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Title: A Battle Fought on Snow Shoes
Author: Rogers, Mary Cochrane
Language: English
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Rogers' Rock Lake George
March 13, 1758
A Battle Fought
on Snow Shoes
_By_ MARY COCHRANE ROGERS
Great-Great-Granddaughter of
Major Robert Rogers
PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR
DERRY. N. H., 1917
[Illustration: MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS,
_Commander in Chief of the INDIANS in the Back Settlements of_ AMERICA.
Publishd as the Act directs Oct. 3 1776 by The Hart.]
MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS--1731-1795
COPYRIGHT, 1917, BY
MARY COCHRANE ROGERS
_Rogers' Rock_ _Lake George_
_March 13, 1758_
A Battle Fought on
Snow Shoes
_By_ MARY COCHRANE ROGERS
Great-Great-Granddaughter
of Major Robert Rogers
Lake George was frozen and the snow four feet deep in the woods, when on
March 10, 1758, Colonel Haviland, commanding at Fort Edward, sent Major
Rogers with one hundred and eighty men to reconnoitre the French
position at Carillon, or Ticonderoga.
Rogers and his Rangers marched from Fort Edward in snow shoes to the
half-way brook, in the road leading to Lake George, and there encamped
the first night.
On the 11th they proceeded as far as the First Narrows on Lake George
and encamped that evening on the east side of the lake.
At sunrise of the 12th they marched from their encampment. When they had
gone some three miles, the Major saw a dog running across the lake.
Thinking that the Indians might be lying in ambush, he sent a detachment
to reconnoitre the island. None, however, could be seen. To prevent the
enemy from discovering his force, Rogers halted at Sabbath-Day Point, on
the west side of the lake. From the hills he looked northward over the
lake with his perspective glass, but could see no signs of French or
Indians. As soon as it was dark the party advanced down the lake.
Lieutenant Phillips and fifteen men, laying aside their snow shoes and
putting on skates, glided down the lake, as an advanced guard. The main
body, flanked on the left by Ensign Ross, marched under the west shore.
It was a very dark night and the band of rugged foresters kept close
together to prevent separation. In this manner they continued their
silent march close to the mountains fringing the lake until within eight
miles of the French advanced guards, when they were informed by
Lieutenant Phillips, who had hastened back, that a fire had been
discovered in the woods on the east shore.
The Rangers, after hiding their sleighs and packs in a thicket, marched
to attack the enemy's encampment, but when they reached the place no
fires were to be seen. They did not know that the French had discovered
their advanced guard and, putting out their fire, had carried the
intelligence to Ticonderoga. The Rangers then returned to their packs
and there lay the remainder of the night without fire, so that no column
of blue smoke would reveal their hiding place.
At sunrise of the 13th the Rangers left the lake and on snow shoes
struck into the woods on the west side, keeping on the back of the
mountains that overlooked the French advanced guards.
They halted at noon at a point nearly west of the mountain--that from
that day was to bear the name of Rogers--and some two miles from the
French lines. Little did they know what that tragic afternoon held in
store for them. Here they refreshed themselves until 3 o'clock, that the
day scout from the fort might return before they advanced, since the
Major intended at night to ambuscade some of the roads in order to trap
the enemy in the morning.
Once more they began their toilsome march, one division headed by Major
Rogers, the other by Captain Buckley; a rivulet at a small distance was
on their left, and a steep mountain on their right. They kept well to
the mountain, for the Major thought that the enemy would travel on the
ice of the rivulet since it was very bad travelling on snow shoes. When
they had gone a mile and a half a scout from the front told Rogers that
the enemy was approaching on the bed of the frozen stream,--ninety-six
of them--chiefly savages. The Rangers, concealed by the bank of the
rivulet, immediately laid an ambush, gave the first fire and killed
above forty Indians whom they scalped on the spot. The rest retreated,
followed by about one-half of the Rangers, who were exulting over their
victory, only to be suddenly confronted by more than six hundred
Canadians and Indians fresh from Fort Ticonderoga, under Durantaye and
De Langry, French officers of reputation, who were fully prepared to
meet four hundred Rangers, of whose movements they had been apprized
both by the prisoner taken and by the deserter from Putnam's men. Rogers
ordered a retreat, which he gained at the expense of fifty men killed;
the remainder he rallied and drew up in good order. They fought with
such intrepidity and bravery that they obliged the enemy "tho seven to
one in number," to retreat a second time, but Rogers had not sufficient
numbers to follow up the advantage. The enemy then rallied and,
recovering their ground, fought with great tenacity and determination,
but were so warmly received that they were put to rout the third time.
Finding the Rogers party so much inferior to themselves in number, the
enemy again rallied and renewed the fight with vigor for some time. A
body of two hundred Indians were now discovered going up the mountain on
the right in order to gain the rear of the Rangers. Lieutenant Phillips
with eighteen men gained the first possession and beat them back.
Lieutenant Crafton with fifteen men stopped the French on the left from
gaining the other part of the mountain. Two gentlemen volunteers
hastened up and supported him with great bravery. The enemy now pushed
so closely on the front that the combatants were often not twenty yards
apart, and sometimes were mixed together. Lieutenant Phillips,
surrounded by three hundred Indians, surrendered under promise of good
quarter, but a few minutes later he and his whole party were tied to
trees and hacked to death in a most barbarous manner. The savages
maddened, it is said, by the sight of a scalp they found in the
breast of a man's hunting frock, revenged themselves on their victims by
holding up their scalps. The Rangers were now broken and put to flight,
each man for himself, while the Indians, closely pursuing, took several
prisoners.
[Illustration: ROGERS' ROCK]
My great-great-grandfather in his modest narrative does not mention his
own hairbreadth escape. The Rangers, when put to flight, retreated in
the best manner possible. Rogers was singled out by the French; the
Indians, closely pursuing, ran him up the steep mountain then known as
Bald Mountain, since Rogers Rock, to its face, and there on the brow of
the precipice he threw away his knapsack and clothes together with his
commission. There was but one chance for his life, and death was
preferable to capture and torture by the savages.
Slowly the sun is setting over the mountain tops, gilding the lake
below, as down the face of the precipitous rock for more than a thousand
feet he slides in his snow shoes to the frozen lake below, and there,
quickly changing his snow shoes for skates, glides over the vast white
desert. Scarcely had he disappeared from sight when the foremost warrior
reached the cliff sure of his prey--"No Roger!" There were his tracks!
Other warriors came running up to the cliff sure of the prize--Rogers'
scalp--for the enemy dreaded him, and with reason--and gazed upon his
tracks.
Soon a rapidly receding form on the ice below attracted their notice,
and the baffled savages, seeing that the famous Ranger had safely
effected the perilous descent, gave up the chase fully persuaded that
Rogers was under the protection of the Great Spirit. The Indians have a
superstition, that the witches or evil spirits haunt this place, and
seizing upon the spirits of bad Indians, on their way to the happy
hunting grounds, slide down the precipitous cliff with them into the
lake where they are drowned. Atalapose is their word for a sliding
place.
During the one and one-half hours of battle the Rangers lost eight
officers and more than one hundred privates killed on the spot. The
enemy lost one hundred and fifty killed and some one hundred and fifty
wounded, mostly Indians.
Was Colonel Haviland so indifferent and shortsighted as to send Robert
Rogers with his brave Rangers to meet this impossible situation at such
a great loss of life, or was he influenced by improper motives?
Evidently Rogers's suspicions were awakened, for the clause, "but my
commander doubtless had his reasons, and is able to vindicate his own
conduct," is italicized in his journal.
This is what Major General John Stark, the friend and companion of
Rogers says, though not in the engagement, of Colonel Haviland's act:
"This officer was the same who sent him (Rogers) out in March, 1758,
with a small force, when he knew a superior one lay in wait for him. He
was one of those sort of men who manage to escape public censure, let
them do what they will. He ought to have been cashiered for his conduct
on that occasion. He was one of the many British officers who were
meanly jealous of the daring achievements of their brave American
comrades, but for whose intrepidity and arduous services, all the
British armies, sent to America during the seven years' war would have
effected little toward the conquest of Canada."--Memoir of Gen. John
Stark, page 454.
Rogers was saved by a miracle and by his own daring. Thus ended his
brave but unfortunate battle on snow shoes.
General Montcalm in a letter dated less than a month after the
encounter, says: "Our Indians would give no quarter; they have brought
back one hundred and forty-six scalps."
We can not with certainty say what Rogers, at this time twenty-six years
of age, might have done had he had four hundred strong--but there is
every probability that he would have put the enemy to rout.
When I visited this beautiful and romantic region, where one hundred and
fifty years ago, and something more, the famous action took place, my
mind passed in swift review through that notable afternoon when the
Rangers fought one of their most desperate and unequal battles in the
"Old French and Indian War."
In fancy I saw this picturesque body of Rangers, clad in skin and gray
duffle hunting frocks; each man well armed with firelock, hatchet, and
scalping knife, a bullock's horn full of powder hanging under his right
arm by a belt from the left shoulder, and a leathern or seal skin bag,
buckled around his waist, hanging down in front full of bullets and
smaller shot, the size of full grown peas, and in the bottom of my
great-great-grandfather's powder horn a small compass, while the French
officers were clad in bright uniforms and the Indians in true Indian
fashion gaily decorated with war paint.
I seemed to hear this peaceful solitude made hideous with the yells of
the savages.
Behind this bank the Rangers lay in ambush for the Indians and killed
and scalped about forty of them. Here they were confronted by more than
six hundred Canadians and Indians well versed in forest warfare.
In this place the Rangers fought, "seven to one," from behind forest
trees, for this theatre of action retains much of its original character
preserved, improved and owned by Mr. David Williams. The Rogers Rock
property includes the Slide and extends for more than a mile and a half
along the shore of Lake George and some half of a mile back of Rogers
Rock.
For more than an hour and a half this unequal contest raged. The Rangers
after a long toilsome march on snow shoes and having camped three
nights, sleeping in hammocks of spruce boughs, the third and last night
without fire and chilled--the French and Indians fresh from the Fort.
The brave Rangers were fast falling everywhere, and the snow is
crimsoned with their blood. They were the most hardy and resolute young
men New Hampshire and other Colonies could produce, and their
descendants are now filling their places in the world's niches well
to-day.
Here is the trail Rogers followed up the steep mountain to the brow of
the cliff, and there is the rock down which he made his miraculous
escape. As the vision passes one cannot help saying, "ALL HONOR TO THOSE
BRAVE MEN WHO HERE FELL MARCH 13, 1758."
An anecdote which my grandfather used to tell deserves to be mentioned.
While Major Rogers was in garrison at Fort Edward in the winter of
1757-8, two British officers, half seas over, were one evening bemoaning
their country's enormous debt. Rogers, coming in, and hearing the
patriotic bewailing, cried: "Give yourselves no more uneasiness about
the matter, gentlemen, I will pay half of the debt and a friend of mine
the remainder. We will clear the nation at once of her difficulties."
The officers treated the Major and pronounced him the nation's
benefactor. Hence the saying: "To pay one's debts as Rogers did that of
the nation."
A Gentleman of the army, who was a volunteer on this party, and who with
another fell into the hands of the French, wrote the following letter,
some time after, to the officer commanding the regiment they belonged to
at Fort Edward.
Carillon, March 28, 1758.
"Dear Sir,
"As a flag of truce is daily expected here with an answer to
Monsieur Vaudreuil, I sit down to write the moment I am
able, in order to have a letter ready, as no doubt you and
our friends at Fort Edward are anxious to be informed about
Mr. ---- and me, whom probably you have reckoned amongst the
slain in our unfortunate rencontre of the 13th, concerning
which at present I shall not be particular; only to do this
justice to those who lost their lives there, and to those
who have escaped, to assure you, Sir, that such dispositions
were formed by the enemy (who discovered us long before), it
was impossible for a party so weak as ours to hope for even
a retreat. Towards the conclusion of the affair, it was
cried from a rising ground on our right, to retire there;
where, after scrambling with difficulty, as I was
unaccustomed to snow-shoes, I found Capt. Rogers, and told
him that I saw to retire further was impossible, therefore
earnestly begged we might collect all the men left, and make
a stand there. Mr. ----, who was with him, was of my
opinion, and Capt. Rogers also; who therefore desired me to
maintain one side of the hill, whilst he defended the other.
Our parties did not exceed above ten or twelve in each, and
mine was shifting towards the mountain, leaving me unable to
defend my post, or to labour with them up the hill. In the
meantime, Capt. Rogers with his party came to me, and said
(as did those with him) that a large body of Indians had
ascended to our right; he likewise added, what was true,
that the combat was very unequal, that I must retire, and he
would give Mr. ---- and me a Serjeant to conduct us thro'
the mountain. No doubt prudence required us to accept his
offer; but, besides one of my snow-shoes being untied, I
knew myself unable to march as fast as was requisite to
avoid becoming a sacrifice to an enemy we could no longer
oppose; I therefore begged of him to proceed, and then
leaned against a rock in the path, determined to submit to a
fate I thought unavoidable. Unfortunately for Mr. ---- his
snow-shoes were loosened likewise, which obliged him to
determine with me, not to labour in a flight we were both
unequal to. Every instant we expected the savages; but what
induced them to quit this path, in which we actually saw
them, we are ignorant of, unless they changed it for a
shorter, to intercept those who had just left us. By their
noise, and making a fire, we imagined they had got the rum
in the Rangers' packs. This thought, with the approach of
night, gave us the first hopes of retiring; and when the
moon arose, we marched to the southward along the mountains
about three hours, which brought us to ice, and gave us
reason to hope our difficulties were almost past; but we
knew not we had enemies yet to combat with, more cruel than
the savages we had escaped. We marched all night, and on the
morning of the 14th found ourselves entirely unacquainted
with the ice. Here we saw a man, who came towards us; he was
the servant of Capt. Rogers, with whom he had been often
times all over the country, and, without the least
hesitation whatsoever, he informed us we were upon
South-Bay; that Wood-Creek was just before us; that he knew
the way to Fort Anne extremely well, and would take us to
Fort Edward the next day. Notwithstanding we were
disappointed in our hopes of being upon Lake George, we
thought ourselves fortunate in meeting such a guide, to whom
we gave entire confidence, and which he in fact confirmed,
by bringing us to a creek, where he shewed the tracks of
Indians, and the path he said they had taken to Fort Anne.
After struggling thro' the snow some hours, we were obliged
to halt to make snow-shoes, as Mr. ---- and the guide had
left theirs at arriving upon the ice. Here we remained all
night, without any blankets, no coat, and but a single
waistcoat each, for I gave one of mine to Mr. ----, who had
laid aside his green jacket in the field, as I did likewise
my furred cap, which became a mark to the enemy, and
probably was the cause of a slight wound in my face; so that
I had but a silk handkerchief on my head, and our fire
could not be large, as we had nothing to cut wood with.
Before morning we contrived, with forked sticks and strings
of leather, a sort of snow-shoes, to prevent sinking
entirely; and, on the 15th, followed our guide west all day,
but he did not fulfil his promise; however the next day it
was impossible to fail: but even then, the 16th, he was
unsuccessful; yet still we were patient, because he seemed
well acquainted with the way, for he gave every mountain a
name, and shewed us several places, where he said his master
had either killed deer or encamped. The ground, or rather
the want of sunshine, made us incline to the southward, from
whence by accident we saw ice, at several miles distance, to
the south-east. I was very certain, that, after marching two
days west of South Bay, Lake George could not lie south-east
from us, and therefore concluded this to be the upper end of
the bay we had left. For this reason, together with the
assurances of our guide, I advised continuing our course to
the west, which must shortly strike Fort Anne, or some other
place that we knew. But Mr. ---- wished to be upon ice at
any rate; he was unable to continue in the snow, for the
difficulties of our march had overcome him. And really, Sir,
was I to be minute in those we had experienced already and
afterwards, they would almost be as tiresome to you to read,
as they were to us to suffer.
[Illustration:
-BALDWIN COOLIDGE, PHOT.17528
MRS. ROBERT ROGERS (Elizabeth Browne)
Photograph of the portrait of Mrs. Robert Rogers, in her
bridal gown, painted by Blackburn in 1761. She was married
to Major Robert Rogers, by her father, the Rev. Arthur
Browne, Rector of Queen's Chapel, in Portsmouth, N. H., June
30, 1761, at the age of twenty years]
"Our snow-shoes breaking, and sinking to our middle every
fifty paces, the scrambling up mountains, and across fallen
timber, our nights without sleep or covering, and but little
fire, gathered with great fatigue, our sustenance mostly
water, and the bark and berries of trees; for all our
provisions from the beginning was only a small Bologna
sausage, and a little ginger, I happened to have, and which
even now was very much decreased; so that I knew not how to
oppose Mr. ----'s intreaties; but as our guide still
persisted Fort Anne was near, we concluded to search a
little longer, and if we made no discovery to proceed next
day towards the ice; but we sought in vain, as did our guide
the next morning, tho' he returned, confidently asserting he
had discoverd fresh proofs, that the fort could not be far
off. I confess I was still inclined to follow him, for I was
almost certain the best we could hope from descending upon
this ice to our left, was to throw ourselves into the hands
of the French, and perhaps not be able to effect even that;
but, from the circumstances I have mentioned, it was a point
I must yield to, which I did with great reluctancy. The
whole day of the 17th we marched a dreadful road, between
the mountains, with but one good snow-shoe each, the other
of our own making being almost useless. The 18th brought us
to the ice, which tho' we longed to arrive at, yet I still
dreaded the consequence, and with reason, for the first
sight informed us, it was the very place we had left five
days before. Here I must own my resolution almost failed me;
when fatigue, cold, hunger, and even the prospect of
perishing in the woods attended us, I still had hopes, and
still gave encouragement, but now I wanted it myself; we had
no resource but to throw ourselves into the enemy's hands,
or perish. We had nothing to eat, our slender stock had been
equally shared amongst us three, and we were not so
fortunate as even to see either bird or beast to shoot at.
When our first thoughts were a little calmed, we conceived
hopes, that, if we appeared before the French fort, with a
white flag, the commanding officer would relieve and return
us to Fort Edward. This served to palliate our nearest
approach to despair, and determined a resolution, where, in
fact, we had no choice. I knew Carillon had an extensive
view up South Bay, therefore we concluded to halt during the
evening, and march in the night, that we might approach it
in the morning, besides the wind pierced us like a sword;
but instead of its abating it increased, together with a
freezing rain, that incrusted us entirely with ice, and
obliged us to remain until morning, the 19th, when we
fortunately got some juniper berries, which revived, gave us
spirits, and I thought strength. We were both so firmly of
that opinion, that we proposed taking the advantage of its
being a dark snowy day, to approach Carillon, to pass it in
the night, and get upon Lake George. With difficulty we
persuaded the guide to be of our opinion, we promised large
rewards in vain, until I assured him of provisions hid upon
the lake; but we little considered how much nature was
exhausted, and how unequal we were to the task; however, a
few miles convinced us; we were soon midway up our legs in
the newfallen snow; it drove full in our faces, and was as
dark as the fogs upon the banks of Newfoundland. Our
strength and our hopes sunk together, nay, even those of
reaching Carillon were doubtful, but we must proceed or
perish. As it cleared up a little, we laboured to see the
fort, which at every turn we expected, until we came to
where the ice was gone, and the water narrow. This did not
agree with my idea of South Bay, but it was no time for
reflection; we quitted the ice to the left, and after
marching two miles, our guide assured us we ought to be on
the other side of the water. This was a very distressing
circumstance, yet we returned to the ice and passed to the
right, where, after struggling through the snow, about four
miles, and breaking in every second step, as we had no
snow-shoes, we were stopped by a large water-fall. Here I
was again astonished with appearances, but nothing now was
to be thought of only reaching the fort before night; yet to
pass this place seemed impracticable; however, I attempted
to ford it a little higher, and had almost gained the
opposite shore, where the depth of the water, which was up
to my breast and the rapidity of the stream, hurried me off
the slippery rocks, and plunged me entirely in the waters. I
was obliged to quit my fuzee, and with great difficulty
escaped being carried down the fall. Mr. ----, who followed
me, and the guide, though they held by one another, suffered
the same fate; but the hopes of soon reaching a fire made us
think lightly of this: as night approached, we laboured
excessively through the snow; we were certain the fort was
not far from us, but our guide confessed, for the first
time, that he was at a loss. Here we plainly observed that
his brain was affected: he saw Indians all around him, and
though we have since learned we had every thing to fear from
them, yet it was a danger we did not now attend to; nay, we
shouted aloud several times to give information we were
there; but we could neither hear nor see any body to lead us
right, or more likely to destroy us, and if we halted a
minute we became pillars of ice; so that we resolved, as it
froze so hard, to make a fire, although the danger was
apparent. Accidentally we had one dry cartridge, and in
trying with my pistol if it would flash a little of the
powder, Mr. ---- unfortunately held the cartridge too near,
by which it took fire, blew up in our faces, almost blinded
him, and gave excessive pain. This indeed promised to be the
last stroke of fortune, as our hopes of a fire were now no
more; but although we were not anxious about life, we knew
it was more becoming to oppose than yield to this last
misfortune. We made a path round a tree, and there exercised
all the night, though scarcely able to stand, or prevent
each other from sleeping. Our guide, notwithstanding
repeated cautions, straggled from us, where he sat down and
died immediately. On the morning of the 20th, we saw the
fort, which we approached with a white flag: the officers
run violently towards us, and saved us from a danger we did
not then apprehend; for we are informed, that if the
Indians, who were close after them, had seized us first, it
would not have been in the power of the French to have
prevented our being hurried to their camp, and perhaps to
Montreal the next day, or killed for not being able to
march. Mons. Debecourt[1] and all his officers treat us with
humanity and politeness, and are solicitous in our recovery,
which returns slowly, as you may imagine, from all these
difficulties; and though I have omitted many, yet I am
afraid you will think me too prolix; but we wish, Sir, to
persuade you of a truth, that nothing but the situation I
have faithfully described could determine us in a resolution
which appeared only one degree preferable to perishing in
the woods.
"I shall make no comments upon these distresses; the
malicious perhaps will say, which is very true, we brought
them upon ourselves; but let them not wantonly add, we
deserved them because we were unsuccessful. They must allow
we could not be led abroad, at such a season of snow and
ice, for amusement, or by an idle curiosity. I gave you,
Sir, my reasons for asking leave, which you were pleased to
approve, and I hope will defend them; and the fame would
make me again, as a volunteer, experience the chance of war
to-morrow, had I an opportunity. These are Mr. ----'s
sentiments as well as mine; and we both know you, Sir, too
well, to harbour the least doubt of receiving justice with
regard to our conduct in this affair, or our promotion in
the regiment; the prospect of not joining that so soon as we
flattered ourselves has depressed our spirits to the lowest
degree, so that we earnestly beg you will be solicitous with
the General to have us restored as soon as possible, or at
least to prevent our being sent to France, and separated
from you, perhaps, during the war.
"I have but one thing more to add, which we learned here,
and which perhaps you have already observed from what I have
said, that we were upon no other ice than that of Lake
George; but by the day overtaking us, the morning of the
14th, in the very place we had, in coming, marched during
the night, we were entirely unacquainted with it, and
obliged to put a confidence in this guide, whose head must
have been astray from the beginning, or he could not so
grossly have mistaken a place where he had so often been.
This information but added to our distress, until we
reflected that our not being entirely lost was the more
wonderful. That we had parted from South Bay on the 14th,
was a point with us beyond all doubt, and about which we
never once hesitated, so that we acted entirely contrary to
what we had established as a truth; for if, according to
that, we had continued our course to the west, we must
inevitably have perished; but the hand of Providence led us
back contrary to our judgment; and though even then, and
often afterwards, we thought it severe, yet in the end it
saved us, and obliged us to rest satisfied that we construed
many things unfortunate, which tended to our preservation. I
am, &c."
Journals of Major Robert Rogers, p. 90-102. (London) 1765.
EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS (Dublin),
1769, pages 69-81.
"By his Excellency John Earl of Loudoun, Lord Machline and
Tairenseen, &c., &c., &c., one of the sixteen peers of
Scotland, Governor and Captain General of Virginia, and Vice
Admiral of the same, Colonel of the 13th Regiment of foot,
Colonel in chief of the Royal American regiment, Major
General and Commander in Chief of all his Majesty's forces,
raised or to be raised in North-America:
"Whereas I have this day thought proper to augment the
Rangers with five additional companies, that is, four New
England and one Indian company, to be forthwith raised and
employed in his Majesty's service; and whereas I have an
entire confidence in your skill and knowledge, of the men
most fit for that service; I do therefore by these presents
appoint you to raise such a number of non-commission
officers and private men as will be necessary to compleat
the said five companies, upon the following establishment,
viz. each company to consist of one Captain, two
Lieutenants, one Ensign, four Serjeants and 100 privates.
The officers to have British pay, that is, the same as an
officer of the like rank in his Majesty's regular forces;
the Serjeants 4s. New York currency per day, and the private
men 2s. 6d currency per day. And the better to enable you to
make this levy of men, you shall have one month's pay for
each of the said five companies advanced to you; upon these
conditions, that, out of the first warrants that shall
hereafter be granted for the subsistence of these companies,
shall be deducted the said month's pay now advanced. Your
men to find their own arms, which must be such as upon
examination, shall be found fit, and be approved of. They
are likewise to provide themselves with good warm cloathing,
which must be uniform in every company, and likewise with
good warm blankets. And the company of Indians to be dressed
in all respects in the true Indian fashion, and they are all
to be subject to the rules and articles of war. You will
forthwith acquaint the officers appointed to these
companies, that they are immediately to set out on the
recruiting service, and you will not fail to instruct them
that they are not to inlist any man for a less term than one
year, nor any but what are able-bodied, well acquainted with
the woods, used to hunting, and every way qualified for the
Ranging service. You are also to observe that the number of
men requisite to compleat the said five companies, are all
to be at Fort Edward on or before the 15th day of March next
ensuing, and those that shall come by way of Albany are to
be mustered there by the officer commanding, as shall those
who go strait to Fort Edward by the officer commanding
there. Given under my hand, at New York, the 11th day of
January, 1758.
By his Excellency's command, Loudoun.
To Capt
Robert Rogers. J. Appy."
In pursuance of the above instructions I immediately sent officers into
the New England provinces, where, by the assistance of my friends, the
requested augmentation of Rangers was quickly compleated, the whole five
companies being ready for service by the 4th of March.
Four of these companies were sent to Louisburg to join General Amherst,
and one joined the corps under my command; and tho' I was at the whole
expence of raising the five companies, I never got the least allowance
for it, and one of the captains dying, to whom I had delivered a
thousand dollars as advance pay for his company, which, agreeable to the
instructions I received, had a right to do; yet was I obliged to
account with the government for this money, and entirely lost every
penny of it. It has already been mentioned, that the garrison at Fort
Edward, was this winter under the command of Lieut. Col. Haviland. This
gentleman, about the 28th of February, ordered out a scout under the
direction of one Putnam, Captain of a company of one of the Connecticut
provincial regiments, with some of my men, given out publickly at the
same time, that, upon Putnam's return, I should be sent to the French
forts with a strong party of 400 Rangers.
This was known not only to all the officers, but soldiers also, at Fort
Edward before Putnam's departure.
While this party was out, a servant of Mr. Best, a sutler to the
Rangers, was captivated by a flying party of the enemy from Ticonderoga;
unfortunately too, one of Putnam's men had left him at Lake George, and
deserted to the enemy. Upon Captain Putnam's return, we were informed he
had ventured within eight miles of the French fort at Ticonderoga, and
that a party he had sent to make discoveries had reported to him, that
there were near 600 Indians not far from the enemy's quarters.
March 10, 1758. Soon after the said Captain Putnam's return, in
consequence of positive orders from Col. Haviland, I this day began a
march from Fort Edward for the neighbourhood of Carillon, not with a
party of 400 men, as at first given out, but of 180 men only, officers
included, one Captain, one Lieutenant, and one Ensign, and three
volunteers, viz. Mess. Creed, Kent and Wrightson, one serjeant, and one
private, all of the 27th regiment; and a detachment from the four
companies of Rangers, quartered on the island near Fort Edward, viz.
Capt. Buckley, Lieutenants Philips, Moore, Crafton, Campbell, and
Pottinger; Ensigns Ross, Wait, M'Donald, and White, and 162 private men.
I acknowledge I entered upon this service, and viewed this small
detachment of brave men march out, with no little concern and uneasiness
of mind; for, as there was the greatest reason to suspect, that the
French were, by the prisoner and deserter above mentioned, fully
informed of the design of sending me out upon Putnam's return: what
could I think to see my party, instead of being strengthened and
augmented, reduced to less than one half the number at first proposed? I
must confess it appeared to me (ignorant and unskilled as I then was in
politicks and the art of war) incomprehensible; _but my commander
doubtless had his reasons, and is able to vindicate his own conduct_. We
marched to the half-way brook, in the road leading to Lake George, and
there encamped the first night.
The 11th we proceeded as far as the first Narrows on Lake George, and
encamped that evening on the east-side of the lake; and after dark, I
sent a party three miles further down, to see if the enemy might be
coming towards our forts, but they returned without discovering any. We
were, however, on our guard, and kept parties walking on the lake all
night, besides centries at all necessary places on the land.
The 12th we marched from our encampment at sunrise, and having distanced
it about three miles, I saw a dog running across the lake, whereupon I
sent a detachment to reconnoitre the island, thinking the Indians might
have laid in ambush there for us; but no such could be discovered; upon
which I thought it expedient to put to shore and lay by till night, to
prevent any party from descrying us on the lake, from hills, or
otherwise. We halted at a place called Sabbath-day Point, on the
west-side of the lake, and sent our parties to look down the lake with
perspective glasses, which we had for that purpose. As soon as it was
dark we proceeded down the lake. I sent Lieutenant Phillips with
fifteen men, as an advanced guard, some of whom went before him on
scates, while Ensign Ross flanked us on the left under the west-shore,
near which we kept the main body, marching as close as possible, to
prevent separation, it being a very dark night. In this manner we
continued our march till within eight miles of the French advanced
guards, when Lieutenant Phillips sent a man on scates back to me, to
desire me to halt; upon which I ordered my men to squat down upon the
ice. Mr. Phillips soon came to me himself, leaving his party to look
out, and said, he imagined he had discovered a fire[2] on the
east-shore, but was not certain; upon which I sent with him Ensign
White, to make further discovery. In about an hour they returned, fully
persuaded that a party of the enemy was encamped there. I then called in
the advanced guard, and flanking party, and marched on to the
west-shore, where, in a thicket, we hid our sleys and packs, leaving a
small guard with them, and with the remainder I marched to attack the
enemy's encampment, if there was any; but when we came near the place,
no fires were to be seen, which made us conclude that we had mistaken
some bleach patches of snow, or pieces of rotten wood, for fire (which
in the night, at a distances resembles it) whereupon we returned to our
packs, and there lay the remainder of the night without fire.
The 13th, in the morning, I deliberated with the officers how to
proceed, who were unanimously of opinion, that it was best to go by land
in snow-shoes, lest the enemy should discover us on the lake; we
accordingly continued our march on the west-side, keeping on the back of
the mountains that overlooked the French advanced guards. At twelve of
the clock we halted two miles west of those guards, and there refreshed
ourselves till three, that the day-scout from the fort might be returned
home before we advanced; intending at night to ambuscade some of their
roads, in order to trepan them in the morning. We then marched in two
divisions, the one headed by Captain Buckley, the other by myself:
Ensigns White and Wait had the rear-guard, the other officers were
posted properly in each division, having a rivulet at a small distance
on our left, and a steep mountain on our right. We kept close to the
mountain, that the advanced guard might better observe the rivulet, on
the ice of which I imagined they would travel it out, as the snow was
four feet deep, and very bad traveling on snow-shoes.
In this manner we marched a mile and an half, when our advanced guard
informed me of the enemy being in their view; and soon after, that they
had ascertained their number to be ninety-six, chiefly Indians.
We immediately laid down our packs, and prepared for battle, supposing
these to be the whole number or main body of the enemy, who were
marching on our left up the rivulet, upon the ice. I ordered Ensign
M'Donald to the command of the advanced guard, which, as we faced to the
left made a flanking party to our right. We marched to within a few
yards of the bank, which was higher than the ground we occupied; and
observing the ground gradually to descend from the bank of the rivulet
to the foot of the mountain, we extended our party along the bank, far
enough to command the whole of the enemy's at once; we waited till their
front was nearly opposite to our left wing, when I fired a gun, as a
signal for a general discharge upon them, whereupon we gave them the
first fire, which killed above forty Indians; the rest retreated, and
were pursued by about one half of our people. I now imagined the enemy
totally defeated, and ordered Ensign M'Donald to head the flying
remains of them, that none might escape; but we soon found our mistake,
and that the party we had attacked were only their advanced guard, their
main body coming up, consisting of 600 more, Canadians and Indians; upon
which I ordered our people to retreat to their own ground, which we
gained at the expence of fifty men killed; the remainder I rallied, and
drew up in pretty good order, where they fought with such intrepidity
and bravery as obliged the enemy (tho' seven to one in number) to
retreat a second time; but we, not being in a condition to pursue them,
they rallied again, and recovered their ground, and warmly pushed us in
front and both wings, while the mountain defended our rear; but they
were so warmly received, that their flanking parties soon retreated to
their main body with considerable loss. This threw the whole again into
disorder, and they retreated a third time; but our number being now too
far reduced to take advantage of their disorder, they rallied again, and
made a fresh attack upon us. About this time we discovered 200 Indians
going up the mountain on our right, as we supposed, to get possession of
the rising ground, and attack our rear; to prevent which I sent
Lieutenant Phillips, with eighteen men, to gain the first possession,
and beat them back; which he did, and being suspicious that the enemy
would go round on our left, and take possession of the other part of the
hill, I sent Lieutenant Crafton, with fifteen men, to prevent them
there; and soon after desired two Gentlemen, who were there, volunteers
in the party,[3] with a few men, to go and support him, which they did
with great bravery.
The enemy pushed us so close in front, that the parties were not more
than twenty yards asunder in general, and sometimes intermixed with each
other. The fire continued almost constant for an hour and a half from
the beginning of the attack, in which time we lost eight officers, and
more than 100 private men killed on the spot. We were at last obliged to
break, and I with about twenty men ran up the hill to Phillips and
Crafton, where we stopped and fired on the Indians who were eagerly
pushing us, with numbers that we could not withstand. Lieutenant
Phillips being surrounded by 300 Indians, was at this time capitulating
for himself and party, on the other part of the hill. He spoke to me,
and said if the enemy would give them good quarters, he thought it best
to surrender, otherwise that he would fight while he had one man left to
fire a gun.[4]
I now thought it most prudent to retreat, and bring off with me as many
of my party as I possibly could, which I immediately did; the Indians,
closely pursuing us at the same time, took several prisoners. We came to
Lake George in the evening, where we found several wounded men, whom we
took with us to the place where we had left our sleds, from whence I
sent an express to Fort Edward, desiring Mr. Haviland to send a party to
meet us, and assist us in bringing in the wounded; with the remainder I
tarried there the whole night, without fire or blankets, and in the
morning we proceeded up the lake, and met with Captain Stark at Hoop
Island, six miles north from Fort William-Henry, and encamped there that
night; the next day being the 15th, in the evening, we arrived at Fort
Edward.
The number of the enemy was about 700, 600 of which were Indians. By the
best accounts we could get, we killed 150 of them, and wounded as many
more. I will not pretend to determine what we should have done had we
been 400 or more strong; but this I am obliged to say of those brave men
who attended me (most of whom are now no more) both officers and
soldiers in their respective stations behaved with uncommon resolution
and courage; nor do I know an instance during the whole action in which
I can justly impeach the prudence or good conduct of any one of them.
The following is a LIST of the Killed, Missing, &c.
The Captain and Lieutenant of His Majesty's regular troops, volunteers
in this party, were taken prisoners; the Ensign, another volunteer of
the same corps, was killed, as were two volunteers, and a Serjeant of
the said corps, and one private.
Of Capt. Rogers's Company,
Lieut. Moore Killed.
Serjeant Parnell Ditto.
Thirty-six privates Ditto.
Of Capt. Shepherd's Company,
Two Serjeants
Sixteen privates
Of Capt. James Rogers's Company,
Ensign M'Donald Killed.
Of Capt. John Starks's Company,
Two Serjeants Killed.
Fourteen privates Ditto.
Of Capt. Bulkley's Company,
Capt. Bulkley Killed.
Lieut. Pottinger Ditto.
Ensign White Ditto.
Forty-seven privates K. and Miss.
Of Capt. William Stark's Company,
Ensign Ross Killed.
Of Capt. Brewer's Company,
Lieut. Campbell Killed.
MUSTER ROLL OF CAPTAIN CHARLES BULKELEY'S COMPANY OF RANGERS
The author found this muster-roll, with other valuable papers, in an old
tea-chest in the attic of a colonial house at Littleton, Mass., now
owned by a collateral descendant of Capt. Bulkeley. In this house Major
Robert Rogers and his officers once spent the night, while the privates
were quartered in the church near by.
Captain Bulkeley served first in Phineas Osgood's Company in their
expedition to Nova Scotia, and later in Robert Rogers's Rangers. He was
killed by the Indians near Rogers Rock, on Lake George, on March 13,
1758, and forty-seven of his men with him.
This muster-roll of Captain Bulkeley's company, and other lists which I
shall include in a larger work, are the only lists of Rogers's Rangers
known to exist.
"A MUSTER ROLL OF CAPT. CHAS. BULKELEY'S COMPANY OF RANGERS FROM THE
24TH DAY OF JUNE TO THE 24TH DAY OF AUGUST, 1757, BOTH DAYS INCLUSIVE."
Until what
Time of Time in the Total No.
Men's Names Quality Entrance Service of Days
Chas. Bulkeley Capt. June 24 Aug. 24 62
Jam. Rogers Lieut. June 24 Aug. 24 62
Thos. Cunningham " June 24 July 16 31
Henry Phillips Ensign " " Aug. 7 45
Henry Phillips Lieut. Aug. 8 " 24 17
Wm. Morris Ensign " " " " 17
Oliver Bates Serg't June 24 " " 62
Jonas Warren " " " " " 62
John Dinsmore " " " " " 62
Alexander Robb " " " " " 62
David Anthony Priv. " " " " "
Boaz Brown " " " " " "
Boston Burns " " " " " "
Benj. Bridge " " " " " "
Judah Bill " " " " " "
Rob't Campbell " " " " " "
Solomon Crosby " " " " " "
Dan'l Conally " " " " " "
Philip Clim " " " " " "
Abram Clark " " " " " "
Sam'l Clark " " " " " "
Sam'l Cunningham " " " " " "
Sam'l Crosby " " " " " "
Thos. Clish " " " " " "
James Coleman " " " " " "
Christopher Conally " " " " " "
Phineas Douglas " " " " " "
Hendrick Dawson " " " " " "
Sam'l Douglass " " " " " "
Jonathan Danforth " " " " " "
Joshua Dutton " " " " " "
Jonathan Edmunds " " " " " "
Zachariah Fitch " " " " " "
Wm. Fitch " " " " " "
Matthias Farnsworth " " " " " "
Joseph Flagg " " " " " "
John Flagg " " " " " "
Sam'l Gold " " " " " "
Jonathan Gates " " " " " "
Jonathan Hodgkins " " " " " "
Chas. Hans " " " " " "
Solomon Hartwell " " " " " "
Amaziah Hildreth " " " " " "
Dan'l Hartwell " " " " " "
Francis Hartwell " " " " " "
Thos. Hewit " " " " " "
John Hewit " " " " " "
Joseph Kidder " " " " " "
John Lessly " " " " " "
Francis Leighton " " " " " "
Nicholas Lin " " " " " "
Abel Lawrence " " " " " "
Wm. McGee " " " " " "
Abram Munroe " " " " " "
John Middleton " " " " " "
Rob't McNee " " " " " "
Alexander McCally " " " " " "
John McKalley " " " " " "
Andrew Notgrass " " " " " "
James Nichols " " " " " "
Wm. Pool " " " " " "
John Phillips " " " " " "
Wm. Prentice " " " " " "
Jonah Prentice " " " " " "
Patrick Rogers " " " " " "
Nathan Robbins " " " " " "
Sam'l Rice " " " " " "
Elezar Stearns " " " " " "
Benj. Spaulding " " " " " "
Aaron Smith " " " " " "
Philip Stewart " " " " " "
James Stuart " " " " " "
Hendrick Sixbury " " " " " "
Nathan Simonds " " " " " "
Wm. Smith " " " " " "
Alexander Scott " " " " " "
John Stuart " " " " " "
Isaac Southward " " " " " "
Wm. Taylor " " " " " "
John Trull " " " " " "
Nathan Taylor " " " " " "
David Vanderheyden " " " " " "
Solomon Wallace " " " " " "
David Wallace " " "
Elijah Willson " " "
Wm. Willson " " "
Wm. Crosby " " " Died Aug. 2
Wm. Glenny " " " " " 10
James Glenny " " " " " 13
Ephraim Kellock " " " " July 24
Wm. McClellan " " " " " 30
Nathan Munroe " " " " Aug. 5
Peter Martin " " " " July 18
Richard Russell " " " " " 28
Other names of Rangers found in account book of Captain Chas.
Bulkeley's:
Wm. Annis
Sam'l Britton
Eliab Bewer--Ensign
A. R. A. Cutter, Dr.
Michael Conally
Daniel Dwyer
Thomas Farmer
Amasa Gilson
George Shur
William Swan
William Stewart
William Stark--Lieut.
Abiel Smith
Elnathan Sherwin
David Willis
James White--Ensign
Jacob Emerson
Ebenezer Kimball
Mr. Rolfs
John Rossiers
Robert Lottridges
Graham & Comp
Capt. Burbank
Capt. Sheperd
Thos. & Benj^n Forseys
Copy of a Receipt, dated "Halifax, 10th Aug, 1757."
Rec'd Of Capt. Chas. Bulkeley three hundred Spanish Mil'd
Dollars for inlisting Recruits into His Majesty's Company of
Rangers, commanded by said Charles Bulkeley at ten Dollars
Each Recruit and to appear with Said Recruit at Albany in ye
Province of New York in Sixty days from the above date, or
to return the above s'd Dollars to Said Bulkeley on Demand.
James Rogers.
Lieut. Rogers returned in October, 1757, with the following recruits:
Dan'l Addleton
Hugh Anderson
Thomas Burnside
Benj. Brown
Nathan Chapman
John Cahail
Wm. Curtis
John Collins
John Craige
Edward Costalow
Eb^n Cymbal
John Cumings
Will^m Devine
Benj. Darling
Matthew Dickey
Isaac Day (Harvard)
Dan'l Dickinson
Jacob Emerson
James Faulkiner
Edward Logan
Chas. McCoy
Dan'l Murfey
John Mater
Morris Obrien
John Rogers
John Sparrow
George Soper
Benj^n Scott
Jer. Swan
Oliver Spalding
Will^m Scott (Petersburough)
Ebenezar Sherwin
Sam'l Stinson
Wm. Stuard
John Spraguer
Will^m Scott
Abram Scott
Nath^{ll} Taylor
Leonard Taylor
Jno. Thompson--enlisted Albany
Daniel Ware
LIST OF PERSONS IN CAPTIVITY.
The names in italics are those of the captives.
TAKEN IN MAJOR ROGERS' FIGHT, NEAR TICONDEROGA. MARCH 13, 1758.
_Joshua Conkey_, son of John; _Aaron Smith, Jr._, son of Aaron; _Andrew
Lovejoy_; _Jacob Bacon_; _Phineas Wheeler_, son of Sam'l; _Boaz Brown_,
son of Thomas; _William Prentice_, son of John; _John Hunter, Jr._, son
of John; Joseph Blanchard aplt. for _David Wallis_, _John Stewart_,
_William Willson_, _Robert Nae_, _Charles McBay_; Sarah Clark aplt. for
_Samuel Clarke_, _Leonard Taylor_, _Wm. Wilson_; _Matthew Spencer_, son
of Sarah, taken March; _Wm. Prentice_, 2d time; _Charles McKay_,
Peterboro', N. H., aplt. John McKay.
MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS 1731-1795
Robert Rogers was the son of James and Mary McFatridge Rogers. He was
born in Methuen, Massachusetts, on November 7, 1731. Early in the spring
of 1739 James Rogers, with his family, moved from Methuen, to the
wilderness of the township now known as Dunbarton, New Hampshire. He
named the rich green meadowland and upland, 2190 acres, where he
settled, "Munterloney," for a place where he had once lived in Ireland,
a mountainous district in Counties Derry and Tyrone.
Robert thus speaks of the years passed here in "Mountalona":
"It would perhaps gratify the curious to have a particular
account of my life, preceding the war; but though I could
easily indulge them herein, without any dishonour to myself,
yet I beg they will be content with my relating only such
circumstances and occurrences as led me to a knowledge of
many parts of the country, and tended in some measure to
qualify me for the service I have since been employed in.
Such, in particular, was the situation of the place in which
I received my early education, a frontier town in the
province of New Hampshire, where, I could hardly avoid
obtaining some knowledge of the manners, customs, and
language of the Indians, as many of them resided in the
neighborhood and daily conversed and dealt with the English.
"Between the years 1743 and 1755 my manner of life was such
as led me to a general acquaintance both with the British
and French settlements in North America, and especially with
the uncultivated desart, the mountains, valleys, rivers,
lakes and several passes that lay between and contiguous to
the said settlements. Nor did I content myself with the
accounts received from Indians or the information of hunters
but travelled over large tracts of the country myself, which
tended not more to gratify my curiosity, than to inure me to
hardships, and, without vanity, I may say, to qualify me for
the very service I have since been employed in."
--Rogers' Journals, Introduction. Dublin, 1769.
Robert Rogers was six feet in height, a well-formed, fine looking man,
with fine manners and magnetic presence. He was one of the most athletic
men of his time, well known in all trials of strength or skill. General
Stark used to say of him, that for presence of mind in time of danger,
he was unsurpassed.
At the age of twenty-three years he organized and disciplined his
Rangers. On the 6th of April, 1758, Captain Rogers was promoted to a
Majority and had command of this famous corps.
His Journals of his Ranging Service, present an interesting account of
his severe and perilous warfare. It is very rare. A copy recently
brought £25. Some of the principal causes of the war are exhibited with
spirit and truth in his drama Ponteach. His Concise Account of North
America and his Concise Historical Account, etc., are both rare books
containing valuable information.
He died in London, on May 18, 1795.
I claim, and with a justifiable pride, that Robert Rogers, the famous
partisan chief, was the greatest American in the "Old French and Indian
War."
Major Rogers was an author as well as a soldier. After the close of the
"Seven Years' War," he went to London and published four books, viz.:
JOURNALS OF MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS:
Containing
an account of the several excursions he
made under the Generals who commanded
upon the continent of North America, during
the late War.
From which may be collected
the most material circumstances of every
campaign upon that continent, from the
commencement to the conclusion of the War.
London
Printed for the Author
and sold by J. Millan, bookseller,
near Whitehall.
M D C C L X V
A Concise
ACCOUNT
of
North America
containing
A description of the several
British Colonies on that Continent;
including the Islands of Newfoundland,
Cape Breton, etc.,
As to
Their Situation, Extent, Climate, Soil
Produce, Rise, Government, Religion,
Present Boundaries, and the number of
Inhabitants supposed to be in each.
Also of
The Interior, or Westerly part of the
County upon the Rivers St. Lawrence,
The Mississipi; Christino, and the
Great Lakes.
To which is subjoined,
An account of the several Nations
and Tribes of Indians residing in
those Parts, as to their Customs,
Manners, Government, Numbers etc.
Containing many useful and Entertaining
Facts, never before treated of.
By Major Robert Rogers
London:
Printed for the Author, and sold by
J. Millan, Bookseller, near Whitehall.
M D C C L X V
PONTEACH or THE SAVAGES OF AMERICA
A Tragedy
London. Printed for the Author and sold by
J. Millan, opposite the Admiralty, Whitehall.
M D C C. LXVI (Price 2s. 6d.)
A CONCISE HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
of all the
BRITISH COLONIES
in
NORTH-AMERICA,
comprehending their
Rise, Progress, and Modern State;
Particularly of the
MASSACHUSETTS-BAY,
(The Seat of the present Civil War,)
Together with the
Other Provinces of New-England.
To which is annexed, An
ACCURATE DESCRIPTIVE TABLE OF THE
SEVERAL COUNTRIES.
Exhibiting, at One View, their respective
Boundaries, Capes,
Dimensions, Harbours,
Longitudes, Bays,
Latitudes, Rivers,
Divisions, or Counties, Various Productions,
Chief Towns, Animals, &c., &c.
Interspersed with
Particulars relative to the different Soils and Climates,
Capital Cities, &c., &c.
By Major Robert Rogers.
LONDON,
Printed for J. BEW, in Pater-Noster-Row. 1775.
ARCHIVES PUBLIQUES DU CANADA.
CORRESPONDANCE OFFICIELLE.
Série F. Vol. 303.
Montréal, 18 Avril, 1758.
Suit le bulletin.--Détails des succès remportés par plusieurs partis de
Canadiens et Sauvages durant l'hiver
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Les Anglais ont eu tout l'hiver le projet de surprendre ou bombarder
Carillon et s'y sont présenté plusieurs fois. Le S^r d'Hebencourt,
Capitaine au régiment de la Reine qui y a été établi commandant après la
Campagne, et la garnison out été très alerte, les courses des Anglais
ont toujours été infructueuses et le Sieur d'Hebencourt instruit qu'ils
avaient en campagne un parti de 200 hommes, profita le 13 mars de
l'heureuse circonstance de 200 Iroquois ou Nepissingues du Sault St.
Louis et du Lac des Deux Montagnes arrivés la veille avec le Sr.
Durantaye et plusieurs cadets de la Colonie, le Sieur de Langry Officer
très intelligent, quelques Lieutenans et Sergens de nos bataillons que
le zèle seul y fit marcher s'y joignirent. Le détachement Anglais
composé des soldats d'élite et de 12 officers, commandé par le Major
Roger leur meilleur partisan a été totalement défait les Sauvages ont
rapporté 146 chevelures, peu de prisonniers, seulement quelques uns pour
donner des _lettres vivantes_ à leur père, expression dont les Sauvages
nomment les prisonniers. Le reste aura péri de misère dans les bois.
Quelques uns, entr'eux deux officiers du Régiment de _Blekins_ se sont
rendus d'eux mêmes prisonniers à notre fort de Carillon au bout de cinq
jours leur guide ayant expiré la veille.
Nous avons perdu à cette action huit sauvages et nous avons eu 17
blessés ainsi que deux cadets de la colonie et un canadien. On a couvert
les morts avec grande cérémonie. On a fait des présens au nom du Roy aux
families. Le Gouverneur général recompensera la bravoure de nos Iroquois
par une promotion et donnant quelques haussecols et médailles à ceux qui
se sont distingués, ils en seront plus animés à venger la perte qu'ils
out fait.
ARCHIVES PUBLIQUES DU CANADA.
CORRESPONDANCE GENERALE.
Série B. Vol. 104, p. 133.
A Montréal le 28 9^{bre} 1759.
Monseigneur
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Il ne falloit rien moins, Monseigneur, que le succès du Détachement que
j'avois confié au S^r de la Durantay pour faire renoncer nos ennemis à
leurs préparatifs pour faire escalader en hiver Carillon. Les S^{rs} la
Durantay et de Richerville ayant été compris dans la promotion de 1757
en qualité d'enseignes en pied. J'ay placé aussy le S^r de la
Chevrotière comme enseigne on second, j'ay prématuré les favorables
dispositions de Sa Majesté à leur égard en les faisant participer aux
6000 lb qu'elle a accordée sur son état de 1757 aux Canadiens qui se
sont le plus distingués. Je leur donnay d'abord à chacun 200 lb. Vous
verrés, Monseigneur, par une de mes lettres que je n'ay pas encore recû
cette somme. Le Corps de nos officiers est en général penetré de
l'attention dont Sa Majesté honore leurs services et des recompenses
qu'elle est disposée à leur accorder. Je n'ay eu rien de plus pressé que
de les en instruire.
Le S^r Robert Roger qui étoit à la tête du Detachement que nos Cadets
defirent, eut le secret de s'échaper lorsqu'il vit la perte évidente, il
laissa sur le champ de bataille son habit et même l'ordre qu'il avoit de
son Général, ce qui me donnoit tout lieu de croire qu'il y avoit peri
d'autant mieux qu'un sauvage m'assura qu'il l'avoit tué lui-même.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Je suis avec un trés profond respect, Monseigneur,
Votre trés humble et trés obeissant serviteur
VAUDREUIL.
ANECDOTES
When Major Robert Rogers narrated his wonderful story to the officers in
the Coffee House in London, he gave "Munterloney" as his home, which
they supposed to be in Italy, and, knowing him to be an American, made
the story still more improbable. Gathered in little groups about the
tables, one night, these men were engaged in witty and pleasant
discourse, when it was agreed that the person who should tell the
greatest lie, or the most improbable story, should have his bill paid by
the Company. After all the others had told their stories, Rogers was
called upon. He said: "When a boy in 'Munterloney' he made birch and
hazel brooms, which he carried on his back through the woods, guided by
spotted trees, to Rumford, the nearest settlement, a distance of ten
miles, and sold them. He told how his father, dressed in fur, was shot
dead in the wilderness by a hunter, who mistook him for a bear. He also
related that his mother was followed several miles by a hunter who
thought her track in the fresh, light snow, was that of a wolf. Rogers'
bill was paid by the Company for it was agreed that the Major had told
the greatest _lie_, when, in fact, he had only told the _truth_. This
incident was greatly appreciated by the Major's family and admirers in
America. Major Rogers went to England in 1765 and, while travelling in a
mail-coach over Hounslow Heath, the coach was stopped by a highway
robber, who presented a pistol at the window and demanded the
passenger's money. The Major played asleep, while the other passengers
passed over their money. When it came his turn, he drowsily opened his
cloak, as if about to comply. The robber lowered his pistol. At the
psychological moment, the noted Indian fighter seized him by the collar,
dragged him from his horse through the window of the coach, and held
him prisoner while he ordered the terrified coachman to drive on to the
authorities. There the Major delivered him. The prisoner proved to be a
celebrated offender for whose head a reward of £50 sterling had been
offered. The famous Rogers received the bounty.
_London, October 8._
_Tuesday last, about two o'clock, after Major Rogers had passed through
Dartford, the post-chaise man who drove him, told him a highwayman
hovered round the chaise. As soon as the fellow came to the Major, he
seized him by the hand and pulled him into the chaise. The highwayman
answers the description in an advertisement of Sir John Fielding's. The
Major carried him to the Mayor at Gravesend, and after an examination
there, sent him to the Ratation-office, in Bow street._
New-Hampshire Gazette. January 24, 1772.
HIS REPUTATION AT HOME
From "The Veil Removed," John Fellows, New York, 1843, pp. 20 and 21.
That no doubt may rest on the mind of the reader in regard to the
authenticity of the statements of facts by Major Rogers in his journal,
the following testimony of his title to credibility has been obtained
from the distinguished gentlemen therein named, citizens of his native
state, where his character would doubtless be duly estimated:
"Concord, July 16, 1842.
"Dear Sir--
"I have made some inquiry respecting Major R. Rogers, and
among our oldest inhabitants I find but one opinion
respecting his character, and that is fully expressed in the
note enclosed to me, and transmitted herewith to you, from
Gov. Hill.
"Mr. Hill has perhaps a better knowledge of Major Rogers'
character, as an officer, than any other person here; he has
been prompted by reasons which could not have operated on
others.
"Respectfully, your obedient servant, "Robert Davis.
"Mr. Charles Coffin, New York City."
"Concord, July 2, 1842.
"Gen. Robert Davis:
"My dear Sir--
"I have this moment read Mr. Coffin's letter addressed to
you, requesting information in relation to the character of
the late Maj. Robert Rogers. Having recently had occasion to
make inquiries relative to his early history, I find
nothing in the region of his birth that goes at all to
discredit him. One of the last of his blood relations in
this vicinity who personally remembered him, a lady, died
about one year ago. From her mouth, through Mark Burnham,
Esq., a native of the same town with Rogers, I derived the
information that all the family were proud of his name, and
were reluctant to associate it with a reputation that was
not entirely unsullied. Maj. Rogers never resided in this
state permanently after the commencement of the
Revolutionary War: he was in the British service in Canada
after the close of the old French War, partly in a military,
and partly in a civil capacity. The only child bearing his
name was several years under my care as guardian: this
circumstance, among others, has led me more particularly to
mark the character of the celebrated warrior. I consider him
to have been one of the most talented men of the
country--perhaps the best partisan officer this country ever
produced. I believe him to have been the author of that
perfect mode of attack and defence which enabled a hundred
of the rangers to do more service than thousands of the
British regulars, especially in the winter service of the
old war of 1756. Such safety to troops on fatigue amid the
severest seasons of a severe climate was never secured--such
certainty in the results, either on the advance or retreat,
perhaps, was never realized by any other force than the
rangers, under the perfect arrangement and discipline
invented by Rogers. I consider him to have been as great a
man in his peculiar sphere as Napoleon Bonaparte, and of
moral courage and honesty coming nearly if not quite up to
the mark of Andrew Jackson.
"I am, respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,
"Isaac Hill."
LITERARY REVIEWS
ROGERS' CONCISE ACCOUNT (From The Gentleman's Magazine for December,
1765, Vol. 35, pages 584-5.)
This is an account very different from the compilations which are
undertaken for booksellers, by persons wholly unacquainted with the
subject, and who generally have neither sufficient diligence nor skill
to regulate the multifarious materials which lie scattered before them,
perhaps in an hundred volumes, nor even to reject, much less reconcile
the inconsistencies and contradictions with which such materials always
abound.
Major _Rogers_ has travelled through great part of the country he has
described, in the course of his duty as an officer in his majesty's
army, and has received accounts of other parts immediately from the
inhabitants, or from persons who had been carried prisoners thither, and
afterwards released.
The work is concise and yet full; and the knowledge it contains is
acquired with pleasure, and retained with ease, by the regularity of the
method, and perspicuity of the stile.
The author gives an account of every province separately, and of its
first discovery and settlement; he describes its situation as to
latitude and longitude, and to the countries and seas by which it is
bounded; its extent; its rivers; its climate; its commodities,
buildings, and number of inhabitants: With a particular attention to
such facts and circumstances as appeared most interesting in a political
or commercial view.
In this work there is also an account of the interior part of _America_,
a territory much larger than the whole continent of _Europe_, and
hitherto almost wholly unknown. This territory he has considered under
three several divisions, marked out by three great rivers that rise near
the center of it, _St. Lawrence_, the _Christino_, and the
_Mississippi_.
The river _St. Lawrence_ he has traced, and is pretty well acquainted
with the country adjacent to it, as far up as lake _Superior_; and with
the country from the _Green Bay_ westward, to the _Mississippi_ at the
Gulph of _Mexico_: He has also travelled the country adjacent to the
_Ohio_, and its principal branches; and that between the _Ohio_ and the
lakes _Erie_ and _Meshigan_, and the countries of the Southern
_Indians_; and his situation gave him opportunities of gaining accounts
of the other parts, more particular and authentic than any other.
He has subjoined such an account of the _Indians_, their customs and
manners, as gives a just idea of the genius and policy of the people,
and of the method in which they are to be treated by those who wish to
preserve a safe and advantageous commerce with them. This is a very
entertaining as well as useful part of the work, for which the Major was
particularly qualified, by a long and experimental acquaintance with
their several tribes and nations, both in peace and war.
It is proposed to continue this History in a second volume, containing
maps of the colonies and the interior country, in which the faults and
deficiencies of those already extant will be corrected and supplied; by
subscription; the price one guinea.
(Some extracts from this work shall be occasionally given in the future
numbers of this miscellany.)
JOURNALS OF MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS: containing an account of the several
excursions he made, under the generals who commanded on the continent of
America, during the late war. From which may be collected the most
material circumstances of every campaign on that continent, from the
commencement to the conclusion of the war. From the specimen of the work
now before us, it appears that the accounts of Major Rogers may be
depended upon by the public; they are undoubtedly as authentic as they
are important and necessary to those who would acquire a thorough
understanding of the nature and progress of the late military operations
in North America.
The author writes like an honest, a sensible, and a modest man; and has
given, throughout his whole account, undoubted proofs that he is a brave
and skillful officer. He headed, with much reputation, the provincial
troops called rangers, during the whole course of what were called the
French wars in America.--Bibliotheca Americana Nova, or catalogue of
books relating to America, printed from 1700 to 1800, By O. Rich,
London, 1832. Quoted by
John Fellows, in _The Veil Removed_ (New York, 1843), p. 20.
ROGERS' CONCISE ACCOUNT (From the Monthly Review or Literary Journal: By
Several Hands. London, January, 1776.)
_A concise Account of North America: Containing a
Description of the several British Colonies on that
Continent, including the Islands of Newfoundland, Cape
Breton, &c. as to their Situation, Extent, Climate, Soil,
Produce, Rise, Government, Religion, present Boundaries, and
the Number of Inhabitants supposed to be in each. Also of
the interior, or Westerly Parts of the Country, upon the
Rivers St. Laurence, the Mississipi, Christino, and the
Great Lakes. To which is subjoined, an Account of the
several Nations and Tribes of Indians residing in those
Parts, as to their Customs, Manners, Government, Numbers,
&c. containing many useful and entertaining Facts, never
before treated of._ By Major Robert Rogers. 8vo. 5s. bound.
Millan.
Few of our Readers, we apprehend, are unacquainted with the name, or
ignorant of the exploits, of Major Rogers; who, with so much reputation,
headed the provincial troops called Rangers, during the whole course of
our late successful wars in America. To this brave, active, judicious
officer, it is, that the public are obliged for the most satisfactory
account we have ever yet been favoured with, of the interior parts of
that immense continent which victory hath so lately added to the British
empire.----For, as to what Charlevoix, and other French writers, have
related, experience hath shewn with what artful fallacy their accounts
have been drawn up:--with the obvious design of concealing, from other
nations, the true situation, and real circumstances of that country, of
which we were, in many respects, totally ignorant, till the British
lion, in revenge of repeated insults, tore away the veil, and opened to
our view, the wide, extended, glorious prospect!
The present publication, however, as may be supposed, from the quantity
and price above specified, contains but a part of the Major's intended
work; the remainder being proposed to be printed by subscription; and to
be illustrated with maps of the several colonies, and of the interior
country of North America. These we are assured, in the Author's
advertisement, will be 'more correct, and easier to be understood, than
any yet published.'
Our Author was, happily for his country, the better qualified not only
for the task he hath now enjoined his pen, but also for the
atchievements in which his sword hath been employed, by the circumstance
of his having received his 'early education in a frontier town in the
province of New Hampshire, where he could hardly avoid obtaining some
knowlege of the manners, customs, and language of the Indians, as many
of them resided in the neighbourhood, and daily conversed with the
English.--Between the years 1743 and 1755, his manner of life[5] was
such, as led him to a general acquaintance both with the British and
French settlements in North America, and especially with the
uncultivated desart, the mountains, valleys, rivers, lakes, and several
passes that lay between and contiguous to the said settlements. Nor did
he content himself with the accounts he received from the Indians, or
the information of hunters, but travelled over large tracts of the
country himself; which tended not more to gratify curiosity, than to
inure him to hardship.----And _hardships_[6] enough he was destined to
endure!
The accounts here given of the British colonies are very brief. They
seem to have been chiefly intended to form an introduction to the
Major's description of our late conquests in that part of the world; and
which must, undoubtedly, be considered as the most valuable part of his
work. Accordingly he himself observes, that 'it will not be expected,
after volumes on volumes that have been published concerning the British
colonies on the eastern shore of the American continent, that any thing
materially _new_ can be related of them.' The only thing, adds he, 'that
I mean to attempt with regard to this is, to collect such facts and
circumstances, as in a political and commercial view, appear to me to be
most interesting; to reduce them to an easy and familiar method, and
contract them within such narrow limits, that the whole may be seen as
it were at once, and every thing material be collected from a few pages,
concerning seventeen provinces; a minute and circumstantial account of
which would fill so many considerable volumes.
'In doing this, where my own knowlege (acquired by travelling several
times through most of them) did not serve me, I have endeavoured to make
use of the most authentic materials, collected from others, and to set
every fact and circumstance in a true and impartial light, without
favour or prejudice to any particular part or party.
'But the principal object I have had in view, and what I look upon to be
the most interesting and deserving part of this work, is the account I
have given of the interior parts of North America, which though concise,
and vastly short of what I should be glad to exhibit, I flatter myself
is as full and perfect as any at present to be come at. Certain I am,
that no one man besides has traveled over and seen so much of this part
of the country as I have done; and if my remarks and observations
relative thereto are injudicious or wrongly placed, it is not owing to
any want of attention to the subject, but merely to a want of skill.
What is comprehended under the appellation of the _interior_ country of
America, is of itself a larger territory than all the continent of
Europe, and is at present mostly a desart, uninhabited, except by
savages: it cannot therefore be reasonably expected that any one man has
it in his power to give a just and minute account of its several parts,
but that he must pass over large tracts of country in very general
terms, and in many things depend upon the reports of others, or proceed
upon his own uncertain conjectures.
'This wide-extended country may naturally enough be considered under
three general divisions, occasioned by the three great rivers that take
their rise near the center of it, namely, St. Lawrence, the Christino,
and the Mississipi. The first of these I have traced, and am pretty well
acquainted with the country adjacent to it as far up as Lake Superior,
and with the country from the Green Bay westward to the Mississipi, and
from thence down to the mouth of the Mississipi at the gulph of Mexico.
I have also travelled the country adjacent to the Ohio and its principal
branches, and that between the Ohio and the Lakes Erie and Meshigan, and
the countries of the southern Indians. But as to the country above Lake
Superior, I have my intelligence chiefly from Indians, or from prisoners
that have travelled with them into it. The same is the case as to the
country at the head of the Mississipi, and that adjacent to the river
Misauris. The Christino I have taken wholly from the Indians: and though
the accounts they have given me of these countries are large, and in
some particulars very inviting, yet I shall do little more than mention
their names, till I have better authority to go upon.
'In the account I have subjoined of the Indians, their customs, manners,
&c. I have purposely omitted many things related by others who have
wrote on that subject: some, because they are false, and others, because
they are trite and trifling; and have only mentioned such as I thought
most distinguishing and absolutely necessary to give a just idea of the
genius and policy of that people, and of the method in which they are to
be treated, in order to our having any safe and advantageous commerce
with them. And, without vanity, I may say, that the long and particular
acquaintance I have had with several tribes and nations, both in peace
and war, has at least furnished me with materials to treat the subject
with propriety.'
As we have had many contradictory accounts of the two Floridas, part of
our newly acquired territories; and as many of our Readers may be at a
loss what idea to form of those settlements, we shall present them with
Major Rogers's account of them entire: which will likewise serve as a
specimen of his brief way of mentioning the elder Colonies, most of
which he has described with nearly the same brevity.
'The country south of Georgia, and between that and the Mississippi
river, an extent of about 600 miles, was by the Spaniards called
Florida, which name it still retains; but is now divided by the English
into two provinces, viz. East and West Florida.
'East Florida is bounded north by Georgia, or St. John's river, which
divides them; eastwardly and southwardly, by the gulph of Florida;
south-west, by West Florida; and north-west, by the country of the Creek
Indians.
'The Spaniards attempted a settlement at St. Augustine in this province
in 1512; however they were obliged to abandon this attempt, by reason of
the savages, and other inconveniences, they not being properly supplied
with necessaries to go through with it. In 1565 they again took
possession, and erected a fort called St. Augustine, which commanded a
convenient harbour for their ships trading between Spain and America;
but there being a constant war between the Spaniards and Creek Indians,
greatly prevented the enlarging their settlements here. They maintained
their garrison (though several attempts were made to reduce it by the
Carolinians, and afterwards by General Oglethorpe) till the conclusion
of the late war, when the garrison and the whole territory of Florida
was ceded to the crown of Great Britain, by the treaty of Fountainbleau,
in 1762. His Britannic Majesty being absolute sovereign of the soil,
has the appointment of the governors in both of the Floridas.
'The soil of East Florida is not so good as that of Georgia in general;
but the northerly part of it adjacent to Georgia is much like it, and
may be improved to all the purposes that Georgia is, viz. for raising of
corn, rice, indigo, silk, wine, &c. and again, in the west part of the
province is some very good land, capable of being improved to great
advantage.
'The centre or Cape of Florida is a more sandy soil; however, there are
some good settlements begun in this province, under the direction of
Colonel Grant, the present Governor of it, and there is a prospect of it
soon becoming a flourishing province; and as inhabitants are flocking to
it from several countries in Europe, there is no doubt but in a short
time it will be considerable.
'Their exports at present are but small, the produce of their trade with
the Indians being the chief they have to spare. As the country was three
years since almost entirely uncultivated, and the number of inhabitants
as yet but small, no great improvements and productions are at present
to be expected; but, undoubtedly, this country is capable of producing
rice, indigo, silk, wine, oil, and other valuable commodities in great
abundance. As the country is new, it has great plenty of all kinds of
wild game, common to the climate. The metropolis of the province is St.
Augustine. The number of inhabitants, exclusive of his majesty's troops
garrisoned there, is, as I am told, about 2000.
'It may well be supposed, from its southerly situation, that the air and
climate of this province is not more agreeable and healthy than that of
Georgia, and that it is no less infested with poisonous and troublesome
animals of various shapes and sizes.'--Thus far, relating to
_East-Florida_.
'West Florida was seized upon by the French, who began a settlement in
it at Pensacola, in 1720, and they enjoyed it till the before mentioned
treaty of Fountainbleau in 1762, when this was ceded to and formed into
a government by his Britannic majesty. It is bounded, eastwardly, by
East Florida; southwardly, by the Gulph of Mexico; westwardly, by the
Mississipi river, and the Lake St. Pier; and northwardly, by the country
of the Chikitaws.
'The principal town is Pensacola; and as many of the French, who
inhabited here before the treaty, have chose to become British subjects
for the sake of keeping their estates, this will contribute to the
speedy peopling this province, and no doubt render the settlements
considerable very soon, especially as the land in this province is
mostly very good, vastly preferable to the eastern province, its soil
being capable of producing all the valuable commodities of rice, indigo,
wine, oil, &c. in the greatest abundance; and its situation for trade is
extremely good, having the river Mississipi for its western boundary.
'They already carry on a very considerable trade with the Indians, and
export great quantities of deer-skins and furs. The French inhabitants
here raise considerable quantities of rice, and build some vessels.
'There are at present, as I am told, about 6000 inhabitants in this
province, which increase very fast, it being much more healthy and
inviting than East Florida; especially the western parts upon the banks
of the Mississipi, where it is said to be agreeable enough to English
constitutions. In short, it is not to be doubted but that in a few years
this will be a rich and flourishing province, nature having denied it
nothing that is necessary to make it so.'
How far our Author's account of these two settlements may, in every
circumstance, be depended upon, is a point not perfectly clear to us, as
we are not precisely informed whether he hath related all of them from
his own personal acquaintance with those provinces; or whether he hath
not chiefly made his report from the information of others. He appears,
however, to be so honest a Writer, that we do not suspect him to be
capable of any _intention_ to mislead his Readers, in any respect
whatever.
In our Author's description of the manners and customs of the Indians,
particularly those called the FIVE NATIONS, are many curious
particulars; some of which may serve as a proper supplement to the
account extracted, in the preceding article, from Lieutenant
Timberlake's Memoirs: and the observations of both these writers may,
perhaps, be considered by the judicious Readers as a valuable addition
to the more elaborate performance[7] of Cadwallader Colden Esq.;
published not long before the commencement of our Review.
These _Five Nations_, are, beyond all the other Indian tribes, the most
distinguished for their understanding, their valour, and above all, for
their glorious spirit of liberty: in which respect even Britons may be
proud to call them _their brethren_. Of these, again, the Mohawks are
the first in rank, (in regard to the aforementioned virtues) though at
present the smallest in number: to which circumstance they have been
reduced, from being the most numerous, by their continual wars. The
union of the five nations, somewhat resembles that of the Dutch United
Provinces; and this republican league, or confederacy, in which no one
nation hath any superiority over the other, have subsisted so long, that
the Europeans, says Mr. Colden, know nothing of its origin. Their most
northern settlement, says Mr. Rogers, 'is a town called Chockonawago, on
the south of the river St. Lawrence, opposite to Montreal; but their
largest settlements are between Lake Ontario and the provinces of New
York and Pensylvania, or the heads of the Mohock, Tanesee, Oneoida and
Onondaga rivers. They claim all the country south of the river St.
Lawrence to the Ohio, and down the Ohio to the Wabach, from the mouth of
the Wabach to the bounds of Virginia; westerly, to the Lakes Ontario and
Erie, and the river Miamee; their eastern boundaries are lake Champlain,
and the British colonies. When the English first settled in America,
they could raise 15,000 fighting men; but now, including the Delawares
and Shawanees, they do not amount to more than between three or four
thousand, having been thus reduced by the incessant wars they have
maintained with the other Indians, and with the French, in Canada.'
Speaking of the great military exploits of the Mohawks, our Author
assures us, that they have been inveterate enemies to the French, ever
since their first settlement in Canada; that they once burned the city
of Montreal; and that they are almost the only Indians within many
hundred miles, that have been proof against the solicitations of the
French to turn against us; but the greatest part of them have maintained
their integrity, and been our stedfast friends and faithful allies.--As
to their persons, Mr. Rogers remarks, that there is rarely found, among
the Indians, a person that is any way 'deformed, or that is deprived of
any sense, or decrepid in any limb, notwithstanding the little care
taken about the mother in the time of her pregnancy, the neglect the
infant is treated with when born, and the fatigues the youth is obliged
to suffer; yet generally they are of a hale, robust, and firm
constitution; but spirituous liquors, of which they are insatiably
fond, and the women as well as the men, have already surprizingly
lessened their numbers, and will, in all probability, in one century
more nearly clear the country of them.'
How greatly have these untutored people the advantage over us, in
respect to what is observed, in the beginning of this last quotation! To
what can it be owing that, _among us_, SO MANY are found deformed, or
deprived of one or other of their senses? To what more than the spirit
of Quackery[8] which, for many ages past, hath taken possession of us,
instead of the simplicity of former times? Quackery seems, indeed, to
have vitiated our whole National Constitution and character: it hath
infected our government, our religion, our laws, nay our very nurseries!
Every thing appears to be _over-done_, among us; and, (anxious mortals
that we are) we act as though afraid of trusting to Providence, or
leaving any thing to the unerring direction of nature. Hence, each
succeeding generation is continually busied in undoing what was done by
their predecessors: hence the perpetual changes and revolutions of all
our systems; and, hence, perhaps, the fatal necessity for so many
repeals of the solemn acts and decrees even of senatorial wisdom!--But
to our Author.
Among other virtues possessed by the Indians, Mr. Rogers extols their
surprizing patience and equanimity of mind. They have, says he, a
'command of every passion, except revenge, beyond what philosophers or
Christians usually attain to. You may see them bearing the most sudden
and unexpected misfortunes with a calmness and composure of mind,
without a word, or change of countenance; even a prisoner, who knows
not where his captivity may end, or whether he may not in a few hours be
put to a most cruel death, never loses a moment's sleep on this account,
and eats and drinks with as much chearfulness as those into whose hands
he has fallen.
'Their resolution and courage under sickness and pain is truly
surprising. A young woman will be in labour a whole day without uttering
one groan or cry; should she betray such a weakness, they would
immediately say, that she was unworthy to be a mother, and that her
offspring could not fail of being cowards. Nothing is more common than
to see persons, young and old of both sexes, supporting themselves with
such constancy under the greatest pains and calamities, that even when
under those shocking tortures which prisoners are frequently put to,
they will not only make themselves chearful, but provoke and irritate
their tormentors with most cutting reproaches.'
Their method of declaring war is very solemn, and attended, says our
Author 'With many ceremonies of terror.' In the first place, they call
an Assembly of the Sachems [old men] and warriors to deliberate on the
affair; in which congress the women have a voice as well as the men.
Take our Author's farther account in his own words.
'When they are assembled, the president or chief Sachem proposes the
affair they have met to consult upon, and, taking up the hatchet (which
lies by him) says, who among you will go and fight against such a
nation? Who among you will go and bring captives from thence, to replace
our deceased friends, that our wrongs may be avenged, and our name and
honour maintained as long as rivers flow, grass grows, or the sun and
moon endure? He having thus said, one of the principal warriors rises,
and harangues the whole assembly; and then addresses himself to the
young men, and inquires, who among them will go along with him and fight
their enemies? when they generally rise, one after another, and fall in
behind him, while he walks round the circle or parade, till he is joined
by a sufficient number. Generally at such a congress they have a deer or
some beast roasted whole; and each of them, as they consent to go to
war, cuts off a piece and eats, saying, This way will I devour our
enemies, naming the nation they are going to attack. All that chuse,
having performed this ceremony, and thereby solemnly engaged to behave
with fidelity and as a good warrior, the dance begins, and they sing the
war-song; the matter of which relates to their intended expedition and
conquest, or to their own skill, courage and dexterity in fighting, and
to the manner in which they will vanquish and extirpate their enemies;
all which is expressed in the strongest and most pathetic manner, and
with a tone of terror. So great is the eloquence or influence of their
women in these consultations, that the final result very much depends
upon them. If any one of these nations, in conjunction with the chiefs,
has a mind to excite one, who does not immediately depend upon them, to
take part in the war, either to appease the manes of her husband, son,
or near relation, or to take prisoners, to supply the place of such as
have died in her family, or are in captivity, she presents, by the hands
of some trusty young warrior, a string of wampum to the person whose
help she solicits; which invitation seldom fails of its desired effect.
And when they solicit the alliance, offensive or defensive, of a whole
nation, they send an embassy with a large belt of wampum, and a bloody
hatchet, inviting them to come and drink the blood of their enemies. The
wampum made use of upon these and other occasions, before their
acquaintance with the Europeans, was nothing but small shells, which
they picked up by the sea-coasts and on the banks of the lakes; and now
it is nothing but a kind of cylindrical beads, made of shells white and
black, which are esteemed among them as silver and gold are among us.
The black they call the most valuable, and both together are their
greatest riches and ornaments; these, among them answering all the ends
that money does among us. They have the art of stringing, twisting, and
interweaving these into their belts, collars, blankets, mogasons, &c. in
ten thousand different sizes, forms and figures, so as to be ornaments
for every part of dress, and expressive to them of all their important
transactions. They die the wampum of various colours and shades, and mix
and dispose them with great ingenuity and order and so as to be
significant among themselves of almost any thing they please; so that by
these their records are kept, and their thoughts communicated to one
another, as ours are by writing. The belts that pass from one nation to
another, in all treaties, declarations, and important transactions, are
carefully preserved in the palaces or cabbins of their Chiefs, and
serve, not only as a kind of record or history, but as a public
treasure. It must, however, be an affair of national importance in which
they use collars or belts, it being looked upon as a very great abuse
and absurdity to use them on trifling occasions. Nor is the calumet or
pipe of peace of less importance, or less revered among them in many
transactions, relative both to war and peace. The bowl of this pipe is
made of a kind of soft red stone, which is easily wrought and hollowed
out; the stem is of cane, elder, or some kind of light wood, painted
with different colours, and decorated with the heads, tails, and
feathers of the most beautiful birds, &c. The use of the calumet is, to
smoak either tobacco, or some bark-leaf, or herb, which they often use
instead of it, when they enter into an alliance, or on any serious
occasion, or solemn engagements; this being among them the most sacred
oath that can be taken, the violation of which is esteemed most
infamous, and deserving of severe punishment from heaven. When they
treat of war, the whole pipe and all its ornaments are red; sometimes it
is red only on one side, and by the disposition of the feathers, &c. one
acquainted with their customs will know, at first sight, what the nation
who presents it intends or desires. Smoaking the calumet is also a
religious ceremony upon some occasions, and in all treaties is
considered as a witness between the parties; or rather as an instrument
by which they invoke the sun and moon to witness their sincerity, and to
be, as it were, guarantees of the treaty between them. This custom of
the Indians, though to appearance somewhat ridiculous, is not without
its reasons; for, they finding smoaking tended to disperse the vapours
of the brain, to raise the spirits and qualify them for thinking and
judging properly, introduced it into their counsels, where, after their
resolves, the pipe was considered as a seal of their decrees, and, as a
pledge of their performance thereof, it was sent to those they were
consulting an alliance or treaty with: so that smoaking among them in
the same pipe is equivalent to our drinking together, and out of the
same cup.'
Here we cannot help observing what a noble and consistent spirit of
liberty prevails among these Indians, with respect to the method used by
their chiefs of _inviting_, not _impressing_, the people to accompany
them to the wars. What a striking contrast does this afford, to our
tyrannical practice of _seizing_ our fellow-subjects by brutal force,
_imprisoning_ and _transporting_ them like felons and Newgate convicts;
and, after such base treatment, compelling them to go forth with our
fleets and armies, to fight in defence of the RIGHTS and LIBERTIES of
their country!
In short, says our Author, the great and fundamental principles 'of
their policy are, that every man is naturally free and independent; that
no one or more on earth has any right to deprive him of his freedom and
independancy, and that nothing can be a compensation for the loss of
it.'
Describing the other Indian nations, still farther to the westward, viz.
those bordering on the great lakes, Mr. Rogers hath introduced some
account of the famous Pondiac, or _Ponteack_, according to our Author.
'The Indians on the lakes,' says he, 'are generally at peace with one
another, having a wide extended and fruitful country in their
possession. They are formed into a sort of empire, and the emperor is
elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawawas, some of whom
inhabit near our fort at Detroit, but are mostly further westward
towards the Mississipi. Ponteack is their present King or Emperor, who
has certainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian
chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it.
He puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly
honoured and revered by his subjects. He not long since formed a design
of uniting all the Indian nations together under his authority, but
miscarried in the attempt.
'In the year 1760, when I commanded and marched the first detachment
into this country that was ever sent there by the English, I was met in
my way by an embassy from him, of some of his warriors, and some of the
chiefs of the tribes that are under him; the purport of which was, to
let me know, that Ponteack was at a small distance, coming peaceably,
and that he desired me to halt my detachment till such time as he could
see me with his own eyes. His ambassadors had also orders to inform me,
that he was Ponteack, the King and Lord of the country I was in.
'At first salutation when we met, he demanded my business into his
country, and how it happened that I dared to enter it without his leave?
When I informed him that it was not with any design against the Indians
that I came, but to remove the French out of his country, who had been
an obstacle in our way to mutual peace and commerce, and acquainted him
with my instructions for that purpose. I at the same time delivered him
several friendly messages, or belts of wampum, which he received, but
gave me no other answer, than that he stood in the path I travelled in
till next morning, giving me a small string of wampum, as much as to
say, I must not march further without his leave. When he departed for
the night, he enquired whether I wanted any thing that his country
afforded, and he would send his warrior to fetch it? I assured him that
any provisions they brought should be paid for; and the next day we were
supplied by them with several bags of parched corn, and some other
necessaries. At our second meeting he gave me the pipe of peace, and
both of us by turns smoaked with it; and he assured me he had made peace
with me and my detachment; that I might pass through his country
unmolested, and relieve the French garrison; and that he would protect
me and my party from any insults that might be offered or intended by
the Indians; and, as an earnest of his friendship, he sent 100 warriors
to protect and assist us in driving 100 fat cattle, which we had brought
for the use of the detachment from Pittsburg, by the way of Presque
Isle. He likewise sent to the several Indian towns on the south-side and
west-end of lake Erie, to inform them that I had his consent to come
into the country. He attended me constantly after this interview till I
arrived at Detroit, and while I remained in the country, and was the
means of preserving the detachment from the fury of the Indians, who
had assembled at the mouth of the strait with an intent to cut us off.
'I had several conferences with him, in which he discovered great
strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge. He endeavoured to
inform himself of our military order and discipline. He often intimated
to me, that he could be content to reign in his country in subordination
to the King of Great Britain, and was willing to pay him such annual
acknowledgment as he was able in furs, and to call him his uncle. He was
curious to know our methods of manufacturing cloth, iron, &c. and
expressed a great desire to see England, and offered me a part of his
country if I would conduct him there. He assured me, that he was
inclined to live peaceably with the English while they used him as he
deserved, and to encourage their settling in his country; but intimated,
that, if they treated him with neglect, he should shut up the way, and
exclude them from it; in short, his whole conversation sufficiently
indicated that he was far from considering himself as a conquered
Prince, and that he expected to be treated with the respect and honour
due to a King or Emperor, by all who came into his country, or treated
with him.
'In 1763, this Indian had the art and address to draw a number of tribes
into a confederacy, with a design first to reduce the English forts upon
the lakes, and then make a peace to his mind, by which he intended to
establish himself in his imperial authority; and so wisely were his
measures taken, that, in fifteen days time, he reduced or took ten of
our garrisons, which were all we had in his country, except Detroit; and
had he carried this garrison also, nothing was in the way to complete
his scheme. Some of the Indians left him, and by his consent made a
separate peace; but he would not be active or personally concerned in
it, saying, that when he made a peace, it should be such an one as would
be useful and honourable to himself, and to the King of Great Britain:
but he has not as yet proposed his terms.
'In 1763, when I went to throw provisions into the garrison at Detroit,
I sent this Indian a bottle of brandy by a Frenchman. His counsellors
advised him not to taste it, insinuating that it was poisoned, and sent
with a design to kill him; but Ponteack, with a nobleness of mind,
laughed at their suspicions, saying it was not in my power to kill him,
who had so lately saved my life.
'In the late war of his, he appointed a commissary, and began to make
money, or bills of credit, which he hath since punctually redeemed. His
money was the figure of what he wanted in exchange for it, drawn upon
bark, and the shape of an otter (his arms) drawn under it. Were proper
measures taken, this Indian might be rendered very serviceable to the
British trade and settlements in this country, more extensively so than
any one that hath ever been in alliance with us on the continent.'
'As our Readers are, perhaps, by this time, fully satisfied with regard
to these free-born sons of the vast American wilderness, we shall
conclude the present article, with a remark or two, borrowed from Mr.
Colden, in respect to the Five nations. 'They are called, says he, a
barbarous people, bred under the darkest ignorance; and yet a bright and
noble genius shines through these black clouds. None of the Roman heroes
have discovered a greater love to their country, or a greater contempt
of death, than these people called _barbarians_ have done, when liberty
came in competition. Indeed I think,' continues that learned and
sensible historian, 'our Indians have out-done the Romans in this
particular. Some of the greatest of those have murdered themselves to
avoid shame or torments; but the Indians have refused to die meanly, or
with but little pain, when they thought their country's honour would be
at stake by it; but have given their bodies, willingly, to the most
cruel torments of their enemies, to shew, as they said, that the Five
Nations consisted of men whose courage and resolution could not be
shaken.--They greatly sully, however, these noble virtues, by that cruel
passion, _revenge_; this, they think, is not only lawful, but
honourable; and for this only it is that they can deserve the name of
barbarians.--But what, alas! have we _Christians_ done, to make them
_better_? We have, indeed, reason to be ashamed that these infidels, by
our conversation and neighbourhood, are become _worse_ than they were
before they knew us. Instead of virtues, we have only taught them vices,
which they were entirely free from before that time.' In another place
he observes, on the same subject, that this cruelty of revenge, is not
peculiar to the Five Nations, but is common to all the other Indians. To
blunt, however, the keenness of that censure _we_ might be apt to cast
on them, upon this account, he hath the following just reflection: 'It
is wonderful, how custom and education are able to soften the most
horrid actions, even among a polite and learned people. Witness the
Carthaginians and Phoenicians burning their own children alive in
sacrifice; and several passages in the Jewish history;--and witness, in
later times, the Christians burning one another for God's sake!'
JOURNALS OF MAJOR ROBERT ROGERS (From The Monthly Review; or, Literary
Journal: By Several Hands. Vol. XXXIV. London: M,DCC,LXVI. For January,
1766.)
Art. 32. _Journals of Major Robert Rogers; containing an
Account of the several Excursions he made, under the
Generals who commanded on the Continent of America, during
the late War._
_From which may be collected the most material Circumstances
of every Campaign on that Continent, from the Commencement
to the Conclusion of the War._ 8vo. 4s. Millan.
This is but the first part of the journals of this noted American
partizan. It commences in 1755, and terminates with the year 1760. The
second part, which is to be printed by subscription of one guinea, will
contain the Author's travels among the Cherokees and the southern
Indians; his second tour into the interior country, upon the great
lakes; and the Indian wars in America, since 1760: together with correct
plans of all the British forts upon the continent.
From the specimen of the work now before us, it appears, that the
accounts published by Major Rogers may be depended upon by the public;
they are undoubtedly as authentic as they are important and necessary,
to those who would acquire a thorough understanding of the nature and
progress of the late military operations in North-America. The Author
writes like an honest, a sensible, and a modest man; and he has given,
throughout his whole conduct, undoubted proofs, that he is a brave and a
skilful officer. For a farther idea of this gentleman, in his literary
capacity, see our review of his _Account of North America_, in the
preceding part of our No. for the present month.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Hebencourt
[2] A small party of the French, as we have since heard, had a fire here
at this time: but, discovering my advanced party, extinguished their
fire, and carried the news of our approach to the French fort.
[3] I had before this desired these gentlemen to retire, offering them a
Serjeant to conduct them; that as they were not used to snow-shoes, and
were unacquainted with the woods, they would have no chance of escaping
the enemy, in case we should be broke and put to flight, which I very
much suspected. They at first seemed to accept the offer, and began to
retire, but seeing us so closely beset, they undauntedly returned to our
assistance. What befel them after our flight, may be seen by a letter
from one of the Gentlemen to the commanding officer, which I have
inserted next to this account of our scout.
[4] This unfortunate officer, and his whole party, after they
surrendered, upon the strongest assurances of good treatment from the
enemy, were inhumanly tied up to trees, and hewn to pieces, in a most
barbarous and shocking manner.
[5] What that _manner of life_ was, the Author hath not more
particularly intimated; but we do not suppose he was employed in any
military capacity.
[6] For a detail of our Author's adventures, after he obtained the
command of those American light-armed infantry, called _Rangers_, see
the _Journals_ of Major Rogers, mentioned in our Catalogue for this
month: a work wrote, as he declares, 'not with silence and leisure, but
in, desarts, on rocks and mountains, amidst the hurries, disorders, and
noise of war, and under that depression of spirits, which is the natural
consequence of exhausting fatigue.'
[7] _The history of the Five Indian Nations of Canada_; viz. The
Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senekas; to whom are also
added, as a sixth nation, the _Tuscaroras_. The _Necariages_ of Misil
makinac, have also been received as a seventh nation.
[8] This term may be used in a religious, moral, political or
economical, as well as in a medical sense.
Transcribers' Notes
Page 7: that--than
Page 26: ever--every
page 26: table entry regarding Capt. Shepherd's Company;
there is nothing to show what occasioned the two entries.
Page 31: fontier--frontier
Page 31: contigious--contiguous
Page 40: He said: "When a boy in. Opening left double quote
removed. (He said: When a boy in)
Page 46: sillful--skillful
Page 50: duplicate 'shall' reduced to one
Page 53: Mexco--Mexico
Page 54: five--Five
Page 56: may--many
Page 61: Inchian--Indian
Page 64: kim--him (kill him)
Page 65: Phaenicians--Phoenicians
Page 65: Journall--Journal
There is variation in the spelling of proper nouns but
except as outlined above, they have been reproduced as
originally printed.
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