to Calvinism at the death of Charles I., 340.
Singular dearth of great thinkers in England during the eighteenth
century, 374. Progress of England, notwithstanding the unskilfulness
of her rulers, 466. Amazement of Frenchmen at the liberty enjoyed by
Englishmen at the beginning of the eighteenth century, 237
Enlistment for life, Burke's opposition to, i. 463. Enlistment for a
term of years first authorized, 463 _note_
Ensenada, his endeavours to improve the state of Spain, ii. 535
Episcopacy, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. 94 _et seq._ Andrew
Melville called [Greek: hepiskopomastix], 97 _note_. Struggle between
the upper classes and clergy as to episcopacy, 100, 191
Erskine, Lord, his idiomatic English, ii. 307 _note_
Essex, Earl of, joins the parliamentary forces, but suspected by the
democrats, ii. 151, 152
Europe, the civilization of, governed by climates, i. 50. Social and
political consequences of the high rate of wages in Europe, 65.
Influence of physical causes in accelerating the progress of man in
Europe, 82. Differences between the civilizations in and out of, 152.
The energies of nature tamed by man in, 154. The country outstripped
by the populations of the towns in, 156. Mental laws more important
than physical for the history of, 156. Contrast between ancient and
modern military genius in, 199-202
Europe, remarks on the origin of the ecclesiastical establishments of,
i. 259-263. Benefits conferred by literature on, 267. Condition of
the mind of, from the sixth to the tenth centuries, 269
Excommunication, a French Protestant, ii. 59. Notions of theologians
respecting, 59 _note_. Contempt into which excommunication fell in
England, 59 _note_
Expediency, doctrine of, i. 425, 426. Its gradual diffusion amongst
us, 426 _note_
Eye, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. 78
Fables, Voltaire's demolition of the belief in national, ii. 312
Falkirk, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
Famines, impossibility of the return of, in Europe, i. 155. List of,
155 _note_. Frequency of, in Spain, ii. 427
Fathers, authority of the, according to Jewel and Hooker, i. 340.
Chillingworth's contempt for their authority, 349. Exposure of the
gross absurdities of the, 428
Favart, Madame, story of, ii. 243
Fear, special tendency of, to inflame the imagination, i. 120
Fenacute, story of the giant, i. 320
Fénelon, treatment of, by Louis XIV., ii. 276. His 'Telemachus,' 276
Ferdousi, his 'Shah Nameh,' and its authority in Persian history,
i. 303
Fermat, his services to geometry, ii. 190
Fernel, his eminence in medicine, ii. 195
Ferrier, excommunicated by the French Protestants, ii. 58. Result of
this measure, 59, 60
Fetichism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Comte,
i. 251 _note_
Feud, feudum, first use of the words, ii. 110 _note_
Feudal incidents, destruction of, in England, i. 386
Feudal system, origin of the, in Europe, ii. 110. Connexion between it
and the ecclesiastical spirit, 110, 111. Does not destroy the spirit
of protection, but only compels it to assume a new form, 111.
Commencement of the European hereditary aristocracy, 112. The power of
the English and French aristocracy compared, 113 _et seq._
Sub-infeudation in France and in England, 119. Boncerf's treatise on
feudal law, 237. Voltaire's, the first historical endeavour to explain
the origin of feudality, 302
Fever, Cullen's theory of, iii. 424
Finance, suppression of the works of Darigrand and Le Trosne on,
ii. 238. Sudden eagerness in France in the eighteenth century for
inquiries relating to, 328, 329. Necker's celebrated Report, 329.
Burke's the first financial reforms, 464
Fire-arms, invention of, i. 206
Flanders, exports from, into Scotland, iii. 24
Food, effect of the supply of, among wandering and agricultural
tribes, i. 8. Moral consequences of diminishing the precariousness of
food, 9. Influence of food on the human race, 40. The two effects of
food necessary to existence, 55. Influence of climate on the necessary
kind of food, 56, 60. Connexion between food and the laws of
population, 57, 66, 88. Carbon and oxygen in food, 60-62. Amount of
carbon required in food in summer and in winter, 63. The potato, the
principal food of the labouring class in Ireland, 65. Countries
asserted to be more populous when the ordinary food is vegetable than
when it is animal, 68 _note_. Character of the general food of the
people of India, rice, 70. And of that of Egypt, dates, 83.
Extraordinary fecundity of the maize and banana plants in America,
109-111. Instances from the animal kingdom, proving the connexion
between carbonized food and the respiratory functions, 148. French and
German discoveries as to the functions of food, 367
Forbes, James, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. 203 _note_
Force, indestructibility of, iii. 363
Forces, theory of the parallelogram of, i. 30
Forestalling and regrating, Burke's attack of the laws against, i. 462
Forgetfulness, laws regulating, i. 32
Fornication made a felony by the English Commonwealth, i. 361 _note_.
Repeal of the law by Charles II., 362 _note_
Fossils, Daubenton's labours respecting fossil bones, ii. 371.
Previous opinions as to, 371 _note_. Researches of Agassiz in fossil
ichthyology, 383
Fourcroy, popularity of his lectures on chemistry, ii. 407 _note_
Fourier, his views as to the laws of the conduction of heat, ii. 362.
His mathematical theory, 362
Fox, Charles James, his remark on good churchmen, i. 395 _note_. His
declaration in the House of Commons against the arbitrary laws
proposed for extinguishing the liberties of the country, 493
Fox, Henry his eminent statesmanship, i. 450. Causes of George III.'s
dislike of him, 450. Burke's character of Fox, 450 _note_. Burke's
rupture with him, 469
France, rent paid by the cultivator, in proportion to the gross
produce of the land, i. 75. French notions of the English people
previous to the application of steam to purposes of travelling, 219.
The history of England compared with that of France, 234. Debt which
French owes to English civilization, 236. Effects of the interference
of the government with the people, 236. The results of the suppression
of scepticism in France compared with the exercise of individual
judgment in England, 257. How and when the political institutions of
France might have been saved, 258. Condition of historical literature
in France in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 261-273.
Proximate causes of the French Revolution after the middle of the
eighteenth century, 325 _et seq._ The social changes of the French
people immediately preceding the Revolution, 405. Instances of this,
406-412. Tolerance and freedom from superstition of the French, 263.
Great numbers of smugglers in France in the last century, 279. The
bards of ancient Gaul, 292 _note_. Corruption of Druidical traditions
in Gaul by Christian priests, 306. Popular belief in the middle ages
of the Trojan descent of the French kings, 309. Pork a common food in
France in the time of Charlemagne, 314 _note_. Effects of the writings
of Descartes, 329. Detestation of George III. of the French people,
448. Burke's epithets applied to France and the French at the time of
the Revolution, 472. Effects produced by the French Revolution upon
the policy of the English government, 484. First step towards an open
rupture between England and France, 485. Effects of the execution of
Louis XVI., 485
France, Causes which gave rise to the civil wars of the seventeenth
century, ii. 56 _et seq._ Condé's rebellion in 1615, 61. Rebellion of
the Protestants in Béarn, 61, 62. And at La Rochelle, 63-66. Results
which would have happened if the Protestants had gained the upper
hand, 67-72. Breaking out of the war of the Fronde, 99. Importance of
the press in the middle of the seventeenth century, 95. Analogy
between the great civil war of England and the war of the Fronde, 99,
100. Summary of the progress of toleration in France, 102. Point at
which a marked divergence between England and France begins, 105.
Causes of this difference, 106. Comparison of the protective spirit in
France and England, 108 _et seq._ Reasons why the feudal aristocracy
were more powerful in France than in England, 113-118. In France every
man either a tyrant or a slave, 119. System of subinfeudation, 119.
Consequences of the early social divergence between England and France
in the fourteenth century, 119-121. Futility of French municipal
institutions, 121. Feebleness of the States-General, 121. Beginning of
the tendency to centralization in France, 122. Its baneful effects,
122, 123. Machinery by which it is worked, 123. Number of civil
functionaries in the country, 123 _note_. Mode of examining criminals
in France, 124. And of preventing crime, 125. The education of the
people controlled by the government, 125. The worst kind of monopoly
established by the government, and its effects on the people, 126. The
great power and tyranny of the nobles, 128. Slavery in France, 129.
The inequality of taxation, 129. Privileges reserved to themselves by
the nobles, 130. Illustration of the early and radical difference
between France and England, from the history of chivalry, 131-134.
From the vanity of the French, 136. And from the practice of duelling,
136. Difference between the Fronde and the great English rebellion,
149. Objects of the Fronde, 149, 150. Causes why a war of classes was
impossible, 150. Results of the energy of the protective spirit and
power of the nobles on the issue of the Fronde, 160. Vanity and
imbecility of the French nobles, 162, 163. Examination of the
consequences of the protective spirit being carried into literature by
Louis XIV., 176. Servility of the people at this period, 177.
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV., 178. The subsequent
dragonnades, 179. And their disastrous effects on the prosperity of
France, 181. Universal decline of France during the latter part of the
reign of Louis XIV., 210. Joy of the people at his death, 213.
Indignities to which French literary men were subject in the
eighteenth century, one of the precursors of the revolution, 230-242.
Outrages committed by the upper classes in the same period, 243.
Stringent cruelty of the French laws, 244. Proposal of the French
avocat-general in 1780 respecting new books, 245. The crusade against
Christianity in the last century, 247. Causes of the excessive loyalty
of the French people, 249. War of opinion between France and Spain in
the fifth and sixth centuries, 435
Francis I. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. 12
Franks, their conversion to Christianity and attack of their Visigoth
neighbours, ii. 435
Frauds and Perjuries, security to private property effected by the
Statute of, i. 385
Frederick the Great, contrast between his warlike and domestic policy,
i. 201
Free Trade. See Trade.
Free will, probable origin of the dogma of, i. 9. Foundation of the
theory of, 13. Connexion of free will with Arminianism, 14
Féret, causes of his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 235
Fresnel, his researches into the laws of light, ii. 362
Frewen, Dr., Archbishop of York, his character, i. 392
Froissart, his the earliest instance in the Middle Ages of an
improvement in writing history, i. 325
Fronde, war of the, analogy between it and the civil war in England,
ii. 99. Difference between the Fronde and the great English Rebellion,
149. Character and position of the leaders of the Fronde, 160. And
consequent failure of the rebellion, 168-173
Fruit, amount of carbon in, i. 61
Fuch's, his investigations in the vegetable kingdom, ii. 198 _note_
Gaimar, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey Monmouth's
history, i. 325
Garlon, suppression of the 'Therapeutics' of, ii. 238
Garrows, cause of their superstitions respecting the tiger,
i. 125 _note_
Gascoigne, his invention of the micrometer, ii. 192
Gassion, raised to the dignity of French marshal, ii. 98. Authorities
respecting him, 98 _note_
Gaul, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the Middle
Ages, i. 311
Génard, suppression of his 'School of Man,' ii. 238
Geoffrey, Archdeacon of Monmouth, his history of King Arthur, i. 321.
Translations of the work, 324, 325
Geography, physical, study of, i. 2
Geology, first exhibition of the sceptical character of, i. 429
_note_. Views of Dr. Arnold and Mr. Baden Powell, 430 _note_. Buffon's
recantation of some of his views on, ii. 236. Causes of its great
progress in modern times, 365. Labours of French geologists at the
latter part of the last century, 368. Cuvier's foundation of
palæontological science, 369 _note_. Remains of organic and inorganic
life in the secondary and tertiary strata, 370. The doctrine of
universal changes, 369, 371. Daubenton's union of comparative anatomy
with geology, 371. Character of Hutton's geological speculations, iii.
388, 396. Causes which have altered and are still altering the crust
of the earth, 388. The deductive and inductive methods of studying
geology, 390. William Smith's foundation of English geology, 391.
Werner's foundation of the German school, 393. Hall's verification of
Hutton's views, 401
Geometry, algebra first successfully applied to, by Descartes, ii. 77.
Who is regarded as the first geometrician of the age, 80. Ages of
Descartes and Fermat, 189, 190. Hypothetical arguments as exhibited
by, iii. 306
George I., his utter ignorance of the English language, i. 441
George II., his indifferent knowledge of the English language, i. 441.
His ignorance of English politics, 442. His highest ambition,
442 _note_
George III., fortunate circumstances which surrounded his accession, i.
444. Revival of the doctrine of divine right, 445. The king's respect
for church ceremonies, 445 _note_. Alliance between the Crown and the
clergy, 445. The king's ignorance, 446. And hatred of great statesmen,
446, 447. Favour with which he regarded slavery, 447. His hatred of
the French, 448. The 'King's Friends,' 448, 449. Notorious incapacity
of his ministers, 449. His hatred of the elder Pitt and of Fox, 449,
450. Mode in which he brought the House of Lords into disrepute, 453.
His hatred of the Americans, 466. Favours Burke in his violent old
age, 476, 477. His policy respecting the American colonies, 477, 479.
Reaction of this policy upon England, 481, 482. His policy towards the
French republic, 484 _et seq._ His monstrous principles, 466. His
inability however, to do harm to English institutions, 466
George IV., his character, ii. 466
Germany, Comparison of the history of England and, i. 237.
Interference of the German governments with the people, 237. Origin of
German literature, 237. Character of German intellect among the
highest and lowest minds, 238, 239. Process through which the esoteric
literature of Germany is passing at the present time, 267. Cultivation
of metaphysics in Germany in the latter part of the last century,
ii. 373
Gervaise, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 237
Gibbon, Edward, fame of his 'Decline and Fall,' i. 429 _note_. His
fifteenth and sixteenth chapters, 429
Gipsies, origin of the, according to the writers of the middle ages,
i. 312
Glasgow in the fifteenth century, iii. 26, 27. Rise and progress of,
175. The first bank at, 181
Gloves, Spanish manufacture of, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, ii. 502
Goblets, game of, forbidden to be seen by French Protestants, ii. 70
God, Cartesian method of the ultimate proof of the existence of,
ii. 89. Horrible notions of the Scotch clergy respecting, iii. 239
Gomberville, his refutation of the idle stories as to the extreme
antiquity of the French, ii. 270
Gongora, the Spanish poet, ii. 480
Göthe, his obligations to Mallet's 'History of Denmark,' ii. 299
Gordon, Dr., the nonjuring bishop, i. 412 _note_
Government, inquiry into the influence of, on the progress of society,
i. 272. Illustrated by the abolition of the corn laws, 273. The most
important measures of modern British legislation the result of
pressure from without, 275. The best legislation the result of the
abrogation of former legislation, 275. Injuries caused to trade by the
interference of politicians, 276. Smuggling, with all its attendant
crimes, caused by legislation, 277. Baneful effects of legislative
attempts to encourage religious truth, and discourage religious error,
281. Consequent increase of hypocrisy and perjury, 281, 282. And of
usury by the laws against usury, 283. Effects of legislation in
hindering the advance of knowledge, 284. England less interfered with
by government than other nations, 286. True duties of legislators,
287. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of theology, 326-328.
Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of
political degradation, 381
Gowrie conspiracy, the, iii. 110
Gracian, the Spanish Jesuit and prose writer, ii. 480
Granada, capture of, from the Arabs, ii. 440
Gravitation, Newton's discovery of the law of, ii. 191. Tardy
reception of the law in France, 191, 192
Greece, condition of, contrasted with that of India, i. 138. Its area,
138. Its material phenomena, 139. Comparison of the Greek and Hindu
divinities, 140. The hero-worship of the Greeks, 144. Statesmen,
orators, and authors of ancient, 199. Reason of the evanescence of the
civilization of ancient Greece, 267
Greek language forbidden by the French Protestants to be taught,
ii. 69
Greek Church, cause of the small amount of authority possessed by the
head of the, compared with that of the Latin Church, ii. 303
Greenock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. 28. Rise and
progress of, 174
Grenobles, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 60
Grew, Dr. Nathaniel, his botanical discoveries, ii. 199, 200
Grey, Mr. (afterwards Earl), his remarks in the House on the
subservient conduct of Pitt, i. 447 _note_
Grimaldi, prime minister of Spain, ii. 545
Grosley, his admiration for England, ii. 228. Suppression of his
'Memoirs on Troyes,' 238
Grotius, his principles of foreign policy compared with those of
Vattel, ii. 40 _note_
Guibert, suppression of his work on 'Military Tactics,' ii. 238
Guise, the murder of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
the, ii. 11
Guises, their influence in Scotland, iii. 77, 78
Guizot, his republication of Mably's 'Observations,' ii. 236
Gunpowder, invention of, i. 203. And of fire-arms, 204. Gunpowder
first used in mining towns, 206 _note_. Influence of the invention of,
in lessening the warlike spirit, 206-209
Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, his domestic and warlike policy
contrasted, i. 200
Guthrie, the Scotch preacher, iii. 202 _note_, 204 _note_
Habeas Corpus Act, passing of the, i. 385. Effect of the suspension of
the, in 1794, 496
Haco, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 11
Haillan, Du, his the first history of France, ii. 264. Character of
his work, 264, 265
Hajin tribe, cause of their worship of the tiger, i. 125 _note_
Hall, Chief Baron, his charge to the jury in a case of witchcraft in
1665, i. 363 _note_
Hall, Sir James, his verification of the geological speculations of
Hutton, iii. 401
Hardwicke, Lord, his notions of political economy, i. 211 _note_
Harris, his account of the extinction of feudalism, i. 386
Harriss's 'Dictionary of Arts and Sciences,' the origin of
Encyclopædias, i. 433 _note_
Harvey, his discovery of the circulation of the blood, ii. 80. Denies
the existence of the lacteals, 81 _note_
Haüy, his studies in crystallography, ii. 401
Heat, together with moisture, the causes which regulate the fertility
of every country, i. 96. Difference between the heat of the eastern
and western coasts of North America, 98; and of South America, 100.
French researches on the phenomena of heat in the last century, ii.
361. The laws of heat, iii. 362. The indestructibility of force and
interchange of forces, 363. Black's theory of latent heat, 367.
Leslie's philosophy, 383
Heat, animal food necessary for keeping up the, i. 55, 58. The
blood-corpuscles and animal heat, 58 _note_. Heat disengaged by the
union of carbon and oxygen, 58, 59 _note_
Heavenly witnesses, controversy on the text of the, i. 429
Helvétius, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
ii. 218. His admiration for England, 229. Persecuted by the
government, 236. His professed atheism, 352. Analysis of his essay
'On the Mind,' 353
Hénault, his method of writing history, ii. 300
Henrion, his views as to fossil bones, ii. 371 _note_
Henry II. of England, his destruction of the baronial castles,
ii. 114 _note_
Henry II. of France, his zeal against heresy, ii. 12
Henry III. of England, his inability to do permanent harm to English
institutions, ii. 466
Henry III. of France, murder of, predominance of the theological
spirit shown in the, ii. 11. His zeal against heresy, 13. His
affection for monks, 29 _note_
Henry IV. of France, his accession, ii. 12. His character as a ruler,
12. His apostasies, 13, 14. Publishes the Edict of Nantes, 14. Refuses
to accede to the pope's request to punish the Protestants, 22, 23. His
measures for their protection, 23, 24. His death, 24. Henry the first
French sovereign stained with the imputation of heresy, 267
Henry IV. of England, his invasion of Scotland, iii. 18 _note_
Henry VII. of England, his establishment of the Yeomen of the Guard,
ii. 7 _note_
Henry VIII. of England, indifference of the people to his arrangement
of the formularies of the Church, ii. 7. His bodyguard, 7 _note_.
Character of his reign, 138
Henshaw, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. 199
Herculaes, origin of the story of the exploits of, i. 297
Hereditary descent connected with the formation of character, question
of, i. 176 _note_. Hereditary talents, vices, and virtues, 177 _note_
Heresies, the great religious, founded on previous philosophies, i. 11
_note_. Destruction by the legislature of the writ 'De Hæretico
Comburendo,' 383. The first papal call on the secular power to punish,
ii. 109 _note_. Harshness of the early Spanish laws for the punishment
of heresy, 438
Hero-worship, ancient Greek, causes of the, i. 144
'High-church' and 'low-church,' origin of the terms, i. 412 _note_
Highlanders, their ferocity, iii. 21, 22. Let loose upon the
Lowlanders in 1678, 145. The only powerful friends of James II., 151.
Their love of war and rapine, 151, 152. Reasons which induced them to
rebel in favour of the exiled Stuarts, 152. Their rebellions of 1715
and 1745 not the result of loyalty, 153. Their veneration for their
chieftains, 156 _note_. Their insignificance after 1745, 157, 168
Hill, Sir John, his the first publication of popular scientific works
in numbers, i. 432 _note_. His great success, 432 _note_
Hilton, Laird of, story of the, and the minister, iii. 217
Hindostan, Persian origin of the word, i. 69 _note_
History, statement of the resources for investigating, i. 1.
Confidence in the value of, 1. Use made of the materials for
investigating, 3. Instances of endeavours to remedy the backwardness
of history, 4. Present prospects of historical literature, 5.
Inferiority of the most celebrated historians to the most successful
cultivators of physical science, 7. Materials from which a philosophic
history can alone be composed, 20, 33. Reasons why historians have not
yet collected materials for writing history, 229. Reasons why the
present history is restricted to that of England, 231, 242. Hume's
method of treating history, 251 _note_. Why the history of England is
eminently valuable, 252. Origin of history, and state of historical
literature during the Middle Ages, 288. Value of historical inquiries
in throwing light on the changes in society, 290, 291. The ballad form
of the earliest histories, 291. Error in history caused by the
invention of writing, 296. Corruptions in early history caused by
changes in religion, 300. Illustration of this from Scandinavian
history, 301. Trustworthiness of histories where there has been no
change in religion, 301-304. The influence of the clergy the most
active cause of the corruption of early history, 307. Absurdities
believed in consequence, 309-325. Beginning of the first improvement
in writing modern history, 325. Prevalence of credulity in the time of
Comines, 326, 327. Character of Bodin's historical work, 326.
Intellectual regeneration of the seventeenth century, 329. Instances
of the credulity of the sixteenth century, 330. This absurd way of
writing history the natural result of the spirit of the age, 333. The
history of every civilized country the history of its intellectual
development, 387. Importance to history of the question whether normal
phenomena should or should not precede the study of abnormal ones, ii.
1, 2 _note_. Condition of historical literature in France before the
end of the sixteenth century, 261. The Middle Age historians of France
merely annalists, 263. Du Haillan's the first French history, 264. De
Thou's work, 266. Sully's history, 266. Serres' view of the importance
of correct dates in history, 267. Dupleix's 'History of France,' 268.
La Popelinière's 'History of Histories,' 269. Improvement in the
method of writing history in the seventeenth century, 270. De Rubis's
work, 270. Gomberville's, 270. Berthault's, 270. Mezeray's great work,
271. The retrograde movement under Louis XIV., 273. As illustrated in
the works of Audigier and Bossuet, 279. Reasons why history is
superior to theology, 289. Bossuet's method of writing history
compared with that of Voltaire, 291. Other historians by whom
Voltaire's views were adopted, 299 _et seq._ His opinions as to
feudality, 302. As to free trade, 304. As to political economy, 304.
His demolition of the admiration entertained for classical works, and
for the fables of early history, 306-312. Value of Montesquieu's
method, 315. History separated from biography by him, 316, 317.
Turgot's views of the duties of a historian, 321. Difference between
certainty and precision in writing history, 325. The first and most
essential quality of an historian, iii. 186
Hobbes, Thomas, his works, i. 390. Animosity of the clergy against
him, 390. Encouraged by Charles II., 391. Popularity of his works at
this time, 391 _note_
Hogg, Thomas, story of, and the 'factour,' iii. 214
Holbach, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 219
Holcus arundinaceus, use of, as food by the Egyptians, i. 87
Holland, rescued by man from the grasp of the sea, i. 154. Number of
Anabaptists put to death in, 186 _note_. The Dutch fleet in the Thames
and Medway, 382. Proposal of the Bishop of Beauvais, ii. 38 _note_.
Calvinism the popular creed of, 339. The war carried on by Philip II.
against the Dutch Protestants, 451. Number of heretics put to death by
Alva, 451
Holyrood robbed by the English, iii. 15
Homer, his investigations of the human mind, i. 23 _note_
Hooke, his discoveries in the vegetable world, ii. 199
Hooker, Richard, his 'Ecclesiastical Polity' compared with Jewel's
'Apology for the Church of England,' i. 339, 340. And with
Chillingworth's 'Religion of Protestants,' 348. Connexion between the
Reformation and the views advocated by Hooker, 351. Locke's opinion of
his philosophy, 351. Compared with Chillingworth, ii. 86. His
scepticism, 86
Horst, Dr., his work on the Golden tooth, i. 332
Howe, John, his exile, i. 398
Huguenots. See Protestants, French
Humber, origin of the name of the, according to the historians of the
Middle Ages, i. 311
Hume, David, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. 250, 426
_note_. His 'Natural History of Religion' and 'History of England,'
251. His views as to monotheism, 251 _note_. His 'Political
Discourses' translated into French by Le Blanc, ii. 219. Examination
of his philosophy, iii. 331. His want of imagination, 331. Importance
and novelty of his doctrines, 333. His disregard of facts, 337. His
method, 338. His injustice to Bacon, 338. His 'Natural History of
Religion,' 343. Comparison between his method and that employed by
Cudworth, 348
Humidity, together with heat, the causes which regulate fertility,
i. 96. Difference between the humidity of the eastern and western
coasts of North America, 98. And of South America, 100. Relation
between the amount of rain and the extent of coast, 99. The heavy
rains of Brazil, 103
Hungary, disease in, from eating pork, i. 314 _note_
Hunter, John, account of his generalizations, iii. 428. His grandeur
and obscurity of language, 428. Conflict of the methods employed by
him, and the consequent result, 429-432. His industry in collecting
facts, 433. His discovery as to the red globules of the blood, 436.
His inquiries as to the movements of animals and vegetables, 439. His
idea of uniting all the physical sciences, 443. His inquiry into the
malformation of crystals, 443. His physiological and pathological
inquiries, 447. His pathological speculations respecting the
principles of action and the principles of sympathy, 450 _et seq._
Causes of the little influence which he exercised over his English
contemporaries, 457
Hutcheson, Francis, his method of metaphysical investigation, i. 248.
Remarks of Sir J. Mackintosh and M. Cousin, 248 _note_. Notice of him,
iii. 292. Examination of his philosophy, 292. Its results, tendency,
and method, 295-300
Hutton, James, his attempts to explain the former changes of the
earth's crust by reference solely to natural causes, i. 429 _note_.
Establishes the first library in Birmingham, 431 _note_. Character of
his geological speculations, iii. 388, 396. Verification of his views,
401
Hyænas regarded by the Abyssinians as enchanters, i. 126 _note_
Hydrostatics, Boyle's discoveries in, i. 368 _note_
Hypocrisy, cause of the increase of, due to evil legislation, i. 281
Idolatry, the natural fruit of ignorance, i. 258
Ichthyology, fossil, researches of Agassiz in, ii. 383
Ignorance and idolatry, i. 258. The 'learned ignorance' for which many
men are remarkable, 269
Imagination, special tendency of fear to inflame the, i. 120. Triumph
of the imagination in the tropics, from this cause, 121. Instances in
the case of earthquakes, 122. And in disease, 127. Imaginative
character of the literature of ancient India, 132. The imagination
controlled by the understanding in Greece 138-146
Imbert, his French translation of Clarke's 'Letters on Spain'
suppressed, ii. 234
Impeachments, general effect of the abolition of, i. 386
Independence, personal, idea of, takes root, i. 436. First occurrence
of the word 'independence,' in the modern acceptation of the word,
436 _note_
India, fertility and civilization of, i. 69. Character of the food of
the people of, 70, 71. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth in
India in all ages, 72. Amount of rent paid by the cultivator in India
in proportion to the gross produce of the land, 76. Testimony of
Bishop Heber to the poverty of the labouring classes, 77 _note_.
Provisions of the native laws respecting the caste of the Sudras, 78.
And of the Brahmins, 79, 80. Character of the ancient Indian
literature, 132. And of the religion and art of, 137. Contrasted with
Greece in these conditions, 137. Absence of harbours in India, 138.
Antiquity of the worship of Siva in, 141. The bards of, 292 _note_.
Causes of trustworthiness in the early history of, 301 _note_.
Antiquity of the history of, 302 _note_. Cause of the existence of
this history, 303 _note_
'Individualisme,' De Tocqueville on the word, i. 436 _note_
Indulgence, Declaration of, of James II., i. 397. Refusal of the
clergy to read it in their churches, 399
Indulgences, theory of, of the Church of Rome, ii. 339
Innovation, aversion of the aristocracy for, ii. 139
Inquisition in Spain, character of the founders of the, i. 187.
Establishment of the, in Spain, ii. 446. The different punishments for
heresy, 448. Attacked by Aranda, 547. The last heretic burned by the
Inquisition, 548
'Inquisitoribus hæreticæ pravitatis,' the first constitution
addressed, ii. 109
Insanity, former notions respecting, ii. 404. Pinel's views of the
aberrations of the human mind, 404
Insects, incredible number of, in Brazil, i. 106
Insolvents, Burke's opposition to the cruel laws against, i. 463
Intellect, English; English literature unknown in France in the reign
of Louis XIV., ii. 213. Causes of the junction of English and French
intellects after this king's death, 214. Essential difference between
the civilization of England and Spain, 465. Outline of the history of
the English intellect from the middle of the sixteenth to the end of
the eighteenth century, 333. Origin of religious toleration in
England, 337. Hooker contrasted with Jewel, 339, 340. Theology and
persecution, 344. Scepticism and the spirit of inquiry on other
subjects, 340. Chillingworth's 'Religion of Protestants,' 347. The
rapid increase of heresy in the middle of the seventeenth century, 347
_note_. Increasing indifference to theological matters, 350. The work
of Chillingworth a vindication of religious dissent, 352. Political
character of the opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns
of James I. and Charles I., 359. Its frivolous form in the reign of
Charles II., 362. Progress of the English intellect in the seventeenth
century towards shaking off ancient superstitions, 363. Destruction of
the old notions as to witchcraft, 363 _note_. Sir Thomas Browne's
works, 365. Boyle's discoveries, 368. Foundation of the Royal Society,
371. Ecclesiastical opposition to physical science in the reign of
Charles II., 372. Popular belief in supernatural causation, 373.
Improvements in legislation in the reign of Charles II., and the
causes which produced them, 388, 389. Hobbists, 390. Effects of the
alliance of the clergy with James II., 395. Dissolution of this
alliance, 396. Union of the clergy and dissenters, 399. Causes which
produced the revolution of 1688, 400. Effects of the expulsion of the
Stuarts on English civilization, 402. Struggle between William III.
and the clergy, 405. Loss of the clergy of all power out of the
Church, 416-418. The clergy weakened by the founders of Wesleyanism,
419-424. Loss of the intellectual vigour of the dissenters, 422. But
increase in their numbers, 423 _note_. Final separation of theology
from morals and politics, 424-427. Discoveries of geologists, 429.
Diffusion of knowledge among the people, 430. Sunday schools, 430.
Sunday newspapers, 431. Country printing offices, 431. Popular works
on physical truth first published, 432. Invention of encyclopædias,
433. Literary periodical reviews, 433. Reading clubs, 433. Debating
societies, 433. Right of public meeting, and publication of
parliamentary debates, 434, 435. Doctrine of personal representation
and of personal independence, 436. Change in the style of authors,
436. Review of the reactionary and retrogressive period of English
history, 441. Political degeneracy of England during the reign of
George III., 446-455. Sketch of the career of Edmund Burke, 455 _et
seq._ Arbitrary laws of George III. against the liberties of his
country, 487, 488. Gloomy prospects of the people late in the
eighteenth century, 494. Secret imprisonment of opponents of the
government, 494. Effect of the suspension of the habeas corpus act in
1794, 496. Preparation for a counter reaction, owing to the progress
of knowledge, 498. To which, and to the power of public opinion,
England owes her reforms of the present century, 498. The Scotch and
English methods of philosophy contrasted, iii. 290.
Intellect, French, outline of the history of the, from the middle of
the sixteenth century to the accession to power of Louis XIV., ii. 1.
Greater power of the Church in France than in England, 4. As shown by
the successful efforts of the clergy to withstand the Reformation, 4.
This influence greater in France than in England during the sixteenth
century, 6. Hence the impossibility of toleration in France, 7, 8. The
civil wars in France conducted in the name of Christianity, 8.
Internal condition of the country before the accession of Henry IV.,
11. Beginning of toleration by the publication of the Edict of Nantes,
14. Appearance of scepticism, 14, 15. Rabelais and Montaigne, 15.
Charron, 19. The party of the 'Politiques', 22 _note_. Decline of the
ecclesiastical power in France, 26. Richelieu's endeavours to humble
the French nobles, 28. Fails, but effectually humbles the clergy, 29.
Favour shown by Richelieu to the Protestants, 37-39. Causes of the
religious feuds of the seventeenth century, 55. Character of the civil
war raised by the Protestants, 63-66. Efforts of the Protestants to
suppress the thirst for knowledge, 69, 70. And to hamper and vex the
people, 71, 72. The liberal policy of Richelieu only part of a much
larger movement, 76. Illustration of this from the philosophy of
Descartes, 77. Who is regarded as one of the founders of French prose,
80. His origination of the modern method of philosophy, 81, 82.
Progress of the French mind as shown in the very existence of the
ideas of Descartes and Richelieu, 93. Spread of scepticism in France
in the reign of Louis XIII. and during the minority of Louis XIV., 95.
The anti-ecclesiastical spirit exhibited by Mazarin, 96. Injurious
effects of the protective spirit carried by Louis XIV. into
literature, 176-188. Proof that the literary splendour of his reign
was not his work, 188. Effect of his protection in stopping the
progress of science, 190. In mathematics, 191. And in astronomy, 191.
Newton's discoveries neglected for forty-five years, 191. Absence of
mere practical ingenuity in the reign of Louis XIV., 192. Few and
insignificant improvements effected during this period in
manufactures, 193. Decline at the same time in physiology, surgery,
and medicine, 194-196. In zoology and chemistry, 197. And in botany,
197. Results which followed the decline of the national intellect in
the reign of Louis XIV., 203 _et seq._ Reaction against the protective
spirit on the death of Louis XIV., and preparations for the French
Revolution, 213. Ignorance of the English language and literature at
the end of the seventeenth century, 214. Causes of the junction of the
French and English intellect after the death of Louis XIV., 215.
Voltaire and his works, 216. Other authors, 216 _et seq._ Admiration
for England expressed by Frenchmen, 222. Who disseminate liberal
opinions which the government attempts to stifle, 228, 229.
Persecution of literary men, 230-242. The avocat-general's proposition
as to the publication of new works, 245. Reasons why French literary
men at first attacked the Church and not the government, 247-251.
Effects of the hostility of the French intellect against the state,
258. Rise and extent of scepticism in France, 261 _et seq._ The two
epochs through which the French intellect passed during the eighteenth
century, 327. Inquiries respecting political economy, 327-329.
Eagerness of the French for economical and financial inquiries, 329.
Influence of Rousseau, 330-332. Anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault
and his successors, 332-334. Concession of civil rights to
Protestants, 335. Revival of Jansenism, and consequent overthrow of
the Jesuits, 344, 345. Destruction of the French Church, 347. Rise and
progress of atheistical opinions, 351. Tendency of the French
intellect during the latter half of the eighteenth century to withdraw
from the internal, and concentrate attention upon the external world,
351-353. Works of Helvetius and Condillac, 353-360. Researches as to
the laws of heat, light, and electricity, 361-363. And in chemistry
and geology, 364. The study of physical phenomena in connexion with
the French Revolution, 375. Impetus given to zoology by Cuvier, 375.
And by Bichat, 376. Reaction in France at the commencement of the
present century, 388, 389. Researches in botany and mineralogy at the
end of the last century, 395. And in the aberrations of the human
mind, 404
Intellect, German. The Scotch method of philosophy compared with that
of Germany, iii. 289
Intellect, human, sole source of the, ii. 89
Intellect, Scotch, examination of the, during the seventeenth century,
iii. 191-280. And during the eighteenth century, 281-482. Barrenness
of the Scotch mind in science in the seventeenth century, 284. Causes
of this, 287. Results of the ignorance of the inductive or analytical
method, 289. Scotland in this respect compared and contrasted with
Germany and England, 288. Hutcheson, Adam Smith, Hume, and Reid,
292-360. Examination of Scotch physical philosophy, 361 _et seq._
Difference between the results achieved by Scotchmen in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 458. The deductive method
supreme in both centuries, 462. Reasons why the Scotch literature of
the eighteenth century affected the nation so little, 465.
Superstition and illiberality still existing in Scotland,
471 _et seq._
Intellect, Spanish, outline of the history of the, from the fifth to
the middle of the nineteenth century, ii. 425 _et seq._ Influence of
the clergy over the Spanish intellect, high and low, 479
Intellectual progress of man, i. 174. Progressive aspect of
intellectual truths, 181. Mischievousness of ignorant men in
proportion to their sincerity, 183
Interest, in what it consists, i. 52. Rate of interest in India in
900 B.C., 74. And in 1810 A.D., 75
Inverness burnt by the Highlanders, iii. 22
Ireland, the potato the principal food of the people of, for above two
hundred years, i. 65. Period of its introduction into that country, 65
_note_. Potato crops as compared with those of wheat, 65. Daily
average consumption of potatoes in Ireland, 66 _note_. Evil
consequences of the cheapness and abundance of food, 67. Idleness of
the Irish at home compared with their industry abroad, 68 _note_. The
bards of Ireland, 292 _note_. Their contributions to the early history
of their country, 292 _note_. Injuries done to the traditions of the
bards of, by clerical historians, 306. Pork the chief food of the
Irish in the twelfth century, 314 _note_. Causes which have produced
the present superstition of the Irish Catholics, ii. 53, 54. The Irish
invasion of Scotland, iii. 9
Irritability, Glisson's anticipation of the truth respecting,
ii. 196 _note_
Isomorphism, Mitscherlich's discovery of, in minerals, ii. 400
Italy, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. 123.
Triumph of the imaginative and small proportion of scientific men in,
124
Jacobites, extinction of the hopes of the, i. 444
James I., political character of the opposition to ecclesiastical
authority in the reign of, i. 359. His attempts to revive the power of
the nobles, ii. 147. His imprisonment in Scotland, iii. 103. Recovers
his liberty, 104. Bearded by the ministers, 104. The Gowrie
Conspiracy, 110. Ascends the throne of England, 115. Attempts to
subjugate the Scotch Church, 115. His cruelties, 117. Forces
episcopacy upon Scotland, 117. And sets up High Courts of Commission,
125
James I. of Scotland, attacks the nobles, and favours the Church, iii.
46, 47. Causes of his failure, 47, 48. Put to death by his
aristocracy, 49
James II. of England, his accession, i. 395. Attempts of Archbishop
Sancroft to convert him to Protestantism, 395 _note_. Services
rendered to him by the Protestant clergy, 396. Alliance between the
Roman Catholic King and the Protestant clergy, 396. Causes of the
dissolution of this alliance, 397. His declaration of indulgence, 397.
Establishes the first standing army in England, 397 _note_.
Persecutions in his reign, 397, 398. Union of the Churchmen and
Dissenters, and production of the revolution, 400. His character, iii.
147. His fiendish cruelty, 147-149. His ignominious flight, 151
James II. of Scotland, his treachery, iii. 49-52
James IV. of Scotland, his policy, iii. 56
James V. of Scotland, seized by the Douglases, iii. 57. His escape,
58, 59. Favours the Church, and punishes the nobles, 59, 60. Who bring
about the Reformation, 62. Accepts the title of 'Defender of the
Faith,' 62. His marriage with Mary of Guise, 63. Cause of his death,
69
Jamin's 'Thoughts,' suppression of, ii. 238
Jansenism, tenets of, ii. 343. Its introduction into France, previous
to the time of Louis XIV., but suppression by him, 344. Its revival in
the eighteenth century, and its effect on the democratic movement,
344. Its overthrow of the Jesuits, 344, 345
Java, early civilization of, i. 305. Causes of the loss of the
historical traditions of, 305. Establishment of Mohammedanism in, 305
_note_. Period of the Indian colonization of, 305 _note_. Traditions
of Java preserved in the island of Bali, 306
Jefferson, Thomas, his part in the French Revolution, ii. 418
Jeffreys, Lord, his cruelty, i. 397
Jehangueir, the emperor, his extraordinary wealth, i. 77 _note_
Jerusalem, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
Middle Ages, i. 311
Jesuits, the, banished from France by Henry IV., ii. 23. Recalled, 23,
24 _note_. Services of the early Jesuits to civilization, 336. Their
system of education, 336. Their incompatibility with the opinions of
the eighteenth century, 337. Buffier the only Jesuit name in the
history of abstract philosophy, 342 _note_. The order overthrown in
France in the last century, 345, 346. Regarded as the instigators of
Damiens' attempted assassination of Louis XV., 345. Expelled from
Spain, 546
Jewel, Bishop, his 'Apology for the Church of England' compared with
Hooker's 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' i. 340. And with Chillingworth's
'Religion of Protestants,' 348
Jews, influence of religion on the progress of society illustrated by
the history of the, i. 257, 258. Importance of the history of the,
according to Bossuet, ii. 285. Harshness of the early Spanish laws
against them, 438. Decree of expulsion of Ferdinand and Isabella, 445.
Number of Jews expelled from Spain, 446 _note_
Johnson, Dr., on free will, i. 14 _note_
Joubert, his eminence in medicine, ii. 195
Jousse, suppression of his 'Treatise on Presidial jurisdiction,'
ii. 238
Joyce, Cornet, his origin, ii. 155
Judas, history of, according to Matthew of Westminster, i. 316
Judges in France, ii. 124. Period when judges were first knighted in
England, 135 _note_
Julian, the emperor, causes of his persecution of the Christians,
i. 186
Jurisdictions, hereditary, abolition of, in Scotland, iii. 161, 169
Jury, origin of trial by, ii. 117 _note_
Jussieu, his botanical generalizations, ii. 397
Justice, permanent improvement in the administration of, in England,
i. 402
Juxon, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 391
Kamtschatkans, religious regard they pay to some animals,
i. 126 _note_
Kant, his views as to the scientific conception of the understanding,
i. 18 _note_; quoted, 35-38
Ken, Bishop, deprived, i. 408, 410. Refuses to admit in the secular
power the right of deprivation, 410
Kennedy, Bishop of St. Andrew's, his power in Scotland, iii. 53. His
counsel to the king, 53, 54
Kilmarnock, state of, in the seventeenth century, iii. 28. Rise of the
manufactures of, 180
'King's Friends,' the party so called, i. 448
Kings, causes of the diminution of the respect formerly felt for, ii.
182. Reasons why their information is inaccurate, and their prejudices
numerous, 183. Their nonsensical or blasphemous titles, 183 _note_
Kirke, Colonel, his cruelty, i. 397
Kirk-sessions in Scotland, in the seventeenth century, iii. 206, 207.
Their tyranny, 209, 210
Knights Templars, discourse of St. Bernard on the, quoted,
ii. 133 _note_
Knighthood, bane of the order of, in France, ii. 133, 134. Little
respect paid to it in England, 135. Compulsory knighthood in that
country, 135
Knowledge, influence of the progress of, in diminishing religious
persecution, i. 189. And in diminishing war, 190. The three ways in
which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit,
203-223. The totality of human actions governed by the totality of
human knowledge, 229. Remarkable diffusion of knowledge in the United
States, 243. Books the storehouse of knowledge, 267. In what the
knowledge in which all civilization consists is based, 268. The
'learned ignorance' for which many men are remarkable, 269. Condition
and results of the literature of Europe from the sixth to the tenth
centuries, 269. Endeavours of governments to hinder the advance of
knowledge, 284. Craving of the people after knowledge, 430. Popular
form taken by the diffusion of knowledge, 430, 431. Simplicity of the
style of the authors of the last century, 437. The increase and
diffusion of knowledge in England at the latter part of the eighteenth
century antagonistic to the political events of the same period, 498.
Efforts of the French Protestant clergy to suppress the pursuit of
knowledge, ii. 70. Sudden craving after knowledge in France at the
latter part of the last century, 407
Knox, John, commencement of his career, iii. 74, 75. His influence in
promoting the Reformation, 75. His part in the murder of Beaton, 76.
Goes to Geneva, 76. Returns, 79. His petition to Parliament as to the
Church revenues, 84, 85. His death, 93
Konigseg, his services to Spain, ii. 519
La Bletterie, cause of his expulsion from the French Academy, ii. 235
Labour, effect of climate on the energy and regularity with which it
is conducted, i. 42, 43. See Wages
Labourers and employers, their wages and profits, i. 52. Effect of the
supply of food on the labouring classes, 54. Native laws respecting
the Sudras or labourers of India, 79, 80
La Bruyère, his 'Charactères,' ii. 209
Lacteals, Aselli's discovery of the, ii. 81. Recognized by Descartes,
but denied by Harvey, 81 and _note_
La Fayette, character and abilities of, i. 470. Burke's hostility to,
471. His familiarity with English language and literature, ii. 224.
His introduction of democratic opinions into France, 417
La Fontaine, 'Fables' of, ii. 209
La Force, Marshal, ii. 43
La Harpe, his 'Éloge sur Fénelon' suppressed, ii. 237
Laing, Mr., his remarks on the German literary class, quoted,
i. 239 _note_
Laland, his advocacy of atheism, ii. 352
Lamplugh, translated from Exeter to the see of York, i. 404
Lanjuinais, his work on Joseph II. ordered to be burned, ii. 236
Lanthenás, his familiarity with the English language and literature,
ii. 224
Laplace, his professed atheism, ii. 352
La Popelinière, his French historical works, ii. 269
Lateran, Matthew of Westminster's etymology of the name, i. 317
Latin, a vernacular dialect in the Middle Ages, i. 271. Results of
Latin being colloquially employed by the monks, 271 _note_
Laverdy, openly protects the Jansenists, ii. 345
Lavoisier, his discoveries in chemistry, ii. 367
Law courts, first publication of the proceedings in the, i. 434
Layamon, his translation into English of the history of Geoffrey of
Monmouth, i. 324
Le Blanc, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
ii. 219. His admiration for England, 228
Le Brun, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 225
Legat, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions,
i. 345 _note_
Legislation, main object of, i. 23. Burke's views as to the true end
of, 459. The safest course for a legislator to pursue, 504. See
Government
Leicester, Earl of, the founder of the House of Commons, ii. 117
Lenglet du Fresnoy, his imprisonment in the Bastille, ii. 235
Lens, the crystalline, discoveries of Descartes respecting the, ii. 78
Leprosy, superstitions respecting, i. 127. The leprosy of the Middle
Ages extirpated from modern Europe, 155
Lerma, Duque de, prime minister of Spain, ii. 473, 474. His alliance
with the clergy, 474. And its consequences, 475-477. His part in the
expulsion of the Moriscoes, 493
Lesdiguières, Marshal, ii. 43. His apostacy, 48
Leslie, his philosophy of heat, iii. 383. Aid which he derived from
poetry, 385. His injustice to Bacon, 388
Le Trosne, suppression of his work on 'Finance,' ii. 238
Lettes, their fondness for pork, i. 314 _note_
Le Vassor, his 'Histoire de Louis XIII.,' ii. 30 _note_
L'Hopital, his recommendation of religious toleration, ii. 10. His
failure to effect any of his noble schemes, 10
Libel, Burke's attack of the power exercised by judges in trials for,
i. 464
Libraries, circulating, first establishment of, i. 431. Licences
required by Act of Parliament for keeping reading-rooms or circulating
libraries, i. 490
Lichfield, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
Life, statements of Hindu poets as to the ancient duration of, i. 135.
Active causes of the increased duration of, 153. Examination of
Bichat's work on Life, ii. 390
Light, French researches as to the phenomena of, in the eighteenth
century, ii. 362
Lindsey, Mr. his establishment of Sunday schools, i. 430 _note_
Linen, manufacture, rise of in Glasgow, iii. 176, 179. And in other
parts of Scotland, 180
Linguet, his works suppressed and their author imprisoned,
ii. 236, 237
Linnæus, his artificial botanical system superseded by the French
natural method, ii. 376, 397
Literature, American, characteristics of, i. 241
Literature, influence of on the progress of society, i. 266. Result
which is sure to happen to a literature above the level of its age,
266, 267. Illustrations from Greece, Rome, and Germany, 267. In what
real knowledge consists, 268. Men and countries where erudition merely
ministers to ignorance, 269. Condition and effects of the literature
of Europe from the sixth to the tenth centuries, 269, 270. Effect of
the monopoly of literature by the clergy, 307. Character of the
literature of India, 132. And of ancient Greece, 137
Literature, English--characteristics of, in the reign of Charles II.,
i. 234. Influence of the intellect of France on Dryden's plays, 235
_note_. Causes which have maintained the independence, and increased
the value of English literature, 235 _note_. Change in the form and
make of English literature in the last century, 436. Coleridge's
lamentations of this change, 437 _note_. Addison's establishment of
the easy and democratic style, 437. Failure of an attempt to revive
the pedantic style, 437 _note_. Abolition of servile dedications, 438.
Introduction of the plan of publishing books by subscription, 439.
First instance of a popular writer attacking public men by name, 439.
English literature unknown to the French at the end of the seventeenth
century, ii. 214 _note_. But begun to be studied after the death of
Louis XIV., 215. Its services to French, and thence to European
liberty, 227
Literature, French, effect of, on English writings, i. 235.
Characteristics of French literature at the time of Descartes and
Richelieu, ii. 93, 94. The protective spirit carried by Louis XIV.
into literature, 176. Result in an alliance between literature and
government, 176, 177. Servility of men of letters at this time, 177.
Injurious effects of the protective system of Louis XIV. upon
literature, 182. And of pensions to literary men, 183, 187. The
literary splendour of the reign of Louis XIV. not of his creation,
188, 189. Causes of its decay in his reign, 208. Causes of the
junction of English and French intellects after the death of Louis
XIV. Systematic and prolonged persecution to which literature was
exposed in the eighteenth century, 230-242. Proposal of the
avocat-general as to the publication of new works, 245. Why the
Church, and not the government, was first attacked by literary men,
247. State of French historical literature from the end of the
sixteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, 261 _et seq._
Literature, German, since the middle of the eighteenth century,
i. 237. Origin of, 237. Remarks on Mr. Kay's picture of German
education, 238 _note_. Mr. Laing's observations on the German
literary class, 239 _note_
Literature, Scotch, poverty of, down to the commencement of the
eighteenth century, iii. 183. Buchanan and Napier, 183. Character of
the Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth century, 281.
Reasons why the Scotch literature of the eighteenth century was unable
to affect the nation, iii. 465
Literature, Spanish, causes which gave it its adventurous and romantic
tone, ii. 433, 434. Hold retained by the Spanish Church over the
highest and lowest intellects, 479
Liver, business of the, i. 148. The liver and lungs always
compensatory, 148. Size of the f[oe]tal liver, 149 _note_
Locke, John, his views as to the use of money in trade, i. 212 _note_.
Causes of his Socinian views, 363. His death, ii. 374
Locomotion, effect of improved means of, in weakening the love of war,
i. 221-223
Logarithms, discovery of, iii. 183
Logos, influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea
of the, ii. 286
London, the Great Plague and Fire of, i. 387
Lords, House of, abandons its pretensions to an original jurisdiction
in civil suits, i. 384. Origin of the disrepute into which the, fell
in the reign of George III., 451-453. Abolished, ii. 153
Lotos bread of Egypt, i. 87. Herodotus on the lotos, quoted, 87 _note_
Loudun, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 61
Louis, Saint, of France, his etymology of the word Tartar,
i. 313 _note_
Louis, suppression of his thesis on 'Generation,' ii. 238
Louis IX. of France, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage
private war, ii. 116
Louis XIII., his protection of the French protestants, ii. 25. Le
Vassor's 'Histoire de Louis XIII.,' 30 _note_. Heretics not only
protected during his reign, but openly rewarded, 43. Illtreated by the
Protestants whom he had protected, 57, 58, 60
Louis XIV., his accession, ii. 96. The protective spirit carried into
literature during his reign, 176. Character of the King's private life
and public career, 178. His revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and the
results, 178-181. His reign notwithstanding held up by some to
admiration, 181. Gratitude of men of letters to him, 181. Injurious
effect of his system of protection upon literature, 182-187. The
literary glory of his reign not his work, 188. Scarcely anything added
during his reign to the sum of human knowledge, 189-202. Causes of
this intellectual decay, 202. Universal decline of France in every
department during the latter part of his reign, 210-212. His death,
213. The retrograde movement in historical literature in the reign of,
273. Causes of this, 273. His treatment of literary men, 274-277. His
thirst for glory, 277. Voltaire's 'Age of Louis XIV.,' 296. His
disposition to favour the King, 297
Louis XVI., rupture between England and France caused by the execution
of, i. 485. His edict granting civil rights to the Huguenots, ii. 335
Loyalty, causes which weakened, in the reign of Charles II., i. 388.
Origin of the deep feelings of loyalty among the French people, ii.
249. And among the Spaniards, 249 _note_. The loyalty of the English
and French compared, 250, 251. Causes of the loyalty of the Spaniards,
455 _et seq._ Connexion between loyalty and superstition, 455. Old
punishments for disloyalty in Spain, 458. The loyalty of Spain
contrasted with that of Scotland, iii. 2
Lulli, the French musician, ii. 207
Lungs, connexion between carbonized food and the respiratory
functions, i. 148. The lungs and liver always compensatory, 148
Mably, his admiration for England, ii. 229. Suppression of his
'Observations on the History of France,' 236. Guizot's edition of this
work, 236. Character of his 'History of France,' 300
Macaulay, Mr., character of his 'History of England,' i. 394 _note_
Macchiavelli, his views as to the real history of Rome, ii. 314 _note_
Machault, controller-general of France, his edict against mortmain,
ii. 332. Dislike of the clergy for him, 333. Favour with which he
regarded the Jansenists, 344
Madden, Sir F., his edition of Wace's 'Brut,' i. 325 _note_
Madrid, decline in the population of, in the seventeenth century,
ii. 501. Starving condition of the people of, 505, 509. Scenes of
robbery and murder in consequence, 509-511. No public library in,
in 1679, 527. Beautified by Charles III., 561
Magendie, his division of food into azotized and non-azotized,
i. 55 _note_
Maize, its extraordinary fecundity in Mexico and Peru, i. 109. Most
probably peculiar to the American continent, 109
Malaga captured from the Arabs, ii. 440
Malayo-Polynesian race, causes of the corruption of the early
histories of the, i. 305. Eastern and western limits of the, 304,
305 _note_
Malebranches, his 'Inquiry respecting Truth,' ii. 209
Malesherbes, M., his attack on church property in France, ii. 333
Mallet, character of his 'History of Denmark,' ii. 299
Malus, his researches into the laws of light, ii. 362
Malthus, principle of his work anticipated by Voltaire, ii. 304
Man modified by nature and nature modified by man, i. 20. Inquiry into
the laws of this double modification, 20. Inferences respecting human
actions, 21. Two classes of actions, 22. The powers of man unlimited,
51. Modes in which his energies are checked by the energies of nature,
119. Laws of the process by which the mind of man is influenced by the
aspects of nature, 119. Effects of the force and majesty of nature in
the tropics, 120. Causes which give birth to superstition, 122, 123.
Fictions in Sanscrit literature as to the longevity of the human race
at an early period of the world, 135. Moral and intellectual progress
of man, 174. No evidence of the improvement of the natural faculties
of man, 176. Dependence of his progress on an improvement of the
circumstances under which his faculties come into play, 178. The
standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action
must be variable, 179. Stationary character of moral principles, 180.
Progressive aspect of intellectual truths, 181. Ignorant men always
mischievous in proportion to their sincerity, 183. Religious
persecutions in Rome and Spain, 185-188. More virtue than vice in
every country, 221. Inferences to be drawn as to the causes of social
progress, 224. The totality of human actions governed by the totality
of human knowledge, 229
Manchester, Earl of, joins the Parliamentary forces, ii. 151
Manichæans, their doctrine of predestination, i. 13
Manrent, in Scotland, iii. 65 _note_
Mansfield, Lord, his speech on the Theological Society, i. 436 _note_
Manufactures, few and insignificant improvements made in, in France
during the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 193. Sudden rise of the
manufactures in Scotland, in 1707, iii. 171, 172
Marat, his knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 224
Marchand, Prosper, his 'Dictionnaire Historique,' ii. 267 _note_
Margat, suppression of his 'History of Tamerlane,' ii. 235
Marlborough, Duke of, character of, i. 201
Marmontel, how treated by a French noble, ii. 239, 240
Marriages, determined by uniformity of sequence, and not by the temper
and wishes of individuals, i. 32. Effects of the price of food upon
marriages, 32
Marsy, his 'Analysis of Bayle' suppressed, ii. 236
Martin, bishop of Tours, Bossuet's estimate of, ii. 287. The
Benedictines' life of, 288. His miracles, 288 _note_
Martyrs, adoration of, in the early ages of the Church, i. 145 _note_
Mary, Queen, restores England to Catholicism, ii. 7. But fails to
effect a restoration of church property, 7 _note_
Mary of Guise, her marriage with James V. of Scotland, iii. 63. Her
attempt to establish a standing army, 77. Becomes regent, 77. Deposed,
80
Masillon, the last of the great French pulpit orators, ii. 348
Masquerades forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
Mathematicians, their pretence to certainty in their own pursuits,
ii. 326. The study of mathematics in France in the seventeenth
century, 189
Mathew of Westminster, his history of Judas, i. 316. His origin of the
custom of kissing the Pope's toe, 317. His etymology of the Lateran,
317
Maxwell, Lord, iii. 71. His venality, 71 _note_
Mazarin, Cardinal, his anti-ecclesiastical policy, ii. 96. His
toleration, 96, 97. His alliance with Oliver Cromwell, 98. Signs the
treaty of the Pyrenees, 98
Mechanics, why less superstitious than agriculturists, i. 376-379
Medici, Catherine de', her protection of the French Protestants,
ii. 25. Her foreign policy, 35
Medicine, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
ii. 195, 196
Meetings, public political, establishment of the right of, i. 434.
Passing of an Act intended to stifle religious or political meetings,
489
Melrose Abbey robbed by the English, iii. 15
Melville, Andrew, takes the lead of the Scotch reformed church,
iii. 93. Begins a struggle with the State, which lasted for sixty
years, 94. His name of [Greek: episkopomastix], 97 _note_. Appointed
moderator at St. Andrew's in 1582, 101. His personal insult to the
king, 110. Summoned by the king to England, 124. Imprisoned in the
Tower, 124
Memory, aberrations of, the laws respecting the, i. 32
Mental laws, examination of the method employed by metaphysicians for
discovering, i. 152. Failure of their two methods, 164. Mental laws
either moral or intellectual, 168. Comparison between moral and
intellectual laws, 168, 175. Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental
laws of intellectual progress, 242. Advantages to be gained in that
respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France,
Spain, and Scotland, 243
'Mence, Institutes of,' authority of in India, i. 75. Vast antiquity
of the, according to the Hindu writers, 137
Menzies, John, the Aberdeen preacher, iii. 203 _note_
Mercenaries employed by William the Conqueror and his immediate
successors, ii. 114
Mercury, mine of, at Almaden, ii. 540
Mescua, Mira de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 479
Metaphysics; metaphysical inquiry preceded and often controlled by the
physical, i. 10 _note_. The only successful mode of prosecuting the
study of metaphysics, 17. Examination of the two metaphysical methods
of generalizing mental laws, 156. Definition of the term metaphysics,
164 _note_. The English inductive and the Scotch deductive methods,
245 _et seq._ Robert Simson and Matthew Stewart, 247. Adam Smith, 249.
David Hume, 250. Examination of the method employed by metaphysicians
for discovering mental laws, 152. Failure of their two methods, 164.
Descartes, the originator of the modern method of philosophy, ii. 81,
82. Analogy of his philosophy with the anti-theological policy of
Richelieu, 83. The eminent characteristic of the philosophy of
Descartes, 87. Analysis of his principles, 88, 89. Services which
metaphysicians formerly rendered to the Church, 262. Analysis of the
works of Helvetius and Condillac, 353-360. Rise of the reactionary
party in France at the beginning of the present century, 389. See also
Philosophy
Meteorology, causes which have retarded the progress of,
i. 377 _note_. Supernatural causes attributed by ignorance to changes
in the weather, 378 _note_
Method, importance of the philosophy of, ii. 387
Mey, suppression of his treatise on 'French Law,' ii. 237
Mexico, authentic existing materials for forming an opinion on the
ancient state of, i. 95. Characteristics of the climate of, and
reasons for its early civilization, 99. Exuberance of the maize plant
in, 109. The potato introduced by the Spaniards into, 110, 111.
Extraordinary fecundity of the banana in, 111. Success with which
astronomy was cultivated in, 112. Condition of the upper and lower
classes of the inhabitants of, when discovered by the Europeans, 114.
Custom of caste in Mexico, 115. Frivolous waste of labour of the
Mexicans, 116. Their immense buildings, 117
Mezeray, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 270, 271. How
treated by Louis XIV., 274, 275. His 'Abrégé Chronologique,'
275 _note_
Michael, St., foundation of the order of, i. 313 _note_
Micrometer, discovery of the, ii. 192
Microscope, invention of the, ii. 198, 199
Middle Ages, the childish admiration of the, dispelled by Voltaire,
ii. 305
Middleton, Dr., ferment caused by his 'Free Inquiry,' i. 428
Mill, James, his method of investigating speculative jurisprudence,
i. 426
Mill, John, his inquiry into the method of investigation which
political economists ought to follow, i. 250 _note_
Millet, use of, as food in India, i. 71 _note_
Millington, Sir Thomas, his botanical discoveries, ii. 200. Causes of
his opposition to ecclesiastical authority, i. 363
Milton, John, parts of his works translated into French by Mirabeau,
ii. 225
Minana, Spanish historian, ii. 480
Mineralogy, French researches in, at the end of the eighteenth
century, ii. 399. Doubts as to the true method of investigating, 399.
The discovery of isomorphism, 400
Mines, military employment of gunpowder in, i. 206 _note_
Mirabeau, his knowledge of the English language and literature,
ii. 225. His professed atheism, 352
Miracles, the celebrated dispute respecting, i. 428
Missionaries, influence of religion on the progress of society
illustrated by the efforts of the, i. 255
Mississippi, area drained by the, i. 97 _note_
Mohammed, cause of his death, according to Mathew Paris, i. 315. And
cause of his becoming a heretic, 316. How regarded by Bossuet,
ii. 286
Mohammedanism, area of the countries in which it is professed,
ii. 286. Lofty ideas of the Mohammedan writers on the oneness of God,
287 _note_. The Mohammedans in Spain, 439
Molina, Tirso de, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 480
Monboddo, Lord, his lamentation over the extinction of pedantry in
English literature, i. 437 _note_
'Monconys, Voyages de,' i. 371 _note_
Money, notions of the use of, in trade, in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries, i. 210-212. Right of coining allowed to the
aristocracy of France, but never in England, ii. 115
Monks, results of Latin being colloquially employed by the, of the
Middle Ages, i. 271 _note_
Monotheism, forms of religion preceding, according to Hume and Comte,
i. 250 _note_
Monsoons, causes of the, i. 102 _note_
Monstrosities, animal, discoveries respecting, ii. 396 _note_
Montaigne, Michel de, first appearance of his essays, ii. 16.
Difference between him and Rabelais, 16. Regarded as the first French
sceptic, 16. Opinions of Dugald Stewart and Rousseau of his writings,
18 _note_. Immense influence of his works, 18 _note_. Compared with
Charron, 19. His scepticism compared with that of Descartes, 86. His
the first sceptical work published in France, 266
Montalvan, Spanish dramatist, his office in the Inquisition, ii. 479
Montbarey, Prince de, character of his censures of Louis XV.,
ii. 406 _note_
Montesquieu, his erroneous notions as to political economy, i. 212
_note_. His knowledge of the English language and literature, ii. 218.
His admiration for England, 228. His the first information concerning
the real history of Rome, 314. Character of his 'Spirit of Laws,' 314.
His method, and its value, 315
Montgomery, Robert, appointed Archbishop of Glasgow, iii. 100.
Excommunicated by the General Assembly, 100. Submits, 100.
Montgon, suppression of the 'Letters' of, ii. 237
Montlosier, his geological labours, ii. 368
Moral truths, little changes which they have undergone, i. 180. Moral
truths in the New Testament quoted from pagan authors, 180 _note_.
Influence of moral feelings on individuals, but not on society in the
aggregate, 228. Separation of theology from morals, 424. Consequences
of this separation, 425-427
Morals, Charron's, the first attempt to create a system of morals
independent of theology, ii. 19
Morellet, l'Abbé, his translation of the 'Wealth of Nations' into
French, ii. 219, 239. His punishment in the Bastille, 240
Moriscoes, their expulsion from Spain, ii. 485 _et seq._ Number
expelled, 494
Morris-dances forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
Mortmain, Machault's edict against, in France, ii. 332
Morton, the Regent, his persecution of the reformed clergy of
Scotland, iii. 91
Mosaic cosmogony first impugned, i. 429
Mounier, his familiarity with the English language and English
institutions, ii. 225. His proposal for the establishment of two
Chambers in France, 225
Muhlberg, results of the battle of, ii. 446
Municipal privileges in England, ii. 119. Futility of, in France, 121
Murder, uniform reproduction of the crime of, i. 24, 25
Muscular system, waste or decomposition of the, i. 56 _note_
Music forbidden by the Scotch clergy, iii. 258
Muskets, the, of the fifteenth century, i. 206 _note_
Names, origin of the habit of generalizing, i. 297 _note_
Nantes, edict of, confirmed by Catherine de' Medici, ii. 25. By her
son Louis XIII., 25. And by Mazarin, 96
Napier, Sir William, his military genius and works, i. 200
Napier, John, his discovery of logarithms, iii. 183
Naples, foundation of the city of, according to the writers of the
Middle Ages, i. 313
Napoleon I., compared with Richelieu, ii. 27
Nasmyth, his researches into the structure of the teeth, ii. 385
'Nations, Morals, Manners, and Character of,' Voltaire's, ii. 297
Nature, laws of, origin of the perception of the, i. 9. Causes of the
disturbances in the laws of, 30. Influence and results of the general
aspects of, on the human race in its infancy, 39, 118. Modes in which
the energies of Nature hamper the energies of Man in South America,
106. Laws of the process by which the aspects of Nature influence the
human mind, its natural movements, and natural progress, 119. Feelings
inspired by the force and majesty of natural phenomena in tropical
regions, 120, 121. Physiological effects of the fear of earthquakes,
122, 123. Comparison of the material phenomena of Greece and India,
139, 140. Instance in the proportion of births of the sexes of the
regularity of natural laws, 168
'Nature, the System of,' publication of, ii. 351
Necessity, doctrine of, its displacement of the doctrine of Chance,
i. 9. Origin of the doctrine, ii. 343
Necker, M., his Report on the Finances of France, ii. 329. Eagerness
of the French to read it, 329. Character of the work, 330. His
anti-ecclesiastical policy, 333. His Calvinist opinions, 345.
Newspapers, first publication of, on Sundays, i. 431. Establishment of
political ones, 434. And of the right to publish parliamentary
debates, 435. Vast increase in the circulation of newspapers in the
latter half of the last century, 439 _note_
Newton, Sir Isaac, his imagination i. 124 _note_. His death, ii. 374
Niebuhr, his arguments as to the early history of Rome anticipated by
Voltaire, ii. 311. The three principles fundamental to his history
which it is impossible to refute, 311
Nile, effects of the overflow of the, on the civilization of Egypt, i.
48, 49. Herodotus's expression [Greek: dôron tou potamou], 49 _note_
Nîmes, insolence of the Protestant assembly of, ii. 60
Nobles. See Aristocracy
Nonconformists. See Dissenters
Nonjurors, the, amongst the bishops and inferior clergy, i. 408-412.
The last of the nonjuring bishops, 412 _note_
Norfolk, Duke of, concludes the treaty of Berwick, iii. 81
North, Lord, overpersuaded by George III. to engage in war with
America, i. 480 _note_
Norwegians, their invasion of Scotland, iii. 10
Nosology, the, of Cullen, iii. 426
Nutrition, M. Chevreul's generalizations of the laws of,
ii. 198 _note_
Oaths, causes which have given rise to, in England, of every kind and
in every direction, i. 282. Amount of perjury in England caused by
legislation, 282 _note_
[OE]pinus, his experiments on electricity, ii. 362
Oils, amount of carbon in, i. 61
Okey, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
Opinion, public, origin of the supremacy of, i. 209. The real cause of
the abolition of the corn-laws, 273
Optics, discoveries of Descartes in, ii. 78
Orders of chivalry, origin of the, ii. 132, 133
Ordinance, the Self-denying, passed, ii. 153
Oregon or Columbia river, the only river of importance on the western
coast of North America, i. 97
Orkney Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 10
Orleans, Duke of, his residence in England, ii. 226
Osteology, comparative, Ambrose Paré's contributions to, ii. 195
Owen, Professor, his researches into the structure of the teeth,
ii. 384, 385. His services to comparative anatomy, 386
Oxford, effort of the clergy to instil their principles at, i. 442
_note_. Pitt's denunciation, 442 _note_. Execution of the first
heretic at, ii. 109
Oxygen in food, i. 55 _et seq._
Paganism, large amount of, existing in every Christian sect,
i. 260 _note_
Paisley, population of, in 1700, iii. 28. Rise and progress of, 176
Palæontology, Cuvier the founder of, ii. 369. Its importance to
geology, 369 _note_. Daubenton's labours, 371. Owen's, 386
Palatine, endeavours of Richelieu to save the, ii. 38 _note_
Paley, Dr., effect of his utilitarian moral system, i. 426 _note_
Palm-tree, the date, its importance in Africa, i. 83, 84
Palm-wine, of Africa, i. 84 _note_
Paravicino, Spanish poet, his sermons, ii. 480
Paré, Ambroise, his eminence in surgery, ii. 195. One of the founders
of comparative osteology, 195
Paris, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
Middle Ages, i. 310. State of the pulpit oratory of, in 1771, ii. 348
Paris, Mathew, his statement as to the reason why Mohammedans refuse
to eat pork, i. 315. Sismondi's eulogy of him as an historian,
315 _note_
Parliament, gradual diminution of the number of ecclesiastics in,
i. 416, 417. Final expulsion of the clergy from the House of Commons,
418. Establishment of the right to publish the debates in Parliament,
435. And of the doctrine of personal representation, 435
Parr, Dr., classical style of his English, ii. 307
Pascal, Blaise, period in which he flourished, ii. 189. His great
works, 189. His 'Provincial Letters,' 209
Pathology, characteristics of, iii. 410. Compared with Physiology,
411. Account of the generalizations of Cullen and of Hunter, 413.
Difference between the science of pathology and the art of
therapeutics, 416. Cullen's theory of the solids and fluids, 418. His
theory of fever, 424. His nosology, 426. His services to pathology,
429, 447
Patin, his opinion of the English of the seventeenth century,
ii. 214 _note_
Patronage of literature. See Protective spirit
Pecquet, his discovery of the chyle, ii. 194
Pedantry of ancient English authors, i. 436. Discarded for a lighter
style, 437
Pelagius, his doctrines as to free will, ii. 338. Absence of the
speculative spirit in, 342. His learning, 342
Penal code, increasing severity of the, in the reign of George III.,
i. 463
Pensions, literary, injurious effect of, ii. 183-187
Perjury, cause of the increase of, i. 281. Amount of, in England,
282 _note_
Persecution of the Christians under the Roman Emperors, causes of,
i. 185. And of those of Spain, 187. Causes of the diminution of
religious persecution, 188. Number of persons put to death in Holland
and Spain, 189. Old theological theory of the justification of
persecution, 344
Persia, Arab conquest of, i. 46. Causes of the absence of authentic
information respecting the early history of, 303. The 'Shah Nameh' of
Ferdousi, 303. Antagonism between Mohammedanism and the old Persian
history, 303. Results anticipated from a decipherment of the Persian
cuneiform inscriptions, 304 _note_
Perth burnt by the English, iii. 14, 16. Population of, in the
sixteenth century, 30
Peru, physical condition of, i. 107. Exuberance of maize of, 109. And
of the banana of, 111. Condition of the upper and lower classes of the
people of, when discovered by the Europeans, 113. Rigid enforcement of
caste in Peru, 114 _note_. Frivolous waste of labour of the Peruvians,
117. Their immense buildings, 117. The effect of earthquakes in Peru
in encouraging superstition, 122, 123
Pestilence, superstitions respecting, i. 127. Pestilences 'the
harvests of the ministers of God,' 130 _note_
Petit, Antoine, popularity of his lectures on anatomy, ii. 406 _note_
Pharamond, authorities for the existence of, ii. 265 _note_
Philip Augustus, his policy in regard to the French aristocracy,
ii. 115
Philip II. of Spain, his fondness for bacon, i. 314 _note_. His hatred
of the Calvinists, ii. 341. His character, 449, 450. His war against
the Dutch Protestants, 451. Object of all his wars and negotiations,
452. His celebrated Armada, 453. Supported in everything by his loyal
subjects, 453. Ascendancy retained by him over the ecclesiastical
hierarchy, 473 _note_. His cruelty to the Moriscoes, 485, 486. His
character as a ruler, 468, 473. His part in the extension of the
influence of the Church, 475
Philip III. of Spain, his cruelty to the Moriscoes, ii. 489
Philip IV. of Spain, his character, ii. 468
Philip V. of Spain, his accession, ii. 513. His policy, 513. Attacks
the inquisition, but is unable to abolish it, 521. Opposed by his
people in everything, 522 _note_
Philip the Fair, recognizes the right of the nobles to wage private
war, ii. 116
Philippine Islands, pure form of the Polytheism of the, i. 305.
Spanish conquest of the, ii. 464
Philology, study of, i. 2. Buffier the only Jesuit whose name has a
place in the history of abstract philosophy, ii. 342 _note_.
Examination of the Scotch philosophy of the eighteenth century, iii.
281. Causes of the success of the deductive and not of the inductive
method in Scotland, 282. The Scotch method compared and contrasted
with those of Germany and England, 289, 290. Summary of the most
important distinctions between deduction and induction, 290.
Hutcheson's philosophy, 292. Adam Smith's, 304. Hume's, 331. Reid's,
348. See also Metaphysics
Phlebitis first recognized by Hunter, iii. 454
Phosphorus, amount of, in the brain, i. 57 _note_. First announced by
Hensing, 57 _note_
Phrenologists, the principal obstacle in the way of the, i. 176 _note_
Phyllotaxis, ii. 397 _note_
Physical science, present state of, compared with history, i. 7.
Physical, the natural precursor of metaphysical inquiries, 10 _note_.
Remarks on the influence exercised by physical laws over the
organization of society and over the character of individuals, 39.
Effects of food, climate, and soil, 40 _et seq._ Democratic character
of the physical sciences, ii. 409. Popular works of Desaguliers and
Hill on physical truth, 432 _note_. Examination of the Scotch method
employed in physical philosophy, iii. 361. The laws of heat, 362.
Black's philosophy of latent heat, 367. Reasons why it is incumbent on
physical philosophers to cultivate the imagination, 381, 382. Leslie's
philosophy of heat, 383. Geological speculations in Scotland, England,
and Germany, 388-393. Watt's invention of the steam-engine, 402.
Methods employed by Watt and Cavendish in the discovery of the
composition of water, 403. Nature of the supposed difference between
the organic and inorganic world, 407. Life probably a property of all
matter, 408. Division of organic science into physiology and
pathology, 411. Theory in science, 414. Hunter's idea of uniting all
the physical sciences, 443. The deductive method supreme in Scotland
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 462. The two methods
compared, 462-464. Science the ally of religion, 477. Attempts of the
clergy of the reign of Charles II. to oppose the spread of physical
science, i. 372. The term _natural_ science, in contradistinction to
_supernatural_, as used at this period, 372 _note_
Physiologists, view taken by, of the origin of the sexes, i. 170.
Probable causes of the small contributions of physiologists towards
the power of predicting events, 171 _note_
Physiology, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
ii. 194. Glisson's services to, 196. Characteristics of the science
of, iii. 410. Compared with pathology, 411. John Hunter's
generalizations, 428 _et seq._
Piracy of the Rochellois, in the seventeenth century, ii. 63
Pistols, invention of, i. 206 _note_
Pitt, William, the elder, his reputation as a statesman, i. 449.
Reason why he was hated by George III., 450
Pitt, William, his subserviency to George III., i. 447, 448. His
abandonment of liberal principles, 447. Prosecutes and persecutes his
brother reformers, 447 _note_
Plague, the Great, i. 387
Plants, effects of heat and moisture on, the geographical distribution
of, i. 96
Plato, his conclusion as to the truth or falsehood of spectral
phenomena or dreams, i. 16 _note_
Platonism, its natural precursor the atomic doctrine, i. 10 _note_.
Influence of the Platonism of Alexandria in developing the idea of the
Logos, ii. 286
Poetry cultivated solely by the ancient Sanscrit authors, i. 132, 133.
Indian metres, 133. Cause of the reverence felt for great poets,
294 _note_
Poisons, general theory of, i. 56 _note_
Poissy, conference of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
the, ii. 10
Political economy, study of, i. 2. Influence of the discoveries made
in, in lessening the warlike spirit, 209. Misconception of the true
nature of barter in early times, 210-212. Movement of the eighteenth
century, 213. Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' 214. His method of treating
the laws of wealth, 249. Mr. John Mill's and Mr. Rae's inquiry into
the proper method of investigation, 250 _note_. French translations of
the 'Wealth of Nations' in the eighteenth century, ii. 219. Voltaire's
opinions respecting, 304. Rise of the French political economists in
the middle of the eighteenth century, 327. The revolutionary tendency
of this economical movement, 327. Schism effected between the nation
and government by the economists, 328. Influence exercised shortly
before the revolution by the economists, 329. Examination of Adam
Smith's 'Wealth of Nations,' iii. 314. Salutary effects of man's
constant endeavours to better his condition, 319. Malthus's work on
population, 326. Constant struggle between capital and labour,
according to Adam Smith, 326, 327. Views of David Hume, 333
Politics, separation of theology from, i. 424. Consequences of this
separation, 425-427. Effect of the protective spirit carried into
politics, ii. 107
Polytheism, the predecessor of monotheism, according to Hume,
i. 251 _note_. Natural creed of the Romans, 252. The religion of the
Malayo-Polynesians, 304, 305
Pope, origin of kissing his toe, according to Mathew of Westminster,
i. 317. Voltaire's Reasons for the unity and consolidation of the
power of the popes as compared with that of the Greek patriarchs,
ii. 303
Population, connexion between food and the laws of, i. 57. Case of the
potato and Irish population, 66. A poor diet said to be more
favourable to fecundity than a rich one, 68 _note_. Voltaire's ideas
respecting the ratios by which population and food increase, ii. 304.
Malthus's work on, iii. 326
Pork, in general use in Europe as food, for centuries, i. 314. Cause
of the refusal of the Mohammedans to eat pork, according to Mathew
Paris, 315. Eaten in Asia and Africa, 315 _note_
Porson, Richard, his letter on the texts of the Heavenly Witnesses,
i. 429. His appreciation of the beauties of the English language,
ii. 307
Portugal, physical causes of the superstition existing in, i. 123.
Absence of science and triumph of the imagination in, 124
Potato, the principal food of the labouring classes in Ireland, i. 65.
Time of its introduction into that country, 65 _note_. The potato crop
compared with that of wheat, 65. Used as food by the ancient
Peruvians, 110. Introduced into Mexico by the Spaniards, 110, 111. The
starch of the potato frozen into saccharine in Southern Peru,
111 _note_
Pouissin, his works of art, ii. 209 _note_
Prathama-Raja, the Hindu poets' account of, i. 136
Precision contrasted with certainty in writing history, ii. 325
Predestination, probable origin of the dogma of, i. 9. Foundation of
the theory, 13. Calvin, Augustin, and the Manichæans, 13. Ambrose, 13
_note_. Writers on the absurdity of 'an omnipotent arbitrary deity,'
13 _note_. Barrenness of the hypothesis of predestination in a
scientific investigation, 14. The doctrine of providential
interference bound up with that of predestination, 19 _note_
Preëmption, destruction of the prerogative of, i. 385
Prerogative, royal limits set to the, after the expulsion of the
Stuarts, i. 402. None of our sovereigns since Queen Anne allowed to be
present at state deliberations, 442 _note_. Reaction in favour of
divine right, 445
Prescription, old customary French law of, ii. 115
'Presidial Jurisdiction,' by Jousse, suppressed, ii. 238
Press, efforts made by governments to destroy the liberty of the, i.
284, 285. Foundation of the public press in England, and its effect on
English civilization, 386. Final abolition of the censorship over the,
in England, 402. Practice of the English clergy of censuring all books
that encouraged free inquiry, 414. First publication of Sunday
newspapers, 431. Speech of Danvers as to the power of the press in his
time, 484 _note_. War carried on in the reign of George III. against
free discussion of the acts of the government, 488, 491. Vindictive
prosecutions and persecutions of eminent men, 488. Importance of the
press in England and France in the middle of the seventeenth century,
99
Preston-pans, battle of, iii. 154
Prévost de la Jannes, his 'Life of Domat' suppressed, ii. 237
Prévost, his views as to the laws of the radiation of heat, ii. 362
Priapus, Voltaire's remarks on the worship of, quoted, ii. 303 _note_
Pride compared with vanity, ii. 163
Pride, Colonel, his origin, ii. 155
Primi, the Abbé, his 'History of Louis XIV.,' ii. 276. Thrown into the
Bastille, 277
Printing, early knowledge of, in China, i. 302 _note_. Legislative
restrictions in former times on, 386 _note_. When first generally
practised in country towns, 431, 432 _note_
Probability, Romish doctrine of, i. 22 _note_
Profits, in what they consist, i. 52. Always reduced by high wages,
74
Progress, moral and intellectual, i. 174. Comparison of the moral with
the intellectual element, 175. See Knowledge; Intellect; Man
Progress, social, inferences to be drawn as to the causes of, i. 224
Proselytism, why opposed by Charron, ii. 20 _note_
Protective spirit, effect of the prevalence of the, in France, in
trade and in politics, ii. 106, 107. History of the protective spirit,
and comparison of it in France and England, 108. This spirit not
destroyed by the feudal system, but only assumed a new shape, 111. New
form of the protective spirit which continues in France to the present
time, 122. The results compared in France and England, 126. Activity
of the protective spirit in France, as shown by the history of
chivalry, 131-134. Effect of this spirit carried into religion at the
period of the Reformation, 137. Attempts of Charles I. to revive the
old protective spirit, 147. Results of the energy of the protective
spirit on the issue of the Fronde, 160-174. The protective spirit
carried by Louis XIV. into literature, and its result, 176 _et seq._
Lamentable results of the system of patronage in the reign of Louis
XIV., 202. Reasons why government patronage should take a wrong
course, 203. Illustrations of, 206. Reaction against the protective
spirit in France, and preparations for the French Revolution, 213, 226
Protestantism, compared with Roman Catholicism, i. 261. Intolerance,
bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of Sweden, 264.
Intolerance of Protestants compared with that of the Catholics, ii.
51. Policy of Mazarin as to the French Protestants, 96 _et seq._ The
war of Philip II. against the Dutch Protestants, 451. Refusal of Henry
IV. of France to punish them at the request of the pope, 22, 23. The
King's measures for their protection, 23, 24. The Edict of Nantes
confirmed by Catherine de Medici and by Louis XIII., 25. Richelieu's
liberal treatment of the Protestants, 37-39, 42. The Protestant
Confederation of 1633, 39. Desertion of the Protestant leaders, and
consequent fall of the Protestant party into the hands of the clergy,
47-50. De Rohan and his brother the only staunch Protestant leaders in
1621, 49. Causes of the intolerance of the French Protestants, 50, 51.
Causes which produced their former superstition, 52-54. Evidence of
their intolerance, 55. Decisions of the assembly at Saumur, 56. And of
other assemblies, 57. Their interference in the functions of
government and in other matters, 60. Bitterness of feeling exhibited
in the works put forth by them, 61. Join the rebellion under Condé,
and are defeated, 61. Their rebellion in Béarn, 61, 62. Civil war
raised by them, and its character, 63. Their wealth, accumulated by
industry and piracy, 63. The General Assembly of La Rochelle and its
decisions, 64, 65. The consequent civil war, 66. Treaties of
Montpelier and La Rochelle, 66. Interference of the Protestants in the
commonest occurrences of life, 68. Results which would have happened
to France if the Protestants had gained the upper hand, 71, 72. The
rebellion of the Protestants put down by Richelieu, who, however,
refuses to persecute them, 73. Siege of La Rochelle, 74. Civil rights
conceded to Protestant by a royal edict, 335
Providential interference, doctrine of, i. 19 _note_
Prussia, Extent of popular superstitions in, i. 238 _note_. Origin of
the name of, according to the historians of the Middle Ages, i. 311
Punishments future, Charron's views as to the doctrine of,
ii. 22 _note_
Punjab, Arab conquest of the, i. 46.
Puppet-shows forbidden by the French Protestants, ii. 70
Puritans, their government of England, i. 360. Their fanaticism, and
little superstition, 361. Instances of their ignorance of the real
principles of government, 361
Purveyance, destruction of the prerogative of, i. 385
Pyramids of Egypt, a testimony of the degraded condition of the
people, i. 90, 92. Weight of the great pyramid, 90 _note_. Hypotheses
as to the purposes for which they were built, 90 _note_. Estimate of
the expense of building one of the pyramids, 91 _note_
Pyrenees, treaty of the, signed by Cardinal Mazarin, ii. 98
Quæns, historical error to which their name gave rise, i. 298
Quid emptores, statute of, ii. 119
Quiché Indians, corrupt Christianity of the, i. 265 _note_
Quinault, the poet of French music, ii. 207
Rabelais, not the first French sceptic, ii. 15, 16. His ridicule of
the clergy, 15. Difference between him and Montaigne, 16
Racine, his works, ii. 208. Pensioned to write a history of France for
Louis XIV., ii. 277
Rae, Mr., his inquiry into the method of investigation which political
economists ought to follow, i. 250 _note_
Ragi, use of the grain called, in the south of India, i. 71
Ragnar Lodbrok, confusion in Saxo-Grammaticus's life of, i. 298
Raikes, Robert, his organization of Sunday schools, i. 430 _note_
Railways, effect of, in correcting national prejudices, and in
diffusing desires for peace, i. 221-223
Rainbow, the causes of the, detected by Descartes, ii. 79. Notions of
the Hebrews and of other nations respecting the, 79 _note_
Raleigh, Sir Walter, his military genius and works, i. 200
Ravaillac, murders Henry IV. of France, ii. 24. Accounts of him,
24 _note_
Raynal, l'Abbé, suppression of his work on the Indies, ii. 236
Reading clubs, formation of, i. 433
Reaumur, appearance of his work on the natural history of animals,
ii. 197 _note_
Rebellion, the Great English, causes which gave rise to, ii. 147.
Characteristics of the, 148. Difference between it and the Fronde,
149. Conduct of the nobles, 151, 152. The true character of the
Rebellion, 154. Plebeian origin of the leaders, 155-159. Causes of its
success, 174, 175
Reboulet, suppression of his 'History of Clement XI.,' ii. 238
Red Sea Canal, number of lives sacrificed in the construction of the,
i. 93
Reform, the principle of, abandoned by William Pitt, i, 447. Mr.
Grey's remarks on Pitt's conduct, 447 _note_
Reformation, connexion between the, and the views advocated by Richard
Hooker, i. 351 _note_. Immediate fall of the Church in England at the
first assault of the Reformation, ii. 4. Influence of the Reformation
generally in increasing the power of the Catholic clergy, 5 _note_.
The Reformation encouraged by the pride of Englishmen, 137. Analogy
between the Reformation and the Revolutions of the seventeenth
century, 138-140. Short existence of the Reformation in Spain, 450.
Causes which brought about the Reformation in Scotland, iii. 62. John
Knox, 75. The Reformation established, 78
Reform Bill, important effects of the, i. 502
Reid, Thomas, examination of his philosophy, iii. 348. Estimate of the
value of what he effected, 353. Opposition between his method and that
of Bacon, 356
Religion; views of Hume and Comte respecting monotheism, i. 251
_note_. Influence of religion on the progress of society, 254.
Illustration from the efforts of the missionaries, 255. From the
history of the Jews, 257, 258. From the early history of Christianity,
259. And from Sweden and Scotland, 263-266. Baneful results of
legislative attempts to encourage religious truth and discourage
religious error, 281-285. Origin of religious toleration in England,
337. The last executions in England for heresy, 345. The right of
private judgment held sacred by Chillingworth, 349. Whose work formed
a decisive vindication of religious dissent, 352. Passing of the
Toleration Act, 402. Easy and rapid changes in the national faith
under Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary and Elizabeth, ii. 7. Charron's
the first instance in modern language of the doctrine of religious
development, 21. An end put to religious wars by Richelieu, 40.
Authorities respecting religious wars, 40 _note_. Effect of the peace
of Westphalia, 42. Origin of the difference between religious theory
and religious practice, 51. Eagerness of the clergy rather directed
against error than against virtue, 52 _note_. Causes of the energy and
vitality of a religion not protected by the government, 53, 54.
Descartes' remarks on the slaves to form in religion, 85. Causes which
lessen the disposition to form new creeds, 263 _note_. Religious wars,
massacres, and persecutions, the result of ignorance of the duties of
governments, i. 262
Rent, theory of, i. 51 _note_. Considered as a division of wealth, 53
_note_. Rent in England, Scotland, France, and the United States, 75.
In India, 76. Mode of ascertaining the true theory of rent,
250 _note_. Remarks on the theory of, iii. 336
Representation, personal establishment of the political doctrine of,
i. 435
Reptiles, noxious, worship of, i. 126 _note_
Respiration, theory of, ii. 367
Retz, Cardinal de, character of, ii. 102. Secular view taken by him of
political affairs, 102
Reviews, literary periodical, origin of, i. 433
Revolution of 1688, proximate cause of the, i. 399, 400. Importance
of the, to England, 402. Sudden repentance of the clergy in having
promoted it, 403
Revolution, the French, preparations for the, ii. 213. Precursors of
the, 230, 247. Causes of the hideous peculiarities of the, 248. Its
proximate causes, after the middle of the eighteenth century, 323. The
first epoch through which the French intellect passed in the
eighteenth century, viz., the attack on the Church, 323. The second
epoch, viz., the attack on the State, 327. Rise of the political
economists, 327. Sudden increase of works relating to finance and
other questions of government, 328. Influence of Rousseau, 330, 331.
Attack of the government on the Church, 332. Machault's edict against
mortmain, 332. Excitement caused by the edict, 333 _note_. The
anti-ecclesiastical policy of Machault's successors, 333. Religious
toleration of the government, 434. Revival of Jansenism in France, and
consequent overthrow of the Jesuits, 344, 345. After the fall of the
Jesuits, the fall of the clergy inevitable, 347. Reasons for this,
349. Rise and progress of atheistical opinions in France, 351. Study
of physical phenomena in France in connexion with the Revolution,
375-404. Effect of the American Rebellion in hastening the Revolution
in France, 416, 417. Jefferson's part in the final blow dealt to the
French government, 418. Summary of the causes of the French
Revolution, 418
Revolution, the Scottish, of 1559, iii. 81
Rey, the first European philosophic chemist, ii. 197
Rhyme, antiquity of, i. 293 _note_
Rice, the general food of the people of India, i. 70. Nutritive
qualities of, 70, 71. Immense yield of a rice-crop, 71
Richard I. of England, historical error as to his appellation of the
Lion, i. 299
Richardson, admiration of Diderot for the works of, ii. 218
Richelieu, Cardinal, his character, ii. 27, 29. Compared with
Napoleon, 27. Fails to diminish the power of the French nobility, 28.
Effectually humbles the clergy, 29-31. His treatment of the clergy how
regarded by them, 33. Charges brought against him, 34. Review of his
career, 34, 35. Supports the new secular scheme of government against
the old ecclesiastical schemes, 36. His liberal treatment of the
Protestants, 37-42. His endeavours to save the Palatine, 38. The
peculiar glory of his administration, 39. Correspondence of his policy
in regard to the French Protestant and Catholic Churches, 42 _et seq._
Puts down the rebellion of the Protestants, but abstains from
persecuting them, 73. Confirms the Edict of Nantes, 74. Determines on
the siege of Rochelle, 74. Reasons why he put down the Protestant
party, 75, 76. His liberal policy part only of a much larger movement,
76. Analogy of the philosophy of Descartes with Richelieu's
anti-theological policy, 83, 92
Rio de Janeiro, vigour and profusion of the vegetation near,
i. 103 _note_
Rioja, Spanish poet, ii. 480
Riolan, period in which he flourished, ii. 194
Ripperda, his services to Spain, ii. 519, 542
Roads in Scotland in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, iii. 5,
6 _note_. Aversion of the Highlanders to roads, 159, 160 _note_
Robertson, Dr., value of his 'History of Scotland,' iii. 19 _note_
Robinson, John, Bishop of Bristol, the last ecclesiastic who held any
of the high offices of state, i. 417 _note_
Rochelle, La, intolerance of the Protestants in the town of, ii. 57.
Determinations of the general assembly of 1620, ii. 63, 64. The civil
war and its character, 63-66. Peace of La Rochelle, 66. The great
siege of, 74
Rochester, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
Rohan, Duc de, employed by Richelieu, ii. 44. De Rohan and his brother
Soubise the only staunch Protestant leaders in 1621, 49. An amnesty
granted to him by Richelieu, 75
Rohan, Chevalier de, his ill-treatment of Voltaire, ii. 231
Roland, Madame, her knowledge of the English language and literature,
ii. 226
Rolle, his remark on the peers created by George III., i. 454
Romans, the, in Scotland, iii. 7. Character of their civilization in
their best days, 8. Cause of their decline, 8, 9
Rome, causes of the persecutions of the Christians by the Emperors of,
i. 185. Reason of the evanescence of the civilization of ancient, 267.
Voltaire's services in purging the early history of Rome of its
absurdities, 309, 310. Niebuhr's arguments anticipated by Voltaire,
310, 311. Montesquieu's the first account of the real history of Rome,
314. Machiavelli's views, 314 _note_. Vico's opinions, 314 _note_
Roses, wars of the, effect of the, upon the English nobles, ii. 138
Ross, Western, seized by the Norwegians, ii. 11. Annexed to the Crown
of Scotland, 46
Ross, John, his violent sermon against James VI., iii. 107.
Rouelle, his geological labours, ii. 368
Roundheads, title first bestowed, ii. 149
Rousseau, J. J., his opinion of the works of Montaigne, ii. 18 _note_.
Persecuted by the Government, 236. Influence of his works, 330.
Enthusiasm of the nation in his favour, 331 _note_. Immense demand for
his works, 331 _note_. Belongs to the Calvinistic sect, 345
Royal Society, avowed object of the establishment of the, i. 371
Rubis, De, his work on the European monarchies, ii. 270
Russia, cause of the war between Turkey and, i. 195. And of Russian
predilection for war, 196
Ruthven, Raid of, iii. 103, 104
Sabbath, the Scotch, iii. 265
Sahara desert, its extent, i. 47. Condition of its inhabitants, 48
Sailors, causes of the superstitions of, i. 375, 379
Saint-Fargeau, Pelletier de, his Jansenism, ii. 345
Saint Lambert, his professed atheism, ii. 352
Salamanca, reply of the University of, when urged to teach the
physical sciences, i. 125 _note_
Sales, Delisle de, persecuted for his writings, ii. 237
Sancroft, William, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 392.
Dr. Birch's opinion of him, 392 _note_. His attempts to convert James
II. to Protestantism, 395 _note_. His open disloyalty, 401, 407, 408
Sandoval, Spanish historiographer, ii. 480
Sanscrit, character of the works written in, i. 132, 133. And of the
Sanscrit language, 134 _note_
Saracens, origin of the name of, according to the historians of the
Middle Ages, i. 312
Saragossa besieged by Childebert and Clotaire, ii. 435 _note_
Saumaise, his opinion of the English people of the seventeenth
century, ii. 214 _note_
Saumur, decisions of the Protestant assembly at, ii. 56
Saveur, considered as the inventor of acoustics, ii. 190 _note_
Saxe, Maurice de, his treatment of the actress Chantilly, ii. 243
Saxo Grammaticus, confusion in his life of Ragnar Lodbrok, i. 298
Scandinavia, causes of error in the early history of, i. 300. The
elder and younger Eddas, 301. Pork the chief food of the Scandinavians
in early times, 314 _note_. Scandinavian pirates in Scotland, iii. 5
Scepticism; the spirit of doubt the necessary precursor of
improvement, i. 334. Hence the immense importance of scepticism, 335.
First open appearance of scepticism in England and France, 336.
Authorities as to the increase of scepticism in England since the
latter part of the eighteenth century, 356 _note_. What the author
means by the term scepticism, 357 _note_. Degree of suffering produced
on some minds, 357. Legislative improvements of the reign of Charles
II. caused by the sceptical and inquiring spirit, 388. Encouragement
given to scepticism by the conduct of the clergy, 414. Rapid
succession of sceptical controversies early in the eighteenth century,
427. First appearance of scepticism in France, ii. 14. Rabelais, 15.
Intimate connexion between scepticism and toleration in France, 16.
Montaigne, the first systematic sceptic in that country, 16. The first
open declaration of scepticism in France, 18. Reason why scepticism
was favoured by Henry IV. of France, 23. Scepticism of Hooker and
Chillingworth, and of Montaigne and Descartes, 86, 87. Spread of
scepticism in France in the middle of the seventeenth century, 95
_note_. Analogy between the progress of scepticism in England and
France, 103, 104. Period when the spirit of inquiry began to weaken
the church, 109. Commencement of the struggle between the advocates of
inquiry and the advocates of belief, 109, 110. Rise and extent of
historical scepticism, 261. The first sceptical book in the French
language, by Montaigne, 266
Schism Act, passing of the, i. 452
Scholastic prejudices overthrown by Descartes, ii. 92
Science unknown to the Egyptians, i. 49. Relation between inventions,
discoveries, and method, ii. 386, 387
Scotland, rent paid by the cultivator in proportion to the gross
produce, i. 75. Character of the method of investigation of the great
thinkers of, 245. Cause and effect of the divergence and hostility
between the practical and speculative classes of, 246. Robert Simson
and Matthew Stewart, 247. Superstition, intolerance and bigotry of the
clergy and people, 264, 265. The bards of Scotland, 292 _note_. Origin
of the Scotch people, according to the writers of the Middle Ages,
312. Abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, by William III., 406.
Condition of Scotland to the end of the fourteenth century, iii. 1 _et
seq._ Scotland and Spain compared as to loyalty, 2. Similarity of the
two countries as to superstition, 4. Investigation of the causes of
Scotch liberality in politics united with illiberality in religion, 4
_et seq._ Influence of the physical geography of the country on the
course of events, 5. Scotch roads in the seventeenth century, 5
_note_. The Roman invasion, 7. The Irish invasion, 9. The Norwegian
invasion, 10. Attacks of the English, 12. Immediate consequences of
their struggle with the English in the Scottish character, 13.
Agriculture stopped, 16. Cannibalism, 17. Wars on the borders, 18. The
growth of towns stopped by the wars, and the power of the nobles
thereby increased, 18. Circumstances favourable to the authority of
the nobles, 19. Weakness of the Crown, 20, 21. Ravages of the
Highlanders, 21, 22. Prevalence of barter, 23. Industry impossible,
and the commonest arts unknown, 23, 24. Dirty habits of the people, 25
_note_. Scanty population of the Scotch towns, 26 _et seq._ Their
utter feebleness, 32. Causes of the alliance of the Crown with the
Church, 34. Superstition of Scotland, and its causes, 35, 36.
Witchcraft, 37. Ignorance of the upper and lower classes, 41, 42.
Triumph of the aristocracy over the Church and Crown, 43. Their
subsequent decline, 43. Condition of Scotland in the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, 45. Vigorous measures of Albany against the
nobles, 45. And of James I., 46. And of James II., 49. Clanship, 50.
The Crown encouraged by the clergy against the nobles, 54. Struggle in
consequence, 55 _et seq._ The Reformation in Scotland the result of
this struggle, 62. Battle of Solway and death of James V., 68, 69.
Murder of Cardinal Beaton, 74. Career of John Knox, 75. Influence of
the Guises, 77, 78. Mary of Guise deposed from the Regency, 80. Treaty
of Berwick, 81. Supremacy of the nobles established, and destruction
of the Church, 81. Quarrel between the nobles and the preachers about
the wealth of the Church, 84. Presentation of the First Book of
Discipline, 87. The shares of the new and old clergy, 87. The nobles
said to have been instigated by the devil, 88. Persecution of the new
clergy by Morton, at the head of the nobles, 91. The consequent
rupture between Church and State, 93. The struggle under the leader,
ship of Andrew Melville, 94. Attack on the bishops, ending with the
abolition of episcopacy, 94 _et seq._ The Second Book of Discipline,
98. Struggle between the upper classes and clergy as to episcopacy,
100. Violent language used by the clergy, Melville's personal insult
to the King, 110. The Gowrie conspiracy, 110. Boons conferred upon
their country by the clergy, 112. Condition of Scotland during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 115 _et seq._ Attempts of James
VI. (now James I. of England) to subjugate the clergy, 115. He forces
episcopacy upon them, 117. And sets up High Courts of Commission, 125.
Tyrannical conduct of the bishops, 128. The reaction, and its causes,
129. Framing of the National Covenant, 132. Overthrow of the Bishops,
133. Oppressions of Charles II., 137-139. His attempts to establish a
permanent despotism baffled, 140. Episcopacy re-established, 141.
Dragonnades in the west, 143, 144. Cruelties of James II., 147.
Consequences of the alliance between the Crown and the clergy, 147.
The reaction of 1688, 151. Causes of the rebellion of the Highlanders
in 1715 and 1745 in favour of the Stuarts, 153. Insignificance into
which the Highlanders sank after 1745, 157. Beginning of the trading
spirit, 160. Connexion between the rise of the trading spirit and the
abolition of hereditary jurisdictions, 161, 162. Armour ceased to be
worn, 161. Causes of the decline of the power of the nobles, 162, 167.
Treatment which they received in London, 163, 164. Rage in Scotland
for speaking with an English accent, 163 _note_. Causes of the
abolition of clanship, 167, 168. Sudden rise of trading and
manufacturing interests, 171. Their growth assisted by the union with
England, 172. Facts illustrative of the history of Scotch industry
down to the middle of the eighteenth century, 178 _et seq._ The first
banks in Scotland, 181. Rise of a new and splendid literature, 183.
Which, however, fails to diminish the national superstition, 184.
Recapitulation of the history of the struggle with episcopacy, 191 _et
seq._ Cromwell's chain of fortresses in Scotland, 194. Causes of the
war of the people against Charles I., 197. Events which produced the
solemn League and Covenant, 198. Effect and cause of Scotch
superstition, 203. Zeal of the people to hear sermons of inordinate
frequency and of terrible length, 203. Effect of the pretensions and
arrogance of the clergy on the Scotch mind, 203, 269 _et seq._
Examination of Scotch philosophical literature of the eighteenth
century, 281. And of Scotch physical philosophy, 361. Superstition and
illiberality in religion still existing in Scotland, 469. Notions
countenanced there respecting the origin of epidemics, 471.
Correspondence between the Presbytery of Edinburgh and Lord Palmerston
on the origin of the cholera in 1853, 473
Sculpture, condition of, in the reign of Louis XIV., ii. 209
Segovia, appearance of, in 1659, ii. 503 _note_. Decline of the silk
and wool manufactures of, 503 _note_
Seiks, cause of their superstition respecting the wounds inflicted by
the tiger, i. 125 _note_
Serpent, worship of the, i. 126 _note_
Serra, his views as to the exportation of the precious metals,
i. 212 _note_
Serres, historiographer of France, importance attached by him to
correct dates in history, ii. 267
Severus, his expedition against Scotland, iii. 8
Sévigné, Madame, her name for Queen Mary, consort of William III.,
ii. 214 _note_
Seville, decline of, in the seventeenth century, ii. 501
Sewell, Mr., his remarks on the doctrines of passive obedience and
divine right, i. 394 _note_
Sexes, proportion kept up by the law of Nature in the births of the,
i. 168. Opinions respecting the origin of the, 170 _note_, 173 _note_.
Method by which the discovery of the proportion has been made, 172
Shaftesbury, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, his notions of political
economy, i. 211 _note_
Shakspeare, his investigations of the human mind, i. 23 _note_. His
pure English, ii. 307 _note_
Sharp, archbishop of St. Andrews, iii. 141. His cruelty and rapacity,
141
Sheldon, Gilbert, his character as archbishop of Canterbury, i. 391,
392
Shetland Isles, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 10
'Siam, History of,' by Turpin, ii. 238
Silk trade of Toledo, lost, ii. 502
Sinclair, Sir John, his services to statistical science, i. 33 _note_
Sion College, the only public library in London at the end of the
seventeenth century, i. 431 _note_
Sigfussen Sæmund, his compilation of the Elder Edda, i. 301
Silesia, origin of the name of, i. 312
Simson, Professor Robert, his efforts to revive the pure Greek
geometry, i. 247. Notice of him, 247 _note_. His reasons for
recommending the old analysis, 248 _note_
Sines, law of the, pointed out by Descartes, ii. 278
Sins, specimens of the, invented by the Scotch clergy, iii. 261
Siva, antiquity of the worship of, in India, i. 141. How represented
by the Hindus, 141. His wife Doorga or Kali, 141
Skye, Isle of, seized by the Norwegians, iii. 11
Slavery, favour with which it was regarded by George III., i. 447,
463. Burke's attack on, 463. Extinction of slavery in England,
ii. 128. Its recent extinction in France, 129
Small-pox, extra European origin of, i. 130 _note_
Smith, Adam, publication of his 'Wealth of Nations,' i. 214. Its
influence in a few years, 214, 215. His views as to the usury laws,
214 _note_. His services to mankind, 216. His method of metaphysical
investigation, 249. French translations of his 'Theory of the Moral
Sentiments,' ii. 219. And of his 'Wealth of Nations,' 219. Examination
of his philosophy, as shown together in the 'Moral Sentiments' and in
the 'Wealth of Nations,' iii. 305. His obliviousness and disregard of
facts, 340, 341. His method of studying pathology compared with that
of Cullen, 417
Smith, William, character of his geological speculations, iii. 391
Smuggling, the only means of keeping up trade during the evil
interference of legislation, i. 277. Moral evils of smuggling, 278,
279
Social laws, triumph of, over every obstacle, i. 31. Best method of
arriving at social truth, ii. 1
Socrates, effect produced by his method of dialectics upon some Greek
minds, i. 357
Soil, influence of, on the human race, i. 40. The Great Sahara, 47.
The valley of the Nile, 48, 49. Heat and moisture the causes which
regulate the fertility of every country, 96
Soldiers, why less superstitious than sailors, i. 376, 379
Solids, Cullen's theory of the, iii. 418
Solis, the Spanish historian, ii. 480
Solway, battle of, iii. 68
Somers, Lord, prosecution instituted against him by the House of
Commons, i. 452. Protected by the House of Lords, 452
Sorbonne, Duvernet's history of the, ii. 237
Sowrdis, Archbishop of Bordeaux, ignominiously beaten, ii. 32. Flies
to Carpentras, 33
Space, the idea of, of the metaphysicians, i. 160. Authorities on the
different theories of space, 161 _note_
Spain, Arab conquest of, i. 46. Physical causes of the superstition
existing in, 123. Triumph of the imagination, and absence of science
in, 124. Causes of the persecutions in, 187. Numbers of persons put to
death by the inquisition in, 189. Pork, a common food in, in former
ages, 314 _note_. Archbishop Turpin's account of Charlemagne's
conquest of, 319, 320. Scepticism punished, and its promulgation
prevented in, 336. Influence of French literature in, in diffusing
scepticism late in the last century, 336 _note_. Outline of the
history of the intellect of, from the fifth to the middle of the
nineteenth century, 425. Heat and dryness of the climate, 427. And
therefore droughts and famines frequent and serious, 427. Earthquakes,
428. Causes of the prevalence of a pastoral life in Spain, 432.
Settlement of the Visigoths and establishment of their opinions, 434.
Attacks of the Franks upon their Arian neighbours, 435. Rise of the
influence of the Spanish priesthood, 436. Character of Durham's
'History of Spain and Portugal,' 438 _note_. Proofs of the power of
the Spanish clergy, 437, 438. Harsh character of the Spanish laws
against heresy and the Jews, 438. The eight centuries of struggle
between the Arabs and Spaniards, 439, 440. Effect of the dangers of
the Spaniards in exciting their superstitious feelings, 441. Their
chest of relics in the Asturias, 441. Their miracles and dreams, 442.
The three ways in which the Mohammedan invasion strengthened the
devotional feelings of the Spanish people, 444. Capacity and honesty
of Isabella in the war with the Arabs, 444. Ferdinand and Isabella's
decree against the Jews, 445. The number of Jews actually expelled
from Spain, 446 _note_. Domestic and foreign policy of Charles V.,
446. His obedience to the tendencies of his age, 447-449. Character of
Philip II., 449, 450. His war against the Dutch Protestants, 451.
Number of persons put to Death by Alva, 451. Object of all the wars
and negotiations of Philip II., 452. The Armada prepared to humble
England, 453. Unshaken loyalty of Philip's subjects, 454, 455. Causes
of the spirit of loyalty which has distinguished the Spanish above
every other European nation, 455. The Arab invasion one of the causes,
456. The old ballads, 456. The poem of 'The Cid,' 457. Loyalty of the
Spanish codes, 458. Consequences of Spanish loyalty and superstition,
461 _et seq._ Rapid progress of Spain in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, 463. Her territories in America and in other parts of the
world, 464. Her military superiority over her contemporaries, 464. Her
eminent literary men who were also soldiers, 464. Causes of her
decline, 465, 467. Essential difference between English and Spanish
civilization, 465, 466. The decay of Spain in the seventeenth century
due to the weakness of her people, 470. The declining energy of the
government the cause of the increasing influence of the clergy, 472.
Davila's statement of the Spanish theory of government, 472 _note_.
Flourishing state of the Church, 475. Her hold over the highest as
well as the lowest intellects, 478, 479. Great numbers of works on
Spanish ecclesiastical history, 483. Expulsion of the Moors from
Spain, 483-485. Cruelty with which they were treated, 485-494. Effect
of the expulsion of the Moors in impoverishing the country, 497. Steps
which mark the decline of Spain, 500. Loss of population and of
manufactures, 501-504. Increase of poverty, 504-506. Destruction of
the military reputation of Spain, 506, 515. The whole kingdom
unprotected, 509. Gangs of robbers and murderers in the capital, 510
_note_. The Austrian dynasty succeeded by the Bourbons, 513. Policy of
the first Bourbon, Philip V., 513. The Dukes of Berwick and Vendôme,
515-517. The finances of Spain administered by Orry, 518. Alberoni
Ripperda, and Konigseg, 519. Endeavours of foreigners to improve the
country by weakening the Church, 521. The clergy forced to contribute
to the taxes, 523. Alliances formed between Spain and the Mohammedans,
525, 549. Inertness and ignorance of the people, high and low, at this
period, 526. State of medical science in the seventeenth century, 532.
Foreign aid called in to remedy native ignorance, 536. Expulsion of
the Jesuits, 546. Attacks made on the Inquisition, 547. Foreign policy
of Spain under the influence of foreigners, 549. A prospect of the
return of wealth opened up, 550, 551. Effects of the vigour displayed
by Charles III., 552 _et seq._ Causes of his failure to produce
permanent good, 553. Decline of Spain under Charles IV., 571.
Endeavours in the nineteenth century to improve the country, 574.
Causes of their failure, 575. Immense natural advantages of Spain,
583. Her great men, 585. Her progress prevented by national ignorance,
589. The essential vice of the Spanish people, 592, 593. Causes which
keep Spain in her miserable condition, 593 _et seq._ Scotland
contrasted with Spain as to loyalty and superstition, iii. 1
Stafford, William, his work on the theory of politics, 'A Brief
Conceipt of English Policy,' i. 212 _note_
Stanyan's 'History of Greece,' ii. 218
Starch, amount of oxygen in, i. 62
Starvation, proximate causes of, i. 58 _note_
States-General of France, feebleness of the, ii. 121
Statesmen, why as a body they are always in the rear of their age,
i. 213
Statistics, study of, i. 2. Importance of, 23 _note_. Of murder and
other crimes, 24-29. Value of statistics in the light thrown upon the
study of human nature, 33. Early writers on statistics, 33 _note_.
Dislike of Adam Smith and David Hume for statistics, iii. 339.
Objections to them, 339 _note_
Steam, effect of the application of, to purposes of travelling, in
weakening the love of war, i. 219-221
Steam-engine, Watt's invention of the, iii. 402
Stearn, Richard, his character as Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 392
Stepney, Mr., his notions of political economy, i. 211 _note_
Stewart, Professor Matthew, his crusade against the algebraic or
symbolical analysis, i. 247
St[oe]ffler, John, his predictions as to the deluge of 1524, i. 330
Stoics, the, on the preservation of consciousness in dreams and in
insanity, i. 17 _note_
Stuart, Charles, the young Pretender, his stupidity and drunkenness,
i. 444 _note_
Subinfeudation, effects of, in France, ii. 119
Suicide, the crime of, dependent upon the individual, i. 26. Futility
of endeavours to diminish, by legislation, 26 _note_. Bentham on the
perjury of English juries in cases of, 26 _note_. Regularity of the
recurrence of, 28. Causes of, 28. Supposed effect of gloomy weather on
the love of, 220 _note_. Statistics of, 28, 29
Sully, Marshal, ii. 43. His historical work, 266
Sumatra, superstitions of the people of, respecting tigers,
i. 126 _note_
Sumbawa, the great earthquake and volcanic eruption of 1815 at,
i. 126 _note_
Sunday schools begun, i. 430. Opposition of the clergy to their
establishment, 431 _note_
Superstition, physical causes which give birth to, i. 122, 123.
Earthquakes and volcanic eruptions, 123, 126. The worship of ferocious
animals, 125, 126. The fear of death, 127. Pestilences, 127. Extent of
popular superstition in Prussia, 238 _note_. Progress of the English
intellect in the seventeenth century in shaking off ancient
superstitions, 363. Instance in Scotland of the popular belief in
supernatural causation, 373. Causes of the superstitions of sailors
and agriculturists, 375. Terror inspired by comets and eclipses, 376.
The study of final causes abandoned by Descartes, ii. 91. Connexion
between loyalty and superstition, 455. Similarity between Scotland and
Spain as to superstition, iii. 4. Scotland favourable to superstition,
35. Sources of superstition, 35. Cause and effect of Scotch
superstition, 203. Superstition of the Scotch still existing, 471.
Superstitions every day becoming effaced as physical science advances,
477
Surgery, decline of the science of, in the reign of Louis XIV.,
ii. 195
Surnames, origin of, in Europe, ii. 112
Sweden, intolerance, bigotry, and persecution of the Protestantism of,
i. 264. Swedish heroes of antiquity, 298
Switzerland, Calvinism the popular creed of, ii. 339
Sydenham, Thomas, his reformation in therapeutics, ii. 196
Sympathy, examination of, iii. 310. Hunter's pathological speculations
respecting the principles of, 450
Taille, the, in France, ii. 129. Authorities respecting the,
129 _note_. The diminution of the, proposed by the Fronde, 150 _note_
Talleyrand, M. de, his admiration for Charron's 'De la Sagesse,'
ii. 19 _note_
'Tamerlane, History of,' by Margat, suppressed, ii. 237
Tarrega, the Spanish dramatist, ii. 479
Tartars, origin of the, according to the writers of the Middle Ages,
i. 313. And according to Whiston, 313 _note_. Effects of the
barrenness of the steppes of, in keeping the people uncivilized, 45
'Taste, Essay on,' by Cartaud, suppressed, ii. 237
Taxation; settlement of the right of the people of England to be taxed
entirely by their own representatives, i. 384. Disputes between the
two Houses of Parliament respecting taxation, 384 _note_
Taylor, Jeremy, his abilities and virtues, i. 393. Marked neglect with
which he was treated by Charles II., 393. His assertion of the
doctrine of passive obedience, 401 _note_
Teeth of animals, researches of Nasmyth and Owen on the structure of,
ii. 384, 385
Temperaments, the theory of, the principal stumbling-block of the
phrenologists, i. 176 _note_
Teratology, formation of the science of, ii. 396, 397 _note_
Terray, M., his attack on Church property in France, ii. 333. His open
protection of the Jansenists, 345
Test Act, the, i. 396. Suspended by James II., 397. Repealed,
426 _note_
Theology, state of the, of Europe from the sixth to the tenth
centuries, i. 270. Attempts to make politics a mere branch of
theology, 326-328. Theological justification of persecution, 344.
Increasing indifference to theological matters in England in the
seventeenth century, 350. Chillingworth's views, 350, 351. Connexion
between the Reformation and the dogma of an infallible church, 350,
351. The authority of private judgment recognized, 352. Ecclesiastical
power almost extinct in Europe, 354 _note_. Decline in British
theology at the present time, 355 _note_. Efforts of the clergy to
check the progress of scepticism, 356. Political character of the
opposition to ecclesiastical authority in the reigns of James I. and
Charles I., 359. Antagonism in the reign of Charles II. between the
physical sciences and the theological spirit, 372. Reasons of the
hostility of the clergy, 373. Separation of theology from morals and
politics, 424. Effect of this separation, 425. Attempts to put down
the Theological Society, 436 _note_. Theological influence greater in
France in the sixteenth century than in England, ii. 6. Charron's the
first attempt made in a modern language to construct a system of
morals without the aid of theology, 19. Preparation of the way for the
separation of theology from politics, 40, 41. Analogy of the
anti-theological policy of Richelieu with the philosophy of Descartes,
83. Mischief done to the old theology by Descartes' principles, 90.
Effect of the protective spirit carried into theology, 107. Former
subservience of philosophy to theology, and universal interest which
theological discussions once inspired, 262. Exactness of the knowledge
of theologians on subjects on which nothing is known, 284 _note_.
Reasons why theology is inferior to history, 289. Voltaire's attack on
mere theologians, 308, 309. The question of free will taken up by
theologians, 338. De Maistre's method of investigation, 389 _note_.
Reasons why the theological or deductive method of philosophy was
followed in Scotland, iii. 284. The deductive method of philosophy
only applicable to theology, 464
Theory, necessity of, in science, but dangerous in practice, iii. 414
Thermotics, attention given to, in France, in the eighteenth century,
ii. 361, 362
Therapeutics, Sydenham's reformations in, ii. 196. Difference between
the art of, and the science of, pathology, iii. 416
Thibet, bards of, i. 292 _note_
Thomas, suppression of his 'Eloge on Marcus Aurelius,' ii. 238
Thomson, Hugh, the Presbyterian preacher, iii. 204 _note_
Thread manufacture of Paisley, rise of the, iii. 176
Thumb-screw, torture of the, iii. 149
Tigers worshipped by the Hajin tribe, i. 125 _note_. Superstitions of
the Garrows and Seiks respecting them, 125 _note_. How regarded by the
Malasir, 125 _note_. And by the inhabitants of Sumatra, 126 _note_
Tissues, food necessary for repairing the waste of the, i. 55, 58.
Bichat's views respecting the, ii. 379-382. The degenerations of,
382 _note_. The study of, neglected by Cuvier, 383 _note_
Toledo, power of the clergy at, in the seventeenth century, ii. 437.
Captured from the Arabs, 440. Decline of, in the seventeenth century,
502
Toleration, religious, origin of, in England, i. 337. Unusual amount
of toleration in Holland two centuries back, 337 _note_. State of the
two hostile creeds in England in the reign of Elizabeth, 338. Hooker's
'Ecclesiastical Polity' compared with Jewel's 'Apology for the Church
of England,' 340. Causes which always hasten the march of toleration,
53, 54. Summary of the progress of toleration in England and France,
102. The religious toleration of the French government in the middle
of the eighteenth, century, 334
Toleration Act, passing of the, i. 402
Toolholos, or bards of Thibet, i. 292 _note_
Tooth, golden, work of Dr. Horst on the, i. 332
Tories, the, re-established in power under George III., i. 443, 446
Tournaments, origin of, ii. 134. Extinction of, 134
Tournefort, his inferiority as a botanist, ii. 201
Townsend, his views respecting political economy, ii. 304
Tracheæ of plants, discovery of the, ii. 199
Trade-wind, tract north and south of the equator covered by the,
i. 101. Causes of the, 192. Way in which the trade-wind is connected
with the civilization of South America, 103
Trade, absurd notions respecting, in the 17th and 18th centuries,
i. 213. Number of laws passed by the English legislature respecting,
213 _note_. Struggles of Parliament against the principles of free
trade, 215. Objects of early commercial treaties, 216 _note_. Why the
commercial spirit, formerly warlike, is now pacific, 218. Injuries
inflicted upon trade by the interference of legislators, 276.
Uncertainty of legislation the bane of commerce, 277, 278. Burke's
advocacy of free trade, 462. Effect of the protective spirit carried
into trade, ii. 107. Voltaire the first historian to recommend free
trade, iii. 304. The free trade of the American colonies in the
eighteenth century, 186
Tragedies of Corneille, period in which they appeared, ii. 209
Transubstantiation, relation of the Cartesian philosophy to the
doctrine of, ii. 90. Development of the doctrine of, by the
metaphysicians, 262
Travelling, advantages of, in producing contact and respect, and in
weakening the love of war, i. 219-221
Travis, George, his letters on the text of the Heavenly Witnesses,
i. 429
Trojan origin of different nations, believed in, in the Middle Ages,
i. 309
Tuffnel, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
Turenne, created a marshal, ii. 98
Turgot, M., his lectures and their influence, ii. 320. Sir James
Mackintosh's opinion of his writings, 321. Influence he exercised
shortly before the Revolution, 329. His anti-ecclesiastical policy,
333. Said to have been a Jansenist, 345
Turkey, causes of the war between Russia and, i. 95
Turks, their defeat before Vienna, ii. 447
Turku, the ancient name of Abo, i. 299
Turner, Sir James, his cruelties in Scotland, iii. 143, 144 _note_
Turpin, Archbishop of Rheims, his absurd history of Charlemagne,
i. 318
Turpin, M., suppression of his 'History of Siam,' ii. 238
Understanding, Kant's views as to the scientific conception of the,
i. 18 _note_. Why controlled by the imagination in India, and
paramount in Greece, 138-146
United States of North America, rent paid by the cultivator in, in
proportion to the gross produce of the land, i. 75. Causes of low
rent, 76 _note_. Comparison of the history of England with that of the
United States, 240. Characteristics of American literature, 241. Love
of the people for the study of the law, 241 _note_. Policy of George
III. respecting, 477, 479. His hatred of the Americans, 480 _note_.
Effect of the Declaration of Independence in hastening the French
Revolution, ii. 416
Usury-laws, Adam Smith's views as to the, i. 214 _note_. Jeremy
Bentham's demolition of the, 214 _note_. Increase of usury due to the
attempts of legislators to keep it down, 283. Efforts of the Church to
suppress it, 283 _note_. Jeremy Bentham's treatment of the usury-laws
referred to, 284 _note_
Vanity compared with pride, ii. 163
Vassy, massacre of, predominance of the theological spirit shown in
the, ii. 11
Vattel, his views as to political economy, i. 212 _note_. His
principles of foreign policy compared with those of Grotius,
ii. 40 _note_
Vega, Lope de, his offices in the Church and in the Inquisition,
ii. 479. His joy at the expulsion of the Moors from Spain, 496 _note_
Velly, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 300
Vendôme, Duc de, his command of the Spanish army, ii. 517
Veneration, origin of, ii. 171
Venner, the fifth-monarchy man, ii. 155
Vergil, Polydore, his attack of the popular belief in the Trojan
descent of the English kings, i. 309 _note_
Verse, historical and scientific works written in, i. 293, 294 _note_.
See Poetry
Vico, his opinions as to the real history of Rome, ii. 314
Villaret, character of his 'History of France,' ii. 300
Villaviciosa, Spanish poet, his office in the Inquisition, ii. 481
Vienna, defeat of the Turks before, ii. 447
Villenage, extinction of, in England, ii. 128
Visigoths, their settlement in Spain, and establishment of their Arian
opinions there, ii. 434. Attacked by the orthodox Franks, under Clovis
and his successors, 435
Voisins, Gilbert des, his Jansenism, ii. 345
Volcanic eruption of 1815 at Sumbawa, i. 126 _note_
Voltaire, his visit to England and study of its language and
literature, ii. 216-218. His admiration for England, 228. Persecutions
to which he was exposed, 231. His method of writing history compared
with that of Bossuet, 291. As instanced in his 'History of Charles
X.,' 292. Turns his attention to physical and speculative science,
295. Returns to history, 295. His 'Age of Louis XIV.,' 296. His
'Morals, Manners, and Character of Nations,' 297. His intellect, 301.
His habit of looking at epochs, and not at the character of the men by
whom a country is governed, 301. His tragedies, 302. His endeavours to
explain the origin of feudality, 302. His remark on licentious
religious ceremonies, 303. The first historian to recommend free
trade, 304. His anticipation of Malthus's principle, 304. His attack
on the admiration entertained for the Middle Ages, 305. And for the
pedantic admirers of antiquity and classical models, 306-308. Ignorant
prejudice against him in England, 313. His vast labours aided by
Montesquieu, 314
Wace, his translation into Anglo-Norman of Geoffrey of Monmouth's
history, i. 325
Wages, in what they consist, i. 52. And on what they depend, 53.
Enquiry into the physical conditions which over supply the labour
market and keep the average rate of wages at a low point, 54 _et seq._
Effects of climate on wages, 62-64. Social and political consequences
of the high rate of wages in Europe, 65. Highest, lowest, and average
rates of wages in England during the last few years, 66 _note_. Rates
of wages in Ireland, 67. And in India, 73, 74. Adam Smith's views as
to the conflict between capital and, iii. 327
Wales, injuries done by clerical historians to the traditions of the
bards of, i. 306
Wall, his part in Spanish affairs, ii. 544
Walpole, Sir Robert, endeavours of the House of Commons to hunt him to
the death, i. 452. His refusal to tax the colonies, 478
War, decline of the practice of, i. 190. Causes of this, 190, 191,
198. Military spirit of Russia and Turkey, and its causes, 195, 196.
Love of war extinct in England, 198. Contrast between the military
genius of ancient and modern Europe, 199-202. Causes of the decay of
this genius in modern times, 202-223. The right of private war allowed
to the French nobles, ii. 115. Early extinction of private war in
England, 138
Warburton, Dr., Bishop of Gloucester, his separation of theology from
politics, i. 425. Effect of his opinions, 426
Watches, superiority of the English in the seventeenth century,
ii. 193 _note_
Water, methods employed by Watt and Cavendish in the discovery of,
iii. 403
Watson's 'History of Philip II.,' translated by Mirabeau, ii. 225
Watt, James, his invention of the steam-engine, iii. 402. His
discovery of the composition of water, and the method employed, 403
Wealth, effects of climate, food, and soil on the accumulation of,
i. 41. Effects of wealth on the existence of an intellectual class,
42. Physical causes by which the creation of wealth is governed,
42 _et seq._ Laws of the distribution of wealth, 51. Interest,
profits, and wages, 52. Causes of the unequal distribution of wealth
in India in all ages, 72-77
Weather, alleged effect of gloomy, on the love of suicide,
i. 220 _note_
Wellington, Duke of, his character as a warrior and statesman, i. 201,
202
Welsh, John, story of, and the Popish mocker, iii. 212
Werner, A. G., character of his method of geological speculation,
iii. 393
Wesley, John, his abilities as a theological statesman, i. 421, 422.
Calumnies and insults to which he and his followers were subjected by
the clergy, 423. His ambitious views as to his sect, 424 _note_
Westphalia, Congress of, purely secular policy of the, ii. 41. The
revenues of the Church seized by the contracting parties, 41.
Indignation of the pope at the treaty, 41 _note_
Whewell, Dr., his errors, ii. 401 _note_
Whigs, their long monopoly of power, i. 443. Displaced by the Tories
in the reign of George III., 443, 446
Whitby, first printing office in, i. 432 _note_
White, Blanco, on free will, quoted, i. 15 _note_
Whitefield, George, his career, i. 421 _note_. Character of his
sermons, 421 _note_. Excitement produced by him, 421 _note_.
Opposition of the clergy to him, 423, 424 _note_
Wightman, one of the last English martyrs to religious opinions,
i. 345 _note_
Will, free, controversies of the Calvinists and Arminians as to,
ii. 338
William the Conqueror, his modification of the feudal system in
England, ii. 114
William III., main characteristics of the reign of, i. 402, 403.
Eulogy of Sir A. Alison, 403 _note_. Hostility between the King and
the clergy, 405. His abolition of episcopacy in Scotland, 406. His
deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and six of his brethren,
410
Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, the last ecclesiastical lord
keeper, i. 417 _note_
Witchcraft, period of the destruction of the old notions respecting,
i. 363 _note_. Charge of Chief Baron Hale in 1665, 363 _note_. The
last witches executed in England and in Spain, 364 _note_. John
Wesley's belief in the existence of witches, 364 _note_. Repeal of the
statutes against witchcraft, 364 _note_. Witchcraft in Scotland,
iii. 37
Woodrow, value of his 'Analecta,' iii. 230 _note_
Wool manufactures of Spain in the eighteenth century, ii. 542
Writing, invention of, a cause of error in history, i. 296. Modes in
which it effects this, 296, 297
Yeomanry, rights of English, ii. 119. Unknown in France, 120. Decay of
the Yeomanry in England, 120 _note_
Yeomen of the Guard, establishment of the, ii. 7 _note_
Zamora, Spanish poet, ii. 480
Zoology, state of the science of, in France under Louis XIV., ii. 197
Zoology, generalizations in, of Frenchmen in the eighteenth century,
ii. 375. The statical and dynamical parts of, 375. Impetus given to
the science by Cuvier and Bichat, 376-381
Zurich, antiquity of, according to Swiss authorities, i. 312
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Transcriber's Notes:
The original spelling and minor inconsistencies in the spelling and
formatting have been maintained.
Inconsistent hyphenation and accents are as in the original if not marked
as a misprint.
Index entries out of sequence have not been corrected.
Text in italics has been marked with underscores (_text_).
The ligatures OE and oe have been marked as [OE] and [oe], the acute
accent above r as [/r] and the macron above a letter as [=letter].
The sign ^ has been used as a superscript.
The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
p. xii: 361-sqq. -> 361-seq.
p. xiv: 420-sqq. -> 420-seq.
p. 7: vol iv. p. 313: -> p. 313;
p. 7: vol. xviii. p, 309 -> p. 309
p. 12: by the English. -> by the English.'
p. 13: Somerville's Memoire -> Memorie
p. 18: sovereignty over Scotland. -> Scotland.'
p. 18: Chalmer's Caledonia -> Chalmers' Caledonia
p. 20: days of Robert the First, -> First,'
p. 21: 18, 27, 375; vol. -> 18, 27, 375, vol.
p. 21: 485; vol. x. p. 584; vol. -> 485, vol. x. p. 584, vol.
p. 23: Extract from the -> Extracts from the
p. 24: mercery and haberdashery. -> haberdashery.'
p. 25: vol. i. p. 512 -> 512.
p. 26: the bishop and chapter. -> chapter.'
p. 29: though it is is -> though it is
p. 30: Great Tay, through Perth, -> 'Great
p. 31: ces salles parées. -> parées,
p. 37: the Spottiswoode -> The Spottiswoode
p. 41: could sign his own name.' -> name."
p. 46: justiciaries to assist. -> assist.'
p. 50: not the king himselue -> himselfe
p. 62: Calderwood's Historie -> History
p. 64: Henry VIII., "in -> 'in
p. 65: Pitcairn's Criminal Trials of -> in
p. 66: favor ony heretike. -> heretike.'
p. 78: 'the secound of Maij. -> 'the secound of Maij.'
p. 80: he (the orator)' -> he (the orator)
p. 86: on the extreame povertie -> 'on
p. 91: "To requyre payment -> 'To
p. 94: _Church and State in Scotland_ vol. -> _Scotland_, vol.
p. 95: in this reformed Kirk. -> Kirk.'
p. 97: and ordaines, That -> that
p. 106: miscreants and bribers -> bribers.
p. 107: salbe the worst.' -> worst."'
p. 111: Edinburgh, 1847. p. xxxix. -> Edinburgh, 1847, p. xxxix.
p. 119: of Montrose, in 1600 -> 1600.
p. 121: pp. 265, 266, 272; vol. -> 272, vol.
p. 129: twentie thowsand pounds." -> twentie thowsand pounds.'
p. 137: The Diary of Mr. John Lamont, -> Lamont
p. 147: Duke of York's instigation. -> instigation.'
p. 147: instigation.' _Shield's Hind let loose_ -> Shields' Hind
p. 147: See _Shield's Hind let loose_ -> Shields' Hind
p. 148: According to Burnet, the -> 'the
p. 149: with an exquisite torture; -> torture;'
p. 152: greatest of his works -> works.
p. 154: to about 4500 men; -> men;'
p. 158: London, 4to, 1817, vol ii. p -> vol. ii. p.
p. 162: Fountainhall's Notes on -> Notes of
p. 204: _Burnet's History of his own Time_, vol -> vol.
p. 211: whole counsel of God. -> God.'
p. 215: before he reached him!"' -> him!'
p. 218: p. 43, in vol i. -> vol. i.
p. 224: _Binning's Sermons_, vol. ii. p. 118; vol. -> 118, vol.
p. 226: his people by Satan, -> Satan,'
p. 228: and continoues sick." -> sick.'
p. 228: when this happened. -> happened.'
p. 250: Fleming's Fulfilling of -> of the
p. 250: Balfour's Annals -> Annales
p. 253: then when they are are -> then when they are
p. 254: and we should chose -> choose
p. 262: On the 22d October -> On the 22nd October
p. 264: The History -> Historie
p. 280: _Chalmers' Caledonia_, vol -> vol.
p. 287: _Gray's Precious Promises_, p. 139 -> p. 139.
p. 288: _of Edinburgh_,, -> _of Edinburgh_,
p. 311: vol. ii. p. 23, seqq. -> vol. ii. pp. 23 seq.
p. 312: united with biography, -> biography.
p. 313: vol. ii. p: 206. -> p. 206.
p. 328: the wages of labour. -> labour.'
p. 333: _Brougham's Works_, Glasgow, 1856. -> 1856,
p. 336: to determine what Adam's -> Adam
p. 338: Moral Sentiment -> Sentiments
p. 349: of Smith, not -> nor
p. 352: murder by persons unknown?' -> unknown?
p. 358: pp. 36, 37, 340, 343; vol. -> 343, vol.
p. 358: pp. 115, 116, 288-299; vol. -> 288-299, vol.
p. 358: vol. i. p. 305; vol. -> 305, vol.
p. 359: vol. i. p. 329, 334; vol. -> 334, vol.
p. 361: into execution in his writings. -> writings.'
p. 368: concealed in them,--_latet_ -> _latent_
p. 387: says of it, very grvaely -> gravely
p. 392: strata from the year 1790. -> 1790.'
p. 398: were of igneous origin. -> origin.'
p. 410: if not superior, to Newton. -> Newton.'
p. 436: _Hunter's Works_, vol. i. p. 43; vol. -> 43, vol.
p. 473: 'The members were of opinion that it was -> 'that it was
p. 483: Geoffrey of Monmouth, i. 324. -> i. 324
p. 484: statement respecting, ii. 281. -> ii. 281
p. 488: one of Linnæus, -> one of Linnæus, ii.
p. 490: civil war, ii, -> ii.
p. 491: at an early period in, -> at an early period in, i.
p. 492: peace of Westphalia, ii, -> ii.
p. 494: they appeared, ii. 208. -> 208
p. 496: his secular philosophy, 329 -> 329.
p. 497: with the clergy, 420, -> 420.
p. 497: for the relief of the, 463. -> 463
p. 498: Dryburgh Abbey -> Abbey,
p. 498: sixteenth century, iii. 30. -> sixteenth century, 30.
p. 500: term of years first authorized. -> authorized,
p. 501: establishments of, -> establishments of, i.
p. 502: first financial reforms, i. -> first financial reforms,
p. 502: Fossils; -> Fossils,
p. 504: Francis 1. of France -> Francis I. of France
p. 505: surrounded his accession, -> surrounded his accession, i.
p. 505: 'Letters' of, ii, -> ii.
p. 506: of political degradation. -> degradation,
p. 506: admiration for England, ii, -> ii.
p. 507: studies in crystallography -> crystallography,
p. 508: causes of the, i. 144. -> i. 144
p. 510: French by Le Blanc, ii, -> ii.
p. 511: in the reign of Louis XIV., -> in the reign of Louis XIV., ii.
p. 512: of the government, 494, -> 494.
p. 514: Ismorphism -> Isomorphism
p. 515: his accession, -> his accession, i.
p. 515: 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' -> 'Ecclesiastical Polity,' i.
p. 519: literary class, 239 _note_. -> _note_
p. 520: to favour the King, 297. -> 297
p. 520: the Jansenists, ii. 344 -> the Jansenists, 344
p. 521: of human knowledge, 229. -> 229
p. 523: drained by the, 97 -> drained by the, i. 97
p. 524: literature, i. 437 _note_. -> _note_
p. 525: Calvinist opinions, 345. -> 345
p. 530: Mathew Paris, i. 315. -> Mathew Paris, 315.
p. 533: theory of rent, i. 250 -> theory of rent, 250
p. 534: Religious teleration -> toleration
p. 534: clergy inevitable, ii. 347. -> clergy inevitable, 347.
p. 535: pointed out by Descartes, -> pointed out by Descartes, ii.
p. 543: once inspired, ii. 262. -> once inspired, 262.
p. 544: in the eighteenth century, 558 -> 186
p. 545: conception of the, 18 -> conception of the, i. 18
p. 546: aided by Montesquieu, 314. -> 314
p. 546: tax the colonies, 478 -> 478
p. 547: office in, i 432 -> office in, i. 432
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