The History of the Revolutions of Portugal

By Author	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Title	[ A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z \| Other Symbols ]
By Language

Download this book: [ ASCII | PDF ]

Look for this book on Amazon

We have new books nearly every day.
If you would like a news letter once a week or once a month fill out this form and we will give you a summary of the books for that week or month by email.

Title: The History of the Revolutions of Portugal
Author: Vertot, Abbot de (René Aubert de Vertot), Boisgelin, Louis de
Language: English
As this book started as an ASCII text book there are no pictures available.

*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of the Revolutions of Portugal" ***

Every attempt has been made to replicate the original as printed.
Although some of the unusual spellings of the original have been
retained (i.e. Cotemporary, Portugueze, encreases, Uraguay, vinilla,
recal), several typographical errors have been corrected; a list follows
the text. (etext transcriber's note)

THE

HISTORY

THE REVOLUTIONS

PORTUGAL.

BY THE ABBÉ VERTOT.

CONTINUED TO THE PRESENT TIME,

_With historical and critical Notes, a chronological
Table of the Kings of Portugal, and
a Description of_

BRAZIL.

BY LOUIS DE BOISGELIN,
CHEVALIER DE MALTHE.

_Hos Viriathus agit, Lusitanumque Remotis
Extractum Lustris, primo Viriathus in ævo
Nomen Romanis factum mox nobile Damnis._

SILIUS Ital. _de Bell. Pun._ Lib. 3.

LONDON:

Printed by and for R. Juigné, No. 17, Margaret-street,
Cavendish-square.

Sold by LONGMAN, HURST, REES, and ORME,
Paternoster-row.

1809.

PREFACE.

The study of modern history has been, during a long course of years,
greatly neglected in the generality of public schools; but it now begins
to be regarded (as indeed it ought always to have been) as an object of
the greatest importance. In England, particularly, it constitutes one of
the principal branches of both public and private education.

The abbé de Vertot's History of the Revolutions of Portugal has been
always esteemed equally entertaining and instructive; and as such more
especially calculated for the use of young people. The late events in
that country has made it doubly interesting, and nothing now seems
wanting to complete so excellent a performance, but to continue the
narrative to the present period. This, however, if accurately given,
would greatly exceed the limits we propose to ourselves in this little
Work: to others, therefore, must we leave so laborious a task, and
merely content ourselves with presenting to the public the _annals of
Portugal_, from the war which the Portugueze term that of the
_acclamation_, to the battle of Veimera. We cannot even pretend to take
notice of several of the principal events which happened during that
space of time, though we have been particularly attentive in
investigating _those_ which have given rise _to_, and ended _in_
revolutions. We have also endeavoured to give a just idea of the
character of the different kings of Portugal, with the talents of the
ministers who have defended the royal authority, and the qualities of
those who have attacked it.

In regard to the revolution which lately threatened the total
annihilation of the throne of Portugal; the events which occasioned it,
and those which have happily stopped its progress, are so recent, and
so known, that we thought it needless to enter upon the subject.

Such has always been our respect for Vertot, that we have never presumed
to interrupt the course of his narrative; except, indeed, the very few
notes we have ventured to add, may be liable to such an interpretation.

This celebrated author having passed over in silence many of the
monarchs who reigned in Portugal, previous to the revolution he so
particularly described, we have added a chronological and historical
Table of the different kings from Henry of Burgundy, count of Portugal,
to John the IVth, duke of Braganza. We have likewise joined an accurate,
historical and critical Catalogue, not only of the works of the greater
part of the authors quoted by Vertot in his notes, (whose _names_ he
only mentions) but of all the most important books since published
relative to Portugal and its colonies.

The recent departure of the family of Braganza from Lisbon, and their
arrival in Brazil, has called for the attention, and interested the
minds of every one. We have therefore been tempted to give a slight
sketch of a country which is now become an object of no small curiosity:
to which we have added, for the satisfaction of those readers who may be
desirous of a more minute description, a list of the principal authors
who have made this beautiful, though remote part of the new world, the
particular object of their attention.

ACCURATE, HISTORICAL, AND CRITICAL

CATALOGUE

_Of the principal Works published relative to the History of Portugal._

_Résendius_ (Andrew, or Louis Andrew). John the IIId appointed him to
superintend the education of his two brothers. He published two works,
which are much esteemed: the first entitled, _de Antiquitatibus
Lusitaniæ_, (printed in folio at Evora, in 1593); and the second,
_Deliciæ Lusitano-Hispanicæ_. His brother Garcias published a folio
History of John the IIId, in Portugueze.

_Vasconcellos_ (Antonio) has published different works. One of the most
esteemed is entitled, _Anacephalosis id est summa Capita actorem regum
Lusitaniæ_.

_Texeira_ (Joseph) embraced the cause of the king, don Antonio, and
followed him to France, where he was greatly favoured by Henry the IIId,
and Henry the IVth. His work, called _Portugaliæ Ortu_, is not in very
great repute.

_Faria_ (de Sousa Emmanual) was born in 1610, and died in 1659. His
narratives are more eloquent than historical; he exhausts himself in
harangues and reflexions, treating the greatest and the most trifling
events with the same degree of importance. His principal characters are
always _heroes_, and never _men_. His most celebrated work is divided
into three parts; the first, containing the ancient history of
Lusitania; the second, the conquests made by the Portugueze in Asia, and
the eastern parts of Africa; and the third, the wars which took place in
that part of Africa which is opposite to Andalusia, and the kingdom of
Algarva. This work is curious and accurate, and has been translated into
Italian, French, and English. The same author has published a history of
Portugal, terminating at the reign of cardinal Henry. It has gone
through several editions; the best of which was printed in folio, in
1730, and is continued to a later epoch.

_Brito_ (Bernard de) a cistercian monk, historiographer of Portugal, was
born in 1569, and died in 1612. He published the _Monarchia Lusitana_, 7
vols. in folio, Lisbon, 1597, and 1612. This is a history of Portugal
which goes back as far as count Henry, and is elegantly written. Father
Antonio, and father Francisco Brandhamo, members of the same society,
have continued this history to the reign of Alphonso the IIId. The two
first volumes alone were written by Brito, who, however, was the author
of the _Panegyrics of the Kings of Portugal, with their Portraits_; and
also of the _Ancient Geography of Portugal_. There is likewise another
_Brito_, (Francisco) who wrote _Guerra Brasilica_, in 2 vols. folio,
printed at Lisbon in 1675.

_Brandhamo_, and his continuator, have only given a description of the
events which took place in Portugal from the usurpation of Philip the
IId to the revolution, with the consequences which attended it in the
reign of Philip the IVth.

_Birago_, of the order of Malta, has written on the same subject.
_Brandhamo_ wishing to adopt great simplicity of style, becomes very
dry, and sinks into a mere newspaper writer; whilst _Birago_ writes with
more spirit, his style is more equal, his reflexions lively and
ingenious, and his characters and descriptions interesting. This work
was translated, on its first appearance, into all the European
languages. The works of Birago and Brandhamo, were originally in
Italian, and tinctured with a degree of bombast, even in the most
trifling relations. They likewise introduced _concettis_ (puns) on
several occasions; than which nothing can be more ridiculous,
particularly in history.

_D'Eryceira_ (don Fernando Louis de Menesés, count) wrote _Portogallo
restorado_, which contains the causes, progress, and consequences of the
revolution, till the peace which Castille was forced to make with
Portugal in 1668. This work is written in Portugueze, and with all the
delicacy, strength, and energy of which that language is capable. He is
sometimes, however, too minute, since he enters into particulars, which,
though very interesting to his cotemporaries, and countrymen, are but
little so to foreigners: his book may, therefore, more properly be
termed a selection of excellent materials for writing a history, than a
regular history in itself. The Foreign Journal for 1757 contains a
catalogue of the numerous works of this author.

_Alegrette_ (count de) wrote the life of John the IId, in Latin, and in
so pure and elegant a style, that an author of the Augustan age need not
have blushed to acknowledge. His mode of writing is compact, though
clear; copious, but not diffuse. During the whole course of the work,
his principal heroes are constantly in view, whilst the characters and
different personages who play a part in the scene are perfectly natural
and varied.

_Barros_ (John de) born in 1496, died in 1570, was an author who was
reputed the _Livy_ of Portugal. He lived at the period when the
Portugueze first extended their conquests into Asia. His style is
simple, but he does not possess that noble and nervous simplicity of
expression by which d'Alegrette is so particularly distinguished.
Barros's work is divided into decades, the whole of which, has never
been printed. The greater part of the authors who have written on the
Indies, since Barros, have merely translated his work, and that in a
very inferior style. They are indeed very poor copies of a tolerably
good original. Possevin, and the president de Thou, are warm in their
encomiums on Barros, whilst la Boulaye le Goux represents him as a
paltry scribbler, whose history of Asia and India is not worth the pains
of reading. Both the praise and censure are certainly much exaggerated:
several authors, however, have continued this work, and likewise divided
their continuation into decades. Barros published the 1st in 1552, and
the second in 1563; the 4th never appeared till 1615, when it was
published by the command of Philip the IIId, who gave orders for
purchasing the manuscript from Barros's heirs. The succeeding decades,
from the 5th to the 13th, are not written by Barros. The best edition of
this work was printed at Lisbon, in 1736, in 3 vols. in folio. It has
been translated into Spanish by Alphonso Ulloa.

_Father du Tarry_, (a Jesuit) has copied less from Barros, than any of
the authors who have treated on the same subject. His history of the
East Indies contains several extraordinary and curious facts, of which
Barros, either from ignorance or inattention, has never made mention.
The principal subject of the Jesuit's history, is the progress of
Christianity amongst the idolaters. This author wants order and taste;
but his descriptions are lively, and his reflexions strong.

_Lafitau_ (Joseph Francis) published _Histoire des Découvertes, et des
Conquêtes des Portugais dans le nouveau Monde_. Printed at Paris, 1733,
2 vols. in quarto; and in 1734, 4 vols. duodecimo. This work is
accurate, and not ill written: which is not the case with the history,
by Abbé Raynal.

_Mariana_ (John) died in 1634, aged 87. His history of Spain may be
said not only to comprise that of Portugal, but that of the whole world.
Notwithstanding the minute, and indeed sometimes inaccurate relations
contained in his history of Spain, his imagination is so lively,
fertile, and varied; his style so smooth and pithy, that he has ever
been regarded one of the first writers of his time and nation. The best
Spanish edition of this history is that of Madrid, 1698, 2 vols. in
folio.

_Quien de la Neufville_, born in 1647, died in 1728, wrote the history
of Portugal, in 2 vols. quarto, published in 1700, by Anisson, royal
printer. This work is carried on no farther than the year 1521. The
author has neglected mentioning several very important facts, and taken
but very slight notice of many others: his work, however, in other
particulars, is an estimable one, and entitled him to a place in the
academy of inscriptions in Paris; it also procured him a pension for
life from the king of Portugal, of 1500 French livres.

_La Clede_ (Mr. de) was secretary to the maréchal de Coigny. He
published the _Nouvelle Histoire de du Portugal_, in 2 vols. quarto, in
1730; and the same work in 1735, in 9 vols. in duodecimo. This history
finishes at the peace between the Portugueze and Spaniards in 1668: to
which is added, a simple recapitulation of the principal facts taken
place from that epoch to the year 1713. La Clede reproaches Mr. le Quien
de la Neufville in his preface, with (as has been already mentioned)
passing over, or slightly taking notice of several important
circumstances. He also accuses the Abbé Vertot of having written his
account of the celebrated revolution of 1640, more agreeably than
faithfully. The greatest encomium we can possibly bestow on la Clede,
is, that the Portugueze esteem his history of their country, the best
which ever appeared in a foreign language.

Those of our readers who wish to be more particularly acquainted with
the authors who have written on Portugal, may consult _Méthode pour
étudier l'Histoire_, of Langlet de Fresnoi, and likewise that volume of
the universal history which treats of Portugal; the notes of which
contain the names and works of those authors, from whose authority they
have taken their facts. This history unfortunately terminates at the
peace of Utrecht. Two works relative to the history of Portugal have
lately been published by two authors of that country. The English, who
have written their travels into Portugal, viz. Springel, Murphy and
Link, have given some very curious accounts of that country, and their
works are very deservedly esteemed. We also particularly recommend the
perusal of Dumourier's _Etat du Portugal_; this book is, generally
speaking, an excellent one; and we have consulted it on several
occasions; it must, however, be read with caution; nor must the reader
entirely trust even to the quarto edition, printed at Hamburgh, in 1797:
since the author must now be too well acquainted with the English and
their resources, to believe[1] "that the descent on England, so often
prepared by the French government, and so often prevented by the gold
and intrigues of the cabinet of St. James's, could not fail of success,
if the French seriously attempted it; and that a peace alone can
possibly ward off a blow, which must crush the English, and bring
forward a revolution of the same nature as that which has taken place in
France."

The same author being likewise at this present moment equally, nay still
more acquainted with the _generosity_ than with the _resources_ of the
British nation, we flatter ourselves he will no longer be of opinion,[2]
"that the English _insult even when they seem to oblige_;" and that he,
however, will be the last who will verify what he advances, "_that their
manner of conferring favours, has caused nothing but ingratitude_."

* * * * *

_Names of the principal Authors who have written on Brazil._

PORTUGUEZE.

_Vandelli_ (Dominicus). Natural History. Botany.

_Andrada_ (D.) Natural History. Mineralogy. Diamonds.[3]

_Vasconcellos._ General History.

_Bérredo_. General History.

_Da Cunha de Azérido Continho_, bishop of Fernamburo. History, and
Commerce with England.

GERMANS.

_Faber_ (Ulicus). General Description, and Travels.

_Schmidel_ (Hulderivus). General Description, and Travels.

_Staduis_ (Joanes). General History, and Travels.

_Nicuhof_ (Johan). General Description, and Travels.

_Shneider_ (Johan Gottlop). Natural History. Zoology.

_Marcgraf_ (George). Saxon. Natural and General History.

FRENCH.

_Lérius_ (Joanes). General Description, and Travels.

_Condamine_ (Charles Marie de la). Partial Description, and Travels.

_Froger_ (F.) Partial Description, and Travels.

DUTCH.

_Baro_ (Roulex). Partial Description, and Travels.

_Piso_ (Guileilmus). Natural History. Botany.

ENGLISH.

_Knivet._ General Description, and Travels.

_Lindley_ (Thomas). Partial Description, and Travels.

_L'Histoire générale des Voyages_, contains several interesting
particulars relative to Brazil. We have consulted the last edition,
published by M. de la Harpe, for our account of animals and plants. Our
division of Brazil is taken from Pinkerton, and more especially from
Mantele; we have also the same authorities for what we say on the
governments, population, towns and commerce of that country. D'Andrado's
_Mémoire sur les Diamants de Brésil_, has been useful to us on the
subject of the diamond mines; and we have likewise consulted l'abbé
Raynal and Dumourier.

A CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORICAL TABLE OF THE KINGS OF PORTUGAL,

_From Henry, duke of Burgundy, count of Portugal, to John IV, duke of
Braganza, and king of Portugal._

----------------------------------------------------------------------
KINGS AND QUEENS | The Year of their |
|-----------------------------| CHILDREN.
|birth |mar- |coronat. |death|
| |riage| | |
--------------------+-------+-----+---------+-----+-------------------
Henry of Burgandy, |towards|1094 |made |1112 |Alphonso 1st king
count of Portugal. |1060 | or |count | |Theresa,
Theresa, the naturel| |1095 |the day | |
daughter of Alphonso| | |of his | |Urraca.
the VI, king of | | |marriage.| |
Castille. | | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |
Alphonso Enriquez, | | |1112 |1185 |Henry died young
1st king, reigned | | | | |Sancho, king,
with his mother | | | | |John,
Theresa till the | | | | |Mafalda,
year 1128. | | | | |
Mafalda, or | | | | |Urraca.
Mathilda, daughter | | | | |
of Amadeus, count of| | | | |
Maurienne and Savoy.| | | | |
| | | | |
| | | | |Theresa, afterwards
| | | | |called Mathilda.
| | | | |
| | | | |

-----------------------+----------------------------------+-----------------
| The Year of their: |
KINGS AND QUEENS +---------+--------+--------+------+ CHILDREN.
| birth |marriage|coronat.|death |
-----------------------+---------+--------+--------+------+-----------------
Denis, surnamed _the | 1261 | 1282 | 1279 | 1325 |Alphonso, king,
liberal, and the father| | | | |Constance.
of his country_. | | | | |
| | | | |
Elisabeth, daughter of | | | | |
don Pedro III, king | | | | |
of Arragon. | | | | |
| | | | |
Alphonso IV, surnamed | 1291 | 1309 | 1325 | 1357 |Alphonso } died
_the brave_ or _the | or | | | |Denis } young
proud_. | 1290 | | | |Pedro, king,
Beatrix, daughter of |new hist.| | | |Mary,
Sancho IV, king of | of | | | |
Castille. |Portugal | | | |Leonora.
| | | | |
Pedro I, surnamed | 1320 | 1339 | 1357 | 1367 |By the queen
_the justician_ or _the| | | | | Constance,
severe_. | | | | |Lewis died
| | | | | young.
Constance, daughter | | | | |
of John Emmanuel, | | | | |Ferdinand, king
of Castille. | | | | |and Maria.
| | | | |
Inez de Castro, | | | | | By
his concubine. | | | | |Inez de Castro,
| | | | |Alphonso died
| | | | | young.
| | | | |Denis.
| | | | |
| | | | |John, duke of
| | | | | Valencia,
| | | | |
| | | | |John, natural son
| | | | |by Theresa de
| | | | |Lorenzo,
| | | | |who afterwards
| | | | |became
| | | | |king of Portugal.

* * * * *

BOOKS,

_Published by R. JUIGNÉ, 17, Margaret Street, Cavendish-Square._

And sold by Messrs. B. DULAU and CO. Soho-Square; LONGMAN, HURST,
REES, and ORME, Paternoster-Row; BOOSEY, 4, Old Broad-Street; LAW,
13, Ave-Maria-lane, and other Booksellers.

A GENERAL TABLE of all the French Verbs, Regular and Irregular, by which
their Conjugation may be immediately found. One Sheet, folio, colored,
3s. 6d.

"This Method, which Mr. Juigné has adopted for this Table of the French
Verbs is very clear and distinct, and we are inclined to think that it
will be found of great Service to the Pupil, as soon as he is
familiarised to the Method of consulting it."--MONTHLY REVIEW.

A GENEALOGICAL TABLE of the different Parts of Speech, adapted to the
French Language. One Sheet, folio, coloured, 4s. 6d.

A CONCISE TREATISE of the FRENCH TONGUE; or, A Short Exposition of the
General Principles of that Language, being an Explanation of the
GENEALOGICAL TABLE of the different Parts of Speech, for the use of
Schools as well as Private Families. Bound 2s. 6d.

"Conciseness accompanied with Clearness is a strong Recommendation of an
Elementary Treatise, and those Qualities seem to be possessed by the
present Grammar of Mr. Juigné. It is undoubtedly very desirable to
Foreigners to have a convenient and adequate Rule for finding the Gender
of such Nouns in French as are Neuter in English. This is promised in
the Preface, and is thus executed, for the benefit however of those who
understand Latin.... The Author promises also, in his Preface, an
accurate Genealogical Table of the Parts of Speech.... He further
promises Rules for distinguishing clearly the Imperfect, and the two
Preterits, definite and indefinite; and as the Method of the Author is
in general Clear, we doubt not that it will be practically found
useful."--BRITISH CRITIC.

A GENERAL TABLE of all the Italian Verbs, regular and irregular, by
which their Conjugation may be immediately found. One Sheet, folio,
colored, 3s. 6d.--This Table, composed by R. Juigné, on the same Plan as
his Table of the French Verbs, being revised by Mr. Zotti, was printed
under the name of Zotti.

GERUSALEMME LIBERATA di TORQUATO TASSO, con note, ossia Spiegazioni de'
luoghi più oscuri, dilucidazioni Grammaticali ed imitazioni dai Classici
Antichi. Il tutto riveduto da Romualdo Zotti, ad uso degli Studiosi
della Lingua Italiana. 2 vols. 12mo. boards, 10s.

Ditto, fine paper, 15s.

Ditto, superfine paper, 8vo. 1l. 1s.

OPERE SCELTE DELL'ABATE METASTASIO, rivedute da L. Nardini, ad uso degli
Studiosi della Lingua Italiana, 2da Edizione, riveduta da R. Zotti. 2
vol. 12mo. boards, 10s.

Ditto, fine paper, 15s.

HISTOIRE DES REVOLUTIONS DE PORTUGAL, par l'Abbé de Vertot, continuée
jusqu'au _temps présent_, enrichie de Notes Historiques et Critiques,
d'une Table Chronologique des Rois de Portugal et d'une Description du
Brésil, par Louis de Boisgelin, Chevalier de Malthe. 12mo. bound, 5s.
6d.

LA CHAUMIERE INDIENNE (par Bernardin de St. Pierre,) 18mo. sewed, 2s.

LA DUCHESSE DE LA VALLIERE, par Madame de Genlis, 2 vol. 12mo. sewed,
8s.

ABRÉGÉ DE L'HISTOIRE DE FRANCE faisant partie du Cours d'études, imprimé
par Ordre du Roi, à l'Usage de L'ECOLE ROYALE MILITAIRE, NOUVELLE
EDITION contenant _l'Histoire de la Révolution_ jusqu'à la Mort de Louis
XVI, avec un Abrégé, en vers, des Epoques les plus intéressantes de
l'Histoire de France, 12mo. bound, 5s.

HISTORY

OF THE

REVOLUTIONS OF PORTUGAL.

The kingdom of Portugal makes part of the great extent of country called
Spain;[4] most of its provinces bear the names of the different kingdoms
into which it is divided: that of Portugal lies to the West of Castille,
and on the most western coast of Europe; it is only a hundred and ten
leagues in length, and its greatest breadth does not exceed fifty. The
soil is fertile, the air wholesome, and the heat of the climate is
tempered by refreshing breezes and fruitful showers. The crown is
hereditary, and the monarch absolute. The formidable tribunal of the
Inquisition is regarded by this prince as the safest and most useful
means of forwarding his political views, and as such, employed by him
with the greatest success. The Portugueze are naturally fiery, proud,
and arrogant, greatly attached to their religion, though more
superstitious than truly devout; they regard almost every event as a
prodigy, and not only persuade themselves, but endeavour to persuade
others, that they are the peculiar favourites of Providence, which never
fails to protect them in the most extraordinary manner.

The original inhabitants of this country have never been justly
ascertained. Some historians make them the descendants of _Tubal_, and
it would be scarcely possible for the most fabulous accounts to trace
their origin farther back; every nation, indeed, has some chimerical
notions on this head; there is not, however, the smallest doubt, that
these provinces belonged successively to the Carthaginians and the
Romans; but towards the beginning of the fifth century the whole of
Spain became the prey of the Alains, the Sueves, the Vandals, and the
rest of the barbarous nations generally termed Goths, when Portugal was
sometimes governed by its own appropriate kings, and sometimes subjected
to the Castilian monarchs.

During the reign of Roderick, last king of the Goths, in the beginning
of the eighth century, the Moors, or more properly speaking the Arabs,
subjects of the calif Valid-Almanzar, crossed from Africa into Spain,
and conquered a great part of that country, to which they were invited
by count Julien, a Spanish nobleman, whose resentment towards Roderick,
for the violation of his daughter, induced him to forward by every
possible means the designs of the enemy, who extended their dominions
from the straits of Gibraltar to the Pyreneans; they could not, however,
pierce into the Asturian mountains, where the Christians flew for
refuge, and were governed by prince Pelagio, who founded the kingdom of
Leon or Oviedo in that spot.

Portugal shared the fate of the other Spanish provinces, and became
subject to the Moors, who established a variety of different
governments, which on the death of the Great Almanzar became
independant, and were transformed into small principalities; these,
however, did not long exist, they were disunited by emulation and
clashing interests, whilst luxury and indolence completed their ruin.

Henry, count of Burgundy[5], descended from Robert, king of France,
succeeded in driving the Moors from Portugal towards the beginning of
the twelfth century. This prince, animated by the same zealous spirit of
religion which caused the Crusades of those times, entered Spain,
decided to signalize himself against the infidels, and began his
military career under Roderick de Bivar, that celebrated general,
distinguished in history by the name of the _Cid_. He displayed such
extraordinary valour in these religious wars, that Alphonso the VIth,
king of Castille and Leon, gave him the command of his army. This French
prince is said to have defeated the Moors in seventeen pitched battles,
and to have driven them from the northern part of Portugal. The king of
Castille, anxious to attach so great a general to his service, united
him to his daughter the princess Theresa, and at the same time presented
him with all the provinces he had conquered as a marriage portion. These
the count considerably augmented by fresh victories: he besieged, and
took the cities of Lisbon, Viseu, and Coimbra: he succeeded equally in
the three provinces situated between the Douro and Minho, which Henry
formed into a considerable sovereignty, and though he never took the
title of king, he was the original founder of the kingdom of Portugal.

His son, the prince Alphonso, inherited his father's valour, and
succeeded him in his possessions, which he even augmented by new
conquests. Thus heroes lay the foundation of empires, whilst the weak
and cowardly disgracefully lose them. The soldiers of count Alphonso
proclaimed him king, after having gained a great victory over the Moors,
and the states general, assembled at Lamego, confirmed this august
title, which justly descended to his successors.

It was in this assembly, composed of the principal persons of the
nation, that the fundamental laws, relative to the succession to the
crown, were established. The first article commences as follows:--_May
King Alphonso live amongst us, and reign over us!_ If he has male issue
they shall be our kings; the son shall succeed his father, who in his
turn shall be succeeded by his son, afterwards by his grandson; and so
on to the end of time.

ARTICLE II.

If the king's eldest son die before his father, the second son shall
succeed to the crown; in case of his death, he shall be replaced by the
third, who shall be succeeded by the fourth, and, in the same manner, by
all the remaining sons of the king.

ARTICLE III.

If the king die without male issue, and should have a brother, he shall
be our king; but he shall not be succeeded by his son, unless the said
son should be elected by the bishops and states, in which case, but in
no other, we will acknowledge him for our sovereign.

ARTICLES IV AND V.

If the king of Portugal should leave no male issue, his daughter shall
be our queen, provided she marry a Portugueze nobleman; who, however,
shall not bear the title of king till after the birth of a male child.
In presence of the queen, he shall always be placed on her left hand,
and shall not be permitted to wear the regal crown.

ARTICLE VI.

This last law shall always be strictly observed, and the king's eldest
daughter shall never espouse any but a Portugueze nobleman, lest the
kingdom should become subject to a foreign prince. Should the king's
daughter infringe this article and become the wife of a prince or
nobleman of another country, she shall not be acknowledged queen; and
this, because we will not suffer our people to be ruled by a king who
was not born a Portugueze, since it is to our subjects and countrymen
alone, without any foreign aid, who shed their blood in our service, and
by their valour raised our country to regal dignity.

* * * * *

By the strict observance of the above wise laws, the crown of Portugal
remained for several centuries in the possession of the royal family of
Alphonso. His successors have since added greatly to the splendour and
power of the kingdom, by the important conquests gained in Africa,
India, and afterwards in America. The Portugueze have displayed a degree
of courage and skill in the conducting these distant and wonderful
enterprises, which justly entitles them to the warmest eulogiums. They
have also had the glory of introducing the Christian religion into these
conquered countries, where the Portugueze missionaries have greatly
succeeded in making known the worship of the true God to the most
idolatrous and barbarous nations. Such was the situation of Portugal
about the year 1557, when the king, don Sebastian came to the throne. He
was the posthumous son of don John, who died before his father, king
John the IIId, who succeeded his father the great king Emanuel.

Don Sebastian was scarcely three years old when he became king. His
grandmother, Catherine of Austria, was appointed regent during his
minority. This princess was the daughter of Philip the Ist, king of
Castille, and, the sister of the emperor Charles the Vth. Don Alexis de
Menezes, a nobleman who professed the strictest piety, was named
governor to the young prince; and the literary part of his education was
confided to the care of father don Louis de Camara, a member of the
society of Jesuits. Nothing was omitted on the part of these wise and
learned preceptors which could possibly contribute to the instruction of
the young prince; his mind was early formed to piety, and at the same
time he was inspired with every elevated sentiment worthy of royalty.
But these noble and Christian principles were carried too far. Menezes
continually dwelling on the conquests gained by his predecessors in
India, and on the coasts of Africa, whilst the Jesuit never ceased
representing to his pupil, that as kings held their crowns from God
alone, their only object in government should be, not only to cause him
to be worshipped at home, but in the most distant countries, in which
even his name was hitherto unknown. Such a mixture of pious and warlike
ideas made too strong an impression on a youthful prince naturally
lively and impetuous. His every thought was turned towards conquests: he
talked on no other subject; and no sooner had he taken the reins of
government into his own hands, than he meditated attacking Africa in
person. He accordingly held continual conferences, both with officers
and missionaries, and seemed decided on adding the title of apostle to
the glorious one of conqueror.

The civil war lately broken out in the kingdom of Morocco, seemed a
favourable opportunity of signalizing his zeal and courage. Muley
Mahamet had succeeded his father Abdala, the last king of Morocco, but
his paternal uncle, Muley Moluc, pretended that he had usurped the
crown, which according to the law of the _Cherifs_, fell successively to
the king's brothers in preference to his own children. This dispute
occasioned a bloody war between the uncle and nephew. The former, a
valiant prince, a profound politician, and a great general, having
formed a powerful party in the kingdom, defeated Mahamet in three
different battles, and finished by driving him not only from his
dominions, but even out of Africa.

The vanquished prince sought an asylum in the court of Portugal, and
represented to Sebastian, that though he had been driven from Morocco,
he had still many secret friends in that country, who only waited his
return to declare themselves in, his favour: that he had also learnt
Moluc was suffering by a lingering malady, which in the end must prove
fatal; and that his brother Hamet was too little esteemed by the nation
to have any hopes of succeeding him. If, therefore, at so critical a
moment, he could be enabled to appear at the head of a small body of
troops on the frontiers, he doubted not but his former subjects would
replace him on the throne; which, should he recover by the inference of
Portugal, he would in future acknowledge himself vassal to that power;
into the possession of which he would rather yield his crown, than
permit it to remain on the head of an usurper.

Don Sebastian, ever alive to impressions of glory, and whose every idea
turned to important conquests, engaged in this affair with more
eagerness than prudence, and instantly determined on marching in person
to Morocco. He treated the Moorish king in the most distinguished
manner, and promised to reinstate him in his dominions at the head of
the whole army of Portugal. He, indeed, flattered himself with shortly
hoisting the banner of the cross on all the mosques in Morocco; and it
was in vain the most prudent members of his council used every
persuasive argument to dissuade him from so precipitate a measure. His
courage, his Christian zeal, the presumption natural to youth, and
frequently the companion of royalty, joined to the voice of flattery, so
constantly heard in a court, made him regard this victory as easy as
glorious. Thus obstinate in his opinions, and convinced of his superior
abilities, as if sovereign knowledge must necessarily attend on
sovereign power, he refused listening to the voice of his ministers and
council, he crossed the sea, and undertook with an army of scarcely
thirteen thousand men, to dethrone a powerful monarch, esteemed the
greatest general in Africa.

Moluc being informed of the designs and landing of the king of Portugal,
waited his arrival at the head of his whole army. His cavalry consisted
of forty thousand, most of whom were old and experienced soldiers, even
still more formidable from the conduct and capacity of their leader,
than from their personal valour. As to the infantry, it was only
composed of ten thousand regular troops; and he placed very little
dependance on the crowds of Arabs and militia which had hastened to his
assistance. These, indeed, were much more inclined to pillage than
conquer, and were always ready to fly or to declare in favour of the
victorious party. Moluc, however, employed these troops to harrass the
Christian army, and being spread throughout the country, they were
constantly skirmishing in sight of the camp. They had secret orders to
fly from the Portugueze; with a view of drawing them from their
intrenchments on the sea-shore, and at the same time keeping up the
blind confidence of don Sebastian by affected marks of fear. That
prince, more brave than prudent, daily perceiving the Moors unable to
stand before his troops, commanded them to quit their intrenchments, and
marched against Moluc with the certainty of success. The barbarian
monarch seemed at first to retreat, as wishing to avoid a decisive
battle; few of his troops appeared in sight, and he even made different
proposals to don Sebastian, as if he mistrusted his forces and feared
for the event of the war. The king of Portugal, from the idea that the
difficulty consisted, not in conquering, but in coming up, to the enemy,
continued the pursuit. But no sooner did Moluc perceive the Portugueze
sufficiently distant from the shore, and consequently from their fleet,
than he collected his army in the plain, and formed his cavalry in the
form of a crescent to enclose the whole of the Christian forces. His
brother Hamet commanded this corps; but having no great idea of his
courage, he took care to inform him, that he owed this distinction to
his rank alone, assuring him at the same time, that should he be
cowardly enough to fly, he would strangle him with his own hands, and
that he had no choice left but conquest or death. The state of his own
health was such, and his weakness was so great from the effects of his
long consuming illness, that he expected every moment to be his last; he
therefore determined that the day of his death should be the most
glorious of his existence. He himself arranged the order of battle, and
gave his commands with as much clearness and presence of mind as if in
perfect health. He even looked forward to the events which would
probably take place after his death, and gave particular orders to the
officers around him, that should it happen during the heat of the
combat, the news should not be suffered to transpire; that to keep up
the confidence of his soldiers, his aid-de-camp should approach his
litter as usual, and appear to take orders as if he was still in
existence. Such courage and magnanimity can never be sufficiently
admired. It seems, indeed, that this barbarian prince had so arranged
his designs, and given his orders in his last moments, that even death
itself could not rob him of victory. After having taken these measures,
he was carried through the ranks, where his presence, gestures, and
discourse, all tended to exhort the Moors to fight for the defence of
their religion and country.

The battle commenced on each side by a discharge of cannon, when the two
armies moved forward and charged furiously. Presently the combat became
general, and the Moorish infantry, principally composed, as has been
already mentioned, of Alarbs and other vagrants, easily gave way to the
Portugueze, whose courage was animated by the presence of their king.
The duke d'Aveiro even succeeded in driving back a corps of cavalry to
the quarters of the king of Morocco; who, on perceiving his soldiers in
confusion, and shamefully flying, jumped from his litter, and burning
with rage and indignation, decided, though almost in the agonies of
death, to drive them back to the charge, his officers vainly opposed his
design, and he forced a passage through the ranks with his sword; but
this effort entirely exhausted his little remaining strength, and he
fainted in the arms of his equerries, who bore him back to his litter;
when, putting his finger on his mouth to enjoin secrecy, he immediately
expired; but though his death was so sudden, that there was no time to
convey him to his tent, both armies remained ignorant of his fate.

Hitherto success seemed to attend the Christians; but the Moorish
cavalry having formed a large circle, drew together by degrees, and
closing their ranks, entirely surrounded don Sebastian's little army.
The Moorish cavalry then proceeded to charge the Portugueze cavalry on
every side, whilst the latter, overpowered by numbers, fell back on the
infantry, and falling amongst them, overwhelmed the whole with confusion
and dismay. The infidels immediately took advantage of the open and
disordered state of the battalions, and rushing amongst them with their
scymitars, easily obtained a complete victory over troops already more
than half subdued by astonishment and terror. The field of battle then
became a scene of slaughter; nothing but carnage presented itself on
every side; wretches on their knees begging for life, whilst others
sought their safety in flight, but, so hemmed in were they, that it was
impossible to escape, and death attended them from every quarter. The
rash Sebastian fell a victim to his imprudence: but whether from
ignorance of his rank he was killed in the general flight, or whether he
sought death sooner than survive the numerous persons of distinction
murdered by the Moors, whom he had himself led to destruction, has never
been ascertained. Muley Mahamat, the original author of the war,
endeavoured to save himself by flight, but was drowned in passing the
river Mucazen. Thus perished, in one fatal day, three great princes.
Their deaths indeed were different, Moluc losing his life by illness,
Mahamet by water, and Sebastian by the fate of arms[6].

Sebastian was succeeded on the throne of Portugal by his great uncle
cardinal don Henry, the brother of his grandfather, John the IIId, and
the son of king Emmanuel. But this prince being a priest, in an infirm
state of health, and more than sixty-seven years of age, all those who
had any pretensions to the crown, regarded him merely as the guardian
of their rights, each individual therefore endeavoured to prepossess him
in his or her favour.

The candidates on this occasion were numerous, and the greatest part
were descendants, though in different degrees, from king Emmanuel,
Philip the IId, king of Spain, Catherine of Portugal, the wife of don
Jacques, duke of Braganza, the duke of Savoy, the duke of Parma, and
Anthony, knight of Malta, and grand prior of Crato, were all equally
solicitous to bring forward and establish their pretensions. Different
publications appeared in the name of these princes, and the civilians
employed in the cause, endeavoured to regulate the order of succession
in favour of their respective clients.

Philip the IId, was son to the infanta Isabella, the eldest daughter of
Emmanuel. The duchess of Braganza was descended from don Edward, son of
the same Emmanuel. The duke of Savoy was the son of princess Beatrix,
the empress's sister. The mother of the duke of Parma was Mary of
Portugal, daughter of prince Edward, and the eldest sister of the
duchess of Braganza. The grand prior was a natural son of don Louis de
Beja (second son of Emmanuel,) and Violante de Gomez, surnamed the
_Pelican_, one of the most beautiful women of the age she lived in, and
to whom, Anthony affirmed, his father was secretly married. Catherine de
Medicis also entered the lists, and grounded her pretensions to the
crown on being descended from Alphonso the IIId, king of Portugal, and
Mathilda, countess of Boulogne.

Even the pope himself endeavoured to reap some benefit from the king's
being a cardinal, as if the crown in that case must necessarily be
guarded as a benefice devolving on the court of Rome.

These foreign claimants were not very formidable, the greater part being
not in a situation to support their pretensions. The succession
therefore laid principally betwixt the king of Spain, and the duchess of
Braganza. The latter was greatly beloved; and her husband, though not in
a direct line, was descended from the kings of Portugal. She, however,
claimed the crown in her own person, being born a Portugueze, and all
foreign princes, as mentioned in the beginning of this work, being
excluded from the dignity of king, by the fundamental laws of the
nation. Philip agreed to this principle, as far as it tended to the
exclusion of the dukes of Savoy and Parma; but he would never accede to
a king of Spain being deemed a foreigner in Portugal, particularly as
this small kingdom had been more than once subject to the kings of
Castille. Each party had it separate supporters. The cardinal king was
beset with constant solicitations; but he could not venture to decide in
an affair of such importance; neither was he too well pleased with
hearing eternally of his successor. He was desirous of living long, and
reigning quietly: he therefore referred the discussion of the
candidates' claims to a junta, who was not to decide the succession till
after his demise.

The death of this prince, who only enjoyed the regal dignity seventeen
months, involved the country in disputes and confusion. The friends of
the different claimants were warm in their exertions in their favour;
even the most indifferent felt anxious for the decision of the junta
appointed by his late majesty in his last will and testament. In the
mean time, Philip the IId, well aware that causes of such importance
were not terminated by the opinions of civilians, sent a powerful army
into Portugal: this was commanded by the celebrated duke of Alba, who
presently decided the affair, in his master's favour.

It does not appear in history that the duke of Braganza took up arms to
support his claims to the crown. The grand prior alone employed every
possible means to oppose the Castillians; he had been proclaimed king by
the populace, and took the title, as if it had been bestowed on him by
the states general of the nation. His friends raised a military force in
his behalf, but it was presently cut to pieces by the duke of Alba: the
superior skill, indeed, of the Spanish general, surmounted every
obstacle; and the Portugueze, disunited among themselves, without
generals to command them, destitute of regular troops, and with nothing
to support their courage but their natural animosity to the Castillians,
were defeated on many different occasions. The greater part of the
cities and towns entered into separate treaties, from the dread of being
given up to plunder. Philip was acknowledged legitimate sovereign, and
took possession of the kingdom as great nephew and heir of the deceased
king; he, however, regarded the right of conquest as his securest title,
and both he and his successors regulated their conduct on the same
principle, since Philip the IIId, and Philip the IVth, his son and
grandson always treated the Portugueze much more as a conquered people,
than as natural subjects. This kingdom therefore became, as formerly, a
mere province of Spain; and that without the Portugueze ever being in a
situation even to attempt freeing themselves from the Castillian yoke.
The grandees of the nation never ventured to appear with a magnificence
suitable to the dignity of their birth, lest they should excite
suspicion in the breast of the Spanish ministers; since, at that epoch,
riches, birth, or superior merit, were sure to entail mistrust and
persecution on their possessors. The nobility might be said to be
confined in their country houses, whilst the people were oppressed by
taxes.

The count-duke d'Olivares, prime minster to Philip the IVth, king of
Spain, was of opinion, that newly conquered countries could never be too
completely reduced: he was very well aware, that notwithstanding all his
efforts, the old and natural antipathy between the nations was such,
that the Spanish dominion must ever be odious to the Portugueze, who
could never behold, without indignation, important posts and governments
filled either by foreigners, or by men raised from the lowest
situations, whose only merit consisted in being entirely subservient and
devoted to the court. The count-duke therefore thought he could not
more effectually secure the authority of his sovereign, than by
preventing the nobility from taking any share in public affairs, and so
completely impoverishing the people that they could have neither the
courage nor the power to take any steps towards a change of situation:
he also took care to employ all the younger part of the nation, and
indeed all others capable of bearing arms, in foreign service, and that
from the politic motive of removing dissatisfied and turbulent spirits,
lest they should be tempted to disturb the peace of the government.

This plan, if followed to a certain degree, might probably have
succeeded, but the state of affairs at the court of Spain, and the
severe and inflexible disposition of the prime minister having carried
matters too far, it produced a contrary effect. They no longer kept any
terms with the Portugueze, and did not even condescend to make use of
the usual pretences to extort money from the people, but enforced
payment more in the style of contributions from a conquered enemy, than
taxes lawfully levied from faithful subjects. The Portugueze therefore,
having nothing more to lose, and perceiving no hopes of either ending or
mitigating the misery of their situation, without a change of
government, began to reflect on means of freeing themselves from a
dominion, which always appeared unjust, and was now become tyrannical
and intolerable.

Margaret of Savoy, duchess of Mantua, was at that time governess of
Portugal, but though dignified with the title of vice-queen, her power
was very limited; and the secrets of the state, with indeed an almost
unbounded authority, were entrusted to Michel de Vasconcellos, a
Portugueze, who, though entitled secretary of state to the vice-queen,
was in reality an absolute and independant minister. This man received
his instructions directly from the count-duke, whose creature he was,
and to whom he had made himself not only agreeable, but necessary, by
skilfully obtaining frequent and considerable supplies of money from
Portugal; and by a spirit of intrigue, which facilitated the execution
of his most secret intentions, he also created dissensions amongst the
nobility, which he artfully fomented by affecting to shew particular
marks of favour to one party, to which such distinctions were still more
grateful from the resentment and jealousy it caused in the other. Such
divisions amongst the first families of the nation, were calculated to
ensure the safety and quiet of the minister, who had good reason to
believe, that whilst the heads of those families were employed in
planning schemes of private revenge, they would never be tempted to
undertake any thing inimical to the government. The duke of Braganza
alone, throughout the whole of Portugal, was in a situation to cause the
Spaniards the smallest uneasiness. This prince was of a mild and amiable
disposition, but rather inclined to indolence; his understanding was
more solid than lively; in business he constantly attended to the main
point, and presently made himself acquainted with every thing that he
thought worth the pains of acquiring, though in general he was an enemy
to application. His father, don Theodorius, on the contrary, was
impetuous and fiery, and had left no means untried to transmit to his
son his natural antipathy to the Spaniards; whom he always regarded as
usurpers of a crown which properly belonged to himself: he therefore
endeavoured to inspire the young prince, not only with sufficient
ambition to desire the possession of that crown, but with spirit and
courage to undertake so great and dangerous an enterprize. Don John,
indeed, had imbibed all the sentiments of his father, but tempered by
the natural gentleness and moderation of his character, he undoubtedly
detested the Spaniards, though not sufficiently to induce him to make
any great exertions to punish their injustice. He was not devoid of
ambition, and always cherished hopes of one day filling the throne of
his ancestors; he, however, waited that event much more patiently than
his father, and, though decided not to lose sight of so important an
object, he was careful how he risked the loss of a most delightful
existence and the possession of immense riches, for the uncertain
prospect of a crown. This conduct, though very different from the views
of don Theodorius, was the most prudent; for had he pursued the plans of
his father, his designs would certainly have been frustrated. The
count-duke watched him so narrowly, that had his inactivity and love of
pleasure been merely a mask to cover deeper views, he would presently
have been discovered, and his fortune ruined for ever; for it never
could be supposed the court of Spain would have suffered so powerful an
enemy to remain quietly in the bosom of his country.

The most refined politician could not have acted more prudently in
regard to the Spaniards, than don John; and this, merely by following
the bent of his own inclinations. He was, indeed, perfectly convinced,
that though his birth, riches, and claims to the crown, could not justly
be imputed to him as crimes, they would be esteemed as such by political
judges, in whose eyes the most powerful must ever be the most criminal.
He therefore decided on adopting a line of conduct which should banish
all suspicion from the breasts of the Spaniards: fortunately this plan
was not only the most prudent, but the most agreeable to his feelings;
which led him to avoid entering into public affairs, and devoting
himself entirely to pleasure. Villa Vicosa, the usual residence of the
dukes of Braganza, became the seat of every social amusement; the hours
were passed in sporting and feasting, and the society composed of people
whose taste led them to enjoy the pleasures of the country, whilst they
diffused mirth and happiness to all around. Thus nature and fortune
conspired to favour don John; the first endowed him with qualities
suitable to the temper of the times, whilst the latter enabled him to
employ those qualities to the greatest advantage; though not
sufficiently brilliant to alarm the Spaniards with the idea of his one
day attempting the throne, they were solid enough to make the Portugueze
look forward to a mild, wise, and just government, should they
themselves be induced to rise up in his favour.

Notwithstanding the uniform prudence of his conduct, an affair
afterwards took place which made him in some degree suspected by the
prime minister, though don John had not the smallest share in the
business. The people of Evora, made desperate by fresh taxes, rose in
arms, and in the fury of seditious rage, some of the most violent
declaimed against the tyranny of the Spaniards, and publicly breathed
forth wishes in favour of the house of Braganza. It was then perceived,
but too late, how greatly Philip the IId. had erred, in permitting so
rich and powerful a family to remain in a newly conquered country, over
which their right of reigning was but too clearly proved. So
circumstanced, the Spanish council decided on removing the duke of
Braganza from the kingdom; he was accordingly offered the government of
the Milaneze, which he refused, alledging that neither his health, nor
his acquaintance with Italian affairs, would allow of his accepting so
important and difficult an appointment. The minister appeared to
acquiesce in these reasons, whilst he endeavoured to hit upon another
method to engage him to visit the court. The king's projected journey to
the frontiers of Arragon, to punish the rebellious Catalonians, was a
plausible pretence for his joining the party; he therefore wrote
earnestly to exhort him to join the Castillian troops at the head of the
nobility of his country in an expedition which must end gloriously, and
in which the king commanded in person. The prime minister, with a view
of weakening the power of the Portugueze nobles, had already published
an edict of Philip the IVth, commanding all hidalgos to repair
immediately to the army raised against the Catalonians, on pain of
losing their fiefs dependant on the crown; he therefore hoped, that the
duke of Braganza, as hereditary constable of Portugal, could not be
dispensed from marching on the occasion. The duke, however, mistrusting
all propositions on the part of the court, and seeing through the
artifice of its proceedings, entreated the minister to induce the king
to accept his excuses, on account of the enormous expences which must be
incurred by a person of his dignity, and which he declared he was
entirely unable to support.

Such repeated refusals began to alarm the minister; he was, indeed,
perfectly well acquainted with the mild and peaceable disposition of the
duke, yet he could not help fearing, that his claims to the throne
having been forcibly held up to his view, the temptation of reigning
might in the end have surmounted the natural indolence of his character.

Securing the person of the duke was an object of so very great
importance to the king his master, that he was determined on using all
possible means to succeed in his design; but so great was the attachment
of the Portugueze to the family of Braganza, that open force could not
be attempted; he therefore sought to seduce him by the most flattering
caresses, and to draw him from his retreat by professions of the
sincerest friendship, and marks of unlimited confidence.

War having broken out between France and Spain, and some French vessels
having appeared off the coast of Portugal, the minister thought it a
favourable opportunity for the execution of his plan. A general being
necessary to command the Portugueze troops dispatched to prevent the
French from landing on the coast, Olivarez conferred this appointment on
the duke of Braganza, with full power to fortify towns, increase or
remove garrisons, dispose of vessels in all the different ports, and, in
short, to act as if the whole kingdom of Portugal was subjected to his
authority alone. In the mean time, he sent secret orders to don Lopez
Ozorio, who commanded the Spanish fleet, to put into the same port as
don John, on pretence of distress of weather; and having induced the
latter to accept an entertainment on board, to weigh anchor, and make
sail immediately for Spain. Fortune, however, did not smile on the
minister; for the Spanish admiral being overtaken by a violent tempest,
which destroyed some of his vessels, and dispersed the rest, found it
impossible to approach the coast of Portugal. These different
disappointments did not, however, discourage the count-duke; who
attributed to chance alone the failure of his plan; since, had don Lopez
once entered the port, don John must inevitably have been taken. Another
scheme soon presented itself to the artful minister, who wrote to the
prince in the most affectionate and confidential terms: he even appeared
to regard him as a coadjutor in the ministry and government of the
state; deploring the misfortune befallen the Spanish fleet at a moment
when the enemy was particularly formidable, and adding, that the coasts
of Portugal being left unguarded, the king wished him to visit in
person, those places and ports throughout the kingdom, which might
probably be insulted by the French; sending him at the same time an
order for forty thousand ducats, for the purpose, if necessary, of
levying additional troops, and defraying the expences of his journey.
The minister did not neglect, in the interim, to direct the governors of
the different citadels, most of whom were Spaniards, to secure, if
possible, the person of the duke, and send him off instantly to Spain.

Such marks of confidence, and such exaggerated professions of regard,
were too little comformable to the character of the minister, and to his
usual mode of conduct, for the duke of Braganza to believe them sincere;
this prince therefore mistrusted his design, and contrived to draw him
into the very snare which had been laid for himself. He wrote to the
count-duke that he accepted with the greatest pleasure and gratitude the
appointment of general, that he flattered himself his conduct would
justify his majesty's choice, and prove him worthy of so honourable a
mark of distinction. He now, however, began to entertain hopes of the
possibility of regaining the throne of his ancestors; he accordingly
took advantage of his situation to bestow places and employments on
those of his friends who might hereafter be useful to his cause, and
disposed of the money received from Spain in gaining new partizans, and
securing them in his interest. He also took care to be accompanied by
such a numerous retinue on visiting the different places and forts, that
not the smallest shadow of hope remained to his enemies of ever
succeeding in making themselves masters of his person.

The supreme authority with which he had been invested, did not fail to
excite the jealousy of the whole court of Spain; every one expressed his
disapprobation in the highest terms, and the king alone being in the
secret of the prime minister, attempts were made to injure him in the
opinion of that prince, to whom he was represented as a favourer and
ally of the house of Braganza. His enemies warmly accused him of
imprudence in giving the command of the Portugueze troops to a man,
whose claims to the throne of Portugal were of a very serious nature,
and who, being thus armed with power to assert his right, might
probably be tempted to turn those very arms against his sovereign. The
king, however, was still more confirmed in his resolution of adhering to
the prime minister's plan, on perceiving that no one had the smallest
suspicion of the motive of his conduct.

These circumstances were all very favourable to the designs of the duke
of Braganza, whose high employment authorised him to travel throughout
the whole of Portugal, and it was in this journey he laid the foundation
of his future grandeur. The magnificence of his equipage and attendants
dazzled the eyes of all beholders, and he listened with the most
obliging attention and affability to every one who addressed him. He
curbed the insolence of the soldiery, whilst he bestowed the most
flattering praises on the officers, whom he engaged in his interest by
rewarding them to the utmost of his power. Such suavity of manners
charmed the nobility, whom he received with the distinction due to their
different degrees of rank and merit; he, in short, did so much good
wheresoever he passed, and acted with such kindness and generosity, that
he gained still more friends, from the hopes they entertained of his
future favours, than from those he actually bestowed: thus every one
who beheld him, thought to insure their own happiness by offering up
vows to Heaven for his restoration to the throne of his ancestors. The
friends and followers of this prince were equally anxious to support his
reputation, and neglected nothing which could possibly establish it on
the most solid foundation. On this occasion none was more active than
Pinto Ribeiro, the steward of his household; he indeed, took the most
efficacious steps towards putting the machine in motion, and forming a
regular plan for the aggrandisement of his master. Naturally active,
vigilant, and a consummate politician, he burned with impatience to see
the prince on the throne of Portugal, when he, no doubt, flattered
himself he should have no small share in a government which he had so
greatly contributed to establish. The duke, indeed, had frequently
confessed to him, that he should be happy to take advantage of any
opportunity that might offer itself to become master of the crown; but
that he could not possibly decide on undertaking so great an enterprise,
like a needy adventurer who had nothing to lose. He, however, consented
that Pinto should sound the disposition of the people, and gain friends
to his cause, provided he made no engagements for his master, who was to
appear entirely ignorant of every thing which passed on the occasion.

Pinto had long been very assiduous in finding out, and adding to the
number of mal-contents in Lisbon. He never failed whispering complaints
of the present government throughout the city, and expressed himself
with more or less warmth, according to the character and rank of those
with whom he conversed: these precautions, indeed, were scarcely
necessary, for such was the general hatred of the Portugueze towards the
Spaniards, that there was no danger of any secret being betrayed by the
former which might tend to the destruction of the latter. Pinto never
failed remarking to the nobility, the high and honourable employments
held by their respective families when Portugal was governed by its
legitimate sovereigns; but nothing affected and offended that class
equally with the arriere-ban convoked by the king for serving in
Catalonia; this expedition was represented by Pinto, as an exile, from
which there would be great difficulty in returning; that, independantly
of the enormous expence, they would be treated with the greatest
haughtiness by the Spaniards, whose secret interest it was to expose
the bravest of the Portugueze to the most imminent danger; and that,
without affording them an opportunity of sharing in the glory.

Whenever chance led him into a society of merchants and citizens, he
exclaimed against the injustice of the Spaniards, who had ruined Lisbon,
and indeed the whole of Portugal, by the transfer of the India trade to
Cadiz. His conversation constantly turned on the extreme misery to which
they were reduced by so tyrannical a government, and of the happiness of
those people[7] who had so gloriously emancipated themselves from such
servility. To the clergy he represented the frequent violation of the
immunities and privileges of the church, and that the most considerable
benefices and dignities were become the prey of foreigners, instead of
the just reward due to the merit and learning of the natives of
Portugal. With those whom he knew to be already discontented, he dwelt
on the excellent qualities of the duke, his master, purposely to sound
their inclination on the subject, deploring at the same time the
indolent character of that prince, and expressing his sorrow that the
only person who could effectually remedy such grievances, should be so
little attached to his country, and so indifferent to his personal
aggrandisement. Whenever this conversation appeared to make an
impression on his hearers, he flattered one party with the glorious
title of deliverer of his country, whilst he excited the indignation of
those who had more particularly suffered by the ill treatment of the
Spaniards; and held forth to the rest the most advantageous prospect
from a change of government. Thus, having succeeded in stirring up the
minds of the people in general, and in securing a particular party in
his interest, he at last assembled a numerous body of nobility, at the
head of which was the archbishop of Lisbon[8], of one of the first
families of the kingdom[9]. This prelate was learned, skilful in
business, a favourite of the people, and hated by the Spaniards; whom
he in his turn equally detested, from the preference they shewed to the
archbishop of Braga[10], a creature of the vice-queen, on whom they had
bestowed the dignity of president of the chamber de Paço, and whom they
even allowed to take a share in the affairs of the government. Amongst
the people of distinguished rank, who composed this assembly, don Michel
d'Almeida claims particular notice; this venerated old nobleman had ever
been peculiarly esteemed for the superior merit of his character; he
gloried in preferring the honour and happiness of his country, to his
own personal interests; he was afflicted and enraged at seeing it thus
reduced to servitude by an usurper, and had constantly and courageously
persevered in these noble sentiments; nor could the entreaties of his
family, nor the advice of his friends, ever induce him to go to the
palace, or pay his court to the ministers of Spain, to whom such
uncommon firmness did not fail to make him an object of suspicion. Pinto
therefore did not scruple declaring himself more openly to a man of
whose principles he was so perfectly well assured, and whose
sentiments, if in favour of his party, would be of the greatest weight
with the rest of the nobility. Don Antonio d'Almada, the intimate friend
of the archbishop, with don Lewis his son, made part of this assembly;
as did also, don Lewis d'Acugna, that prelate's nephew, who was married
to the daughter of don Antonio d'Almada. Mello, grand huntsman, don
George, his brother, Peter de Mendoça, the grand chamberlain, don
Rodrigo, with several other officers of the royal household, whose
hereditary posts were mere useless titles, since the kingdom of Portugal
had become the prey of a foreign power. The archbishop, naturally
eloquent, addressed the assembly, and drew a most frightful picture of
the distressed state of the nation, since it had been subject to the
dominion of the Spaniards: he represented in strong colours the cruelty
of Philip the IId, in destroying a great number of the nobility, in
order to ensure his conquest; adding, that he had not even spared the
clergy; witness the celebrated brief of absolution[11] obtained from the
pope for having put to death two thousand priests and friars who stood
in the way of his usurpation; that, since those dreadful times, the
Spaniards still persevered in the same system of politics, that they had
condemned to death, on various pretences, several persons of superior
merit, whose only crime was their attachment to their country: that
neither the life nor property of a single person in the present assembly
was in safety; that the nobility were treated with every mark of
contempt, and never allowed any share in the government, or named to any
employments; that the clergy had been composed of the most unworthy
members, since Vasconcellos had taken upon him to bestow benefices as
rewards for the services of his creatures; that the people were loaded
with taxes, the country destitute of husbandmen, and the towns deserted
by soldiers, who were forcibly carried off to Catalonia; that the late
orders received for the nobles to repair to that country, on pretence of
arriere-ban, was the finishing stroke of the prime minister's politics,
who wished by these means to rid himself of the principal persons of the
nation, whom he regarded as the only obstacles to his pernicious
designs; that the least evil they had to apprehend was, a tedious
banishment; that they would thus grow old, miserable, exiles in the
interior of Castille, whilst a new colony would take possession of their
property as a right of conquest; that as to himself, the frightful
prospect of such accumulated misfortunes, would make him pray for a
speedy death, sooner than behold the total destruction of his country,
were it not for the hope that so great a number of distinguished persons
as were then present, would never have assembled in vain.

This harangue greatly affected the assembly, and revived the
recollection of former miseries. Every individual brought forward some
instance of cruelty in Vasconcellos. Some had been deprived of their
property by his injustice, whilst others complained of being
dispossessed of hereditary employments and governments, in favour of his
friends and followers. Several had been unjustly imprisoned as suspected
persons, and others regretted their fathers, brothers, and friends, who
were either detained in Madrid, or sent to Catalonia as hostages for the
fidelity of their countrymen. In short, there was not one amongst them
who, in the general cause, had not likewise some private injury which
called for vengeance. The Catalonia business was an object of universal
indigustion; since nothing could be more clear, than that their
complete destruction, and not the want of this aid, was the motive which
induced the court of Spain to send them so far from home. All these
considerations, joined to the flattering hope of revenging such repeated
injuries, decided them on taking effectual measures to throw off so
heavy a yoke; and foreseeing no possible means of mitigating their
misery, they reproached themselves for their patient submission, which
they began to regard as mean and cowardly, whilst all agreed in the
pressing necessity of driving out the Spaniards, though they differed in
the mode of government they should afterwards adopt.

One part of the assembly lent towards a republic[12], nearly on the same
model as that established in Holland; whilst the other preferred a
monarchy. Of the latter, some proposed the duke of Braganza, others the
marquis de Villa-Real, and a third party the duke d'Aveiro, all three
princes of the blood royal of Portugal. Each gave his opinion on this
occasion according to the affection he bore these different princes, and
his own private interest; but the archbishop, ever devoted to the family
of Braganza, skilfully took advantage of his sacred character to
represent in the most energetic terms, that the choice of government was
not arbitrary, since they could not in conscience break their oath of
allegiance to the king of Spain in favour of any other than the lawful
heir to the crown, which was universally known to be the duke of
Braganza; they had therefore no choice left, but to acknowledge him as
king, or patiently remain for ever under the government of Spain. He
next proceeded to set forth the great power, immense riches, and
considerable number of vassals belonging to that prince, from whom
nearly one-third of the kingdom held their lands; adding, that there
could be but little hopes of driving the Spaniards out of Spain, unless
they chose him for their chief; and to induce him to accept so important
a post, it would be necessary to offer the crown to his acceptance, even
were it not his incontestable right as first prince of the blood. The
archbishop did not fail expatiating on the amiable qualities of the
duke, dwelling particularly on his prudence, wisdom, and the mildness
and goodness which distinguished all his actions: he, in short, made so
strong an impression on the minds of his hearers, that the universal
voice was in favour of Braganza; and they decided, before they parted,
to leave no means untried to engage him in their project. The assembly
then broke up, after having fixed particular days and hours for future
meetings, in order to deliberate on the best steps to be taken for the
speedy and happy execution of this design.

Pinto no sooner perceived this favourable turn of affairs, than he wrote
to his master, entreating him to move towards Lisbon, where his presence
would so greatly tend to animate the conspirators, and where he would be
enabled to concert with them the proper measures for succeeding in so
arduous an undertaking. This truly able man was indeed the master spring
which set in motion the whole machine, and that without appearing to
have any private interest in the business, or any other motive than zeal
for the public good: he even expressed his doubts whether his master
could ever be induced to enter into a plot so repugnant to his natural
disposition, which led him to avoid all hazardous enterprizes, or
indeed any thing which required attention and perseverance; thus raising
difficulties, which prevented all possible suspicion of any secret
intelligence between him and the duke, and were at the same time of a
nature to be easily over-ruled; exciting, rather than otherwise, the
spirit of the people to pursue their design with redoubled ardour.

The duke, in a few days after receiving Pinto's letter, quitted Villa
Vicosa, and arrived at Almada, a castle in the neighbourhood of Lisbon,
from which indeed it is only separated by the Tagus. This journey was
not calculated to raise suspicion, and appeared taken in the course of
his other visits to the different fortresses in the kingdom. He was
escorted on this occasion by so many people of distinction and officers
of the army, and his equipages were in such a style of magnificence,
that he appeared much more like a sovereign taking possession of his
dominions, than a mere governor visiting the places committed to his
charge. On arriving so near the capital of Portugal, he judged a visit
to the vice-queen absolutely indispensable. The great court of the
palace, and all the avenues leading towards it, were on this occasion
thronged with people, anxious to see him pass, and the whole body of the
nobility waited upon him to accompany him to the vice-queen; the whole
city, indeed, wore the appearance of a public festival, and such was the
joy his presence inspired, that nothing appeared wanting to place him on
the throne, but a herald to proclaim him king, or sufficient resolution
in himself to claim that title as his due. This prince, however, was
much too wise and prudent to trust the completion of so great a design
to the transports of a light and inconstant people, who generally gave
way to first emotions, very different from that persevering approbation
so necessary in an enterprise of so momentous a nature. He, therefore,
after taking leave of the vice-queen, returned to Almada without passing
through the town, or even visiting the palace of Braganza, lest he
should give umbrage to the Spaniards, who were already but too much
alarmed at the testimonies of joy expressed by the people.

Pinto did not fail remarking to his friends the cautious, nay, timid
conduct of his master on this occasion, representing that they ought not
to neglect the opportunity of his visit to Almada, to enter into a full
explanation of their design, and even to insist on his accepting the
crown, as the only means of redeeming his country from utter ruin. This
advice being approved by the conspirators, Pinto was entreated to use
his influence with his master, to give them an opportunity of explaining
their intentions in person, a commission he joyfully accepted. The duke
of Braganza was prevailed upon to consent to the interview, on condition
that only three of the deputies should be admitted to his presence at
the same time, not chusing to explain his sentiments before a more
numerous society.

Michel d Almeida, Antoine d'Almada, and Mendoça being chosen for this
purpose, were secretly admitted in the night to the prince's closet;
when Almada represented to him, in the strongest colours, the miserable
situation of the kingdom, in which all ranks of people were equal
sufferers, from the cruelty and injustice of the Castillians; that even
the duke himself, notwithstanding his princely dignity, was not safe
from their malice, since he could not possibly be blind to the various
plans formed by the prime minister to effect his ruin; that in order to
escape such deep laid schemes, he had no other resource than mounting
the throne of his ancestors, and that to assist him in achieving so
great a design, he was deputed by a great number of the most
distinguished persons in the kingdom, who made an offer of their
services, and were ready to sacrifice their lives and fortunes to
promote his interest, and to revenge the cause of Portugal on the
tyrannical and usurping Spaniards. Almada then proceeded to prove, that
the situation of Spain was greatly changed since the days of Charles the
Ist and Philip the IId, when that country gave the law and spread terror
throughout the whole of Europe, that the same monarchy, which at that
time formed such extensive views of empire, could now scarcely preserve
its own domains from the frequent and successful attacks of France and
Holland, with which it was then at war. That the greatest part of its
forces were employed in Catalonia; that it was in want of troops and
money, and was governed by a weak prince, who himself was governed by a
minister universally and deservedly detested by the whole of the
kingdom. He next set forth the alliances the duke might reasonably
expect to form with the greatest part of the princes of Europe, who, as
natural enemies of the house of Austria, would assuredly grant him
their protection; that Holland and Catalonia ought to teach him what may
be expected from a great minister[13], whose sublime and elevated genius
seemed wholly bent on the complete destruction of the same family: that
the vicinity of Portugal to the sea would enable him to receive all
necessary assistance; in short, that the greatest part of the Spanish
garrisons having left the country to augment the army in Catalonia, he
could never have so favourable an opportunity to prove his right to the
crown, to secure his property, life, and family, and deliver the nation
from slavery and oppression.

The duke of Braganza, though inwardly charmed with this discourse,
replied with his usual calmness and moderation, and though he did not
absolutely refuse the proposal of the deputies, he said nothing which
could make them believe he was decided on accepting it. He, indeed,
assured them, that he was convinced as well as themselves of the
deplorable state of the nation, and that his own situation was far from
secure: he praised their zeal for the good of their country, and
expressed the high sense he had of their views in his favour; but that
he could not help doubting the time was not yet come for such violent
measures, which, if not taken effectually, were ever attended by the
most dreadful consequences.

This answer, the only one they could possibly obtain, was accompanied by
such amiable and caressing manners, and by such polite acknowledgments
to each deputy, that they had every reason to believe their commission
was far from disagreeable to the duke; but that the only steps he could
be induced to take in the business, would be to give his consent, when,
through their endeavours, the success of the enterprise should be no
longer doubtful.

The duke, after this interview, arranged fresh plans with his faithful
Pinto, and returned to Villa Vicosa oppressed by feelings he had never
before experienced, and which prevented the enjoyment of those pleasures
he had formerly tasted in his retired situation. His first care on
arriving at home, was to communicate all which had occurred to his wife.
This princess, who was a Spaniard, and the sister of the duke de Medina
Sidonia, a grandee of Spain, and governor of Andalusia, discovered from
her cradle the most elevated sentiments, which by degrees became an
immoderate passion for every thing noble and glorious. Her father,
having early perceived that her understanding was equal to her courage,
neglected nothing which could possibly contribute to the cultivation of
such striking qualities. Her education was superintended by persons of
the first abilities, who did not fail to inspire her with those
sentiments of ambition which are esteemed by the world the index of a
noble mind, and as such judged the first of qualities in a prince[14].
She had applied herself from her earliest youth to the discrimination of
characters, and could discover by the most ingenious and delicate means,
the secret sentiments of those with whom she conversed: she was indeed
become so skilful and penetrating, that even the designs of the most
artful courtier could not escape her observation. In short, she was not
only possessed of sufficient courage to undertake the most difficult
enterprise, if it appeared to her great and glorious, but endowed with
abilities to ensure its success. Her manners were dignified, yet easy,
and her sweetness joined with majesty, inspired all who beheld her with
love and respect. She easily acquired the manners of the Portugueze, and
might very well have been mistaken for a native of Lisbon. Her first
care on her marriage was to obtain the esteem and confidence of her
husband, and she succeeded perfectly in her design, by her exemplary
conduct, solid piety, and obliging compliance with his favourite
pursuits. Indifferent to all the pleasures natural to her age and
quality, she passed every leisure hour in cultivating her understanding,
and adding fresh force to the natural strength and justness of her
judgment. The duke of Braganza felt himself happy in the possession of
so truly accomplished and amiable a woman; his esteem for her qualities,
and confidence in her judgment, were unbounded; and he never could have
been prevailed upon to take any decisive steps in so momentous an affair
as the one in question, without her knowledge and advice. He therefore
informed her of every particular relative to the conspiracy, the names
of the conspirators, their ardour in the cause, and every thing which
had passed, both at Lisbon and at the conference at Almada; adding,
that immediately on the news of the Catalonian expedition he had
foreseen that the nobles were resolved to rebel sooner than quit the
kingdom, and that should he refuse the proffered dignity, it was to be
feared they would chuse another chief; yet still he could not help
owning that the greatness of the danger filled him with apprehensions.
The idea of ascending the throne of his ancestors, when viewed at a
distance, had indeed dazzled, and agreeably flattered his imagination,
but now, when the moment was arrived for trying his fortune, and risking
so perilous an undertaking, he could not look forward without fear to an
event which might terminate in the destruction of himself and family:
that very little dependance could be placed on the temper of an
inconstant people, whom the smallest difficulty discourages, and that it
was not sufficient to have the nobles of his party, unless they were
supported by the grandees of the kingdom; but so far from flattering
himself with their interest in his favour, he had every reason to
believe they would prove his most cruel enemies, since the jealousy
natural to mankind would never allow them to submit to the authority of
one who had hitherto been their equal.

These considerations, joined to the great power of the king of Spain,
and the very little confidence to be placed in the assistance of foreign
princes, nearly overbalanced in the mind of the duke the desire of
royalty; but the duchess, possessed of more firmness, and fired with
ambition, entered immediately into the whole design of the conspiracy.
The prospect of so great an enterprise excited the natural courage of
her character, and awakened every aspiring sentiment in her bosom. She
asked Braganza[15] in what manner he would act, in case his refusal of
the crown should end in Portugal's becoming a republic, and how he would
conduct himself between that new form of government and the king of
Spain? to which the duke replied, that he should ever remain inviolably
attached to the interests of his country. Your resolution then, returned
the duchess, dictates to me the answer I ought to make, and the one you
yourself should give to the deputies; and since you are thus willing to
expose yourself to the greatest dangers as a subject of the republic,
surely it will be much more advantageous and glorious to take up arms in
defence of a crown, which is your lawful right, and which the people and
nobles burn with impatience to place on your head. She next proceeded to
represent in the most forcible manner his incontestable claims to the
throne of Portugal, remarking, that in the miserable situation to which
that country was reduced by the Castillians, it was criminal in a man of
his power and rank to remain inactive, and that his children and latest
posterity would have cause to reproach his memory, for having thus,
through weakness and timidity, neglected so favourable an opportunity.
She dwelt particularly on the charms of royalty, and the delight of
reigning over a country where now he was a mere subject, continually
exposed to danger; that nothing could be more easy than possessing
himself of the crown, and even without foreign assistance; since he was
sufficiently powerful in Portugal to drive out the Spaniards, especially
at the present fortunate juncture of the rebellion in Catalonia. She, in
short, held up such brilliant prospects to his view, that he was
determined to be guided by her advice, and decided upon joining the
party: but the duchess, equally with himself, was of opinion it was more
prudent to wait till the number of conspirators should be increased,
before he made a positive declaration of his sentiments; and that he
should not appear openly in the affair, till the plot was ripe for
execution.

The court, in the mean time, was not a little alarmed by the joy
expressed by the Lisbonians at the presence of Braganza, and which had
made no small impression on the mind of the minister, who began to
suspect the holding of private meetings in that city; certain reports
also, which generally are whispered about on the eve of great events,
considerably increased his apprehensions.

The king called several councils on the occasion, and resolved on
crushing all hopes of a revolution in Portugal, by immediately summoning
the duke of Braganza to Madrid, as the only chief of a party to be
dreaded in that country. The count-duke, therefore, sent off a courier
to that prince, informing him that his majesty required his presence,
being desirous of learning from his own mouth the precise state of the
troops and fortresses in Portugal; adding, that his friends were
anxious to see him at court, where he might be assured he would be
received with every distinction due to his birth and merit.

A thunder-bolt could not have more dreadfully dismayed the duke than
this intelligence. The earnest intreaties and different pretences which
had hitherto been employed to entice him from his native country,
confirmed him in the idea that he was obnoxious to the government, and
his destruction certain. But now the case was still more desperate;
proffered employments, and feigned caresses were now changed to absolute
orders, which, if disobeyed, would be enforced by violence.
Apprehensions of his designs having been betrayed took possession of his
mind; and as all those who form great projects believe the whole world
employed in watching their motions, and diving into the secret recesses
of their hearts, this able, though in some respects timid and suspicious
prince, believed himself involved in the greatest of all possible
calamities. He, however, wishing to gain time, dispatched, by the advice
of the duchess, an intelligent and faithful gentleman belonging to his
household, to assure the prime minister of his immediate attendance on
his majesty, giving him at the same time secret orders to endeavour as
much as possible to invent different excuses for the arrival of his
master being so long delayed; the duke hoping by these means to avert
the storm hanging over his head, and to accelerate the success of the
conspiracy. Immediately on the gentleman's reaching Madrid, he
acquainted the king and prime minister that he only preceded his master,
who would instantly follow him; and hiring a large hotel, he furnished
it magnificently, engaged a great train of domestics, whose liveries he
had already provided, lived at a considerable expence, in short,
neglected nothing to prove that the duke's arrival was hourly expected,
and that he intended appearing at court with a splendour suitable to the
dignity of his birth.

In a few days afterwards, this gentleman pretended to have received an
account of the duke's being seriously indisposed; but this excuse being
soon worn out, he next presented a memorial to the prime minister,
requesting, in the name of his master, that his majesty would be pleased
to regulate the rank he was to hold in the court of Spain; and he
flattered himself this affair might take some time in deciding, from the
opposition it was natural to suppose would be made by the grandees in
support of their claims; but the prime minister, who suspected such
frequent delays, and who burned with impatience to see him at Madrid,
quickly surmounted all these difficulties, by engaging his majesty to
decide in favour of the duke, and that in the most honourable and
distinguished manner.

No sooner had the conspirators learned the orders received by the duke,
than, fearing he might take alarm too suddenly, they dispatched Mendoça
to revive his drooping spirits, and to determine him at once on nobly
and courageously joining their party. The choice fell preferably on this
nobleman, as being governor of a fort near Villa Vicosa, which would
prevent the Spaniards from suspecting the secret purpose of his journey.
The duke being engaged in the pleasures of the chace, was joined by
Mendoça, and taking an opportunity of riding together into the thickest
part of a wood, the latter represented the perils he would inevitably
encounter should he venture to the court of Spain; that by thus putting
himself into the hands of his enemies, he would for ever blast the hopes
of the nobility and people; that considerable numbers of the first
gentry were decided to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in his cause,
and only waited for the avowal of his sentiments, to shew themselves;
that the moment was at length arrived, when he had no choice left him
but death, or a crown; that all farther delays were dangerous, and that
he must be aware an affair of such importance, confided to such a
variety of people, could not long be kept secret from the Spaniards. The
duke no longer hesitated, but agreed in the sentiments of Mendoça, and
commissioned him to declare to his friends, that it was his fixed
resolution to place himself at their head.

Mendoça returned immediately home, to prevent any suspicions of the
cause of his journey on the minds of those who might probably have seen
him with the duke; and merely wrote to the conspirators that he had been
on a hunting party, and had found the game for a long time very shy, but
that at last he had had good sport. In a few days afterwards he returned
to Lisbon, where he acquainted his friends with all that had passed; and
the duke wishing to see Pinto, he set off immediately, having first
received the necessary instructions for informing his master of the
nature of their plan, and the means of putting it into execution. Pinto
also acquainted him with the divisions which had taken place at the
court of Lisbon, where the vice-queen complained in the bitterest terms
of the pride and insolence of Vasconcellos; declaring that she could no
longer permit the dispatches from the court of Spain being first
addressed to him, whilst dignified by a vague title, she remained wholly
powerless. Her complaints indeed were the more justly founded, as being
a princess of superior merit, she was in every way capable of exercising
the authority committed to her charge. This she perfectly knew, but she
did not so easily perceive that the distinguished qualities of her head
and heart were the principal reasons of her being allowed so small a
share in the government. Pinto did not fail to remark on this occasion,
that nothing could be more favourable to his master's designs than this
misunderstanding, since the disputes in the palace would take up the
attention of the Spanish ministers, and not allow them time to attend to
his proceedings.

The duke of Braganza, on the departure of Mendoça, sunk once more into
his usual indecision; the more the plot advanced towards its execution,
the more his uncertainty increased. Pinto used every possible endeavour
to prevent his wavering, and even added threats to argument and
entreaty, declaring he should be proclaimed king in spite of himself,
and that the consequences of his irresolution would be risking greater
perils, and suffering still more considerable losses. The duchess joined
with this faithful domestic in reproaching him with the mean cowardice
of preferring the security of a frail existence to regal dignity; till
at last the duke, blushing at being surpassed in courage by a woman,
yielded to her arguments. He was, indeed, pressed by continual letters
from his agent at Madrid, who declared, that he could no longer invent
excuses for his absence, nor would the prime minister any longer accept
them. Perceiving, therefore, no time was to be lost, he determined on
commencing his operations without delay. He, however, sent an answer to
Madrid, desiring his gentleman to try to gain time, by representing to
the count-duke d'Olivarez, that he should already have been in Spain,
had he not wanted money for the journey, and for appearing with the
splendour suitable to his rank in the country; but that the moment he
should be able to procure a sufficient sum for such purposes, he would
set off immediately for court. His next care was to consult with the
duchess and his faithful Pinto, on the properest methods to be taken for
securing the success of his enterprise; and the duke at last decided
that his first attack should be on Lisbon, which being the capital,
would, when once secured in his interest, naturally influence the rest
of the kingdom, and that the moment Lisbon declared in his favour, he
should cause himself to be proclaimed king in all towns within its
jurisdiction; that those of his friends who were governors of forts and
strong places should do the same; and that the conspirators should stir
up the people of the small towns and villages in their different
lordships, so that in so general and sudden a commotion, the few
Spaniards remaining would be at a loss on which side to turn their arms;
that he would send his own regiment into Elvas, the governor of which
was wholly in his interest; but that he was as yet uncertain in what
manner he should possess himself of Lisbon, a great deal depending on
the opportunities which might offer themselves when he should commence
his attack; he was, however, of opinion, that their first attempt should
be on the palace, in order to secure the person of the vice-queen,
together with the whole of the Spaniards, who might serve as hostages to
enforce the surrender of the citadel, which might otherwise greatly
annoy the city, when once in their possession. The duke then gave Pinto
credential letters for Almeida and Mendoça, in which he informed them
that the bearer being perfectly well acquainted with his intentions, he
merely wrote to express his hopes that they would remain faithful to
their promise, and be firm and vigorous in the moment of its execution.
This done, the duke immediately dispatched Pinto to Lisbon, after having
bestowed upon him such marks of confidence and esteem, as gave him no
room to doubt, that whatever might be the future grandeur of his master,
he should always preserve the same place in his favour.

On arriving at Lisbon, his first care was to present his letters to
Almeida and Mendoça; he also sent for Lemos and Correa, whom he had long
secured in the interest of his master. These were rich citizens, who had
served all the principal offices of the city, employed a considerable
number of artificers, and were highly esteemed by the people. They had
busied themselves for some time past in keeping up the resentment of
the citizens towards the Spaniards, by secret reports of new taxes to be
laid on in the beginning of the following year: they even purposely
discharged several of their workmen, particularly the most discontented
amongst them, on pretence, that trade being ruined, they were no longer
able to maintain them, and this with a view that poverty, and its
attendant, hunger, might induce them to an insurrection; relieving them,
however, from time to time, in order to secure them more firmly in their
interest. They also kept up a secret correspondence with the principal
persons in each quarter of the town, which enabled them to assure the
conspirators, that provided they were made acquainted with their plan
the evening before it was to be put into execution, they would engage to
stir up the greater part of the people, and that at the hour they should
judge most convenient for this purpose.

Pinto having thus secured the artificers in his cause, neglected nothing
to keep the other conspirators firm to their purpose; exhorting every
one separately to hold himself in readiness against the signal of
attack; begging them at the same time to engage the assistance of their
own particular friends, on pretence of some private quarrel, without
letting them into the true state of the business; judging, truly, that
there are many people endowed with great courage sword in hand, who, in
cold blood, are very unfit to be trusted with a great and important
secret.

Pinto having reason to be satisfied with the firmness and courage of
those to whom he addressed himself, every one of whom breathed forth the
most ardent wishes, and the greatest impatience to be revenged of the
Spaniards; he held a conference with Almeida, Mendoça, Almada, and
Mello, and nothing appearing wanting for the execution of their design,
they unanimously fixed on Saturday the first of December to commence
their operations. Notice was immediately sent to the duke of Braganza,
in order that he might cause himself to be proclaimed king on the same
day throughout the province of Alentejo, the whole of which was
immediately under his dependance. It was then resolved they should
assemble once more, to take the final measures for ensuring the success
of their enterprise.

This last meeting took place on the 25th of November, in the Braganza
palace, when they found their party consisted of nearly a hundred and
fifty gentlemen, most of whom were the heads of families, with the whole
of their domestics, and about two hundred citizens and artificers, all
active trusty men, so greatly esteemed in the city, that they could not
fail of engaging the generality of the people in their cause.

The death of Vasconcellos was unanimously decided upon, as a victim
offered up to the resentment of the whole kingdom of Portugal; some
amongst them proposed the archbishop of Braga's sharing the same fate,
representing that his superior genius rendered him a most formidable
enemy; and that it could not be supposed he would view their attempt
with indifference, or without putting himself at the head of the
Spaniards, and any other of his creatures resident in the city. That
whilst they were endeavouring to possess themselves of the palace, he
might either throw himself into the citadel, or come to the relief of
the vice-queen, to whose interest he was particularly devoted; that in
an affair of such importance it was the height of imprudence to spare an
enemy who would most probably give them cause to repent their false
pity, and ill-timed compassion.

These reasons had great weight with most of the assembly, and the
prelate would certainly have perished with Vasconcellos, had not don
Michel d'Almeida[16] spoke in his defence, and represented to the
conspirators, that the death of a man of the archbishop's character and
dignified situation, would draw upon them universal indignation; that
the clergy and inquisition, ever to be dreaded by the most powerful
princes, would be highly incensed against the duke of Braganza, whom
they would regard not only as a rebel and usurper, but as being
excommunicated and shut out from the communion of the faithful; and that
the prince himself would be deeply hurt that his accession to the crown
should be stained by so inhuman an action. He then offered to keep so
strict a watch over every action of the prelate on the day appointed for
the execution of their purpose, that it would be impossible for him to
undertake any thing contrary to the public good. In short, he pleaded so
forcibly in his favour, that his friends, unable to refuse a man of such
superior merit, agreed to spare his life.

Nothing more now remained to be done than to arrange the order of
attack; and it was resolved to form themselves into four bands, that by
entering into the palace by four different avenues, the passages would
be too effectually stopped for the Spaniards to be able to communicate
together, or afford each other any relief. Don Michel d'Almeida was
appointed to attack the German guards at the entrance of the palace,
whilst his brother Mello, (grand huntsman,) and don Estevan d'Acugna
should surprise a Spanish company, which constantly mounted guard at a
part of the castle called the fort. Mello de Menezes, the grand
chamberlain, Emmanuel de Sáa, and Pinto were to force into the apartment
of Vasconcellos, and dispatch him; whilst don Antonio d'Almada, Mendoça,
don Carlos de Norogna, and Antonio de Saldanha, should possess
themselves of the person of the vice-queen, together with those of all
the Spaniards at that time in the palace, to serve as hostages in case
of necessity. Whilst they were thus employed in taking these different
posts, some officers were to be dispatched, attended by the principal
citizens, to proclaim don John, duke of Braganza, king of Portugal,
throughout the city; and that the people thus assembled in the streets
should be employed as auxiliaries, in case of resistance. The conference
then broke up, after having decided on meeting on Saturday the first of
December, at the respective houses of don Michel d'Almeida, Almada, and
Mendoça, where the conspirators were to arm for the occasion.

Whilst the friends of Braganza were thus warmly promoting his interest
at Lisbon, and he himself was employed in gaining partisans in the
country, the prime minister, all anxiety at such repeated delays,
dispatched a courier with positive orders for his immediate appearance
at court; and that the duke might no longer plead want of money as an
excuse for his absence, he at the same time sent him an order on the
royal treasury for ten thousand ducats.

His message was so clear, and so absolute, that the duke could no longer
defer his departure without giving rise to the justest suspicions. No
possible reason could now exist for his disobedience, which it was to be
apprehended would be punished in such a manner as must inevitably crush
all his ambitious prospects, and render his plan abortive; he therefore
immediately sent off the greatest part of his household, with orders to
take the road to Madrid; and in the presence of the courier appeared
busied in arranging every thing relative to his government, as if on the
point of taking a long journey. He also dispatched a gentleman to the
vice-queen, to inform her of his departure; and wrote to the prime
minister, that he might depend on his arrival at Madrid not being
delayed beyond eight days. He next presented the courier with a handsome
sum of money, on pretence of defraying the expences of his journey, and
as a gratuity for bringing him the commands of his sovereign; but in
reality to court his favour, and induce him to speak confidently of his
intended departure. In the mean time he took care to inform the
conspirators of all that had happened, representing the strong necessity
of executing their design on the appointed day, lest measures should be
taken by the Spaniards to prevent its success. They, however, were at
that moment in such a state of perplexity, as gave them but little hopes
of so shortly commencing their intended operations.

A certain man of quality[17], an inhabitant of Lisbon, had ever been
particularly forward in expressing his detestation of the Spaniards and
their government; he never bestowed on them any other epithet than that
of tyrants, or usurpers, complaining publicly of their injustice, and
inveighing particularly against the Catalonian expedition, which he
prognosticated would be followed by the most fatal consequences.

Almada having frequently conversed with him on this topic, had every
reason to think that there was not a more zealous and better affected
Portugueze in the city of Lisbon: he therefore believed he would be
enchanted with the plan formed for the emancipation of his country; but
how great was his astonishment, when having conducted him to a retired
spot to inform him of the conspiracy, this man, so daring and violent in
expression, but mean and cowardly in reality, declared he would take no
part in the transaction; objecting, the tottering foundation on which
they had built their hopes of success! All the pride and courage he had
displayed whilst the danger appeared at a distance, sunk into the most
abject fear at the idea of partaking it. Where, cried he to Almada, can
you possibly obtain a sufficient body of troops to enable you to
undertake so vast an enterprise? What army can you oppose to the
Spanish troops, which will be spread throughout the country on the first
attempt you make towards the execution of your design? Who are the
grandees at the head of this affair? and are they sufficiently rich to
support the expence of a civil war? I fear, continued he, that so far
from revenging our cause on the Spaniards, and liberating our country
from their tyranny, you will contribute to its ruin, by giving them a
pretext they have long been seeking, for completing the destruction of
Portugal.

D'Almada, who had so little reason to expect the avowal of such
sentiments, was in despair at his ill-placed confidence, and not
deigning to reply, he grasped his sword, and with eyes darting fire,
rushed towards him; nothing remains, cried he, to be done, but to take
my life with my secret, or to receive thy punishment for having drawn it
from me by thy false professions. His mean-souled opponent, ever anxious
to avert impending danger, and terrified at the appearance of a naked
sword, immediately consented to every proposal of Almada's; he offered
to join the conspirators, and even contrived to contradict every thing
he had hitherto advanced; binding himself by the most solemn oaths to
keep the secret, and neglecting nothing to induce Almada to believe that
the disinclination he had at first shewed to the plan, was not the
effect of fear, or want of resentment towards the Spaniards.

These oaths and protestations were, however, far from relieving the
anxiety of Almada, who kept a strict watch on all the actions of this
person, whilst he acquainted the conspirators with every thing which had
happened. The alarm became general, and when they reflected on the
variable and inconsiderable character of the man in question, they had
but too much reason to apprehend, that either the approach of personal
danger, or the hope of a rich reward, might induce him to betray them;
they therefore decided on deferring the execution of their plan, and
insisted on Pinto's writing to his master not to commence his operations
till he heard farther from them; but Pinto, well aware of the danger of
procrastination in affairs of such a nature, when the delay of a single
day might be attended by fatal consequences, wrote secretly to the
prince to entreat him to pay no attention to the other letter, which was
merely dictated by the panic of a moment, which would be passed even
before the courier could possibly arrive at Villa Vicosa. The event
proved the truth of his assertion, for on the following day, finding
every one continued firm to his purpose, they felt ashamed of their
sudden alarm; and the suspected person giving no fresh cause of
apprehension, having indeed repeated his assurances of fidelity, either
from a change of sentiments, or from the fear of an ill-judged
accusation of so many people of distinction, they determined on pursuing
their original plan: but no sooner were they relieved from one dilemma,
than they fell into another equally perplexing.

The prudent Pinto, ever on the watch, took care to place several of the
conspirators as spies in different parts of the palace: these men walked
to and fro unheeded, and were regarded merely as making part of the idle
throng who generally flock about a court. On the eve of the day intended
to commence by the death of Vasconcellos, they perceived that minister
embark on the Tagus; this circumstance, which would have passed
unnoticed by indifferent spectators, who could never have believed
themselves interested in his crossing the river, spread universal alarm
amongst the conspirators, and they were instantly convinced that this
artful and able minister had not only discovered their project, but was
gone to the opposite shore for the purpose of collecting together the
troops which were quartered in the neighbouring villages. Tortures and
death immediately presented themselves in the most dreadful colours to
their terrified imagination; they fancied their dwellings already
surrounded by the officers of justice, and some amongst them were even
on the point of escaping the cruelty of the Spaniards, by flying to
England or Africa. Thus passed the greatest part of the night, in all
the agonies of fear and despair; but joy soon succeeded to terror, on
being informed by those of their friends who had remained at the port to
make observations, that the minister was just returned, hautboys gayly
playing, from a grand festival, to which he had been invited. Satisfied
that no suspicion was entertained in the palace, where all was buried in
sleep, unconscious of the danger of the morrow, they retired at a very
late hour.

Short as was the time now remaining before the execution of their
project, the conspirators had still another subject of alarm; so true it
is that enterprises of such a nature are always uncertain, and
frequently dangerous, more especially when the dread of punishment, and
hope of reward, may cause cowardice and treachery. George de Mello, the
brother of the grand huntsman, usually resided at a relation's in a
distant suburb of the city; and the conspiracy being on the point of
taking place, this nobleman was of opinion, that a relation, whom he had
also long regarded as a friend, would have reason to complain of his
want of confidence, should he conceal from him an affair in which the
love of his country must equally interest him with himself; he therefore
decided on inducing him to join the confederacy, and accompany him in
the morning to the rendezvous. Accordingly, on returning from the
assembly, he retired with him to his closet, unfolded the whole
business, exhorted him to be of the party, and to conduct himself as
became a man of his quality and a true Portugueze. Surprised at such
extraordinary intelligence, he, however, affected to be greatly
delighted at the speedy prospect of his country's freedom; and thanking
Mello for such honourable proofs of confidence, he declared himself
happy in exposing his life with so many honest men, in so just and
glorious a design. This conference ended, they retired to rest for a
few hours before they set off for the rendezvous; but no sooner was
Mello returned to his room, than his conscience smote him for his
imprudent confidence; he reproached himself for having so
inconsiderately placed the fate of such numbers of respectable people in
the hands of a man of whose honour he was not sufficiently assured, and
in whose countenance he thought he descried marks of secret uneasiness,
joined to surprise and terror at the prospect of so perilous an
enterprise. In short, he could not help trembling lest the dread of
torture, or the certainty of reward, should induce him to betray his
secret.

A prey to these heart-rending reflections, he traversed his chamber,
till roused by a confused noise of people, speaking low, as if fearful
of discovery, he opened his window, to listen more attentively to what
was passing, and perceived by a glimmering light his relation at the
door, going to mount his horse. Furious with rage, he flew down the
stairs, and drawing his sword, fiercely demanded whither he was going?
and what important affairs could induce him to quit his house in the
midst of the night? The other, extremely astonished, endeavoured to
alledge some bad reasons for his departure; but Mello threatening to
put him to death, forced him to return to his chamber, and taking
possession of the keys of the house, he watched his motions till the
hour appointed for the rendezvous, whither he induced him to accompany
him.

The day at last broke forth which was to raise Braganza to the dignity
of king, and bestow on him the honourable title of deliverer of his
country, or brand him with the name of rebel, and enemy of the state.

At an early hour the conspirators repaired to don Michel d'Almeida's,
and to the other houses, where it was agreed the nobles should put on
their arms. Certainty of success, courage and resolution brightened
every countenance; and it is not a little remarkable, that in a
conspiracy formed of such numbers of priests, citizens, and gentlemen,
the greatest part animated by opposite interests, not one amongst them
proved a traitor to the cause. Every one appeared as eager to begin the
attack, as if he himself was leader of the enterprise, and was destined
to wear the crown in reward of his services. Even the women were
desirous of taking an active part in the glory of the day; and history
memorably records of donna Philippa de Villena, that having herself
armed her two sons, and given them each his cuirass, she addressed them
as follows: "Go forth, my children, extinguish tyranny, revenge our
cause on our enemies; and rest assured, that should fortune fail to
smile upon your hopes, your mother will not survive a moment the
disastrous fate of so many brave and honest men![18]"

Every one being armed, they repaired to the palace through different
streets; the greater part being conveyed thither in litters, the better
to conceal their numbers and arms. They were divided, as agreed upon,
into four bands, and thus waited with inexpressible impatience the hour
of eight, the time appointed for the assault: every moment added to
their apprehensions, lest so many people appearing at so unusual an hour
at the palace, should awaken suspicion in the breast of the minister;
but at last the clock struck, and Pinto having given the signal by the
discharge of a pistol, they immediately rushed to their different posts;
Don Michel d'Almeida and his band fell on the German guards, who being
taken by surprise, and the greater part unarmed, were presently
defeated, and almost without resistance.

In the mean time, the grand huntsman, with his brother Mello, and don
Estevan d'Acugna, attacked the Spanish company on guard, on the right of
the palace called the fort; they were followed by the greater part of
the citizens engaged in the enterprise, who sword in hand forced the
guardhouse, in which the Spaniards had entrenched themselves. No one on
this occasion distinguished himself in a more gallant manner than a
priest of Azambuja, who marched at the head of the conspirators, holding
in one hand a crucifix, whilst he brandished a sword in the other, and
in a loud and terrible voice exhorted the people to destroy their
enemies, at the same time furiously charging the Spaniards, who flew
before him; such indeed was the reverence inspired by the sacred object
with which he was armed, that no one presumed to attack him, or even
defend himself; so that after a very slight resistance the Spanish
officer and his men were forced to yield; and, to save their lives,
join in the general cry of "Long live the duke of Braganza, king of
Portugal!"

Pinto having forced his way into the palace, placed himself at the head
of those destined to attack Vasconcellos, and marched with so assured
and resolute an air, that one of his friends, whom he met in his
passage, panic-struck, tremblingly asked, whither he was going with such
numbers of armed men; and for what purpose they were designed? To which
he replied, with a smile, "Only to change your master, and by delivering
you from the power of a tyrant, place you under the government of a
lawful sovereign!!"

On entering the apartments of the secretary of state, they were met at
the foot of the stairs by the civil judge[19], Francisco Soares
d'Albergaria, who had just quitted Vasconcellos, and imagining the
tumult to proceed from some private quarrel, was about to interpose his
authority, but his ears being saluted by repeated shouts of long live
the duke of Braganza! he thought himself bound in honour, and by the
duties of his charge, to cry, long live the king of Spain and Portugal!
This expression cost him dear, one of the conspirators immediately
shooting him with a pistol, and by so doing, claimed the merit of having
punished an act of loyalty, which now began to be regarded as a crime.

The secretary's first clerk, Antonio Correa, being alarmed by the report
of the pistol, instantly flew to the spot. This man, the inflictor of
his master's cruelties, and who had ever treated the nobles with marked
contempt, was no sooner perceived by don Antonio de Menezes, than he
plunged his poinard into his bosom; but even this stroke was not
sufficient to convince the miserable wretch that his power was at an
end, for not believing it possible that any one would dare to attack
him, he supposed himself mistaken for another, and turning haughtily
towards Menezes, "What!" cried he, "dost thou dare to wound me?" To
which he was only answered by repeated stabs, till he sunk exhausted on
the floor. His wounds, however, did not prove mortal; and he escaped
that time with life, to perish still more ignobly some time afterwards,
by the hand of the executioner.

The conspirators having thus got rid of the clerk who had impeded their
passage up the stairs, flew to the apartment of the secretary. He was
accompanied by Diego Garcés Palha, a captain of infantry, who on
perceiving a body of armed men furiously advancing, presently guessed
they aimed at the life of Vasconcellos; and though he owed no particular
obligation to that minister, he generously opposed, sword in hand, their
entrance at the door, hoping, by so doing, to favour the secretary's
escape; but being wounded in the sword arm, and oppressed by numbers, he
threw himself from a window, and was fortunate enough to be but little
hurt by the fall.

A crowd of conspirators instantly rushed into the chamber, and eagerly
searched for Vasconcellos, every one burning with impatience to strike
the first blow; but after having in vain overset beds, tables, and
peeped into chests, they gave way to despair that he should thus escape
their vengeance; when an old female servant, being threatened with
immediate death, pointed to a press contrived in the wall, where he was
found concealed under a quantity of papers.

The certainty of his fate deprived him of speech; and the grand
chamberlain, don Rodrigo de Sáa, having first fired at him with a
pistol, the others stabbed him repeatedly with their swords, and
throwing him out of the window, shouted, "The tyrant is dead; liberty
for ever; long live don John, king of Portugal!"

These shouts were joyfully re-echoed by the populace, on seeing the body
drop amongst them. They instantly seized it, and seemed to vie with each
other in revenging the public wrongs, and putting a finishing stroke to
the reign of tyranny.

Thus fell Michel de Vasconcellos, who, though born a Portugueze, was
ever the sworn enemy of his country, and the friend of the Spaniards.
Endowed with a superior genius for the management of affairs, quick,
attentive, and inconceivably laborious in business, fruitful in
expedients for extorting money from the people, consequently obdurate, a
stranger to pity, and capable of acts of the most refined cruelty. With
such a disposition, and having neither relations nor friends, the person
existed not who had the smallest influence over his mind. To the
seductions of pleasure he was perfectly insensible, and being never
troubled by the stings of conscience, he had amassed immense treasures
in the discharge of his employment, the greatest part of which were now
pillaged by the incensed people, who claimed a right to administer
justice, and to repair the losses they pretended they had suffered
during the course of his administration.

Pinto, without loss of time, proceeded to join the rest of the
conspirators appointed to take possession of the palace, and seize the
person of the vice-queen. On arriving at the spot, he found that plan
had been already executed, and that they had been every where equally
successful. No sooner, indeed, had they reached the door of the
princess's apartment, which the people furiously threatened to set on
fire unless opened immediately, than the vice-queen, attended by her
maids of honour, and the archbishop of Braga, made her appearance at the
entrance of her chamber, flattering herself that her presence would
appease the nobles, and restrain the violence of the populace; advancing
then towards the principal persons amongst the conspirators, she
addressed them as follows: "I cannot pretend to deny, gentlemen, that
the secretary has justly incurred the indignation of the people by the
cruelty and insolence of his conduct, but his death having now freed you
from so odious an administration, your resentment ought surely to be
appeased; I therefore advise you to reflect, that though these
commotions may at present be attributed to the hatred of the public
towards the secretary, they will, if persevered in, be regarded as acts
of rebellion; nor will it be possible for me to exculpate your conduct
or plead in your favour to the king." Don Antonio de Menezes, in reply
to this discourse, declared, that such an assembly of distinguished
persons had not taken up arms merely to destroy a detestable wretch, who
ought to have perished by the hands of the executioner, but that they
had met together to place the crown on the head of this duke of
Braganza; a crown which had been usurped from his family, to which he
alone had lawful claim, and which they were decided on restoring him,
though their lives should be the sacrifice. The vice-queen attempted to
answer, by interposing the authority of the king; but Almeida fearing a
longer conversation might tend to discourage his party, abruptly
interrupted her, by exclaiming, that the Portugueze would no longer
acknowledge any other sovereign than the duke of Braganza. In the same
moment the conspirators unanimously shouted, "Long live don John, king
of Portugal!"

The vice-queen, on perceiving they had broken through all restraint,
believed it possible she might be more successful in the city, where her
presence would probably have some influence on the citizens and people,
when no longer supported by the conspirators; she therefore was
preparing to go down stairs; but don Carlos de Norogna entreated her to
return to her apartment, assuring her that she should be treated in the
same respectful manner as if she still continued governess of the
country; but that it was highly improper a great princess should expose
herself to the insults of a people in the first moments of a revolution,
and whose breasts beat high with the desire of liberty. These words but
too clearly proved she might regard herself as a prisoner: bursting with
indignation, she haughtily asked, "And what then have I to fear from the
people?" "Nothing more, madam," furiously answered Norogna, "than that
they might throw your highness out of the window."

The archbishop of Braga, trembling with passion at the expressions of
Norogna, snatched a sword from a soldier who stood near him, and
endeavoured to force his way through the conspirators, to revenge the
insults offered to the vice-queen. This effort was on the point of
costing him his life, when don Michel d'Almeida closely embracing him,
earnestly begged him to reflect on the danger to which he exposed
himself; and forcibly tearing him away, represented in very strong
terms, that his life hung by the slenderest thread, that he had had the
greatest difficulty to preserve it from the rage of the conspirators, to
whom his person was sufficiently odious, without irritating them still
farther, by acts of unavailing bravery, very unbecoming a man of his
sacred character. These remonstrances forced him to retreat, and even to
dissimulate his rage; hoping, however, that time would afford him a
favourable opportunity of wreaking his vengeance on Norogna, and proving
his attachment to the interests of Spain.

All the remaining Spaniards, both in the palace and city, were secured
by the conspirators. The marquis de la Peubla major-domo to the
vice-queen, and eldest brother of the marquis de Leganez; don Didace de
Cardenas, general of the cavalry; don Fernando de Castro, comptroller of
the navy; the marquis de Bainetto, an Italian, and master of the horse
to the vice-queen, with several navy-officers, then in the port, were
made prisoners; and that with as little difficulty, and as quietly, as
if taken up by order of the king of Spain. The greater part, indeed,
were unable to make any resistance, being in bed, and no one attempting
to exert himself in their favour.

Antonio de Saldanha, at the head of his party, and followed by crowds of
people, proceeded next to the sovereign tribunal of _Relaçaon_, where he
harangued the company on the happiness awaiting the Portugueze from the
restoration of their lawful king, the destruction of tyranny, and the
re-establishment of the laws of the country, under the government of a
just and wise prince, laws which had been so long set at defiance.

This discourse was received with general applause, and answered by the
most lively acclamations, in favour of the new king. Gonçalo de Sousa,
first president of this sovereign court, and the father of the historian
of the same name, whom we have frequently consulted in the course of
this work, immediately pronounced his decrees in the name of don John,
king of Portugal.

Whilst Antonio de Saldanha was thus employed in disposing the tribunal
of _Relaçaon_ to acknowledge the duke of Braganza for their sovereign,
don Gaston Coutinho set free the prisoners confined by the cruelty of
the Spanish ministers. These miserable wretches, so suddenly removed
from a frightful dungeon, with the fear of a speedy death continually in
their thoughts, and restored to the participation of the liberty now to
be enjoyed by their country, were so grateful to their deliverers, and
so apprehensive of falling once more into the hands of their tormentors,
that they formed another company of conspirators, not less solicitous to
secure the throne to the duke of Braganza, than the body of nobility who
originally planned the revolution.

Great as was the joy of the conspirators at the success of their
enterprise, Pinto and the chiefs were not free from uneasiness. The
citadel still remained in the possession of the Spaniards, who might
from thence easily fire on the town, and make the people severely repent
the inconsiderate joy they had testified on this occasion. It might also
afford an entrance to the king of Spain, and enable him to re-establish
his authority. It was therefore agreed, that without they could make
themselves masters of this place, their former success would avail them
nothing; they accordingly repaired immediately to the vice-queen, and
demanded an order for the governor to evacuate the citadel, and deliver
it into their possession. This proposal she instantly rejected, and
reproaching them as rebels, indignantly asked whether they intended to
make her an accomplice in their crimes. Almada, enraged at her refusal,
with fire flashing from his eyes, swore vehemently that unless she that
moment signed the order, he would directly stab the whole of the Spanish
prisoners to the heart. The princess, terrified at his violence, and
trembling for the lives of so many persons of distinction, flattered
herself that the governor knew his duty too well to comply with an
order, which he must be assured was forced from her; she therefore
signed the paper, which, however, produced a very different effect from
what she had reason to expect. The governor, don Louis de Campo, a
Spaniard by birth, and naturally timid and irresolute, on perceiving the
armed conspirators at the gates of the citadel, followed by an immense
concourse of people, who threatened to cut him to pieces with the rest
of the garrison, if he did not instantly surrender, thought himself but
too happy to escape so easily, and with so plausable an excuse for the
cowardice of his conduct. He accordingly delivered up the citadel; and
the conspirators having thus surmounted every obstacle, dispatched
Mendoça and the grand huntsman to acquaint the duke of Braganza with
their success; and to assure him on the part of the citizens, that
nothing was now wanting to complete their happiness but the presence of
their sovereign. This presence, however, was not equally desired by all:
the grandees of the kingdom regarded his advancement with secret
jealousy, and those nobles who were not engaged in the conspiracy, kept
a profound silence, which proved their uncertainty of the event of so
extraordinary a business. Some amongst them even ventured to declare
that they were far from assured the duke would approve so bold an
enterprise, which must inevitably be followed by the most dreadful
consequences. The favourers and creatures of the Spaniards were still
more cruelly alarmed; and, not daring to shew themselves to a people,
who, intoxicated with their newly-acquired liberty, would not fail to
insult them, they remained constantly shut up in their apartments,
waiting in the greatest agitation of mind the duke's answer, which would
determine their fate, and teach them what they had to hope or to fear
from the completion of his designs. In the mean time the duke's party,
perfectly well acquainted with his intentions, continued their
operations, and assembled in the palace to issue out orders for
conducting public affairs till the arrival of his majesty.

The archbishop of Lisbon was unanimously declared president of the
council, and lieutenant-general for the king. The prelate at first
declined this honour, objecting that the present situation of the city,
and indeed of the whole kingdom, demanded an able general more than a
man of his sacred character. He, however, at last, on pretence of
yielding to the solicitations of his friends, consented to sign the
orders, provided the archbishop of Braga might act as his colleague in
all affairs and dispatches necessary to be expedited before the arrival
of the king. Thus this artful and prudent churchman flattered himself,
that by pretending to divide the authority with him, the archbishop of
Braga would become his accomplice, consequently criminal in the eyes of
the Spaniards, and more particularly so, if he accepted the post of
governor, which he was decided should be merely a nominal dignity: and
should he refuse it, he would not only lose himself for ever with the
duke, but become odious to all Portugal, and regarded as the declared
enemy of his country.

The archbishop of Braga was perfectly aware of the snare laid for him;
but his attachment to the vice-queen having bound him to the Spanish
interest, he absolutely refused taking the smallest share in the
government. The whole weight of affairs therefore fell on the archbishop
of Lisbon; don Michel d'Almeida, Pierre de Mendoça, and don Antonio
d'Almada were appointed counsellors of state.

The new government began its operations by taking possession of three
large Spanish gallions riding in the port of Lisbon. Several armed
vessels were sent out on this occasion, which were fitted by the younger
part of the inhabitants, who were eager to signalize themselves in so
important an affair; but their zeal had no opportunity of shewing
itself, the gallions being incapable of resistance, the officers and
greater part of the men having been made prisoners on the first breaking
out of the conspiracy.

Couriers were dispatched the same evening into all the provinces, to
engage the people to offer public thanksgivings to Almighty God for the
restoration of their liberty; to proclaim the duke of Braganza king of
Portugal, and to secure the persons of all Spaniards throughout the
whole of the kingdom. Magnificent preparations were made in Lisbon for
the reception of the new monarch, whose arrival was hourly expected; and
the archbishop acquainted the vice-queen that it was necessary she
should quit the palace, which must now be occupied by the king and his
household. An apartment was prepared for her in the royal palace of
Xabregas, at the other extremity of the city, whither she repaired on
receiving the archbishop's message, and passed through the town with an
air of haughtiness, without uttering a single syllable; the scene indeed
was entirely changed, and far from the train of courtiers which usually
waited on her footsteps, she was accompanied by scarcely any domestics.
The archbishop of Braga alone gave proofs of his constant attachment,
which he publicly testified at a moment when his life might probably
have been the forfeit of his zeal for her interest.

The duke of Braganza, in the mean time, was a prey to the most torturing
uncertainty: alternate hopes and fears took possession of his mind. The
impossibility of receiving early intelligence at Villa Vicosa, thirty
leagues from Lisbon, added to his anxiety, which became intolerable, on
reflecting that his fate depended on the event of the present moment.
His first intention, as has been already mentioned, was to cause an
insurrection in all the towns under his dependance, on the very day the
conspirators were to commence their operations at Lisbon; but he
afterwards thought it more prudent to wait for intelligence from that
city, in order to secure a retreat in case of ill success, either in the
kingdom of Algarves, or the town and citadel of Elvas, which properly
belonged to himself; he even believed it possible to persuade the
Spaniards, should the event make it necessary, that he had no share in
the conspiracy; particularly as the interest of that nation would
naturally induce them to wish him innocent.

In this perturbed state of mind, he sent off different couriers on the
road to Lisbon, but though he was in hourly expectation of news, the
whole of the day, and part of the night, passed in the same dreadful
suspence; till at last Mendoça and Mello, who had travelled with all
possible expedition, made their appearance, and respectfully throwing
themselves at his feet, with the most lively expression of joy beaming
forth in their countenances, convinced him more forcibly than by words,
that he might now regard himself as king of Portugal. These noblemen
were beginning an account of all that had happened, but the prince
impatiently interrupting them, led them into the duchess's apartment,
where they saluted her with the same respect as if already seated on the
throne of Portugal, assuring her of the fidelity and attachment of her
new subjects; and as a proof of her being acknowledged sovereign,
addressed her by the title of majesty, which was still more grateful to
her ear, from the kings of Portugal having formerly been only dignified
by that of highness.

It is easy to judge of the transports of this prince and princess, at
being thus relieved from a state of the most cruel anxiety, and so
happily raised to such a pitch of greatness. The castle resounded with
joyful acclamations, and the glorious intelligence was presently
communicated throughout the environs. He was the same day proclaimed
king in all the towns under his dependence; and Alphonso de Mello had
the same ceremony performed in the city of Elvas. Crowds from these
different places flocked to pay homage to their new sovereign; and
these first marks of duty and affection, though hastily and confusedly
given, spoke more feelingly to the heart of the prince, than what he
afterwards received in all the blaze of state and ceremony.

The archbishop regent, impatient for the arrival of the new king,
dispatched courier after courier, to represent the great importance of
his immediate appearance at Lisbon. The last of these couriers met him
on the Monday, on the plain of Montemor, half way from Villa Vicosa,
where this timid prince, to conceal the real cause of his journey,
pretended to be engaged in a hawking party; but no sooner had he opened
the regent's dispatches, than he set off post for Aldea-Galega, ten
leagues from the spot where he then was: and finding, on his arrival, a
boat and two fishermen, he embarked and crossed the Tagus, at that place
three leagues in breadth, to Lisbon.

Mr. d'Ablancourt, envoy from Lewis the XIVth to the court of Portugal,
relates in his memoirs, that the duke of Braganza landed in the court of
the palace, which forms a long square enclosed on three sides by the
Alfandega palace, and different private houses, whilst the fourth is
open to the Tagus, from which it is separated by a terrace guarded by a
wall, that this very spacious square was crowded by people of every
description, who for the last two days had been in constant expectation
of the prince, with their faces continually turned towards Aldea-Galega;
but not one amongst them, adds this author, had the smallest suspicion
that the little fishing-boat which was making towards the shore
contained their king, who passed unnoticed across the square, and was
not made known to the people, till he mounted a kind of scaffolding, on
which was placed the throne, when he was saluted and proclaimed king
with every testimony of joy by the Portugueze.

Magnificent fire-works were displayed that night in the most public
parts of the city, and bonfires blazed, particularly before the
citizens' houses, every one of which was so brilliantly illuminated with
wax lights and flambeaux, that the whole of the city wore the appearance
of a general conflagration. This circumstance caused a Spaniard to
remark, that this prince was indeed fortunate, thus to purchase a fine
kingdom for a bonfire.

A general insurrection throughout Portugal was the immediate consequence
of the one at Lisbon; and the revolution was so quickly completed, that
it appeared as if every town in the kingdom waited for nothing more than
an example from the capital to take up arms in favour of the duke.
Couriers were dispatched daily to that prince, with intelligence of the
Spaniards being driven from the different provinces and towns, all of
which were ready to acknowledge him as their king. The governors of
forts and other strong places displayed as little resolution as the
commander of the citadel at Lisbon, and whether from want of troops,
courage or ammunition, they shamefully surrendered; the greatest part
without a single shot being fired. Every one appeared apprehensive of
sharing the fate of Vasconcellos, and trembled at being exposed to the
fury of an enraged populace. They indeed quitted Portugal with all the
haste and trepidation of criminals escaped from prison; and in less than
a fortnight not a single Spaniard remained in the kingdom.

Don Fernando de la Cueva alone, who was governor of the citadel of St.
Joam, at the mouth of the Tagus, seemed resolutely bent on opposing the
general revolution, and preserving the place committed to his charge for
the king his master. His garrison was composed of Spaniards, who
fighting under the command of brave officers, vigorously resisted the
first attack of the Portugueze. It was then judged necessary to commence
a regular siege, and cannon being sent for from Lisbon, they opened the
trenches, and broke through the counterscarp, notwithstanding the
continual fire and frequent sallies of the besieged; but negociations
being always the safest, and generally the shortest method of
terminating affairs of this nature, the king offered such advantageous
terms to the governor, that he found himself no longer able to resist;
he was, indeed, so dazzled by the tempting promises of a considerable
sum of money, and a commandery in the order of Christ, that he concluded
the treaty, and surrendered the citadel, on pretence of the
insufficiency of his troops to defend it, though the principal officers
of the garrison refused to sign the capitulation.

The king judging it improper to delay his coronation, which would give a
sanction to the regal dignity, and render his person more sacred in the
eyes of his people, fixed the ceremony for the fifteenth of December,
when it took place with all possible magnificence[20]. The duke
d'Aveiro, the marquis de Villa-Real, with his son the duke de Caminha,
the count de Monsam, and all the other grandees of the kingdom were
present. His majesty was received at the gate of the cathedral by the
archbishop of Lisbon, at the head of the clergy, and by several other
bishops; and he was solemnly acknowledged king of Portugal by the
states-general of the nation, all of which immediately took the oath of
allegiance.

In a few days afterwards the queen, attended by a numerous retinue,
arrived at Lisbon. She was met at some distance by the whole court, and
she had already in her train the officers appointed to compose her
household. The king himself went out of Lisbon to receive her; he indeed
wished not only to treat her with all the magnificence due to her new
dignity, but to prove to her by every action, that he thought himself in
a great measure indebted to her for his crown. This princess was endowed
with so much native dignity, and displayed such majesty and sweetness,
that she seemed born to grace the throne she now so happily filled.

Thus terminated an enterprise, which was conducted with a degree of
secrecy that appears almost miraculous, considering the number and
different descriptions of persons to whom it was confided. It was,
however, the natural consequence of the aversion so long, and so
generally felt to the Spanish government; an aversion which took place
on the first establishment of the monarchy, owing to the frequent wars
between these neighbouring nations; which was greatly increased by
commercial disputes, and the rivalship occasioned by the discovery of
America; and which, since the Portugueze became subject to the dominion
of Castille, was changed into the most deadly hatred.

The news of this sudden revolution soon reached the court of Spain. The
prime minister was inexpressibly afflicted, and reduced to despair at
having been thus circumvented in his designs. The king, his master, was
at that moment in so unpleasant a situation, that he needed nothing new
to add to his embarrassments; he had sufficient employment in defending
himself against France and Holland, and the pernicious example set by
the rebellious Catalonians, filled his mind with the most painful
apprehensions.

The king alone, of all his court, remained in ignorance of this
important event, no one daring to speak to him on the subject, from the
fear of incensing the minister, who would not easily have forgiven such
officious zeal. The affair, however, began to be spoken of so publicly,
that all hopes of longer concealment were vain; and the count-duke
fearing some of his enemies might reveal the business in a manner
disadvantageous to his interest, decided on being the first to
communicate it to his majesty; but being perfectly well acquainted with
the character of that prince, he contrived to represent the affair in
so artful a manner, that the king was not at first aware of the extent
of his misfortune: "Sire," said he, addressing him with an assured air
and open countenance, "I come to congratulate you on a fortunate event,
your majesty has just obtained a considerable dutchy, and some very fine
estates." "By what means, count?" replied the king, all astonishment at
this discourse. "The duke of Braganza," resumed the minister, "has madly
suffered himself to be seduced by the populace, who have proclaimed him
king of Portugal; his estates are therefore forfeited, and become the
property of your majesty; who, by the total annihilation of this family,
will in future reign securely and peaceably over that kingdom."

This prince, however, notwithstanding the weakness of his character, was
not sufficiently dazzled by the magnificent prospects laid before him,
to believe it probable such brilliant hopes could be realised without
the greatest difficulty; but having long been accustomed to regard
objects in the same point of view as his minister, he simply answered,
that it would be necessary to suppress, as soon as possible, a
rebellion, which might otherwise be attended by the most dangerous
consequences.

The king of Portugal, in the mean time, was particularly active in
disposing every thing in such a manner, as to secure his newly acquired
throne, and place it on the firmest foundation. Immediately on his
arrival at Lisbon, he appointed governors to all the frontier towns, and
took care to make choice of faithful, brave, and experienced men, who
set off directly for their respective governments, attended by a
sufficient number of the military, and lost no time in fortifying and
putting in the best state of defence the different places committed to
their charge. His majesty also gave out numerous commissions for the
levying of troops, and convened the states-general of the nation
immediately after his coronation. He then caused his claims to the crown
to be strictly examined, that not the smallest doubt might remain in the
breasts of the Portugueze on that subject. A solemn act then took place,
by which he was acknowledged lawful king of Portugal, as descendant, by
the princess, his mother, of the infant Edward, son of the king
Emmanual; thus excluding the king of Spain, who was descended from a
daughter of the said Emmanual; which daughter having espoused a foreign
prince, was, by the fundamental laws of Portugal, rendered incapable of
reigning over that kingdom[21].

His majesty declared in this assembly, that the produce of his own
patrimonial estates being sufficient for the maintenance of his
household, he should reserve all the royal demesnes, or crown lands, for
the use of the kingdom in general; and to prove to the people what they
had to expect from the mildness and justice of his government, he
abolished all the taxes so heavily imposed upon them by the Spaniards.

The principal places and employments of the state were bestowed on those
of the conspirators who had displayed the greatest zeal in his cause.
Pinto, however, had no share in these different promotions, the king
prudently judging, that his authority was not yet sufficiently
established, to enable him to raise one of his domestics, of an ignoble
birth, to a great and important employment; but this did not prevent
his having the greatest ascendance over the mind of his majesty, and
indeed over the whole kingdom; for though he could not boast the title
of minister, or secretary of state, yet such was the intimate confidence
in which he was held by his master, that he performed all the functions
of those two great offices.

Having thus arranged every thing to his satisfaction in the interior of
his kingdom, he applied himself assiduously to form a strict alliance
with all the enemies of the king of Spain; and even, if possible, to
raise himself up new ones. He therefore endeavoured to induce his
brother-in-law, the duke of Medina Sidonia, who was governor of
Andalusia, to make himself independent in that province, or in other
words, to follow his example, and take upon himself the sovereign
authority. The marquis d'Aïamonte, a Spanish nobleman, related to the
queen of Portugal, was employed in this negociation, the success of
which will be made known in the sequel of this work.

The new king of Portugal sent ambassadors to all the courts of Europe,
to engage them to acknowledge his sovereignty. He farmed a league,
offensive and defensive, with the Dutch and Catalonians; ad he was
assured of the protection of France[22]. The king of Spain gave the
greatest proof of his want of power, by never making a forcible attack
on the frontiers of Portugal during the whole course of the campaign,
owing most probably to the rebellion in Catalonia having employed all
his forces; whatever indeed he attempted, was always unsuccessful, and
his troops never gained the smallest advantage. Sometime afterwards,
intelligence was received that Goa, and every other country subjected to
the Portugueze government, whether in India, Africa, or Peru, had
joined in the revolution of the mother country. Thus all things appeared
to combine to ensure the king of Portugal a succession of good fortune,
a peaceable reign at home, and victory abroad; when in the midst of such
seeming happiness, he was on the point of losing his sceptre with his
life, by means of a detestable conspiracy, secretly formed, not only in
Lisbon, but even in the centre of his court.

The archbishop of Braga was, as has been already mentioned, the creature
of Spain. He was one of the ministers of that country in Portugal, and
had no hopes of being reinstated in his employment, unless the Spanish
government should be re-established. He was indeed apprehensive, that
though the new king had hitherto appeared to respect his sacred
character, by forbearing to make him share the prison to which he had
condemned the Spaniards, he would most probably be included in the same
disgrace, when once the king felt himself assured of the solidity of his
government. But what principally induced him to make a serious attempt
in favour of Spain, was his uniform attachment to the vice-queen: he was
in despair at the idea of her being a prisoner in a country, over which
he thought she had a right to reign; and his resentment was raised to a
still higher pitch from not being allowed to see her. Indeed not only
he, but every other person of distinction who was at first permitted to
attend her, had received the same prohibition; it having been
sufficiently proved that the princess had abused the indulgence granted
her by his majesty, and had taken every opportunity of instigating the
Portugueze to rebel against his authority. The archbishop regarded this
conduct as insupportably tyrannical. This princess, in his mind's eye,
seemed to look up to him alone for protection, and to solicit her
liberty from his hands, in return for the favours she had so continually
bestowed upon him; the remembrance of her kindness added fuel to the
flame which consumed him, and made him decide on attempting all and
every thing to prove his gratitude, and revenge her injuries; but it
being scarcely possible either to surprise or bribe the guards who
attended her, he was resolved to strike at once at the root of the evil,
and, by the king's death, liberate the princess and re-establish her
authority.

Having taken this resolution, he reflected in what manner he could best
and soonest execute his design: he had every reason to believe that he
should not long enjoy the place of president of the palace, and that he
should most probably be obliged to retire to Braga. Such was the hatred
borne by the people towards the Spaniards, that he very well knew it
would be impossible to engage them in his party, consequently he could
not adopt the measures so successfully taken by his majesty; nor would
the nobles accede to his proposal, they having been the principal means
of placing him on the throne. His only resource then was in the
grandees; the greatest part of whom, so far from having contributed to
the revolution, submitted with a very ill grace to the elevation of the
house of Braganza. Having therefore secured the protection of the
Spanish minister, he addressed himself to the marquis de Villa-Real, to
whom he represented that the new king; naturally timid and suspicious,
would never fail seeking occasions to humble his family, lest his
successor should suffer from such powerful subjects: that the duke
d'Aveiro and himself, though both princes of the blood, were not
employed in any of the great offices of the state, such distinctions
being all bestowed, as rewards, on a tribe of rebels: that all well
thinking people were shocked that a prince like the marquis de
Villa-Real should meet with such contemptuous treatment, and languish in
shameful inactivity in the centre of his province: that his high birth
and great riches placed him above submitting to the authority of a petty
king; and that he had lost in the Spanish monarch the only sovereign,
who, having so many different kingdoms and governments to bestow, could
place him in a situation conformable to the dignity of his birth.

The archbishop, on perceiving that his harangue had made no small
impression on the mind of Villa-Real, proceeded to inform him, that he
had received orders from the king of Spain to promise him the
vice-royalty of Portugal, in reward for his fidelity; he was, however,
far from intending to bestow on him that dignity, having no other view
than to procure the liberty of the duchess of Mantua, and reinstate her
in her former situation; but it was necessary to seduce Villa-Real by
the most brilliant prospects, and he succeeded so well, that he
consented to place himself, together with his son, the duke de Caminha,
at the head of this conspiracy.

Being once secure of the support of these two princes, his next care was
to engage his particular friend, the grand inquisitor, in his interest.
The acquisition of such a man to the party was of the greatest
importance, since his example would be certainly followed by all the
officers of the inquisition; a body of men who are still more formidable
to the good than to the wicked, and who possess the greatest influence
over the minds of the Portugueze. The archbishop alledged reasons of
conscience to induce them to join in his enterprise; and reminded them
of their oath of allegiance to the king of Spain, which ought never to
be violated in favour of a rebel: to these arguments he added the more
powerful one of self interest, representing, that _not one_ amongst them
could reasonably expect to enjoy his present post for any length of time
under a prince who never failed filling all employments with his own
particular friends and favourites.

Several months passed on in increasing the number of conspirators;
amongst whom the leading ones were the commissary de la Cruzada; the
count d'Armamar, the nephew of the archbishop; the count de Ballerais;
don Augustin Emmanuel; Antonio Correa, Vasconcellos' clerk, who was
stabbed by Menezes at the first breaking out of the conspiracy which
placed don John on the throne; and Laurent Pires de Carvalho, keeper of
the royal treasury; all of whom were creatures of Spain, who owed their
places and fortunes to that country, and who could have little hopes of
preserving them but by the restoration of the Castilian government.

The Jews, who reside in great numbers at Lisbon, and conform outwardly
to the Christian religion, were likewise engaged in this conspiracy.
They had lately offered immense sums to his majesty, to engage him to
put a stop to the persecutions of the inquisition, and to allow them the
public exercise of their religion: these offers had been refused, and
the resentment they felt on the occasion was an excellent ground-work
for the archbishop to build his hopes on of inducing them to join his
party. He therefore contrived private meetings with some of the
principals, who were in the greatest trepidation at having so
unseasonably declared themselves; which act of imprudence could not fail
of exposing them to all the malice and cruelty of the inquisition. The
artful prelate took advantage of their fears, and promised them the
protection of the grand inquisitor, whom they well knew to be at his
disposal, if they would consent to his plan; alarming them at the same
time with the probability of their being banished from Portugal by a
prince so devoted to the Catholic faith; whilst, if they could be
prevailed upon to assist in re-establishing the old government, he would
venture to engage in the name of the king of Spain, that they should not
only be allowed liberty of conscience, but a synagogue, and every other
indulgence they could possibly require. Such indeed was the violence and
malignancy of this priest, that he did not blush to league himself with
the enemies of Christ to dethrone his lawful sovereign.

This instance may, perhaps, be quoted as the only one, of the
inquisition and synagogue's acting in concert, and joining heartily
together to promote the same cause.

The conspirators, after having deliberated on several different plans,
for ensuring the success of their enterprise, at last adopted one
proposed by the archbishop, who had consulted the principal Spanish
minister on the occasion. It was, therefore, unanimously agreed, that on
the fifth of August, the Jews should not only set fire to the four
corners of the palace, but to several other houses in the city, by which
means the people would be sufficiently employed in their different
quarters, without attending to what passed in the palace, whither the
conspirators were to repair immediately, on pretence of endeavouring to
extinguish the flames; but, in the midst of the hurry and confusion
occasioned by so dreadful an event, they were to seek an opportunity of
approaching the king, and stabbing him to the heart, whilst the duke de
Caminha should secure the person of the queen, together with those of
the young princes, her sons, in order to take the same advantage of
their situation, which had been taken of the princess of Mantua, to
enforce the surrender of the citadel. Fire-works were at the same time
to be employed in burning the fleet; and the archbishop, together with
the grand inquisitor, and the officers of the holy brotherhood, were to
parade through the streets, to prevent any commotions amongst the
people; who would never venture to take an active part in the business,
from their natural dread of drawing upon themselves the indignation of
the inquisition. The marquis de Villa-Real was to be appointed governor
of the kingdom, till the Spanish monarch should make known his
intentions relative to the measures to be taken on so important an
occasion.

There was, however, no certainty of the people declaring in their
favour: it was, therefore, deemed necessary to be provided with troops
to enforce their obedience. They, accordingly, decided on applying to
the count-duke to engage him to send a considerable fleet on the coast;
which would then be in readiness to enter the port on the first breaking
out of the conspiracy; and immediately on receiving intelligence of
their success, he was to be requested to march troops to the frontiers,
to subdue all, and every one, who should be tempted to make any further
resistance. This plan, however, was easier imagined than executed, it
being extremely difficult for the conspirators to hold any secret
correspondance with the prime minister; the king having placed guards on
the frontiers, in consequence of the discovery he had made of the
princess of Mantua's having written to Madrid, with the strictest orders
not to allow any one to quit the kingdom, without his express
permission. Any attempt to corrupt these guards might be attended with
danger, since those who betrayed their sovereign, might likewise betray
them, and deliver up their letters, relating, at the same time, the
methods employed to tempt them from their duty.

The absolute necessity of speedily acquainting the prime-minister with
their intentions, without whose assistance their plot must infallibly
fall to the ground, induced them to confide in a rich Lisbon merchant,
who was treasurer to the custom-house, and whose extensive trade
throughout the whole of Europe caused his majesty to grant him the
particular privilege of corresponding with Castille. This man, whose
name was Baëse, publicly professed the Christian religion; but being one
of those who in Portugal are termed _new_ Christians, he was generally
suspected of secretly observing the rites of the Jewish church. A very
large sum was offered to engage him in the conspiracy, which, joined to
the exhortations of those amongst the Jews who were in the secret,
prevailed upon him to accept their proposals, and to undertake conveying
their letters to the count-duke d'Olivares.[23]

Baësa being charged with the pacquet, directed it to the marquis
d'Aïamonte, governor of the first frontier town in Spain, in the full
persuasion that, being once safely out of Portugal, there could be no
farther cause of apprehension; but, the marquis who was nearly related
to the queen of Portugal, and was actually carrying on a negociation
with the new king, no sooner perceived the great seal of the inquisition
of Lisbon, than he broke open the letters, dreading lest they should
contain something relative to his secret correspondence with the king
and queen of Portugal; and on discovering the plan of a conspiracy on
the point of breaking out, which was to destroy the king and the whole
of the royal family, he immediately sent back the pacquet to his
majesty, whose astonishment was inexpressible, when, on perusing these
letters, he perceived that the princes of his blood, an archbishop, and
several grandees of his court, all of whom had demonstrated the greatest
joy on his advancement, were conspiring not only to deprive him of the
crown, but to put an end to his existence.

His privy council was immediately summoned and the resolutions taken
therein were, in a few days afterwards, put into execution. Eleven
o'clock in the night of the fifth of August being, according to the
intercepted letters, appointed by the conspirators to commence their
operations, his majesty, under pretence of a general review in the great
court of the palace, called in all the troops quartered in the
neighbourhood, at ten o'clock that same morning. He also gave with his
own hands, and in secret, several sealed notes to those of his courtiers
whom he knew to be the most attached to his person, with strict orders
not to open their respective billets till twelve at noon, when the
commands contained therein must be punctually and immediately obeyed.
About the same hour, the king, pretending business, sent for the
archbishop and the marquis de Villa-Real into his cabinet, where their
persons were instantly seized; whilst the captain of the guard arrested
the duke de Caminha in the public market-place at the same moment. The
sealed billets being then opened, the persons to whom they were
addressed, in obedience to their contents, separately seized on a
conspirator, and conveyed him to prison, there to be strictly guarded
till farther orders; and such was the prudence of the measures taken on
this occasion, and so faithfully were they executed, that, in less than
an hour the forty-seven conspirators were secured, without even the
smallest effort being made towards effecting their escape.

The people, on the first report of the conspiracy, crowded tumultuously
to the palace, and loudly demanded that the traitors should be instantly
delivered up to them. But, though the king was delighted with the
affection displayed by his subjects, he felt uneasy at such a multitude,
being thus suddenly assembled; fearing such commotions might become
habitual, and end, as is always the case, in sedition. He, therefore,
after expressing his acknowledgments for their solicitude for the
welfare of his person, and assuring them the traitors should meet with
the punishment due to their crimes, gave orders to the magistrates to
disperse them. This prince, however, lest the resentment of the people
should abate, and, as it frequently happens, their furious rage towards
the criminals turn to sentiments of commiseration, on reflecting on
their wretchedness, thought proper to make public that the design of
the conspirators was not only to assassinate him, with the whole of the
royal family, but to set fire to the city, when every thing which
escaped the fury of the flames must naturally become the prey of the
rebels: that Spain, to prevent any future conspiracies, and to wreak its
vengeance on the Portugueze, had resolved on peopling the town with a
colony of Castilians, and to transport all the citizens to the mines in
America, where they would be buried alive in those dreadful abysses, in
which they had already destroyed so many miserable human beings.

Judges were next appointed for the trial of the conspirators; these were
chosen from the sovereign chamber, but on account of the archbishop of
Braga, the marquis de Villa-Real and the duke de Caminha, it was thought
proper to give them two grandees of the kingdom as coadjutors.

The commissaries on this occasion received orders from his majesty, not
to produce the intercepted letters, unless absolutely necessary to the
conviction of the criminals, lest the court of Spain should suspect the
manner by which he had obtained possession of those letters, and
discover his correspondence with the marquis d'Aïamonte. Fortunately,
however, such proofs were not requisite, Baësa having contradicted
himself so palpably in his answers to the principal interrogatories,
that he was put to the torture, and the miserable wretch no sooner felt
the first pangs, than his courage failed him, and he confessed all the
particulars of the plot. He owned the design of assassinating the king;
declared that the office of the inquisition was well stored with arms,
and that they only waited for an answer from the count-duke to put their
plan into execution.

The greater part of the other conspirators, on being put to the torture,
confirmed the deposition of the Jew; but the archbishop, the grand
inquisitor, the marquis de Villa-Real and the duke de Caminha, in order
to avoid so dreadful a punishment, confessed their guilt. The two latter
were condemned to lose their heads, and the rest to be hanged and
quartered; whilst his majesty himself was to pronounce sentence on the
ecclesiastics.

The king thereupon assembled his council, and addressing his ministers,
declared, that he had reason to fear the execution of so many people of
distinction might be attended by dangerous consequences: that the
principal conspirators being of the first families in the kingdom, their
relations would naturally become secret enemies, and that the passion of
revenge would naturally give birth to another conspiracy: that the
execution of the comte d'Egmont in Flanders, and that of the Guises in
France, had been fatal to the causes in support of which they had been
employed; but that the generous pardon he thought of granting to some
amongst them, together with a punishment, perhaps more severe than
death, which he should inflict on others, would interest every heart in
his favour, and force even the conspirators, their relations and
friends, to look up to him in future with gratitude. His majesty,
however, added, that though his inclinations led him to pursue lenient
measures, he had, nevertheless, assembled his council, to be informed of
their opinion, and to follow that which should appear to be the best.

The marquis de Ferreira first spoke on this occasion, and voted for the
speedy execution of the criminals; alledging in the strongest terms that
sovereigns, in cases of this nature, should be guided by justice alone;
that clemency might probably be attended by dangerous consequences,
since the pardon of traitors would be much sooner attributed to
weakness of character in a prince than to real goodness; that a
government which permitted such crimes to pass off with impunity, would
infallibly be despised, and would likewise encourage the relations of
the delinquent not only to attempt to liberate them from prison, but to
carry their designs still farther; that an example of severity was
absolutely necessary on his accession to the crown, were it only to
intimidate others from forming plots of the same nature; in short, that
these men were not only traitors to the king himself, but to the state,
which they were on the point of overturning; and that his majesty ought
sooner to consider the justice he owed to his people, by bringing them
to condign punishment, than attend to the dictates of his own feeling
heart, in a case where the preservation of his majesty's person and the
public security must ever be inseparable. This opinion being unanimously
supported by all the members of the council, the king gave up his
judgment to theirs, and the sentence was put in execution on the
following day. The archbishop of Lisbon being anxious to preserve the
life of one of his friends, addressed himself to the queen to obtain
his pardon, and asked this favour in full confidence that the services
he had rendered to the house of Braganza were of such a nature, that no
demand of his could possibly be refused. But her majesty, who was
perfectly convinced of the necessity, and indeed the justice of
punishing such traitors, and who clearly perceived how much a
distinction in favour of one would irritate the friends and relations of
the remaining conspirators (since in this case, and indeed in many
others, clemency would become injustice) was decided on this occasion to
make the natural gentleness of her disposition yield to the superior
motives of impartial justice; and turning towards the prelate, with an
air and tone of voice which forbad all reply, "Archbishop," said she,
"the only favour you can possibly expect from me is, that I should
forget you have ever spoken to me on the subject."

The king, however, out of respect to the clergy of Portugal, and indeed
to obtain the favour of the court of Rome, which from regard to the
house of Austria, had hitherto refused to receive his ambassadors,
mitigated the sentence pronounced on the archbishop of Braga and the
grand inquisitor, and condemned them to perpetual imprisonment. The
arch-bishop's illness and death were soon after announced to the
public: such events, it is well known, frequently happen to certain
state prisoners, who, from political motives, are not suffered to perish
on a scaffold.

The manner by which the king of Portugal became acquainted with this
conspiracy, was for a long time unknown to the court of Spain, nor did
the Spanish monarch discover the person who dispatched the archbishop's
letters to Lisbon, till another conspiracy was forming against himself.

The king of Portugal, as has been already mentioned, kept up a constant
correspondence with the enemies of Spain; his ports were open to the
French and Dutch fleets; he had a resident both at Barcelona and with
the insurgents in Catalonia; and he left no means untried to cause
confusion in the very heart of Spain, in order to occupy the mind of
Philip the IVth, in a way to give him no time to attend to the affairs
of Portugal.

The new monarch had already partly succeeded in sowing the seeds of
rebellion in the breast of his brother-in-law, the duke de
Medina-Sidonia; and their mutual confident the marquis d'Aïamonte, a
Castilian nobleman, had completed his seduction. This latter was nearly
related to the queen of Portugal and the duke; and the situation of his
estate at the mouth of the Guadiana, near the frontiers of Portugal,
greatly favoured his secret correspondence with that court. Naturally
ambitious, he wished to raise his fortunes, and flattered himself his
own elevation would be the consequence of that of the two houses of
Braganza and Medina-Sidonia. He was a man of a daring, enterprising
character, discontented with the conduct of the prime minister, and
possessed of that perfect indifference for life so necessary to all
those who engage in great and difficult undertakings.

Immediately on the discovery of the archbishop of Braga's conspiracy;
the marquis d'Aïamonte wrote secretly to the duke de Medina-Sidonia to
congratulate him on the escape of his sister the queen of Portugal, and
the rest of the royal family; insinuating at the same time, how nearly
it concerned him, that the new monarch should preserve a crown, which
must necessarily descend to his own nephews; and that Portugal, from its
vicinity to Castile, would ensure him a retreat on any emergency;
especially during the ministry of the count-duke whose arrogance and
despotic system of politics had no other object than to seek occasions
of humbling the grandees. He added, too, it was far from certain that
the minister, though his relation, would long permit him to enjoy the
government of so large a province in the neighbourhood of Portugal; that
this subject was worthy his serious reflections; and that if the duke
was willing to be more fully acquainted with his sentiments on the
occasion, he would immediately send him a faithful friend, to whom he
might safely confide his most secret thoughts.

The duke de Medina-Sidonia, naturally proud and vain, and whose jealousy
had been secretly raised by the regal dignity of his brother-in-law,
presently perceived that the marquis's letter was only a cover for much
deeper designs; he therefore instantly sent off a certain Louis de
Castille, his confident, to confer with him on the subject. The marquis
on opening his credentials, did not scruple to unbosom himself; and
after having reminded him of the ease with which the duke of Braganza
had mounted the throne of Portugal; he added, that it was impossible for
the duke of Medina-Sidonia to make choice of a more favourable juncture
to secure the fortunes of his house, and to render it for ever
independent of the crown of Spain. He next represented, that the long
war with France and Holland had nearly exhausted the king's forces, the
greater part of which were necessarily employed in Catalonia; that this
was the favourable moment for stirring up a rebellion in Andalusia, and
carrying the war into the very centre of the kingdom; that the people,
ever lovers of novelty, and loaded with taxes, would submit with
pleasure to a change of government; and that the duke de Medina-Sidonia
was not less beloved in Castille, than Braganza in Portugal. It would,
however, be necessary to engage his lieutenant-governors in his
interest, though without entrusting them with his secret; that he had
nothing to do, but to place his partizans in the most important posts;
he would then have no difficulty in securing the galleons which were
daily expected from India; and that the king of Portugal would aid and
assist him in his design, by sending a great fleet into Cadiz,
consisting not only of his own vessels, but those of his allies, having
on board land forces, which would presently subdue all and every one
ill-advised enough to make impotent efforts in support of their
allegiance to the king of Spain.

The account of this conversation fired the duke with ambition, and his
head grew giddy at the idea of a crown. His post of lord high admiral,
and governor of Castille, placed the sea and land forces under his
command. He was the proprietor of considerable towns, and extensive
domains, all of which invested him with almost absolute power; and he
was thus induced to believe, in the first effervescence of his ambitious
projects, that it depended on himself alone to become master of a crown,
and to own no superior in the province of Andalusia.

Louis de Castille was immediately sent once more to the marquis
d'Aïamonte, with assurances of his entering perfectly into his views;
and also to consult with him on the measures to be pursued relative to
the court of Portugal. The duke, in the mean time, employed himself in
securing the interest of his friends and followers, and increasing their
number: he frequently let drop hints unfavourable to the government, and
expressed sentiments of compassion for the soldiers, who did not receive
their pay, and for the people, who were sinking under the burthen of
taxes.

The marquis d'Aïamonte was no sooner informed of the duke's
determination, than he was anxious to form a regular plan of operations.
A conference with the king of Portugal was absolutely necessary, but the
marquis was too well known on the frontiers to venture into that
kingdom: he therefore decided on entrusting this delicate negociation to
an intriguing friar, who had long been attached to his interest, and
whose sacred habit would give him free admittance into that
inquisitorial country. This friar, who was named father Nicolas de
Velasco, was of the order of St. Francis. He proceeded immediately to
Castro Marino, the first town in Portugal, where he pretended he came
only to settle the ransom of a Castilian prisoner confined in that
place. The king of Portugal, who was in the secret of the marquis
d'Aïamonte, gave orders to arrest him as a spy, and he was conveyed to
Lisbon loaded with chains, and there examined by the ministers
themselves, who sent him to prison, where he was for some time strictly
guarded, and treated with apparent severity; but he was soon after set
at liberty, on pretence of its having been proved, that his visit to
Portugal was merely to obtain the freedom of a Spanish officer, and he
was even allowed to attend at the palace to plead his cause, which gave
him an opportunity of conferring with the ministers, without being
suspected by the spies employed by the court of Madrid. He had also
frequent interviews with his majesty, who promised him a bishopric in
reward of his services; and the franciscan was so elated at such
brilliant prospects, that he became a constant attendant at court, where
he visited the queen, beset the ministers, and even entered into the
different intrigues of the courtiers, merely with a view to shew his own
consequence, and the degree of favour in which he stood with the king.
Thus, without absolutely revealing the secret of his mission, he
betrayed himself by his imprudent and ostentatious conduct.--Courtiers
are ever on the watch, and cast a jealous eye on every new favourite,
they therefore presently discovered his imprisonment to be a mere
pretext for introducing him at court. Different conjectures were formed
relative to his business in Portugal, and a Castilian, at that time
prisoner in Lisbon, soon unravelled the mystery. This man, whose name
was Sancho, was a creature of the duke de Medina-Sidonia, and was
treasurer of the army before the last revolution. The new king of
Portugal had thrown him into prison, together with all the Castilians
then at Lisbon, and he was treated with peculiar severity. He no sooner,
therefore, learnt that a Spanish franciscan enjoyed so much favour at
court, than he suspected some secret intrigue, and on this idea founded
his hopes of liberty. He wrote to the friar to implore his protection,
and expressed himself so respectfully, that he could not fail to
interest his vanity in his behalf; complaining at the same time of the
king of Portugal's having so long imprisoned, and hardly treated, a
servant and friend of his own brother-in-law, the duke of
Medina-Sidonia. To prove the truth of his assertions, he sent the
franciscan several letters from that nobleman, in which he charged him
with the execution of different affairs, in a style of confidence and
superiority suitable to his rank, and the protection with which he
honoured him.

The franciscan's answer was short, but expressive of the interest he
took in every one belonging to the duke de Medina-Sidonia. He assured
him that he would neglect nothing to obtain his liberty, only entreating
him to observe the strictest secrecy during the whole of the affair. The
artful Castilian, not to give cause of suspicion, waited some time the
effect of his promises; till growing impatient, he at last wrote again,
representing that he had languished seven months in a loathsome prison;
that the Spanish minister seemed to have forgotten his situation, since
neither ransom nor exchange had hitherto been proposed, and that his
only hopes of liberty centered in him.

The franciscan, ever happy to raise himself in the opinion of the duke
de Medina-Sidonia, applied to his majesty in favour of Sancho, and
obtained his liberty. He went in person to deliver him from prison, and
offered to include him in the passport granted by the king to some
domestics of the duchess of Mantua, who were returning to Madrid. To
this the cunning Castilian replied, that he now considered the city of
Madrid as a foreign land, and that he could not possibly appear at
court, without risking another imprisonment, since the severe and
inexorable prime minister would not fail to insist on an exact account
of the receipts of his office, though the cash had been pillaged during
the revolution, and not even the register remained; artfully adding, in
order to probe the franciscan, that the first wish of his heart was to
return to his patron, the duke of Medina-Sidonia, that nobleman being
sufficiently powerful to make his fortune, without being obliged to quit
Andalusia.

The franciscan, who was in want of a confidential person to acquaint the
marquis d'Aïamonte with the success of his negotiation, and to bring him
fresh directions for his future conduct, thought he could not possibly
fix upon a safer man than the devoted servant of the duke de
Medina-Sidonia. He therefore detained the Castilian some time, on
pretence of procuring him a passport, but in reality to make his
observations, and to try his fidelity. Frequent meetings produced strict
intimacy, and the more the politic Castilian took advantage of the
franciscan's vanity, to draw his secret from him. The friar wishing to
convince him of the credit and consideration he enjoyed at the court of
Portugal, could not abstain from saying, that he should soon appear in
another habit, being certain of a bishopric, and that he even flattered
himself he should one day be raised to the dignity of cardinal. Sancho
affected to disbelieve him, in order to force him to avow his design,
and the friar was so much piqued at his apparent incredulity, that he
could not help exclaiming "What then will you say, when you shall see
the duke de Medina-Sidonia seated on a throne?" Sancho thus drew him on
by repeated doubts of the truth of his assertions, till he at last
became master of every secret of his heart; and the franciscan confessed
that he was charged with a negociation in which the king was concerned;
that the duke de Medina-Sidonia would shortly be the sovereign of
Andalusia; that the marquis d'Aïamonte, to whom the king of Portugal
owed the discovery of the late conspiracy, was at the head of this
business; that the affairs of Spain were on the point of assuming
another aspect; and that it rested with him alone to become master of
considerable riches, if he would only consent to convey his letters to
the marquis and the duke de Medina-Sidonia. Sancho, delighted with the
possession of so important a secret, eagerly accepted the proposal, and
renewed his professions of attachment to the duke. He took charge of the
letters, and offered, if it were judged adviseable, to return himself
with the answers. He then set off immediately for Andalusia, but the
moment he reached the Spanish territories, he took the direct road to
Madrid; and on arriving in that city, went directly to the prime
minister's, who he desired might be made acquainted that Sancho, the
treasurer of Portugal, lately escaped from the prisons of the usurper,
requested to see him on an affair of great importance. The count-duke,
naturally haughty, and difficult of access, refused to admit him to his
presence, ordering him to return on the usual audience day; but Sancho,
though thus rudely repulsed, was still importunate, declaring that he
must see him, since the intelligence he brought related to the safety of
the state, and calling God to witness his good faith, and the diligence
he had employed to warn the minister of the impending danger.

The warmth of these expressions being reported to the count-duke, orders
were given for his admittance; when Sancho, throwing himself at the
minister's feet, exclaimed, that the safety of the state was now
secured, since he was allowed to present himself before him. He then
related his situation during the last revolution; the conspiracy formed
by the duke de Medina-Sidonia; explaining the plan of his intended
operations, his correspondence with the king of Portugal; the plot for
taking possession of the galleons, for delivering up Cadiz to the enemy,
and employing the armed forces under his command throughout his
government of Andalusia, against his lawful sovereign. To prove the
truth of his declarations, Sancho next produced the franciscan's
letters, written in cypher, to the marquis d'Aïamonte, and the duke de
Medina, and containing the whole plan of the conspiracy.

The count-duke was struck with surprise and consternation at such
extraordinary intelligence, and remained some time speechless: but on
recovering himself, he threw aside his natural haughtiness, and assuming
a gracious air, praised Sancho for his loyalty, adding, that he deserved
to be doubly rewarded, not only for having discovered so pernicious a
design, but for not having scrupled to reveal it to the nearest relation
of the principal conspirator. He was then conveyed to a private
apartment, with strict orders to prevent his seeing or conversing with
any one; and the minister immediately hastened to the king, whom he
informed of every thing that had passed, presenting him at the same time
with the franciscan's letters.

The discovery of so black a conspiracy deeply affected Philip, who had
indeed for a long time feared and detested the extraordinary pride of
the Guzmans; and when he reflected on the recent loss he had sustained
of the kingdom of Portugal, which he attributed to the ambitious
character of the duchess of Braganza, he could not refrain from
remarking to the minister, in a reproachful accent, that all the
misfortunes of Spain proceeded from that family. This prince neither
wanted penetration nor genius, but he was immersed in pleasures, and
hated business; every exertion which required attention gave him pain,
and he would willingly have sacrificed part of his dominions to the
indulgence of his natural indolence. The first emotions of his anger
being, therefore, passed, he returned the franciscan's letters to the
count-duke, without even breaking the seals; and gave orders to have
them examined by three counsellors of state, who were to give their
opinions on the contents.

This conduct vested the management of the affair entirely in the prime
minister, who employed three of his creatures to draw up a brief
statement of the case, and decypher the friar's letters. Sancho was
frequently interrogated, and endeavours were used to make him acquit the
duke of Medina de Sidonia, whom the prime minister was anxious to save:
he accordingly sent for Sancho, before he was questioned by the
commissaries, and affecting those confidential manners so frequently put
on by the great, to seduce and flatter those with whom they have
business to transact. "In what manner, my dear Sancho," said he, "can we
possibly justify the duke de Medina from an accusation, which is
grounded merely on the letters of an obscure friar, who most probably
has been bribed by our enemies, to make us suspect the fidelity of a man
who has hitherto rendered such services to his majesty in the province
of Andalusia."

Sancho, perfectly convinced of the truth of his deposition, and fearing,
that should he waver, or endeavour to soften his evidence, he might
forfeit his expected reward, persisted in asserting that a conspiracy
was actually formed against the state, of which the duke was the chief,
and the marquis d'Aïamonte the principal negociator; that he had himself
seen their letters in the possession of the franciscan, and that an
insurrection in Andalusia would infallibly take place, if speedy
precautions were not taken to prevent the evil designs of the governor
of that province.

The minister, who was unwilling to dive too deeply into this business,
took an opportunity of informing the king, that the Franciscan's letters
had been decyphered, and that, according to all appearance, he had been
suborned to seek the ruin of the duke de Medina; adding, that Sancho
himself might very probably have been deceived by this artful friar,
since neither any of the duke's own letters, nor witnesses of any sort
could be produced against him, and that the whole of this accusation
turned on letters, which might very well be the off-spring of calumny.
It would, however, be adviseable, in an affair of such great importance,
to take all possible precautions, and to contrive to entice the duke to
quit his government, in which it would be difficult to secure his
person; and then to send a supply of troops to Cadiz, making sure at the
same time of the marquis d'Aïamonte, and if on enquiry they were proved
guilty, they might afterwards be delivered up to all the severity of the
law.

The advice of the prime minister was a still more imperious law to
Philip the IVth than to any of his subjects. He was naturally mild,
indolent, and an enemy to sanguinary measures, he therefore readily
confided the whole of the business to the management of the count-duke,
who immediately dispatched his nephew, don Louis de Haro, with orders
to acquaint the duke de Medina, that whether innocent or guilty, he must
repair directly to court; assuring him, however, that should the
accusation be proved against him, he might depend on his pardon, but
that his ruin would be inevitable, should he delay obeying the commands
of his sovereign. Another courier was also sent off to secure the person
of the marquis d'Aïamonte; and the duke de Ciudad-Real, at the head of
five thousand men, entered Cadiz at the same moment.

The duke de Medina was thunderstruck at this intelligence. No
alternative remained but implicit obedience, or flight into Portugal:
but the idea of passing the whole of his existence as an outlaw, in a
foreign country, was too humiliating, and too unworthy of a man of his
superior rank; and there was no situation in Portugal equal to that rank
to which he could possibly lay claim. The count-duke's influence over
the king was well known, he therefore determined on confiding in the
promises of that minister, and set off immediately for Madrid,
flattering himself that his ready obedience would dispose his majesty to
believe him innocent, and even to grant him a pardon, should he be
proved guilty.

The duke proceeded directly to the prime minister's, and on receiving
reiterated promises of forgiveness, disclosed the whole plan of the
conspiracy, which he attributed entirely to the marquis d'Aïamonte.
After this confession, the minister introduced him privately into the
king's closet, where the duke cast himself at his feet, which he bathed
with his tears, and in that humble posture owned his guilt, and
solicited forgiveness in the most affecting expressions of sorrow and
repentance. The gentle heart of the king was moved with compassion, and
melting into tears, he granted him his pardon, telling him at the same
time, that he owed it to his remorse, and to the solicitations of the
count-duke. He then dismissed him his presence; but it being not thought
expedient to expose him to fresh temptations at so critical a juncture,
he received orders to remain at court. Part of his great property was
also confiscated, as having in some degree contributed to inspire him
with sentiments of independence; and the king placed a governor, with a
garrison, in Saint Lucar de Barameda, the usual residence of the dukes
de Medina-Sidonia.

So anxious was the prime minister to convince the king of the sincerity
of his relation's repentance, that he tried to engage that nobleman to
challenge the duke of Braganza, (as he termed him) to single combat.
Medina-Sidonia was greatly surprised at this extraordinary proposal, and
could not help reminding the minister, that the practice of duelling was
forbidden by all laws, both human and divine; but on perceiving the
count-duke still persisted in his design, he added, that it would be
very difficult to proceed to such extremities with his brother-in-law,
unless his majesty could procure a _bull_ from the pope, to shield him
from the dreadful excommunications pronounced by the church against
duellists.

The minister replied, that in a moment like the present one, such
scruples of conscience were unseasonable, and that it was his duty, by
some striking action, to prove himself worthy the gracious pardon he had
received, and at the same time remove every possible suspicion of his
having any secret intelligence with the rebels. "But if," continued he,
"you are absolutely decided against fighting, all I require is, that you
will not disavow the challenge I will take upon myself to publish in
your name." The duke, who plainly perceived that the whole of this
business was intended to amuse the people, consented to the proposal of
the challenge; the form of which was drawn up by the minister himself.
Several copies were distributed throughout Spain, Portugal, and most of
the courts in Europe. We will also insert it here, as a singular
composition, much more worthy the pen of a knight errant, than that of a
grandee of Spain, possessed of the first dignities of the kingdom.

DON GASPAR ALONÇO PEREZ DE GUSMAN, _duke of Medina-Sidonia,
marquis, count, and lord of Saint Lucar de Barameda,
captain-general of the sea, ocean, coasts of Andalusia, and armies
of Portugal, gentleman of the bedchamber to his catholic majesty_,

WHOM GOD PRESERVE.

"Whereas the treason of John (formerly duke) de Braganza, is a fact
of the utmost notoriety; now I wish to make alike public his
detestable intention of accusing the trusty house of Guzman of
disloyalty, a house which has remained for centuries back, and
will remain for ever obedient to its king and master; and this it
has proved by the blood of all its relatives and dependants shed in
his cause. This tyrant has poisoned the minds of foreign princes,
and likewise those of the misguided Portugueze, who have embraced
his party; and in order to give credit to his own wickedness, to
animate them in his favour, and (although in vain) to injure me in
the opinion of my master, (whom God preserve,) he has persuaded
them that I am of his party; founding and establishing his
preservation on the report he had himself circulated, and with
which he had infected the minds of every one; thus flattering
himself, that could he succeed in making the king of Spain suspect
my loyalty, he should not meet with so much opposition from me in
the execution of his designs, as he has done elsewhere. For this
purpose he has made use of a franciscan friar, sent from the
corporation of the town of Aïamonte, to Castro-Marin in Portugal,
to obtain the liberty of a Spanish prisoner, which friar, being
himself sent prisoner to Lisbon, has been worked upon to declare me
of his party, and to that end has even published some letters
which confirm his assertions, and accuse me of intending to favour
the entrance of all foreign troops which might approach the coast
of Andalusia, for the purpose of facilitating the means of
obtaining the supplies he had demanded from the said foreign
princes. And would to God it had been the case! since I should then
have called the world to witness my zeal by destroying their fleet,
a fate they must have experienced, according to the orders I had
issued in case of such an attempt. The above are some of my motives
for this appeal; but the principal subject of my griefs is his
wife's being allied to me by blood, which blood, being corrupted by
this rebellion, I am desirous of shedding, thinking myself bound to
prove to my king and master, by this action, the grateful sense I
have of his having expressed himself satisfied of my loyalty; and
also to remove from the minds of the public, the suspicions they
most probably had imbibed, from the false impressions made upon
them by the traitor.

"I therefore challenge the said John (formerly duke) de Braganza,
as having broken his faith to his God and to his king; and I defy
him to single combat, hand to hand, with or without seconds, at his
choice, which I also give him of weapons. The place of combat to be
near Valentia d'Alcantara, which serves as boundary to the two
kingdoms of Portugal and Castille, and there will I wait for him
eighty days, beginning from the first of October, and ending on the
nineteenth of December of this present year. The twenty last days I
will appear in person, in the market-place of the said Valentia,
and on the day he shall appoint, I will wait for him on the limits.
This space of time, although very long, I grant to the said tyrant,
that the affair may be made known, not only to him, but to the
greater part of the countries in Europe; nay, indeed, to the whole
world: and on condition that he will grant a safeguard to the
cavaliers whom I shall send forward a league into Portugal, as I
will grant one to those of his party a league into Castille, when I
promise myself to make known in the fullest manner the infamous
action he has committed.

"If he fail to obey this call upon him as a gentleman, and refuse
to comply with my challenge, as the only means left me to
exterminate this phantom; and I should perceive that he is not
hardy enough to meet me in single combat, to prove how I and all my
friends do, and ever have served our sovereigns, whilst he and his,
on the contrary, are traitors; I hereby do offer (under the
pleasure of his catholic majesty, whom God preserve) my town of
Saint Lucar de Barameda, the principal seat of the dukes de
Medina-Sidonia, to whomsoever shall kill the said John de Braganza:
and prostrating myself at the feet of his said majesty, I humbly
entreat him not to entrust me with the command of his army on this
occasion, which requires a degree of prudence and moderation, that
the excess of my wrath would prevent my exercising, but only to
permit me to serve in person at the head of a thousand horse, from
amongst my proper subjects; so that depending alone on my own
courage, I shall not only contribute to the restoration of
Portugal, and the punishment of this rebel, but in case he refuse
my challenge, I may then be enabled, by the aid of my troops, to
throw him dead or alive at the feet of his said majesty: and to
omit nothing which may prove my zeal. I also offer one of the
finest towns in my domains to the first Portugueze governor or
captain who shall surrender a place in Portugal, whether of great
or small importance to the service of his catholic majesty; but
after doing all I possibly can, I shall never have done enough for
his said majesty; since all I possess, I hold from, and owe to him
and his glorious ancestors."--Given at Toledo, this 29th of
September, 1641.

The duke de Medina, conformably to his challenge, did not fail to appear
on the field of battle. He was armed _cap-a-pee_, and escorted by don
John de Garray, colonel-commandant of the Spanish troops. Parleys were
beaten, and defiances published in the usual form; but no one appeared
on the part of the king of Portugal. That prince was indeed much too
prudent to act a part in so ridiculous a comedy; and even had the affair
been of a more serious nature, it would have been highly improper in a
sovereign thus to expose his person with a subject of his enemy.

The prime minister, whilst amusing the people with this idle puppet
shew, did not neglect turning the whole of his sovereign's indignation
on the marquis d'Aïamonte, and giving him up to the utmost rigour of
the law. This nobleman had been put under arrest, and it was requisite
to induce him to make a full confession of his guilt; he was therefore
flattered with the hope of pardon, and assured that it depended on him
alone to experience the same mercy from the best of kings, as had been
already shewn to the duke of Medina: but that sovereigns, like the
Almighty, whose representatives on earth they were, granted pardon to
those only who sincerely repented, and who confessed their guilt.

The marquis, seduced by these promises, and particularly by the
acquittal of his accomplice, the duke de Medina, signed every thing
which was required of him, and this very confession was brought against
him. He was accordingly arraigned, tried, and condemned to lose his
head. He listened to this sentence, which was passed upon him in the
evening, with the most surprising composure, and without breathing a
single complaint against the duke, or the prime minister. He afterwards
supped with his usual appetite, and slept so soundly the whole of the
night, that his judges were obliged to awaken him to convey him to the
place of execution, whither he walked in profound silence, and died with
a degree of firmness worthy a better cause. Thus ended a conspiracy, to
which the king of Spain must inevitably have fallen a victim, without
the intervention of the luckiest chance; or, more properly speaking,
without the interference of Providence, which will not always permit
such crimes to prosper.

The king of Portugal having failed in this attempt, turned all his
thoughts to the support of his crown, not only by open force, but by the
assistance of his allies. France afforded him all possible aid, and
piqued itself on thus protecting the most ancient branch of its last
race of kings. This foreign war was likewise useful in causing a
diversion, and giving employment to part of the Spanish forces.

The Portugueze gained several advantages at different times over the
Spaniards, and thus prevented them from approaching the frontiers. The
king of Portugal might even have penetrated into Castille, had his
generals been more able, or his body of regular troops more
considerable. The greater part of his army being composed of militia,
was much fitter to make incursions than to keep the field: he was
frequently destitute even of means to pay his troops, and having
abolished most of the taxes on his first accession to the crown, in
order to gain the favour of his people; it would have been a dangerous
experiment to have re-established them under so new a government. With
all these disadvantages, however, he contrived to support the war
against Spain, very nearly seventeen years. That country could not boast
of greater generals than Portugal; each nation gained more by the
weakness of its opponent, than by its own strength; and the exhausted
treasury of Philip the IVth, at the latter end of his reign, supplied
the place of riches to the new king of Portugal. This prince departed
this life on the 6th of November, 1656; and the Portugueze, unable to
call forth the attention of posterity to the most striking qualities of
their king, confine their praises to his moderation and piety; whilst
impartial historians accuse him of want of courage, diffidence of
himself, mistrust of others, reserve towards the nobles, who found it
difficult to approach his person, whilst he conversed openly and
familiarly with his ancient domestics alone, and more especially with
the friend and companion of his confessor. The only inference to be
drawn from this conduct is, that this prince, naturally peaceable, and
given up to his devotions, might be said to possess the good qualities
of a private individual, though never the splendid virtues of a great
king. His accession to the crown of Portugal must then be solely
attributed to the hatred borne by the people of that country to the
Spaniards, and to the adroit management of his queen, who made use of
this national animosity to raise her to the regal dignity.[24] The king,
her husband, in his last will, appointed her regent of the kingdom,
rightly judging, that the same conduct and courage which had placed the
crown on her head, would not fail to preserve it during the minority of
his children. He left behind him two sons and one daughter; the eldest
of which, don Alphonso, was nearly thirteen years of age when he
succeeded his father. This young prince was of a melancholy
disposition, and was deprived of the use of one side: his brother, the
infant, don Pedro, was only eight years old; and the infanta, donna
Catharine, who was the eldest of the family, was born before the
revolution. Don Alphonso being shewn to the people, was proclaimed king,
according to the usual forms, and the queen took upon herself, the same
day, the regency of the state.

The princess was very ambitious to signalize the commencement of her
government by some brilliant action; but her generals could boast more
bravery as soldiers, than conduct as captains, and there was not one
throughout the whole of Portugal capable of either fortifying a town, or
conducting a siege. Neither was her council much better composed; some
of her ministers attending more to displaying their eloquence in proving
the necessities of the state, than in endeavouring to relieve them;
whilst others, without attending to the low state of the army in
Portugal, amused themselves by proposing plans of conquests: thus the
debates of these supreme councils generally ended in schemes as
ill-concerted as unsuccessful.

The considerable losses sustained by the Portugueze at Olivença and
Badajos, where they were obliged to raise the siege, may, in a great
measure, be attributed to the above causes. They had also embroiled
themselves with Holland, on account of the India trade; and France, ever
after the peace of the Pyrenees, appeared no longer interested in their
favour. The queen, thus deprived of foreign allies, without either
disciplined troops or able generals, had no resource left but in the
greatness of her courage, which, indeed, supplied to her every other
loss. The weight of affairs could not shake her steady soul; the extent
of her genius, and the prudence of her conduct were equal to every
thing; and the agitated state of the country in the commencement of her
regency, served only to display in more striking colours the brilliant
qualities of this all-accomplished princess, who began her operations by
vesting the authority of the council in her own person: she constantly
read all the dispatches; nothing escaped her attention and foresight,
and she directed her views to all those European courts from which she
could possibly hope for assistance.

Such noble efforts, and constant application, succeeded in putting
Portugal in a state of defence against Spain; but being perfectly aware
of the necessity there would be in future of employing foreign troops
to form her own, and particularly the want she stood in of an able
general for that purpose, she cast her eyes on Frederic count de
Schomberg, whose valour and capacity were already known and
distinguished. The regent was very desirous of appointing him commander
in chief of the army, but she was fearful of giving umbrage to the
_governors of arms_, whose pride would not very readily have consented
to act under the orders of a foreign chief: she found it, therefore,
necessary to employ the count de Soure, her ambassador at the court of
France, to treat with the count de Schomberg, and propose his appearing
at first in Portugal only as colonel commandant of the army, promising
him, however, that in case of the death or resignation of the present
_governor of arms_, he should immediately be appointed commander in
chief.

The count set off for Lisbon attended by eighty officers, partly
captains, and partly subalterns, together with more than four hundred
troopers, all experienced soldiers, capable of forming and commanding
new forces. In compliance with secret orders from the regent, the count
passed through England, where Charles the IId was newly restored to the
crown, and where he was to endeavour to discover whether that
protestant prince would object to an alliance with the infanta of
Portugal. The count acquitted himself of this commission with great
nicety, and succeeded in making both the king, and the lord chancellor
Hyde, solicitous for the marriage. The queen was no sooner secure of
their approbation, than she dispatched the marquis de Sande to England,
to carry on the negociation.

The king of Spain, who trembled at this alliance, used every possible
endeavour to prevent its taking place; he did not even scruple offering
three millions of French livres to Charles the IId, to induce him to
espouse a protestant princess; and his ambassador proposed to him the
princesses of Denmark, Saxony and Orange, assuring him that the king his
master would adopt as his daughter whichever of these princesses he
should honour with his choice, and as such, bestow her on him in
marriage. The chancellor Hyde, however, represented in such forcible
terms, the great necessity of supporting the family of Braganza on the
throne of Portugal, and the danger of that country being united to Spain
under the government of one prince, that Charles decided on accepting
the hand of the infanta. Thus, we see, a protestant minister, engaging
his sovereign to form an alliance with a catholic, whilst a prince of
the latter religion, particularly distinguished by the title of catholic
king, offered immense sums to induce him to marry a protestant. So true
it is, that reasons of state are the basis on which crowned heads form
their religion; since princes, in cases of this nature, are usually
guided by motives of self-interest alone.

The king of England, through this alliance, contrived to make a treaty
of commerce between the States-General and Portugal; and afterwards sent
a considerable body of troops, under the command of the earl of
Inchinquin, into that kingdom. This nobleman was soon recalled, and the
English commanded to act under the orders of the count de Schomberg, who
presently after his arrival in Portugal had the troops of three
different nations at his command. The Portugueze, indeed, had a separate
general of their own country, but this distinction was a vague title,
intended only to flatter the ambition of the grandees, since the count
enjoyed the unlimited confidence of the queen; who, in fact, gave him
absolute power over the army, which he employed in establishing the
strictest discipline. He taught the Portugueze the order to be observed
on a march; with the art of encamping to the greatest advantage; and
erected regular fortifications on most of the frontier posts, which had
hitherto been left in an undefended state.

The regent, thus happy in so experienced a general, carried on the war
with the greatest vigour. Her arms were almost always successful. Her
troops had never before been in so flourishing a state, or so perfectly
well disciplined; the poor blessed her government; and the grandees,
impressed with sentiments of fear and respect, were all submission to
her will; but alas! this happy state of affairs soon underwent a painful
alteration, and domestic troubles, joined to different intrigues, gave a
new turn to every thing at court; for whilst this great princess was
constantly and successfully employed in securing the crown to her son,
that prince, by the irregularity of his conduct, was proving himself
unworthy of so dignified a situation. His mind was low and sordid, his
temper gloomy and savage: he could not support the idea of submitting to
the authority of his mother, and contemptuously rejected the advice of
his ministers. The society of the noblemen appointed to attend him, was
odious to a prince who delighted only in that of negroes and mulattoes,
with other young men chosen from the very dregs of the people; and of
these wretched beings he had contrived to form a little court,
notwithstanding every effort of his governor to prevent it. He termed
them his _bravoes_, and thus escorted, passed the night in ranging
through the streets of Lisbon, insulting every one who had the
misfortune to meet him.

The disordered state of his intellects was supposed to be occasioned by
a paralytic stroke, which attacked him at the age of four years. The
impressions it caused were terrible; but his defects were left
uncorrected in his earliest youth, from the fear of his weakness being
increased by severity; hopes were also entertained, that time, by
strengthening his body, might also temper his mind: this indulgence,
however, only added to his natural indocility: his health, indeed,
improved by age and medicine; he was equal to the strongest exercise,
and fenced and rode remarkably well; but his disposition still continued
savage; he acted more from violence than judgment; and when the passions
of youth took place of those of childhood, he did not scruple
introducing the vilest strumpets into the palace; nay, he even
frequently passed his nights in the most notorious brothels, where he
gave way to all kinds of shameful debauchery.

The regent, deeply grieved at such conduct, rightly judged that it must
inevitably end in the loss of his crown, and that it would finally
destroy the work it had cost her such pains, and so many years to
complete. She was frequently tempted to imprison him for life, and place
the infant his brother on the throne; but the fear of creating a civil
war, of which the Spaniards would not fail to profit, alone prevented
her taking so bold a step. She also flattered herself with the
possibility of reclaiming the king, by depriving him of a certain Conti,
a tradesman's son, who was his favourite, and the secret agent of his
debaucheries. She therefore gave orders to have him secured, and sent to
the Brazils, from whence he was forbidden to return on pain of death.

The king at first appeared thunderstruck at the loss of his favourite,
but he soon affected great calmness, and even became more tractable.
This alteration delighted the queen, who congratulated herself, and was
congratulated by the courtiers and ministers on the success of her
scheme: but the king's apparent tranquillity proved to be merely put
on, to cover designs of a deeper nature than the queen thought him
capable of forming; and this sagacious princess, who could penetrate
into the most secret recesses of a courtier's heart, became the dupe of
an absolute idiot.

The king, in the first moments of his grief for the loss of Conti, had
bewailed his misfortunes to the count de Castello Melhor, a Portugueze
nobleman of very high extraction, who, though an ambitious and artful
courtier, was much more capable of carrying on a court intrigue, than
conducting a state affair. Such a mark of confidence appeared a fair
opening for the count, to replace the favourite in his master's
affections, by pretending to pity his disgrace, and by contriving
methods to restore him to the king. He therefore began his operations,
by representing to his majesty, that he was himself the sole cause of
Conti's misfortunes, since being the sovereign, and having been long of
age, he had nothing to do but to exert his authority, throw off that of
the regent, and recal his favourite, who would then return, not only
triumphant over his enemies, but even over the queen herself.

The king, delighted with advice so conformable to his natural
disposition, let him into every secret of his heart. Their intimacy,
however, was carried on in a mysterious manner; and his majesty bestowed
no public marks of favour on the count, who was fearful of incurring the
suspicions of the regent; but this princess was too clear sighted not to
perceive his influence over her son; and meeting him one day in the
train of that prince, she caught him by the arm, and fixing her eye upon
him, with that dignified aspect which made her equally respected and
feared by all her subjects, "Count," said she, "I am well informed of
your credit with the king; and should he commit any action contrary to
my will, your life shall be the forfeit."

The count made no reply to this discourse, but profoundly bowing,
followed the king, who at that moment called him. He was, however, no
sooner alone with his majesty, than he related all that had passed;
adding, that he was very well aware of the danger of his situation,
being on the eve of sharing the fate of Conti; but he would submit to it
with pleasure, could he once see his master freed from the yoke of an
imperious regency, which, whilst it subsisted, must ever keep him in
the back ground, with no other distinction than the title of king,
without either authority or consideration.

This artful speech irritated the monarch to a degree little short of
madness, and he was on the point of insisting on the regent's delivering
into his own hands the great seals of the state, which are always
regarded as the mark of sovereign authority: but the count was too well
acquainted with the queen's empire over her son, to permit him to take
such a step; he therefore advised him to retreat to Alcantara, without
seeing her, and from thence dispatch couriers to the magistrates of
Lisbon, and the governors of the provinces, to make known his
determination of taking the reins of government into his own hands. In
compliance with this advice, the prince, in disguise, attended alone by
the count and his friends, arrived in the night at Alcantara. The next
morning he wrote to the secretaries of state, commanding them to attend
him immediately; he also sent for the Spanish guards, and published
throughout the kingdom, that the term of the queen-mother's regency
expired with his minority.

The greater part of the courtiers obeyed his majesty's summons, and the
queen was soon deserted; she indeed had presently reason to know, that
borrowed authority can never subsist, when it ceases to be supported by
the legitimate power. This princess, however, always herself behaved
with her usual dignity; and the noble and generous manner with which she
gave up the sovereign authority, sufficiently proved how deserving she
was to reign still longer, and that her only motive for having prolonged
the regency beyond the usual term, was to ensure the happiness of the
nation. She immediately wrote to the king, that it little became him to
act the part of an usurper, and to employ clandestine measures to gain
possession of a throne, which was his lawful right; inviting him at the
same time to return the following day to his palace, when in an assembly
composed of the grandees, and principal magistrates of the city, she
would herself present him with the seals, and give up to him the
government of the kingdom. The king accordingly went back to Lisbon,
where the queen, true to her promise, convened the grandees of the
kingdom, together with those dignified with titles, and the heads of
orders, and in their presence gave the purse which contained the seals
to his majesty: "Here," said she, "are the seals which were confided to
me as regent of your kingdom, by virtue of the last will of my lord the
late king. I commit them most willingly into the hands of your majesty,
and I heartily pray God, that the prosperity of your government may
equal the wishes I form in your favour." The king, taking the seals,
presented them to the secretary of state; after which, the infant, his
brother, and all the grandees, kissed his majesty's hand, and
acknowledged him a second time their lawful sovereign.

The queen declared her resolution of retreating into a convent at the
expiration of six months; and she delayed thus long, merely to have an
eye on the measures pursued by government. The favourite, dreading the
exalted genius of this princess, and the natural influence of a mother
over a son, prevailed on the king to treat her on several occasions with
great disrespect, in order to hasten her retreat. The proud and haughty
spirit of the queen could not submit to such indignities, and she
retired immediately into a convent, where, perfectly convinced of the
vanity of worldly grandeur, she passed her whole time in preparing for
_that_, of which no human means could ever deprive her. She did not
survive her departure from court quite a twelvemonth, dying on the 18th
of February, 1660. This princess was possessed of a most superior
genius: to the virtues of the softer sex, she added those by which the
other is particularly distinguished. Seated on a throne, she displayed
the splendid qualities of a great sovereign; and when retired into a
convent, she seemed to have banished from her memory the regal diadem
which had once graced her brow.

The king, no longer restrained by the authority of this wise princess,
gave way openly to the natural ferocity of his disposition, attacking by
night, accompanied by his bravoes, every one he met, and even assailing
the watch, and all others appointed to attend to the security of the
city. Whenever he indulged himself in these nocturnal rambles, the next
morning never failed bringing to light some tragical history, of which
he was the hero; and the people felt as much dismayed on meeting him in
the streets, as at the appearance of a savage beast escaped from his
den.

The count de Castello Melhor endeavoured to conceal excesses to which he
owed his authority. A true courtier, though a weak unskilful minister;
he was arrogant and proud when success crowned his wishes, but dismayed
and helpless on a reverse of fortune. Portugal, thus governed, must
inevitably have perished, had not the weakness of Spain secured its
safety.

The king, don Alphonso, whose authority did not extend beyond the walls
of his palace, gave up the whole charge of the government to the care of
his favourite, reserving no other part of the sovereign power, than the
privilege of committing every species of extravagance with impunity.

The Spaniards thought this a favourable opportunity to attack Portugal,
which they flattered themselves would be easily subdued, whilst governed
by an idiot and madman. They therefore raised a considerable army, which
was commanded by don John of Austria, a natural son of Philip the IVth.
The count de Schomberg headed the Portugueze troops, though the title of
general belonged to the count de Villaflor; and it was to the valour and
conduct of the former alone, the king of Portugal owed the preservation
of his crown. That great officer gained several different victories over
the Castilians; and those with less difficulty than he conquered the
obstinacy of the Portugueze general; whose jealousy of his glory was so
great, that he was continually thwarting every plan which he feared
might increase it. The French general, however, possessed the full
confidence, not only of the court, but more especially of the troops,
who were eager to follow a commander whom victory always crowned with
success.

The minister attributed to his own management the glory of this good
fortune, though his only share in the business was his being the first
to receive the intelligence; thus his credit daily increased, and he was
in possession of the sovereign authority; under the name of the king,
whom he directed as a mere machine, the springs of which he employed
according to his will and interest; taking advantage of the violent
passions of his master to prejudice him against all those whom he
mistrusted; by which means he presently removed the greater part of the
ministers who acted during the regency, and replaced them by creatures
of his own, in every respect devoted to his pleasure. The council, and
indeed the whole court, underwent a thorough change; nor did these new
members remain longer in office than whilst they were either useful or
agreeable to the minister; who even contrived to banish Conti a second
time from Portugal. The king, anxious for the presence of his first
favourite, had given orders for his return from the Brazils; but no
sooner did the count hear of his landing, than he forbad his appearing
at court, and sent this imperious message by the same courier who had
been dispatched by the king to express the joy he felt at his arrival.
This wretched prince, impressed with the most slavish fear of his
minister, never ventured to see Conti in public; and the count dreading
the effect these secret meetings might have on his credit, decided on
breaking off the connexion, by accusing Conti of being engaged in a
conspiracy against his majesty; an accusation void of proofs, witnesses,
or even the shadow of probability, but which was sufficient to complete
the ruin of his unfortunate rival.

The minister, thus relieved from the presence of Conti, turned his whole
attention towards the infant, don Pedro, the brother of the king. This
young prince, now no longer a child, appeared noble and generous: he was
esteemed and looked up to by the Portugueze, who could not fail to
approve and admire the regularity of his conduct, and still more so,
from the comparison they naturally made between him and their monarch.

The count, not satisfied with the empire he had gained over his master,
was desirous of having the two brothers equally at his disposal, he
therefore placed his own brother in the household of the infant,
flattering himself that he would soon obtain his confidence. The young
prince received this brother most obligingly, and even treated him with
particular attention, but never admitted him into his intimacy or
esteem. His friendship and confidence were indeed much more worthily
bestowed; for the regent, who had always regarded don Pedro as the
principal support of the royal family, had early taken care to place men
of the first abilities about his person. These prudent governors, and
faithful friends, represented to this young prince the probability of
his one day mounting the throne, should the king continue his disorderly
course of life, or should he have no children, which they hinted was not
very likely to be the case; whilst on the other side, they put him on
his guard against the artful designs of the minister, whose interest was
so deeply concerned in prolonging the reign of Alphonso. Views of so
different a tendency, naturally formed two parties as different at
court: that of the minister was the most considerable, since it was
composed of those who constantly attend at the fountain-head of places
and preferments: but the old ministers, who foresaw the short duration
of so violent a government, and the first nobility of the kingdom, who
could not patiently submit to the authority of the favourite, paid their
court to the infant, don Pedro, as to the presumptive heir to the crown.

The minister perceiving that the hopes of the opposite party were
entirely founded on the reported impotence of the king, determined on
his immediate marriage. Proposals were therefore made to the court of
France, for Mary Elizabeth Frances, of Savoy, the daughter of Charles
Amadeus, duke de Nemours, and of Elizabeth de Vendôme. These proposals
being accepted, the princess was conducted into Portugal by her uncle,
(_à la mode de Bretagne_[25]) Cæsar d'Estrées, bishop and duke de Laon,
so well known throughout the whole of Europe by the illustrious title of
cardinal d'Estrées. This prelate was accompanied by the marquis de
Ruvigné, ambassador extraordinary from the court of France, together
with a numerous train of gentlemen and persons of distinction, who were
either friends or domestics of the house of Savoy, or attached in
different manners to those of Vendôme and d'Estrées.

The marriage ceremony was performed with the magnificence usually
displayed on such occasions. The extraordinary beauty of the young queen
caused universal admiration; don Pedro appeared enchanted with her
perfections, but the king still remained insensible; and the world soon
began to suspect that the quality of queen, and wife to the king, were
vain titles, and merely intended as a veil to conceal the natural
infirmities of that prince.

The minister had flattered himself with gaining the same empire over the
mind of the young princess, as he had so long possessed over that of his
sovereign; he consequently treated her, at first, with the profoundest
respect, but he soon perceived that she was endowed with too much sense,
courage, and proper pride, to suffer herself to be governed by a
subject. Fired with revenge, he took every opportunity to make her feel
his power. All state affairs were most carefully concealed from her; and
if ever she chanced to interest herself in private concerns, she as
constantly failed in her designs; since a recommendation from her was a
sufficient title of exclusion with the minister. He next proceeded to
stop the payment of her pension, and those of her household, on pretence
of the necessities of the state, and the expences of the war having
exhausted the royal treasury; and the king, whom the favourite sometimes
_let loose_ on the objects of his hatred, behaved with such rude
violence to don Pedro and the queen, that the latter was frequently seen
retiring from his apartment bathed in tears, and in the deepest
distress.

Her beauty, her misfortunes, the complaints of the ladies and officers
of her court, who no longer received their salaries, contributed to
render her an object of compassion to all who were not immediately the
tools of the favourite. Thus a third party was formed at court, where
nothing was talked of but the barrenness of the queen, though a
twelve-month had not yet elapsed since her marriage.

Strange[26] reports were assiduously circulated relative to a door which
the king had ordered to be made close to the queen's bed-side, and of
which he alone kept the key. The queen appeared alarmed at this
circumstance, which was alike injurious to her virtue and her
reputation: and her friends and favourers publicly declared, that the
minister, being decided on procuring heirs for his majesty, (no matter
by what means) flattered himself with the hopes of concealing, through
the medium of this mysterious door, the natural infirmities of his
master, though at the price of the queen's honour.

This princess disclosed her apprehensions to her confessor, who advised
her to communicate them to the confessor of don Pedro. Two religious
men, though apparently attached to different interests, decided on
acting in concert in a circumstance not only extremely delicate, but of
the highest consequence to them both. Their friends were of opinion that
it would be very possible to reconcile these said interests, by pursuing
the original designs formed by the regent. The two factions, once so
different, soon formed but one party. The queen contrived to engage the
count de Schomberg, commander of the forces, to favour her plan, and the
infant, who knew no bounds to his hopes and desires, secured in his
interest the principal magistrates of the city, together with every
person who stood high in the opinion of the people.

The king in his own person was regarded as a mere cypher, and as such
would have been easily set aside; but he was supported by an artful and
ambitious minister, who knew how to make the august name of sovereign
respectable in the eyes of the people. The first step, therefore, to be
taken, was to remove this artful favourite from the post he held in the
palace, and they were well aware it would be no easy task to make him
resign the government of the kingdom. For this purpose, they secretly
tampered with one of his most intimate friends, whom they engaged to
represent to him, that don Pedro attributed the ill treatment he
received from his brother to him alone; and that the prince having sworn
to complete his ruin, his safety depended on his quitting the court.
Naturally timid, the minister immediately published this intelligence,
and doubled the number of guards usually attendant on his person. He
also armed all the officers of the household, and endeavoured to
persuade the king to place himself at their head, and thus attended,
arrest don Pedro in his own apartment: but the king, mad and violent as
he was in his nightly rambles, when no one dared to oppose him, would
not consent to a plan which he foresaw could not be executed without
resistance and danger; he accordingly contented himself with writing to
the infant, and commanding his immediate attendance. The prince excused
his disobedience, on account of the injurious reports published against
him by the minister; representing, that the count being sole master in
the palace, he could not possibly enter it till he should be removed.
Several letters passed between his majesty and the infant on this
occasion, all of which were made public. The king at last made offers of
sending the count to sue for pardon at his brother's feet; but the
infant, whose views soared much beyond the poor triumph of revenging
himself for reports of which he himself was the secret author, would
accept of no other alternative than the minister's dismissal from the
palace. This affair caused universal disorder; the court and city were
in continual agitation, and every thing seemed preparing for a civil
war. The minister was sensibly affected at having lost the support of
the count de Schomberg. The greater part of the grandees openly declared
in favour of the prince don Pedro; and to add to the minister's
distress, his own friends, nay, even his relations, refused risking
their safety in his behalf, alledging, that they were not sufficiently
in force to resist the infant's party, supported as it was by that of
the queen. The count, thus abandoned by the creatures who had hitherto
basked in the sunshine of his favour, lost all courage, and quitting the
palace at night, and in disguise, retired to a monastery seven leagues
from Lisbon; and from thence proceeding to Italy, sought an asylum in
the court of Turin.

The infant immediately attended at the palace, on pretence of paying his
devoirs to his majesty; but his presence inspiring universal submission,
he presently discarded all the remaining tools of the minister. The
king, thus deprived of his usual advisers, was entirely at the mercy of
his brother, who dared not, however, possess himself of the crown; well
aware that such conduct would brand him with the odious epithet of
usurper. He had indeed no pretence for so bold an action, nor could he
possibly obtain the sovereign power, but from an act of legal authority
which must take place in a general assembly of the states.

The king alone having the power of convening this assembly, he was
recommended to adopt a measure, which it was pretended the necessities
of the state made requisite, since such necessities could not be
relieved without the concurrence and assistance of his subjects.
Naturally weak as was this prince, he soon perceived the intention of
this meeting was to conspire against his authority; he consequently
evaded for a long time attending to the several petitions, which, at the
instigation of the infant, were presented to him by the different bodies
of the people; but at last the council drew up a resolution, which they
obliged him to sign, making thus this wretched prince the instrument,
and even the promoter of his own destruction. The assembly by this act
was convened for the first of January 1661. [27] Don Pedro having
succeeded in an enterprise, on which he founded his hopes of future
grandeur, the queen acting in concert with him, next appeared upon the
stage. She began her operations by retiring into a convent, from whence
she immediately wrote to the king, that her conscience would no longer
permit her remaining in the palace; and since no one knew better than
himself that he had never lived with her as her husband, she only
requested that he would be pleased to return her dowry, and permit her
to seek an asylum in her own country, and under the protection of her
own family.

The king, on receiving this letter, flew in a transport of rage to the
convent, to force back his queen; but don Pedro, who foresaw what would
happen, and whose authority in the capital was already greater than his
brother's, appeared at the gates of the convent, accompanied by the
nobles of his party, and obliged the king to return to the palace, where
he called upon his different mistresses to vouch for his virility; and
broke forth into violent threats against the queen and don Pedro; the
latter, far from regarding the resentment of a king destitute of
counsellors and strength, was resolved on putting a finishing stroke to
his power; he therefore repaired the following morning to the palace,
followed by the whole of the nobility, magistrates, corporation, and an
immense multitude of people, all anxious to know the event of so serious
an affair. On entering the palace, he was met by all the counsellors of
state, who waited his arrival, and after a short conference, he sent
orders to have the king put under arrest in his own apartment; which
done, he was soon obliged to sign his abdication. The infant, however,
did not venture to assume the title of king, but that of regent was
bestowed upon him by the states-general, who took the oath of allegiance
accordingly. Peace with Spain was the first object which engaged the
attention of the new regent; the king of England acted as mediator in
the business, and the king of Spain, by a solemn treaty, acknowledged
the crown of Portugal henceforward independent on that of Castille.

Nothing was now wanting to complete the happiness of the regent, but to
obtain the hand of his sister-in-law in marriage. The queen, on entering
the convent, had presented a petition to the chapter of the cathedral
church, (the see being vacant) demanding the dissolution of a marriage,
which could never be consummated during nearly fifteen mouths
cohabitation. The chapter pronounced it null and void, _without any
other juridical formalities, than the negation of the proctor, and the
non-appearance of the party complained against; the impediment_, as the
sentence imports, _being reduced to a moral certainty, without any
necessity of farther proofs, or longer delay_. The regent thus, by means
of formalities which the generality of judges very willingly accommodate
to the wishes of those possessed of sovereign authority, found himself
at liberty to espouse the queen: he was advised, however, out of respect
to public decency, to obtain a dispensation from the pope, which
dispensation, Mr. de Verjus, from a fortunate concurrence of
circumstances, happened[28] to bring from France at this very juncture.
This brief was obtained from the cardinal de Vendôme, at that time the
pope's legate à Latere, who had been invested with that temporary
dignity, for the purpose of assisting, in the name of his holiness, at
the baptism of the dauphin. The bishop of Targa, coadjutor to the
archbishop of Lisbon, bestowed the _nuptial benediction_ on the regent
and queen, by virtue of this brief, which was afterwards confirmed by
that of pope Innocent the IXth, which was thought necessary, not only to
calm their consciences, but to ensure peace and tranquillity in the
kingdom.

King Alphonso was banished to the islands of Tercera, which make part of
the Portugueze dominions. The people, ever deeply interested for the
unfortunate, openly declared, that he was sufficiently punished in the
loss of his crown and consort, without depriving him of the liberty of
breathing his native air: but, alas! a dethroned prince seldom finds
friends or protectors. Not a single grandee dared to espouse his cause,
or plead in his favour, being well aware that the regent would never
forgive an instance of compassion, which might in the end prove fatal to
his government.

Don Alphonso remained in exile till the year 1675, when he was recalled
by the regent, who suspected him of having formed a party to assist him
in his escape from the islands of Tercera, and to re-establish him on
the throne.

This prince died in the neighbourhood of Lisbon[29] in 1683, leaving
his brother the liberty of assuming the title of king, the only right of
which he had not already despoiled the unfortunate monarch.

The death of Alphonso the VIth, having removed all apprehensions from
the breast of don Pedro, he remained in future unrivalled possessor of a
throne, which, flattering as it was to his ambition, most probably cost
him some moments of remorse. This sunshine of prosperity was in the
first year of his reign overclouded by the death of the queen, an event
sincerely deplored by his majesty; who, however, having paid the just
tribute of his tears to her memory, employed his every thought in
alleviating the misery of a people who had sympathised in his
misfortunes, and whose love towards a sovereign, whom they regarded as a
father, made them deeply regret his being left without male heirs. He
therefore, in compliance with their solicitations, consented to form a
second marriage, and on the 2d of July, 1682, espoused Mary Elizabeth,
the daughter of William, elector palatine of the Rhine. This princess,
one of the most accomplished women of the age she lived in, bore him
several children, and died on the 4th of August, 1699.

The great affection felt by the Portugueze for this monarch, will not
appear extraordinary, if we trace back the whole of his conduct from the
commencement of his administration as regent, and the situation of
Portugal at the moment he took into his own hands the reins of
government. Having settled every thing relative to the abdication of the
king, with the states-general, his next care was to convince the people,
that his true and only motive for taking upon himself the sovereign
authority, was the good of the public. Those Portugueze who had presumed
to attribute this action to personal interest were most severely
punished: nothing, however, contributed so much to silence the clamours
of the friends and favourites of the deposed monarch, as the plan of
conduct adopted by his successor; a plan from which he never departed
during the whole course of his life.

Don Pedro, during his regency, and even after he became king, instead of
increasing the expence of his household, introduced the practice of the
strictest oeconomy; and so far from being surrounded by a pompous
train of attendants, he was waited upon by a single domestic. He very
frequently eat alone, seated upon a piece of cork on the floor, and
neither drank wine himself, nor permitted any one who did to approach
him. He passed the greatest part of his time with his ministers, and
often negociated affairs himself with foreign ambassadors, when his
penetrating eye saw through their deepest designs, and disconcerted
their best combined projects. He placed the greatest confidence in his
relation, the duke de Cadaval, and had never any reason to repent his
choice. He renewed the treaties entered into with England and Holland,
and took care they should insert no clause contrary to his views, which
were to preserve the strictest neutrality with his neighbours. He
rejected the pressing solicitations of Louis the XIVth, to join with him
against Spain, and was proof against the most brilliant proposals made
him by that monarch, at a time too when Louis had subdued the Low
Countries, invaded Holland, conquered Franche Comté, crossed the
Pyrenees, and penetrated into Catalonia.

The Spanish government may be said to have acted a most villainous part
at this juncture, if it indeed be true, as has been asserted, that it
was then secretly contriving the assassination of so firm and faithful
an ally.

The court of Portugal being at the baths of _Obidos_, received
intelligence that a most dreadful plot was formed to massacre the
regent, his consort, the infanta his daughter, and replace Alphonso the
VIth on the throne. The criminals were presently discovered, seized,
tried, and condemned to die. Don Francisco Mendoça, don Antonio de
Cavida, and their accomplices were accordingly publicly executed. The
inquest taken on this trial had been carefully concealed; yet still it
transpired that the Spanish ambassador was not unacquainted with this
horrible conspiracy. The coolness subsisting between him and the court
increased the suspicions of the public; but the dignity of the
diplomatic character secured his person. The Portugueze minister at the
court of Madrid was very soon after most grossly insulted in his own
house, and not being able to obtain redress, returned to Lisbon.
Affronts which it was impossible to revenge were passed over in silence
by the prudent regent; who, however, did not neglect taking every
precaution which the situation of his affairs made necessary. He caused
the frontiers to be put in a proper state of defence, and sent a well
armed squadron to the Terceres (or Azores) islands, to fetch back his
brother Alphonso, who, it had been purposely reported, was improperly
treated in that place. The war between France and Spain was still
carried on, though to all appearance it was drawing towards an end; and
the very moment don Pedro became acquainted with the overtures for peace
made at Nimeguen, he offered to act as mediator between the two powers.
This proposal was received by Louis the XIVth with a degree of
haughtiness and contempt which drew upon himself the never-ending
resentment of a prince, to whom he was very soon afterwards forced to
sue for succour.

Let us now take a cursory view of the situation of Portugal at that
critical juncture. The pains taken by the regent to put the finishing
stroke to a war which had lasted twenty-six years, have been already
remarked; but great as were the miseries it had caused, they were much
less distressing, and much easier repaired than those suffered by
Portugal, whilst under the dominion of Spain: such indeed were those
calamities, that time itself has been unable to repair them.

During the sixty years this unhappy country groaned under the Spanish
yoke, the navy was almost entirely destroyed; more than 200 large
merchantmen were lost. The arsenals and forts were robbed of above 2000
brass cannons, with an infinite number of iron ones; and the great
square at Seville was at one time filled with 900 pieces of cannon, all
marked with the arms of Portugal. Two hundred millions of golden crowns
were taken out of the country between the years 1584 and 1626; and the
finest estates and richest domains were bestowed on Spanish subjects.
The Dutch deprived them too of the islands of Ceylon, Ternate, and
Tidor; they forced Malacca to surrender after a long siege, took
possession of the ports of Mina and Arguin on the coast of Guinea, and
formed different settlements in Brazil; in short, such were the losses
sustained by the Portugueze during these sixty years, that all their
efforts have been hitherto inadequate entirely to repair them. The spice
and East India trade which they had carried on exclusively during a
whole century, then fell into the bands of the Dutch and English; and
the Portugueze government finding it impossible to regain this valuable
branch of commerce, turned all their thoughts towards Brazil, from which
they had no small difficulty in driving the Dutch. Don Pedro likewise,
on his first accession to the crown, made this important colony one of
the principal objects of his attention, and spared no pains to extend it
to the utmost of his power.

It became necessary at this time to increase the authority of the
missionaries, who, from their first entrance into the interior parts of
America, had defended their proselites against the armed savages, with
no other weapons than the gospel of Christ in one hand, and a crucifix
in the other. An ordinance was therefore published on the 21st of
December, 1686, which declared that the _holy fathers of the society of
Jesus should not only be invested with the spiritual government, as
before, but also the political and temporal one, over the towns and
villages under their administration_.

Some years after the publication of this edict, which, though it opened
a passage for the Portugueze to the gold and diamond mines in Brazil,
had nearly been attended by the most fatal consequences in Paraguay, the
richest fleet which ever sailed from Brazil entered the port of Lisbon.
It contained more than a ton and a half of gold, and came most
opportunely to relieve the exigencies of don Pedro, who, foreseeing the
events that would most probably follow the death of Charles the IId of
Spain, was preparing a considerable armament, which was attended by so
great an expence, that the royal treasury being nearly exhausted, he was
under the necessity of having recourse to the _cortes_, from whom he
obtained a supply of 600,000 crowns.

Louis the XIVth, deeply interested in the motions of Portugal, was
presently informed of this new subsidy, and the apparent motives
alledged by the king to induce its being speedily granted. This
intelligence did not at first appear to make much impression on the
French monarch, but he soon after took umbrage at it, and still more
particularly on hearing that the Spanish ambassador continued living in
a great style at Lisbon, had an opera performed in his own house, gave
the most magnificent entertainments, and had succeeded in gaining the
favour of the king of Portugal.

The court of France was very well aware, that don Pedro had legitimate
claims on the crown of Spain, that his vicinity to Madrid would
facilitate his views, and that he might easily find allies to support
his pretensions; it was therefore thought expedient to dispatch an
envoy extraordinary with orders to sound the intentions of the court of
Lisbon on this subject.

The nearer Charles the IId approached towards his end, the more were the
powers of Europe employed in forming plans for dividing his inheritance.
Different treaties had been formed during the course of his illness
between France, England, and the United Provinces; but these were
presently annulled, when on the demise of that prince, his will declared
Philip, duke d'Anjou, heir to the crown of Spain. The new king was at
first acknowledged by all the powers in Europe, except the Empire: he
took upon himself the title of Philip the Vth, and departed immediately
for Spain. It was this occasion which gave rise to the following
memorable speech of Louis the XIVth; "_My son, there are now no longer
any Pyrenees_;" a speech which unhappily was but too soon forgotten,
since the first war undertaken by France, after that of the
_succession_, was against the Spaniards.

Philip the Vth entered his new dominions without the smallest
opposition; he was received with much solemnity, and with every
testimony of joy, on the 14th of April, 1701, at Madrid, where the
people took the oath of allegiance, and expressed an attachment to his
person, which neither time, nor reverse of fortune, had ever the power
to weaken. Destitute of troops sufficient to oppose the united forces of
France and Spain, and without allies to furnish him with supplies, don
Pedro gave up for the present all idea of bringing forward the claims of
the house of Braganza to the crown of Spain, and hastened to form an
alliance with Louis the XIVth and Philip the Vth, as the properest means
of preventing the kings of Spain from renewing their pretensions to that
of Portugal.

This alliance was greatly approved by the public; the Portugueze still
bearing in mind the misery of their situation, whilst under the dominion
of the house of Austria, and remembering with pleasure and gratitude the
signal services rendered them by that of Bourbon. Their great
disinclination to war, also added to their satisfaction, since they had
now every reason to flatter themselves they might be suffered to remain
neuter; but this hope, alas! was presently destroyed, for England,
having on the 7th of September, 1701, formed a league with the Empire
and Holland against France and Spain, immediately on war being
declared, commanded her fleet to commence hostilities on the coast of
Portugal. Don Pedro directly gave orders to the duke de Cadaval to
assemble a sufficient body of troops to secure the sea-ports from the
insults of the English; and at the same time informed his allies of his
situation, and the danger with which he was threatened, unless speedily
assisted. Neither France nor Spain were in a condition to equip a fleet
capable of standing against the attacks of the English, and yet these
powers insisted on Portugal's taking an active part in the war. Spain,
in particular, treated the Portugueze ambassador with insupportable
insolence, and on his urging the necessity of his master's remaining
neuter, he was answered by the cardinal Portocarrero, "_that no other
conduct could be expected from the rebel duke of Braganza_."

The king of Portugal, whose love of peace had even induced him to pass
over in silence the intelligence he had received from his minister at
the Hague, that by a private treaty between France and Spain, his
kingdom was to become a province of the last-mentioned country, now
thought himself justified in breaking with allies, who not only gave him
up to the power of his enemies, but were even employed in contriving
his destruction, he therefore on the 6th of May, 1703, entered into the
league styled the _grand alliance_, and obtained the most favourable
conditions; the emperor promising to keep in pay 14,000 Portugueze, and
the queen of England engaging herself to maintain a fleet ready at all
times to defend Portugal and its colonies. There were also secret
articles in this treaty, which treaty itself was not to be made public
till the archduke Charles arrived at Lisbon, by which don Pedro was to
be put into possession of Badajos, Alcantara, Albaquerque, Valentia in
Estremadura; Bayonne, Vigo, Tuy, and Gardia, in Gallicia.

Louis the XIVth was presently made acquainted with this convention, and
gave orders to his ambassador to demand an explanation, which he was
constantly refused.

On the 9th of May, 1704, an English fleet appeared off Lisbon, and
landed the archduke Charles, together with 10,000 men. A very few months
after his arrival, the court of Portugal was plunged into the deepest
distress by the death of the infanta, a child of eight years old, who
was betrothed to the archduke. It being of the greatest importance to
lose no time in commencing hostilities, the troops were scarcely landed
before they were employed in actual service. Nothing decisive occurred
during the first campaign; good and ill success equally attended their
arms; and the English alone gained a conquest, which they have
constantly preserved. The Spaniards, from the most unpardonable
negligence, having left Gibraltar with only a garrison of a hundred men,
it was taken on the 4th of August by the English, who fought under the
command of the prince of Darmstadt, and admiral Rooke.

The second campaign in 1705 was of very little importance; and the
advantages obtained in that of the following year, were much more
brilliant than solid. On the 16th of June, lord Galway and the marquis
de Minas entered Madrid without resistance, and caused the archduke
Charles to be proclaimed king of Spain: the greater part of the people,
however, faithful to their first engagements, ventured even on the same
day to shout out "Long live Philip the Vth, our lawful sovereign." Such
marks of affection, testified by the Spaniards, and at such a moment,
were a certain presage that the triumph of the archduke would be but of
short duration.

The English and Portugueze armies quitted Madrid on the 1st of August,
and prudently avoided engaging the Spanish and French troops, commanded
by marshal Berwick, having been informed, that they had recently
received a powerful reinforcement from France. The English and
Portugueze generals were on this occasion condemned or excused,
according to the dictates of party spirit, for not having taken greater
advantage of so fortunate a beginning.

The Portugueze troops being returned to their winter quarters, the king
gave orders for the levying of twelve thousand men, being determined to
carry on the war with the greatest spirit and activity; but
unfortunately for Portugal and its allies, don Pedro departed this life,
after a very short illness, on the 9th of December, 1706.

An historian of merit[30] has ventured to blame this prince for not
remaining neuter in the _war of the succession_; but we have already
seen that he was forced into hostile measures, by the conduct of the
different parties. Other historians, still more severe, accuse him of
not attending sufficiently to the important objects of agriculture and
commerce. Nothing can be more unjust in most particulars than these
reproaches, since it was during his reign that vegetables, and the most
delicious fruits first flourished in Portugal,[31] and that the famous
treaty was made with England, by which the latter power entered into
engagements to take Portugueze wines in exchange for English
manufactures.

Cotemporary writers have done more justice to the merits of this
sovereign, and allowed him not only the eminent virtues which ought to
adorn a great monarch, but the superior talents of a wise administrator.
Posterity has gone still farther, attributing to him the double merit of
having, by his first alliance with Spain, gloriously terminated a
dangerous revolution in the state, and of having carried his point, by
quietly effecting another revolution in his own family.

John the Vth, the son of don Pedro (or Pedro the IId) succeeded to the
throne on the 9th of December, 1706, but was not solemnly proclaimed
king till the 1st of January, 1707. This young prince, aged only
seventeen years, continued faithful to the engagements taken by his
father with the allied powers, against France and Spain, and put every
thing in order to carry on the war with the greatest vigour. Success,
however, did not wait upon his arms, for Philip the Vth having returned
to his capital on the 8th of October, 1706, gave the command of the army
destined to act against Portugal to marshal Berwick, who on the 15th of
April, 1707, gained a complete victory over the allied armies, under the
command of lord Galway, at the celebrated battle of Almanza, where the
greater part of the Portugueze present on the occasion were either
killed or taken prisoners. An extraordinary circumstance, and the only
one of the kind to be met with in history, took place at this battle,
where the English, under the command of a French general,[32] were
beaten by an English one who commanded the French army.

The year 1708, though it affords nothing very interesting relative to
the actions which took place between Spain and Portugal, must always
recal to our memory the noblest victory ever obtained by humanity over
the ravages of war; since the kings of those two countries, by mutual
agreement, prevented hostilities of any kind being committed against
husbandmen and vine-dressers.

John the Vth, in the same year, united himself by still closer ties to
the house of Austria; and on the 8th of October formed an alliance with
the second daughter of the emperor Leopold. The joy occasioned by this
marriage was greatly augmented by the arrival of a fleet of merchantmen,
consisting of a hundred sail, from Brazil, having on board to the amount
of six millions sterling in gold, diamonds and tobacco.

Nothing could be more timely than this supply; the subsidies promised to
the Portugueze being very ill paid, and their army having suffered
considerably, on the 7th of May, 1709, when the Portugueze were defeated
on the banks of the _Caya_, by the marquis de Bay, in the campaign of
Gudina.[33] The king was also obliged to withstand the instances of his
allies, in an affair which he was decided not to give up; and the
ambassadors from the Empire and England, together with the
States-General, having remonstrated in the strongest manner about the
franchises of foreign ministers, which his father had abolished twenty
years before, he resisted all their arguments with a firmness they
little expected, and, forced them to lay aside their claims. The year
1709, which began so prosperously for the archduke Charles, ended in the
most disastrous manner for him and for Portugal.

General Stanhope on the 27th of July, defeated the French and Spanish
armies at Almenara, and afterwards greatly contributed to gaining the
great victory of Saragossa; on this occasion the marquis de Bay was so
completely beaten by the count de Staremberg, that Philip the Vth was
obliged to quit Madrid, and the archduke entered the capital without
striking a blow. No monarch, however, ever met with a worse reception
from his subjects; they treated him with every possible mark of
aversion, avoiding his sight, shutting themselves up in their own
apartments, and even disdaining to pick up the money he threw into the
streets. All his endeavours were fruitless to extort the oath of
allegiance from several of the nobility, and having commanded the
marquis de Mancera,[34] president of the council of Castille, an old man
turned of a hundred years of age, to come and kiss his hand, he
received the following reply: "I have but one faith and one king, which
is Philip the Vth to whom I have sworn allegiance. I acknowledge the
archduke as a great prince, but not as my sovereign, and having lived a
hundred years without failing in any of my duties; I will not, for the
short space of time I have yet to pass in this world, blast my spotless
reputation by a dishonourable action."

The archduke, irritated at such opposition, proposed giving up the town
to be pillaged, but the generous Stanhope representing the cruelty as
well as impolicy of such vengeance, "Well," replied Charles, "if we
cannot plunder the city, let us at least quit it." If, indeed, the
approach of the duke de Vendôme had not made this retreat necessary,
circumstances alone must, sooner or later, have forced the archduke to
take this step; since both he and his partizans began to perceive the
impossibility of preserving a crown, which the people were decided, at
the risk of their lives and properties, to replace on the head of him
whom they had acknowledged as its lawful possessor. The reverse of
fortune which Philip had experienced, far from weakening the attachment
of the Spaniards, had very much contributed to increase it; so great,
indeed, was the affection they bore him, that they preferred burning
their provisions to selling them to his enemies. Such conduct gave rise
to Stanhope's remark, "that a victorious army might indeed march through
Spain, but that it required a still stronger one to keep possession of
it."

If a retreat through a country so ill disposed towards Charles, was in
itself so dangerous, how infinitely more so must it be on the arrival of
such an enemy as the duke de Vendôme, who, having reconducted Philip to
Madrid, on the 3d of December, went immediately in pursuit of the
archduke and Stanhope, who were making every possible effort to regain
Portugal.

Vendôme, having swam his troops across the Tagus, attacked general
Stanhope, who was shut up in _Briguegua_, and on the 9th of December
forced him to surrender himself prisoner, together with 5000 English.
His success did not stop here, for having joined the count de
Staremberg the same day at Villaviciosa, he, the following one, gave the
battle which is known in history by the name of the above-mentioned
place.

Philip the Vth, who had not hitherto joined his generals in the field of
battle, commanded, on that day, the right wing of his army, whilst the
duke de Vendôme appeared at the head of the left: and thus a victory was
obtained which ended all conflicts, and put him in the unrivalled
possession of the crown of Spain. It was after this engagement that
Philip, being unprovided with a bed, Vendôme exclaimed, "I will
presently form you the most glorious bed on which a sovereign ever
slept;" and he gave orders that a mattress should be made of the
standards and colours taken from the enemy.

The defeat at Villaviciosa having placed the Portugueze in a most
critical situation, it was thought highly necessary, in 1711, to defend
their own frontiers as much as possible, without ever attempting to
attack those of their neighbours. The intelligence received of the
capture of Rio Janeiro by Guy Trouin, cut off every hope of carrying on
the war any longer. This place surrendered after eleven days siege, on
the 23d of September, and the loss on this occasion was estimated at
twenty-five millions of French livres; which made it impossible for
Brazil (for some time at least) to furnish supplies to the mother
country: a circumstance the more to be regretted, as Portugal never
stood in greater need of assistance.

A peace was now their only resource, and an unexpected event took place,
which not only gave them an opening to make propositions, but
accelerated the negociations. The emperor Joseph dying, the archduke
Charles succeeded him in the imperial dignity; and from that moment it
became contrary to the interest, not only of the allies, but of the
whole of Europe, to place the crown of Spain upon his head. To preserve
the _balance of power_ had been the _pretext_ alledged for the war,
which could certainly never have been maintained, had the vast
possessions of the emperor Charles the Vth been once more united under
the dominion of one and the same person. The real and only motive,
however, for this war, appears to be the ancient hatred entertained
against the name of Louis the Great.

In the course of this same year (1711) France began to enter into
correspondence with England: the duke of Marlborough had been recalled
by the court of St. James's, whose views tended towards peace, in as
high a degree as his led towards war. In this situation of affairs the
Portugueze had the prudence to attach themselves more closely than ever
to the interests of Great Britain: they were accordingly admitted to the
conferences held at Utrecht, on the 29th of January, 1712, and on the
11th of April, in the same year, France made peace by five different
treaties; the first with England, signed at _three_ o'clock in the
afternoon; the second with the duke of Savoy, at _four_ o'clock; the
third with the king of Portugal, at _eight_; the fourth with the king of
Prussia, at _midnight_; and the fifth with the States-General, at a
_quarter past one_ the next morning.

By the treaty with Portugal, France engaged that Spain should lay no
claim to any part of that country; and at the same time renounced her
pretensions on the river of the Amazons. Nothing now remained for the
tranquillity of John the Vth, but to conclude peace with Philip the Vth,
and all difficulties being done away by the mediation of the court of
Versailles, it was at last signed at Utrecht, on the 13th of February,
1715.

The people of Portugal, thus delivered from the horrors of war, remained
in the greatest tranquillity during the reign of John the Vth, who never
took the smallest part in any war, except that which arose between the
Ecclesiastical States, the Venetians, and Turks, shortly after the peace
of Utrecht. On this occasion the king of Portugal sent out a squadron to
assist the former; and the pope, in acknowledgment of so essential a
service, divided the archbishopric of Lisbon into two dioceses, and
raised the royal chapel to the dignity of a metropolitan, patriarchal
church: since which time the city of Lisbon has been separated into two
great districts, distinguished by the name of eastern and western.

The patriarch received permission from the pope to officiate habited
like his holiness; whilst the canons of his church had the privilege of
wearing habits resembling those of cardinals.

The king immediately caused a most superb patriarchal church to be
erected, and greatly beautified the fine palace of his predecessors: he
also constructed an aqueduct, which was still more useful than
magnificent, Lisbon having been hitherto very ill supplied with water;
whilst on the other hand he built the sumptuous convent of Mafra, which
may be termed with equal justice more _magnificent_ than _useful_.[35]
The taste displayed by his majesty for architecture, did not divert his
attention from the cultivation of arts and sciences. On the 8th of
December, 1720, he issued a decree for the institution of the _Royal
Academy of the History of Portugal_.[36] He gave orders for the
purchasing of a variety of curious and valuable articles from foreign
countries, such as pictures, statues, books, and manuscripts. He
encouraged and rewarded artists of every description, and succeeded in
inspiring them with that noble emulation so necessary to the progress of
talents; but he did not sufficiently interest himself about artificers,
and the means of improving the industry of his people, and making it
turn out to the greatest advantage: this neglect may probably be
attributed to lord Tyrawley, the English ambassador, who had obtained a
very great ascendance over the mind of this prince; who, however, paid
the strictest attention to every other branch of the administration. He
was possessed of much firmness of character, was a rigorous observer of
justice, and knew much better than any of his predecessors how to
maintain the necessary subordination between the people and the nobles,
who had formerly been very absolute, nay, indeed almost independant. He
proved his strict adherence to justice on several occasions; especially
in the following instance; when Cæsar de Ménézes, the son of the viceroy
of Bahia having, with the assistance of several other gentlemen,
forcibly rescued one of his attendants from the hands of the corregidor,
the king immediately deprived the latter of his employment, as a
punishment for his want of firmness; banished Ménézes to Africa, and
either exiled or imprisoned all the gentlemen concerned in the business.

This monarch, though slavishly attached to the fair sex, still retained
the inflexible justice of his character, even in moments when the
greatest men have sometimes yielded to the seductions of beauty. The
relations of a gentleman condemned to work in the mines, contrived to
interest the king's mistress in his favour: but this prince presently
put a stop to her entreaties, by observing, "that the pardon she
solicited depended on the king of Portugal, who resided in the _Terreiro
de Paco_: but that in her house he appeared in no other character than
that of her lover."

The convents, and different houses of the grandees, which had hitherto
served as sanctuaries for criminals, were in this reign deprived of that
privilege, which indeed had only served to screen the most notorious
villains from the punishments due to their crimes. His humanity was
equal to his justice, for during an epidemical malady in Lisbon, which
in the year 1723 carried off a thousand persons in a month, he gave
audience three times a week to every description of his subjects,
whether blacks or whites, freemen or slaves; he also forbid the nobles
who composed his court to quit the capital, and insisted on their
seconding his benevolence, and aiding him in the distribution of his
charities.

A dreadful tempest, in the following year, destroyed more than a hundred
vessels in the Tagus: immediately the beneficent hand of this humane
monarch, was stretched forth, to repair, to the utmost of his power, the
cruel losses sustained on this fatal occasion.

The great abuses which had for a long time taken place in the
administration of the holy office, called for the attention of a just
and merciful sovereign. John the Vth succeeded in making a most
important reform. Before his reign, the prisoners detained in the
inquisition were never allowed counsel to plead their cause; so great an
abuse of power sensibly affected the king, who obtained a bull from pope
Benedick the XIIIth, in 1725, by which these unhappy prisoners were
granted every assistance that justice made necessary in their situation:
this was followed up by a decree, obliging the inquisitors to
communicate the sentences they pronounced to the king's council, before
they were put in execution.

Such was the conduct of John the Vth, that he was equally beloved and
feared by his people. The grandees, indeed, viewed him with sentiments
of fear rather than of love; a truth of which he was so well convinced,
that he is said to have declared, that though his grandfather feared the
grandees, and his father both loved and feared them, that he himself
neither feared nor loved them.

These sentiments are supposed to have arisen in his bosom, from the
untoward conduct of the nobles, who, on several years being passed
without the queen's having children, neglected paying their court to his
majesty, and attached themselves very particularly to his brother, don
Francisco: a prince, who is represented of so savage a disposition, that
it appears extraordinary any one should wish to approach his person. One
author,[37] in particular, mentions him as cruel, constantly delighting
in fighting, and infesting the streets of Lisbon, at the head of a set
of armed men, who nightly rambled through the city in search of
adventures. These bands of gentlemen were termed _ranchos_; their
amusement consisted in attacking and insulting passengers of every
description, and such was the force of example, that several personages
of the first nobility vied with don Francisco in the commission of these
dreadful disorders. The duke de Cadaval, the marquis de Marialva, de
Cascaes, the Aveiros, and the Obidos, had each their separate _rancho_.
No night ever passed without people being wounded or murdered by this
illustrious banditti; hatred, revenge, and a sort of civil war
throughout the city, unrestrained by the presence of the king, were the
natural consequences of such horrid barbarity. Foreigners also formed
offensive and defensive treaties; and a body of sailors left their
vessels on pretence of attacking the bravoes of Lisbon, whom they
plundered, whenever their party happened to be the strongest.

A personage likewise acted a part in these nocturnal scenes, who
afterwards made a very different and still more celebrated figure in the
page of history. Carvalho, possessed of extraordinary strength, and
invincible courage, with a form nearly gigantic, seemed decided to
surpass every other bravo of the age. He chose for his companion a man
of a mind and person resembling his own, who, with himself, was habited
in a white Spanish capotte, with shoes and hat of the same colour: thus
accoutered, they were easily distinguished in the night, when, without
any other assistance, they attacked the different _ranchos_, which they
frequently conquered; though never without being exposed to the most
dangerous resistance, nor without receiving several wounds.

All the endeavours of his majesty to prevent such dreadful disorders,
proved fruitless: they were thought, indeed, to proceed in some degree
from a spirit of chivalry, which suited the national taste, and which
the people did not wish to extinguish. The justice which always
distinguished the character of the king, was about that time put to a
severe and singular test, by a very unexpected claim, and one which had
all the appearance of being well founded. In the year 1724, the
chevalier _Porta_, a gentleman of Lausanne, arrived in Portugal, and was
presented at court, where he demanded a private audience of his majesty,
on a very particular occasion; no less than to lay claim to the
possessions of don Antonio, who had been proclaimed king of Portugal in
1580, and from whom he alledged his wife was lineally descended. The
king having granted him several audiences, and received him with great
distinction, did not, however, venture to give judgment either for or
against his claim, but left the decision to two juntas or councils.
These were immediately assembled, and the opinions of the most
celebrated civilians taken on the occasion. The result of their
deliberations was, that the Swiss gentleman's claims were not legal,
since don Antonio had been proscribed by Philip the IId of Spain, as a
traitor to his country, and his property justly confiscated to the
crown. This decision of the civilians was approved and confirmed by the
two juntas.

That Philip the IId, who himself usurped the crown of the Braganzas,
should pronounce such a sentence, is not extraordinary. Philip the IVth
likewise pronounced one of the same nature against that family: but
surprising indeed must it appear in the eyes of posterity, that a
grandson of the duke of Braganza should acknowledge and admit such a
judgment as just and legal. Whilst the Portugueze looked up with
gratitude and blessings to a prince, under whose reign they had enjoyed
all the comforts of peace, and whilst his paternal hands were ever open
to bestow fresh marks of his bounty, they were on the eve of receiving a
blow to their happiness, as dreadful as it was unexpected.

John the Vth, who was above the middle size, very well made, and so
extremely strong, that his great delight in the bullfights was to seize
the furious animal by the horns, and bring him to the ground, was
attacked by a lingering illness, which, during the last eight years of
his reign, reduced him to a state of inactivity, very fatal to the
interests of his kingdom.

So great was his devotion after this attack, that he neglected all
public affairs, which were entirely confided to the care of brother
Gaspard, a _récollet friar_. From that moment the revenues of the state
were employed in building or endowing convents and churches, and causing
masses to be said: this last piece of devotion was carried to such an
excess, that it arose to a degree of madness; and it became necessary to
conceal from his majesty the deaths which took place in Lisbon; for no
sooner did any one expire, were it the meanest of his subjects, than he
caused at least a hundred masses to be said on the occasion. This gave
rise to the following expression: "_that John sent the living to hell,
to pray the dead out of purgatory_."

During the course of this fatal malady, which terminated in death on the
31st of July, 1750, every branch of the administration became relaxed,
and the state was in the end not only destitute of money, but charged
with a debt of a hundred millions of French livres.

John the Vth, as has been already observed, was of a fine height; his
figure was noble, and his countenance agreeable, though his complexion
was rather dark and thick. His dress was magnificent, and he sent for
all his cloaths from Paris. As for his character, it is not very easy to
delineate; he was particularly jealous of the dignity of his throne and
his quality as king; and sought more to inspire his grandees with fear,
than with love. He bore, in many particulars, a great resemblance to
Louis the XIVth; their tastes were the same, except indeed in the
article of war, which the Portugueze monarch always wished to avoid. The
French, and some other nations, have reproached this prince with his
partial attachment to the English, into whose hands he gave up the whole
of the commerce both of Portugal and its colonies.

Joseph the Ist succeeded his father at a most unfavourable juncture: the
deplorable state of the government and finances, required not only his
strictest attention, but the assistance of the most able ministers.
Diego de Mendoça was the first entrusted with the care of public
affairs; but his majesty soon perceived that his choice had fallen on an
improper person. Carvalho, who has been already mentioned as destined
to play a great part on the stage of Portugal, and who, in future, will
make the most conspicuous figure in this history, had displayed very
great talents in his embassies to London and Vienna: he had also shewn
himself so superior to all who composed the council held on the death of
John the Vth, that he was fixed upon to replace Mendoça, who was
afterwards banished to Mazagan, in Africa.

The new minister was born in 1699, of a gentleman's family from Soure,
near Coimbra; in the university of which he was educated: after having
made a great proficiency in his studies, he entered into the service,
which his levity and misconduct obliged him to quit. Launched into the
pleasures of the great world, his gallantry and spirit of chivalry
seduced the affections of a young heiress, of the illustrious house of
Almada. He succeeded in carrying her off, and married her in spite of
her family, whose resentment he braved with impunity, notwithstanding
all their efforts to cause his destruction: fortunately for him, brother
Gaspard, who was the uncle of the duke d'Aveiro, and the favourite of
John the Vth, was particularly his friend, and sent him off immediately;
first to London, and afterwards to Vienna, as secretary to the embassy.
During his residence in the last mentioned city, he received
intelligence of the death of his wife. He very soon was happy enough to
captivate the heart of a relation of the celebrated count de Daun, and
having received letters patent of nobility from the court of Lisbon, all
the numerous objections made at first to this alliance were immediately
removed. Thus fortunate in a foreign country, let us now examine the
different qualities and talents which paved the way for the brilliant
post he was destined to fill on his return to his native land. The page
of history scarcely furnishes a man possessed of so fine an
understanding, and so strong a mind; or who could assume such a variety
of forms, with a character so strikingly contrasted. He, indeed,
displayed successively the lively wit and fascinating manners of a
finished man of fashion; the cultivated understanding of the most
learned scholar; the supple humour of the most artful courtier; the
ready genius of the most consummate man of business; and the subtle
spirit of the most able negociator. With his friends, Carvalho was
sometimes open, and perfectly unreserved; whilst at other times he
treated them with the same profound dissimulation he practised towards
his enemies. The services he received were always rewarded, and the
injuries he suffered were never forgiven. His manners towards foreigners
were as easy and obliging as they were stiff and reserved towards his
countrymen. Such, indeed, was the extent of his capacity, and his
profound knowledge in politics, that he has ever been equally celebrated
as a minister of state, and a manager of foreign affairs.

The great similarity existing between Carvalho, marquis de Pombal, and
the cardinal de Richelieu, has given rise to the following
comparison.[38] These two great personages had each been elevated from
the middling station of life to the highest dignities. Each governed by
terror, and re-established the sovereign authority, by cutting off the
heads, and humbling the arrogance of a turbulent nobility. Each had the
ridiculous pretension of being esteemed wits, and possessed of universal
knowledge. Each was a profound politician, an imperious master, an
irreconcileable enemy, and yet withal of amiable manners. Each rose to
dignities by honourable means, and though alike disdaining to bend the
knee at the shrine of fortune, each became possessed of immense riches.

It would greatly exceed the limits of this work, were we to attempt to
enter minutely into the long administration of the marquis de Pombal; we
shall therefore only take notice of some important particulars, and the
most remarkable events, which took place during the reign of his master.

The respective domains of Spain and Portugal on the continent of South
America, had never been properly divided; but in the year 1751,
commissaries were sent thither to settle this affair, and on their
report the limits were fixed, and a line of separation traced between
the possessions of these two powers; this was approved and confirmed by
treaties signed in the month of April in the same year; these treaties,
however, were not easily put into execution, being strongly opposed by
the Indians of Para and Marignan, and still more violently by those who
inhabited the countries near the rivers d'Uraguay and Parana. Whatever
may be the motives alledged in favour of the war then declared against
these Indians, the principle on which it was founded was certainly
unjust; for even on the supposition that one power has a right to
insist on the neighbouring states adopting the form of government most
conformable to the views of that power; it surely can never have that of
attacking their independence; particularly after their having conformed
to the new established laws, lived happily under them; and desiring
nothing more than to be allowed the quiet enjoyment of the blessings of
peace. The Portugueze, who dreaded the approach of the Spaniards towards
Brazil, and still more particularly towards the mines of St. Paul, and
their settlements on the river Parana; and the Spaniards, who were
equally apprehensive that the Portugueze, by posting themselves on the
Uraguay and Rio de la Plata, should come too near the colonies of Buenos
Ayres, Chili, and the mines of Potosi, had by mutual agreement ceded the
tract of country lying between their different settlements, to the
Jesuits who acted as missionaries in that distant quarter of the globe.

If the grant of these lands, the length of which had never been
ascertained, though the breadth had been determined, became clearly void
on the part of those who ceded it, it could not possibly be valid on
the part of those who signed it; unless, indeed, it was acknowledged as
such by the parties concerned; and this was the ground on which the
missionaries built all their pretensions. This society of holy men, to
the disgrace of the other colonies,[39] had by constant attention and
assiduity greatly humanized Paraguay and the other countries in the
circle of their mission: villages were built in every part, Christianity
triumphed over infidelity and idolatry; the savages became civilized,
and lived happy under a wise government; no people, indeed, ever
appeared more truly blessed; the produce of their labour was distributed
in common; there were neither rich nor poor; no distinctions of high and
low, consequently no avarice, ambition, or jealousy: all took an equal
share in the labours of the day, and all were equally rewarded. The
Jesuits distributed in the different towns and villages, treated the
people with paternal tenderness, and reigned over the whole of Paraguay
like the patriarchs of old, surrounded by a numerous and affectionate
family. The authority they had established, by a system of politics
very different from that of the generality of earthly governments, was
founded on a perfect union of public utility and private happiness; and
this astonishing republic existed some time in peace; for the
missionaries, from moderation, and a wish to avoid all disputes with
Spain and Portugal, paid a reasonable tribute to those powers, without
murmuring at the illegality of such a demand on a free people, who,
though now formed into a commonwealth, was not on that account to be
esteemed either Spanish or Portugueze.

The courts of Lisbon and Madrid, jealous of the great population and
rapid civilization of countries situated so near to their most important
colonies, united to rob the Jesuits of the fruit of their labours, and
to divide the spoil between them. In vain these holy fathers represented
their lawful claim to lands, which had been particularly granted to
them, and the injustice of committing such an outrage on a free people,
who, though they had embraced the Christian religion, and adopted
European manners, never intended bowing their necks to the yoke of
foreign powers. The just reasons alledged by the Jesuits were treated as
acts of rebellion, and an armed force immediately invaded their
colonies. The Indians made all the resistance in their power, but were
presently overcome by the superior skill and experience of European
troops. A small number amongst them submitted to their new masters,
whilst the rest, accompanied by their holy comforters, went farther up
the country, and formed another settlement.

_The war of the missionaries_ bore a very serious aspect at Lisbon; and
Carvalho dispatched his brother to terminate it as soon as possible. The
effects of this war proved in the end very fatal to the Jesuits, for it
prejudiced the king strongly against them, and certainly prepared the
way for their destruction. A very short time afterwards, Joseph the
First not only banished all father confessors of that order from the
court of Lisbon, but every other Jesuit who held employments of
whatsoever nature.[40]

Such about this time became the distressed state of the finances of
Portugal, that the gold of Brazil became an object of the greatest
importance to the minister. The usual annual importation of gold from
that country he knew to amount to forty millions of French livres,
whilst he also knew, that there were not more than fifteen millions, and
those too not without alloy, in circulation throughout the whole of
Portugal. He accordingly published an edict, forbidding the exportation
of gold out of the kingdom. England was greatly alarmed at this
intelligence; and government thought the affair of too much importance
to trust to the common mode of representation; lord Tyrawley was
therefore sent ambassador to Lisbon, with the strictest injunctions to
prevent the effect of this edict; but neither his repeated
expostulations, nor the threatened hostilities of his court, were of any
avail to cause its revocation.

The establishment of several new manufactories in Portugal, occasioned
fresh complaints on the part of the English, which were treated with as
little attention as the former one.[41]

In the mean time Portugal was on the eve of sinking under a blow which
no human prudence could possibly foresee or avert, and which was still
more dreadful, from its not being preceded by any of those signs which
usually presage such awful events.

Never did the horizon appear more clear, nor the sun shine more bright
than on the 1st of November, in the year 1755, and never did the
Portugueze prepare to celebrate All-Saints' Day under more favourable
auspices; when, near the hour of ten, invited by the beauty of the
weather, and the solemnity of the festival, the people with religious
haste flocked towards the churches, the earth suddenly shook under their
feet; clouds of dust darkened the sun; the musical instruments, which
invited them to partake of the holy mysteries, sounded no more; repeated
and violent shocks of an earthquake were felt; houses with terrific
noise fell to the ground on every side; the most solid edifices were
thrown down; the magnificent palace of the kings of Portugal was
entirely destroyed, and scarcely could those who inhabited it, find time
to escape from being buried under the ruins.

Such of the inhabitants of Lisbon who were fortunate enough to avoid
being crushed by the rubbish of their fallen dwellings, knew not where
to seek a place of refuge. Some amongst them flew to the churches, which
presently became their tombs, whilst others, dreading to be swallowed by
the earth, which seemed gaping to receive them, rushed impetuously
towards the sea. The magnificent quays on the banks of the Tagus were
thronged with people; when, in the twinkling of an eye, the element
towards which they looked for safety, rose to a prodigious height, and
threatened them with, if possible, a still more horrid death than that
they sought to escape. The waves of the sea rose several fathoms above
the ordinary level, and dashing towards a shore they were never destined
to overflow, drove in vessels, some of which arrived in safety, whilst
others were entirely shattered to pieces, and swallowed up the unhappy
wretches, who had escaped being buried in the bosom of the earth.

Earth and water were not the only elements which fought against the
miserable Portugueze; fire and air contributed likewise to their
destruction: the former, in particular, caused the most dreadful
catastrophes: for though, at first, apparently smothered amongst the
rubbish, it presently forced itself a passage, and burst forth with such
fury, as baffled every attempt to stop its progress.

The public storehouses, and private magazines were soon reduced to
ashes: the immense riches they contained were entirely consumed; for
such was the violence of the flames, and the excess of heat, that it was
impossible to approach the burning tenements, or assist the wretched
inhabitants, whose piercing cries struck to the heart. But, dreadful to
relate, in the midst of scenes of so much horror, men (if such they can
be called) of different nations and complexions, whose lives had
hitherto been spared, in this awful moment took advantage of the
confusion which reigned throughout the city, to commit the most horrible
depredations. These wretches, dispersed in every quarter, braved the
greatest dangers; not alas! to succour a distressed fellow-creature, but
to rob and murder him; since whosoever discovered a hidden treasure, or
delivered up the keys to these merciless invaders, was sure to pay the
forfeit with his life.

Such atrocious crimes, however, remained not long unpunished; for the
moment the government was able to act, the strictest search was made
for the savage monsters, who, to the disgrace of humanity, still
continued to commit them. Those who escaped the sword of justice, were
strongly fettered, and never relieved from the weight of their chains,
but whilst employed in burying the dead, the numbers of which so
infected the air, and caused such putrid exhalations, that the plague
seemed to threaten this miserable city with still another, and equally
dreadful calamity. The greater part of these atrocious villains survived
but a very few days their accomplices; thus finding a speedy punishment
from the effects of their own diabolical actions; since many amongst
them were struck dead by the putrid vapours issuing from the very bodies
of those they had so inhumanly butchered.

The intelligence of this dreadful event was presently circulated
throughout Europe; and the English displayed on the occasion a degree of
humanity and generosity superior to all praise. All causes of discontent
given them by the Portugueze were, at this calamitous moment, nobly
forgotten; and they alone afforded them more assistance than they
received from the united efforts of all their neighbours and allies.
Justice is also due to the conduct of Carvalho, who during several days
carried on business, eat, and slept in his carriage, which conveyed him
continually from place to place, and whithersoever his presence was
particularly required. Such was his activity, that he published more
than a hundred ordinances in the space of eight days. He advised the
king to wear nothing but undyed woollen cloth, manufactured in the
country; and his example was followed by the court, and every other
description of persons: he also engaged his majesty to sign an edict, by
which all foreign merchandize was obliged to pay an additional duty; and
this he enforced, notwithstanding the representations of the foreign
ministers, and more particularly those of the English ambassador. By the
effects of his zeal, Lisbon was soon cleared of all rubbish, and wide
strait streets built, with new houses on each side. Such indeed were the
signal services he rendered the state on this disastrous occasion, that
he became the idol of the people, and was appointed prime minister by
his majesty. He was not, however, so elated by his good fortune, as not
to be perfectly aware that he had great and dangerous enemies, whose
hatred was still increased by his new dignities; but he was far from
suspecting the extent of their malice, or the dreadful precipice on
which he stood. The attack meditated against him, was still more
formidable, from the profound secrecy with which it was concealed, and
from the parties concerned in it being of the first consideration in the
state.

The duke d'Aveiro, one of the greatest men in the kingdom, was the
ostensible chief of this conspiracy; whilst the marchioness de Tavora, a
most distinguished character at court, was in fact the principal agent;
and the whole was conducted by father Malagrida, a member of the most
powerful religious order in the Christian world.

The union of persons so differently situated, and of such opposite
characters, was the effect of a concatenation of circumstances of the
most extraordinary nature.

The duke d'Aveiro was descended from the younger branch of the family of
Mascarenhas, which, though one of the most ancient houses in Portugal,
was not one of the most noble, and he certainly had no claim to the
distinguished rank he afterwards held, which he owed entirely to his
uncle, brother Gaspard, a mere Portugueze gentleman; he himself being
incapable of pushing his fortune, or aspiring to favour through his
personal merit. His figure was greatly against him, for he was short,
and far from handsome; add to this, he was ignorant, obstinate, deranged
in his fortune, and capable of every crime; meanly servile towards
Carvalho, whom he secretly detested; and so proudly vain of his birth,
as openly to declare, that his family, being descended from _George_
(_the natural son of John the IId, surnamed the Great_) _he was but one
degree removed from the crown_.

Stung to the quick at being no longer treated with the same distinction
as during the reign of John the Vth, he formed the terrible design of
assassinating his successor; and his pride giving way to his resentment,
he indiscriminately attached himself to every one who had, or who
thought he had, reason to complain of the court; particularly to the
Jesuits, and the family of Tavora. To the former he had always testified
the greatest aversion during the administration of his uncle, brother
Gaspard, but he now sought their society, frequently visiting them, and
receiving them night and day in his own apartments. After some little
time, he judged them worthy of his confidence, and revealed his shocking
design to father Malagrida. The Jesuit having succeeded in bringing
about a reconciliation between the duke and the Tavoras, who had long
resented his having deprived them of several domains formerly belonging
to their family, prevailed upon him to open his heart to the old
marchioness de Tavora, whose confessor he was. The duke the more readily
consented to this plan as he knew the implacable hatred borne by the
marchioness to the king, and his minister, who had refused her
solicitations in favour of her husband, for whom she wished to procure
the title of duke. This lady was in every respect widely different from
her brother-in law, the duke d'Aveiro. Nature had bestowed on her the
most striking beauty, the most imposing carriage, and the most seductive
graces. She was endowed with a genius capable of conceiving the most
extensive plans, with judgment to ripen, and talents to execute them.
The strength of her body fitted her to support the greatest fatigue, the
temper of her mind to brave the greatest dangers, whilst the firmness of
her character made her disdain to submit to the king or to his minister.
Nature had also planted in her bosom the shoots of the noblest
passions--passions, alas! which, as they are well or ill directed, form
the greatest men, or the most atrocious villains.

Mistress of immense riches, her liberal spirit induced her to bestow
them freely; whilst her superior judgment taught her to set bounds to
her generosity. Thus endowed with qualities both of body and mind, so
infinitely above those of the duke d'Aveiro, the marchioness soon became
the life and soul of the conspiracy, which she conducted with the most
wonderful skill and address. Her principal accomplices were chosen from
the members of her own family, but her insinuating manners gained her
several partizans, not only in the highest, but even in the lowest ranks
of the people. Her conduct, in the mean time, was of a very
extraordinary nature, since she never endeavoured to conceal from the
prime minister the hatred she bore him, nor failed speaking of him
openly, in terms of the greatest contempt. The sovereign himself was not
treated with more indulgence; he became the subject of the most poignant
satire, and the bitterest sarcasms; whilst the queen and princesses were
the constant objects of her ridicule.

Inspired by the most diabolical sentiments, she put on the mask of
religion to effect her purpose, and by her feigned devotion deceived
the most clear-sighted. Whilst her thoughts were employed in forming
plans of the blackest treason, she frequented the churches, made one in
the different processions, went on pilgrimages, and practised all the
external forms of religion with the greatest ostentation. Her confessor,
father Malagrida, was an Italian Jesuit, sent by the general of the
society on a mission to Portugal. Zealous, eloquent, and enthusiastic,
he presently became the most fashionable spiritual director: people of
every description made choice of him for their confessor: he was
regarded as a saint, and consulted as an oracle.

More than two hundred and fifty persons of consequence were concerned in
this conspiracy, and nothing now seemed wanting but to fix the day for
putting their design into execution.

The hearts of kings are not invulnerable; their passions are frequently
strong, and their means of satisfying them easier than those of other
men; this facility ought, in fact, to put them on their guard, and teach
them to curb the violence of their inclinations, since their elevated
rank, and the crowd by which they are constantly surrounded, make it
impossible that their actions should long remain concealed. Joseph the
1st made frequent visits to the young marchioness of Tavora; these gave
rise to suspicions of an affair of gallantry being carried on between
them, which, whether just or unjust, served as a plausible pretext for
attempting his life. On the 3d of September, his majesty visited the
marchioness, and remained with her, contrary to custom, till eleven
o'clock at night. We dare not investigate the reasons of this visit
being so unusually prolonged, lest it should implicate other persons in
this horrid transaction, without diminishing the enormous guilt of the
regicides. The king was on that night attended by only one domestic, who
went with him in his calash, drawn by two mules, and driven by a
postilion. The conspirators, perfectly well acquainted with the road he
would take in returning to Belem, placed themselves in the most
convenient spots for the execution of their dreadful project. To secure
their success, they divided into different parties; the first of which
let the carriage pass quietly on, till it arrived in the midst of the
assassins, who consisted of a hundred and fifty persons. Some of these
immediately fired, and the pannels of the calash were shivered to
pieces by balls of different sizes: the king received several wounds;
whilst his valet de chambre, whose name was _Taxera_, with a degree of
courage, and a sublime devotion to his master, worthy of the greatest
encomium, prevailed on the king to sink to the bottom of the carriage,
and seating himself upon him, screened his sovereign from the impending
danger. The postilion (called _Castodio da Costo_) at the same moment,
with the greatest presence of mind and intrepidity, whipping his mules
with violence, gallopped forwards, and in the midst of continual firing,
forced them down a steep precipice, and dashing over wide fields, and
through bye roads, reached Belem in safety.[42] The king, on alighting
from his carriage, wrapped himself in a large cloak, belonging to one of
the guards, and sent immediately for Carvalho, for whom he waited with
such impatience that he remained at the gate of the palace, without
suffering his wounds to be dressed, and without either breathing a
complaint, of expressing the smallest signs of apprehension. The prime
minister hastened to attend his sovereign, and listened to all that had
passed without change of countenance. He then entreated the king to keep
the affair secret, and gave orders to the valet de chambre and guards to
be equally silent; thus prudently deciding on concealing for some time
the punishment awaiting the regicides, with as much art as they had
employed in forming so treasonable and bloody a design; for it must be
allowed that no conspiracy was ever kept more secret, or was so near
being successful; but the attempt being once made, and by so
considerable a number of persons, it was scarcely possible the original
authors of the plot could long remain concealed.

Notwithstanding all the above-mentioned precautions, a report was
presently circulated throughout Lisbon, that the king had been
assassinated. Crowds of people assembled before the palace, and eagerly
demanded to see his majesty, who immediately complied with their
request, and declared aloud, that the hurts he had received were
occasioned by being overturned in his calash. He afterwards engaged the
nobles more particularly attached to his person, and who had eagerly
flown to attend him, to leave no means untried to remove every
suspicion from the minds of the public, of an attempt having been made
against his life.

The duke d'Aveiro, who had been the first to propose pursuing the
assassins at the head of the horse guards on duty that night at the
palace, seemed unwilling to consent to the plan of secrecy adopted by
the king: but Carvalho, who began to entertain some suspicions of his
being concerned in the conspiracy, was not the dupe of his zeal: he
therefore pretended to entrust him with some particular secrets, whilst
he insisted upon his entering into the views, and complying with the
injunctions of his majesty.

Difficult as it appears to keep secret an affair of this nature, it,
however, never transpired; and the king, even before his wounds were
closed, appeared in public, and took his usual exercise. The
conspirators also put on a calm appearance, and began to believe all
danger over. One man only amongst the number, named Polycarpe, who was a
domestic in the Tavora family, mistrusted such mysterious inactivity on
the part of government, and taking alarm, quitted the kingdom.

Every thing now appeared quiet; the public mind was re-assured; the
conspirators thought themselves in safety, and the attempt on the king's
life seemed forgotten. Carvalho, however, had been constantly and
secretly employed in diving to the bottom of this dreadful transaction:
the principal contrivers of it were already known to him, when, by the
effect of the most extraordinary chance, he became acquainted with the
whole of their accomplices.

The conspirators, once relieved from all apprehensions of discovery,
without the smallest compunction for the enormity of their crime, turned
their thoughts towards a second attempt, and the means of making it a
successful one. The spot chosen for their private meetings, was a garden
belonging to Tavora, which also served as a place of rendezvous to a
foreign servant, who carried on a clandestine correspondence with a
woman in the house: she, one night, failing in her appointment, her
lover concealed himself in the garden, near the very spot where the
conspirators held their assembly. Not one word which passed escaped the
ears of the attentive listener, who, by that means, became acquainted
not only with every particular relative to the first attempt, but with
the plan laid for the execution of the second. This man, no sooner
contrived to quit the garden, than he flew to the prime minister, and
related with the utmost precision every thing which had passed.

Carvalho instantly perceived the imminent danger to which he was
exposed; and having now the most convincing proofs, of what before he
only suspected, nothing remained to be done but to deliver up the
criminals to the severity of the law: he, however, still continued to
dissemble; and the duke d'Aveiro, either from his own apprehensions, or
by the advice of his friends, having asked leave of absence for three
months, it was immediately granted, and that in the most obliging and
flattering manner. The marquis de Tavora was at the same time appointed
to a commandery, which he had solicited during several years.

Favours thus repeatedly conferred on the principal conspirators,
completely put an end to the apprehensions of their friends, relations,
and accomplices. The public was likewise deceived; every thing which had
passed was buried in oblivion; and nothing was talked of but the
intended marriage between the daughter of Carvalho, and the comte de
Sampayo, with the entertainments which would naturally take place on so
brilliant an alliance. The king himself signed the contract of marriage,
promised to defray the expences of the wedding, and invited all the
grandees of the kingdom to be present on the occasion.

The duke d'Aveiro no sooner received this intelligence, than he left the
country, and repaired with all possible haste to Lisbon; where every
thing around him wore the face of joy and pleasure; but on the very day
when the court and city were busily employed in preparing for two balls,
the one at the prime minister's at Belem, and the other in Lisbon, at
the _long room_;[43] intelligence was brought that troops, composed both
of horse and foot, had unexpectedly entered the city, and that great
numbers of persons of all ranks and descriptions had been taken into
custody.

Never was there a transition so sudden from the greatest joy to the
deepest sorrow; never were wedding garments so shortly changed to
mourning habits; never were criminals so speedily brought to trial, nor
sentences so quickly executed. Scarcely ten days had elapsed since their
first imprisonment, before the duke d'Aveiro was drawn and quartered;
the marquis de Tavora, his wife, his two sons, and his son-in-law, the
count d'Atouguia, beheaded, and four other persons of inferior rank
burnt alive.

Dreadful as is the spectacle of punishments, so repugnant to the
feelings of humanity; let us, however, take a view of the fatal spot,
where the minister, far from listening to the impulse of compassion, but
too frequently injurious to the interests of both king and state,
delivered up to the hand of the executioner the noble and ignoble, whose
blood was suffered to flow indiscriminately in the same channel.

The duke d'Aveiro, on approaching the scaffold, shewed every symptom of
the most abject fear, and by his cowardice lost that interest in the
hearts of the spectators, which a contrary conduct, even in the greatest
criminals, never fails to inspire; whilst the old marchioness of Tavora
was all herself, never losing sight of the character by which she had
constantly been distinguished, and preserving to the last moment of her
existence an heroic firmness, and an unalterable presence of mind.

The sentence which condemned her to death having been read to her, she
ordered her breakfast as usual, and seated herself at her toilette,
where she dressed herself in her accustomed manner. Her confessor having
hinted that her moments ought to be otherwise employed, she calmly
answered, _that there was time enough for every thing_. She afterwards
breakfasted with her female attendants, and conversed without the
smallest emotion. On arriving at the foot of the scaffold, she refused
all assistance, and addressing herself in a loud voice to those who had
offered it, _I am very well able to mount it by myself; for I have not
been put to the torture like the others_. She accordingly went up with a
firm step, but on reaching the platform of the scaffold, her constancy
was put to the most cruel proof; for meeting her husband, the marquis de
Tavora, he reproached her in the bitterest terms for having caused the
destruction of her family. Looking towards him with a serene
countenance, she only replied, _Well, then! bear your misfortunes as I
do, and do not reproach me with them_. The executioner coming towards
her, she bound her eyes herself, begged him to dispatch his business
quickly, spoke a very few words to her confessor, and with her
handkerchief gave the fatal signal.

The second son of a woman, whose greatness of mind makes her criminality
the more severely to be regretted, displayed a degree of courage equal
to that of his mother: he was only nineteen years of age, but his youth
did not exempt him from the torture. The severest torments, however,
lost their effect; not a groan, not an avowal of any kind escaped him;
till at last the executioner hoping that filial affection might draw
from him a confession, which the most excruciating tortures could not
extort, brought his father to him, who exhorted him in the most pathetic
terms not thus uselessly to prolong his sufferings, since not only he
himself, but all the accomplices had made an ample confession. Scarcely
could the marquis finish his discourse, before he was interrupted by his
son, who briefly answered, _Father, it was you who gave me life, and you
are at liberty to deprive me of it_.

The sword of justice hung some time longer suspended over the three
Jesuits, Malagrida, Alexander, and Matos, who had been taken up as
_instigators and principal chiefs of the conspiracy._[44] Their
execution was daily expected; but unfortunately the common modes of
justice had not been allowed to take their course, and to the
astonishment of all the world, it was not till some years after their
imprisonment, that Gabriel Malagrida was alone condemned by an
extraordinary court of justice, to be burned alive, (the 21st September,
1761) and then not as a conspirator and regicide, but as a heretic and
impostor.[45]

Carvalho, now made count d'Oeyras, had not, however, waited the
execution of Malagrida, to banish the Jesuits from Portugal.[46] That a
religious order, which causes disturbances in the state, and enters into
conspiracies, deserves banishment, and even capital punishment, no one
will pretend to deny; but, on the other hand, may it not be alledged
that the religious order which had rendered the most essential services
to the state, and indeed to Christian countries in general, by
instructing youth, and civilizing colonies, might better have been
reformed, than entirely destroyed.

A conspiracy, which had been preceded by a revolution in America,
attended by circumstances capable of overturning the mother country, and
which was followed by the expulsion of the Jesuits, ended at last in a
state of tranquillity, which it had cost too many sacrifices to obtain,
not to employ every possible means to ensure its duration: but
notwithstanding all the endeavours of the king and his minister, the
Spaniards and French were determined to disturb it.

A Spanish army, composed of forty thousand men, entered Portugal in
1762; their progress, however, through that country was but very short;
and by the assistance of the English, and the count de la Lippe, to whom
the former had given the command of the Portugueze troops,[47] an
honourable peace was signed on the 10th of February in the following
year: after which their quiet was only disturbed by some hostilities in
America, which terminated very much in the same manner as the former
ones, without the powers of Europe being engaged in the quarrel. The
count d'Oeyras, afterwards created marquis de Pombal, never lost sight,
even in the midst of all his difficulties, of his original plan of
reforms and ameliorations. The greatest obstacles he had to encounter
proceeded from Brazil, and the town of Oporto, from the inhabitants of
which he had but little reason to expect opposition, since the measure
to which they so strongly objected was shortly followed by an increase
of their wine trade, which became twice as considerable as before.

Portugal being much more fruitful in vines than in corn, the king
published an edict in 1765, commanding all the vines in the environs of
the Tagus, Mondego and Vecha, to be rooted up, and the land sown with
wheat.

The vineyards in the neighbourhood of Lisbon, Oeyras, and some other
places, were, however, suffered to remain. By a former edict, of the
month of October, 1761, twenty-two thousand writers or clerks employed
in the different tribunals were reduced to only thirty-two persons. The
minister, by a salutary law, which took place on the 25th of May, 1773,
_for ever_ abolished the odious distinction formerly existing in
Portugal, between the _old_ and _new_ christians. The latter, composed
of converted Jews and Moors, were always suspected of insincerity, and
regarded in the kingdom _as marked with infamy, and for ever separated
from the other Christians, and incapable of acting in any capacity,
either ecclesiastical or civil_. The progress of learning also was a
principal object in the marquis de Pombal's system of improvement: he
reformed the university of Coimbra; he converted on the 19th of May,
1766, the college occupied by the novices of the order of Jesus, and
which was esteemed one of the finest buildings in Lisbon, into a school
for the nobility: he likewise established other schools for children of
all descriptions; and published a plan of public education, which, if
properly followed, could not fail of restoring science and good morals
throughout the whole of Portugal. He left no means untried to wrest from
the hands of the English the different branches of commerce, of which
they were become exclusive possessors. He set just bounds to the
despotic authority of the holy office, which, by an edict of the 20th of
May, 1769, became merely a royal tribunal, invested with no other power
than what was transmitted to it by the sovereign, thus depriving it of
all its odious privileges and pretensions; such as the form of its
proceedings, and the absurd idea of uniting the authority of the pope
and bishops to that of the king; whilst at the same time, it
acknowledged no supreme chief but the pope alone. He patronised the
arts, and caused a statue of Joseph the Ist to be erected to him. It was
on the very day of its exhibition to the public eye, the day he justly
esteemed the happiest of his life, that he discovered it had been marked
for his destruction. The last melancholy satisfaction, in attending his
master's dying moments, together with the sixty millions of cruzadoes
found in the royal treasury after his decease, formed a sufficient proof
of the uprightness of his administration.

The reigning queen of Portugal, who was married in 1760, to her uncle,
don Pedro,[48] signalized her accession to the throne, by throwing open
the prison gates, and causing the proceedings against the criminals
concerned in the conspiracy of the 3d of September, 1758, to be revised;
after which the greater part were restored to their former rights;
though the examination which had taken place, rather confirmed their
guilt, than proved their innocence. Far different was the action
commenced against the marquis de Pombal, by the enemies of that able
minister; for the proceedings which _declared him criminal, and
deserving of condign punishment_, so evidently proved his innocence, and
the injustice of such a sentence, that he was suffered to die quietly in
his bed, at his country seat, whither he had some time retired, on the
5th of May, 1782.[49]

The health of the queen, on the demise of her husband, in 1786, was so
much deranged, that the prince of Brazil took into his own hands the
reins of government. This enlightened and prudent prince has neglected
nothing to promote the national industry; he has encouraged literature,
made commerce flourish, and even sometimes caused the Brazil gold to
circulate again from England to Portugal. He has established so strict a
police in Lisbon, that it is impossible for an assassin or conspirator,
should such still exist, to escape the punishment due to his crimes. He
has augmented the land forces, and invited the most experienced foreign
officers to command them; and he has attended particularly to the navy,
for which he has been justly rewarded. Pacific, and faithful to his
allies, he has followed as exactly as possible the system of neutrality
traced by his mother, who has ever been at peace with her neighbours,
and never engaged in any of their wars, till she joined them in that
declared against France at the commencement of the revolution: since
which, the fate of Portugal has so entirely depended on that of Spain,
that the fall of the one must necessarily be succeeded by the
destruction of the other. How noble an instance of generosity then does
the conduct of England afford, thus to fly to the relief of a country,
which, though an ally, had so lately declared war against her?

At a moment when the royal family had been forced to quit Lisbon, when
the French entered that capital, and indeed every other town and
fortress in the kingdom; whilst the provinces of Portugal were
dismembered by the same usurping hand which had disposed not only of the
country, but of the crown of Spain, and whilst every thing seemed to
announce to the Portugueze that they must no longer look up to the same
masters, submit to the same laws, or form a separate state; at such a
moment, I say, the victorious British arms came to their aid, changed
their destiny, and opened a new field of glory to the descendants of
Viriatus, and the fellow-soldiers of Sertorious; and who can doubt that
success must attend their arms, if constantly faithful to their generous
allies, they never cease to remember, that it was in the plains of
Lusitania, where the first standard of a free people was displayed
against the masters of the universe; that they, in their turn, and in
the same country, planted the last colours of their expiring liberty,
and that one and both fell a sacrifice to perfidy,[50] but never were
conquered by the force of arms!

DESCRIPTION OF BRAZIL.

Nos patriæ fines et dulcia linquimus arva,
Nos patriam fugimus....
_Virg._ I. _Eclog._

Brazil, which from a variety of circumstances, has ever been regarded an
interesting country, is now become doubly so, from being the present
residence of the court of Portugal; and as such, we are induced to give
a description of it, which, from the nature and size of this work, must
necessarily be a short one.

_Cabral_, in the year 1500, first landed on the coast of Brazil, and
immediately gave notice to the court of Lisbon of the discovery he had
made. The Portugueze, however, were for a length of time very
indifferent to the acquisition of so fine a country. This negligence may
in a great degree be attributed to the want of civilized inhabitants,
and opulent towns, which the Portugueze had been accustomed to meet with
in Africa and Asia; whilst the natives of Brazil consisted of different
colonies of savages, dwelling in miserable huts, situated either in
forests, on the banks of rivers, or on the sea-coast; and subsisting
entirely on the produce of the chace, or on fish caught by themselves.
The heat of the climate made cloathing not only unnecessary, but
absolutely superfluous. The men and women equally painted their bodies,
ornamented their necks and arms with necklaces and bracelets of white
bones, and adorned their heads with feathers. The Brazilians are nearly
of the same stature as the Europeans, but in general not so robust.
Their principal arms consisted of clubs and arrows; their wars were not
frequent, but cruel; and dreadful was the fate of those prisoners who
fell into their hands without being wounded, since they constantly
served as a repast to their merciless conquerors.

The French, Dutch, and Portugueze successively formed settlements on the
coast; but, in the end, the latter became masters not only of the coast,
but of the interior of the country. Let us now take a cursory view of
the manner in which the inhabitants have been treated, and the laws by
which they have been governed.

The Brazilians have not always experienced the same fate; and several
years elapsed, and many contests took place before the rigour of their
situation was in the smallest degree softened. King Sebastian was the
first who bestowed a thought on mitigating the sufferings of so
interesting a part of his subjects. He prohibited their being publicly
sold in the markets, and sent as slaves to the plantations. Prisoners of
war were indeed excepted, but not unless the war in which they were
taken was proved to be a just one.

Philip the IId published different ordinances in the years 1595, 1605,
and 1606, by which he declared Indians of every description perfectly
free; but this sovereign being informed that his statutes had been of no
avail, confirmed and strengthened them by a new one in 1611, whereby he
decreed that the severest punishments should be inflicted on whosoever
should presume to infringe them. This edict, unhappily, was equally
ineffectual with the former ones; as was also another, given by the
court of Lisbon in 1647, at the repeated and pressing solicitations of
the Jesuit missionaries at Brazil, by which the prohibition of enslaving
the Brazilians was again formally renewed; but that people never were
really emancipated till the year 1755, when the Portugueze government
publicly declared them _citizens_, invested with the same rights and
privileges as their conquerors, capable of aspiring to the same
distinctions, allowed to be educated at the same schools, and even to
the university of Coimbra.

This event, however, was far from inspiring those sentiments of joy and
gratitude, which might naturally have been expected from a people thus
raised from the degrading state of servitude, to all the advantages of
freedom: this may probably be, in a great measure, attributed to their
expectations having been so frequently raised and disappointed, that
they could not yet place any confidence in the declarations of the
Portugueze. It was therefore necessary, to complete so great a
revolutionary operation, that the captainships, and the extensive
domains in possession of different individuals, who were in fact so many
petty sovereigns, should be taken out of their hands, and placed in
those of government. This being effected, a new partition took place. A
particular governor was appointed for every captainship or government;
and the whole of the Brazils was under the command of a lord lieutenant,
or viceroy. Though these different governors are obliged to submit to
the general laws enacted by the viceroy; there are some amongst them,
particularly those whose governments are situated near the gold and
diamond mines, who receive their orders immediately from Lisbon. These
appointments are only for three years, but they are seldom changed in
less than six; and during that time, they are not allowed to marry in
the country, to enter into any branch of commerce, or to accept presents
on any pretence whatsoever; their salary being from twelve to twenty
thousand crusadoes, which are thought sufficient to answer every
possible expense. On quitting their employments, commissaries appointed
by the mother country examine into their administration; and colonists,
with citizens of every description, are allowed to carry in their
complaints, and bring forward their accusations against them. If it so
happens, that they die during their office, their governments are
committed to the joint care of the bishop, the officer who holds the
highest rank in the army, and the first magistrate. It may indeed be
said, with the greatest truth, that such is the vigilance with which the
administration of men in power in Brazil is observed at present, that
few, if any, succeed in making great fortunes.

The jurisprudence of this country is precisely the same as in Portugal.
Each district has its separate judge; from whose sentence appeals may be
made to the tribunals of Bahia, Rio Janeiro, or even to that of Lisbon.
The provinces of Para and Maragnhon are the only ones not subject to the
jurisdictions of Bahia and Rio Janeiro; their causes being submitted on
appeal to the tribunal of Lisbon: in criminal cases, indeed, the process
is rather different.

Trifling offences are punished, without appeal, by the judges of each
captainship; but crimes of a deeper dye come under the cognizance of the
governor, who is assisted by assessors nominated by legal authority. A
particular tribunal is appointed to receive and take charge of the
property of all deceased persons, whose heirs may be _beyond seas_ at
the time of their death; for which they receive five per cent. of the
said property. This establishment, though an excellent one, is subject
to a great inconvenience; since creditors in Brazil can only be paid in
Europe, which not only occasions delay, but is frequently very
prejudicial to the affairs of the parties concerned.

Every town, and indeed every large village, has a municipality, which
attends to the small concerns entrusted to its care, and regulates
(under the inspection of the governor, indeed) the trifling taxes
necessary to be laid on. This municipality has the very essential
privilege of complaining to the king himself against the conduct of the
chief of the colony, the governor, and the four magistrates appointed to
manage the finances in each government. The accounts are given in every
year to the royal treasury at Lisbon, where they undergo a very strict
examination.

The army is on the same footing in Brazil as in Portugal. The mulattoes
and negroes are distinguished by particular standards; but the native
Indians serve in battle with the whites. In the year 1780, the forces
consisted of 15,899 regular troops, and 21,850 militia. On the late
arrival of the queen, she found the regulars augmented to 20,000, and
the militia might very easily be raised to 40,000.

The colonists have, equally with the Portugueze, preserved the privilege
of having slaves on their estates; but the masters are enjoined by the
law to find them in provisions; this, however, is attended by very
little expense; a small portion of land being consigned to them, which
they cultivate themselves, and which not only supplies them with
necessaries, but very frequently with conveniences. The laws in favour
of slaves have been carried still farther; since those possessed of a
certain sum of money are allowed to purchase their liberty; and in this
case they can oblige their masters to accept the proffered sum; but they
are seldom forced to proceed to such lengths, since nothing can be more
rare than a master's refusing to comply with the terms prescribed by the
law. There cannot be a stronger proof of the present mild treatment of
slaves in Brazil, treatment so different from what they experience in
the other European colonies, than the very few who think of escaping
from that immense country. The blacks, when once freed from slavery, are
allowed the rights of citizens, in the same manner as the mulattoes;
neither the one nor the other can enter the order of priesthood, or
municipality: if they become soldiers, they cannot rise to the rank of
officers, unless in their own particular batallions. They have, however,
the privilege of intermarrying with white women.

It is impossible to take a view of the situation of Brazil, its extent,
climate and production, without perceiving that no colony ever merited
more particularly the attention and protection of the mother country.

Brazil, thus happily situated, is 875 leagues in length, from north to
south, and 425 broad, from east to west. The Portugueze settlements are
scattered on the coast, and extend in a circuit of nearly 1500 leagues;
they seldom penetrate more than 50 or 66 leagues into the interior of
the country; except, indeed, down some rivers, on the banks of which
they sometimes advance more than 400 leagues from the sea shore.

The limits of this Work will not permit us to enter into a minute
description of the various productions of so extensive a country, and so
fertile a soil; nor, indeed, of the different settlements successively
formed by the Portugueze, we must therefore refer the curious reader to
the adjoining account, which we flatter ourselves will not be thought
uninteresting, and as such meet with the approbation of an indulgent
public.

NAMES

OF THE DIFFERENT

GOVERNMENTS IN BRAZIL,

WITH THEIR

_Boundaries, Population, and Commerce_.

I. PARA.

The most northern government in Brazil, comprising that part of Guiana
which belongs to Portugal, together with that course of the river of the
Amazons from confluence of the two rivers Madera and Mamora; it also
contains to the east the whole of the country which extends to the river
Tocantin. This province is the most barren and the most unwholesome of
any in that part of the world.

POPULATION.

4,108 Whites;--9,919 Blacks and Mulattoes:--34,844 Indians.

PRINCIPAL TOWNS.

Belem, on the banks of the Amazon, is twenty leagues from the main
ocean. The port is called Para, and is of difficult access. The vessels,
on entering the harbour, anchor in a muddy bottom, where the water is
four, five, or six fathoms deep. This town is situated thirteen feet
above the level of the sea; and was founded by Caldeira in 1615: it is
defended by a strong fort, named Notre Dame de las Merces, erected at
the mouth of the Muja river. The town contains near ten thousand
inhabitants, besides the garrison, consisting of about eight hundred
men. On descending the river of the Amazones, at forty leagues from
Para, there is a large neck of land, which advances into the water and
forms several islands, the most considerable of which is Joannes; it is
defended by a small fort, and is very populous. The town of St. Georges
dos Alamos is situated in the same government, and has a regular
fortress.

COMMERCE.

In 1755, thirteen or fourteen vessels arrived in this government from
Lisbon, but since that time their number has been diminished to four or
five. The usual exportation from Para does not consist of articles
amounting to more than six hundred thousand French livres (25,000l.
sterling), such as wild cocoa, vinilla, tortoise and crab-shells,
sarsaparilla, different kinds of balsams, cotton, &c. The district of
Para, properly so called, produces but a very small quantity of cotton,
and some sugar canes, but so few in number that they are converted into
brandy. The inhabitants cultivate rice, cocoa, and coffee, for
exportation.

The cattle bred in the island of Marajo used formerly to be exported;
but at present the quantity of these animals is scarcely sufficient for
home consumption.

II. MARANHAO.

This government is separated from Para towards the north by the river
Tocantin; from Gojas towards the south by the cordillera called
Guacucaguia; and from Fernambuca towards the east by the Ypiapaba
mountains.

POPULATION.

8,993 Whites;--17,843 Blacks and Mulattoes, freedmen and
slaves;--38,937 Indians, either dispersed about the country or
inhabiting the ten different hamlets.

PRINCIPAL TOWNS.

St. Louis is the principal town in Maranhao; all commercial business is
transacted in this place, which is situated in an island of the same
name, and was built by the French in 1612. It is defended by a citadel
and several forts, and has an excellent port.

The island of St. Louis is very fertile, and is twenty-six leagues in
circumference.

The captainship of Siara is annexed to the government of Maranhao; the
principal town bears the same name as the captainship, and contains
about ten thousand inhabitants. It is defended by a small fort, and the
port, which is likewise small, will only admit very little vessels.

COMMERCE.

The exportation of this government is not answerable to the number of
its inhabitants, amounting only on an average to six or seven hundred
thousand French livres (25,000 or 29,166l. 13s. 4d.) The finest Brazil
amotto grows in Maranhao, which also produces the best cotton in
America. Rice succeeds very well in this soil; but all endeavours have
been fruitless to naturalize silk-worms.

There is a great breed of horses and horned cattle in Pauchy, a country
annexed to this government, in which, however, the sheep degenerate as
well as in the rest of Brazil, except, indeed, in the Coritibe. Mines of
sulphur, alum, copperas, iron, lead, and antimony are very common in the
mountains; but though they are not deep, they have never yet been
opened. There are likewise silvermines, which, in 1752 the court had
given permission to be worked; this permission was, however, soon after
retracted, but for what reason was never yet known.

III. FERNAMBUCA,

Is at this present bounded by the river St. Francesco, and different
chains of cordilleras. The coast of this government towards the sea
extends sixty-five leagues.

POPULATION.

19,665 Whites;--39,132 Negroes and Mulattoes;--83,728 Indians.

The island of Fernando de Norronha is in the dependance of the
above-mentioned government.

PRINCIPAL TOWNS.

Olinda, the capital of Fernambuca is built upon an eminence on the
sea-shore; it contains several fine fountains, and is situated in a
beautiful country. The inhabitants are computed at twelve thousand.
There is a manufactory of sword blades in this town, which, equally with
St. Antoine de Receif, has a good port, and is defended by several
fortresses. The island of Fernando de Norronha has two good open
harbours, in which ships of the greatest burthen may ride in safety,
unless the wind blows from the north or west.

COMMERCE.

The coast of Fernambuca, in an extent of sixty-five leagues, produces a
small quantity of cotton. The plains are filled with plantations of fine
sugar canes, and the mountains are covered with broods of horned cattle,
the hides of which are very productive. The principal branch of commerce
in this government is that fine sort of Brazil wood employed in dyeing
red. This wood is of so superior a quality that it is not necessary to
employ half the quantity which would be required of campeche wood for
the same purpose. The annual consumption of this excellent wood in
Europe, amounted during a long time to from twenty to thirty thousand
quintals. In 1783, two English merchants contracted with the Portugueze
government for the exclusive sale of this wood, on condition that the
said government was at the expence of felling it. These merchants
purchased the wood for eight hundred thousand French livres (33,333l.
6s. 8d.), sold it at Lisbon for a million (41,666l. 13s. 4d.); their
expenses amounted to a hundred and twenty-eight thousand livres (5,333l.
6s. 8d.); consequently they made a profit of seventy-two thousand French
livres (3,000l.).

IV. BAHIA, or TODOS SANTOS,

Is bounded on the north by the river St. Francesco, on the south by the
river Dolce, and on the east by the river Preto, one of the branches of
the river Verde.

POPULATION.

39,784 Whites;--49,693 Indians;--68,024 Negroes.

PRINCIPAL TOWN.

The capital of Bahia is St. Salvador; the entrance to which is through
the bay of Todos Santos: this bay is two leagues and a half wide. There
is a fort on each side of the entrance, intended rather to prevent
landing on the coast, than to impede the passage through the bay, which
is thirteen or fourteen leagues in length, and full of little islands,
containing cotton-trees. The bay is narrow towards the town, which
overlooks it, and is built on the side of a steep hill; it is, however,
a very good port, safe, and capable of containing a great fleet. St.
Salvador contains more than two thousand houses, the greatest part of
which are magnificent buildings.

COMMERCE.

Sugar and cotton make but a small part of the Bahia trade. Tobacco and
the whale-fishery are the principal. The annual product of the latter
amounted, twenty years since, to 3,530 pipes of oil; which, at the price
of a hundred and seventy-five French livres each (7l. 5s. 6d.), amounted
to six hundred and seventeen thousand seven hundred and fifty French
livres (25,739l. 11s. 8d.); and two thousand and ninety quintals of
whalebone, which, at a hundred and fifty livres (6l. 5s.) a quintal,
make three hundred and thirteen thousand five hundred livres (13,062l.
10s.). Total of the two sums, nine hundred and thirty-one thousand two
hundred and fifty French livres (38,802l. 1s. 8d.), of which the persons
employed in this commerce paid three hundred thousand livres (12,500l.)
to the government; the expenses did not exceed two hundred and
sixty-eight thousand seven hundred and fifty livres (11,197l. 18s. 4d.),
consequently they had a profit of three hundred and sixty-two thousand
five hundred livres (15,104l. 3s. 4d.). Tobacco, though cultivated
throughout the whole of Brazil, makes but a very unimportant object of
commerce any where but in Bahia. It succeeds extremely well in a spot of
ground extending 90 leagues, and is particularly fine in the district of
_Cachoeira_. Ten thousand quintals of an inferior kind of tobacco are
sent every year from Brazil to the coasts of Africa, which being sold
for eighteen French livres the hundred weight, amount to a hundred and
eighty thousand livres (7,500l.); fifty-eight thousand five hundred
quintals are also sent annually to Portugal, and sold, on entering that
country, at forty livres (1l. 13s. 4d.) the hundred weight, which amount
to two millions three hundred and forty thousand French livres
(97,500l.). Total of the two sums, two millions five hundred and twenty
thousand livres (105,000l.). The finest tobacco is exported to Genoa,
that of the second quality to Spain and Portugal, and a still inferior
sort to France and Hamburgh. The consumption of this Article at Madeira
and the Azores does not exceed 740,000 cwt. for smoaking; and 528,000
cwt. when made into snuff. The sale of these different kinds of tobacco
does not bring in more than five millions four hundred and eighty-one
thousand two hundred and fifty livres (228,383l. 18s. 4d.) to
government. The profit arising from the sale of snuff in the East Indies
and in Africa, belongs to the queen of Portugal. The quantity usually
sent to the abovementioned countries amounts to about a hundred and
fifty quintals, bringing in four hundred and fifty thousand livres
(18,750l.). The golden mines of Jacobina and Rio-das-Contas have been
worked, and are situated in Bahia.

V. RIO JANEIRO.

This government extends nearly the whole length of the coast from the
river Dolce to the river Rio Grande de San Pietro. The inland country is
bounded by the enormous chain of mountains which extend from Una to
Minas Geraes.

POPULATION.

46,290 Whites;--54,091 Negroes;--32,126 Indians.

PRINCIPAL TOWNS.

Rio Janeiro is the capital of Brazil, and the residence of the viceroy.
The plan of this city is well engraved in the quarto edition of Gai
Trouin's Memoirs. It is well known that this author captured Rio Janeiro
in 1711. Though the fortifications have been since greatly augmented,
the city is not more difficult to take, because the approach to it on
the other side is easy of access, and a landing soon effected. The
greater part of the houses consist of two stories, and are either of
free-stone or brick; the roofs are of fine tiles, and each house is
ornamented by a balcony, surrounded by a lattice. The streets are wide
and straight, and terminated by chapels. The mint, and the great
aqueduct which furnishes the city with water, are the only two public
edifices worthy of notice. The haven is one of the finest in the world;
it is narrow at the mouth, but becomes wider by degrees. Vessels of all
sizes enter this safe and spacious harbour without difficulty, from ten
or twelve o'clock at noon till the evening, by means of a regular and
moderate sea-breeze: they anchor in an excellent muddy bottom five or
six fathoms deep.

Cabo-Frio is a rich town, owing to its salt-trade. St. Catherine is an
island which is important from its situation: it enjoys a continual
spring, and the climate is very pure everywhere but in the port, which
being surrounded by hills, the circulation of air is not so free;
consequently it is damp and unwholesome.

COMMERCE.

Rio Janeiro is the great staple for all the riches brought from Brazil
to Portugal; and the most considerable fleets charged with supplies for
the new world, put into this port. The expenses of the government
amount annually to three millions of French livres (125,000l.), except
when it is thought a political measure to build men of war, which is a
great increase to the expense. Cultivation was for a long time much
neglected in this fine province, but it now becomes every day an object
of more and more attention. Though tobacco has not succeeded
particularly well, sugar canes have been extremely prosperous,
especially in the plains of Guatacazes. There were twelve plantations of
indigo, of the finest sort, in the year 1783; these are now much
increased in number. Coffee succeeds very well. The southern districts,
as far as Rio Grande, furnish a great many hides, some flour, and good
salt-meat; and the forests contain fourteen or fifteen different kinds
of wood for dyeing, with four or five sorts of gum. The commerce of
cochineal has been introduced for some years past into the island of St.
Catherine's.

VI. ST. PAUL.

This province is bounded to the north by the river Sapucachy, and by
mountains; to the south by the river Parnagua, and by other mountains,
which extend to the source of the river Ygassu; to the west by the
Parana, Rio Grande, and Rio dans Mortes; and to the east by the sea.

POPULATION.

11,093 Whites;--8,987 Negroes and Mulattoes;--32,126 Indians.

PRINCIPAL TOWN.

St. Paul, the capital of the government of that name, is at thirteen
miles from the sea, in a delightful climate, and in the midst of
country, the soil of which is equally favourable to the productions of
both hemispheres.

COMMERCE.

This government has no other trade with Europe than that of a small
quantity of cotton: and its only interior commerce consists in supplying
Rio Janeiro with flour and salt-meat. Flax and hemp succeed very well in
St. Paul's, as would also silk-worms, with proper attention. St. Paul
contains abundance of iron and tin mines, situated between the rivers
Thecte and Mogyassu: and also in the cordillera of Paranan and Piacaba,
four leagues from Sorocoba. The golden mines of Parnagua and Tibogy are
worked in this government.

VII. MINAS GERAES.

This government, and the two following ones, extend from east to west,
from the 319th degree of western longitude, to the 334th degree of the
same latitude. They occupy, in the centre of Brazil, that immense and
elevated surface, from which issue all the rivers which fall into the
Paraguay, the river of the Amazons, and the ocean. This is the highest
land in Portugueze America.

POPULATION.

35,128 Whites;--103,406 Slaves;--26,075 Indians.

PRINCIPAL TOWN.

The capital of Minas Geraes is Villa-Rica.

COMMERCE.

Minas Geraes is the most important of the three governments in which the
mines are situated. Mountains, in different directions intersect the
whole of these three districts, which are called the Mine Country, from
gold being found in every part of it. The inhabitants of St. Paul first
discovered gold mines near the mountain Jaquara, in the year 1577. Other
mines of the same metal were also discovered in 1588, on the heights of
Jacobina, in the district of Rio del Velhas. Permission was obtained,
though with some difficulty, from the king of Spain, in 1603, to work
some of them; and in 1699, some enterprising persons found out very
great treasure in the province of Minas Geraes. Three years afterwards
the court of Lisbon formed the necessary establishments to render them
profitable. The names of the place where gold has been found, and where,
indeed, it continues at present to be found, are as follows, _Sabara_,
_Rio das Mortes_, _Cachoeira_, _Paracatu_, _Do-Carmo_, _Rio-dal-Velhas_,
_Rio-Dolce_, and _Ouro-Prato_.

VIII. GOJAS.

POPULATION.

8,931 Whites;--34,104 Negroes;--29,622 Indians.

PRINCIPAL TOWN.

Villa-Boa is the capital of Gojas.

COMMERCE.

The mines of the government of Gojas were not discovered till 1726, and
are situated in the districts of _San-Felix_, _Meia-Ponta_, _O-Fanardo_,
_Mocambo_ and _Natividade_.

IX. MATOGROSO, or MATTO-GROSSO,

Is the most western part of the Portugueze possessions, and is bounded
by the Chiquites and the Moxos. These people are submitted to the
Spanish yoke, through the indefatigable labours of the Jesuits acting as
missionaries in that part of the world.

POPULATION.

2,035 Whites;--7,351 Slaves;--4,335 Indians.

PRINCIPAL TOWN.

The capital of Matogroso, called Villa-Bella, is merely a large
village.

COMMERCE.

In 1735, mines were discovered in the government of Matogroso, in _St.
Vincent's Chapada_, _St. Anne's Cuiada_, _and in Araes_.

OBSERVATIONS.

It is worthy of remark, that the extraction of gold in the New World is
neither dangerous nor laborious, since the purest, finest kind is
frequently found near the surface of the earth. They often dig for it
three or four fathoms, but seldom, if ever, deeper; since when the
miners meet with a bed of sandy earth, they know it to be unnecessary
labour to search to a greater depth. The veins which run the most
regular, and in the same direction, are the richest; yet, it has been
remarked, that those which yielded the greatest quantity of gold are
usually in spaces where the surface is the most spangled with crystals.
Larger pieces are found in mountains and stony barren rocks than either
in vallies or on the banks of rivers; but, from whatever place it be
taken, it is of three and twenty carats and a half in its pure state, on
coming out of the mine, except indeed, it should happen to be mixed with
iron, silver, mercury, or sulphur, which, however, is seldom the case,
unless at Araés or Gojas. Every person on discovering a mine is bound to
declare it to government. Should the vein be found to be trifling, on
being examined by those appointed to estimate its value, it becomes the
property of the public; but should it prove a rich one, the revenue
officers take care to reserve one share for themselves, whilst another
is given to the commandant, a third to the intendant, two more to the
original discoverer of the mine, and the remainder to the miners of the
district. This latter part is divided according to the different
fortunes of these people, which is determined by the number of slaves
they possess. The miners are obliged to pay the king of Portugal a fifth
part of the net profit arising from the gold extracted, which formerly
amounted to a considerable sum; and even now produces on an average
300,000l. sterling, annually. In 1781, the whole of the metals, whether
coined or in bars, in circulation at Brazil, were not estimated at quite
a million sterling, and what is still more remarkable, there was not
more than a third of the above sum in circulation in Portugal in
1752[51] and 1754, and even that was in alloyed silver money.

THE

NATURAL HISTORY

BRAZIL.

_Quadrupeds used as Food._[52]

_Tapiierete_, the (P. 101, M. 229), is nearly the size of a heifer aged
six months, but is without horns. The flesh resembles in taste that of
an ox. The Brazilians dress it in the same manner as the Buccaneers
arrange their meat or fish.

_Cuquaçu-Eté_ (P. 98). This animal is a kind of stag, called by _Léry_
an _Ass-cow_. It is less than the European stag, has shorter horns, and
the hair about the length of a goat's.

_Tajaçu_ (P. 89, M. 229), is the wild boar of the country; he has an
opening on his back, through which he breathes; in other respects he is
like the European boar. The cry which he makes through his extraordinary
orifice is (according to an author, who _certainly_ never heard it) most
dreadful.

_Aguti_, or _Acuti_ (P. 102), is a red-haired animal about the size of a
pig a month old. The flesh is very good to eat. There is another species
of the same animal, called _Tapeti_.

_Rat._ The woods abound with a kind of rat of the size of a squirrel,
its flesh is very delicate.

_Paca_ (P. 101, M. 224). This animal is as large as a middle-sized dog.
The flesh tastes like veal.

_Jacaré_ (P. 282, M. 242). A small species of _Cayman_. The Brazilians
are particularly fond of eating them.

_Teiuguacu_, or _Teju_ (P. 283, M. 273). A grey lizard, four or five
feet long. _Léry_, who has eaten them, says, that when properly dressed,
they are as tender, as white, and have as good a taste as the wing of a
capon.

It is necessary to observe that the Brazilians not only eat lizards, and
some kind of serpents, but also large toads, broiled in the Buccaneer
fashion, with the heads and entrails.

_Domestic Fowls used as Food._

_Turkeys._ The Brazilians bred them formerly more for their feathers,
particularly the white ones, than for the purpose of eating them. They
reproached the Europeans with gluttony for eating their eggs.

_Ducks_, of which there are various species; but the Brazilians never
eat them, from an idea that the slow manner of walking of these birds,
might make those who fed upon them heavy, and unable to run with a
proper degree of activity. For the same reason they refrained from
eating all animals which moved slowly; and even some sorts of fish,
particularly the skate, which does not swim so fast as others.

_Nota._ European fowls, transported to the Brazils, live very well in
that climate, though growing larger than in their own country, their
taste gets less delicate; on the contrary, geese and ducks become still
finer.

_Wild Fowl used as Food._

_Jacupema_ (P. 81, M. 198). A species of pheasant, of which there are
three kinds. The plumage of every one of these birds is black and grey;
the only difference between them is in the size. The Brazilians declare
that it is impossible for any country to produce any thing more delicate
than the flesh of these birds.

_Mutu-Mitu_ (P. 80, M. 194) is excellent to eat, but not so common as
the _Jacupema_. M. le comte de Buffon classes it amongst the _Hocco_.

_Jambu_, (P. 81. M. 192). A species of partridge as large as our geese.

_Mangouris_, _Pegassous_, _Pecacaous_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._). These three
birds may be also classed amongst the partridges. They are of different
sizes; the first is the size of a common partridge, the second of a
wood-pigeon, and the third of a turtle dove.

_Fish used as Food._

_Manatus_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._), is particularly good in Brazil.

_Skate_. Those in the rivers _Janeiro_ and _Marevescona_, which Thévet
names _Inevouana_, are of a much larger size than ours. The entrails are
equally good with the rest of the fish.

_Acarapeba_ (P. 69 and 161) is a large flat fish, which _Léry_ declares
to be wonderfully delicate and fine. He gives it the name of
_Acarapep_.

_Beyupira_ or _Ceixupira_ (P. 48, M. 158). The Europeans compare this
fish to the sturgeon. It is in high estimation in Brazil. It is said to
be fat and in season all the year.

_Boopes_ (_His. Gen. Voy._). This name has been given to it by the
Portugueze, because its eyes are like those of an ox. The size and shape
are not very different from those of the tunny fish; but the taste is
not the same, and it is of a much fatter nature; its grease affording a
kind of oil or butter.

_Camaripuguaçu_ or _Camarupi_ (P. 65, M. 179). This fish is much
esteemed: its body is full of thorns, and it is so large that two men
can scarcely lift it.

_Piraumbu_ (P. 70, M. 167) is very much the same kind of fish as the
_Carpio_, but the taste is better. There are two stones in the jaws,
which it employs for breaking the shells which serve it for food.

_Amayaen_ (_His. Gen. Voy._) is a kind of sea frog, with a short body of
various colours. It is very good to eat, but it must be first carefully
skinned, and cleared of a poison which lies under the skin. There are
two other species of Amayaens, one of which is armed with thorns, and
though much more venomous than the former, is equally eaten. The other
is called by the Brazilians _Itaëca_. It is of a triangular form; and
contains poison not only in the skin, but in the liver and intestines:
this, however, does not make it more dangerous when once the venomous
parts are extracted.

_Nota._ All the fish on the coast of Brazil is reputed so wholesome,
that it is given to people in fevers as a remedy. At all events it may
always be eaten without danger to the sick person. Sharks, however must
be excepted; of which there are great numbers in this sea, and even in
the rivers.

The coast of Brazil abounds also in shellfish, amongst which the _Apula_
is particularly esteemed. (_Hist. Gen. Voy._)

There are several kinds of crayfish, the most esteemed of which is the
_Uca_. It is the principal food of the Portugueze and negroes, who find
it very good and wholesome, if they drink cold water after eating it.

_Plants and Vegetables used as Food._

_Mangaiba_ (P. 156, M. 76 and 122). A very large tree, which seldom
grows any where but in the environs of _Todos-Santos_ bay. This fruit
is eaten at two different epochs in the year: first when it is only in
bud, and afterwards when the fruit is come to perfection. It contains
stones, the kernels of which are good to eat. The flavour of this fruit
is delightful, and it is so wholesome, that it may be eaten in the
greatest abundance without danger. It falls from the tree before it is
ripe, consequently it is necessary to keep it till it is sufficiently
sweet to be eaten. The Brazilians make a kind of wine of it; and they
extract a bitter, viscous, milky liquor from the leaves, and the fruit
before it is ripe.

_Murucuja_ (P. 274, M. 106 and 70) resembles the wild pear-tree. The
fruit is gathered green, but becomes excellent as it ripens, and easy of
digestion. Incisions being made in the trunk of this tree, it yields a
milky liquor, which, when once coagulated, becomes of a consistance like
wax.

_Araca-Iba_ (P. 152, M. 74 and 105). A species of pear-tree, which bears
abundantly at all seasons in the year. There are several kinds of this
tree, the fruit of which is red, green, and yellow, and of an excellent
flavour.

_Umbu_ (P. 167). A short thick tree, bearing a round fruit of a
yellowish hue, and very like our white plumb, with this difference, that
it is so injurious to the teeth, that the savages, who eat great
quantities of it, soon become toothless. The root is sweet, wholesome,
and refreshing.

_Jaçapucaya_ (P. 135, M. 128). The fruit of this tree, when eaten raw,
is said to cause baldness; but if roasted it is no longer dangerous.

_Araticu_ (P. 141, M. 93). This tree bears a fruit of the size of a
walnut, and is as pleasant to the smell as to the taste. There are
several species of this tree, amongst which the one called
_Aratieupanauia_ bears a fruit of so very cold a nature, that, eaten to
excess, it has all the effect of poison.

_Poupekia_ (P. 141). There are two species of this tree, one bears a
fruit like an orange, the juice of which is like honey, and as sweet as
sugar: it also contains some seeds. The other species, called by the
Portugueze _Setis_, is esteemed the hardest wood in Brazil, and regarded
as incorruptible.

_Cabureiba_ (P. 119, M. 56) is an extremely large tree, very common in
the ancient captaincies of St. Vincent, and exceedingly scarce
elsewhere. The balm which distils from it is excellent.

_Pines._ In the interior parts of Brazil, beyond St. Vincent's and
towards Paraguay, are forests entirely of pines, bearing a fruit
resembling those in Europe, only rounder, larger, and more wholesome.

_Nota._--There is no country where roots and vegetables are more
plentiful than in Brazil. Beans in that part of the world are more
wholesome than in Portugal; in short, every thing the Portugueze have
transplanted to Brazil have succeeded remarkably well. A particular
species of yucca-root grows in that country, called _Aypi_; it may be
eaten raw with impunity. The Brazilians make use of the common
yucca-root in two ways; the one boiled till it becomes hard is called
_Ouïenta_, and the other less boiled, consequently softer, _Ouipou_.

Brazil may be justly regarded as the mother country of pine apples,
which grow in such abundance, that the savages fatten their hogs with
that delicious fruit, which in that country is distinguished by three
particular qualities; _first_, the rind is so hard that it absolutely
blunts the edge of a knife: _secondly_, the juice is used as a kind of
soap to take spots out of cloths: _thirdly_, the fruit itself is
regarded as a preservative against sea-sickness.

_Clusius_ makes mention of twelve different kinds of pepper, the produce
of Brazil. In short, _Léry_ remarks, that Brazil produces very few
animals similar to those in Europe: nor does it, indeed, any plants of
the same nature; except purslane, sweet basil, and heath, which grow in
some spots exactly in the same manner, and in the same shape, and with
the same qualities, as in Europe.

_Medicinal Plants._

_Copaiba_ (P. 118, M. 56) resembles a fig-tree, only straighter,
thicker, and of a greater height. It contains a very great quantity of
oil, as clear as that produced from the olive-tree. This oil requires
only a very slight incision to procure great abundance: it is said not
only to cure wounds, but to prevent them from leaving scars.

_Ambayba_ (P. 147, M. 91) resembles also the fig-tree, and the interior
pellicle, under the rind, is said to be as efficacious in the speedy
cure of wounds, as the most celebrated balsam. The leaves of this tree
are of so hard a nature, that they are employed for polishing the
hardest wood.

_Ambaygtinga_ (P. 148, M. 92). This tree is of the same species as the
former one, and grows in the above-mentioned pine forests. It bears on
the top a kind of small bladder, which, on bursting, distils, drop by
drop, an admirable liquor, which has all the qualities of balsam, and is
employed for closing wounds, curing scrofulous humours, and pains in the
stomach; for the latter complaint it is taken mixed with a little wine.

_Ighucamici_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._) grows abundantly in the environs of St.
Vincent, and bears a fruit like a quince, but filled with seeds, which
is a powerful remedy for a dysentery.

_Icicariba_ (P. 122, M. 59). This tree produces a sort of mastick of an
excellent smell. On beating the rind in a mortar, a white liquor issues
from it, which, when condensed, is employed as incense, and is found to
be an efficacious application for any part of the body affected with the
king's evil.

_Cururu-Ape_ (P. 250, M. 114). The leaves are like those of the
peach-tree, and produce a whitish liquor, regarded as a sovereign remedy
for wounds and pimples.

_Caaroba_ (P. 143, M. 70). The wood of this tree, which is very common
in Brazil, is reputed to possess the same virtue as Guiacum wood, for
the cure of a particular disorder.

_Jaborandi_ (P. 215, M. 97). This tree is also called by the Brazilians
_Bétélé_, and generally grows on the banks of a river; the leaves are a
specific remedy in liver complaints. Another species of Bétélé, less
than the former, and with round leaves, possesses the same virture in
the root; which is as great a caustic as ginger, and when applied to the
gums, removes any complaint in that part.

_Anda_ (P. 148, M. 110). The Americans extract an oil from this great
tree, with which they rub themselves. Water in which the rind has been
soaked for some days, acts as a soporific on any kind of animal.

_Ajuratibira_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._) is merely a shrub, bearing a red
fruit, from which the Brazilians extract an oil of the same colour, with
which they likewise anoint themselves.

_Janipaba_ (P. 138, M. 92) is one of the most beautiful trees in Brazil,
and of the finest green; it changes its leaves every three months, and
bears a fruit resembling an orange, but tasting like a quince, and is
esteemed an excellent remedy for the dysentery.

_Caapeba_ (P. 261, M. 94) is a plant, which is an almost certain cure
for the bite of all venomous animals, particularly for that of a
serpent; and is usually termed the _serpent plant_. The root, or rather
the knot which divides it, is supposed to possess this virtue: the knot
is bruised and taken in water; and is likewise thought an excellent
specific for the wounds caused by poisonous arrows.

_Gobaura_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._). This plant when reduced to powder, and
applied to the most inveterate ulcers, dries them up, and makes them
skin over.

_Guaraquima_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._) resembles the Portugueze myrtle. It
possesses several virtues, particularly that of curing worms; and
requires no other preparation than making choice of the best leaves.

_Tyroqui_, or _Tiroqui_, or _Tereroqui_ (_Hist. Gen. Voy._). This plant
has leaves like the cinqfoil, and the root divided into several cods,
with very slender branches. It grows abundantly every where, and its
principal virtue is curing dysenteries. The Brazilians inhale the smoke
of this plant in all their different complaints, and it is thought an
efficacious remedy for worms; a very common malady in that country.

AN ACCOUNT
OF THE
DIAMONDS OF BRAZIL.[53]

_Principal Districts wherein Diamonds are found._

The province of Brazil, which produces diamonds, is situated inland,
between 22-1/2 and 16 degrees of south latitude. Its circumference is
near 670 leagues. On the east it is limited by the captaincy or province
of Rio Janeiro; on the south by that of St. Paul; on the north by the
_Sertoens_, or interior part of the maritime province of the Bay of All
Saints, and part of that of the mines of Goyarel; on the west, lastly,
by another part of the last-mentioned province, and by those deserts and
forests which are inhabited by the savages, and extend to the frontiers
of Paraguay. On the side nearest St. Paul there are vast uncultivated
plains; the interior is divided by chains of mountains and hills, with
superb vallies and luxuriant fertile plains. It abounds with wood, and
is watered by a great number of rivers and brooks, that facilitate the
working of the mines of gold, which is obtained by washing in spangles
from the river sands, or in veins open to the day. This province is
divided into four _comarcas_ or districts, which, reckoning from north
to south, are, _Santo Joao del Rei_, _Villa-Rica_, _Sabara_, and
_Sero-Dosrio_, or Cold Mountain, called in the language of the savages
_Yritauray_. The diamonds are found in this last district. The whole
province is very rich in the ores of iron, antimony, zinc, tin, silver,
and gold.

There are also diamond mines in the other districts of Brazil;
particularly in Cuiaba, in the country of Guara-Puara, and in the
government of St. Paul; but these mines have never yet been
explored.[54]

_Discovery of the Mines._

The Paulists and inhabitants of the ancient captaincy of St. Vincent
were the first who discovered these mines, and peopled, in great part,
the whole of this rich province, as well as those of _Matto-Grosso_,
_Cuiahe_, _Goyares_, and _Rio Grande de San Pedro_. Anthonio Soary, a
Paulist, who gave his name to one of these mountains, was the first who
discovered and visited the _Sero-Dosrio_. Gold only was sought for, but
at last diamonds were discovered in the _Riacho Fundo_, whence they were
first obtained, and afterwards in the _Rio de Peire_; a great number
were likewise obtained from the _Giguitignogna_, a very rich stream;
and, lastly, in the end of 1780, and beginning of 1781, a gang of nearly
three thousand interlopers, called _Grimpeiros_, discovered diamonds,
and obtained an immense quantity from the _Terra de Santo Antonio_; but
they were forced to abandon this spot to the royal farm, who took
possession of it. Then it was that the suspicion was confirmed, that the
mountains are the true _matrices_ of diamonds; but as the work in the
beds of rivers and on their banks is less tedious, can be conducted on a
larger scale, and affords larger diamonds, the farm abandoned the
mountains, and formed great establishments in the river of
_Toucanbirnen_, which flows through the valleys of this chain, and is
near ninety leagues in length. It was found by examination and digging,
that the whole surface of the ground, immediately beneath the vegetable
stratum, contained more or less of diamonds, disseminated and attached
to a matrix ferruginous and compact in various degrees, but never in
veins, or in the division of geodes.

_Figure of the Diamonds, and manner of exploring them._

The figure of the diamonds of Brazil varies. Some are octoedrical,
formed by the union of two tetraedrical pyramids. This is the _Adamas
octoëdrus turbinatus_ of Wallerius, or the octoedrical diamond of Romé
de l'Isle. These are almost always found in the crust of the mountains;
others are nearly round, whether by a peculiar crystallization or by
rolling. They resemble those Oriental stones, which the Portugueze and
natives of India call _reboludos_, which signifies rolled. Lastly,
others are oblong, and appear to me to be the _Adamas hexaëdrus
tabellatus_ of Wallerius. The two last are usually found in the beds of
rivers and broken places in their banks.

Diamonds are also found, as I have remarked, in the crust or external
covering of mountains. These masses are formed of a bed of ferruginous
sand, with rolled flints, forming an ochreous pudding-stone, from the
decomposition of emery and muddy iron-ore; it is called _cascalho_, and
the beds, or strata, _taboleiros_. These _taboleiros_ have different
names, according to their situation or their nature. When the stratum is
horizontal, and in the plane of the bed of the river, it is properly
called a _taboleiro_; but if it rises in banks, it is called _gopiara_:
lastly, if the pudding-stone contains much emery, it is then denominated
_tabanhua cauga_ in Brazilian, that is to say, black-stone or
iron-stone.

In some places the _cascalho_ is uncovered, in others, it lies beneath a
kind of vegetable muddy earth, _humus damascena_, _Linn_, or beneath a
reddish fat sand, which sometimes contains roundish flints. This happens
in the returns of the mountains, or upon the banks of great torrents.
This sand is called _pisarra_. The bank, or stratum beneath the
_cascalho_, is either shistus, rather sandy, or the solid bog-ore of
iron. It is likewise in the _cascalho_ that gold in spangles and in
pyrites is found; the former of which is, in my opinion, afforded by the
decomposition of the auriferous pyrites; for the gold in veins has
another form, and its matrix is either fat quartz, or fine grained
tender _cos_, micaceous gneis, or the quartzose ore of iron, _tophus
ferreus_. Linn.

The exploring of diamonds is performed by changing the beds of streams,
in order that the sand or gravel may be washed, and the diamonds
selected; or by breaking the _cascalho_ with large hammers, and
afterwards washing it in troughs. This washing differs from that of
gold, because it requires a small quantity of very clear water, and very
little of the _cascalho_ at a time; proportions, which are precisely
contrary to those required in washing gold. Black slaves are employed in
this business, entirely naked, excepting a cloth round their middle, in
order that they may not embezzle any of the diamonds; but in spite of
every precaution, and the vigilance of numerous inspectors, they
nevertheless find means of concealing them, which they sell at a very
low price, to the interlopers, for tobacco and rum.

_An estimate of the Sums produced to the Portugueze Government from the
Brazil Diamonds._

The diamond mines in Brazil, have at different times brought in
different sums to the Portugueze government. Towards the middle of the
last century such great quantities of the Brazil diamonds came to
Europe; that the value of diamonds of every description was so much
decreased, that the London jewellers refused to buy them at any price.
The author of the _Treatise on Diamonds_ seems to doubt the existence of
the diamond mines in Brazil, and to believe that the great profusion of
those stones sold by the Portugueze in the different markets of Europe,
were not the produce of their American, but Asiatic colonies. It will be
easy to judge of the amount of the profit arising to the Portugueze
government, during several years, from the sale of these diamonds, by
the following statement. At the epoch of the dreadful earthquake in
Lisbon; some English merchants had a contract with those Portugueze who
had the direct management of the diamond mines in Brazil, to pay them
120,000l. sterling. The principal conditions of the above contract
(according to the account given me by an English gentleman who signed
it) were as follows:--the Portugueze directors engaged to secure to the
English merchants the exclusive sale of the Brazil diamonds; the latter
engaged on their part to take 40,000 carats of rough diamonds, for which
they were to pay at the rate of 3l. a carat; making the sum total of
120,000l. sterling. An agreement was also made relative to the purchase
and choice of the diamonds. On the cases which contained them being
brought from Brazil, they were not to be opened but in presence of the
English merchants, which being done, the diamonds were spread on a large
table; and a person skilled in precious stones being appointed by the
said merchants, he made choice of the most valuable diamonds, excepting
those above twenty carats (very few in number), which were reserved for
the crown of Portugal. The original contractors being succeeded by
others, the price was reduced to 2l. 1s. 8d. sterling a carat; but for
some time past this branch of trade has been taken out of the hands of
the English, and is in the exclusive possession of the king. The exact
sum resulting from this new arrangement is not known, but we have reason
to believe it amounts on an average to about 60,000l. sterling,
annully.

_An Estimate of the Value of Brazil Diamonds_, &c.

The white diamonds of Brazil when they weigh only from four to five
carats, are of equal value with the Oriental ones of the same weight;
but when of a larger size, the latter are much more esteemed, on account
of the fineness of the water.

The Brazil topaz is esteemed the most valuable next to the Oriental one:
it is of a fine yellow, with an orange tint, and takes a very good
polish. This topaz, weighing only one carat, is valued, if perfect, at
six French livres (5s.), and encreases in value according to its weight,
which is determined by the following calculation, as made for the
Oriental topaz. Mr. Dutens esteems the Oriental topaz, when perfect, at
sixteen French livres (13s. 4d.) the first carat. To know the value of
one weighing three or four carats, it is requisite to multiply the one
by the other, and to multiply the product by 16; the same rules to be
observed for topazes of a greater weight; so that an Oriental and
perfect topaz, valued at sixteen livres (13s. 4d.) the first carat,
weighing sixteen grains, or four carats, would be worth two hundred and
fifty-six French livres (10l. 13s. 4d.), whilst a Brazil topaz weighing
likewise four carats, would be only worth ninety-six French livres[55]
(4l.). There is also another sort of topaz in Brazil, of a very
particular nature: it is of a very variable and extraordinary hue, and,
being put into a small crucible, filled with ashes, on a slow fire, and
taken off when the crucible becomes red, loses its yellow orange colour,
and changes to that of the real Balas ruby, the tinge of which is
generally beautiful. This topaz is frequently of a dark, smoky, dirty
yellow, and was very little esteemed till a jeweller by chance
discovered the abovementioned process, which was kept a profound secret,
till Mr. Dumelle, goldsmith and working jeweller, disclosed it to the
Academy of Sciences of Paris, by the means of Mr. Guettard.[56] Many
people are of opinion, that the rubies at present brought from Brazil
are merely topazes, which have undergone the said operation. The fine
crystallization of the Oriental ruby is octoedrical equally with the
diamond. That of Brazil crystallizes in prismes, of unequal planes,
terminating in pyramids, there are likewise other rubies of a rounder
form, owing to their having been rolled in the water. This stone is
supposed to take its red colour from iron. The most esteemed rubies come
from the island of Ceylon, and are thought more valuable than even those
from Pegu. The _rubacelle_, or small ruby, very common in Brazil, is of
a pale red, with a yellow cast; and is the cheapest and least esteemed
of any stones of that description; they, however, take a very good
polish; and the most perfect amongst them are sometimes passed off for
_Balas_ rubies. This last stone may be estimated at thirty French livres
(1l. 5s.) one carat; those of two carats at sixty French livres (2l.
10s.), those of three carats at ninety livres (3l. 15s.), and those of
four carats at one hundred and twenty livres (5l.), &c.

The mines of Brazil also produce emeralds, which are _striated_, and
terminate in an obtuse pyramid. They are found in oblong prismes of 6,
8, 9, 10, and 12 unequal planes; they are of a dark green colour, with a
brownish tinge, and of a very fine water. A fine emerald, weighing a
carat and a half, may be estimated at 5l. sterling: those of two carats
at 10l. sterling; but over and above this weight, the value of the
emerald does not augment in proportion to its size, and even those of
the largest kind, if perfect, are still subject to an arbitrary
valuation.

Brazil produces two sorts of chrysolites; the one nearly resembles in
colour the stone called by the French jewellers Oriental _Peridot_,[57]
except that it is a little darker, and mixed with yellow; this
chrysolite being not so hard as the _peridot_, the polish is not quite
so brilliant. The other Brazil chrysolite is straw coloured, with a
tinge of beautiful green, producing a very fine effect: it is extremely
hard, and takes an excellent polish. These chrysolites, when of an apple
green, or straw colour with a greenish hue, may be estimated at 1l.
sterling the carat: 2l. sterling those of two carats; 3l. sterling those
of three carats; and so on, always at the rate of 1l. the carat.

NOTE.

Since this Work has been in the Press, Mr. Grant's History of Brazil has
been published; and I have much pleasure in remarking, that his account
of the Civil Government, and situation of the Country, is frequently
drawn from the same sources as my own. I flatter myself this truly
estimable author will pardon my taking notice of an error which has
crept into his Work relative to Villegagnon, whom he mentions in the 42d
page of his History as having retired (after his return from Brazil)
into a monastery of his own order, and spent the remainder of his life
in writing against the protestants.[58] The fact is, that there were
never any monasteries for men in the order of Malta, and that
Villegagnon, soon after he came back from his expedition, was named
ambassador from his order to Paris, which post he occupied from 1568 to
1570, when he quitted his embassy on account of ill-health, and died on
the 9th of February (and not in the month of December, as said by
_Léry_), 1571, at his commandery of Beauvais.

FINIS.

R. Juigné, Printer, 17, Margaret-st. Cavendish-sq.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Preface to l'Etat du Portugal, page 17.

[2] Etat du Portugal, p. 267.

[3] In the 37th volume of the philosophical transactions, No. 421,
pages 199 and 201, there is a letter concerning diamonds, lately found
in Brazil, by _Jacob de Castro Sarmento_.

[4] The dominions of Spain are denominated Old and New Spain.

[5] Theodore Godefroy, in his treaty on the origin of the kings of
Portugal.

[6] There is a vulgar tradition relative to don Sebastian, whom
some Portugueze believe to be still alive. This gave rise to lord
Tyrawley's laughable speech of "what can one possibly do with a
nation, one half of which expect the Messiah, and the other half
their king, don Sebastian, who has been dead two hundred years?" This
tradition also caused another piece of pleasantry, which was attended
by very dreadful consequences. The queen of Portugal, standing at the
window, attended by her court, perceived a great water-spout rise
in the air. "Ah!" laughingly exclaimed she, "here is the king, don
Sebastian, returned amongst us." "That cannot be, madam," replied
the counte d'Obydos, one of the first noblemen in Portugal, "since
don Sebastian reigns over us at present;" alluding to don Sebastian
Carvalho, the prime minister. Two hours after this ill-timed jest, the
counte was imprisoned in the dungeon of St. Julian's tower.--(_See
Dumouriez, Etat du Portugal._)

[7] The Dutch and Catalonians.

[8] The first assembly took place on the 12th of October, in the
garden of Antonio d'Almada. The archbishop of Lisbon was not present
at the opening of it, and the conspiracy was in a state of great
forwardness before he made his appearance. Vertot is not always very
accurate in his account of these different assemblies.

[9] d'Acugna.

[10] Don Sebastian de Mattos de Norogna.

[11] Connestagio.

[12] The conspiracy once formed, there was never any question of a
republican government, nor of bestowing the crown on any other than
the duke of Braganza.

[13] Cardinal de Richelieu.

[14] _Ad hæc politicas artes, bonos et malos regiminis dolos,
dominationis arcana, humani latibula ingenii non modò intelligere
mulier, sed et pertractare quoque ac provehere; tam naturâ quam
disciplinâ mirificè instructa fuit._ Caetan. Passar. de Bello Lusitan.

[15] Some authors say this question was asked by Paes, the duke's
secretary.

[16] Sousa de Maceda mentions Almada as the preserver of the
archbishop.

[17] Don Juan da Costa.

[18] Donna Maria de Lancastro spoke to the same purpose, though in
still stronger language, to her two sons, don Ferdinand Teller, and
Antonio Teller de Silva: "Go forth, my sons, go forth and fight for
your country; and be assured, that did not the weakness of my sex
prevent me, I would myself accompany you to the place of action, and
either conquer or perish in so glorious a cause."

[19] Corregedor do Civel.

[20] The king, kneeling down, took the coronation oath, in the
following terms:--

"I here promise and make oath, to rule and govern this kingdom, and to
administer justice to the utmost of my power, with prudence, wisdom,
and moderation; and to maintain the usages, customs, privileges, and
rights of the nation, as they were granted and confirmed by the kings
my predecessors, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy
Ghost!"

The three estates, composed of the nobility, clergy, and people,
then took the oath of allegiance. This ceremony was commenced by the
archbishop of Lisbon:--

"I swear," said he, placing his hand on the new testament, "that I
receive and acknowledge for my true and lawful lord and sovereign, the
high, mighty, and great king, don John the IVth, to whom I pay homage
as such, in the name of the whole body of the clergy." The other
members of the assembly took the same oath.

[21] The king and the three estates took the same oath as had before
been taken at the coronation; and the states-general acknowledged don
Theodosius, the son of the duke of Braganza, as prince of Portugal,
and lawful successor to the crown.

[22] Mello, whom the king of Portugal sent into France on this
occasion, was witty and intelligent; and speaking to the queen of
France, the sister of Philip the IVth, he expressed his fear that his
embassy must be painful to her majesty, since it tended to deprive
the king her brother of a kingdom: to which the queen replied, "It is
indeed a truth that I am the sister of his catholic majesty; but am I
not at the same time the mother of the dauphin?"

The queen, conversing afterwards with different noblemen who
accompanied the ambassador, in the Castilian tongue, Mello took the
liberty of asking why she had not addressed him in the same language?
"From the fear of giving you pain," answered the queen. "That
would have been the case," replied Mello, "had I regarded you as a
Castilian, but as a great queen the effect would have been different."

[23] Olivares was perfectly well acquainted with this _Baëse_, who
having been extremely serviceable to him on different occasions, he
had invested him with the honourable order of Christ. The Portugueze
nobility, offended at seeing the order so degraded, could not help
observing, "that the duke ought either to raise him still higher, or
condemn him to the gallows."

[24] John the IVth was of the middle size, but not very well shaped.
His hair was light, his eyes sparkling, his complexion ruddy and
animated, and his countenance particularly pleasing. He was surnamed
the _fortunate_, but he scarcely ever appeared at the head of his
army; it may therefore be said of him, as Edward the IIId of England
said of the French king Charles the Vth, sirnamed the wise, "that no
monarch ever appeared so seldom in arms, or gained so many victories."

[25] Her _Welch_ uncle, _i. e._ her father's or mother's first cousin.

[26] See Memoirs of Fremont d' Ablancourt.

[27] Memoirs of Fremont d'Ablancourt.

[28] This event was not quite believed to be the effect of chance.

[29] At Cintra, on the 12th of September.

[30] Mr. Ferrand. See Esprit de l'Histoire, tom. IV. p. 181.

[31] L'Art de vérifier les dates.

[32] Henry, marquis de Ruvigny, who acted as general agent to the
protestant nobility in France, went to England on the revocation of
the edict of Nantes, where he was naturalized, and was made earl of
Galway, which title he bore ever afterwards.

James Fitzjames, duke of Berwick, was the natural son of king James
the IId, by Arabella Churchill, the sister of the famous duke of
Marlborough. Montesquieu observes, that the family of Churchill
produced two men, one of whom was destined to _shake_, and the other
to _support_, at the same time, the two greatest monarchies in Europe.

[33] This defeat was partly attributed to the marquis de Frontera and
lord Galway, having refused to admit the French refugees as officers
in the Portugueze regiments, which obliged them to have recourse to
foreign officers, for the regiments of cavalry and dragoons, which had
been newly levied, to recruit the great losses sustained by the army.

[34] This reply calls to remembrance the noble answer made by the
cardinal de Fleury, (when bishop of Fréjus) to the duke of Savoy, who
having passed the Var, at the head of a considerable army, entered
Provence, and tried to induce the bishop to swear allegiance to him.

"Your royal highness," said he, "must be convinced that I shall never
fail in my duty to Louis the Great, my lawful, and only sovereign;
besides it is scarcely worth the pains to acknowledge your royal
highness, for the very short time you will remain in Provence."

This proof of attachment being represented to Louis the XIVth, laid
the foundation of M. de Fleury's future grandeur.

[35] He, however, took care to place a great collection of books in
this convent; but Mafra being four leagues from Lisbon, this library
could be but of little advantage to that city.

[36] Quien de la Neufville, author of a well-written history of
Portugal, being at that time at Lisbon in the suite of the abbé
Mornay, ambassador from France, was consulted on this occasion by his
majesty.

[37] Dumourier's Etat de Portugal.

[38] See Dumourier's Etat de Portugal.

[39] See Dumourier.

[40] In justification of so great an act of severity, the minister
published a work, entitled, _A summary Account of the Conduct and late
Actions of the Jesuits in Paraguay; and their Intrigues in the Court
of Lisbon_.

[41] The minister having strictly examined into the state of the
manufactories, found wanting more than twenty very necessary ones.
Those he afterwards established, of cotton, silk, and glass,
occasioned the most violent disputes between the courts of London and
Lisbon. See the administration of the marquis de Pombal, vols. 2 and 3.

[42] This affair, we well know, has been differently related; but we
prefer following the example of the author of _L'Etat de Portugal_,
and giving the same account of this transaction, which was transmitted
by Monsieur Favier to the court of France.

[43] A house of public entertainment, belonging to the foreign
merchants, who that evening gave a ball in honour of the marriage of
the prime minister's daughter.

[44] These were the terms employed in the warrant for securing their
persons. See _administration of the marquis de Pombal_.

[45] He was condemned as author of two books, the production of a
disordered imagination, which he wrote in the royal prison. The first,
in Portugueze, was entitled, _The Heroic and admirable Life of the
glorious St. Anne_; and the second, written in Latin, was called,
_Tractatus de vitâ et imperio Antichristi_.

[46] The royal edict for the banishment of the Jesuites is dated on
the 3d of September, 1759.

[47] Those who wish to be more particularly informed of the military
operations of this campaign, and the reforms made by the German
prince, count de la Lippe, may consult _L'Etat du Portugal_, _by
Dumourier_.

[48] The king having no male issue, the infanta Mary Frances
Elizabeth, his eldest daughter, born on the 17th of September, 1734,
became, according to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, heir to the
crown. Several foreign princes wished to obtain her hand; but the
king, desirous of pleasing his people, bestowed her on his brother,
don Pedro. See _l'art de vérifier les dates_.

[49] The marquis de Pombal was on the point of going to London, where
a house was already prepared for him; but the queen objected to his
departure, and promised to protect him against the power of his
enemies. On his death she bestowed all his titles and possessions on
his son, together with the commanderies given him by Joseph the Ist.
We are happy to find he has not proved ungrateful, the marquis de
Pombal having attended her majesty to Brazil.

[50] It is a known fact, that the Romans, unable to subdue Viriatus,
caused him to be basely assassinated in the year 140 before Christ;
and that 70 years before the Christian era, Sertorius was killed at
table, by Perpenua.

[51] Etat du Portugal, p. 216.

[52] This slight sketch of the natural history of Brazil, is taken
from _l'Histoire générale des Voyages, par M. de la Harpe_. The letter
P. is the abbreviation of _Pison_, and the Letter M. of _Marcgraf_;
the figures mark the page in the Works of the said authors, entitled
as follows:--_Guill._ _Pisonis de Indiæ utriusque re naturali_,
_Amst. Lud. et Dan. Elzev. in fol._ 1658: _Georg. Marcgravii_, _Hist.
Naturalis Brasiliæ_, _edit. in fol. Lugd. Batav. et Amst._ 1648.

[53] This part of the account of the diamonds of Brazil is taken from
Nicholson's translation of Andrado's Mémoirs, read at the Society of
Natural History, in Paris.

[54] The richest and finest diamond mines, however, are not the
American ones; but are situated in Asia, in the kingdoms of Golconda
and Visiapour, on the shore of the Ganges, in Pegu, and in the island
of Borneo.

[55] According to the above rule, the king of Portugal's diamond,
weighing 11 ounces, 5 gros, 24 carats, would, if perfect be worth
224,500,000l. sterling; but this diamond has many flaws, and is of a
yellowish water.

[56] See Journal Econ. 8 Oct. 1751.

[57] This name is given by the French jewellers to a precious stone
of a yellowish green. Mr. Lehman has given a curious and learned
dissertation on this stone, inserted in the Mem. of the Acad. of
Berlin. See the year 1755, p. 202.

[58] See Bayle's Dictionary.

* * * * *

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

In-Indiæ=> In-Indiæ {pg 290}

Inez de Casto=> Inez de Castro {pg xxiv}

surpise=> surprise {pg xxiv}

Viscu=> Viseu {pg 5}

reigns of government=> reins of government {pg 9}

disuade=> dissuade {pg 11}

conqering=> conquering {pg 13}

enevitably=> inevitably {pg 31}

prefering=> preferring {pg 28}

Peter de Mendoca=> Peter de Mendoça {pg 40, 48}

indispensible=> indispensable {pg 46}

atchieving=> atchieving {pg 49}

citizens=> citizens' {pg 101}

independant=> independent {pg 110}

Estevarn d'Acugna=> Estevan d'Acugna {pg 70}

duke of Braganzá=> duke of Braganza {pg 94}

banished Portugal=> banished from Portugal {pg 118}

fidelity of of a man=> fidelity of a man {pg 144}

Cindad-Real=> Ciudad-Real {pg 146}

ideot=> idiot {pg 167}

for the purchasing a variety=> for the purchasing of a variety {pg 214}

garrsion=> garrison {pg 272}

in in this town=> in this town {pg 276}

particulary=> particularly {pg 293}

are are oblong=> are oblong {pg 306}

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The History of the Revolutions of Portugal" ***

Home